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KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 ft 
 
 AND 
 
 ITS HEROES: 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Battle of King's Mountain, 
 
 OCTOBER 7TH, 1780, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 EVENTS WHICH LED TO IT, 
 
 BY 
 
 LYMAN C. DRAPER, LL. D., 
 
 Secreiary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, and vtctnber of various Historical 
 and Antiquaria7i Societies of the Country, 
 
 WITH STEEL PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND PLANS. 
 
 CINCINNATI : 
 PETER G. THOMSON, PUBLISHER. 
 
 1881. 
 
 r 
 
A^^U 
 
 ^ 
 
 /CORNELL 
 UNIVERSITY 
 LIBRARY 
 
 COPYRIGHT : 
 
 1881. 
 
 BY PETER G. THOMSON. 
 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 WITH the siege and fall of Charleston, early in 1780, the rude 
 shocks of war were transferred from the Northern and Middle 
 States to the Carolinas and Georgia. Gates, the victor of Saratoga, 
 was sent to command the Southern army ; but his lucky star failed him, 
 and he was disastrously routed near Camden, and the gallant Sumter 
 shortly after surprised at Fishing Creek. Gloom and dismay overspread 
 the whole Southern country. Detachments from the victorious British 
 army were scattered throughout the settlements; and the rebellious 
 Colonies of the Carolinas and Georgia were reported to the Home 
 Government as completely humiliated and subdued. Ferguson, one of 
 the ablest of the Royal commanders, was operating on the western 
 borders of the Carolinas, enticing the younger men to his standard, 
 and drilling them for the Royal service. 
 
 At this gloomy period, when the cause of Liberty seemed prostrate 
 and hopeless in the South, the Whig border leaders, Campbell, Shelby, 
 Sevier, Cleveland, Lacey, Williams, McDowell, Winston, Hambright, 
 Hawthorn, Brandon, Chronicle, Hammond, and their compeers, mar- 
 shalled their clans, united their forces, overwhelming Ferguson and his 
 motley followers, crushing out all Tory opposition, and making the 
 name of King's Mountain famous in our country's history. This 
 remarkable and fortunate battle deserves a full and faithful record. 
 The story of its heroes has in it much to remind us of an epic or a 
 romance. They were a remarkable race of men, and played no incon- 
 siderable a part in the long and sanguinary struggle for American 
 Independence. Reared on the outskirts of civilization, they were early 
 inured to privations and hardships, and when they went upon the " war- 
 path," they often obtained their commissaries' supplies from the wild 
 
i V JNTR on UCTION. 
 
 woods and mountain streams of the region wliere they carried on tlieir 
 successful operations. 
 
 As early as 1839, '^^ collection of materials was commenced for 
 this work. Three of the lingering survivors of King's Mountain were 
 visited by the writer of this volume, and their varied recollections noted 
 down — James Sevier, of Tennessee, John Spelts and Silas McBee, of 
 Mississippi; and Benjamin Sharp, of Missouri, and William Snodgrass, 
 of Tennessee, were reached by correspondence. 
 
 The gathering at King's Mountain in 1815, to collect and re-inter 
 the scattered remains of those who fell in the conflict was limited in 
 attendance. In 1855, the seventy-fifth anniversary was appropriately 
 celebrated, with Gen. John S. Preston, and Hon. George Bancroft as the 
 speakers. But it remained for October seventh, 1880, to eclipse the 
 others, in a Centennial celebration, when thousands of people assembled, 
 making a memorable civic and military display, with an address by Hon. 
 John W. Daniel, and poems by Paul H. Hayne and Mrs. Clara Dargan 
 McLean. Then followed the unvailing of a massive granite monument 
 having a base of eighteen feet square, and altogether a height of twenty- 
 eight feet. It slopes from the upper die to the top, which is about two 
 and half feet square, capable of further addition, or to be crowned with 
 a suitable statue. Inscriptions are cut on marble slabs, imbedded two 
 inches in the granite masonry. 
 
 This worthy King's Mountain Centennial very naturally excited 
 much interest in the minds of the public regarding the battle itself, and 
 its heroic actors, and prompted the writer to set about the preparation- 
 of his long-promised work. Beside the materials collected in former 
 years — in ante bellum days — more than a thousand letters were written, 
 seeking documents, traditions, description of historic localities, and the 
 elucidation of obscure statements. Old newspaper files of the Library 
 of Congress, Philadelphia Library Company, and of the Maryland and 
 the Wisconsin Historical Societies, have been carefully consulted, and 
 information sought from every possible source in this country, England 
 and the British Colonies. Truth alone has been the writer's aim, and 
 conclusions reached without prejudice, fear or favor. 
 
 The following deceased persons, who were either related to, or had 
 personal intercourse with. King's Mountain men, kindly contributed in 
 years agone, valuable materials for this work : 
 
THE NEW MONUMENT, KING's MOUNTAIN. 
 
INTRODUCTION. v 
 
 Ex-Gov. David Campbell, of Virginia; Hon. Hugh L. White, Col. Wm. Martin, Ex. 
 Gov. Wm. B. Campbell, Col. George Wilson, Col. George Christian, Maj. John Sevier, Jr., 
 Col. Geo. W. Sevier, and Mrs. Eliza W. Warfield, of Tennessee; Hon. Jos. J. Mc- 
 Dowell, of Ohio ; Maj. Thos. H. Shelby, of Kentucky ; Hon. Elijah Callaway, Dr. James 
 Callaway, Hugh M. Stokes, Shadrack Franklin, Silas McDowell, Adam and James J. 
 Hampton, of North Carolina; Hon. Wm. C. Preston, Gen. John S. Preston, Dr. M. A. 
 Moore, D. G. Stinson, Jeremiah Cleveland, Mrs. Sallie Rector, Dr. A. L. Hammond, and 
 Abraham Hardin, of South Carolina; Gen. Ben, Cleveland, of" Georgia; and Dr. Alex- 
 ander Q. Bradley, of Alabama. 
 
 Special acknowledgements are due to the following persons. 
 
 Tennessee: — Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, Rev. Dr. D. C. Kelley, Hon. J. M. Lea, Anson 
 Nelson, Hon. W. B. Carter, Col. H. L. Claiborne, Mrs. Mary A. Trigg, John F. Watkins 
 Thos. A. Rogers, and Col. H. A. Brown. 
 
 Virginia: — R. A. Brock, Hon. A, S. Fulton, W. G. G. Lowry, John L. Cochran, and 
 Col. T. L. Preston. 
 
 North Carolina:— T>t. C. L. Hunter, Col. J. R. Logan, W. L. Twitty, Dr. R. F 
 Hackett, Col. Wm. Johnston, Hon. W. P. Bynum, Dr. W. J. T. Miller, Mrs. Mary A. 
 Chambers, Hon. S. McDowell Tate, Col. W. W. Lenoir, Mrs R. M. Pearson, W. M. 
 Rcinhardt, Hon. J. C. Harper, Hon. C. A. Cilly, Miss A. E. Henderson, Dr. G. W. 
 Michal. Wm. A. McCall, Rev. W. S. Fontaine, W. S. Pearson, T. A. Bouchelle, John 
 Banner, J. L. Worth, Dr. T. B. Twitty. M. O. Dickerson, A. D. K. Wallace, John Gilkey, 
 A. B. Long, Dr. J. H. Gilkey, Hon. J. M. Cloud, Rev. W. S. Bynum, J. C. Whitson. Geo. 
 F. Davidson. Mrs. R. C. Whitson. Miss N. M. McDowell. Miss A. M. Woodfin. James E. 
 Reynolds, Lewis Johnson. G W. Crawford. W. H. Allis, Thos. D. Vance. Dr. J. C. New- 
 land, W. M. McDowell, Rev. E. F. Rockwell, D. Burgin. A. Burgin, Wylie Franklin, 
 James Gwyn, Jesse Yates, Dr L. Harrill. John H. Roberts, Mrs. M. V. Adams, Mrs. P. 
 E. Callaway, Dr. B. F. Dixon, and Mrs. M. M. Thruston. 
 
 South Carolina: — Rev. James H. Saye. Ex-Gov. B. F. Perry. Hon. Simpson Bobo, 
 N. F. Walker, A. H. Twichell, Mrs. Edward Roach, Gen. A. C. Garlington, D. K. Craw- 
 ford, Hon. John B. Cleveland, Elijah Keese, James Seaborn, and J. T. Pool. 
 
 Georgia:— Jir. J. H. Logan, Gen. W. S. Wofford, W. T. Hackett, and A. N. Simpson. 
 
 Alabama : — Rev. Z. H. Gordon, Col. J. H. Witherspoon, and Mrs. Lewis E. Parsons. 
 
 Mississippi:—}. R. Hill. 
 
 Arkansas : — Gen. D. H Hill. 
 
 Missouri : — Dr. A. N. Kincannon. 
 
 Kentucky :—Is3l?lc Shelby, Jr., and Col. H. H. McDowell. 
 
 Illinois : — Sprague White. 
 
 Ohio: — Mrs. Jennie McDowell Stockton. 
 
 Wisconsin : — Hon. John A. Bentley. 
 
 Pennsylvania : — G. R. Hildeburn. 
 
 New York :—Gm. J. Watts DePeyster, and Geo. H. Moore, LL. D. 
 
 Maryland: — Miss Josephine Seaton. 
 
 Washington :— Col. J. H. Wheeler, and Hon. D. R. Goodloe. 
 
 :Englana .-—Viscount Holmesdale, Col. Geo. A. Ferguson, and Alfred Kingston. 
 
 New Brunswick .'—J. De Lancey Robinson. 
 
 Nova Scotia .-—George Taylor. 
 
 Ontario .-—Rev. Dr. E. Ryerson. 
 
vi INTR on UCTION. 
 
 While in the long years past the materials for this work have been 
 collected, ample facts and documents have also been gathered for a 
 continuation of similar volumes, of which this is the commencement — to 
 be called, perhaps, the Border Series, embracing, in their sweep, the 
 whole frontier from New York and Canada to the gulf of Mexico — 
 Sumter and his Men — Pickens and the Battle of Cowpeus — Life and 
 Campaigns of Gen. George Rogers Clark — Boone and the Pioneers 
 of Kentucky — Kenton and his Adventures — Brady and his Scouts — 
 Mecklenburg and its Actors — Tectimseh, the Shawanoe Leader — Brant, 
 the Mohawk Chief— -m^A. a volume on Border Forays and Adventures. 
 If there is a demand for these works, they will be forthcoming. 
 
 Should King's Mountain and its Heroes be received with favor, and 
 regarded as shedding new light on an interesting portion of our revolu- 
 tionary history, not a little of the credit is deservedly due to the 
 enterprising publisher, Peter G. Thomson, who warmly encouraged 
 the undertaking, and has spared no pains in bringing it before the 
 public in a style at once tasteful and attractive. 
 
 Madison, Wis., September i, 1881. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 176S to May, 1780. 
 
 Causes of the Revolution. — Alternate Successes and Disasters of the 
 Early Campaign of the War. —Siege and Reduction of Charleston. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 May, 1780. 
 
 Further Incidents Connected with the Siege. — Tyranny of the British 
 Leaders. — Subjugation of South Carolina^ 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1741 to May, 1780. 
 
 Early Life of Patrick Ferguson. — Brandywine Battle — Refrains from 
 Shooting Washington. — Wounded. — Conducts Little Egg Harbor 
 Expedition. — Nearly Killed by an Accidental Attack by his own 
 Friends. — Biggon Bridge and Monk's Corner Affair. — Resents In- 
 sults to Ladies. — Siege of Charleston. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1780— May— July. 
 
 Colonel Ferguson sent to the District of Ninety Six. — Organizing the 
 Local Militia. — Major Hanger' s Accotmt of the up-country Inhabi- 
 tants — his own bad reputation. — Ferguson' s seductive promises to the 
 people. — The Tory, David Fanning. — Ferguson' s adaptation to his 
 Mission — Mrs. fane Thomas' Adventure. — Colonel Thomas repels 
 
 vii 
 
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 a Tory assault at Cedar Spring. — Fergicson advances to Fair For- 
 est.— Character of the Tories—Stories of their phmderings.— Col- 
 onels Clarke and Jones of Georgia— the latter surprises a Tory 
 Camp —Dnnlap and Mills attack McDowell's Camp on North 
 Pacolet. — Captain Hampton s pursuit and defeat of the Tories. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1780— July— August. 
 
 McDowell sends for the Over-Mountain Men. — Clarke joins him, and 
 pushes on to Sumter's Camp. — Capttire and Escape of Captain 
 Patrick Moore. — Moore's Plunderers. — Story of Jane Mcjunkin 
 and Bill Haynesworth. — Shelby and the Mountaineers arrive at 
 McDowell's Camp. — Capture of Thicketty Fort. — Expedition to 
 Brown's Creek and Fair Forest. — Fight at the Peach Orchard, near 
 Cedar Spring, and Wofford's Iron Works, and its Incidents. — 
 Saye's Account of the Action. — British Report. — Contradictory 
 Statements concerniitg the Conflict. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1780— August IS. 
 
 Mitsgrove's Mill Expedition and Battle. — Rencontre of the Patrol Par- 
 ties. — British Alarm. — Information of the Enemy's Reinforcement. 
 
 — Whigs throw up Breast-works. — Captain Inmari s Stratagem. — 
 Enemy drawn itito the Net prepared for them. — Desperate Fight- 
 ing. — Bines and other British Leaders Wounded. — Tory Colonel 
 Clary's Escape. — Captain Inman Killed. — The Retreat and the 
 Rout. — Incidents at the Ford. — Sam Moore's Adventttre. — The Brit- 
 ish and Tory Reserve. — A British Patrol Returns too late to share 
 in the Battle. — Burial of the Slain. — Length and Severity of the 
 Action. — Respective Losses. — News of Gates' Defeat — its Influence. 
 
 — Whigs' Retreat. — Anecdote of Paul Hinso7i. — The Prisoners. — 
 Williams' Reward. — Cornwallis' Confession. — Comparison of Au- 
 thorities. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1780— Summer and Autumn. 
 
 Incidents of the Up-coimtry — Major Edward Musgrove. — Paddy Carr 
 and Beaks Musgrove. — The Story of Mary Musgrove. — Samuel 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. ix 
 
 Clowney's adventure. — William Kennedys Forays Against the 
 Tories. — Joseph Hughes' Escape. — William Sharp Bagging a 
 British and Tory Party. — Tories' Attack on Woods, and how dearly 
 he sold his life. — Plundering Sam Brown. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 August, 1780— March, 1781. 
 
 Cornwallis" Hanging Propeitsities. — Sumter a thorn in his Lordship's 
 side. — Dispersion of Whig Bands. — F'erguson' s Success in Training 
 the Loyal Militia. — Action of the Alarmed Tory Leaders. — Ferguson 
 Moves into Try on County. — Colo7iel Graham Repels a Party of Plun- 
 derers. — Ruse for Savijig Whig Stock. — Mrs. Lytle and her Beatier 
 Hat. — Engagemettt on Cane Creek, aud Major Dunlap wounded. — 
 Apprehension of Jonathan Hampton. — Dunlap' s Insolence. — Sketch 
 of Dunlap' s Career and Death. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 July— October, 1780. 
 
 Gathering of the King's Mountain Clans. — Williams' failure to get coiJi- 
 jnand of Sumter's men — his tricky treatment of Sumter. — Fergu- 
 son sends a threat to the Over-Mountain Men. — Shelby s patriotic 
 efforts to titrn the scales on Ferguson. — Sevier, McDowell, Hamp- 
 ton and Campbell unite in the Enterptise — Cleveland invited to 
 join them . — Sevier's success inproz iding Supplies for the Expedition. 
 — Rendezvous at the Sycamore Shoals. — Prcparaticns for the March. 
 — Parson Doak commends the men to the protection of the Good 
 Father. — Their March over the ?no7intains. — Joined by Cleveland 
 and Winston. — Campbell chosen to the Chief Command. — Mc- 
 Dowell's mission for a General Officer. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 September— October, 1780. 
 
 Further gathering of the King's Mountain Men.— Williams' North 
 Carolina Recruits. — Movements of Stmiter's Force under Hill and 
 Lacey.— Troubles with Williams.— March to Flint Hill.— The 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Mountaineers at their South Mottntain Camp. — Patriotic Appeals 
 of the Officers to their Men. — Resume of Ferguson s Operations in 
 the Upper Catawba Valley. — Alarming hitelligence of the Ap- 
 proxch of the Back Water Men. — Why Ferguson Tarried so long 
 on the Frontiers. — British Schejne of Suppressing the Rebellion by 
 the Gallows. — Ferguson Flees from Gilbert Town. — Sends Messen- 
 gers for aid to Cornwallis and Cruger. — Frenzied Appeal to the 
 Tories. — Ferguson's Breakfast Stolen by Saucy Whigs. — His 
 Flight to Tate's Ferry. — Dispatch to Lord Cornwallis. — Takes 
 Post on King's Mountain, and Description of it. — A^otives for Ling- 
 ering there. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 October, 1780. 
 
 Uncertainty of Ferguson's Route of Retreat. — A small party of Georgians 
 join the Mountain Men. — Whig forces over-estimated. — Report of a 
 patriot Spy froin Ferguson's Camp. — Williams' attempt to Mislead 
 the Mountaineers. — Lacey sets them Right. — The South Carolinians 
 treatment of Williams. — Selecting the fittest Men at Green river to 
 pursue Ferguson. — Arrival at the Cowpens. — The Tory, Saunders 
 — his ignorance of Ferguson, his Beeves and his Corn. — Story of 
 Kerr, the cripple Spy — Gilmer, the cunning Scout, duping the 
 Tories. — The Cowpens Council, further selection of Pursuers, and 
 their Number. — Night March to Cherokee Ford. — Straying of Camp- 
 belFs Me?i. — Groundless Fears of an Ambuscade. — Crossing of 
 Broad river. — Stormy Times. — Jaded Condition of Men a}id Horses. 
 ■ — Tory Information. — Gilmer's Adventures. — Pla7t of attacking 
 Ferguson . — Colonel Graham Retires. — Chronical assigned Command 
 of the Lincoln Men. — Young Ponder Taken. — Fergusons Dress. — 
 Pressing towards the enemy's Camp. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 King's Mountain Battle, October 7th, 1780. 
 
 Ferguson and his Men Resolve to Fight. — The Bayonet their Main Re- 
 liance. — British Strength. — Character of the Provincial Ratigers. — 
 Different Classes of Loyalists Described. — Traits of the Mountain- 
 eers. — The Holston Men, and Frontier Adventures. — Assignment 
 of the Whig Corps to the Attack. — Campbeirs Appeal to his Men. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi 
 
 — WinstorCs tnis- Adventures. — Cleveland not the First to Commence 
 the Action. — Surprising the Enemy's Picket. — Shelby's Column An- 
 noyed by the Enemy. — Campbell's Men Rush into tlie Fight— At- 
 tack on the British Main Guard. — The Virginians Advance up the 
 Mountain. — March of Cleveland's Men— Patriotic Speech of their 
 Commander. — Drive in a Picket. — Movements of Lacey's ' Me?i. — 
 Campbell's Corps Driven before the Bayonet — Rally, and Renew 
 the Contest. — Shelby, too, Retired before the Charging Columns. — 
 'The Right and Left Wings take part in the Action. — Culbertson's 
 Heroism. — Captain Moses Shelby Wounded. — Ensign Campbell Dis- 
 lodging Tories from their Rocky Ramparts. — Terrific Character of 
 the Conflict. — Amusing Incident of one of Lacey's Meii. — Heroic 
 Efforts of Campbell and his Corps.- — E?tsign Campbell's Good Con- 
 duct. — Captain Edmundson's Exploit and Death. — Lieutenant 
 Reece Bouuen's Disdain of Danger, and his Lamented Fall. — Camp- 
 bell's Active Efforts and Heroic Appeals. — Death of Major Chron- 
 icle. — The South Fork Boys Charged, and Several Wounded. — 
 Robert Henry Transfixed, and yet Survived all his Associates. — 
 William Twitty and Abram Forney. — Cleveland and his Men. — 
 Lieutenant Samuel Johnson' and other Wounded Officers. — Intre- 
 pidity of Charles Gordon and David Witherspoon. — Singular 
 Adventure of Charles Bowen and Colonel Cleveland. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Battle— October 7th, 1780. 
 
 Further Progress and Incidents of the Contest. — Heroic Act of William 
 Robertson. — Thomas Robertson Shoots a Tricky Tory. — Treatment 
 of the Tory Branson, by Captain Withrow. — Captain Lenoir's 
 Part in the Battle. — Captain Robert Sevier Wounded. — Alarm 
 concerning Tarleton. — Mistake caused by Campbell's Bald Faced 
 Horse. — Campbell's Daring Reconnoiter. — Anecdote of Cleveland. 
 — Colonel Williams' Patriotic Conduct. — William Giles "Creased" 
 — Revives, and Renews the Fight. — Thomas Young's Relation of 
 Colonel Williams' Fall. — Major Hammond's Desperate Charge, 
 and singular Premonition of one of his Men. — Campbell and Shelby 
 Renewing the Attack. — Lieutenant- Colonel Hambridge Wounded. — 
 Ferguson's Pride and Recklessness — Attempting to Escape, is 
 Mortally Wounded. — Various Statemetits of Colonel Williams' 
 Fall.— Furious Charge of Campbell's and Shelby's Men.— Several 
 Corps driven down the Mountain.— British Over-Shoot the Whigs. 
 — North Carolina Tories first to Weaken.— Colonel Graham's Unex- 
 
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 pected Reiiirn. — Fergusons Fall — DePt-ystcr Vindicated. — Whigs 
 slow to Recognise the White Flag. — Young Sevier's Shooting 
 Paroxysm. — Efforts of Shelby and Campbell to Quell the Firing of 
 the Whigs. — 'Three Rousing Cheers for the Great Victory. — 
 Colonel Williams' Shot — a?z Exciting Scene. — Conflicting Stories 
 of his Fatal Charge. — British Officers Sicrrender their Swords. — • 
 Ferguson's Heroic Conduct in the Battle — his Mistakes. — He was 
 Mortally Wounded, not Killed Out-Right. — Curiosity of the Whigs 
 to View his Body. — His Mistresses. — Privations and Sifferings of 
 the Mountaijzeers. — Strefigth of the Tones. — Absence of their 
 Leaders. — Their Fighting Qualities. — Dismay of the Southern 
 British Commanders.— Their Ignorajtce of the Over-Mountain 
 IVhig Settlements. — Boone not 07i the Campaign. — Duration of the 
 Battle.- — Strength and Losses of the British and Tories. — Colo?tels 
 fohn and Patrick Moore. — Number of Prisoners Taken. — Errors 
 in Report of Losses. — Names of Whigs Killed and Woimded. — 
 Death of Captain Sevier. — William Moore Wounded. — Remarkable 
 Losses in Campbell's Regiment. — Captains Weir and Shannon 
 Arrive. — Counting the Dead. — Caring for tlie Wounded. — Guard- 
 i7ig the Prisoners. — Scarcity of Provisions. — King's Mountain 
 Souve7iirs. — Heart-Rending Scenes of the Battle Field. — The Night 
 after the Action. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 October, 1780. 
 
 Battle Lncidents. — Long Sam Abney Coerced into Ferguson's Army. — 
 Death of Arthur Patterson. — Drury Mathis' Rough Experience. — 
 A Tory Woman Finding her Slain Son. — Fatality of the Rifllemen. 
 — Preston Goforth and three Brothers Killed. — A Brother kills u 
 Brother. — The Whig and Tory Logans. — Williain Logan Noticed. 
 — Prepariitg to Retire. — Burning Captured Wagons. — Horse-Litters 
 for the Wounded. — Gray's Kindness to a Wounded Tory. — A 
 Termagant Prisoner Released.^Messengers sent to the Foot-Men. — 
 Arms Captured. — Tories made to Carry Them. — Trophies of Vic- 
 tory. — A Whig Woman Refusing to Share in the Plunder.— Rumor 
 of Tarleton's Approach.— Burial of the Whig and Tory Dead.— 
 Treatment of Ferguson Considered. — Re-Interment of Remains. — 
 March of the Army.— Death of Col. Williams.— Camp at Broad 
 River.— Williams' Burial.— Discovery of his Long- Forgotten Grave. 
 — Six Tory Brothers Escape. — Notice of Colonel Walker. — Bran- 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 don's Barbarity. — Campbell Protecting the Prisoners.—Grav' s Retort 
 to a Tory Vixen.— Graf s Services.— Suffering for Food.—Feedi7ig 
 Prisoners on Corn and Pumpkins. — Billeting the Wounded.— March 
 to Bickerstaff's Old Field. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 October— November, 1780. 
 
 Colonel Campbell Denounces Plundering. — Complaints Against Tory 
 Leaders.— Their Outrages on the Whigs.— A Court Called to Con- 
 sider the Matter. — Retaliation for British Executions Demanded. — 
 A Law Found to Meet the Case. — Charges against Mills, Gilkey, 
 and McFall. — Colonel Davenport Noticed. — Number of Tories 
 Tried and Cotidemned. — Case of James Crawford.- — One of the 
 Prisoners Released. — Cleveland Favoring Severe Measures. — 
 Motives of the Patriots Vindicated. — Shelby's Explanation. — 
 Tories Executed — their names and Residence. — Paddy Carr's 
 Remarks, and Notice of Him. — Baldwin's Singular Escape. — 
 Further Executions Stopped. — Tories Subsequently Hung. — Rumor 
 of Tarleton's Approach. — Whigs Hasten to the Catawba. — A Hard 
 Day' s March — Sufferings of Patriots and Prisoners. — Major Mc- 
 Dowell's Kindness. — Mrs. McDowell's Treatment of British Offi- 
 cers. — Some of the Whig Troops Retire. — Disposition of the Wounded. 
 —^Prisoners Escape — One Re-taken and Hing. — March to the 
 Moravia7i Settlements. — Bob Powell' s Challenge. — Official Accoimt 
 of the Battle Prepared. — Campbell and Shelby Visit Getteral Gates. 
 ■ — Cleveland Left in Command. — His Trial of Tories. — Escape of 
 Green a7td Langum. — Cleveland Assaults Doctor fohnsoti. — Colonel 
 Armstroftg Succeeds to the Command. — Escape of British Officers. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 October— December, 1780. 
 
 Disposition of King's Mountain Prisoners. — Proposition to Enlist Them 
 — Needed for Exchange. — Congress refers the Matter to the States 
 where the Prisoners Belong. — How They Dwindled Away. — Colonel 
 Arjftstrong Blamed. — Renuiant Confined at Salisbury. — DePeyster 
 and Ryerson Paroled. — A Plucky Band of Whigs Scare a Large 
 Tory Party. — Tarleton Frustrates Cornwallis' Design of Relieving 
 Fe?guson. — Intercepting Fergusons Messengers. — Tarleton at 
 
xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Length in Motion. — His Instructions. — Effect of King s Mountain 
 Victory. — Ewin and Barry Alarm the Neutrals and they Alarm 
 Coniwallis. — Crowning of David Knox. — Cornwallis flees to South 
 Carolina, with the Imaginary Mountaineers in Pursuit. — A Tricky 
 Guide Misleading the Retiring Troops. — A Panic. — Illness of Corn- 
 wallis. — Sickness and Fatality among the Troops. — Privations and 
 Sufferings of the Petrogradcrs.—Aid Rendered by the Tories.— 
 Nmety Six Safe. — Cornwallis Threatens Retaliation for Execution 
 of King' s Mountain Prisoners. — Gates and Randall on the Sittta- 
 tion. — The (Juestion Met by Geticral Greene. — Corn-wallis Drops the 
 Matter. — 'Case of Adam Ciisack. — The IVidows and Orphans of 
 Ninety Six District. — Good Words for King's Mountain Victory. — 
 Gates Thanks the Victors. — Washington Takes Courage. — Resolves 
 of Congress. — Greene and Lee Commend the Mountaineers. — Lossing, 
 Bancroft, and Irving on the Result. — The British Leaders Recognize 
 the Disastrous Effects of Ferguson's Miscarriage. — Gates and Jef- 
 ferson's Encomiums. — King's Mountain Paves the Way for York- 
 town and Independence. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Gen. 'William Campbell. 
 
 His Scotch-Irish Ancestry. — His Father an Early Holstoji Explorer. — 
 William Campbell' s Birth and Education. — Settles on Holston. — A 
 Captain on Dunmore' s Campaign. — Raised a Company for the first 
 Virginia Regiment in 1773. — Return for the Defense of the Fron- 
 tiers. — His Military Appointitients. — Rencounter with and Hanging 
 of the Bandit Hopkijis. — Suppressing Tories up New River. — 
 King's Moimtain Expedition — his Bravery Vindicated. — Public 
 Thanks for his Services. — Marches to Long Island of Holston. — 
 At Whitzell's Mills and Guilford. — Resigyis from Ill-treatment. — 
 Made Brigadier-General. — Serves tinder La Fayette. — Death and 
 Character. — Notices of his King' s Mountain Officers. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Cols. Shelby and Sevier, and their Officers. 
 
 Notice of Evan Shelby. — Isaac Shelby's Life and Services. — Officers 
 under him at King' s Mountain — Evan Shelby, fr. — Gilbert Chris- 
 tian — Moses Shelby — fames Elliott — John Sawyers — George Max- 
 well, and George Rictledge. — John Sevier's Life and Services. — 
 His King' s Mountain Officers — Jonathan Tipton — Valentine and 
 Robert Sevier — Christopher Taylor — Jacob Brown — Samuel Weir. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Col. Ben. Cleveland, Maj. Joseph "Winston and their 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Cleveland's Ancestry. — His Early Life and Hunting Adventures. — 
 Trip to Kentucky.— Elk Hunt and Narrow Escapes. — Revolution- 
 ary War. — Suppressing Scotch Tories. — Rutherford' s Cherokee 
 Campaign. — Marches to Watauga. — Appointed Colo7iel. — Serves in 
 Georgia. — New River Scout. — King's Mountain. — Hangs Coyle 
 and Brown. — Captured by Tories and his Rescue. — Riddle and 
 Wells Hung. — Other Tory Brigands Taken — Nichols, Tate, and 
 Harrison. — Thumbing the Notch. — Reforming Tories. — Removes to 
 Tugalo. — Hangs Dinkins. — Appointed Judge. — Anecdote. — Great 
 Size, Death, and Character. 
 
 Major Joseph Winston Noticed. — Be7i. Herndon. — Micajah and Joel 
 Lewis. — Robert and John Cleveland. — Jesse Franklin. — William 
 I^noir — John Barton — William Meredith, and Minor Smith. — 
 John Brown and Samuel Johnson. — David and John Wither- 
 spoon. — Jo. Herndon, Richard Allen, and Elisha Reynolds. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Laeey and Other "Whigs. — British and Tory Leaders. 
 
 Lacey, Hawthorne, Tate, and Moffett. — Williams, Hammond, Hayes, 
 Dillard, Thompson, and Candler. — Brandon, Steen, and Roebuck. — 
 Maj. McDowell, Capt. McDowell, Kennedy, Va7ice, and Wood. — 
 Hampton, Singleton, Porter, Withrow, Miller, and Watson. — 
 Hambright, Grahain, Chronicle, Dickson, Johnston, White, 
 Espey, Martin, and Mattocks. — British and Tory Leaders. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Allaire's Diary, and Other British Accounts. — Letters of Williams, 
 Davidson, and Gates. — Gates' Thanks to the Victors. — Official Re- 
 port of King' s Mountain. — -Shelby's and Catnpbe It's Letters. — Wash- 
 ington's General Order. — Arthur Campbell and Unknown Writer's 
 Statements. — Col. Campbell's General Orders. — Thanks of Virginia 
 Legislature. — Lee and Greene's Letters. — LaFayette on Campbells 
 Death. — Monroe's Letter. — Robert Campbell, Shelby, Graham, 
 Lenoir, and Sharp's Naratives. — " Narrator' s" Charge. — Shelby 
 and Sevier's Correspondence. — Shelby's Pamphlet. — Synopsis of Re- 
 joinders. — Various Certificates Vindicating Col. Campbell. — Old 
 Ballads. — Index. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 176S to May, 1780. 
 
 Causes of the Revolution— Alternate Successes and Disasters of the 
 Early Campaigns of the War— Siege and Reduction of Charleston. 
 
 For ten years before the outbreak of the American Revo- 
 lution, the great question oi taxation witJiout representation 
 agitated the minds of the American people. They rejected 
 the stamps, because they implied a tax ; they destroyed .^^; 
 the tea, because it imposed a forced levy upon them without;. 
 their consent, to gratify the insatiate demands of their trans- 
 Atlantic sovereign, and his tyrannical Ministry and Parlia- 
 ment. Should they basely yield one of their dearest rights, 
 they well judged they might be required, httle by little, to 
 yield all. They, therefore, manfully resisted these invasions 
 as unbecoming a free people. 
 
 When, in 1775, Great Britain determined to enforce her 
 obnoxious laws, the people, under their chosen leaders, 
 seized their arms, forsook their homes and families, and 
 boldly asserted their God-given rights. A long and embit- 
 tered contest was commenced, involving mighty interests. 
 Freedom was threatened — an empire was at stake. Sturdy 
 blows were given and received, with various results. The 
 lirst year of the war, the Americans beat back the British 
 from Lexington and Concord, and captured Crown Point, 
 but were worsted at Bunker Plill ; they captured Chambl}- 
 and St. Johns, and repulsed the enemy near Longueil, but 
 the intrepid Montgomery failed to take Quebec, losing his 
 life in the effort. 
 
 The second year of the contest, which brought forth the 
 immortal Declaration of Independence, proved varying in 
 
 (17) 
 
18 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 its fortunes. The Scotch Tories in North Carolina were 
 signally defeated at Moore's Creek, and the British, long 
 cooped up in Boston, were compelled to evacuate the place ; 
 and were subsequently repulsed at Sullivan's Island, near 
 Charleston ; while the Americans, on the other hand, were 
 defeated at the Cedars, and were driven from Montreal, 
 Chambly and St. Johns, worsted at Long Island and White 
 Plains, and lost Fort Washington, on the Hudson. Mean- 
 while the frontier men of Virginia, the Carolinas, East Ten- 
 nessee, and Georgia, carried on successful expeditions against 
 the troublesome Cherokees, whom British emissaries had in- 
 veigled into hostilities against their white neighbors. 
 
 Yet the year closed with gloomy prospects — despair sat 
 on many a brow, and saddened many a heart — the main 
 army was greatly reduced, and the British occupied New 
 York, and the neighboring Province of New Jersey. Wash- 
 ington made a desperate venture, crossing the Delaware 
 amid floating ice in December, attacking and defeating the 
 unsuspecting enemy at Trenton ; and, pushing his good 
 fortune, commenced the third j'ear of the war, 1777, by 
 securing a victory at Princeton. While the enemy were, for 
 a while, held at bay at the Red Bank, yet the results of 
 the contests at Brand3-wine and Germantown were not 
 encouraging to the American arms, and the British gained 
 a firm foot-hold in Philadelphia. And subsequently they 
 captured Forts Clinton and Montgomer}', on the Hudson. 
 
 Farther north, better success attended the American 
 arms. St. Leger, with a strong British and Indian force, 
 laid siege to Fort Stanwix, on the Mohawk ; but after repel- 
 ling a relieving party under Gen. Herkimer, he was at length 
 compelled to relinquish his investiture, on learning of the 
 approach of a second army of relief, retiring precipitatel}' 
 from the country ; while the more formidable invading force 
 under Burgoyne met with successive reverses at Benning- 
 ton, Stillwater, and Saratoga, eventuating in its total sur- 
 render to the victorious Americans. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 19 
 
 In June, 1778, the fourth year of the war, the British 
 evacuated Philadelphia, when Washington pursued their 
 retreating forces, overtaking and vigorously attacking them 
 at Monmouth. A large Tory and Indian party defeated 
 the setders, and laid waste the Wyoming settlements. As 
 the result of Burgoyne's signal discomfiture, a treaty of alli- 
 ance between the new Republic and France brought troops 
 and fleets to the aid of the struggling Americans, and pro- 
 duced some indecisive fighting on Rhode Island. 
 
 The adventurous expedition under George Rogers Clark, 
 from the valleys of Virginia and West Pennsylvania, down 
 the Monongahela and Ohio, and into the country of the 
 Illinois, a distance of well nigh fifteen hundred miles, 
 with limited means, destitute of military stores, pack- 
 horses and supplies — with only their brave hearts and 
 trusty rifles, was a remarkable enterprise. Yet with all 
 these obstacles, and less than two hundred men, Clark fear- 
 lessly penetrated the western wilderness, killing his game 
 by the way, and conquered those distant settlements. 
 Though regarded at the time as a herculean undertaking, 
 and a most successful adventure, yet none foresaw the 
 mighty influence it was destined to exert on the subsequent 
 progress and extension of the Republic. 
 
 Varied fortunes attended the military operations of 1779, 
 the fifth year of the strife. The gallant Clark and his intre- 
 pid followers, marched in winter season, from Kaskaskia 
 across the submerged lands of the Wabash, sometimes wad- 
 ing up to their arm-pits in water, and breaking the ice before 
 them, surprised the garrison at Vincennes, and succeeded 
 in its capture. The British force in Georgia, having defeated 
 General Ashe at Brier creek, projected an expedition against 
 Charleston, and progressed as far as Stono, whence they 
 were driven back to Savannah, where the combined French 
 and Americans were subsequently repulsed, losing, among 
 others, the chivalrous Count Pulaski. At the North, Stony 
 Point was captured at the point of the bayonet, and Paulus 
 
20 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Hook surprised ; while General Sullivan's well-appointed 
 army over-ran the beautiful covintry of the Six Nations, 
 destroying their villages, and devastating their fields, as a 
 retributive chastisement for their repeated invasions of the 
 Mohawk and Minisin settlements, and laying waste the 
 lovely vale of W3'oming. 
 
 The war had now dragged its slow length along for five 
 successive campaigns, and the British had gained but few 
 permanent foot-holds in the revolted Colonies. Instead of 
 the prompt and easy conquest they had promised themselves, 
 they had encountered determined opposition wherever they 
 had shown the red cross of St. George, or displayed their 
 red-coated soldiery. Repeated defeats on the part of the 
 Americans had served to inure them to the hardships of 
 war, and learned them how to profit by their experiences and 
 disasters. 
 
 New efforts were demanded on the part of the BritisTi 
 Government to subdue their rebellious subjects ; and South. 
 Carolina was chosen as the next field of extensive opera- 
 tions. Sir Henry Clinton, who had met so signal a repulse 
 at Charleston in 1776, and in whose breast still rankled the 
 mortifying recollections of that memorable failure, resolved 
 to head in person the new expedition against the Palmetto 
 Colony, and retrieve, if possible, the honor so conspicu- 
 ously tarnished there on his previous unfortunate enterprise. 
 
 Having enjoyed the Christmas holiday of 1779 in New 
 York harbor. Sir Plenry, accompanied by Lord Cornwallis, 
 sailed from Sandy Hook the next day with the fleet under 
 Admiral Arbuthnot, transporting an army of over seven 
 thousand five hundred men. Some of the vessels, however, 
 were lost by the way, having encountered stormy weather 
 in the gulf-stream — one bark, carrying Hessian troops, was 
 dismasted and driven across the ocean, an ordnance vessel 
 was foundered, while several transports were captured by 
 bold and adventurous American privateers, and most of the 
 horses for the expedition perished. The place of rendez- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 21 
 
 vous was at Tybee Bay, near the entrance to Savannah 
 river, whence Clinton, on his way towards Charleston, was 
 joined by the troops in Georgia, making his force nine 
 thousand strong, besides the sailors in the fleet ; but to ren- 
 der his numbers invincible beyond all peradventure, he at 
 once ordered from New York Lord Rawdon's brigade, 
 amounting to about two thousand five hundred more. 
 
 Charleston, against which this formidable British force 
 was destined, was an opulent city of some fifteen thousand 
 people, white and black, and was garrisoned by less than 
 four thousand men — not near enough to properly man the 
 extended works of defence, of nearly three miles in circum- 
 ference, as they demanded. Governor Rutledge, a man 
 of unquestioned patriotism, had conferred upon him by the 
 Legislature, in anticipation of this threatened attack, dicta- 
 torial powers, vi^ith the admonition, " to do every thing 
 necessary for the public good ; " but he was, nevertheless, 
 practically powerless. He had few or none of the sinews 
 of war ; and so depreciated had become the currency of 
 South Carolina, that it required seven hundred dollars to 
 purchase a pair of shoes for one of her needy soldiers. The 
 defeat of the combined French and American force at Savan- 
 nah the preceding autumn, in which the South Carolinians 
 largely participated, had greatly dispirited the people ; and 
 the Governor's appeal to the militia produced very little effect. 
 The six old South Carolina regiments had been so depleted 
 by sickness and the casualties of war as to scarcely number 
 eight hundred, all told ; and the defence of the citjf was 
 committed to these brave men, the local militia, and a few 
 regiments of Continental troops — the latter reluctantly 
 spared by Washington from the main army, and which, ho 
 thought, was " putting much to nazard" in an attempt to 
 defend the city, and the result proved his military foresight. 
 It would have been wiser for General Lincoln and his 
 troops to have retired from the place, and engaged in a 
 Fabian warfare, harassing the enemy's marches by ambus- 
 
22 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 cades, and cutting off his foraging parties ; but the leading 
 citizens of Charleston, relying on their former success, 
 urged every argument in their power that the city should be 
 defended to the last extremity. Yet no experienced En- 
 gineer regarded the place as tenable. 
 
 On the eleventh of February, 1780, the British forces 
 landed on St. John's Island, within thirty miles of Charles- 
 ton, subsequently forming a depot, and building fortifications, 
 at Wappoo, on James' Island ; and, on the twenty-sixth of 
 that month, they gained a distant view of the place and har- 
 bor. The dreaded day of danger approached nearer and 
 nearer ; and on the twenty-seventh, the officers of the Con- 
 tinental squadron, which carried one hundred and fifty guns, 
 reported their inabilit}^ to guard the harbor at the bar, where 
 the best defence could be made ; and " then," as Washington 
 expressed it, "the attempt to defend the town ought to have 
 been relinquished." But no such thought was entertained. 
 Every thing was done, that could be done, to strengthen 
 and extend the lines of defence, dig ditches, erect redoubts 
 and plant abatis, with a strong citadel in the center.* 
 
 Preparations, too, were steadily progressing on the part 
 of the enemy. On the twenty-fourth of March, Lord Corn- 
 wallis and a Hessian officer were seen with their spy- 
 glasses making observations ; and on the twenty-ninth, the 
 British passed Ashley river, breaking ground, on the first 
 of April, at a distance of eleven hundred yards from the 
 American lines. At successive periods they erected five 
 batteries on Charleston Neck. 
 
 Late in the evening of March thirtieth, General Charles 
 
 =:= There was published, first in a Williamsburgh, Va., paper of April 8th, 1780, copied 
 i ito Dunlap's Pennsylvania Packet of April i8th, and into the New York Royal Gazette of 
 same date, an account of a Colonel Hamilton Callendine having made drawings of Charleston 
 and its fortifications, was directing his course to the enemy, when an American picket 
 guard sent out to Stono, captured him; he, thereupon, exhibited his drafts, supposing that 
 the party belonged to the British army. They soon disabused him of his error, carried 
 him to General Lincoln, who ordered him for execution, and he was accordingly hanged on 
 the 5th of March, As none of the South Carolina historians, nor any of the Charleston 
 diarists or letter-writers during the siege, make the slightest reference to any such person 
 or circumstance, there could have been no foundation for the story. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 23 
 
 Scott, commanding one of the Virginia Continental bri- 
 gade, arrived, accompanied by his staff, and some other 
 officers. "The next morning," says Major Croghan, "I 
 accompanied Generals Lincoln and Scott to view the batteries 
 and works arovmd town ; found those on the Cooper river side 
 in pretty good order, and chiefly manned by sailors ; but the 
 greater part of the remainder not complete, and stood in 
 need of a great deal of work. General Scott was very par- 
 ticular in inquiring of General Lincoln as to the quantity of 
 provisions in the garrison, when the General informed him 
 there were several months' suppl}^ by a return he had re- 
 ceived from the Commissary. General Scott urged the 
 necessity of having officers to examine it, and, as he ex- 
 pressed it,_/br them to lay their hatids on it."* 
 
 A sortie was planned on the fourth of April, to be com- 
 inanded by General Scott — one battalion led by Colonel 
 Clarke and Major Hogg, of North Carolina ; another by 
 Colonel Parker and Major Croghan, of Virginia, and the 
 light infantry by Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens ; but the wind 
 proved unfavorable, which prevented the shipping from 
 going up Town creek, to fire on the enemy, and give the 
 sallying party such assistance as they might be able to ren- 
 der, and thus it failed of execution. General Woodford's 
 Virginia brigade of Continentals arrived on the sixth, and 
 some North Carolina militia under the command of Colonel 
 Harrington. They were greeted by the firing of a yeu de 
 joie, and the ringing of the bells all night. f 
 
 Admiral Arbuthnot's near approach to the bar, on the 
 seventh of April, induced Commodore Whipple, who com- 
 manded the American naval force, to retire without firing a 
 gun, first to Fort Moultrie, and afterward to Charleston ; and 
 the British fleet passed the fort without stopping to engage 
 it — the passage having been made, says the New Jersey 
 
 "MS. Journal of Major William Croghan, of the Virginia Line. Siege of Charles- 
 ton, 123. 
 
 \ Croghan's MS. Journal. 
 
24 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Gazette,'^ while a severe thunder storm was raging, which 
 caused the ships to be " invisible near half the time of their 
 passing." Colonel Charles C. Pinckney, who commanded 
 there, with three hundred men, kept up a heavy cannon- 
 ade on the British ships during their passage, which was 
 returned by each of the vessels as they passed — the enemy 
 losing fourteen men killed, and fifteen wounded, while not 
 a man was hurt in the garrison. f One ship had its fore- 
 topmast shot away, and others sustained damage. The 
 Acteus transport ran aground near Haddrell's Point, when 
 Captain Thomas Gadsden, a brother of Colonel Gadsden, 
 who was detached with two iield pieces for the purpose, fired 
 into her with such effect, that the crew set her on fire, and 
 retreated in boats to the other vessels. The Royal fleet, in 
 about two hours, came to anchor within long shot of the 
 American batteries. 
 
 By the tenth of April, the enemj' had completed their 
 first parallel, when Clinton and Arbuthnot summoned the 
 town to surrender. Lincoln answered : "From duty and 
 inclination I sh'all support the town to the last extremity." 
 A severe skirmish had previously taken place between 
 Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens and the advance guard of 
 the enemy, in which the Americans lost Captain Bowman 
 killed, and Major Hyrne and seven privates wounded. On the 
 twelfth, the batteries on both sides were opened, keeping up 
 an almost incessant fire. The British had the decided ad- 
 vantage in the number and strength of their mortars and 
 royals, having twenty-one, while the Americans possessed 
 only two ;]: and the lines of the latter soon began to crumble 
 under the powerful and constant cannonade maintained 
 against them. On the thirteenth. Governor Rutledge was 
 
 * May i2th, 1780. 
 
 t Croghan's MS. Journal. 
 
 I Such is the statement of Dr. Ramsay, who was present during the siege. The 
 British official returns show nine mortars, ranging from four to ten-inch caliber, and one 
 eight-inch howitzer, surrendered at Charleston, and a ten-inch mortar taken at Fort Moul- 
 trie; but probably the most of these were either unfit for use, or more likely, the limited 
 quantity of shells enabled the defenders to make use of only two of this class of ordnance. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 25 
 
 persuaded to withdraw from the garrison, while exit was 
 yet attainable, leaving Lieutenant-Governor Gadsden with 
 five members of the Council. 
 
 On the same day. General Lincoln, in a council of war, 
 revealed to its members his want of resources, and suggested 
 an evacuation. " In such circumstances," said General Mc- 
 intosh, " we should lose not an hour in attempting to get 
 the Continental troops, at least, over Cooper river ; for on 
 their safety, depends the salvation of the State." But Lin- 
 coln only wished them to give the matter mature consider- 
 ation, and he would consult them further about it. Before 
 he met them again, the American cavalry at Monk's Corner, 
 which had been relied on to keep open the communication 
 between the city and the country, were surprised and dis- 
 persed on the fourteenth ; and five days later, the expected 
 British reinforcements of two thousand five hundred men 
 arrived from New York, when Clinton was enabled more 
 completely to environ the devoted city, and cut ofi'all chance 
 of escape. 
 
 A stormy council was held on the nineteenth, when the 
 heads of the several military departments reported their 
 respective conditions — of course, anything but flattering in 
 their character. Several of the members still inclined to an 
 evacuation, notwithstanding the increased difliiculties of 
 effecting it since it was first suggested. In the midst of the 
 conference, Lieutenant-Governor Gadsden happened to come 
 in — whether by accident, or design, was not known — and 
 General Lincoln courteously proposed that he be allowed t(^ 
 take part in the council. He appeared surprised and dis- 
 pleased that a thought had been entertained of either evacu- 
 ation or capitulation, and acknowledged himself entirely 
 ignorant of the state of the provisions, etc., but would con- 
 sult his Council in regard to the proposals suggested. 
 
 In the evening, an adjourned meeting was held, when 
 Colonel Laumoy, of the engineer department, reported the 
 insufficiency of the fortifications, the improbability of holding 
 
26 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 out many daj-s longer, and the impracticability of making 
 a retreat ; and closed by suggesting that terms of honorable 
 capitulation be sought from the enemy. Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor Gadsden, with four of his Councilors, coming in shortly 
 after, treated the military gentlemen very rudely, the Lieut- 
 enant-Governor declaring that he would protest against their 
 proceedings ; that the militia were willing to live upon rice 
 alone, rather than give up the town on any terms ; and that 
 even the old women had become so accustomed to the ene- 
 my's shot, that they traveled the streets without fear or 
 dread ; but if the council were determined to capitulate, he 
 had his terms ready in his pocket. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Ferguson, one of the Councilors, declared 
 that the inhabitants of the city had observed the boats col- 
 lected to carr}- off the Continental troops ; and that they 
 would keep a good watch upon the army, and should any 
 attempt at evacuation ever be made, he would be among 
 the first to open the gates for the admission of the enemy, 
 and assist thern in attacking the retiring troops Colonel C. 
 C. Pinckney soon after came in abruptly — probably having 
 been apprised by the Lieutenant-Governor of the subject 
 under discussion — and, forgetting his usual politeness, ad- 
 dressed General Lincoln with great warmth, and in much the 
 same strain as General Gadsden, adding that those who were 
 for business needed no council, and that he came over on 
 purpose from Fort Moultrie, to prevent any terms being 
 offered to the enemy, or any evacuation of the garrison at- 
 tempted ; and particularly charged Colonel Laumoy and his 
 department with being the sole authors and promoters of 
 such proposals.* 
 
 It is very certain, that these suggestions of evacuation or 
 capitulation, occasioned at the time great discontent among 
 both the regulars and militia, who wished to defend the city 
 
 *The details of this military council are taken from Major Crochan's MS. Journal ; and 
 from Gener,ilMc'ntosh's Journal, published entire in the Mngnrtlm Masrmntt. Dec. 1842. and 
 cited in Simms' South Carolina in the Revolution, 127-129, both of which are in this case 
 identical in language. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 27 
 
 to the last extremity ; and who resolved, in view of continu- 
 ing the defence, that they would be content, if necessary, 
 with only half rations daily.* All these good people had 
 their wishes gratified — the siege was procrastinated, and 
 many an additional death, suffering, sorrow, and anguish, 
 were the consequence. 
 
 General Lincoln must have felt hurt, it not sorely nettled, 
 by these repeated insults — as General Mcintosh acknowl- 
 edges that he did. Wlien matters of great public concern 
 result disastrously, scape-goats are always sought, and all 
 participants are apt to feel more or less unamiable and 
 fault-finding on such occasions. Or, as Washington ex- 
 pressed it, referring to another affair, "mutual reproaches 
 too often follow the failure of enterprises depending upon the 
 cooperation of troops of different grades." Looking at these 
 bickerings in the light of history, a century after their oc- 
 currence, one is struck with General Lincoln's magnanimous 
 forbearance, when he confessedly made great sacrifices in 
 defending the place so long against his better judgment, in 
 deference to the wishes of the people, who, we may well 
 conclude, were very unfit judges of military affairs. 
 
 At another council of officers, held on the twentieth and 
 twenty-first, the important subject of an evacuation was again 
 under deliberation ; and the conclusion reached was, " that it 
 was unadvisable, because of the opposition made to it by 
 the civil authority and the inhabitants, and because, even if 
 they should succeed in defeating a large body of the enemy 
 posted in their way, they had not a sufficiency of boats to 
 cross the Santee before they might be overtaken by the 
 whole British army."f It was then proposed to give Sir 
 
 '■=MS. letter of John Lewis Gervais, cited in Simms. 129. 
 
 f The enemy were constantly on the watch for any attempted evacuation on the part 
 of the Americans. Capt J. R. Rousselet, of Tarleton's cavalry, has left this MS. note, 
 written on the margin of a copy of Steadman's American War, referring to the closing 
 period of the siege: " Some small vessels, taken from the Americans, were armed, manned 
 with troops, and stationed off Town Creek, to prevent the escape of the garrison should 
 they attempt to evacuate the town by that channel. Capt. Rousselet commanded an 
 armed sloop, with his company o-a. board, under Capt. Salisbury, Royal Navy." 
 
28 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Henry Clinton quiet possession of the city, with its fortifi- 
 cations and dependencies, on condition that the security of 
 the inhabitants, and a safe, unmolested retreat for the gar- 
 rison, w'lXh baggage and field pieces, to the north-east of 
 Charleston should be granted. These terms were instantly 
 rejected. On searching every house in town, it was found 
 that the private supplies of provisions were as nearly ex- 
 hausted as were the public magazines. 
 
 On the twenty-fourth, at daybreak, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Henderson sallied out with two hundred men, chiefly from 
 Generals Woodford's and Scott's brigades, surprising and 
 vigorously attacking the advance flanking party of the 
 enemj% bayoneting fifteen of them in their trenches, and 
 capturing a dozen prisoners, of whom seven were wounded, 
 losing in the brilliant affair, the brave Captain Thomas Gads- 
 den and one or two privates. A considerable body of the 
 enemj', under Major Hall, of the seventy-fourth regiment, 
 attempted to support the party in the trenches ; but were 
 obliged to retire on receiving a shower of grape from the 
 American batteries.* A successful enterprise of this kind 
 proved onl}' a momentarj^ advantage, having no perceptible 
 influence on the final result. 
 
 It is said Colonel C. C. Pinckney, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Laurens, assured General Lincoln they could supply the gar- 
 rison with plenty of beef from Lempriere's Point, if they were 
 permitted to remain on that side of Cooper river with the force 
 then under their command ; upon which the Commissary was 
 ordered to issue a full allowance again. But unfortunately 
 the first and only cattle butchered at Lempriere's for the use 
 of the garrison were altogether spoiled through neglect or 
 mismanagement before they came over. These gentlemen, 
 are said, also, to have promised that the communication on 
 the Cooper side could, and would, be kept open. Being in- 
 habitants of Charleston, and knowing the country well, per- 
 haps the General, with some reason, might be inclined to the 
 
 *Croghan's MS. Journal. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 29 
 
 same opinion ; and besides furnishing the garrison with beef, 
 they were to send a sufficient number of negroes over to 
 town for the militarj^ works, who were much wanted. But 
 Colonel Pinckney with the greater part, or almost the whole 
 of his first South Carolina regiment, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Laurens with the light infantry were recalled from Fort Moul- 
 trie and Lempriere's * — and thus ended this spasmodic hope. 
 Probabl}' this failure caused a strict search to be made, 
 about this time, in the houses of the citizens for provisions ; 
 "■ some was found," says Major Croghan, " but a much less 
 quantitjr than was supposed." 
 
 The Americans were not slow in perceiving the utter 
 hopelessness of their situation. On the twenty -sixth, General 
 DuPortail, an able French officer and Engineer-in-Chief 
 of the American army, arrived from Philadelphia, having 
 been sent by Washington to supervise the engineer depart- 
 ment. He frankly informed General Lincoln that there was 
 no prospect of getting any reinforcements very soon from the 
 grand army — that Congress had proposed to General Wash- 
 ington to send the Maryland Line to their relief, f As soon 
 as General DuPortail came into the garrison, examined the 
 military works, and observed the enemy, he declared the 
 defences were not tenable — that they were only field lines ; 
 and that the British might have taken the place ten days ago. 
 " I found the town," wrote DuPortail to Washington, " in 
 a desperate state. "| He wished to leave the garrison imme- 
 diately, whileitwas possible ; but General Lincoln would not 
 allow him to do so, as it would dispirit the troops. On 
 learning General DuPortail' s opinion, acouncilwas called the 
 same day, and a proposition made for the Continental troops 
 to make anightretreat ; and when the citizens were informed 
 of the subject under deliberation, some of them came into 
 the council, warmly declaring to General Lincoln, thatif he 
 attempted to withdraw the troops and abandon the citizens, 
 
 * Croghan's MS. Journal ; and Mcintosh's Diary. 
 
 t Croghan's MS. Journal. 
 
 } Letters to Washington, ii, 450. 
 
30 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 they would cut up his boats, and open the gates to the enemy. 
 This put an end to all further thoughts of an evacuation.* 
 
 As late as the twenty-eighth, a supernumerary officer 
 left town to join the forces in the country ; but the next day the 
 small party remaining at Lempriere's Point was recalled, 
 the enemy at once occupying it with a large force ; and thus 
 the last avenue between the city and country was closed. 
 General Lincoln informed the general officers, privately, this 
 day, that he intended the horn work as a place of retreat 
 for the whole army in case they were driven from the lines. 
 General Mcintosh observing to him the impossibility of those 
 then stationed at South Bay and Ashley river, in such a 
 contingency, being able to retreat there, he replied that they 
 might secure themselves as best they could. And on the 
 thirtieth, in some way, Governor Rutledge managed to con- 
 vey a letter to General Lincoln, upon which the General con- 
 gratulated the army, in general orders, on ;^car2'M_§-of a large 
 reinforcement, which may again open the communication 
 with the country. f It was the old story of drowning men 
 catching at straws. 
 
 It is unnecessary to dwell upon the daily details of the 
 protracted siege. Some of the more unusual occurrences 
 only need be briefly noticed, so that we may hasten on to the 
 melancholy catastrophe. Eleven vessels were sunk in the 
 channel to prevent the Royal fleet from passing up Cooper 
 river, and enfilading the American lines on that side of the 
 place ; while a frigate and two galleys were placed above 
 the sunken obstructions, to cooperate with the shore batter- 
 ies in thwarting any attempt on the part of the enemy for 
 their removal. 
 
 But the work of destruction went steadily on. Cannon 
 balls hy day and by night went streaking through the air, 
 and crashing through the houses. One morning, a shell 
 burst very near Colonel Parker, a large piece of which fell 
 
 * Moultrie's Memoirs, i, 80. 
 f Croghan's MS. Journal, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 31 
 
 harmless at his feet, when he said, with much composure, 
 "a miss is as good as a mile;"* and, that very evening, 
 while the gallant Colonel was looking over the parapet, he 
 was shot dead. Shells, fire-balls, and carcasses, ingen- 
 iously packed with combustibles, loaded pistol barrels, and 
 other destructive missiles, were thrown into the city, setting 
 many buildings on fire, and maiming and destroying not a 
 few of the citizens and soldiery. On one occasion, when a 
 pastor and a few worshipers, mostly women and invalids, 
 were gathered in a church, supplicating the mercies of 
 heaven on themselves and suffering people, a bomb-shell 
 fell in the chuch-yard, when all quickly dispersed, retiring 
 to their several places of abode. 
 
 Some of the cases of fatality were quite uncommon. 
 Meyer Moses' young child was killed while in the arms of 
 its nurse, and the house burned down. A man and his wife 
 were killed at the same time, and in the same bed. A sol- 
 dier who had been relieved from serving at his post in the 
 defence of the city, entered his humble domicil, and while in 
 the act of embracing his anxious wife, with tears of gladness, 
 a cannon ball passed through the house, killing them both 
 instantly. Many sought safety in their cellars ; but even 
 when protected for the moment from the constantly falling 
 missiles of death and destruction, they began to suflier for 
 want of food , since all the avenues to the city for country 
 supplies, had been cut off. 
 
 General Moultrie has left us a vivid picture of this period of 
 the siege : "Mr. Lord and Mr. Basquin, two volunteers, were 
 sleeping upon the mattress together, in the advanced redoubt, 
 when Mr. Lord was killed by a shell falling upon him, and 
 Mr. Basquin at the same time had the hair of his head burnt, 
 and did not awake until he was aroused from his slumbers by 
 his fellow soldiers. The fatigue in that advanced redoubt was 
 so great for want of sleep, that many faces were so swelled 
 they could scarcely see out of their eyes . I was obliged to re- 
 
 * Virginia Gazette, May i6, 1780. 
 
32 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Heve Major Mitchell, the commanding officer. They were 
 constantly on the lookout for the shells that were continually 
 falling among them. It was by far the most dangerous post 
 on the lines. On my visit to the battery, not having been 
 there for a day or two, I took the usual way of going in, 
 which was a bridge that crossed our ditch, quite exposed to 
 the enemy, who, in the meantime, had advanced their works 
 within seventy or eighty yards of the bridge, which I did 
 not know. As soon as I had stepped upon the bridge, an 
 uncommon number of bullets whistled about me ; and on 
 looking to my right, I could just see the heads of about 
 twelve or fifteen men firing upon me from behind a breast- 
 work — I moved on, and got in. When Major Mitchell saw 
 me, he asked me which way I came in? I told him over 
 the bridge. He was astonished, and said, ' Sir, it isathou- 
 sand to one that you were not killed,' and told me that he 
 had a covered waj;- through which to pass, by which he con- 
 ducted me on my return. I staid in this battery about a 
 quarter of an hour, giving the necessary orders, during which 
 we were constantly skipping about to get out of the way of 
 the shells thrown from their howitzers. They were not more 
 than one hundred j'ards from our works, and were throwing 
 their shells in bushels on our front and left flank."* 
 
 Under date of the second of May, Major Croghan records 
 in his Journal, which is corroborated by General Mcintosh's 
 Diary, that the enem)^ threw shells charged with rice and 
 sugar. Simms tells us, that tradition has it, that it was not 
 rice and sugar with which the shells of the British v/ere 
 thus ironically charged, but wheat flour and molasses — with 
 an inscription addressed : ' ' To the Yankee officers in 
 Charleston," courteously informing them that it contained a 
 supply of the commodities of which they were supposed to 
 stand most in need. But the garrison could still jest amid 
 suffering, volcanoes and death. Having ascertained that 
 the shell was sent them from a battery manned exclusively 
 
 *Moultrie*s Memoirs^ i, 83. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 33 
 
 by a Scottish force, they emptied the shell of its contents ; 
 and filling it with lard and sulphur, to cure them of the 
 itch, and sent it back to their courteous assailants, with the 
 same inscription which originally accompanied it. " It was 
 understood," says Garden, " after the siege, that the note 
 was received, but not with that good humor that might have 
 been expected, had it been considered as aycM d''esfrit, re- 
 sulting from justifiable retaliation." 
 
 " Provisions," as we learn from Johnson's Traditions, 
 "now failed among the besieged. A sufficiency had been 
 provided for the occasion ; but the beef and pork had be- 
 come tainted and unfit for food." But the British "were 
 misinformed," says Moultrie, "if they supposed us in want 
 of rice and sugar." Of the latter article, at least during 
 the earlier stages of the siege, such was its plentifulness 
 that it was a favorite amusement to pursue the spent hot 
 shot of the enemy, in order, by flinging sugar upon the 
 balls, to convert it into candy. But towards the close of 
 the siege, the supply of sugar must have become limited. 
 " On the fourth of May," says Major Croghan, " we received 
 from the Commissary, with our usual allowance of rice, six 
 ounces of extremely bad meat, and a little coftee and sugar. 
 It has been very disagreeable to the northern officers and 
 soldiei-s to be under the necessity of living without wheat or 
 Indian bread, which has been the case during the whole 
 siege." So that the Scotch jokers who sent their shot, 
 laden with either rice and sugar, or flour and molasses, iron- 
 ically hinting at the deficiencies of the beleaguered garri- 
 son, did not, after all, hit very wide of the mark. 
 
 Clinton, on the sixth of May, renewed his former terms 
 for the surrender of the garrison. With the limited store 
 of provisions on hand, with no prospects of receiving fur- 
 ther supplies or reinforcements, and with the admission on 
 the part of the Engineers that the lines could not be main- 
 tained ten days longer, and were hable to be carried by as- 
 sault at any time. General Lincoln was disposed to accept the 
 
34 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 terms tendered ; but he was opposed by the citizens, as they 
 were required by Clinton to be prisoners on parole, when 
 the}^ wished to be regarded as non-combatants, and not 
 subject to the rigorous laws of war, It was only putting 
 ofl' the evil day for a brief period ; and again the twenty- 
 four and thirty-two pound carronades, the mortars and 
 howitzers, belched forth their shot, shell and carcasses upon 
 the devoted town and garrison, setting many buildings on 
 fire, and keeping up the most intense excitement. So near 
 were now the opposing parties, that they could speak words 
 of bravado to each other ; and the rifles of the Hessian Ya- 
 gers were so unerring, that a defender could no longer show 
 himself above the lines with safety ; and even a hat raised 
 upon a ramrod, was instantly riddled with bullets. 
 
 Captain Hudson, of the British Navy, on the fifth of May, 
 summoned Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island to surrender ; 
 the larger portion of its garrison having previously retired 
 to Charleston. Lieutenant-Colonel William Scott,* who com- 
 manded, sent for answer a rollicking reply : "Tol, lol, de rol, 
 lol — Fort Moultrie will be defended to the last extremity." 
 The next day, Fludson repeated his demand, threatening that 
 if he did not receive an answer in fifteen minutes, he would 
 storm the fort, and put every man to the sword. Scott, it 
 would seem, was at first disposed to resort to bravado of 
 the "last extremity" character; but recalled the officer 
 bearing it, saying on further reflection the garrison thought 
 better of it — the disparity of force was far too great — and 
 begging for a cessation of hostilities, proposed terms of sur- 
 render, which were granted by Captain Hudson. The sur- 
 render formally took place on the seventh. f Thus the historic 
 
 * Scott was a brave, experienced officer. He served as a Captain during the attack on 
 Charleston, in 1776, and died in that city in June, 1807. 
 
 I Gordon's History 0/ the Revolutioji, iii, 354; i\Ioultrie's Memoirs, ii, 84; Ramsay's 
 Revolution in South Carolina, ii, 56, Bancroft, a, 305, and others, give May 6th as the date 
 of surrender, but that the 7th was the true date of this occurrence mr.y be seen by com. 
 paring Tarleton's Cajnpai^n, 53-55; Botta's Revohition, New Haven edition, 1842, ii, 249; 
 Johnson's Traditions, 259; Pimms' South Carolina in the Revolution, 146; and Siege 0/ 
 Charleston. Munsell, 1867, p. 167. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 35 
 
 Fort Moultrie, which four years before had signally repulsed 
 a powerful British fleet under Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, 
 now surrendered to the enemy without firing a gun. 
 
 The seventh of May was further noted by an unfortunate 
 disaster — the partial destrucdon of the principal magazine 
 of the garrison, by the bursdng of a shell. General Moultrie 
 had most of the powder — ten thousand pounds — removed to 
 the north-east corner of the exchange, where it was carefully 
 bricked up, and remained undiscovered by the Bridsh durino- 
 the two years and seven months they occupied the cAy. 
 
 Another summons was sent in by Clinton on the eighth a 
 
 truce was granted till the next day ; when Lincoln endeav- 
 ored to secure the militia from being considered as prisoners 
 of war, and the protecdon of the citizens of South Carohna 
 in their lives and property, with twelve months allowance 
 of time in which to determine whether to remain under 
 ■British rule, or dispose of their efiects and remove else- 
 where. These articles were promptly rejected, with the 
 announcement on the part of Clinton that hostilities would 
 be re-commenced at eight o'clock that evening. 
 
 "After receiving his letter," says Moultrie, "we re- 
 mained near an hour silent, all calm and ready, each wait- 
 ing for the other to begin. At length, we fired the first gun, 
 and immediately followed a tremendous cannonade — about 
 one hundred and eighty, or two hundred pieces of heavy 
 cannon were discharged at the same moment. The mortars 
 from both sides threw out an immense number of shells. It 
 was a glorious sight to see them, like meteors, crossing 
 each other, and bursting in the air. It appeared as if the 
 stars were tumbling down. The fire was incessant almost 
 the whole night, cannon balls whizzing, and shells hissing, 
 continually among us, ammunition chests and temporary 
 magazines blowing up, great guns bursting, and wounded 
 men groaning along the lines. It was a dreadful night ! It 
 was our last great effort, but it availed us nothing. After it, 
 our military ardor was much abated, and we began to cool.'' 
 
36 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 When, on the eleventh of May, the British had crossed the 
 wet ditch by sap, and were within twenty-five yards of the 
 American lines, all farther defense was hopeless. The militia 
 refused to do duty.* It was no longer a question of expedi- 
 ency ; but stern necessity demanded a speedy surrender, and 
 the stoppage of farther carnage and suffering. General Lin- 
 coln had proved himself brave, judicious and unwearied in his 
 exertions for three anxious months in baffling the greatl}- 
 superior force of Sir Henrj^ Clinton and Admiral Arbuth- 
 not. Hitherto the civil authorities, and citizens of Charles- 
 ton, had stoutly contended that the city should be defended 
 to the last extremity ; but now, when all hope was lost, a 
 large majority of the inhabitants, and of the militia, peti- 
 tioned General Lincoln to accede to the terms offered by the 
 enemy. The next day articles of capitulation were signed. 
 
 The loss of the Americans during the siege was ninety- 
 eight officers and soldiers killed, and one hundred and forty- 
 six wounded ; and about twenty of the citizens were killed 
 by the random shots of the enemy. Upward of thirty 
 houses were burned, and man}' others greatty damaged. 
 Besides the Continental troops, less than two thousand, of 
 whom five hundred were in hospitals, and a considerable 
 number of sailors, Sir Henry Clinton managed to enumer- 
 ate among the prisoners surrendered, all the free male 
 adults of Charleston, including the aged, the infirm, and 
 even the Loyjdists, so as to swell the number of his formid- 
 able conquest. In this way, his report was made to boast 
 of over five thousand six hundred prisoners, when the Loyal- 
 ist portion but a few days afterwards offered their congratu- 
 lations on the reduction of South Carolina. The regular 
 troops and sailors became prisoners of war until exchanged ; 
 the militia from the country were permitted to return home 
 on parole, and to be secured in their property so long as 
 their parole should be observed. 
 
 :*Du Portail to Washington, May 17th, 1780. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 37 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 May, 1780. 
 
 Further Incidents Connected with the Siege. — Tyranny of the British 
 leaders. — Subjugation of South Carolina. 
 
 A sad accident occurred shortly after the surrender. 
 The arms taken from the troops and inhabitants, amounting 
 to some five thousand, were lodged in a laboratorj^, near a 
 large quantity of cartridges and loose powder. A number 
 of the British officers desiring some of the handsome mounted 
 swords and pistols, went to the place of deposit to select 
 such as pleased their fancy, when through cai-elessness in 
 snapping the guns and pistols, the loose powder was ig- 
 nited, which communicated to the cartridges, blew up the 
 building, and, in an instant, guards, officers, arms, colors, 
 drums and fifes were sent high into the air — the mangled 
 bodies of the victims were dashed by the violent explosion 
 against the neighboring houses, and, in one instance, against 
 the steeple of a contiguous church edifice. The work-house, 
 jail, and old barracks were destroyed. Captain CoUins, 
 Lieutenants Gordon and McLeod, together with some fifty 
 of the British guard, and upward of fifty of the citizens, lost 
 their lives by this unhappy occurrence.* 
 
 It is a singular fact, that at least during a portion of the 
 siege, Major John Andrd, Deputy Adjutant-General of the 
 British army, managed in some way to get into the city, 
 and made his home with Edward Shrewsberry, on the east 
 side of East Bay street. William Johnson, a prominent 
 Whig, and others, saw the young man at Shrewsberry's 
 dressed in plain homespun ; and were told that he was a 
 
 * Ramsay's Revolution, ii, 62-63 i Moultrie's Memoirs ii, 109-112 ; Pennsylvania Journal, 
 July 5th, 1780; Simms' South Carolina in the Revolution, 156-157; Mackenzie's Strictures, 34. 
 
38 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 back countryman, connected with the Virginia troops, and 
 had brought down cattle for the garrison. By this cattle- 
 drover ruse, he probably gained access to the city. He 
 was, of course, there tor a purpose — to make observations, 
 and gain intelligence, and in some secret way, communicate 
 the result to Sir Henry Clinton The historian, Ramsay, 
 who was pres.ent during the siege, admits that there were 
 secret friends of the Royal Government in the city, foment- 
 ing disaffection, and working on the fears of the timid ; and 
 Moultrie, another eye-witness, tells us that when the British 
 marched in, to take possession of the city. Captain Roch- 
 fort said to him, " Sir, you have made a gallant defence; 
 but you had a great many rascals among you, (and men- 
 tioned names,) who came out every night and gave us in- 
 formation of what was passing in your garrison."* 
 
 Stephen Shrewsberry becoming sick, stopped with his 
 brother Edward awhile, and repeatedly saw Andrd there — 
 of course, bearing some assumed name ; and after his re- 
 covery, and the surrender of the city, he was introduced to 
 the same person at his brother's as Major Andr^. Stephen 
 Shrewsberry mentioned this singular circumstance to his 
 brother Edward, who frankly acknowledged that he was 
 the same person ; but asserted his own ignorance of it at the 
 time of his brother's illness. Marion's men subsequent])' 
 sought the life of Edward Shrewsberrj^, charging him with 
 treachery to the American cause ; but he survived the war, 
 leaving a daughter, a very amiable lady, who lived till 18^4, 
 dying childless. 
 
 Certain it is, that Andrd was the devoted friend and pro- 
 tegd of Sir Henry Clinton, who made him his Aid, and pro- 
 moted him to the position of Deputv Adjutant-General of the 
 British army in America ; and it is equally certain, as 
 shown by Beatson's Memoirs, that "Adjutant-General, Ma- 
 jor John Andr^ " was with the "force that embarked at 
 New York under Clinton and Arbuthnot." Tarleton shows 
 
 * Ramsay's Revolution, ii, 58; Moultrie's Meinoivs, ii, 108. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 39 
 
 that Andre was performing service in front of Charleston 
 prior to Arbuthnot's passage of Fort Moultrie early in April ; 
 a letter of Andrd's is in print, dated at " Headquarters, be- 
 fore Charleston," on the thirteenth of April, 1780, while 
 ^the schedule of Charleston prisoners, in May, was reported 
 by him in his official capacity — all going to show, beyond a 
 question, that he was at or near Charleston during the whole 
 period of its investment. It was far less dangerous for him 
 to pass to and from the city during the siege, than it was to 
 visit West Point on his subsequent mission to tempt the 
 Judas of the American Revolution. 
 
 However fascinating his talents and deportment, he was 
 not entitled to the commiseration of the American people as 
 an honorable but unfortunate foe. Twice he acted the part 
 of an insidious spy, corrupting and deceiving with falsehoods 
 and mean dissimulation; and he was twice, at least, guilty of 
 theft — once while stationed in Philadelphia, plundering from 
 the library of the University of Pennsylvania, a complete 
 set of that valuable work, L' Encyclofcdm, received as a 
 present from the French Academy of Science by the hands 
 of Dr. Franklin ; on the other occasion, taking from Dr. 
 Franklin's residence, which he occupied a while, a portrait 
 of the philosopher.* 
 
 An incident connected with the siege and surrender of 
 Charleston, serving to illustrate the peculiarities and perils 
 of the times, will very appropriately find a place here. Rev. 
 Dr. Percy resided on a plantation not very far from Monk's 
 Corner, with Mrs. Thomas Legard for a near neighbor. 
 One day — probably the thirteenth of May — while Mrs. Le- 
 gard was present, Mrs. Gibson, a poor woman, was an- 
 nounced while the family and their visitor was at their meal. 
 As she was usually the bearer of ill news, her visit very natur- 
 
 * Johnson's L?7>£7/"t7rcf«^. i, note 208-209; Johnson's Traditions of the Rer'oiuiion, 
 255-257; Snrgent's /-//f o/^srf'-^', 225-228; Mmon's Remeiii'tritncer. x. ^6-■JT, Dawson's 
 Battles 0/ the United St.il.-s. i. 578; Cirrinjton's B.iUles of the Re-jolution. 497; Tarlcton's 
 Campaigns, 12, 64; 15eat<on's Naval and military I^re.noirs. vi, 203-204; Moore's Diary 
 0/ tl-.e Revolution, ii, 484; and Lossing's Field Booli o/the Revolution, ii, 104. 
 
40 KING ' S MO ZTNTAIN 
 
 ally excited the anxiet}- of all. She exclaimed, " Good morn- 
 ing people ; ha\'e you heard the news ? Charleston has fallen, 
 and the devilish British soldiers have cut to pieces all the 
 men, all the cats, all the dogs, and now they are coming to 
 kill all the women and children." Terrified by her excited 
 and incoherent statement, the ladies looked ready to faint ; 
 and Dr. Percy cried out, "For shame, Mrs. Gibson ; do you 
 not know that Mrs. Legare's husband and son are in 
 Charleston, and you will frighten her to death by your wild 
 talk." " Bless you, good woman," replied Mrs. Gibson, 
 turning to Mrs. Legare, " I have a husband and four sons 
 there, too, and God only knows if anv of them live." In 
 the course of a few da-\'s, Mrs. Gibson received the sad in- 
 telligence that her husband and four sons had all been killed 
 during the siege.* Such are some of the vicissitudes of 
 war. 
 
 It may well be asked, wh}^ did such military men as 
 Lincoln, Moultrie, Mcintosh, Scott, Woodford and others, 
 sufier themselves, with a body of brave troops, to be cooped 
 up in a city \\hich they were not capable of successfully de- 
 fending ? At first they relied on the promises of Congress 
 and the Executive authorities of North and South Carolina of 
 sending near ten thousand men, one-half of whom should 
 be regulars, for the defence of the place. f In the latter 
 part of Februarj^ it was reported that General Hogan was 
 advancing with troops from North Carolina ; that General 
 Moultrie was forming a camp at Bacon's Bridge, which was 
 subsequendy transferred to the command of General Huger ; 
 that a thousand men were expected from General William- 
 son's brigade in the region of Ninety Six ; and that the 
 veteran General Richardson, and Colonel Kershaw, were 
 embodying the militia of the Camden region. J General 
 Richardson sickened and died ; General Moultrie from ill- 
 
 * Howe's Hist. Presb. Ch. of South Carolina, 471. 
 
 t Ram'^ny's Revolution, ii, 59; Gordon's American War, iii, 348; MarshaU's Washing- 
 ton, iv, 141-42: 
 
 J Colonel Laurens, ill Almon, x, 53 ; Moore's Materials /or History, 175. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 41 
 
 ness had to return to the city. Colonel Sumter at that time 
 had no command, and Marion was hiding away for the 
 recovery of a broken limb. To enthuse the militia, and 
 expedite their movements, Governor Rutledge, the Patrick 
 Henrjr of South Carolina, and a part of his Councilors, left 
 the beleaguered city in April ; but they met with little suc- 
 cess. The people relied too much upon succors from the 
 North; besides, they were almost destitute of ammunition. 
 
 Hogan's party finally reached the city ; and about that 
 time another North Carolina contingent under General 
 Lillington, whose term of enlistment expired, mostly 
 availed themselves of their privilege and retired before the 
 serious part of the siege had commenced ; and less than . 
 two hundred of the South Carolina militia, probably mostly 
 from the Charleston region, shared in the defence of the 
 place. Congress and the States were alike crippled in 
 resources, and everything moved tardily. General De Kalb 
 had started, past the middle of April, with fourteen hundred 
 Continentals from head quarters in New Jersey ; Colonel 
 Armand's corps, and Major Nelson's horse, were on the 
 way ; and, as late as the second of May, General Caswell, 
 of North Carolina, had reached Lanneau's Ferry, on the 
 Santee, with eight or nine hundred Continentals and militia ; 
 some militia were being gathered at Orangeburg ; and Col- 
 onel Buford's and Lieutenant-Colonel Porterfield's Virginia 
 detachments, were within the borders of the State. Gen- 
 eral Huger, with Colonel Horry's cavalry, and the remnants 
 of Colonel White's and Colonel Washington's dragoons, 
 were scattered somewhere about the country. There was 
 no concert or unity of action, and probably not sufficient 
 supplies to admit of their concentration. But all these 
 hopes of succor to the suffering garrison were as illusive in 
 the end as the tgnis-fatuus to the benighted traveler. 
 
 General Lincoln was not altogether destitute of military 
 supplies ; for he had four hundred pieces of ordnance of 
 various caliber, for the defence of the city and the neighbor- 
 
42 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 ing works ; but the mortars were few, and of shell there 
 would seem to have been a very limited supply. Powder 
 was so plenty that there were fifty thousand pounds at the 
 surrender, besides ten thousand pounds more bricked up at 
 the Exchange. But even with the aid of six hundred ne- 
 groes, the defensive works, from their great extent, were 
 totally inadequate to the purpose ; and had there been force 
 enough to have properly manned them — of which there was 
 a sad deficiency — the scanty supply of provisions would 
 have been all the sooner exhausted. Food supplies had 
 been stored, in large quantities, to the north eastward of 
 Charleston ; but from the little value of the depreciated paper 
 currencjr, the want of carriages and horses, together with 
 the bad condition of the roads, they could not be transported 
 to town before the investiture was completed. With all 
 these disappointments and discouragements, and the power- 
 ful army and nav}^ with all the appliances of war, con- 
 fronting them for nearly three months, it is not a little siir- 
 prising that General Lincoln and his brave garrison were 
 able to hold out so long. 
 
 Nor were the whites the only sufferers. As in Prevost's 
 invasion of 1779, so in Clinton's of 1780, the negro servants 
 flocked in large numbers to the British army, and were 
 employed in throwing up their defences and other laborious 
 operations. Crowded together, they were visited by the 
 camp fever ; and the small-pox, which had not been in the 
 Province for seventeen years, broke out among them, and 
 spread rapidly. From these two diseases, and the impos- 
 sibility of their being provided with proper accommodations 
 and attendance in the British encampments, they were left 
 to- die in great numbers in the woods, where they remained 
 unburied. A few instances occurred, in which infants were 
 found in unfrequented retreats, drawing the breasts of their 
 deceased mothers some time after life had expired.* 
 
 The reduction of Charleston struck the people with pro- 
 
 * Ramsay's Revolution, ii. 67. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 43 
 
 found amazement, coupled with something akin to despair. 
 The futile attempts of the British against the city in 1776, 
 and again in 1779, ^'^^ inspired nearly all classes with a fatal 
 confidence that then- capital city would again escape the 
 snares of the enemj^ — to be accomplished in some Providen- 
 tial way, of which they had no verj^ clear conception. But 
 in matters of war, as of peace, God helps those who help 
 themselves. Had the people of South Carolina repaired in 
 large numbers to their capital, with proper supplies for a 
 long siege ; or had they, while their fellows were cooped up 
 within the devoted city, embodied under such men as Sum- 
 ter, Williamson, Pickens, Kershaw, Williams and other 
 popular leaders, harassed the besieging army, cut off its 
 foraging parties, kept the communication open, and encour- 
 aged the beleaguered garrison to make sorties, and perhaps 
 capture supplies from their enemies, the approaches of the 
 British might have been retarded, and the siege prolonged 
 till, perhaps, the arrival of DeKalb and other forces from 
 the North. 
 
 Could the enemy have thus been retarded, they would 
 soon have encountered a yet more dangerous foe in the 
 rapidly approaching hot season, when camp life and expos- 
 ure in that malarial climate, would have rapidly decimated 
 their forces. And there was, perhaps, still another end to 
 be gained by prolonging the siege On the second of May, 
 a large French fleet, under the Chevalier de Ternay, trans- 
 porting an army of nearly six thousand of the choicest troops 
 of France, commanded by the Count de Rochambeau, had 
 sailed from Brest, destined to aid the young Republic in its 
 struggle for independence. On the twentieth of June, the}' 
 encountered a Bridsh fleet, in ladtude 30°, a httle south 
 of the Bermuda Islands, when some distant exchanging 
 of shots occurred between them. Several days before this 
 event, the French fleet had captured a Bridsh cutter con- 
 veying several British officers from Charleston to the Ber- 
 mudas, by whom they learned of the siege and capture of 
 
44 KING 'S AlO UNTAIN 
 
 Charleston ; and, soon after taking another vessel, one of 
 Admiral Arbuthnot's fleet, on its return to New York, they 
 learned by its papers and passengers a full confirmation 
 of the fall of the devoted city.* 
 
 According to Moultrie, it was the plan of Ternay and 
 Rochambeau to have attempted the relief of Charleston, 
 had they not have learned of its capture. Their intention 
 was, to have entered Ball's Bay, landed the troops at Sevee's 
 Ba}^ then marched down to Haddrell's Point, crossing 
 thence over to Charleston; "which," saj's Moultrie, "they 
 could very easily have done, and would have effectually 
 raised the siege, and taken the British fleet in Charleston 
 harbor and in Stono Inlet, and, in all probability, their 
 whole arm}'.' Had the news of this approaching fleet 
 been known in time by General Lincoln, and the people of 
 the surrounding country, the defence of the city might have 
 been prolonged, and, perhaps, the mortification of surren- 
 der averted — and the salvation of Charleston been celebrated 
 in history as one of the grandest achievements of the Revo- 
 lution.! 
 
 But all this misadventure was not without its compensa- 
 tions ; for Rochambeau's fine army landed safely at New- 
 port, and, in time, joined Washington, giving new life and 
 hope to the American cause, and sharing in the capture of 
 Cornwallis the follo\\'ing j'ear. It was a knowledge of the 
 fitting out of Ternay's fleet, and its probable American des- 
 tination, that prompted Sir Henry Clinton to hasten the 
 capture of Charleston,]; and then to expedite the larger part 
 of his forces to the northward, lest New York should be 
 attacked and taken by the combined French and American 
 
 "'■'Rochambeau's Memoirs, Paris, 1824, i, 241-243; Almon's Remembrancer, x. 273 
 
 t Moultrie's Memoirs, ii, 202-203; Johnson's Traditions. 262. 
 
 X The British Government had kept a close watch on this large French fleet during the 
 long period of its fitting out at Brest; and, no doubt, apprised Sir Henry Clinton of the 
 approaching danger. The Virginia Gazette of May 31st, 1780 has a Philadelphia item 
 under date of May gtb, saying a gentleman from New York stated, that it was reported in 
 that city that a French and Spanish fleet was expected upon the American coast, and that 
 the enterprise against Charleston was to be abandoned. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 45 
 
 troops and navy ; and thus were the Southern Colonies left 
 with CornwalHs' crippled army, rendering possible the noble 
 services of Greene, Sumter, and Marion. 
 
 Taking advantage of the calm, British detachments 
 were sent out in all directions to plant the Royal standard, 
 over-awe the people, and require them to take protection. 
 Conspicuously observable was the greediness of the con- 
 querors for plunder. The value of the spoil, which was 
 distributed by English and Hessian Commissaries of cap- 
 tures, amounted to about three hundred thousand pounds 
 sterling ; the dividend of a Major-General exceeded over 
 four thousand guineas — or twenty thousand dollars. There 
 was no restraint upon private rapine ; the silver plate of the 
 planters was carried off; all negroes that had belonged to 
 Rebels were seized, even though they had themselves sought 
 an asylum within the British lines ; and, at a single embark- 
 ation, two thousand were shipped to a market in the West 
 Indies. British and Gei-man officers thought more of 
 amassing fortunes than of re-uniting the empire. The pa- 
 triots were not allowed to appoint attorneys to manage or 
 sell their estates. A sentence of confiscation hung over the 
 whole land, and British protection was granted only in 
 return for the unconditional promise of loj^alty.* 
 
 The dashing Colonel Tarleton had been dispatched with 
 his cavalry in pursuit of Colonel Buford's regiment, which 
 had arrived too late to join the Charleston garrison ; and 
 which were overtaken near the Waxhaw settlement, and 
 many of them cut to pieces with savage cruelty. One hun- 
 dred and thirteen of Buford's men were cut down and killed 
 outright.; a hundred and fifty too badly hacked to be re- 
 moved, while only fifty-three could be brought as prisoners 
 to Camden. If anything at this time could have added to 
 the general depression so prevalent among all classes of 
 people, it was just such a barbarous butchery as this of 
 
 ■*Ramsny's Revolution, ii, 66-67; Gordons American War, iii, 382; Bancroft's History 
 United States, a, 305-6. 
 
46 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Tarleton's. The highest encomiums were bestowed by 
 Cornwallis upon tiie liero of this sickening massacre. 
 
 On the twenty-second da}- of May, it was proclaimed that 
 all who should thereafter oppose the King in arms, or hinder 
 any one from joining his forces, should have his property con- 
 fiscated, and be otherwise severel}- punished ; and, on the first 
 of June, Clinton and Arbuthnot, as Royal Commissioners, 
 offered by proclamation, pardon to the penitent, on condition 
 of their immediate teturn to allegiance ; and to the loyal, the 
 pledge of their former political immunities, including free- 
 dom from taxation, save by their own chosen Legislature. 
 On the third of that month, another proclamation by Clinton, 
 required all the inhabitants of the Province, " who were now 
 prisoners on parole." to take an active part in maintain- 
 ing the Ro3'al Government; and they were assured, that 
 "should they neglect to return to their allegiance, they will 
 be treated as rebels to the Government of the King." 
 
 Thus tyrannical measures were advanced step by step 
 till the poor paroled people could no longer be protected, as 
 they had been promised, by remaining quietly at home ; but 
 must take up arms in defence of the Government they ab- 
 horred, and which was forging chains for their perpetual 
 enslavement. On the eve of his departure for New York, 
 leaving the Southern command under Lord Cornwallis, 
 Clinton reported to his Royal masters in England: "The 
 inhabitants from every quarter declare their allegiance to 
 the King, and offer their services in arms. There are few 
 men in South Carolina who are not either our prisoners or 
 in arms with us." 
 
 A few weeks later, when two prominent men, one who 
 had filled a high position, and both prominently concerned 
 in the rebellion, went to Cornwallis to surrender themselves 
 under the provisions of Clinton and Arbuthnot's procla- 
 mation, the noble Earl could only answer that he had no 
 knowledge of its existence. And thus his Lordship com- 
 menced his career as Commander-in-Chief of the South- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 47 
 
 em department, ignoring all ideas and promises of a policy 
 of moderation. He sowed the wind, and in the end reaped 
 the whirlwind. 
 
 The people of South Carolina, as we have seen, were 
 not sufficiently aroused to a sense of their danger, undl it 
 was too late to avert it — if, indeed, they, alone and single- 
 handed, could by an}' possibilit}' have warded off" the great 
 public calamity. When they learned the appalling news 
 of the surrender of Charleston, they had little heart to make 
 any further show of opposition to the power of the British 
 Government. Many of the country leaders, when detach- 
 ments of the conquering troops were sent among them, un- 
 resistingly gave up their arms, and took Royal protecdon 
 — among whom were General Andrew Williamson, Gen- 
 eral Isaac Huger, Colonel Andrew Pickens, Colonel Peter 
 Horry, Colonel James Mayson, Colonel LeRoy Hammond, 
 Colonel John Thomas, Sr., Colonel Isaac Hayne, Major 
 John Postell, Major John Purvis, and many others. Sumter 
 braved the popular tide for submission, retired alone before 
 the advancing foe, leaving his home to the torch of the 
 enemy, and his helpless family without a roof to cover 
 their defenceless heads, or a morsel of food for their susten- 
 ance ; while Marion, who was accidently injured at Charles- 
 ton, was conveyed from the city before its final environment, 
 and was quietly recuperating in some sequestered place in 
 the swamps of the lower part of the country. And, so far 
 as South Carolina was concerned, 
 
 " Hope for a season bade the world farewell." 
 
48 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER III, 
 
 1741 to May, 1780. 
 
 Early Life of Palrick Ferguson. — Brandywine Battle — Refrains from 
 ShootingW'ashington — Wounded. — Conducts Little Egg Harbor Ex- 
 pedition.— Nearly Killed by an Accidental Attack by his own Friends. 
 — -Biggin Bridge and Monk's Corner Affair. — Resents Insults to 
 Ladies, — Siege of Charleston. 
 
 No man, perhaps, of his rank and years, ever attained 
 more military distinction in his day than Patrick Ferguson. 
 As his name will hereafter figure so prominently in this 
 narrative, it is but simple justice to his memory, and alike 
 due to the natural curiosity of the reader, that his career 
 should be as fully and impartially portrayed as the materials 
 will permit. 
 
 He was the second son of James Ferguson, afterward 
 Lord Pitfour, of Pitfour, an eminent advocate, and for 
 twelve years one of the Scotch Judges, and was born in 
 Aberdeenshire, Scotland, in 1744. His mother was Anne 
 Murray, daughter of Alexander, Lord Elibank. His father, 
 and his uncle, James Murray, Lord Elibank, were regarded 
 as men of large culture, equal, in erudition and genius, to 
 the authors of the Scottish Augustan age. Having acquired 
 an early education, "young Ferguson," says a British 
 writer, "sought fame by a different direction, but was of 
 equally vigorous and brilliant powers.'''' When only in his 
 fifteenth year, a commission was purchased for him, and he 
 entered the army July twelfth, 1759, ^^ ^ Cornet, in the second 
 or Royal North British Dragoons, serving in the wars of 
 Flanders and Germany, wherein he distinguished himself 
 by a courage as cool as it was determined. He soon 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 49 
 
 evinced the great purpose of his life — to become conspic- 
 uously beneficial by professional skill and effort. 
 
 Young Ferguson joined the army in Germany soon 
 after the engagement on the plains of Minden. Some skir- 
 mishing took place in the subsequent part of that year. On 
 the thirtieth of June, 1760, the Dragoons, to which he was 
 attached, with other corps, drove the French cavalry from 
 the field, and chased their infantry in disorder through 
 Warbourg, and across the Rymel river, gaining from the 
 Commander-in-Chief the compliment of having performed 
 " prodigies of valor." On the twenty-second of August, the 
 Dragoons defeated a French party near Zierenberg, making 
 a brilliant charge, and deciding the contest. In the follow- 
 ing month they captured Zierenberg, with two cannon and 
 three hundred prisoners. During the year 1761, the 
 Dragoons were similarly employed ; but suffered much 
 from the bad quality of the water. Ferguson becoming dis- 
 abled by sickness, was sent home, and remained the most 
 of the time in England and Scotland from 1762 until 1768. 
 
 On the first of September, in the latter year, a commis- 
 sion of Captain was purchased for him in the seventieth 
 regiment of foot, then stationed in the Caribbee Islands, in 
 the West Indies, whither he repaired, and performed im- 
 portant service in quelhng an insurrection of the Caribs on 
 the Island of St. Vincent. These Caribs were a mixture of 
 the African with the native Indian tribes ; they were brave, 
 expert in the use of fire-arms, and their native fastnesses 
 had greatly aided them in their resistance to the Govern- 
 ment. The troops suffered much in this service. 
 
 The regiment remained in the Caribbee Islands till 1773. 
 About this period. Captain Ferguson was stationed a while 
 in the peaceful garrison of Hahfax, in Nova Scotia ; and 
 disdaining inglorious ease, he embarked for England, where 
 he assiduously employed his time in acquiring military 
 knowledge and science. When the disputes between the 
 Mother country and her Colonies were verging toward 
 
50 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 hostilities, the boasted skill of the Americans in the use of 
 the rifle, was regarded as an object of terror to the British 
 troops. These rumors operated on the genius of Ferguson, 
 and he invented a new species of rifle, which could be 
 loaded with greater celerity, and fired with more precision 
 than any then in use. He could load his newly constructed 
 gun at the breech, without using the ramrod, and with such 
 quickness and repetition as to fire seven times in a minute. 
 He was regarded as the best rifle shot in the British 
 army, if not the best marksman living — excepting, possi- 
 bly, his old associate, George Hanger ;'^ and in adroitness 
 and celerity in loading and firing, whether prostrate or 
 
 *This possible exception should be somewhat qualified. The British writers, including 
 several who knew whereof they wrote, unite in ascribing this high character to Ferguson's 
 skill in the use of his improved rifle. Major Hanger, in his Life and Opinions^ written 
 after Ferguson had been twenty years in his grave, claims not simply equal, but superior 
 skill. The redoubtable Major relates, with no little naivete, this ludicrous anecdote, as 
 occurring in New York City, in 1782, when Sir Guy Carleton had become Commander-in- 
 Chief of the British forces. Sitting opposite the Major at dinner one day. Sir Guy said : 
 " Major Hanger, I have been told that you are a most skilful marksman with a rifle-gun — I 
 have heard of astonishing feats that you have performed in shooting." Thanking him for 
 the compliment, I told his Excellency, that "I was vain enough to say, with truth, that 
 many officers in the army had witnessed my adroitness. I then began to inform Sir Guy 
 how my old deceased friend, Colonel Ferguson, and myself, had practiced together, who, for 
 skill and knowledge of that weapon, had been so celebrated, and that Ferguson had ever 
 acknowledged the superiority of my skill to his, after one particular day's practice, when 
 I had shot three balls into one hole." Sir Guy replied to this ; " I know you. are very 
 expert in this art." Now, had T been quiet, and satisfied with the compliment the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief paid me, and not pushed the matter further, it had been well for me ; but I 
 replied; "Yes, Sir Guy. I really have reduced the art of shooting with a rifle to such a 
 nicety, that, at a moderate distance, I can kill a flea with a single ball." At this, Sir Guy 
 began to stare not a little, and seemed to indicate from the smile on his countenance, that he 
 thought I had rather out-stepped my usual out-doings in the art. Observing this, I respect- 
 fully replied: "I see by your Excellency's countenance that you seem doubtful of the 
 singularity and perfection of my art ; but if I may presume so much, as to dare offer a wager 
 to my Commander-in-Chief. I will bet your Excellency five guineas that I kill a fllea with a 
 single ball once in eight shots, at eight yards." Sir Guy replied : " My dear Major, I am 
 not given to lay wagers, but for once I will bet you five guineas, provided you will let the 
 flea hop." A loud laugh ensued at the table ; and. after laughing heartily myself, 1 placed 
 my knuckle under the table, and striking it from beneath, said : '' Sir Guy, I knock under, 
 and will never speak of my skill in shooting with a rifle-gun again before you." 
 
 Neither Ferguson nor Hanger were aware of a remarkable youth at that time in the 
 Wheeling region. Lewis Wetzel, who had learned to load but a common rifle as he sped 
 swiftly through the woods with a pack of Indians at his heels. Killing one of a party, four 
 others singled out, determined to catch alive the bold young warrior. First, one fell a vic- 
 tim to his unerring rifle, then another, and finally a third, in the race for life; when the 
 only survivor stopped short, gave a yell of despair and disappointment, saying: "No 
 catch dat man — gun always loaded." 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 61 
 
 erect, he is said to have excelled the best American fron- 
 tiersman, or even the expert Indian of the forest. He often 
 practiced, and exhibited his dexterity in the use of the rifle, 
 both at Black Heath and Woolwich. Such was his exe- 
 cution in firing, that it almost exceeded the bounds of 
 credibilitjr, having very nearlj' brought his aim at an ob- 
 jective point almost to a mathematical certainty. 
 
 On the first of June, 1776, Captain Ferguson made some 
 rifle experiments at Woolwich, in the presence of Lord 
 Townshend, master of ordnance. Generals Amherst and 
 Hawley, and other officers of high rank and large military 
 experience. Notwithstanding a heavy rain, and a high wind, 
 he fired during the space of four or five minutes, at the rate of 
 four shots per minute, at a target two hundred }-ards distance. 
 He next fired six shots in a minute. He also fired, while 
 advancing at the rate of four miles per hour, four times in a 
 minute. He then poured a bottle of water into the pan and 
 barrel of the rifle when loaded, so as to wet every grain of 
 powder ; and, in less than half a minute, he fired it off, as 
 well as ever, without extracting the ball. Lastly, he hit the 
 bull's eye target, lying on his back on the ground. Incredi- 
 ble as it might seem, considering the variations of the wind, 
 and the wetness of the weather, he missed the target only 
 three times during the whole series of experiments. These 
 military dignitaries were not onty satisfied but astonished 
 at the perfection of both his rifle and his practice. On one 
 of these occasions, George the Thii-d honored him with his 
 presence ; and, towards the close of the year, a patent was 
 granted for all his improvements. 
 
 According to the testimony of eye-witnesses, he would 
 check his horse, let the reins fall upon the animal's neck, 
 draw a pistol from his holster, toss it aloft, catch it as it fell, 
 aim, and shoot the head off a bird on an adjacent fence.* 
 "It is not certain," says the British Annual Register for 
 
 * General J. W, D. DePeyster's King's Mountain, in Historical Magazine March 1869, 
 p. 100. 
 
52 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 1 781, " that these improvements produced all the effect in 
 real service, whicli had been expected from those astonishing 
 specimens of them that were displayed in England." 
 
 Anxious to take an active part in the American war, a 
 hundred select men were chosen for his command, whom 
 he took unwearied pains to instruct in the dextrous use of 
 his newly invented rifle. In the spring of 1777, he was 
 sent to America — to him, a much coveted service. Joining 
 the main army under Sir Henry Clinton, he was placed at 
 the head of a corps of riflemen, picked from the different 
 regiments, and soon after participated, under Sir William 
 Howe, in the battle of Brandy wine, on the eleventh of 
 September. ■ ' General Knyphausen," says a British writer, 
 " with another division, marched to Chad's Ford, against 
 the Provincials who were placed there. In this service the 
 German General experienced very important assistance from 
 a corps of riflemen commanded by Captain Patrick Fer- 
 guson, whose meritorious conduct was acknowledged by 
 the whole British army.'' 
 
 In a private letter from Captain Ferguson, to his kins- 
 man. Dr. Adam Ferguson, he details a very curious incident, 
 which occurred while he lay, with his riflemen, in the skirt 
 of a wood, in front of Knyphausen's division. " We had 
 not lain long," says Captain Ferguson, " when a Rebel of- 
 ficer, remarkable by a hussar dress, passed towards our 
 army, within a hundred yards of my right flank, not per- 
 ceiving us. He was followed by another, dressed in dark 
 green and blue, mounted on a bay horse, with a remarkably 
 high cocked hat. I ordered three good shots to steal near 
 to and fire at them ; but the idea disgusting me, I recalled 
 the order. The hussar, in returning, made a circuit, but 
 the other passed within a hundred yards of us, upon which 
 I advanced from the wood towards him. Upon my calling, 
 he stopped; but after looking atme, he proceeded. I again 
 drew his attention, and made signs to him to stop, levelling 
 my piece at him ; but he slowly cantered awaj^ As I was 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 63 
 
 within that distance, at which, in the quickest firing, I 
 could have lodged half a dozen balls in or about him, betbre 
 he was out of my reach, I had only to determine ; but it 
 was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending in- 
 di^'idual, who was acquitting hiinself very coolly of his 
 duty — so I let him alone. The day after, I had been telling 
 this story to some wounded officers who lay in the same 
 room with me, when one of the surgeons, who had been 
 dressing the wounded Rebel officers, came in, and told us, 
 that they had been informing him that General Washington 
 was all the morning with the light troops, and only attended 
 by a French officer in hussar dress, he himself dressed and 
 mounted in every point as above described. [ aninot sorry 
 that I did not know at the lime who it z^as.'"* 
 
 A British writer suggestively remarks, in this connection, 
 that, "unfortunately Ferguson did not personally know 
 Washington, otherwise the Rebels would have had a new 
 General to seek." Flad Washington fallen, it is difficult to 
 calculate its probable effect upon the result of the struggle of 
 the American people. Flow slight, oftentimes, are the inci- 
 dents which, in the course of events, seem to give direction to 
 the most momentous concerns of the human race. This sin- 
 gular impulse of Ferguson, illustrates, in a forcible manner, 
 the over-ruling hand of Providence in directing the operation 
 of a man's mind when he himself is least of all aware of it. 
 
 There is, however, some doubt whether it was really 
 Washington whom Ferguson was too generous to profit by 
 his advantage. James Fenimore Cooper relates, in the 
 New York Mirror, of April sixteenth, 183 1 , on the authority 
 of his late father-in-law. Major John P. DeLancey, some 
 interesting facts, corroborating the main features of the 
 story. DeLancey was the second in command of Fergu- 
 son's riflemen, and had seen Washington in Philadelphia 
 
 * Percy Anecdotes, Harper's edition, ii, 52 ; British Annual Ke^^isier, 1781, 51 ; Political 
 MaE;nzine, 1781. 60; Hist, of IVar in America, n\, 149; Andrews' Hist 0/ the War. iv. 84; 
 James' I,ife 0/ Marion. 76-77; Irvinjr's Washington, iv, 51-52; Ttiiy's Pennsylvania Hist. 
 Colls., 213; National Jntelligeticer, May, 1851. 
 
54 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 the year before the commencement of the war. " During 
 the manoeuvres which preceded the battle of Brandy wine,'' 
 said Mr. Cooper, "these riflemen were kept skirmishing 
 in advance of one of the British columns. They had crossed 
 some open ground, in which Ferguson was wounded in the 
 arm, and had taken a position in the skirts of a thick wood. 
 While Captain DeLancej^ was occupied in arranging a sling 
 lor Ferguson's wounded arm, it was reported that an Ameri- 
 can officer of rank, attended orAj by a mounted orderly, 
 had ridden into the open ground, and was then within point- 
 blank rifle shot. Two or three of the best marksmen 
 stepped forward, and asked leave to bring him down. Fer- 
 guson peremptoril}^ refused ; but he went to the wood, and 
 showine himself, menaced the American with several rifles, 
 while he called to him, and made signs to him to come in. 
 The mounted officer saw his enemies, drew his reins, and 
 sat looking at them attentively for a few moments. 
 
 "A sergeant," continues Mr. Cooper, "now offered to 
 hit the Iiorse without injuring the rider, but Ferguson still 
 withheld his consent, affirming that it was Washington re- 
 connoitering, and that he would not be the instrument of 
 placing the life of so great a man in jeopardy by so unfair 
 means. The horseman turned and rode slowly away. To 
 his last moment, Ferguson maintained that the officer whose 
 life he had spared was Washington. I have often heard 
 Captain DeLancey relate these circumstances, and though 
 he never pretended to be sure of the person of the unknown 
 horseman, it was his opinion, from some particulars of dress 
 and stature, that it was the Count Pulaski. Though in 
 error as 'o the person of the individual whom he spared, 
 the merit of Major Ferguson is not cit all diminished " by 
 its supposed correction. 
 
 Captain Ferguson, as we have seen, encountered some 
 American sharp-shooters in the battle as keen and skillful 
 as himself in the use of the riffe, and received a dangerous 
 wound which so shattered his right arm, as to forever after 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 55 
 
 render it useless.* During the period of his unfitness for 
 service, General Howe distributed his riflemen among other 
 corps ; but on his recovery, he again embodied them, and 
 renewed his former active career. When satisfied that he 
 would never regain the use of his right hand, he practiced, 
 and soon acquired the use of his sword, with the left. A 
 writer in the Political J\/agazine for 1781, states that Fer- 
 guson was in the battle of Germantown, on the fourth of 
 October ensuing — was there wounded, and there came near 
 bringing his rifle to bear on Washington ; but it is not prob- 
 able that he was sufficiently recovered of his severe wound 
 received at Brandywine, to have taken the field three weeks 
 afterwards — besides, the authorities show, that it was at 
 Brandywine where he so narrowly escaped the temptation 
 to tiy the accuracy of his rifle on the American Commander- 
 in-Chief, or some other prominent officer, making observa- 
 tions, and where he was so grievously wounded. 
 
 When the British evacuated Philadelphia, in June, I77S> 
 Captain E'erguson accompanied the retiring forces to New 
 York, and, of course, participated in the battle of Mon- 
 mouth on the way. It was fought on one of the hottest days 
 of the summer, when many of the British soldiers died from 
 the effects of the heat. For some time after reaching New 
 York, Captain Ferguson and his rifle corps were not called 
 on to engage in any active service. 
 
 Little Egg Harbor, on the eastern coast of New Jersey, 
 had long been noted as a place of rendezvous for American 
 privateers, which preyed largely upon British commerce. 
 A vast amount of property had been brought into this port, 
 captured from the enemy. " To destroy this nest of rebel 
 pirates," as a British writer termed it, an expedidon was 
 fitted out from New York, the close of September, 1778, 
 composed of three hundred regulars, and a body of one 
 hundred Royalist volunteers, all under the command of Cap- 
 
 *'S,as.l!,OTi% Naval and Military Memoirs, vi, 83; Mackenzie's Strictures on Tarle- 
 ton, 23. 
 
56 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 tain Ferguson. Captain Henry Colins, of the Navy, trans- 
 ported the troops in eight or ten armed vessels, and shared 
 in the enterprise, From untoward weather, they were long 
 at sea. General Washington, hearing of the expedition, 
 dispatched Count Pulaski and his Legion cavalry, and at 
 the same time sent an express to Tuckerton, as did also 
 Governor Livingston, giving information, so that four priva- 
 teers put to sea and escaped, while others took refuge up 
 the Little Egg Harbor river. Ferguson's party reached the 
 Harbor on the afternoon of the fifth of October, and, 
 taking his smaller craft, pushed twent}^ miles up the stream 
 to Chestnut Neck, where were several vessels, about a dozen 
 houses, with stores for the reception of the prize goods, 
 and accommodations for the privateers men. Here were 
 some works erected for the protection of the place, and a 
 few men occupying them ; but no artillery had yet been 
 placed there The prize vessels were hastily scuttled and 
 dismantled, and the small American party easily driven into 
 the woods, when Captain Ferguson's force demolished the 
 batteries, burning ten vessels and the houses in the village. 
 The British in this aflair had none killed, and but a single 
 soldier wounded. Had he arrived sooner, Ferguson in- 
 tended to have pushed forward with celerity twenty miles 
 farther, to "The Forks," which was accounted only thirty- 
 five miles from Philadelphia. But the alarm had been 
 spread through the country, and the local militia had been 
 reinforced by Pulaski's cavalrjf, and five field pieces of 
 Colonel Proctor's artillery ; so the idea of reaching and 
 destroying the stores and small craft there, had to be aban- 
 doned. 
 
 Returning the next day, October the seventh, down the 
 river, they reached two of their armed sloops, which had got 
 aground on their upward passage, and were still fast. 
 They were lightened, and got off the next morning. Dur- 
 ing the delay, Captain Ferguson employed his troops, 
 under cover of the gunboats, in an excursion on the north 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 57 
 
 shore, to destroy some principal salt works, also some 
 stores, dwellings, and Tucker's Mill ; these were sacked 
 and laid in ashes^all, as was asserted by the British, being 
 the property of persons concerned in privateering, or 
 "whose activity in the cause of America, and unrelenting 
 persecution of the Loyalists, marked them out as the 
 objects of vengeance." As those persons were pointed out 
 by the New Jersey Tory volunteers, who accompanied the 
 expedition, we may well imagine that private pique, and 
 neighborhood feuds, entered largely into these proscriptions. 
 
 To cover Ferguson's expedition, and distract the attention 
 of Washington, Sir Henry Clinton had detached Lord Corn- 
 wallis with five thousand men into New Jersey, and General 
 Knyphausen with three thousand into Westchester county. 
 Learning of Colonel Baylor's dragoons being at old Tappan, 
 Cornwallis selected General Grey to surprise them which he 
 effected much in the same manner as Ferguson subsequently 
 struck Pulaski's infantrj^, unawares — eleven having been 
 killed outright, twenty-five mangled with repeated thrusts, 
 some receiving ten, twelve, and even sixteen wounds. It 
 was a merciless treatment of men who sued for quarter. 
 Among the wounded were Colonel Baylor and Major Clough 
 — the latter, mortally; and about forty prisoners taken, 
 mostly through the humane interposition of one of Grey's 
 Captains, whose feelings revolted at the orders of his san- 
 guinary commander — the same commander who had, the 
 year before, performed a similarly bloody enterprise against 
 Wayne, at Paoli. 
 
 Recalling these predatory parties to New York, Sir 
 Henry Clinton directed Admiral Gambler to write Captain 
 Colins in their joint behalf, that the)^ thought it unsafe for 
 him and Captain Ferguson to remain longer in New Jersey. 
 But Captain Colins' vessels being wind-bound for several 
 days, gave Captain Ferguson time for another enterprise. 
 On the evening of the thirteenth of October, some deserters 
 from Pulaski's Legion gave information of that corps being 
 
58 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 posted, within striking distance, eleven miles up the river; 
 when Ferguson formed the design of attempting their sur- 
 prise. 
 
 The chief of these deserters was one Juliet, a renegade 
 from the Hessians the preceding winter, who was sent by the 
 Board of War to Pulaski, without a commission indeed, 
 but with orders to permit him to do the duty of a Sub-Lieu- 
 tenant in the Legion. This man was treated with such dis- 
 respect by Lieutenant-Colonel Baron De Bosen, whose high 
 sense of honor led him to despise a person, who, even though 
 a commissioned officer, could be guilty of deserting his 
 colors, that the culprit determined to revenge himself in a 
 manner that could not have been foreseen or imagined. 
 Under pretence of fishing, he one day left the camp with 
 five others, and as thev did not return at the proper time, 
 and it could not be supposed that Juliet would have the har- 
 dihood to rejoin the enemy, they were thought to have been 
 drowned. But Juliet had the duplicity to debauch three of 
 the soldiers, and the other two were forced to go with them. 
 
 Pulaski's corps, as the deserters correctly stated, con- 
 sisted of three companies of infantiy, occupying three houses 
 by themselves, under the Lieutenant-Colonel Baron De 
 Bosen ; while Piilaski, with a troop of cavalry, was sta- 
 tioned some distance beyond, with a detachment of artillery, 
 having a brass field piece. Accordingly Fergvison selected 
 two hundred and fifty men, partly marines, leaving in boats 
 at eleven o'clock on the night of the fourteenth ; and, after 
 rowing ten miles, they reached a bridge at four o'clock the 
 next morning, within a mile of Pulaski's infantry. The 
 bridge was seized, so as to cover their retreat, and fifty men 
 left for its defence. DeBosen's infantry companies were sur- 
 rounded and completely surprised, and attacked as they 
 emerged from their houses. "It being a night attack," 
 says Ferguson, in his report, "little quai'ter could, of course, 
 be given" — so they cut, and slashed, and bayoneted, killing 
 all who came in their wajr, and taking only five prisoners. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 59 
 
 The Americans, roused from their shimbers, fought as well 
 as they could. 
 
 The hapless Baron De Bosen, on the first alarm, rushed 
 out, armed with his sword and pistols ; and though he was a 
 remarkabh' stout man, and fought like a lion, he was soon 
 overpowered by numbers and killed. So far, at least, as 
 the double-traitor, Juliet,* was concerned, revenge on 
 De Bosen seems to have been his object ; and his voice 
 was distinctly heard exclaiming, amid the din and confusion 
 of the strife: " This is the Colonel — kill him ! " De Bosen's 
 bod}' was found pierced with baj-onets. Lieutenant De 
 La Borderie, together with some forty of the men, were also 
 among the slain. It was a sad and sanguinaiy occurrence. 
 
 On the first alarm, Pulaski hastened with his cavalrjr to 
 the support of his unfortunate infantry, when the British, 
 hearing the clattering hoofs, giving note of their approach, 
 fled in disorder, leaving behind them arms, accoutrements, 
 hats, blades, etc. Pulaski captvired a few prisoners ; but 
 between the place of conflict and the bridge was very 
 swampy, over which the cavalry could scarcely walk. 
 Reaching the bridge, they found the plank thrown off, to 
 prevent pursuit by the cavahy. The riflemen, and some of 
 the infantry, however, passed over on the string-pieces, and 
 fired some volleys on the rear of the retreating foe, which 
 they returned. "We had the advantage," says Pulaski, 
 "and made them run again, although they out-numbered 
 us." As the cavalry could not pass the stream, Pulaski 
 recalled his pioneers ; and he adds, in his report, that his 
 party cut off about t^venty-five of Ferguson's men in their 
 retreat, who took refuge in the woods, and doubtless subse- 
 quently rejoined their friends. Ferguson's loss, as he 
 reported it, was two killed, three wounded, and one missing. 
 
 * Juliet seems not to have been crowned with honors by the British on his return, A 
 British Diary of the Revolution, published in Vol, iv of the Historical Magazine, p, 136, 
 under date Newport, R. I., January irth, 1779, states: "In the fleet from Long Island 
 arrived several Hessians, among them is one Lieutenant Juliet, of the Landgrave regiment 
 who deserted to the Provincials when the Island was besieged by them, and then went 
 back to New York. He is under aji arrest." 
 
60 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 He attempted to excuse the butchery of Pulaski's unsus- 
 pecting infantiy, by alleging that he learned from the 
 deserters, who came to him, that the Count had, in public 
 orders, forbade all granting of quarters — information which 
 proved to be false, and which Ferguson should never have 
 trusted, especially on the word of deserters. It is credit- 
 able, however, to his humanity, amid the excitements and 
 horrors of war, that he refrained from wantonly destroying 
 the houses of non-combatants, though they sheltered the 
 personal effects of his enemies. " We had an opportunity," 
 sa3^s Ferguson, in his report to Sir Henry Clinton, "of 
 destro3dng part of the baggage and equipage of Pulaski's 
 Legion, by burning their quarters, but, as the houses 
 belonged to some inoffensive Quakers, who, I am afraid, 
 have sufficiently suffered already in the confusion of a night's 
 scramble, I know. Sir, that you will think with us, that the 
 injury to be thereby done to the enemy, would not have 
 compensated for the sufferings of these innocent people." 
 
 As the fleet were going out of Little Egg Harbor, the 
 Zebra, the flag-ship, grounded, and to prevent her from 
 falhng into the hands of the Americans, Captain Colins 
 ordered her set on fire ; and as the fire reached her guns, 
 thejr were discharged, much to the amusement of the Amer- 
 icans, who beheld the conflagration. Besides their military 
 operations. Judge Jones, the Roj^alist historian of New 
 York, states of Ferguson and his men, that they "plun- 
 dered the inhabitants, burnt their houses, their churches, 
 and their barns ; ruined their farms ; stole their cattle, hogs, 
 horses, and sheep, and then triumphantly returned to New 
 York" — evidently conve}nng the idea that this mode of 
 warfare was not honorable to those who ordered, nor to 
 those who were engaged in it. 
 
 L-ving denounces Ferguson's enterprise as "a marauding 
 expedition, worthy of the times of the buccaneers." Sir 
 Henry Clinton, on the other hand, reported it to the Home 
 Government, as a " success, under the direction of that 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 61 
 
 very active and zealous officer, Ferguson," while Admiral 
 Gambler pronounced it " a spirited service." Ferguson fully 
 accomplished the purpose for which he set out — the destruc- 
 tion of the vessels, stores, and works at Little Egg Harbor ; 
 and, in addition, infficted a severe blow on a portion of 
 Pulaski's Lep'ion.* 
 
 During the campaign of 1779, Captain Ferguson was 
 engaged in several predatory incursions along the coast, 
 and on the Hudson — having been stationed awhile at Stony 
 Point before its capture by Wajme ; steadily increasing the 
 confidence of his superiors, and extorting the respect of the 
 Americans for his valor and enterprise. On the twenty-fifth 
 of October, in this year, he was promoted to the rank of 
 Major in the second battalion of the seventy-first regiment, 
 or Highland Light Infantry, composed of Frasers, Camp- 
 bells, McArthurs, McDonalds, McLeods, and many others 
 of the finest Scotch laddies in the British service. 
 
 When Sir Henrjr Clinton fitted out his expedition against 
 Charleston, at the close of 1779, he very naturally selected 
 Major Ferguson to share in the important enterprise. A 
 corps of three hundred men, called the American Volunteers, 
 was assigned for his command — he having the choice of 
 both officers and soldiers ; and for this special service, he 
 had given him, the- rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. At his 
 request, Major Hanger's corps of two hundred Hessians 
 were to be joined to Ferguson's. Early in February, the 
 seventy-first regiment and Ferguson's corps were sent from 
 Savannah to Augusta ; and, early in March, the American 
 Volunteers for«ied a part of the Georgia troops, who were 
 ordered, under General Patterson, to march towards Charles- 
 ton, and join the main force under Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 *Touchin,ar this Little Egg Harbor expedition, see reports of Sir Henry Clinton. Admi- 
 ral Gambier, Captains Ferguson and Colins, in Ahnon x. 150-56; Pnlasl<i's report, Pennsyl- 
 vania Packet, October 20, 1778; Rivington's Royal Gazette, October 24, 1778; Pol'tiral 
 Miigazine, 1781, p. 60: I\Tarsha!!'s ]Vas]ihigton, revised edition, i, 270-71; Re^ly to Jnelge 
 Johnson, vindicating Count Pulaski, by Paul Tentalou. senior captain in PulaF^ki's Legion, 
 1826, 36-37; Irving's Washington, iii. 472-75; Bancroft's History, x, 152; Lossing's Field 
 Book. ii. 529; Barber & Howes' Nenn Jersey, 108-9; ^"^ Jones' History of Nczv York 
 During the Revolutionary IVar, 1,287. 
 
62 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 On the thirteenth of the month, Lieutenant-Colonel Fer- 
 guson, with his Volunteers, and Major Cochrane, with the 
 infantry of Tarleton's Legion, were ordered forward to 
 secure the passes at Bee Creek, Coosahatchie, and Tully 
 Finny bridges, about twenty-six miles in advance of the 
 army, which \\as as promptly effected as the obstacles in 
 the way would permit. It was a toilsome march through 
 swamps and difficult passes, having frequent skirmishes 
 with the opposing militia of the country. These active offi- 
 cers, with their light troops, received intelhgence of two 
 parties of mounted Americans at some distance in advance, 
 and at once resolved to surprise them by a night attack — a 
 kind of service for which Colonel Ferguson had an especial 
 fitness, and in which he took unusual delight. 
 
 Arriving at nine o'clock in the evening near the spot 
 from which he meant to dislodge the Americans, at Mc- 
 Pherson's plantation, Ferguson discovered that they had 
 decamped, and he consequently took possession of their 
 abandoned position, camping there for the night, and 
 awaiting the arrival of the main British force, who were to 
 pass near it the next morning. Major Cochrane, with his 
 party, piloted hy another route, through swamps and by- 
 ways, arrived, before morning, just in front of Ferguson's 
 camp ; and, judging by the fires that the Americans were 
 still there, led his men to the attack with fixed bayonets. 
 Ferguson, expecting that the American party might return, 
 had his picket guard out, who, seeing the approach of what 
 they regarded as an enemy, gave the alarm, when the 
 Legion rushed upon them, driving them pell-mell to Fergu- 
 son's camp, where the aroused American Volunteers were 
 ready to receive them. " Charge I " was the word on both 
 sides ; and, for a little season, the conflict raged. Ferguson, 
 wielding his sword in his left hand, defended himself, as 
 well as he could, against three assailants, who opposed him 
 with fixed bayonets, one of which was unfortunately thrust 
 through his left arm. When on the point of falling, amid 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 63 
 
 the confusion and clashing of arms, Major Cochrane and 
 Colonel Ferguson, almost at the same moment, recognized 
 each other's voices, and exerted themselves to put a stop to 
 the mistaken conflict. Two of Ferguson's men, and one of 
 the Legion, were killed in this unhappy affair, and several 
 wounded on both sides. Lieutenant McPherson, of the 
 Legion, received ba3-onet wounds in the hand and shoulder. 
 
 But for the timely recognition, on the part of the com- 
 manders, of the mutual mistake, Colonel Ferguson would 
 most likely have lost his life — "a life," says Major Hanger, 
 " equally valuable to the whole army, and to his friends." 
 
 " It was melancholy enough," wrote a participant in the 
 affair, near three weeks afterwards, " to see Colonel Fergu- 
 son disabled in both arms ; but, thank God, he is perfectly 
 recovered again." Tarleton commends "the intrepidity 
 and presence of mind of the leaders," in this casual engage- 
 ment, as having saved their respective parties from a more 
 fatal termination. "The whole army felt for the gallant 
 Ferguson," says Hanger ; and the peculiar circumstances 
 attending this unlucky conflict, long furnished the camp and 
 bivouac with a melancholy topic of conversation.* 
 
 The fleet having crossed the bar, and gained the water 
 command thence to Charleston, enabled Sir Henry Clinton 
 to bestow more attention than he had hitherto done, to cut- 
 ting off the communications of the Americans between the 
 city and countrjr. A body of militia, together with the 
 remains of three Continental regiments of light dragoons, 
 led by Colonel Washington and others, and all under the 
 command of General Huger, were stationed at Biggin 
 Bridge, near Monk's Corner, about thirty miles from 
 Charleston. To destroy or disperse this party, and thus 
 prevent supplies of food and reinforcements of men to the 
 beleaguered citj^ was a capital object with Sir Henr}' Clin- 
 ton ; and its immediate execution was assigned to Colonel 
 
 *Tarleton's Campaigns, 7-8; Mackenzie's Strictures on I'-irlcton, 23; Hanger's Reply 
 to Mackenzie, 24-25 ; Sie^e 0/ Charleston, 15S-SQ. 
 
64 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Tarleton and his Legion, to be seconded by Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Ferguson and his riflemen. Tarleton was dashing, 
 tireless, and unmerciful. "Ferguson," sa}'S Irving, "was 
 a fit associate for Tarleton, in hardy, scrambling, partisan 
 enterprise ; equally intrepid and determined, but cooler, and 
 more open to impulses of humanity." 
 
 As a night march had been judged the most advisable, 
 Tarleton and Ferguson moved, on the evening of April 
 thirteenth, from Goose creek, half way from Charleston, to 
 strike, if possible, an effective blow at Huger's camp. Some 
 distance beyond, a negro was descried attempting to leave 
 the road, and avoid notice. He was seized, and was dis- 
 covered to be a servant of one of Huger's officers. A letter 
 was taken from his pocket, written by his master the pre- 
 ceding afternoon, which, with the negro's intelligence, pur- 
 chased for a few dollars, proved a fortunate circumstance for 
 the advancing party. The}' learned the relative positions of 
 Huger's forces, on both sides of Cooper river, and had in 
 him a guide to direct them there, through unfrequented 
 paths and by-ways. 
 
 Destitute of patrols, Huger was, in effect, taken com- 
 pletely by surprise ; and the bold and sudden onset, about 
 three o'clock in the morning of the fourteenth, quickly 
 scattered the astonished Americans. They had, indeed, 
 some slight notice of the attack ; but they were not properly 
 prepared for it. The cavalry was posted on the side of the 
 river where the first approach was made, and the infantry on 
 the opposite bank. "Although," says Ramsay, "the com- 
 manding officer of the American cavalry had taken the pre- 
 caution of having his horses saddled and bridled, and the 
 alarm was given b}' his videttes, posted at the distance of a 
 mile in front ; yet, being entirely unsupported by infantrjf, 
 the British advanced so rapidly, notwithstanding the opposi- 
 tion of the advanced guard, that they began their attack on 
 the main body before they could put themselves in a posture 
 of defence." Then Major Cochrane, with Tarleton' s Legion, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 65 
 
 quickly forced the passage of Biggin Bridge, and drove 
 General Huger and the infantry before him. " In this 
 affair," says James, " Major James Conyers, of tiie Ameri- 
 cans, distinguished himself by a skillful retreat, and by call- 
 ing oft' the attention of the enemy from his sleeping friends 
 to himself. In this surprise, the British made free use of 
 the bayonet ; the houses in Monk's Corner, then a village, 
 were afterwards deserted, but long bore the marks of deadly 
 thrust and much blood-shed." 
 
 Several officers, who attempted to defend themselves, 
 were killed or wounded. The assailing party lost but one 
 officer and two privates wounded, with five horses killed or 
 disabled. General Huger, Colonel Washington, and Major 
 Jameson, with most of their troops, fled to the adjacent 
 swamps and thickets ; while three Captains, one Lieutenant, 
 and ten privates were killed ; one Major, one Captain, two 
 Lieutenants, and fifteen privates were wounded, and sixty- 
 four officers and men, including the wounded, were made 
 prisoners. Some two hundred horses, from thirty to forty 
 wagons, and quite a supply of provisions and military 
 stores, were among the trophies if the victors. If it was 
 not a " shameful surprise," as General Moultrie pro- 
 nounced it, it was, at least, a very distressing affair for the 
 Americans. Poor General Huger, and his aid, John Izard, 
 remained in the swamp from Friday morning, the time of 
 the surprise, till the succeeding Monday ; it was a long fast, 
 and the exposure produced severe sickness on the part of 
 the General, causing him to retire awhile from the service.* 
 
 Among the American wounded was Major Vernier, a 
 French officer, who commanded the remains of the Legion 
 of Count Casimir Pulaski, who had lost his life at Savan- 
 nah the preceding autumn. " The Major," says Steadman, 
 a British historian and eye-witness, "was mangled in the 
 most shocking manner ; he had several wounds, a severe 
 
 * Ramsay's Revolution, ii, 64; Moultrie's Memoirs, ii, 72; Tarleton's Campaigns, 15-17; 
 Steadman's American War, ii, 182-83; James" Life of Marion, 36-37; Siege of Charleston, 
 124, 164 ; Simm's South Carolina in the Revolution, 125, 138 ; Irving's Washington, iv, 51-52. 
 
66 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 one behind his eai". This unfortunate officer lived several 
 hours, reprobating the Americans for their conduct on this 
 occasion, and even in his last moments cursing the British 
 for their barbarity, in having refused quarter after he had 
 s^irrendered. The writer of this, who was ordered on this 
 expedition, afforded everjr assistance in his power, and had 
 the Major put upon a table, in a public house in the village, 
 and a blanket thrown over him. In his last moments, 
 the Major was frequently insulted by the privates of the 
 Legion." Such merciless treatment of a dying foe, was 
 eminently befitting the savage character of Tarleton and 
 his men. 
 
 British historians repel, with indignant language, the 
 charge of permitting the violation or abuse of females to 
 go unpunished ; yet Commissary Steadman relates a case 
 highly derogatory of the conduct of some of Tarleton's 
 Legion. In the course of this maraud, several of the dra- 
 goons broke into the house of Sir John Colleton, in 
 the neighborhood of Monk's Corner, and maltreated and 
 attempted violence upon three ladies residing there — one, the 
 wife of a Charleston physician, a most delicate and beauti- 
 ful woman, was most barbarously treated ; another lady 
 received one or two sword wounds ; while an unmarried 
 lady, a sister of a prominent Am.erican Major, was also 
 shamefully misused. They all succeeded in making their 
 escape to Monk's Corner, where they were protected ; and 
 a carriage being provided, they were escorted to a house in 
 that region. The guilty dragoons were apprehended, and 
 brought to camp, where, by this time, Colonel Webster had 
 arrived and taken the command. " Colonel Ferguson," 
 says Steadman, "was for putting the dragoons to instant 
 death ; but Colonel Webster did not conceive that his pow- 
 ers extended to that of holding a general court-martial.* 
 ■ • 
 
 Mt must not be inferred that Colonel Webster, who was the next year killed at 
 Guilford, was indifferent to such offences; for, we are assured, that to an officer under his 
 command, who had so far forgotten himself as to offer an insult to a lady, he hurled many 
 a bitter imprecation, and had him immediately turned out of the regiment. — Political 
 Magazine^ 1781, 342. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 67 
 
 The prisoners were, however, sent to head-quarters, and, I 
 believe, were afterwards tried and wliipped." This decisive 
 action on the part of Colonel Ferguson was highly credit- 
 able to his head and his heart. "We honor," says Irving, 
 " the rough soldier, Ferguson, for the fiat of ' instant death,' 
 with which he would have requited the most infamous 
 and dastardly outrage that brutalizes warfare." Tarleton, 
 possessing none of the finer feelings of human nature, 
 failed to second Fergvison's efforts to bring the culprits 
 to punishment; for, "afterwards, in England, he had the 
 effrontery to boast, in the presence of a lady of respecta- 
 bility, that he had killed more men, and ravished more 
 women, than any man in America.'' * 
 
 The long protracted siege of Charleston was now draw- 
 ing to a close. In the latter part of April, Colonel Fer- 
 guson marched down with a party, and captured a small 
 redoubt at Haddrell's Point, half a mile above Sullivan's 
 Island ; and, on the seventh of May, he obtained permission 
 to attack Fort Moultrie, and while upon the march for that 
 object, he received intelligence of the surrender of the Fort 
 to Captain Hudson, who was relieved of the command 
 by Colonel Fei-guson.f And shortly thereafter, General 
 Lincoln gave up the city he had so long and so valiantly 
 defended. 
 
 *Steadman's American War, ii, 183; Irving's Washington, iv, 52-53; Garden's Anec- 
 dotes, Field's Brooklyn edition, 1865, ii, App'x viii: Mrs. Warren's Hist. Am. Revolution, 
 ii, 197. 
 
 \ Siege 0/ Charleston, 165-66; Tarleton's Campaigns, 50, 
 
68 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1780— May— July. 
 
 Colonel Ferguson sent to the District of Ninety Six. — Organizing the 
 Local Militia. — Major Hanger s account of the up-country inhabi- 
 tants — his own bad reputation. — Ferguson's seductive promises to 
 the people. — The Tory, David Fanning. — Ferguson s adaptation to 
 his Mission — Mrs. fane Thomas' adventure. — Colonel Thomas repels 
 a Tory assault at Cedar Spri?ig. — Ferguson advances to Fair Forest. 
 — Character of the Tories — Stories of their plunderings. — Colonels 
 Clarke and Jones of Georgia — the latter surprises a Tory camp. — 
 Dunlap and Mills attack Mc Do-well's camp on North Pacolet.— 
 Captain Hamptoii s pursuit and defeat of the Tories, 
 
 On the reduction of Charleston, Sir Henry Chnton 
 was, for the ensuing few weeks, busily emploj^ed in issuing 
 proclamations and forming plans for the complete subjuga- 
 tion of the Carolinas and Georgia. He had on the eigh- 
 teenth of May, dispatched Lord Cornwallis with a strong 
 force on the north-east side of the Santee to Camden ; while 
 Colonel Ferguson, at the same time, with a hundred and 
 fifty to two hundred men of the Provincial corps, marched 
 from Nelson's Ferry via Colonel Thomson's, Beaver creek, 
 and the Congaree Store, crossing the Saluda above the 
 mouth of Broad river ; thence on to Little river and Ninety 
 Six, where they arrived on the twenty-second of June. They 
 performed their marches in the cool of the morning, and now 
 and then apprehended prominent Whigs on the route. His 
 orders were to have a watch-care over the extended district 
 of country from the Wateree to the Saluda, well nigh a 
 hundred miles. Resuming his march he passed on to 
 Ninety Six, whence, after a fortnight's rest, he advanced 
 some sixteen miles, and selected a good location on Litde 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 69 
 
 river, where he erected some field works, while most of 
 his Provincials pushed on to the Fair Forest region.* This 
 camp was at the plantation of Colonel James Williams, 
 in what is now Laurens County, near the Newberry line, 
 where the British and Tories long maintained a post, a part 
 of the time under General Cunningham, till the enemy 
 evacuated Ninety Six the following year.f 
 
 Sir Henr^' Clinton had directed Major Hanger to repair 
 with Colonel Ferguson to the interior settlements, and, 
 jointty or separately, to organize, muster, and regulate all 
 volunteer corps, and inspect the quantity of grain .and num- 
 ber of cattle, etc., belonging to the inhabitants, and report 
 to Lord Cornwallis, who would be left in command of the 
 Southern Provinces.]: The powers of this warrant were 
 very extensive to meet the exigencies of the case. It 
 was needful that commissioners should be sent out prop- 
 erl}' authorized to receive the submission of the people, 
 administer oaths of fealty, and exact pledges of faithful 
 Royal service. It was needful, also, that the young men of 
 the country should be thoroughly drilled and fitted for recruits 
 for Cornwallis' diminished forces ; and it was equally neces- 
 sary for that commander to know where the necessary sup- 
 plies of grain and meat could be found. It will thus be 
 seen how comprehensive was this mission and its purposes. 
 
 Nor were these the only powers vested in these officers. 
 All Royal authority had, for several years, been superseded 
 by enactments and appointments of the newly created 
 State, and these, of necessity, must be ignored. So Colonel 
 
 *Tarleton's Memoirs, 26, 80, 87, 100: O'NealVs //?>^. of Neivberry, -l^-j, 
 t Williams' place was about a mile west of Little river, and between that stream and 
 Mud Lick crock, on the old Island Ford road, followed by General Greene when he 
 retreated from Ninety Six, in 17S1. Ferguson's camp was near the intersection of a road 
 leading to Laurens C H.. about sixtf an miles distant. MS. letters of General A. C. 
 Garlington. July 19th and 28th' 1880, on authority of Colonel James W. Watts, a descendant 
 of Colonel Williams and Major T. K. Vance and others. D. R Crawford, of Martin's Depot, 
 S. C, states that three miles above the old "Williams' place, on the west side nf Little river, 
 opposite the old Milton store, must have been an encampment, as old gun barrels and gun 
 locks have been found there. 
 
 X Hanger's Life and Opinions, ii, 401-2. 
 
70 KIA^G'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Ferguson and Major Hanger had superadded to their mili- 
 tary powers, authority to perform the marriage service. 
 Whether they had occasions to officiate, we are not 
 informed. However this may have been, the Major 
 evidently formed no high estimate of the beauties of the 
 up-country region. " In the back parts of Carolina," says 
 Major Hanger, "you may search after an angel with as 
 much chance of finding one as a parson ; there is no such 
 thing — I mean, when I was there. What they are now, I 
 know not. It is not impossible, but they may have become 
 more religious, moral, and virtuous, since the great affec- 
 tion they have imbibed for the French. In my time, you 
 might travel sixty or seventy miles, and not see a church, 
 or even a schism shop — meeting-house. I have often 
 called at a dog-house in the woods, inhabited bv eight or 
 ten persons, merely from curiosity. I have asked the 
 master of the house : ' Pray, my friend, of what religion 
 are you?' 'Of what religion, sir?' 'Yes, mj^ friend, of 
 what religion are you — or, to what sect do you belong?' 
 'Oh! now I understand you; why, for the matter of that, 
 religion does not trouble us much in these -parts.^ 
 
 "This distinguished race of men," continues Hanger, 
 "are more savage than the Indians, and possess every one 
 of their vices, but not one of their virtues. I have known 
 one of these fellows travel two hundred miles through the 
 woods, never keeping any road or path, guided by the sun 
 by day, and the stars by night, to kill a particular person 
 belonging to the opposite party. He would shoot him 
 before his own door, and ride away to boast of what he had 
 done on his return. I speak only of back-woodsmen, not 
 of the inhabitants in general of South Carolina ; for, in all 
 America, there are not better educated or better bred men 
 than the planters. Indeed, Charleston is celebrated for the 
 splendor, luxury, and education of its inhabitants : I speak 
 only of that heathen race known by the name of Crackers.'" * 
 
 Such were Major Hanger's representations of the back- 
 
 * Hanger's Life and Opinions^ ii, 403-5. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 71 
 
 woods people of Carolina in his recorded reminiscences of 
 twenty-one }'ears thereafter. His slurs and insinuations on 
 the virtues and morals of the " angels," probabl}' referring 
 to the females of the country, may well be taken with 
 many grains of allowance, coming, as they do, from the 
 intimate friend and associate of the profligate Prince Regent 
 of England, and Colonel Tarleton, both in turn the keeper 
 of the beautiful, but fallen "Perdita;" and, moreover, his 
 own reputation in America was that of a sensualist. The 
 probabilities are, that he met with well-deserved rebuffs and 
 rebukes from the ladies of the up-countiy of Carolina, and 
 did not long remain there to thrust his insults upon a virtu- 
 ous people. As if anticipating his own rich deservings, he 
 gives, in his "Life," and "Advice to ye Lovely Cj^prians," 
 a portrait of himself, dressed in his regimentals, and sus- 
 pended from a gibbet. Yet, in the end, he "robbed the 
 hangman of his fees," and the gallows of its victim. 
 
 In a letter from Lord Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton, 
 June thirtieth, 1780, he mentioned having dispersed Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Balfour's detachment from the Forks of the 
 Santee, by the Congarees, to Ninety Six, while he and 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Innes, and Major Graham, are giving 
 orders for the militia of those districts ; and then adds, con- 
 firmatory of Major Hanger's representation of the mixed 
 character of Colonel Ferguson's services : "I have ordered 
 Major Ferguson," says his Lordship, "to visit every district 
 in the Province as fast as they get the militia established, to 
 procure lists of each, and to see that my orders are carried 
 into execution. I apprehend that his commission of Major- 
 Commandant of a regiment of militia, can only take place 
 in case a part of the second-class should be called out for 
 service, the home duty being more that of a Justice of Peace 
 than of a soldier."* 
 
 Major Hanger did not remain many weeks with Colonel 
 Ferguson m the Little river region ; for, early in August, 
 
 * Life and Cor. of l^r^ Cornwallis, i, 486. 
 
72 ■ KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 he entered Tarleton's Legion as Major, to which he had 
 recent]}' been appointed, and participated in the battle of 
 Camden, and in the aflair at Charlotte. In his reckless 
 manner of expression, the Major remarks, that had he 
 remained with Ferguson, he might have shared the same 
 fate as he did at King's Mountain; and, "if, indeed, as 
 Mahomet is said to have done, I could have taken my flight 
 to Paradise on a jackass, that would have been a pleasant 
 ride ; but Fate destined me for other things." 
 
 "We come not," declared Ferguson, "to make war on 
 women and children, but to relieve their distresses." This 
 sounded grateful and pleasant to the ears of the people — a 
 large majority of whom, under the leadership of the Cun- 
 ninghams, Fletchall, Robinson, and Pearis, were at heart 
 Loyalists, and honored the King and Parliament. To 
 Colonel Ferguson's standard, while encamped at Little 
 river, the Toi'ies of the country flocked in large numbers. 
 Companies and regiments were organized, and many offi- 
 cers commissioned for the Royal service. David Fanning, 
 who had long resided in Orange and Chatham Counties, in 
 the North Province, subsequently so notorious as a Tory 
 leader for his dare-devil adventures and bloody work gener- 
 ally, was among those who repaired to Ferguson's encamp- 
 ment ; and evidently, on his personal recommendation and 
 influence, secured, in Juh^ from Colonel Ferguson, com- 
 missions, from Ensign to Captain, for no less than sixty-two 
 persons in the five Counties of Anson, Chatham, Cumber- 
 land, Orange, and Randolph, in North Carolina, whose 
 names and residence he records in his published Narrative . 
 Fanning and Captain Richard Pearis had received General 
 Williamson's submission, and granted protection to him 
 and his followers ; and three days thereafter to Colonel 
 Pickens. Colonel Robert Cunningham had taken the com- 
 mand in the Ninety Six region, and formed a camp of 
 Loyalists ; * and British authority was fully recognized in 
 all the up-country of South Carolina. 
 
 * Fanniiig's Narrative, 12, 13, 19-21, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 73 
 
 The younger men were thoroughly drilled by Colonel 
 Ferguson and his subordinates in military tactics, and fitted 
 for active service. No one could have been better qualified 
 for this business than the distinguished partisan whom Sir 
 Henry Clinton had selected for the purpose. He seemed 
 almost a born commander. His large experience in war, 
 and partiality for military discipline, superadded to his 
 pei-sonal magnetism over others, eminently fitted him for 
 unlimited influence over his men, and the common people 
 within his region. He was not favored, however, with a 
 commanding personal presence. He was of middle stature, 
 slender make, possessing a serious countenance ; yet it was 
 his peculiar characteristic to gain the aflections of the men 
 under his command. He would sit down for hoin^s, and 
 converse with the countiy people on the state of public 
 affairs, and point out to them, from his view, the ruinous 
 effects of the disloyalty of the ring-leaders of the rebellion 
 — erroneously supposing that it was the leaders onh' who 
 gave impulse to the popular up-rising throughout the Colo- 
 nies. He was as indefatigible in training them to his way 
 of thinking, as he was in instructing them in military exer- 
 cises. This condescension on his part was regarded as 
 wonderful in a King's officer, and very naturally went far 
 to secure the respect and obedience of all who came within 
 the sphere of his almost magic inffuence.* 
 
 Parties were sent out to scour the north-western portion 
 of South Carolina, and apprehend all the Rebel leaders 
 who could be found. Among those who had taken protec- 
 tion, and were yet hurried off" as prisoners to Ninety Six, 
 was Colonel John Thomas, Sr., of the Fair Forest settle- 
 ment, then quite advanced in life. His devoted wife rode 
 nearly sixty miles to visit him, and convey to him such com- 
 forts as she had it in her power to bestow. While there, 
 Mrs. Thomas overheard a conversation between some Tory 
 women, of which her quick ear caught these ominous 
 
 * Political Magazine, March, 1781, 125. 
 
74 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 words : "The Loyalists intend, to-morrow night, to surprise 
 tlie Rebels at Cedar Spring." This intelligence was enough 
 to thrill a mother's heart, for Cedar Spring was but a few 
 miles beyond her Fair Forest home, and with the Whig 
 force were manjr of her friends and neighbors, and some 
 even of her own children. No time was to be lost — she 
 intuitively resolved to do her best to apprise them of the 
 enemy's intention before the meditated blow could be 
 struck. She started early the next morning, and reached 
 Cedar Spring that evening in time to give them warning 
 of the impending danger, when she quietly repaired to her 
 home, conscious of having done her duty to her country, as 
 well as performed an act of the noblest humanity.* 
 
 This was on the twelfth day of July, f Colonel John 
 Thomas, Jr., the son of our heroine, had succeeded his 
 father in command of the Fair Forest regiment, and headed 
 the small band, some sixty in number, now encamped at 
 the Cedar Spring. J Joseph Mcjunkin was one of the 
 party. It seems to have been a camp formed for collecting 
 the regiment, and drilling them, preparatory to joining 
 Sumter. On receiving the timely intelligence of the 
 intended British attack. Colonel Thomas and his men, after 
 a brief consultation, retired a small distance in the rear of 
 their camp fires, and awaited the impending onset. The 
 enemy, one hundred and fifty strong, rushed upon the 
 camp, where they expected to find the luckless Rebels pro- 
 
 *In crediting Mrs. Jane Thomas with this heroic act, we are aware that Mills, in his 
 Statistics of South Carolina, has accorded it to Mrs. Mary Dillard ; but the uniform testi- 
 mony of the Thomas family, including Major Mcjunkin, who married a daughter oi Col- 
 onel Thomas, gives the narrative as we have substantially related it. The occasion of her 
 visit to Ninety Six, and residing in the neighborhood of Cedar Spring, go far to sustain this 
 view of the matter. Mrs. Dillard. on the other hand, lived fully thirty miles south-east of 
 Cedar Spring, and south of the Enoree river, in Lauren's District— and on the route Tarle- 
 ton pursued when on his way to attack Sumter at Blackstock's on Tyger ; and Tarleton 
 relates, that "a woman on horseback had viewed the line of march from a wood, and, by a 
 nearer road, had given intelHgence '' to Sumter. That woman was Mrs. Dillard. 
 
 -J- Compare McCall's Georgia, ii, 310; Moore's Diary, ii, 351 ; and Allaire's Diary, July 
 14th and 15th. 
 
 X Cedar Spring derived its name from a large cedar tree, that formerly ornamented the 
 banks of this fine spring, which is about fifty feet in circumference. It has three principal 
 fountains or sources of supply, which force the water from the bowels of the earth, forming 
 a beautiful basin three feet deep. The water is impregnated with a small portion of lime. 
 
^ AND ITS HEROES. 75 
 
 foundly enwrapped in slumber ; but, on the contrary, they 
 were wide awake, and astonished the assailants with a 
 volley of rifle balls. Several were slain, and the survivors 
 scampered off badly demoralized. It was a short, quick, 
 and decisive affair. Among the slain was a Tory named 
 John White, well known to Major Mcjunkin, and who, 
 in the early part of the war, had declined bearing arms 
 against the Indians, on the trumped-up plea of being a non- 
 combatant.* It was fortunate for Thomas' party, that 
 this was a night attack, as the enemy had no opportunity 
 of discovering their decided superioritj' ; and doubdess 
 retired with the belief that the Americans must have num- 
 bered several hundred. This embodying of the friends of 
 liberty in the Fair Forest settlement, probably hastened the 
 movement of Ferguson to that quarter. 
 ^ When Colonel Ferguson left his camp on Little river, 
 he crossed the Enoree at Kelly's Ford, and encamped in the 
 Fork, at the plantation of Colonel James Lj'les, who was 
 then in service farther east, with Sumter. John Robison 
 and others of this region were plundered bj' Ferguson's 
 men. The desperate, the idle, the vindictive, who sought 
 plunder or revenge, as well as the youthful Loyalists, whose 
 zeal or ambition prompted them to take up arms, all found 
 a warm reception at the British camp ; and their progress 
 through the country was " marked with blood, and lighted 
 up with conflagration.'' Irving graphically describes the 
 character of these Tory recruits : "Ferguson," says Irving, 
 " had a loyal hatred of Whigs, and to his standard flocked 
 many rancorous Tories, beside outlaws and desperadoes, so 
 that with all his conciliating intentions, his progress through 
 the country was attended by many exasperating excesses." 
 To coerce the Whigs to submission, and embody the 
 Tories, and train them for war, Ferguson kept moving 
 about the country, and sending out his detachments in every 
 
 * Major Mcjunkin's MS. Statement, among the Saye papers; Mr. Saye's Memoir of 
 Mcjunkin, al£0 Judge O'Neall's, in the Magnolia Magazine for Jan., 1843 ; Hist. Presbyte- 
 rian Ch. 0/ So. Carolina, 534. 
 
76 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 direction. In the prosecution of these designs, he marched 
 into Union District, camping on the south side of Tyger 
 river, about half a mile below Blackstock's Ford, where 
 the cripple spy, Joseph Kerr, made such observations as he 
 could, and returned with the intelligence to Colonel Mc- 
 Dowell, that about fifteen hundred of the enemy were 
 penetrating the country ;* and thence Ferguson passed into 
 the settlement then called "The Quaker Meadow," but 
 since known as the Meadow Woods. On Sugar creek, 
 a southern tributary of Fair Forest creek, f resided a 
 number of determined Whigs named Blasingame, one of 
 whom was arrested. Thence Ferguson moved up into 
 the Fair Forest settlement, on the main creek of that 
 name, camping at different times at McClendon's old field ; 
 then between where J. Mcllwaine and J. H. Kelso since 
 lived ; thence to where Gist resided a few years since, and 
 thence to Cunningham's. He camped a while at Fair Forest 
 Shoal, in Brandon's Settlement ; and subsequentl}' for three 
 weeks on a hill, on the present plantation of the Hon. John 
 Winsmith, eleven miles south of Cedar Spring, and two 
 south of Glenn's Springs. During this period of several 
 weeks, the Tories scoured all that region of country daily, 
 plundering the people of their cattle, horses, beds, wearing 
 apparel, bee-gums, and vegetables of all kinds — even wrest- 
 ing the rings from the fingers of the females. Major Dun- 
 lap and Lieutenant Taylor, with fort)^ or fifty soldiers, called 
 at a Mrs. Thomson's, and taking down the family Bible 
 from its shelf, read in it, and expressed great surprise that 
 persons having such a book, teaching them to honor the 
 King and obey magistrates, should rebel against their King 
 and country ; but amid these expressions of holy horror, 
 
 * Kerr's MS. personal statement, communicated by Colonel J. H. Wheeler; Hunter's 
 Sketches of Western North Carolina, 120-21. 
 
 \ " What 2. fair forest is this ! " exclaimed the first settlers. The name attached itself 
 to the place, and then to the bold and lovely mountain stream, which sweeps on till its 
 waters mingle with those of Broad river. — Rev. James H. Saye's Memoir of Major Joseph 
 Mifi/rikin, and Sketches of the Reztolutionary History of South Carolina, 3.n interesting 
 newspaper series published over thirty years ago. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 77 
 
 these officers suffered their troops to engage in ransacking 
 and pkindering before their very eyes. 
 
 From what we have seen, it is not wonderful that the 
 Tories were soon as heartily despised by the British officers 
 as by their own countrymen, the Whigs. But Ferguson 
 was not the man to be diverted from his purpose by any 
 acts of theirs of treachery and inhumanity. The crown 
 had honors and rewards to bestow, and his eye rested upon 
 them. He knew that "the defender of the faith" generally 
 gave much more cash and more honors, for a single year of 
 devoted service in mihtary enterprises, than for a life-time 
 spent in such pursuits as exalt and ennoble human nature. 
 
 The horses of Ferguson's men were turned loose in to any 
 fields of grain that might be most convenient. Foraging 
 parties brought in cattle to camp for slaughter, or wantonly 
 shot them down in the woods and left them. As many 
 Whigs as could be found were apprehended, not even 
 excepting those who had previously taken protection. A 
 few had been prompted to take protection, rather than for- 
 sake their families, trusting thereby to British honor to 
 secure them from molestation ; but thejr were soon hurried 
 off to Ninety Six, and incarcerated in a loathsome prison, 
 v^rhere they well nigh perished for want of sustenance. But 
 most of those, at this time, capable of bearing arms, had 
 retired to North Carolina, or were serving in Sumter's 
 army ; so that Ferguson had an excellent opportunity to 
 drill his new recruits, and support his men by pillaging the 
 people. Occasionally small parties of Whigs would venture 
 into the neighborhood — about often enough to afford the 
 enemy good exercise in pursuing them while within striking 
 distance.* 
 
 Such an invasion as Ferguson's, with its terrors and 
 aggravations, and the up-rising of the Tories in the western 
 part of North Carolina, under the Moores, and Bryan, soon 
 led to blows, with all the sufferings attendant on war and 
 
 *Saye's MSS., ana Memoir 0/ Mcjunkin. 
 
78 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 carnage. The barbaiities meted out to the Americans at 
 Buford's defeat, sarcasticallv denominated by the Whigs as 
 Tarletoiis quarters, very naturally tended to embitter 
 the animosities of the people. The Moores were signally 
 defeated, in June, at Ramsour's Mill, and Bryan and his 
 followers subsequently driven from the country. 
 
 A noted partisan of Georgia, Colonel Elijah Clarke, now 
 comes upon the scene. A native of Virginia, he earty settled 
 on the Pacolet, whence he pushed into Wilkes County, 
 Georgia, where the Revolutionarj- out-break found him. 
 He was one of those sturdy patriots, well fitted for a 
 leader of the people — one who would scorn to take protec- 
 tion, or yield one iota to arbitrary power. When British 
 detachments were sent into various parts oi Georgia, it 
 became unsafe for such unflinching Whigs as Clarke longer 
 to remain there. He and his associates resolved to scatter 
 for a few days, visit their families once more, and then retire 
 into South Carolina, where they hoped to find other heroic 
 spirits ready to co-operate with them in making a stand 
 against the common enemy. Some small parties had already 
 left Georgia, and passing along the western frontiers of 
 South Carolina, had sought the camp of Colonel Charles 
 McDowell, who was then embodying a force on the south- 
 western borders of the North Province. 
 
 On the eleventh of July, one hundred and forty well- 
 mounted and well-armed men met at the appointed place of 
 rendezvous ; and, after crossing the Savannah at a private 
 ford in the night, they learned that the British and Loyalists 
 were in force on their front. Clarke's men concluded that 
 it would be hazardous to continue their retreat on that route 
 with their present numbers. As they were volunteers, and 
 not subject to coercion. Colonel Clarke was induced to return 
 to Georgia, sufier his men to disperse for a while, and await 
 a more favorable opportunity to renew the enterprise. The 
 majority of the party returned. 
 
 Colonel John Jones, of Burke County, however, objected 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 79 
 
 to a retrograde movement, and proposed to lead those who 
 would go with him, through the woods to the borders of 
 North Carolina, and join the American force in that quarter. 
 Thirty-five men united with him, choosing him for their 
 leader, and John Freeman for second in command, pledg- 
 ing implicit obedience to their orders. Benjamin Lawrence, 
 of South Carolina, a superior woodsman, and well ac- 
 quainted with the country, now joined the company, and 
 rendered them valuable service as their guide. Passing 
 through a disaffected region, they adroitly palmed them- 
 selves off as a Loyalist party, engaged in the King's ser- 
 vice ; and, under this guise, they were in several instances, 
 furnished with pilots, and directed on their route. 
 
 When they had passed the head-waters of the Saluda, 
 in the north-eastern part of the present county of Green- 
 ville, one of these guides informed them, that a party of 
 Rebels had, the preceding night, attacked some Loyalists 
 a short distance in front, and defeated them — doubtless the 
 British repulse at Cedar Spring, as already related, and 
 which occurred some twenty-five or thirty miles away. Jones 
 expressed a wish to be conducted to the camp of those im- 
 fortunate Loyalist friends, that he might aid them in taking 
 revenge on those who had shed the blood of the King's 
 faithful subjects. About eleven o'clock on that night, July 
 thirteenth, Jones and his little party were conducted to the 
 Loyalist camp, where some forty men were collected to 
 pursue ftie Americans who had retreated to the North. 
 Choosing twenty-two of his followers, and leaving the bag- 
 gage and horses in charge of the others, Colonel Jones 
 resolved to surprise the Tory camp. Approaching the 
 enemy with guns, swords, and belt-pistols, they found them 
 in a state of self-security, and generally asleep. Closing 
 quickly around them, they fired upon the camp, killing 
 one and wounding three, when thirty-two, including the 
 wounded, called for quarter, and surrendered. Destroying 
 the useless guns, and selecting the best horses, the Loyal- 
 
80 K/NG'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 ists were paroled as prisoners of war ; when the pilot, who 
 did not discover the real character of the men he was 
 conducting until too late to have even attempted to pre- 
 vent the consequences, was now required to guide the 
 Americans to Earle's Ford on North Pacolet river, where a 
 junction was formed the next day with Colonel McDowell's 
 forces. As McDowell had that day made a tedious march 
 with his three hundred men, they, too, were in a fatigued 
 condition. 
 
 Within striking distance of McDowell's camping ground, 
 some twenty miles in a nearly southern direction, was Prince's 
 Fort, originally a place of neighborhood resort in time of 
 danger from the Indians, in the early settlement of the 
 country, some twenty years before. This fort, now occu- 
 pied by a British and Tory force, under Colonel Innes, was 
 located upon a commanding height of land, near the head 
 of one of the branches of the North Fork of Tyger, seven 
 miles north of west from the present village of Spartanburg. 
 Innes, unapprised of McDowell's approach, detached Major 
 Dunlap, with seventy dragoons, accompanied by Colonel 
 Ambrose Mills, with a party of Loyalists, in pursuit of 
 Jones, of whose audacious operations he had just received 
 intelligence. 
 
 McDowell's camp was on rising ground on the eastern 
 side of the North Pacolet, in the present county of Polk, 
 North Carolina, near the South Carolina line, and about 
 twenty miles south-west of Rutherfordton ; and Dunlap 
 reaching the vicinity on the opposite side of the stream dur- 
 ing the night, and supposing that Jones' party only was en- 
 camped there, commenced crossing the river, which was 
 narrow at that point, when an American sentinel fled to camp 
 and gave the first notice of the enemy's presence.* Dunlap, 
 with his Dragoons and Tories, dashed instantly, with drawn 
 swords, among McDowell's men, while but few of them 
 
 * McCall, in his Hzst. of Georgia, asserts that the sentinel fired his gun, but James 
 Thompson, one of Joseph McDowell's party, states as in the text, which seems to be cor- 
 roborated by the complaint of Col. Hampton, and the general surprise of the camp. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 81 
 
 were yet roused out of sleep. The Georgians being nearest 
 to the ford, were the first attacked, losing two killed and six 
 wounded ; among the latter was Colonel Jones, who received 
 eight cuts on his head from the enemy's sabres. Freeman, 
 with the remainder, fell back about a hundred yards, where 
 he joined Major Singleton, who was forming his men behind 
 a fence ; while Colonels McDowell and Hampton soon 
 formed the main body on Singleton's right. Being thus 
 rallied, the Americans were ordered to advance, when Dun- 
 lap discovering his mistake as to their numbers, quickly re- 
 treated across the river, which was fordable in many places, 
 and retired without much loss ; its extent, however, was un- 
 known, beyond a single wounded man who was left upon 
 the ground. 
 
 Besides the loss sustained by the Georgians, six of Mc- 
 Dowell's men were killed, and twentj'-four wounded. 
 Among the killed were Noah Hampton, a son of Colonel 
 Hampton, with a comrade named Andrew Dunn Young 
 Hampton, when roused from his slumbers, was asked his 
 name; he simply replied "Hampton," one of a numerous 
 family and connection of Whigs, too well known, and too 
 active in opposition to British rule, to meet with the least 
 forbearance at the hands of enraged Tories ; and though he 
 begged for his life, they cursed him for a Rebel, and ran him 
 through with a bayonet. Young Dunn also suffered the 
 same cruel treatment. Colonel Hampton felt hard towards 
 Colonel McDowell, his superior officer, as he wished to 
 have placed videttes beyond the ford, which McDowell 
 opposed, believing it entirely unnecessary. Had this been 
 done, due notice would in all probability have been given, 
 and most of the loss and suffering have been averted.* 
 
 * McCall's Hist, of Georgia, ii, 308-12; Saye's MSS.; MS. pension statements of Gen- 
 eral Thomas Kennedy, of Kentucky, Robert Henderson, and Robert McDowell ; Moore's 
 Diary 0/ the Revolution, ii. 351, .gives the date of the Pacolet fight as occurring "in the 
 night of July fifteenth." and this on the authority of Govenor Rutledge, who was then at 
 Charlotte. Judging from Allaire's Diary, it niust have been the night before. The par- 
 ticulars of the killing of young Hampton and Dunn are derived from the MS. communi- 
 cations of Adam. Jonathan, and James J. Hampton, grandsons of Colonel Hampton. 
 
82 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 The reason, presumably, why Colonel McDowell was 
 over-confident of security was, that he had, the day before, 
 detached his brother, Major Joseph McDowell, with a partjr 
 to go on a scout, and ascertain, if possible, where the Tories 
 lay ; but taking a wrong direction, he had consequently 
 made no discovery.* Not returning, Colonel McDowell 
 very naturally concluded that there was no portion of the 
 enemy very near, and that he and his weary men could, 
 with reasonable assurance of safety, take some needed 
 repose. It was that very night, while Major McDowell 
 was blundering on the wrong route, that Dunlap was able 
 to advance undiscovered, and make his sudden attack. 
 
 Before sunrise the ensuing morning, fifty-two of the 
 most active men, including Freeman and fourteen of his 
 party, mounted upon the best horses in the camp, were 
 ordered to pursue the retreating foe, under the command 
 of Captain Edward Hampton. After a rapid pursuit of two 
 hours, they overtook the enemy, fifteen miles away ; and 
 making a sudden and unexpected attack, completely routed 
 them, killing eight of them at the first fire. Unable to rally 
 his demoralized men, who had been taken unawares. Dun- 
 lap made a precipitate, helter-skelter retreat towards Fort 
 Prince, during which several of his soldiers were killed and 
 wounded. The pursuit was continued within three hundred 
 yards of the British fort, in which three hundred men were 
 securely posted. At two o'clock in the afternoon, Hamp- 
 ton and his men returned to McDowell's camp, with thirty- 
 five good horses, dragoon equipage, and a considerable 
 portion of the enemy's baggage, as the trophies of victory, 
 and without the loss of a single man. It was a bold and 
 successful adventure, worthy of the heroic leader and his 
 intrepid followers. 
 
 It is not a little remarkable, that three successive night 
 fights should have occurred within a few miles of each 
 
 * Statement of Captain James Thompson, of Madison County, Georgia, one of Major 
 McDowell's party, preserved among the Saye MSS. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 83 
 
 other, and the two latter as military sequences of the former. 
 First, the Tory attack on Colonel Thomas, at Cedar Spring, 
 on the evening of the thirteenth of July ; then Colonel Jones' 
 surprise of the remnant of this Loyalist party, on the night 
 of the fourteenth ; and finally, the attack of Dunlap and 
 Mills, in retahation, on Colonel McDowell's camp, ^t 
 Earle's Ford of North Pacolet, on the night of the fifteenth. 
 And in all three of these affairs, the Tories got the worst 
 of it. 
 
 McCall's Georgia, li, 312-13; and MS. pension statement of Jesse Neville, one of 
 Hampton's party. It may not be inappropriate, in this connection, to add a few words 
 relative to the hero of this courageous exploit. Captain Hampton was a brother of Colonels 
 Wade, Richard, and Henry Hampton, of Sumter's army. He was a very active partisan, 
 and reputed one of the best horsemen of his time. In May, 1775, with his brother, Preston 
 Hampton, he was delegated by the people of the frontiers of South Carolina to visit the 
 Cherokees, and see if, by a suitable "talk," they could not be made to comprehend the 
 causes of the growing differences between the Colonies and the mother country. They 
 met with a rude reception, Cameron and the British emissaries instigating the Indians to 
 oppose their views ; and Cameron made them prisoners, giving their horses, a gun, a case 
 of pistols and holsters, to the Indians. By some means, they escaped with their lives. 
 
 The following year, 1776, while Edward Hampton was, with his wife, on a visit to her 
 father, Baylis Earle, on North Pacolet, the Cherokees made an incursion into the valleys 
 of Tyger, massacring Preston Hampton, his aged parents, and a young grandchild of 
 theirs. Edward Hampton served on Williamson's expedition against the Cherokees, in the 
 summer and autumn of that year; and though only a Lieutenant, he had the command of 
 his company, and distinguished himself in a battle with the enemy, receiving the special 
 thanks of his General for his bravery and good conduct on the occasion. 
 
 After the destruction of the Hampton family, on the Middle Fork of Tyger, where he 
 resided, he seems to have made his bome for a season on a plantation he possessed at 
 Earle's Ford, where his father-in-law, Mr. Earle, resided. That he was the Captain 
 Hampton who led the dashing foray against Dunlap on his retreat to Prince's Fort, is par- 
 tially corroborated by Dr. Howe, in his History of the Presbyterian Church in South 
 Carolina, p, 542, though erroneous as to the place of the occurrence; but Jesse Neville's 
 pension statement renders the matter conclusive, supplying the first name of his Captain, 
 which McCall fails to give in his details of that affair. 
 
 Captain Hampton was killed the ensuing October, at or near Fair Forest creek, in the 
 bosom of his family, by Bill Cunningham's notorious " Bloody Scout." He was in the 
 prime of life, and in his death his country lost a bold cavalier. He was the idol of his 
 family and friends. His descendants in Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas, are among the 
 worthiest of people. Baylis Earle became one of the early judges of Spartanburg District, 
 and was living in 1826, in his eighty-ninth year — MS. statement of Colonel John Carter, 
 Watauga, May 30th, 1775; MS. letter of Colonel Elijah Clarke to General Sumter, October 
 29th, 1780; Governor Perry's sketch of the Hampton Family, in the Magnolia Magazine, 
 June. 1843, with a continuation, which appeared in the South Carolina papers, in 1B43, 
 written by Colonel Wade Hampton, Sr., father of the present Senator Hampton, of that 
 State. 
 
84 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 t780— July— August. 
 
 McDowell sends for the Over-Mountain Men. — Clarke joins him, and 
 pushes on to Sumter's Camp. — Capture and Escape of Captain 
 Patrick Moore. — Moore s Plunderers. — Story of Jane Mcjunkin 
 and Bill Haynesworth. — Shelby and the Motmtaineers arrive at 
 McDowell's Camp. — Capture of Thicketty Fort. — Expedition to 
 Brown's Creek and Fair Forest. — Fight at the Peach Orchard, near 
 Cedar Spring, and Wofford' s Iron Works, and its incidents. — 
 Saye's Account of the Action. — Bri.tish Report. — Contradictory 
 Statements concerning the Conflict. 
 
 When Colonel McDowell became convinced that Fer- 
 guson's movement to the north-western portion of South 
 Carolina, threatened the invasion of the North Province 
 also, he not only promptly raised what force he could from 
 the sparsely populated settlements, on the heads of Catawba, 
 Broad and Pacolet rivers, to take post in the enemy's front 
 and watch his operations ; but dispatched a messenger with 
 this alarming intelligence to Colonels John Sevier and Isaac 
 Shelby, on Watauga and Holston, those over-mountain 
 regions, then a portion of North Carolina, but now of East 
 Tennessee ; urging those noted border leaders to bring to 
 his aid all the riflemen they could, and as soon as possible. 
 Sevier, unable to leave his frontier exposed to the inroads 
 of the Cherokees, responded at once to the appeal, by send- 
 ing a part of his regiment under Major Charles Robertson ; 
 and Shelby, being more remote, and having been absent on 
 a surveying tour, was a few days later, but joined McDow- 
 ell, at the head of two hundred mounted riflemen, about the 
 twenty-fifth of July, at his camp near the Cherokee Ford 
 of Broad river. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 85 
 
 Colonel Clarke did not long remain in Georgia. While 
 there, he and his associates were necessarilj' compelled to 
 secrete themselves in the woods, privately supplied with food 
 by their friends. This mode of life was irksome, and soon 
 became almost insupportable, without the least prospect of 
 accomplishing anything beneficial to the public. The regi- 
 ment was re-assembled, in augmented numbers, when, by 
 a general desire, Colonel Clarke led them along the eastern 
 slope of the mountains, directing their course towards 
 North Carolina, where they could unite with others, and 
 render their services useful to their country. Without mis- 
 hap or adventure, they were joined by Colonel Jones, as 
 they neared the region where they expected to find friends in 
 the field. Clarke was soon after joined by the brave Cap- 
 tain James McCall, with about twentj' men, from the region 
 of Ninety Six, For want of confidence in Colonel Mc- 
 Dowell's activity, or from some other cause, Clarke pushed 
 on, and joined Sumter on or near the Catawba. 
 
 The story of the captivity of Captain Patrick Moore, a 
 noted Loyalist, now claims our attention. He had probably 
 escaped from the slaughter at Ramsour's Mill, on the 
 twentieth of June, when his brother, Colonel John Moore 
 safety retired to Camden. Anxious lor the capture of Cap- 
 tain Moore, Major Joseph Dickson and Captain William 
 Johnston were sent out, in the fore part of July, with a 
 party to apprehend this noted Toiy leader, and others of 
 his ilk, if they could be found. The veteran Captain 
 Samuel Martin, who had sensed in the old French and 
 Indian war, was one of the party. On Dawson's Fork, of 
 Pacolet river, near the Old Iron Works, since Bivingsville, 
 and now known as Glendale,'* the parties met, and a 
 skirmish ensued, in which Captain Johnston and the Tory 
 leader had a personal rencontre. Moore was at length 
 
 * Glendale is located on the Southern side of Lawson's Fork, while the Old Iron Works 
 were on the same bank, fully half a mile above, where the old road once crossed the stream. 
 " These Works," says Mills, in (826 "were burnt by the Tories, and never rebuilt." 
 
86 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 overpowered and captured ; but in the desperate contest, 
 Johnston received several sword wounds on his head, and 
 on the thumb of his right hand. While bearing his prisoner 
 towards the Whig lines, a short distance away, he was rap- 
 idly approached by several British troopers. Quickly 
 attempting to fire his loaded musket at his pursuers, it unfor- 
 tunately missed, in consequence of the blood flowing from 
 his wounded thumb, and wetting his priming. This mis- 
 fortune on his part enabled his prisoner to escape ; and, 
 perceiving his own dangerous and defenceless condition, he 
 promptly availed himself of a friendly thicket at his side, 
 eluded his pursuers, and shortly after joined his command.* 
 
 At this time, or soon after, Moore had command of Fort 
 Anderson, or Thicketty Fort, as it was more generally 
 called, situated a quarter of a mile north of Goucher Creek, 
 and two and a half miles above the mouth of this small 
 water-course, which empties into Thicketty Creek, a west- 
 ern tributary of Broad river, uniting with that stream a few 
 miles above its junction with Pacolet. It was a strong for- 
 tress, built a few years before for defence against the Chero- 
 kees, and was surrounded by a strong abatis, well fitted for 
 a vigorous defence. It became a great place of resort and 
 protecrion for Tory parties. They would sally forth from 
 Thicketty Fort, and plunder Whig families in every direc- 
 tion — so that women and children were often left without 
 clothing, shoes, bread, meat, or salt. 
 
 In the absence of Captain Nathaniel Jeffries, of that 
 region, one of these phindering parties visited his house, 
 appropriated such articles as they chose, built a fire on the 
 floor, abused Mrs. Jeffries as the meanest of all Rebels, 
 and drove off" the horses and cattle. On another occasion, 
 the house of Samuel Mcjunkin, in Union District, a 
 warm patriot, but too old for active military service, was 
 visited by a party under Patrick Moore. They stayed all 
 
 * Hunter's Sketches of Western North Carolina, 242; MS. Pension Statement of Cap- 
 tain Samuel Martin. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 87 
 
 night ; and, when about to depart, stripped the family of 
 bed-clothes and wearing apparel. A noted Tory, Bill 
 Haynesworth, seized a bed-quilt, and placed it upon his 
 horse, when Mcjunkin's sturdy daughter, Jane, snatched it, 
 and a struggle ensued for the possession. The soldiers 
 amused themselves by exclaiming — " Well done, woman ! " 
 — "Well done. Bill ! " For once Moore's gallantry predomi- 
 nated over his love of plunder ; and he swore roundly if Jane 
 could take the quilt from Haynesworth, she should have it. 
 Presently in the fierce contest. Bill's feet came in contact 
 with some dirty slime in the yard, and slipped from under 
 him, and he lay prostrate and panting on the ground. 
 Jane, quick as thought, placed one foot upon his breast, and 
 wresting the quilt from his grasp, retired in triumph, while 
 poor Bill sneaked off defeated and crest-fallen. This brave 
 woman was the sister of Major Mcjunkin. 
 
 Nor was Miss Nancy Jackson, who lived in the Irish 
 Settlement, near Fair Forest creek, less demonstrative in 
 defence of her rights ; for she kicked a Tory down the 
 stairs as he was descending, loaded- with plunder. In his 
 rage, he threatened to send the. Hessian troops there the 
 next day, which obliged the heroic girl to take refuge with 
 an acquaintance several miles distant.* 
 
 The intrepid Sumter, hearing of Ferguson's inroads 
 beyond Broad river, directed Colonel Clarke and his 
 Georgians, together with such persons in his camp as 
 resided in that region, and desired to aid in its protection, 
 to repair to that quarter. Captain William Smith, of 
 Spartanburg, and his company, availed themselves of this 
 privilege. Arriving at the Cherokee Ford, they met Colo- 
 nel McDowell, when Colonel Shelby, together with Colonel 
 Clarke, Colonel Andrew Hampton and Major Charles 
 Robertson, of Sevier's regiment, were detached with six 
 hundred men, to surprise Thicketty Fort, some twenty 
 
 *MS. Saye papers; Saye's Memoir of Mcjunkin : Mrs. EUet's IVamen of the Revolu- 
 tion, i ,i6a. 
 
88 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 miles distant. The)' took up the line of march at sunset, 
 and surrounded the post at day-break the next morning. 
 Colonel Shelby sent in Captain William Cocke, a volun- 
 teer — in after years, a United States Senator from Ten- 
 nessee — to make a peremptorj^ demand for the surrender 
 of the garrison ; to which Moore replied that he would 
 defend the place- to the last extremity. Shelby then 
 drew in his lines to within musket shot of the enemy all 
 around, with a full determination to make an assault. 
 
 Shelby's gallant " six hundred " made so formidable an 
 appearance, that on a second message, accompanied, we 
 may well suppose, with words of intimidation, Moore, per- 
 haps fearing another Ramsour's Mill onslaught, relented, 
 and proposed to surrender, on condition that the garrison be 
 paroled not to serve again during the war, unless exchanged, 
 which was acceded to — the more readily, as the Ameri- 
 cans did not care to be encumbered with prisoners. Thus 
 ninety-three Loyalists, with one British Sergeant-Major, 
 stationed there to discipline them, surrendered themselves 
 without firing a gun ; and among the trophies of victory 
 were two hundred and fifty* stand of arms, all loaded with 
 ball and buck-shot, and so arranged at the port-holes, with 
 their abundant supplies, that they could, had a Ferguson, » 
 Dunlap, or a De Peyster been at their head, have resisted 
 double the number of their assailants. f 
 
 Among the spoils taken at King's Mountain, was th^' 
 fragment of a letter, without date or signature — probably a 
 
 *This is Shelby's statement; the MS. Cocke papers say "one hundred and fifty stand 
 of arms were taken." 
 
 tThe leading facts relative to the capture of Thicketty Fort arc taken from Haywood's 
 History of Tennessee, 64; Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 214; Memoir of Shelby, in 
 National Portrait Gallery, written by Colonel Charles S. Todd. Shelby's son-in-law, and 
 which appeared, revised, in the ]Vestern Monthly Magazine, in 1836; Breazeale's Life as 
 it Is, 50 — all which statements closely follow a MS. account written by Shelby himself; MS. 
 statement, preserved among the Saye papers, of John Jeffries, son of the plundered woman 
 mentioned in the narrative; MS. papers of Hon. William Cocke furnish the name of the 
 fort ; MS. pension statements of William Smith, of Lincoln county, Tennessee, Alex. Mc- 
 Fadden, of Rutherford county. North Carohna, and John Clark, of Washington county, 
 Tennessee, corroborating, in a general way, the facts of the capture ; and in a personal 
 interview with Silas McBee, of Pontotoc county, Mississippi, in 1842, he confirmed Shelby's 
 statement that ninety-four was the number of Moore's party captured. McBee lived on 
 Thicketty at the time of the capture of Moore and his men. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 89 
 
 copy of a dispatch from Ferguson to Lord Cornwallis — in 
 which this account is given of Thicketty Fort, Moore, and 
 his surrender of the place : "It had an upper hue of loop- 
 holes, and was surrounded by a very strong abatis, with 
 only a small wicket to enter by. It had been put in thor- 
 ough repair at the request of the garrison, which consisted 
 of neighboring militia that had come to [the fort] ; and was 
 defended b}' eighty men against two or three hundred ban- 
 ditti without cannon, and each man was of opinion that it 
 was impossible [for the Rebels to take it.] The officer next 
 in command, and all the others, gave their opinion for de- 
 fending it, and agree in their account that Patrick Moore, 
 after proposing a surrender, acquiesced in their opinion, and 
 offei-ed to go and signify as much to the Rebels, but re- 
 turned with some Rebel officers, whom he put in possession 
 of the gate and place, who were instantlj- followed by their 
 men, and the fort full of Rebels, to the surprise of the gar- 
 rison. He plead cowardice, I understand.!" 
 
 The capture of Thicketty Fort occurred on Sunday, the 
 thirtieth of July, as the connecting circumstances indicate, 
 and Lieutenant Allaire's Diary proves. Shelb}' and his 
 men, loaded with the spoils of victor^', returned at once to 
 McDowell's camp near the Cherokee Ford. 
 
 McDowell's force at this time could not have exceeded a 
 thousand men, while Ferguson's must have reached fifteen to 
 eighteen hundred. It was, therefore, the policy of the Ameri- 
 cans to maintain their position near Cherokee Ford, guard 
 against surprise, and harass their adversaries, until they 
 should be able, with augmented numbers, to expel them 
 from the country. Shortly after the Thickettj^ expedition, 
 Colonel McDowell again detached Colonels Shelby, and 
 Clarke, with Colonel William Graham, with a combined 
 force of six hundred mounted men, to watch the movements 
 of Ferguson's troops, and whenever possible, to cut off his 
 foraging parties. They directed their course down Broad 
 
 f Ramsey's Tennessee, 215. 
 
90 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 river some twenty-five miles to Brown's creek, in now 
 Union county, where it was agreed they should assemble, 
 and which was a better situation than the Cherokee Ford, 
 to observe the operations of the British and Tories. But 
 when only a few of the parties fairly began to collect at 
 that point, a superior force of the enemy forced them to 
 retire, when they bore off some thirty or forty miles to the 
 upper portion of the Fair Forest settlement, within the 
 present limits of Spartanburg. On the way, they seem to 
 have gotten their force together. By watching their op- 
 portunity, they hoped to gain some decided advantage 
 over their opponents, whom they well knew they would 
 encounter in large numbers in that quarter. Hearing 
 of these bold Rebel troopers, Ferguson made several in- 
 effectual attempts to surprise them. But our frontier heroes 
 were too watchful to be caught napping. Clarke and 
 Shelby, with their men, were constantly on the alert — hav- 
 ing no fixed camp, so that they were difficult to find. 
 
 On the evening of August seventh, Clarke and Shelby, 
 with their troops, stopped for refreshment — and, if not dis- 
 turbed, for a night's repose — on Fair Forest creek, nearly 
 two miles west of Cedar Spring, at a point where the old 
 road crossed that stream, leading thence to Wofford's Iron 
 Works, and thence onward to the Cherokee Ford. Several 
 trusty scouts were sent out to make discoveries, who re- 
 turned before day the next morning, with the intelligence 
 that the enemy were within half a mile of them. About 
 the same moment, the report of a gun was heard, in the 
 direction of the British party, which was afterward ascer- 
 tained to have been fired by one of Dunlap's men — one who 
 felt some compunctions of conscience at the idea of surpris- 
 ing and massacring his countrymen, but who, protesting 
 that it was accidental, was not suspected of treachery. 
 The Americans, from prudential motives, retreated toward 
 the old Iron Works, on Lawson's Fork of Pacolet, leaving 
 Cedar Spring apparently a mile to the right ; and taking 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 
 
 91 
 
 position not very far from the old orchard on the Thompson 
 place, which was some three or four miles from the ford over 
 Fair Forest, and something like a mile and a half from the 
 Iron Works, and about a mile from Cedar Spring. Here 
 
 PLAT OF REGION NEAR CEDAR SPRING. 
 
 A — Thompson's Place and Peach Orchard. B— Where one part of the battle is said 
 to have been fought. C — Old Iron Works. D — Glendale or Bivingsville. E — Peach Tree 
 Grave. F — Pacolet Hill, G — Cedar Spring. 
 
 suitable ground was chosen, and the men formed for battle, 
 when the spies came running in with the information that 
 the enemy's horse were almost in sight. Before their re- 
 tirement from their former temporary camp at Fair Forest, 
 Josiah Culbertson, one of the bravest of young men, who 
 had recently joined Shelby, had obtained permission to 
 return home, two or three miles distant on Fair Forest, 
 spend the night, and make such observations as he might, 
 of any enemy in that quarter. About day-light the next 
 morning, he rode fearlessly into the encampment he had 
 left the evening before, supposing it still to be occupied 
 
92 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 by his American friends, not knowing that they had de- 
 camped, and Dunhip had just taken possession of it. But 
 Culbertson \\'as equal to the emergenc}', for, seeing ever}-- 
 thing so different from what it was the previous evening, he 
 was quick to disco^•er his mistake ; and with extraordinar}^ 
 coolness and presence of mind, he rode ver^- leisurely out 
 of the encampment, with his ti^usty rifle resting on the pom- 
 mel of his saddle before him. As he passed along, he ob- 
 served the dragoons getting their horses in readiness, and 
 making other preparations indicating an immediate renewal 
 of their line of march. No particular notice was taken of 
 him in the British camp, as it was supposed that he was one 
 of their own men, who had got ready for the onward move- 
 ment before his fellows. But when out of sight, he dashed 
 olT with good speed in the direction he inferred that Clarke 
 and Shelbj' had gone, and soon overtook his friends, and 
 found they had chosen their ground, and were prepared for 
 the onslaught. 
 
 Major Dunlap was an officer of much energ}' and 
 promptitude, and soon made his appearance, with a strong 
 force, part Colonial dragoons and part mounted militia, 
 and commenced the conflict. The Whigs were as eager 
 for the fray as the over-confident Britons. The action 
 lasted half an hour, and was severely contested. Dun- 
 lap's mounted volunteer riflemen, it is said, who were in 
 front, recoiled, giving back at the verj^ first fire of their op- 
 ponents, and their commander found it difficult to rally 
 them, riaving at length succeeded, he placed himself at 
 the head of his dragoons, and led them on to renew the 
 contest, followed by the mounted riflemen, who were, how- 
 ever, averse to coming into very close quarters. Dunlap's 
 dragoons, with their- broad-swords, played a prominent part 
 in the action ; and from the disproportion of Tories killed 
 over the dragoons, according to the British account, which 
 is doubtful, it would appear that Clarke and Shelby's rifle- 
 men must have been busy in picking them off". During the 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 93 
 
 mentioned the cii-cumstance of his ceasing, in the midst of 
 the battle, to witness, with astonishment and admiration, the 
 remarkable and unequal struggle Clarke was maintaining 
 with his foes. In the fierce hand-to-hand contest, he re- 
 ceived two sabre wounds, one on the back of his neck, and 
 the other on his head — his stock-buckle saving his life ; and 
 he was even, for a few minutes, a prisoner, in charge of two 
 stout Britons ; but, taking advantage of his strength and 
 acrivity, he knocked one of them down, when the other 
 quickly fled out of the reach of this famous back-woods 
 Titan. Clarke was every inch a hero, and was indebted 
 to his own good pluck and prowess for his escape from his 
 enemies, with only shght wounds, and the loss of his hat, in 
 the ■mcIee.'': 
 
 Culbertson, with his characteristic daring, had a personal 
 adventure worthy of notice. Meeting a dragoon, some 
 distance from support, who imperiousl}^ demanded his sur- 
 render, the intrepid American replied by whipping his rifle 
 to his shoulder and felling the haughty Briton from his 
 horse. When the dead were buried the next day, this 
 dragoon was thrown into a hole near where he lay, and 
 covered with earth. He happened to have at the time some 
 peaches in his pocket, from which a peach tree grew, and 
 for many years after, bore successive crops of fruit. The 
 grave is yet pointed out, but the peach tree has long since 
 disappeared. A worthy person in that region recently died 
 nearly a hundred years of age, who used to relate that he 
 had, in early life, eaten fi-uitfrom that tree.f The graves of 
 some twenty or thirty others, who fell in this engagement, 
 says Governor Perry, were yet to be seen as late as 1842. 
 
 *McCall mentions that Colonel Clarke and his son were wounded both at Wufford's 
 Iron Works and at Musgrove's, giving the particulars as occurring at the latter; while 
 Shelby notices their having been wounded only at the former, instancing his heroic ren- 
 contre there ; and an eye-witness, William Smith, of Tennessee, relates that Clarke received 
 a sword wound in the neck, and lost his hat near WofFord's, returning to McDowell's camp 
 bare-headed. 
 
 -|-MS. letters of N. F. Walker, Esq., of Cedar Spring, June 15th and July 7th, 1880. 
 
94 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 It is questionable, however, if so many, on both sides, were 
 killed in the action.* 
 
 By some adroit management, a number of British pris- 
 oners were captured, and at length Dunlap was beaten 
 back with considerable loss. Mills states that he was pur- 
 sued a mile, but could not be overtaken. About two miles 
 below the battle-ground, Dunlap's fugitives were met by 
 Ferguson with his whole force, who together advanced 
 to the Iron Works, from which, as they came in sight, 
 a few hours after the action, Clarke and Shelby were 
 compelled to make a hasty retreat, leaving one or two of 
 their wounded behind them — not having time or conveni- 
 ences to convey them away ; but they were treated by 
 Ferguson with humanity, and left there when he retired. 
 As Clarke and Shelby expected, Ferguson now pursued 
 them, with the hope of regaining the prisoners. The 
 American leaders retired slowly, forming frequently on the 
 most advantageous ground to give battle, and so retarding 
 the pursuit, that the iirisoners were finally placed beyond 
 recapture. 
 
 Three miles north-east of the old Iron Works, they 
 came to Pacolet ; just beyond which, skirting its north- 
 east border, rises a steep, rocky hill, fifty to sixty feet high, 
 so steep where the road passed up at that day, that the 
 men, in some cases, had to help their horses up its difficult 
 ascent. Along the crest of this hill or ridge, Shelby and 
 Clarke displayed their little force ; and when Ferguson and 
 his men came in view, evincing a disinclination to pursue 
 any farther, the patriots, from their vantage-ground, ban- 
 tered and ridiculed them to their hearts' content. But 
 Ferguson, having maintained the chase four or five miles, 
 
 * Major A. J. Wells, of Montevallo, Alabama, a native cf Spartanburg, ni.rrates a 
 singular incident which must relate to this battle. After the war, the widow of a Tory 
 came to the neglected burial place, and had the fallen dead disinterred, from which she 
 readily selected the remains of her husband, for he was six and a half feet high, and piously 
 bore them to her distant home for a more Christian interment. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 95 
 
 now abandoned it, with nothing to boast of, save his 
 superior numbers.* 
 
 Mr. Saye's account of this affair, as gathered from the 
 traditions of the neighborhood, and published thirty-three 
 years ago, may very properl}^ supplement the narrative just 
 related — with the passing remark, that what he describes as 
 the battle at the peach-orchard, was probably but one of 
 the episodes of that day's heroic exploits, and yet it ma}' 
 have been the principal one : Shelby's force occupied a 
 position near the present site of Bivingsville. Various 
 attempts were made to fall upon the Americans by surprise ; 
 but these schemes were baffled. About four miles from 
 Spartanburg Court House, on the main road to Unionville, 
 is an ancient plantation known as 'Thompson's Old Place.' 
 It is an elevated tract of country, lying between the tribu- 
 taries of Fair Forest Creek on one side, and those of Law- 
 son's Fork of Pacolet on the other — and about midway 
 between Cedar Spring and the Iron Works. 
 
 A road leading from North Carolina to Georgia, by the 
 way of the Cherokee Ford of Broad river, passed through 
 this place, and thence by or near the Cedar Spring. A 
 person passing from the direction of Unionville towards 
 Spartanburg Court House, crosses this ancient highway, 
 after passing which, by looking to the right, the eye rests 
 upon a parcel of land extending down a hollow, which was 
 cleared and planted in fruit trees prior to the Revolutionary 
 war. Beyond this hollow, just where the road enters a 
 body of woodland, there are yet some traces of a human 
 habitation. In this orchard, two patrol parties met from the 
 adverse armies. The party from Dunlap's camp were in 
 the orchard gathering peaches ; the Liberty men fired on 
 them, and drove them from the place. In turn, the victors 
 entered the orchard, but the report of their guns brought out 
 
 * MS notes of conversations with the late Colonel George Wilson, of Nashville, Ten- 
 nessee, who derived the facts from his father-in-law, Alexander Greer, one of Major 
 Robertson's men on the expedition. MS. letters of Hon. Simpson Bobo and A, H. 
 Twichell, showing the locality of the Pacolet hill. 
 
96 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 a strong detachment from the Cedar Spring, as well as a 
 reinforcement from Shelby. The commander of the patrol, 
 when he saw the enemy approaching, drew up his men 
 under cover of the fence along the ridge, just where the old 
 field and woodland now meet, and where traces of an old 
 residence are now barely visible. Here he awaited their 
 approach. 
 
 The onset was furious, but vigorously met. The conflict 
 was maintained against fearful odds till the arrival of 
 reinforcements from Shelby's camp. The scale now 
 turned, and the assailants now fell back. The whole force 
 of Shelby and Clarke were soon in battle array, confronted 
 by the whole British advance, numbering six or seven hun- 
 dred men. The struggle was renewed with redoubled fury. 
 The Liberty men drove back their foes, when the whole 
 British army came up. A retreat was now a matter of 
 necessity. Such is the local tradition ; but local tradition, 
 especially in this case, is extremely liable to error and con- 
 fusion, from the fact that but few of the people of that quar- 
 ter were present in the action — for the actors were mostly 
 from other States, and probably strangers to the neighbor- 
 hood. Thus far, Mr. Saye's narrative. 
 
 Onl)' two British accounts of the action at Cedar Spring 
 have come to our knowledge — one bears date Savannah, 
 Georgia, August twenty-fourth, 1780. It appeared in Riv- 
 mgton's TVezt' 2'drk Royal Gazette^ of September fourteenth, 
 copied into the London Chronicle, of November sixteenth, 
 ensuing. It has every appearance of being a one-sided and 
 diminuitve statement of the affair : " We learn from Augusta, 
 that a Captain of the Queen's Rangers, with twenty-four 
 dragoons, and about thirty militia, lately charged about 
 three hundred Rebels above Ninety Six. Whilst they were 
 engaged. Colonel Ferguson happily got up with some men 
 to the assistance of our small party, which obliged the 
 enemy to take to their heels. Fifty of the Rebels were 
 killed and wounded ; a Major Smith was among the slain, 
 
EngiyedljyJCBattre 
 
 leiOTT. SAMCTFJl. MAMMOT^TB . 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 97 
 
 and a Lieutenant-Colonel Clarke was wounded, and died 
 next day. Our loss is said to be one dragoon and seven 
 militia killed." 
 
 Allaire supplies the other account : " Got to the ground 
 the Rebels were encamped on, at four o'clock on Tuesday 
 morning, August eighth. They had intelligence of our 
 move, and were likewise alarmed by the firing of a gun in 
 our ranks ; they sneaked from their ground about half an 
 hour before we arrived. Learning that the Rebel wagons 
 were three miles in front of us at Cedar Springs, Captain 
 Dunlap, with fourteen mounted men, and a hundred and 
 thirty militia, were dispatched to take the wagons. He met 
 three Rebels coming to reconnoitre our camp ; he pursued, 
 took two of them, the other escaped, giving the Rebels the 
 alarm. In pursuit of this man, Dunlap and his part}' 
 rushed into the centre of the Rebel camp, where they lay 
 in ambush, before he was aware of their presence. A 
 skirmish ensued, in which Dunlap got slightly wounded, 
 and had between twenty and thirty killed and wounded — 
 Ensign McFarland and one private taken prisoners. The 
 Rebel loss is uncertain — a Major Smith, Captain Potts, and 
 two privates were left dead on the field. Colonel Clarke, 
 Johnson [Robertson,] and twenty privates were seen 
 wounded. We pursued them five miles, to the Iron Works ; 
 but were not able to overtake them, they being all mounted." 
 
 Among the slain was Major Burwell Smith, who had 
 contributed greatly to the setdement of the frontier portion 
 of Georgia, where he had been an active and successful 
 partisan in Indian warfare, and his fall was deeply lamented 
 by Colonel Clarke and his associates. Captain John Potts* 
 and Thomas Scott were also among the slain. Besides 
 Colonel Clarke's slight wounds with a sabre, Major Charles 
 Robertson, a volunteer from the Watauga troops, and Cap- 
 
 =^'This is stated on the anthority of Colo:icI Graham, who participated in the action, 
 corroborated by Lieutenant Allaire's Diary, A. H, Twichel]^ Esq., of Glendale, states as 
 the tradition of an old resident of that region, that an American officer named Potter was 
 shot out of a peach tree at Thompson's place. This doubtless refers to Captain Potts. 
 
98 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 tain Jolin Clarke, the youthful son of the Colonel, yet in his 
 teens, and several others, were also wounded in the same 
 manner. This close hand-to-hand sabre fighting, which 
 McCall describes, contradicts his previous description of the 
 action as if it were simply a " distant firing " upon each 
 other. It shows, too, that the back-woods riflemen did not 
 take to their heels on the approach of the dragoons with 
 their glittering broad-swords. 
 
 It is not easy to determine the actual strength of the 
 parties engaged in this spirited contest, nor their respective 
 losses. McCall does not specify how many on either side 
 took part in the conflict — only that the Americans were out- 
 numbered ; erroneously naming Innes as the British com- 
 mander ; and states that the enemy pursued Colonel Clarke 
 to Woffbrd's Iron Works, where he had chosen a strong 
 position from which the British endeavored to draw 
 him, and that a distant firing continued during the after- 
 noon, until near night ; that the Americans lost four killed 
 and five or six wounded, while the enemjr lost five killed 
 and eleven wounded. Mills mentions in one place in his 
 work, that Clarke's force was one hundred and sixty-eight, 
 in another, one hundred and ninety-eight, evidently ignorant 
 of the presence of Colonels Shelby and Graham, witli their 
 followers ; that Ferguson and Dunlap combined, numbered 
 between four and six hundred, of which Dunlap's advance 
 consisted of sixty dragoons and one hundred and« fifty 
 mounted volunteer riflemen ; that the Americans had four 
 killed and twenty-three wounded, all by the broad-sword ; 
 while Dunlap lost twenty-eight of his dragoons, and six or 
 seven of his Tory volunteers killed, and several wounded. 
 Shelby, in Haywood, states Ferguson's full force at about 
 two thousand strong — which Todd augments to twenty-five 
 himdred — of which Dunlap's advance was reputed at six or 
 seven hundred ; that the strength of the Americans was six 
 hundred ; and acknowledges that ten or twelve of the 
 latter were killed and wounded, but does not state the loss 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 99 
 
 of their assailants. Colonel Graham gives no numbers, but 
 asserts that many of the enemj' were killed. These several 
 statements differ very much from the British reports, and 
 from each other. 
 
 In Shelby's account as originally pubhshed in Hay- 
 wood's Tennessee, and then in Ramsey's, the number of 
 prisoners taken is stated at "twenty, with two British offi- 
 cers," which in Todd's memoir of Shelby, are increased to 
 " fifty, mostly British, including two officers ; " and Colonel 
 Graham in his pension statement, places the number at 
 only half a dozen, and Allaire at only two. 
 
 As to the particular time in the day in which the contest 
 took place, there is also quite a variety of statements. 
 Mills places it before day, when so dark that it was hard to 
 distinguish friend from foe — his informant doubtless refer- 
 ring, not to Dunlap's fight, but to the prior attack upon 
 Colonel Thomas, at Cedar Spring, which he so signally 
 repelled. , 
 
 McCall states that it occurred in the afternoon ; Shelby 
 is silent on this point ; while Governor Perry's traditions 
 convey the idea that it was in the morning or fore part of 
 the day, and in this he is corroborated by Captain William 
 Smith,* as well as by the MS. Diary of Lieutenant 
 Allaire. 
 
 Colonel Graham onlj'- refers to the time of dajr inferen- 
 
 * Captain Smith was born in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, September 20th, 1751, and 
 earlj' settled in what is now Spartanburg County, South Carolina. He served in Captain 
 Joseph Wofford's company on the Snow campaign, in 1775 ; and the next year as Lieuten- 
 ant on Willi.amson's expedition against the Cherokees. Jd 1777, he was made a Captain in 
 the militia and was stationed in Wood's Fort on Tyger. In December, 1778, he was 
 ordered to Georgia, serving under General Lincoln; and shared in the battle of Stono, in 
 June, 1779; in the contests, as we have seen, near Wofford's Iron Works, Hanging Rock, 
 and Musgrove's Mill, in August, 1780 ; and subsequently at the battle of Blackstocks, in the 
 siege of Fort Granby, at Guilford Court House, Quinby Bridge, the affair at the Juniper, 
 and the capture of some British vessels at Watboo Landing under Colonel Wade Hampton. 
 In the latter part of the war he ranked as Major. After the war, he was chosen County 
 Judge, member of Congress from 1797 to 1799, and State Senator for twenty years. Few 
 men served the public longer or more faithfully in military and civil life than judge Smith. 
 He died June 22d, r.837, in the eighty-sixth year of his age. His widow survived till 
 October 2d, 1842. 
 
100 A'liVG'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 tiall}', b}' stating that it was "several hours" after the 
 action before Ferguson, with his combined force, came in 
 sight, when Slielby and liis men precipitately retired. 
 
 Precisely where the fight took place has also been 
 a subject of dispute — the result, no doubt, of the general 
 vagueness of the descriptions. Mills says it occurred at 
 the Green Springs, meaning Cedar Spring, near Wofford's 
 old Iron Works ; Shelby says at Cedar Spring, as does 
 Samuel Espy, of North Carolina, who was also in the 
 action. Had these two men, and Mills' informant, stated the 
 locality with more exactitude, they might, and probably 
 would, have said, that they named the Cedar Spring as a 
 permanent landmark, near which the contest transpired, 
 and so located it — the same as Gates' defeat is frequently 
 referred to as having occurred at Camden, when it really 
 took place some seven miles distant. Colonel Graham, one 
 of the prominent officers in that affair, refers to it as " at 
 Wofford's Iron Works ;" Alexander McFadden, a survivor 
 of the contest, speaks of it as "the battle of Wofford's Iron 
 Works ;" while McCall, the historian, sa3's the enemy pur- 
 sued the Americans "to Wofford's Iron Works, where they 
 chose their ground, and awaited the attack." 
 
 William Smith, of Tennessee, another survivor of the 
 contest says, "we had a battle near Wofford's Iron Works ; " 
 and Captain William Smith, of Spartanburg, who was an 
 intelligent officer in the fight, and resided within a few miles 
 of the battle-ground the most of his long life, states that the 
 contest took place "near the old Iron Works.'' His son, 
 Hon. John Winsmith, in a historical address he made at 
 Cedar Spring, in 1855, and verbally repeated to the writer 
 in 1871, describes the hill, then covered with timber, nearly 
 half a mile north-east of Cedar Spring, as the locality of 
 the battle. It is possible that the first half-hour's contest, 
 where Clarke had his desperate personal rencontre with 
 unequal odds, may have taken place near this hill, as Dr. 
 Winsmith believes. " On this locality," says N. F. Walker, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 101 
 
 "within my recollection, a musket-barrel was found, and 
 near where we think the dead were buried."* 
 
 But as Cedar Spring seems not to have been on the 
 old route pursued by the contending parties, the weight 
 of evidence, and all the circumstances, go to show that 
 the chief fighting was "near the old Iron Works," as 
 Captain William Smith positively asserts. Mr. Saye's 
 traditions of the neighborhood, collected there prior to 
 1848, fix the locality of, at least, one portion of the con- 
 test, at the old orchard on the Thompson place, between the 
 Cedar Spring and the old Iron Works, about one mile from 
 the former, and nearly two from the latter. The fact that 
 the graves of the Tory dead, including the one from which 
 the peach tree sprung, are near the old Thompson orchard, 
 and between it and Cedar Spring, sufficiently attest the 
 locality where, at least, the principal part of this notable 
 passage at arms occurred. 
 
 More space has been devoted to these two somewhat 
 blended affairs — the one at the Cedar Spring, where Colo- 
 nel Thomas repulsed the enemy, and the other near Thomp- 
 son's peach-orchard — than, perhaps, their real importance 
 in history would seem to warrant. At the period of their 
 occurrence, they exerted a marked influence on the people 
 of the upper region of Carolina, as demonstrating what 
 brave and determined men could accomplish in defense of 
 their own and their country's rights ; and how successfully 
 they could meet an insolent foe, alike in ambush, or on the 
 battle-field. As no contemporary records of these events 
 have come down to us, save the vague and unsatisfactory 
 British ones which we have given entire, and the tradition- 
 ary accounts have become more or less intermixed and con- 
 fused, it seemed proper to sift them as thoroughly as possi- 
 ble, and present the simple narrative of the occurrences as 
 the facts seem to indicate. 
 
 * It may well have been at this hill where the previous Tory attack was made on 
 Colonel Thomas. It was a fit place, then covered with timber, to have formed his success- 
 ful ambuscade. 
 
102 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 The difficulty has hitherto been, on the part of histori- 
 cal writers, in attempts to blend the two affairs, when the 
 time, details, and different commanding officers, all go very 
 clearly to prove that they were entirely distinct, and had 
 no connection whatever with each other. It is due to the 
 Rev. Mr. Saye, to state that he was the first person who 
 discovered the incongruity of applying the details to a sin- 
 gle action ; but he was unable to fix their respective dates, 
 or determine which took the precedence of the other in 
 point of time. McCall's History of Georgia has furnished 
 the key to unlock the difficulty with reference to the time 
 of the attack on Thomas' force at Cedar Spring, and all the 
 circumstances go to confirm it ; while the hitherto unpub- 
 lished Diary of Lieutenant Allaire determines the date of 
 the affair near Wofford's Iron Works.* 
 
 *The authorities consulted in the preparation of this notice of the action near Cedar 
 Spring and Wofford's Iron Works, are: McCall's Georgia, ii. 314; Haywood's Tennessee, 
 64-65; Mills' Statistics of South Carolina, 256,738-39; Todd's Meinoir 0/ Shelby : Governor 
 Perry's account in the Magnolia Magazine, August, 1842 ; New York Royal Gazette, Sep- 
 tember 14th, 1780; London Chronicle, November i6th, 1780; Saye's Memoir of Mcfunkin, 
 and the Saye MSS.; MSS. of Dr. John H, Logan ; Allaire's MS. Diary; Winsmith's Ad- 
 dress^ 1855 ; together with the MS. pension statements of Colonel William Graham, Cap- 
 tain William Smith, of Spartanburg, Samuel Espy, Alexander McFadden, and William 
 Smith, of Tennessee, all participants in the action ; also MS. notes of conversations with 
 Colonel George Wilson, of Tennessee. I am indebted to N, F, Walker, Esq., of Cedar 
 Spring, and A. H. Twichell, Esq., of Glendale, for traditions, and descriptions of the 
 localities connected with the battle and the retreat. 
 
 Ramsay, Moultrie, Lee"s Memoirs, Johnson's Greene, and other early writers, do not 
 even notice this action ; nor such modern historians as Bancroft, Hildreth, and Stevens. 
 Lossing, Wheeler, Simms, Ramsey's Tennessee, and O'Neall's Nenuberry briefly refer to it ; 
 while Mrs. Ellet, in her Women of the Revolution, and her Domestic History of the Revo- 
 lution, simply copies from Mills, misapplying the story of .Mrs. Dillard's adventure. 
 
 I have not cited what passes for Colonel Hammond's account of the battle, in a news- 
 paper series, and also in Johnson's Traditions of the Reziohition, simply because he could 
 not have written it; but it was evidently manufactured from Mills' Statistics, with some 
 imaginary interlardings, to give it a new appearance. Dawson, in his Battles of the United 
 Statesj has given a chapter on this affair^ based on the pretended Hammond narrative. 
 
AND IIS HEROES. 103 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1780— August 18. 
 
 Musgroves Mill Expedition and Battle. — Rencontre of the Patrol Par- 
 ties. — British Alarm. — Information of the Enemy's Reinforce^nent. 
 — Whigs throw up Breast-works. — Captain Inmari s Stratagem. — 
 Enemy Drawn into the Net prepared for them. — Desperate Fight- 
 ing. — Innes and other British Leaders Wounded. — Tory Colonel 
 Clary's Escape. — Captain Inman Killed — The Retreat and the 
 Rout. — Incidents at the Ford. — Sam Moore's Adventure. — The Brit- 
 ish and Tory Reserve. — A British Patrol Returns too late to share 
 inthe Battle. — Bicrial of the slain. — Length and severity of the Actioft. 
 — Respective Losses. — News of Gates' Defeat — its Influence. — Whigs' 
 Retreat. — Anecdote of Paul Hinson.^- The Prisoners. — Williatns' Re- 
 ward. — Cprnwallis' Confession. — Comparison of Authorities. 
 
 Returning from their Fair Forest expedition, Clarke 
 and Shelby's men needed a little repose. McDowell soon 
 after removed his camp from the Cherokee Ford, taking 
 post, some ten miles below, on the eastern bank of 
 Broad River, at Smith's Ford. By his faithful scouts, 
 Colonel McDowell was kept well informed of Ferguson's 
 movements and out-posts. Learning that a body of some 
 two hundi-ed Loyalists were stationed at Musgrove's Mill, 
 some forty miles distant on the Enoree, to guard the rocky 
 ford at that place, it was regarded as a vulnerable point — 
 all the more so, since Ferguson, with his main force, was 
 stationed considerably in advance, between that place and 
 the American encampment, thus tending to lull into security 
 those in their rear. 
 
 The term of enlistment of Colonel Shelby's regiment 
 was about to expire, and that enterprising officer was 
 desirous of engaging in another active service before retir- 
 ing to his home on the Holston. Colonels Shelby and 
 
104 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Clarke were appointed to lead a party of mounted men to 
 surprise or attack the Loyalists at Musgrove's. With Clarke 
 was Captain James McCall and Captain Samuel Hammond. 
 Colonel James Williams, whose home was in that region, 
 but who had been driven from it, had, on the sixteenth of 
 August, joined McDowell with a few followers — prominent 
 among whom were Colonel Thomas Brandon, Colonel James 
 Steen, and Major Mcjunkin ; and these united with Shelby 
 and Clarke, together with several other experienced officers, 
 who volunteered to share in the enterprise, among whom 
 were Major Joseph McDowell, the brother of the Colonel, 
 Captain David Vance, and Captain Valentine Sevier, and 
 with the latter, a number of Watauga and Nolachucky- rifle- 
 men. 
 
 It was largely rumored, that a military chest was either 
 at Musgrove's, or was being conveyed from Ninety Six to 
 Ferguson's camp ; and the Whigs hoped to intercept it on 
 the way. Whatever influence this prospect of obtaining 
 British treasure may have exerted on the volunteers, as we 
 hear no more of the chest, we may conclude that it was a 
 camp 5'arn, gotten up for the occasion; or, if a reality, it 
 certainly eluded the grasp of the adventurers. 
 
 Secrecy and dispatch were necessary to success. A 
 night march was therefore chosen, when less likely to be 
 observed, and cooler for the horses to travel. Shelby and 
 his two hundred adventurous followers left camp an hour 
 before sun-down, on the seventeenth of August. Williams, 
 Brandon, and their men, were well acquainted with the 
 country, and knew the best route to effect their purpose. 
 They traveled through the woods until dark, when they fell 
 into a road, and proceeded on all night, much of the way in 
 a canter, and without making a single stop — crossing 
 Gilky's and Thicketty creeks, Pacolet, Fair Forest, and 
 Tj'ger, with other lesser streams, and passing within three 
 or four miles of Ferguson's camp on their left, v\'hich was, 
 at this time, at Fair Forest Shoal, in Brandon's settlement, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 105 
 
 some t\vent3'-six miles from Smith's Ford ; and from Fair 
 Forest Shoal, it. was still twelve or fourteen miles to Mus- 
 grove's. It was a hard night's ride. 
 
 Arriving, near the dawn of da}-, within a mile nearlj' 
 north of Musgrove's Ford, the Whig party halted at an old 
 Indian field, and sent out a party of five or six scouts to 
 reconnoitre the situation. They crossed the mouth of Cedar 
 Shoal Creek, close to the Spartanburg line, a short distance 
 below Musgrove's Mill, and then passed up a by-road to 
 Head's Ford, a mile above Musgrove's, where they forded 
 the Enoree, and stealthily approached sufficiently near the 
 Tory camp to make observations. Returning the same 
 route, when on the top of the river ridge, west of Cedar 
 Shoal creek, they encountered a small Tory patrol, which 
 had passed over at Musgrove's Ford, during their absence 
 above, and thus gained their rear. A sharp firing ensued, 
 when one of the enemy was killed, two wounded, and two 
 fled precipitately to the Tory camp. Two of the Ameri- 
 cans were slightly wounded, who, with their fellows, now 
 promptly returned to Shelby and Clarke's halting place, 
 with the intelligence they had gained, and the particulars 
 of their skirmish. 
 
 This firing, and the speedy arrival of the two patrol- 
 men, put the Tory camp in wild commotion. Colonel 
 Innes, Major Fraser, and other officers who had their head- 
 quarters at Edward Musgrove's residence, held a hurried 
 council. Innes was for marching over the river at once, 
 and catching the Rebels before they had time to retreat ; 
 while others contended for delay, at least till after break- 
 fast, by which time, it was hoped, a party of one hundred 
 mounted men, who had gone on a patrol, eight miles below, 
 near Jones' Ford, would return, and thus add very materi- 
 ally to their strength. But Innes' counsels prevailed, lest 
 they should miss so fine an opportunity "to bag" a scurvy 
 lot of ragamuffins, as they regarded the adventurous Ameri- 
 cans. So leaving one hundred men in camp as a reserve, 
 
106 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 preparations were made for an immediate advance to meet 
 the unexpected invaders. 
 
 Meanwhile, Shelby and Clarke had taken position on a 
 timbered ridge, some little distance east of Cedar Shoal 
 creek, and within about half a mile of Musgrove's Ford and 
 Mill. At this juncture, a countryman, who lived near by, 
 came up, giving information that the British had been rein- 
 forced the preceding evening, by the arrival of Colonel 
 Alexander Innes, from Ninety Six, with two hundred men 
 of the Provincial regiments, and one hundred Tories, des- 
 tined to join Colonel Ferguson. A British writer represents, 
 that Innes' detachment consisted of a light infantry com- 
 . pany of the New Jersey Volunteers, under Captain Peter 
 Campbell ; a company of De Lancey's Provincial Battalion, 
 under Captain James Kerr, together with about one hundred 
 mounted men of his own regiment, the South Carolina 
 Royalists. This could not have included the regular garri- 
 son previously stationed there, apparently under the com- 
 mand of Major Fraser. Captain Abraham De Peyster, of 
 the King's American regiment, as well as the noted Loyalist 
 partisan. Captain David Fanning, were also there ; while 
 Colonel Daniel Clary was encamped there, at the head of 
 the Tories of that region. 
 
 So minute were the circumstances of the information 
 communicated by the countryman, that no doubt was enter- 
 tained of its truth ; and to march on and attack the enemy 
 appeared rash, and to attempt a successful retreat, wearied 
 and broken down as the horses were, seemed almost im- 
 possible. Colonel Shelby and his associates instantly con- 
 cluded, that they had no alternative — fight they must. 
 Securing their horses in their rear, they resolved to impro- 
 vise a breast-work of logs and brush, and make the best 
 defense possible. Their lines were formed across the road, 
 at least three hundred yards in length, along the ridge, in 
 a semi-circle, and both protected and concealed by a wood. 
 Old logs, fallen trees and brush were hurried into place, so 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 107 
 
 that in thirty minutes they had a very respectable protection, 
 breast-high. Shelby occupied the right — Clarke the left; 
 and Williams in the center, though with no special com- 
 mand, for the whole force formed one extended line. A 
 party of some twenty horsemen were placed on each flank, 
 shielded, as much as possible, from the enemy's observa- 
 tion — Josiah Culbertson having the command of that on 
 Shelby's right ; and Colonel Clarke had a reserve of forty 
 men within calling distance. 
 
 Captain Shadrach Inman, who had figured prominently 
 in battling the British and Tories in Georgia, was sent for- 
 ward, with about twenty-five mounted men, with orders to 
 fire upon, and provoke the enemy to cross the ford, and 
 skirmish with them, at his discretion ; and retire, drawing 
 the British into the net which Shelby and Clarke had so 
 adroitly prepared for them . This stratagem , which was the 
 suggestion of the Captain himself, worked admirably, for 
 the British infantry seemed elated with their success in 
 driving Inman at the point of the bayonet ; but the Whig 
 Captain kept up a show of fighting and retreating. While 
 the enemy were yet two hundred yards distant from the 
 American breast-works, they hastily formed into line of 
 battle ; and as they advanced fifty yards nearer, they opened 
 a heavy fire, pretty generally over-shooting their antago- 
 nists. When trees were convenient, the frontiermen made 
 use of them, while others were shielded behind their rudety 
 constructed barrier, and, to some extent, availed themselves 
 also of a fence extending along the road. The Americans 
 had been cautioned to reserve their fire ' ' till they could see 
 the whites of the Tories' eyes ;" or, as another has it, "till 
 they could distinguish the buttons on their clothes" — nor 
 even then to discharge their rifles, until orders were given, 
 when each man was "to take his object sure." These 
 orders were strictly obeyed. 
 
 The British center, on whom Inman made his feigned 
 attacks, seeing him retire in apparent confusion, pressed 
 
108 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 forward, under beat of drum and bugle charge, in pursuit, 
 but in considerable disorder, shouting: " Huzza for King 
 George ! "' On approaching within seventy yards of the 
 American lines, they were unexpectedly met with a deadly 
 fire, from which they at first recoiled. But their superi- 
 ority in numbers enabled them to continue their attack, 
 notwithstanding the advantage which the breast-work 
 gave the Americans. A strong force, composed of the 
 Provincials, led on by Innes and Fraser, forming the 
 enemy's left wing, drove, at the point of the bciyonet, 
 the right wing under Shelby from their breast-work. 
 It was a desperate struggle — Shelby's men contending 
 against large odds, and the right flank of his right wing 
 gradually giving away, whilst his left flank maintained its 
 connection with the centre at the breast-work. The left 
 wing, opposed by the Tories, retained its position ; and, see- 
 ing Shelby in need of succor, Clarke sent his small reserve 
 to his aid, which proved a most timely relief. At this criti- 
 cal moment, as Innes was forcing Shelby's right flank, the 
 British leader was badly disabled, fell from his charger, and 
 was carried back — shot, it was reported, by one of the 
 Watauga volunteers, William Smith, who exultingly "ex- 
 claimed, "I've killed their commander," when Shelby 
 rallied his men, who raised a regular frontier Indian yell, 
 and rushed furiously upon the enemy, who were gradually 
 forced back before the exasperated riflemen. Culbertson's 
 flanking party acted a conspicuous part on this occasion. 
 
 It was unfortunate for the enemy, that, in this desperate 
 contest, one Captain was killed, and five out of seven of the 
 surviving officers of their Pro\incial corps were wounded. 
 Besides Innes, shot down by Smith, another Watauga rifle- 
 man, Robert Beene, wounded Major Fraser, who was seen 
 to reel from his horse. Captain Campbell, together with 
 Lieutenants Camp and William Chew, were also among 
 the wounded.* 
 
 •:' Colonel Innes was a Scotchman. He was probably a/w/^^*? of his countryman, Alex- 
 ander Cameron, the British Indian Agent among the Cherokees ; and was, it would appear, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 109 
 
 These heav}' losses had a very disheartening effect upon 
 the British troops. And the Tories, faihng to make any 
 impression on Clarke's line, and having already lost several 
 of their officers, and many of their men, began to show signs 
 of wavering, when Captain Hawsey, a noted leader among 
 them, who was striving to re-animate the Loyalists, and 
 reti"ieve the fortunes of the day, was shot down. In the 
 midst of the confusion that followed, Clarke and his brave 
 men, following Shelby's example, pushed forth from their 
 barrier, yelling, shooting and slashing on every hand. It 
 was in the mcISe, when the British defeat was too apparent, 
 that the Tory Colonel Clary had the opposite bits of his 
 horse's bridle seized at the same moment by two stalwart 
 Whigs. He had, however, the ingenuity and presence of 
 mind to extricate himself from his perilous situation by 
 exclaiming — " D — n you, don't you know 3'our own 
 officers ! " He was instantly released, and fled at full speed.* 
 The British and Tories were now in full retreat, closely 
 followed by the intrepid mountaineers. It was in this excit- 
 ing pursuit that the courageous Captain Inman was killed, 
 while pressing the enemj-, and fighting them hand-to- 
 hand. He received seven shots from the Tories, one, 
 a musket ball, piercing his forehead. He fell near the base 
 of a Spanish oak that stood where the modern road leaves 
 the old mill road, and where his grave was still pointed 
 
 an assistant commissary at the Long Island of Holston, at one time; and in the fall of 
 ^-jjj^ returned to the Cherokee nation, taking up his quarters with Cameron. He was 
 commissioned Colonel of the South Carolina Royalists, January 20, 1780; in 1782, he was 
 Inspector General of the Loyalist forces. Colonel Hanger, in his Kcjily to Mackenzie's 
 Strictures states that Innes was living retired in 17S9, probably on half-pay. 
 
 Of Major Fraser, who was wounded in this engagement, we have no further knowl- 
 edge. Captain Campbell was of Trenton, New Jersey, settled in New Brunswick, after 
 peace was declared, on half-pay, dying in Maugersville in that Colony in 1822, and was 
 buried at Frederickton. Lieutenant Chew retired at the close of the war, on half-pay, to 
 New Brunswick, dying at Frederickton, in 1812, aged sixty-four. Of Lieutenant Camp s 
 career, before or after the affair at Musgrove's Mill, we have no information. 
 
 * Colonel Clarey was a prominent citizen of Ninety Six District; and surviving the 
 war, remained in the country. Notwithstanding his great error in siding with the Tories, 
 he was greatly beloved, .nnd. in after life, performed all the duties of a good citizen, until 
 peacefully gathered to his fathers. He had, a few years since, a grandson. Colonel Clary, 
 living in Edgefield County, and other decendants. 
 
110 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 out but a few years since. Great credit is justly due to 
 Captain Inman for the successful manner in which he 
 brought on the action, and the aid he rendered in con- 
 ducting it to a triumphant issue. 
 
 The yells and screeches 
 of the retreating British and 
 Tories as they ran through 
 the woods, and over the hills 
 to the river — loudty inter- 
 mingled with the shouts of 
 their pursuers, together with 
 the groans of the dying and 
 wounded, were terrific and 
 heart-rending in the ex- 
 treme. The smoke, as well 
 as the din and confusion, 
 
 BATTLE RIOGE 
 
 ;noree piver 
 
 A. Graves. B, Where Captain Inman wa3 ^.^gg J^Jg]^ aboVC the CXCitiug 
 
 Plat of Region near Musgrove's Mill. 
 L. Graves. B. Where Captain Inman 
 killed, at the junction of the old and new roa 
 
 scene. The Tories ceased to make any show of defense 
 when half way from the breast-works to the ford. The 
 retreat then became a perfect rout ; and now, with reck- 
 less speed, they hastened to the river, through which they 
 rushed with the wildest fury,J:iotly pursued by the victorious 
 Americans with sword and rifle, killing, wounding or cap- 
 turing all who came in their way. 
 
 Many of the British and Tories were shot down as they 
 were hastening, pell-mell, across the Enoree at the rocky 
 ford. After they were fairly over, one, not yet too weary 
 to evince his bravado, and attract attention for the moment, 
 turned up his buttock in derision, at the Americans ; when 
 one of the Whig officers, probably Brandon or Steen, said 
 to Golding Tinsley : * "Can't you turn that insolent brag- 
 
 * This old soldier, who did much good service in the up-country of South Carolina 
 during the Revolution, was born in Culpeper County, Virginia, in or about 1756, as stated in 
 his pension papers, and settled in South Carolina about T771. He early served in the 
 Rangers. He participated in the battle of Stono, the seige of Savannah, and took an active 
 part in the actions at Musgrove's Mill. King's Mountain, and Blacltstocks, He had two 
 brothers killed by the Tories in the Fair Forest region during the war. He lived to enjoy 
 a pension, dying in Spartanburg County, May nth, 1851, aged about ninety-five years. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. Ill 
 
 gart over?" "I can tr};-," responded Tinsley, who was 
 known to possess a good rifle, when, suiting the action to 
 the word, he took prompt aim, and fired — and sure enough, 
 turned him over, when some of his comrades picked the 
 fellow up, and carried him off". Another instance of sharp- 
 shooting is mentioned : One of the enemy, who had re- 
 crossed the ford, betook himself to a convenient tree, which, 
 however, did not fully protect his person, for Thomas 
 Gillespie, one of the Watauga riflemen, brought his rifle to 
 bear on the Tory's partially exposed body, and the next 
 moment he bit the dust. 
 
 It is related, that while the firing was yet kept up, on 
 the north side of the Enoree, an intrepid frontierman. Cap- 
 tain Sam Moore, led a small party of ten or twelve men 
 up the river, and crossing the stream at Head's Ford, 
 rushed down upon a portion of the enemy with such im- 
 petuosity and audacity as to impress them with the belief 
 that they were but the vanguai'd of a much larger force, 
 when they incontinently fled, and Moore rejoined his 
 victorious friends over the river. 
 
 Some interesting incidents connected with, and follow- 
 ing the battle, deserve a place in this connection. So many 
 of the British and Tory reserve as could, mounted to the 
 top of Musgrove's house, that they might witness the con- 
 test, not doubting for a moment that King George's men 
 could and would bear down all before them. They saw the 
 heroic Inman deliver his successive fires and retreat, fol- 
 lowed closely by Innes' pursuers ; and supposed this little 
 band constituted the whole of the Rebel party. To these 
 house-top observers, the bold invaders were beaten back — 
 routed ; when they threw up their hats, indulging in shouts 
 that made the old hill in the rear of Musgrove's resound 
 again, with echoes and re-echoes, in commemoration of 
 their imaginary victory. At length, reaching the concealed 
 Whigs, a tremendous fire burst upon their pursuers, which 
 caused a deathly paleness on the countenance of some fifty 
 
112 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 of the reserve party, who were it was said, paroled British 
 prisoners, doing dutj^ contrarj^ to the laws of war — they, 
 especiall}', dreading the consequences of a possible capture 
 at the hands of the Americans. Their shoutings ceased — 
 the)- peered anxiouslj', with bated breath, towards the con- 
 tending parties. At length they raised the cry of despair: 
 "We are beaten — our men are retreating;" and long 
 before the Tories had re-crossed the river, these demoral- 
 ized Britons had seized their knap-sacks, and were scam- 
 pering oft' towards Ninety Six at their liveliest speed. 
 
 The large patrolling party which had been down the 
 river near Jones' Ford, heard the firing, and came dashing 
 back at full speed ; and while descending the steep hill, 
 east of the old Musgrove domicile, their bright uniforms 
 and flashing blades and scabbards reflected the rays of the 
 morning sun just rising in its splendor. They reined up 
 their panting steeds before Musgrove's, the commanding 
 officer eagerlj' inquiring what was the matter. A hurried 
 account of the battle was given, which had terminated so 
 disastrously some thirty minutes before ; when, rising in his 
 stirrups, and uttering deep and loud imprecations, the cav- 
 alry commander ordered his men to cross the river. They 
 dashed at full speed over the rocky ford, splashing the 
 water, which, with the resplendent sun-rays, produced 
 miniature rainbows around the horses. They were too late, 
 for the victorious Americans had retired with their prison- 
 ers, leaving the British troopers the melancholy duty of 
 conveying their wounded fellows to the hospital at Mus- 
 grove's. 
 
 For many miles around, every woman and child of the 
 surrounding country, who were able to leave their homes, 
 visited the battle-ground — some for plunder, some from 
 curiosity, and others for a different purpose. It was chiefly 
 a Tory region, the few Whigs having retired from motives 
 of personal safety, joining Sumter and other popular lead- 
 ers. The most of these visitors were of Loyalist families ; 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 113 
 
 and it was interesting to witness them, as well as the few 
 Whig ladies present, turning over the bodies of the slain, 
 earnestly examining their faces, to see if they could recog- 
 nize a father, husband, son, or brother. Not a few went 
 away with saddened hearts, and eyes bedewed with tears. 
 
 Sixteen Tories were said to have been buried in one 
 grave, near the mouth of Cedar Shoal creek — the particular 
 spot long since defaced and forgotten. Several were in- 
 terred between the battle-ground and ford, but a stone's 
 throw below wh-ere George Gordon resided some thirtj^ years 
 since, on the west side of the old road ; while others were 
 buried in the yard of the late Captain Philemon Waters, 
 midway between the ford and battle-field, opposite the dog- 
 wood spring, and others yet were buried in a grave-yard, 
 just below Musgrove's house. A burial spot is still pointed 
 out on the battle-ridge, just east of the old road. 
 
 It was a complete rout on the part of the British and 
 Tories. They seem to have apprehended, that the Whig 
 forces, in the flush of victory, might push on to Ninety Six, 
 then believed to be in a weak and defenceless condition. 
 The Tory leader. Fanning, states, that after the battle, the 
 British retreated a mile and a quarter, where they encamped 
 for the i-emainder of the day ; and, in the night, marched 
 oif towards Ninety Six, under the command of Captain 
 De Peyster. This probably refers to only a part of the 
 enemy ; for the larger portion must have remained, if for 
 nothing else, at least to take care of their wounded. 
 Another British writer, Mackenzie, represents, that in the 
 retreat from the battle-ground, they were conducted by 
 Captain Kerr to the southern bank of the Enoree, where 
 they remained till reinforced by Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger 
 from Ninety Six. " Captain Kerr," says the Georgia his- 
 torian, McCall, "finding that resistance would be in vain, 
 and without hope of success, ordered a retreat, which was 
 effected in close order for four miles, resorting to the bayo- 
 net for defence in flank and rear. The pursuit was con- 
 
114 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 tinued by the victors, until the enemy took refuge in Mus- 
 grove's Mill," which was on the south side of the Enoree, in 
 the north-east corner of the present county of Laurens, 
 noted on Mills' Atlas oj South Carolina as Gordon's Mill. 
 
 Colonel Williams' official account represents that the 
 main fight — the one at the breast-work — lasted only fifteen 
 minutes, when the enemy were obliged to retreat, and were 
 pursued two miles ; and that Colonel Innes was reported to 
 be wounded by two balls — one in the neck and the other 
 breaking the thigh — and that three Tory Captains were 
 slain. " The enemy declared they suffered exceedingly in 
 the action with Colonel Williams ; that Captain Campbell, 
 an officer in high repute, of the regulars, among others, 
 was killed,"* and Governor Rutledge confirms the fact that 
 " one British Captain " was among the slain. 
 
 Shelby states, that the action continued an hour before 
 the enemy were repulsed in front of the breast-work ; while 
 McCall asserts, that it was "but a few minutes after the 
 contest began, when so many of the Provincial officers were 
 either killed or wounded, and "the men tumbled down in 
 heaps, without the power of resistance,'' when the survivors 
 retreated under Captain Kerr.f Probabty Colonel Williams' 
 recollection of the length of the battle before the retreat, 
 written within a few days thereafter, is approximately cor- 
 rect ; and possibly well nigh an hour may have been con- 
 sumed by the time the enemy were driven across the ford, and 
 took refuge in the mill. "This action," says Colonel Hill's 
 manuscript, " was one of the hardest ever fought in the 
 country with small arms alone ; the smoke was so thick as 
 
 * Statement in Virginia Gazette, September 27th, 1780, of William AUraan, of Colonel 
 Stiibblefield's regiment of Virginia militia, who was captured at Gates' defeat, and subse- 
 quently escaped from Camden. 
 
 t Captain James Kerr was probably a resident of Long Island or Connecticut, from 
 whose refugees most of the Queen's Rangers were raised, in which corps he was a Captain. 
 After the war, he retired on half-pay, first to New Brunswick, and then to King's county, 
 Nova Scotia, where he was made Colonel of the militia. He died at Amherst, in that 
 Province, in 1830, at the age of seventy-six, leaving a widow, who survived him ten years, 
 dying at seventy-four. Three sons and a daughter preceded him to the grave, but twelve 
 children survived him. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 115 
 
 to hide a man at the distance of twenty rods." Shelby 
 described this battle as "the hardest and best fought action 
 he ever was in " — attributing this valor and persistency to 
 "the great number of officers who were with him as volun- 
 teers." 
 
 It must be confessed, that the Provincials and Tories, 
 before their final rout, fought bravely. Their dragoons, 
 but lately raised, and indifferently disciplined, behaved with 
 much gallantry, fighting on the left with Innes. They all 
 exhibited, more or less, the training they had received 
 under that superior master, Ferguson. The British loss, in 
 this affair, was sixty-three killed, about ninety wounded, 
 and seventy prisoners — a total of not far from two hundred 
 and twenty-three, out of four or five hundred, which is an 
 unusually large proportion for the number engaged in the 
 action. The American loss was only four killed and eight 
 or nine wounded. This disparity in killed and wounded, 
 resulted largely from over-shooting* on the part of the 
 enemy, and the decided advantage which the trees and 
 breast- works afforded the Whigs for their protection. The 
 skill of the frontiermen in the use of their rifles was never 
 better displayed nor more effective ; while, in the retreat, 
 the loss fell almost exclusively on the panic-stricken British 
 and Tories. 
 
 Anxious to improve the advantage they had so signally 
 gained, Shelby and his heroic compeers at once resolved to 
 pursue the demoralized Tories, and make a dash for Ninety 
 Six, which they learned was in a weak condition ; and 
 
 * Richard Thompson, of Fair Forest, when a boy of some twelve or fourteen years, 
 while on his way with his mother to visit his father, then imprisoned at Ninety Six, passed 
 over the battle-ground at Musgrove's a few days after its occurrence, and observed the 
 bullet marks on the trees— those of the British and Tories generally indicating an aim above 
 the heads of their antagonists, while those of the Whigs were from three to five feet above 
 the ground. He learned from his father and other prisoners at Ninety Six. that the fugi- 
 tives reported the Whig strength in that action as five thousand ; and such was the con- 
 sternation of the garrison of Ninety Six on receipt of the news of the battle, that had the 
 victorious Whigs showed themselves there, it would have been difficult for Colonel Cruger 
 and his officers to have prevented o general stampede.— Saye's MSS., and Memoir of 
 Mcjunkin, 
 
116 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 being only some twenty-five miles distant, they could easily 
 reach there before night. Returning to their horses, and 
 mounting them, while Shelby was consulting Colonel 
 Clarke, Francis Jones, an express from Colonel McDowell, 
 rode up, in great haste, with a letter in his hand from Gen- 
 eral Caswell, who had, on the sixteenth, shared in General 
 Gates' total defeat near Camden, apprising McDowell of 
 the great disaster, and advising him and all officers com- 
 manding detachments to get out of the way, or they would 
 be cut off; McDowell sending word that he would at once 
 move towards Gilbert Town. General Caswell's hand- 
 writing was fortunately familiar to Colonel Shelby, so he 
 knew it was no Tory trick attempted to be played off upon 
 them. He and his associates instantly saw the difficulty of 
 their situation ; they could not retire to McDowell's camp, 
 for his force was no longer there — Gates' army was killed, 
 captured and scattered — and Sumter's, too, was soon destined 
 to meet the same fate ; in their rear was Cruger, with what- 
 ever of Innes' and Eraser's detachments remained, with 
 Ferguson's strong force on their flank. There was no 
 choice — further conquests were out of the question. So 
 Ninety Six was left unvisited by the mountaineers — doubt- 
 less for them, a fortunate circumstance, as they were with- 
 out cannon, and Colonel Cruger, who commanded there, 
 was no Patrick Moore, as his brave defence of that garri- 
 son against General Greene and his thousands, the following 
 year, sufficiently attested. It was, therefore, determined in 
 a hasty council on horseback, that they would take a back- 
 woods route, to avoid and escape Ferguson, and join Colo- 
 nel McDowell on his retreat towards Gilbert Town. 
 
 Hurriedly gathering the prisoners together, and dis- 
 tributing one to every three of the Americans, who conveyed 
 them alternately on horseback, requiring each captive to 
 carry his gun, divested of its flint, the whole cavalcade 
 were ready in a few minutes to beat a retreat, as they knew 
 full well that Ferguson would be speedily apprised of their 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 117 
 
 success, and make a strenuous effort, as he did at Wofford's 
 Iron Works, to regain the prisoners. Here an amusing 
 incident occurred. Riding along the ranks, viewing the 
 prisoners. Colonel WilHams recognized among them an old 
 acquaintance in the person of Saul Hinson, very diminutive 
 in size, who had the previous year served under his com- 
 mand at the battle of Stono, when the Colonel pleasantl}^ 
 exclaimed: "Ah! my little Sauly, have we caught you?" 
 "Yes, Colonel," replied the little man, " and no d — d great 
 catch either ! " Saul's repartee only caused a laugh, and 
 neither that nor his false position subjected him to any thing 
 beyond the common restraint of a prisoner. 
 
 Some of the few wounded, who were not able to ride, 
 were necessarily left ; and, it is pleasant to add, they were 
 humanely cared for by the British, and especially by the 
 Musgrove family. Among them was one Miller, shot 
 through the body, whose injuries were believed to be mortal . 
 A silk handkerchief was drawn through the wound to cleanse 
 it. His parents, from the lower part of the present county 
 of Laurens, obtained the services of an old physician. Dr. 
 Ross, to attend to their wounded son, though it is believed 
 the British surgeons were not wanting in their professional 
 attentions. He at length recovered. 
 
 The Whig troopers, encumbered with their prisoners, 
 now hurried rapidly away in a north-westerly direction, 
 instead of a north-easterly one towards their old encamp- 
 ment. The}' passed over a rough, broken country, crossing 
 the forks of Tj^ger, leaving Ferguson on the right, and 
 heading their course towards their own friendly mountains. 
 As they expected, they were rapidly pursued by a strong 
 detachment of Ferguson's men.* Wearied as the mountain- 
 eers and their horses were, with scarcely any refreshment 
 for either, yet Shelby's indomitable energy permitted them 
 
 *This detachment could not have been led by Captain De Peyster, as supposed by 
 Colonel Shelby, for that officer, as the Tory annalist. Fanning, asserts, accompanied him 
 from Musgrove's to Ninety Six the night after the battle, doubtless to notify Cruger of the 
 disaster, and obtain reinforcements. 
 
118 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 no rest while danger lurked in the way. Once or twice 
 only they tarried a brief period to feed their faithful 
 horses ; relying, for their own sustenance, on peaches and 
 green corn — the latter pulled from the stalks, and eaten in 
 its raw slate as they took their turn on horse-back, or trotted 
 on foot along; the trail, and which, in their hungry condi- 
 tion, they pronounced delicious. They were enabled, now 
 and then, to snatch a refreshing draught from the rocky 
 streams which they forded. 
 
 Late in the evening of the eighteenth, Ferguson's party 
 reached the spot where the Whigs had, less than thirty min- 
 utes before, fed their weary horses ; but not knowing how 
 long they had been gone, and their own detachment being 
 exhausted, they relinquished further pursuit. Not aware of 
 this, the Americans kept on their tedious retreat all night, 
 and the following day, passing the North Tyger, and into 
 the confines of North Carolina — sixty miles from the battle- 
 field, and one hundred from Smith's Ford, from which they 
 had started, without making a stop, save long enough to 
 defeat the enemy at Musgrove's. It was a remarkable 
 instance of unflagging endurance, in the heat of a south- 
 ern summer, and encumbered, as they were, with seventy 
 prisoners. No wonder, that after forty-eight hoiirs of such 
 excessive fatigue, nearly all the officers and soldiers became 
 so exhausted, that their faces and eyes were swollen and 
 bloated to that degree that they were scarcely able to see. 
 
 Reaching the mountain region in safety, they met Colo- 
 nel McDowell's party, considerably diminished in numbers, 
 as we may well suppose. Colonel Shelby, with the appro- 
 bation of Major Robertson, now proposed that an army of 
 volunteers be raised on both sides of the mountains, in suffi- 
 cient numbers, to cope with Ferguson. All of the officers, 
 and some of the privates, were consulted, and all heartily 
 united in the propriety and feasibility of the undertaking. 
 It was agreed that the Musgrove prisoners should be sent 
 to a place of security ; that the over-mountain men should 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 119 
 
 return home to recruit and strengthen their numbers ; while 
 Colonel McDowell should send an express to Colonels 
 Cleveland and Herndon, of Wilkes, and Major Winston, of 
 Surry, inviting and urging them to raise volunteers, and 
 join in the enterprise ; and that Colonel McDowell should, 
 furthermore, devise the best means to preserve the beef 
 stock of the Whigs of the Upper Catawba valleys and 
 coves, which would undoubtedly be an early object of Fer- 
 guson's attention ; and McDowell was, moreover, to obtain 
 information of the enemy's movements, and keep the over- 
 mountain men constantly apprised of them.* 
 
 As the term of service of their men having expired. 
 Colonel Shelby and Major Robertson, with their Holston 
 and Watauga volunteers, parted company with Colonel 
 Clarke, leaving the prisoners in his charge, and took the 
 trail which led to their homes over the Alleghanies. Colo- 
 nels McDowell and Hampton, with their Burke and Ruth- 
 erford followers, now less than two hundred in number, 
 remained in the Gilbert Town region till forced back by the 
 arrival of Ferguson shortly after. Colonel Clarke, after 
 continuing some distance on his route, concluded to take 
 the mountain trails and return to Georgia, transferring the 
 prisoners to Colonel Williams, who, with Captain Ham- 
 mond, conducted them safely to Hillsboro. There, meeting 
 Governor Rutledge, of South Carolina, who supposing 
 Williams had the chief command of the expedition, as his 
 report was so worded as to convey that idea, conferred on 
 him as a reward for the gallant achievement, the commis- 
 sion of a Brigadier-General in the South Carolina militia 
 service, and, at the same time, promoted Captain Ham- 
 mond to the rank of a Major. But Shelby, Clarke, Bran- 
 don, Steen, McCall, McDowell, and Mcjunkin, who battled 
 so manfully at Musgrove's, were kept in the back-ground, 
 receiving no merited honors for their services and their suf- 
 
 *MS. Statements of Major Joseph McDowell, and Captain David Vance, preserved by 
 the late Robert Henry, of Buncombe Co., N. C, and both participants in this expedition. 
 
120 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 ferings ; yet they, nevertheless, continued faithfully to serve 
 their country without a murmur. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, on the twenty-ninth of August, wrote 
 to Sir Henry Clinton : ' ' Ferguson is to move into Tryon 
 county with some militia, whom he says he is sure he can 
 depend upon for doing their duty, and fighting well ; but I 
 am sorry to say, that h's own experience, as well as that of 
 every other officer, is totally against him."* This is a tacit 
 acknowledgment, that Ferguson's detachments were deci- 
 dedly worsted in the several affairs at Cedar Spring, with 
 Colonel Jones beyond the head-waters of Saluda, at Earle's 
 Ford, near Wofford's Iron Works, and at Musgrove's. So 
 good a judge of military matters as Lord Cornwallis would 
 not have made such a report, had not the disastrous results 
 extorted the reluctant confession. 
 
 Some comparison of the principal authorities consulted, 
 which appear more or less contradictory in their character, 
 ma}' not inappropriately be made in concluding this chap- 
 ter. Dawson, vaguely referring to the Shelby statements, 
 says they "differ so much from the contemporary reports, 
 that I have not noticed them." Colonel Shelby was in 
 every sense a real hero in war, and the details he furnishes 
 are no doubt reliable. But in after life, he appears, perhaps 
 imperceptibly, little b}' little, to have magnified the num- 
 bers, losses and prisoners in some of the contests in which 
 he was engaged — notably so of the Musgrove affair. The 
 venerable historian of Tennessee, Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, 
 states in a letter before the writer, that he closely followed 
 a manuscript narrative of Governor Shelby in what he 
 records of the battle at Musgrove's — the same that Hay- 
 wood had used before him ; in which the British force is 
 given as four or five hundred, reinforced by six hundred 
 under Colonel Innes from Ninety Six, not, however, stating 
 the strength of the Whigs ; that more than two hundred 
 prisoners were taken, with a loss on the part of the victors of 
 only six or seven killed. In his statement to Hardin, Colonel 
 
 * Correspondence of Cornwallis, i, 58-59. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 121 
 
 Shelby puts both the British and American strength at about 
 seven hundred — the former reinforced by six or seven hun- 
 dred more'; that over two hundred of the enemy were killed, 
 and two hundred made prisoners, with a Whig loss of Cap- 
 tain Inman and thirty others. Colonel Todd, in his sketch 
 of his father-in-law. Governor Shelby, gives the enemy's 
 force at Musgrove's at five or six hundred, reinforced hy 
 six hundred under Innes ; but discards Shelby's exaggerated 
 account of losses and prisoners, adopting McCall's instead. 
 Colonel Williams' report, on the other hand, gives the 
 American force at two hundred, and the British originally 
 the same, reinforced by three hundred, killing sixty of the 
 enemy, and taking seventy prisoners, while the Americans 
 sustained a loss of only four killed, and seven or eight 
 wounded. Governor Abner Nash, of North Carolina, 
 writing September tenth, 1780, says: "Colonel Williams, 
 of South Carolina, two days after this (Gates') defeat, with 
 two hundred men, engaged four hundred of the British 
 cavalry, in a fair open field fight, and completely defeated 
 and routed them, killing sixty-three on the spot, and taking 
 seventy-odd prisoners, mostly British." Orondates Davis, 
 a prominent public character, writing from Halifax, North 
 Carolina, September twenty-seventh, 1780, states: "Colo- 
 nel Williams, of South Carolina, three [two] days after 
 Gates' defeat, fell in with a party of the enemy near Ninety 
 Six, and gave them a complete drubbing, killing seventy 
 on the spot, and taking between sixty and seventy prison- 
 ers, mostly British, with the loss of four men only." These 
 two statements, written, doubtless, on Williams' inform- 
 ation, appear in the North Carolina University Magazine 
 for March, 1855. . McCall speaks of the British force as 
 three hundred and fifty, and the Americans about equal, 
 stating the British loss at sixty-three killed, and one hun- 
 dred and sixty wounded and taken, the Americans losing 
 only four killed and nine wounded ; while Mills, who does 
 not report the numbers engaged, gives the British loss at 
 
122 KING '■ S MO UNTAIN. 
 
 eighty-six killed, and seventy-six taken. Major James 
 Sevier stated the Whig force at two hundi-ed and fifty, as 
 he learned it from his neighbors who participated in the 
 action immediately after their return home ; and Major 
 Mcjunkin placed the British strength at three hundred, and 
 the Americans at half the number. 
 
 Shelby's accounts, and those who follow them, give the 
 date of the action as August nineteenth ; but the eighteenth 
 has the weight of authority to sustain it — Williams' report, 
 Governor Nash's letter, September tenth, 1780, Ramsay's 
 Revolution in South Carolina, 1785, Moultrie, Gordon, 
 McCall, Mills, Lossing, O'Neall, and Dawson. 
 
 Note — Authorities for the Musgrove's Mill expedition : Colonel Williams' report 
 which General Gates, September 5, 1780, forwarded to the President of Congress, pub- 
 lished in Pennsylvania Packet, September 23, Massachusetts Spy, October 12, London 
 Chronicle, December 21, 1780, Scots' Magazine^ December, 1780; Almon's Reinevibrancer. 
 xi, 87, and the substance, evidently communicated by Governor Rutledge, in Virginia 
 Gazette, September 13, 1780. Ramsay's Revolution, ii, 137; Moultrie's Mevioii'S, \\, 220; 
 Mackenzie's Strictures, 25-26; Y^Lnmngs 'Narrative, 12-13; Gordon's History, iii, 449; 
 McCall's Georgia, ii, 315-17. Shelby's accounts in Haywood's Tennessee, 65-67; Ramsey's 
 Tenjiessee. 217-19; American Whig Review, December, 1848; Todd's memoir of Shelby 
 in National Portrait Gallery, and in IVesiern Monthly Magazine, August 1836 ; Breazeale's 
 Li/e as it is, 51-52 ; Wheeler's North Carolina, ii, 57-58, ico; Hunter's Sketches 0/ Western 
 North Carolina, 337-39. Mills' Statistics, 255-56, 764; O'Neall's History Newhe7~ry, 71, 265, 
 312-13; Lossing's Field Book, ii, 444-45; Dawson's Battles, i, 620-22; Howe's History 
 Presbyterian Church of South Carolina, 526. MS. papers of Robert Henry. Also Saye's 
 Memoir of Mcjiinkin, and Saye MSS ; MSS. of Dr. John H. Logan, furnishing many 
 traditions from the Musgrove family; Colonel William Hill's MS. Narrative of the Mus- 
 grove affair, derived from "an officer of high standing" who participated in the engage- 
 ment — the date and details going to show that Colonel Shelby was his authority; they 
 had met on the King's Mountain campaign. Pension statement of Captain Joseph 
 Hughes. MS. notes of conversations with Major James Sevier, son of Colonel John Sevier; 
 also with Major Thomos H. Shelby, son of Colonel Isaac Shelby, and Colonel George 
 Wilson, of Tennessee. 
 
 The pretended narrative of Colonel Samuel Hammond, in Johnson's Traditions, has 
 not been relied on. It, for instance, refers to the express, who brought intelligence of 
 Gates' defeat, also bringing news of Sumter's disaster at Fishing Creek, when, in fact, it 
 did not occur, until several hours later of the same day, and in a distant county. Colonel 
 Hammond, of course, never wrote anything of the kind. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1780 — Summer and Autumn. 
 
 Incidents of the Up-country. — Major Edward Musgrove. — Paddy Carr 
 and Beaks Musgrove. — The Story of Mary Musgrove. — Samuel 
 Clowneys Adventure. — William Kennedy's Forays Against the 
 Tories. — Joseph Hughes' Escape. — William Sharp Bagging a 
 British and Tory Party. — Tories' Attack on Woods, and how dearly 
 he sold his life. — Plundering Sam. Brown. 
 
 Several interesting incidents transpired during the sum- 
 mer and early autumn of 1780, in the region of the present 
 counties of Laurens, Spartanburg, and Union, while Colo- 
 nel Ferguson yet held sway in that quarter. The more 
 striking of them deserve to be preserved in the history of 
 the times, as exhibiting something of the rancor and bitter- 
 ness engendered by civil warfare. 
 
 Edward Musgrove, whose name has been perpetuated 
 by the battle just narrated, fought near his residence, was a 
 native of England, and one of the earliest settlers of the 
 upper country of South Carolina. He had received a good 
 education, and was bred to the law. Possessing fine abili- 
 ties, large hospitality and benevolence, he was a practical 
 surveyor, giving legal advice, and drawing business papers 
 for all who needed them, for many miles around. He was 
 very popular, and exceedingly useful, in all the region, of 
 which his noted mill on the Enoree was the center. 
 
 Major Musgrove, for he bore that title, was a man a 
 little above medium height, of slender form, prematurely 
 gray, and possessed much firmness and decision of charac- 
 ter. He had passed the period of active life when the 
 Revolutionary war commenced, and was then living with 
 his third wife — too old to take any part in the bloody strife ; 
 
124 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 but with trembling lips, he plead each night for a speedy 
 return of peace and good will among men. He lived to 
 see his prayers answered, dying in 1792, in the seventj''- 
 sixth year of his age, and was buried in the little grave- 
 yard, just behind the site of his house, near the old mill. 
 
 Beaks Musgrove was a son of the Major's by his first 
 wife. Partaking of the spirit of the times, and inspired by 
 such British leaders as the Cunninghams and Colonel Fer- 
 guson, he was induced to join the King's standard. Pat- 
 . rick Carr, better known as Paddy Carr, was one of the 
 fearless Captains who served under Colonel Clarke, of 
 Georgia. He had been an Indian trader on the frontiers of 
 that Province, and was, on occasion, quite as reckless and 
 brutal as the worst specimens among the Red Men of the 
 forest. Hunting for Beaks Musgrove, he suddenly darted 
 into Major Musgrove's, at a moment when Beaks had come 
 in to change his clothing, and get some refreshments, and 
 had leaned his sword against the door-post, while his pretty 
 sister, Mary, was engaged in preparing him a meal. Carr 
 had dodged in so quietly and unexpectedly, that Beaks was 
 taken entirely by surprise, and without a moment's notice 
 to enable him to attempt his escape. 
 
 " Are 3-ou Beaks Musgrove? " inquired Carr. 
 
 " I am, sir," was the frank and manly reply. 
 
 "You are the man, sir, I have long been seeking," was 
 the stern response of the Whig Captain.. 
 
 Mary Musgrove, seeing the drawn sword of her brother 
 in Carr's possession, earnestly inquired: "Are you Paddy 
 Carr? " 
 
 " I am," he replied. 
 
 " I am Mary Musgrove, Mr. Carr, and 3rou must not 
 kill my brother, " at the same time imploringly throwing 
 herself between them. 
 
 Carr was evidently touched by the plea of artless beauty, 
 and struck with young Musgrove's manliness and fine sol- 
 dierly appearance, and said : " Musgrove, you look like a 
 man who would fight." 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 125 
 
 "Yes," responded Musgrove, "there are circumstances 
 under which I would do my best." 
 
 " Had I come upon j^ou alone," said Carr, "in possess- 
 ion of your arms, would you have fought me? " 
 
 '• Yes — sword in hand," rejoined Musgrove. 
 
 Carr seemed pleased with his new acquaintance, who 
 was now so completely in his power, and boldly proposed 
 to him to become a member of his scout at once, and swear 
 never again to bear arms against the Americans. By this 
 time, Carr's men, who had been stationed in the cedar 
 grove some distance from the house, came up, to observe 
 what was transpiring, and, if need be, to render aid to their 
 leader. 
 
 Mary Musgrove, seeing her brother disposed to accede 
 to Carr's proposition, with a view, probably, of saving his 
 life, still had her fears awakened for his safety, and boldly 
 challenged the Captain's motives. "Captain Carr," she 
 asked, " I hope you do not intend to persuade my brother 
 to leave me, and then, when the presence of his sister is no 
 longer a restraint, butcher him in cold blood — pledge me, 
 sir, that such is not your purpose." 
 
 "I'll swear it," replied Carr, solemnly. Beaks Mus- 
 grove joined his part}?^, but at heart he was a Tory still. 
 He, however, continued some time with Carr, constantly 
 gaining upon that bold leader's confidence ; but there is no 
 record or tradition tending to show how long the native 
 baseness of his heart permitted him to sustain his new char- 
 acter. There is no evidence that he ever after bore arms 
 against his country — perhaps he feared the terrible retribu- 
 tion Carr would certainly have visited upon him, had 
 he falsified the solemn oath he had taken. About the close 
 of the war, he quit the country, and never returned. He 
 left a son, who became a Baptist preacher, displaying, it is 
 said, much of the eccentricity and acuteness of the cele- 
 brated Lorenzo Dow. 
 
 By his second m.arriage, to a Miss Fancher, Major Mus- 
 
126 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 grove had two daughters, Mary and Susan, aged respect- 
 ively some twenty-five and twenty-three years, at the period 
 of the war troubles of 1780-81 ; and both were akin to the 
 angels in their unwearied acts of mercy to the wounded and 
 the suffering in those trying times. They were young 
 women of marked attractions, both of mind and body ; 
 Mary, especially, was a young lady of rare beauty of per- 
 son, possessing a bright intellect, and much energy of char- 
 acter. She was the renowned heroine of Kennedy's popu- 
 lar story of " Horse-Shoe Robinson ; " and, in all the up- 
 countr}^ of South Carolina, he could not have chosen a more 
 beautiful character in real life with which to adorn the 
 charming pages of his historical romance. In Marjr Mus- 
 grove's case — 
 
 "Beauty unadorned is adorned the most." 
 
 Both of these noble sisters fell earlj^ victims to the con- 
 sumption — Mary dying about one 3'ear, and Susan about 
 two years, after the war — both unmarried, and both quietly 
 repose in the little grave-yard beside their revered parents. 
 
 When Mary Musgrove was about passing away, she 
 selected her sister, and three other young ladies of the 
 neighborhood, to be her pall-bearers. Her body being very 
 light, they bore it to its final resting-place on silk handker- 
 chiefs. Just as they were lowering the coffin into the grave, 
 a kind-hearted lady present, the wife of a noted Tory, came 
 forward to render some little assistance, when a member of 
 the family, knowing Mary's devoted Whig principles, 
 gentlj' interposed and prevented it. Such was the tender 
 respect shown to the memory of the worthy heroine of the 
 Enoree.* 
 
 A remarkable adventure of Samuel Clowney will next 
 
 * Among Dr. Logan's MSS., Is an interesting statement, to which we are indebted for 
 these particulars, from the late Captain P. M. Waters, son of Margaret Musgrove, the 
 oldest daughter, by his last marriage, of Major Musgrove — a girl of twelve summers at the 
 time of the memorable battle near her father's, in 1780. She married Ladon Waters, and 
 survived till 1824; and by her retentive memory these traditions, and several of those 
 related in the preceding chapter, were preserved. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 127 
 
 demand our attention. He was a native of Ireland, and 
 first settled on the Catawba river, in North Carolina, finalty 
 locating in South Carolina. He was a most determined 
 Whig, and had joined Colonel Thomas at the Cedar Spring, 
 early in July. Obtaining with several others a brief leave 
 of absence, to visit their friends, and procure a change 
 of clothing, they set oft' for the settlement on the waters 
 of Fair Forest, known as Ireland or the Irish Settle- 
 ment, on account of the large number of settlers from 
 the Emerald Isle. On their route, the party left, with a 
 Mrs. Foster, some garments to be washed, and appointed a 
 particular hour, and an out-of-the-way place, where they 
 should meet her, and get them, on their return to camp. 
 
 In accordance with this arrangement, when the partj'^ 
 reached Kelso's creek, about five miles from Cedar Spring, 
 they diverged from the road through the woods to the ap- 
 pointed place, leaving Clowney, and a negro named Paul, 
 to take charge of their horses until they should return with 
 the washing. Presently five Tories, making their way to a 
 Loyalist encampment in that quarter, came to the creek ; 
 when Clowney, conceiving himself equal to the occasion, 
 and giving the negro subdued directions of the part he was 
 to act, yelled out in a commanding tone: "Cock your 
 guns, boys, and fire at the word ; " and then advancing to 
 the bank of the stream, as the Tories were passing through 
 it, demanded who they were? Thej- answered : "Friends 
 to the King.'' To their utter astonishment, not dreaming 
 of a Whig party in the country, they were peremptorily 
 ordered by Clowney to come upon the bank, lay down their 
 arms, and surrender, or "every bugger of them would be 
 instantly cut to pieces." Being somewhat slow in showing 
 signs of yielding, Clowney sternly repeated his demand, 
 threatening them, with his well-poised rifle, of the fatal 
 consequences of disobedience ; when the terror-stricken 
 Tories, believing that a large force was upon them, quietly 
 surrendered without uttering a word. 
 
128 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 Paul took charge of their guns, when Clowney, giving 
 some directions to his imaginary soldiers to follow in the 
 rear, ordered the prisoners "right about wheel," when 
 he marched them across the creek, directly before him, 
 till he at length reached the rest of his party at Mrs. Foster's 
 washing camp. They were then conducted to Colonel 
 Thomas' quarters. The prisoners were not a little cha- 
 grined, when they learned that their captors consisted of 
 only two persons — one of whom was an unarmed negro. 
 After arriving safely at Cedar Spring, his Colonel, when 
 told that Clowney and the negro alone had captured the 
 whole party, seemed at first a little incredulous that they 
 could accomplish such a feat. 
 
 "Why, Padd}'," said the Colonel, "how did you take 
 all these men? " 
 
 "May it plase yer honor," he replied, exultingly, "by 
 me faith, I surj-oimded them ! " 
 
 Clowney was a real hero. This achievement of his at 
 Kelso's creek is well attested by many who knew him. 
 One of his acquaintances, in his terse way, described him 
 as "a little dry Irishman ; " and though he belonged to the 
 Presbyterian Church, like all of his Celtic race of that da}', 
 without being intemperate, he could not refrain from getting 
 dry once in a while, and dearly loved "a wee bit of the 
 crathure" occasionally. He possessed a remarkable talent 
 for sarcasm and invective ; but he was, nevertheless, a most 
 kind-hearted, benevolent man, greatly beloved by all who 
 knew him. His brogue was quite rich, and this, combined 
 with a fund of genial Irish wit, made him a fascinating 
 companion. He died September twenty-seventh, 1824, in 
 his eighty-second year. His son, William K. Clowney, 
 who was a graduate of South Carolina College, and became 
 a prominent lawyer, represented his native district four 
 years in Congress.* 
 
 *MS. Lojjan papers; MS. notes of conversations with Dr. Alexander Q. Bradley, of 
 Alabama, and General James K. Means, a son-in-law of Clowney's, in 1871; Howe's His- 
 tory 0/ Preshyterian Church in South Carolina, 534-35: Dr. Moore's Life of Lacey 32, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 129 
 
 Five miles south of Unionville, in the preyent county of 
 Union, was Fair Forest Shoal. There Colonel Thomas 
 Brandon resided ; but his military position required his 
 presence elsewhere much of the time during the active 
 period of the Revolution. His place, during his absence, 
 was well supplied by a few resolute Whigs, among whom 
 were old 'Squire Kennedy, his son William, Joseph Hughes, 
 William Sharp, Thomas Young, Joseph Mcjunkin, and 
 Christopher Brandon. 
 
 Among these brave and active patriots, William Ken- 
 nedy stood conspicuous. He was of French Huguenot 
 descent — the race to which Marion belonged. He was tall, 
 handsome, and athletic. His perception was quick, his 
 sagacity equal to any emergency, and his ability sufficient 
 for a great commander. But he persistently refused to 
 accept any office, choosing rather to serve as a common 
 soldier. He was regarded as the best shot with his rifle of 
 any pers9n in all that region. Whether on foot or horse- 
 back, at half-speed or a stand-still, he was never known to 
 miss his aim. His rifle had a peculiar crack when fired, 
 which his acquaintances could recognize ; and when its 
 well-known report was heard, it was a common remark — 
 " the7-e is another Tory less.''' 
 
 Although he held no commission, yet the men of the 
 neighborhood acknowledged him as their leader when dan- 
 ger was nigh, and their feet were ever in the stirrup at his 
 bidding. His efforts were often called into requisition by 
 the plundering excursions of the Tories sent out under the 
 auspices of Ferguson, Dunlap, and their subordinate offi 
 cers. He and his comrades often saved their settlement from 
 being over-run by these scouting parties. The crack' of 
 Kennedy's rifle was sure to be heard whenever a Tory was 
 found ; and it was the well-known signal for his friends to 
 hasten to his assistance. He seemed almost to "snuff" the 
 battle from afar ;" and the flush of determination would suf- 
 fuse his manly countenance whenever he had reason to 
 believe the enemy were near. 
 
130 KING 'S MO UNTAIN. 
 
 On one occasion, a British and Tory scouting party 
 penetrated the settlement, and began their customarj' work 
 of phindering the women and children of every thing they 
 possessed, whether to eat or to wear. One of Kennedy's 
 runners went to the hiding-place of Christopher Brandon 
 and two companions — for they were, in the language of the 
 times, out-lyers, and could not with safety stay at home for 
 fear of being massacred by the Tories — and notified them 
 of an enterprise on foot. They mounted their horses, and 
 hastened at half-speed to the place of rendezvous. Pursu- 
 ing an unfrequented cow-path through a dense forest, they 
 stopped a moment at a small branch crossing their trail, to 
 permit their jaded horses to quench their thirst, and then 
 renew their journey. The crack of a rifle scattered the 
 brains of one of Brandon's companions on his clothes and 
 in his face, the same ball grazing his cheek, the dead body 
 of the victim tumbling into the brook beneath. The two 
 survivors put spurs to their horses, when more than a dozen 
 rifles were fired at them from an unseen enemy behind the 
 trees ; but they fortunately escaped uninjured. The Torjf 
 party had heard the galloping of the horses of Brandon and 
 his friends, and laid in wait for them. 
 
 Reaching the place of meeting, some fifteen or twenty 
 had assembled under their bold leader, Kennedy, and were 
 ready for a hot pursuit. They overtook the Tory band a 
 few minutes before sunset. They were plundering a house 
 in a field a few rods from the public road ; and the Whig 
 pursuers had their attention first attracted by the cries of the 
 woman and her children. The Tories had a sentinel out- 
 side, who fired as the Whigs came near ; and, on the alarm, 
 those within instantly dashed out, mounted their horses, and 
 fled. The Whigs divided, each pursuing his man at full 
 speed. Kennedy directed 3'oung Brandon, who was inex- 
 perienced, to keep near him, and only fire when told to do 
 so. The leader of the Tory party, whose name was Neal, 
 was the one singled out and pursued by Kennedy. He fled 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 131 
 
 through an open field, towards the woods, at some distance 
 away ; but Kennedy kept the road, running nearly parallel 
 with the fugitive, till he reached an open space in the hedge- 
 row of bushes that had partially obstructed the view^, when 
 he suddenlj' called out whoa! to his horse, who had been 
 trained instantlj- to obey ; and, as quick as thought, the 
 crack of Kennedy's rifle brought Neal tumbling to the 
 ground. He was stone-dead when Kennedy and Brandon 
 came up, having been shot through the body in a vital part. 
 The distance of Kennedy's fire was one hundred and forty 
 yards. More than half of the Tory party was killed. 
 "Not one was taken prisoner," as Brandon related the 
 adventure in his old age, " for it occurred but seldom — our 
 rifles usually saved us that trouble." Re-taking the Tory- 
 booty, it was all faithfully restored to the distressed woman 
 and children.* 
 
 On the heights at Fair Forest Shoal was an old stockade 
 fort or block-house. Many tragic incidents occurred there, 
 and in its neighborhood. A Tory, whose name has been 
 forgotten, had, with his band, done much mischief in that 
 region ; and, among other unpardonable sins, had killed 
 one of William Kennedy's dearest friends. The latter 
 learned that the culprit was within striking distance, and 
 called his friends together, who went in search of him. 
 The two parties met some two or three miles from the 
 block-house, when a severe contest ensued. The Tories 
 were routed ; and the leader, who was the prize Kennedy 
 sought, fled. Kennedy, Hughes, Sharp, Mcjunkin and 
 others pursued. The chase was one of life or death. The 
 Tory approached the bank of Fair Forest at a point, on a 
 high bluff, where the stream at low water was perhaps 
 twenty or thirty yards over, and quite deep. The fleeing 
 
 *MS. notos of Hon. Daniel Wallace, communicated to William Gilmore Simms, the 
 distinguished novelist and historian of South Carolina, and kindly furnished the writer by 
 Mr. Simms' daughter, Mrs. Edward Roach, of Charleston. Mr. Wallace was a native of 
 the up-country of South Carolina, and represented his district in Congress from 1847 to 
 1853. He died a few years since. 
 
132 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Loyalist, hemmed around by his pm'suers on the bluff, just 
 where they aimed to drive him, hesitated not a moment, 
 but spurred his horse, and plunged over the bank, and into 
 the stream below — a fearful leap. His pursuers followed, 
 and at the opposite bank they made him their prisoner. 
 
 Their powder being wet by its contact with the water, 
 they resolved to take their captive below to the block-house 
 and hang him. When they arrived there, the officer in 
 command would not permit him to be disposed of in that 
 summary manner, but ordered him to be taken to Colonel 
 Brandon's camp, a considerable distance away, to be tried 
 by a court martial. Kennedy was placed at the head of the 
 guard, but the Tory begged that Kennedy might not be 
 permitted to go, as he apprehended he would take occasion 
 to kill him on the way. Evidently intending to make an 
 effort to escape, he did not wish the presence of so skillful 
 a shot as Kennedy. His request, however, was not heeded. 
 He took an early occasion to dash off at full speed ; but 
 Kennedy's unerring rifle soon stopped his flight, and his 
 remains were brought back to the foot of the hill, near the 
 block-house, and there buried. The Tory's grave was 
 still pointed out within a few years past.* 
 
 The name of Joseph Hughes has been mentioned as one 
 of the faithful followers of William Kennedy. Both were 
 proverbially brave — Hughes was probably the more reckless 
 of the two — possessed more of a dare-devil character. 
 Early one morning, he left his hiding-place, as one of the 
 honored band of out-l3'ers, who preferred freedom at any 
 sacrifice rather than tamely yield to the oppression around 
 them, and visited his humble domicile, to see his little family, 
 residing on the west side of Broad river, near the locality 
 of the present village of Pinckneyville. He approached his 
 house cautiously on horse-back, and when within a rod, 
 three Tories suddenly sprang out of the door, and present- 
 ing their guns, said exultingly : — 
 
 * Wallace Manuscript. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 133 
 
 " You d — d Rebel, you are our prisoner ! " 
 
 " You are d — d liars ! " defiantly yelled Hughes, as he 
 instantly spurred his horse to his full speed. As he cleared 
 the gate at a single leap, all three fired, but missed their 
 mark, and he escaped without a scratch. These Tories had 
 watched for him all night, and had just entered the house to 
 get their breakfast as he rode up. They were naturally 
 quite chop-fallen, when, having taken so much pains to 
 secure so plucky an enemy of the King, they found them- 
 selves, in the end, so completely foiled in their purpose.* 
 
 On another occasion, when a scouting party of British 
 and Tories was passing through what is now Union County, 
 committing robberies, as was their wont, when they little 
 suspected it, their footsteps were dogged by William Sharp, 
 one of Kennedy's fearless heroes, with two associates. At 
 Grindal Shoals, a notable ford of Pacolet, they came upon 
 -the enemy. It was in the night, and very dark, which con- 
 cealed their numbers, and favored their daring enterprise. 
 The first intimation the British and Tories had of danger, 
 was a bold demand on the part of Sharp and his associates 
 for them to surrender instantly, or they would be blown into 
 a region reputed pretty hot. In the surprise of the moment, 
 they begged for quarter, and laid down their arms, to the 
 number of twenty. The victors threw their guns into the 
 river, before their prisoners discovered their mistake, and 
 drove the captives to the nearest Whig encampment in that 
 region, f 
 
 In a quiet nook in Spartanburg lived a man named 
 Woods — on one of the Forks of Tyger, we believe. He 
 was not known as particularly demonstrative or combative 
 among his neighbors, but was a true patriot, and unflinch- 
 ing in times of danger. One day, when at home with his 
 wife, he found his house surrounded by a party of deter- 
 mined Tories. Seeing so overwhelming a superiority of 
 
 * Wallace Manuscript. 
 + Wallace Manuscript. 
 
134 KING 'S MO UN TAIN 
 
 numbers against him, Woods, who had closed his house 
 against them, proposed if they would, in good faith, agree 
 to spare his own and wife's lives, they might come in un- 
 opposed, and take whatever they wanted, otherwise, as he 
 had two guns, he would sell his life as dearly as possible. 
 They would make no promises, but demanded an uncon- 
 ditional surrender. Woods commenced the unequal battle, 
 availing himself of a crack between his house-logs, which 
 served him as a port-hole, and kept up a brisk firing, his 
 heroic wife loading his guns for him as fast as either was 
 empty, till he had killed three of his assailants. They now 
 became more desperate than ever, and, through the same 
 crack, managed to send a ball which broke Mrs. Woods' 
 arm. Tn the confusion of the moment, while Woods was 
 assisting his wife, the Tories seeing his fire had slackened, 
 rushed up to the door which they battered down, and cap- 
 tured the intrepid defender. They took him a few rods 
 away, into a copse of wood, where they soon beat him to 
 death with clubs. Mrs. Woods was spared, and recovered.* 
 In what was originally a part of Tryon, now Lincoln 
 County, North Carolina, were manj^ Loyalists. Among 
 them was Samuel Brown, who had been reared there, and 
 proved himself not only an inveterate Tory, but a bold and 
 unscrupulous plunderer. He had a sister, Charity Brown, 
 who must have been a rough, reckless, bad woman. For 
 quite a period, the two carried on very successful plunder- 
 ing operations — including horses, bed-clothes, weai'ing ap- 
 parel, pewter-ware, money, and other valuable articles. 
 Sometimes they had confederates, but oftener they went 
 forth alone on their pillaging forays. About fifteen miles 
 west of Statesville, North Carolina, three miles above the 
 Island Ford, there is a high blufT on the western side of the 
 Catawba river, rising three hundred feet high, at a place 
 known as the Look-Out Shoals. About sixty feet from the 
 
 *MS. notes of conversations, in 1871, with Major A. J. Wells, of Montevallo, Alabama, 
 a native of Spartanburg County, South Carolina. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 135 
 
 base of this bluff, under an over-hanging cliff, was a cave 
 of considerable dimensions, sufficient to accommodate sev- 
 eral persons, but the opening to which is now partially 
 closed by a mass of rock sliding down from above. This 
 cave was the depository for the plunder taken by stealth or 
 violence from the poverty-stricken people in the country for 
 m.any miles around ; for their depredations extended from 
 the Shallow Ford of Yadkin to the region embracing the 
 several counties of the north-western portion of South Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Sam Brown was once married to the daughter of a man 
 residing near the Island Ford, but his wife, disliking the man, 
 or his treatment of her, left him and returned to her father ; 
 and in revenge for harboring and protecting her. Brown 
 went one night and killed all his father-in-law's stock. A 
 poor old blind man, named David Beard, living on Fourth 
 creek, near what is now called Beard's bridge, about seven 
 miles east of Statesville, had a few dollars in silver laid up, 
 which Brown unfeelingly filched from him. Beard re- 
 proached him for his wrongs and cruelties, and reminded 
 him that he would have a hard account to render at the day 
 of judgment for robbing a person in his poor and helpless 
 condition. 
 
 "It's a long trust," retorted Brown; "but sure pay," 
 promptly rejoined Beard. 
 
 So notorious had become the robber's achievements, 
 that he was known in all that region as Plundering Sam 
 Brown. Among the Tories, he was designated as Captain 
 Sam Brown. As early as the Spring of 1778, he was 
 associated with the Tory leader, David Fanning ; and they 
 were hiding in the woods together on Reaburn's creek, in 
 now Laurens County, South Carohna, for the space of six 
 weeks, living entirely upon what they killed in the wilder- 
 ness, without bread or salt. There were too many watchful 
 Whigs in this region to suit Brown's notions, so he wended 
 his way to Green river, in what is now Polk County, in the 
 south-western part of North Carolina. 
 
136 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 The advent of Colonel Ferguson to the up-country of 
 South Carolina proved a perfect God-send to such hardened 
 wretches as Brown. They could now dignify their plunder- 
 ing with the sanction of his Majesty's faithful servants, 
 Colonel Ferguson, Colonel Innes, and Major Dunlap. To 
 such an extent had the people of the Spartanburg region 
 been raided and over-run, during the summer of 1780, by 
 these persistent pillagers, that the men had been compelled 
 to fly to the distant bodies of Whigs under McDowell or 
 Sumter, or become out-lyers in the wilderness. This left 
 a comparatively open field for the marauders, and they 
 were not slow to avail themselves of it. Captain Brown 
 and his followers made frequent incursions in that quarter. 
 He ventured, on one occasion, to the house of Josiah Cul- 
 bertson, on Fair Forest, accompanied by a single associate 
 named Butler, and inquired of Mrs. Culbertson for her hus- 
 band. But this young woman, the daughter of the heroic 
 Mrs. Colonel Thomas, gave him some pretty curt and un- 
 satisfactory answers. Brown became very much provoked 
 by this spirited woman, and retorted in much abusive and 
 indecent language ; assuring her, furthermore, that he 
 would, in a few da3's, return with his company, lay her 
 house in ashes, kill her husband, and plunder and murder 
 the principal Whigs of the neighborhood. After a good 
 deal of tongue lashings and bravado of this character. 
 Brown and Butler rode off, leaving Mrs. Culbertson to 
 brood over her painful apprehensions. 
 
 Brown's cup of iniquity was running over, and the day 
 of retribution was at hand. Fortunately, Culbertson re- 
 turned home that night, accompanied by a friend, Charles 
 HoUoway, who was as brave and fearless as himself. The 
 story of Brown's visit, his threats and insolence, very 
 naturally roused Culbertson's feelings — indignation and re- 
 sentment pervaded his whole nature. Beside this disgrace- 
 ful treatment of his wife. Brown had apprehended the elder 
 Colonel Thomas, the father of Mrs. Culbertson, soon after 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 137 
 
 the fall of Charleston, and earned him, two of his sons, 
 and his negroes and horses, to the British, at Ninety Six. 
 Culbertson determined to capture the redoubtable plun- 
 derer, or rid the countr}^ of so great a scourge. Hollo way 
 was equally ready for the enterprise. 
 
 Early the next morning, reinforced by William Neel, 
 William Mcllhaney, and one Steedman,* they followed the 
 tracks of the two marauders some ten or twelve miles, when 
 they discovered Brown's and Butler's horses in a stable on 
 the road-side, belonging to Dr. Andrew Thompson, in the 
 region of Tyger river, where they had stopped for rest and 
 refreshment. Culbertson's party now retraced their steps 
 some distance, hitched their horses out of sight, and crept 
 up within shot of Thompson's, posting themselves behind 
 the stable, and eagerly watched the appearance of the Tory 
 free-booters. At length Brown stepped out of the house 
 into the yard, followed by Butler ; and as the Tory Captain 
 was enjoying lazily a rustic yawn, with his hands locked 
 over his head, he received a shot from Culbertson's deadly 
 rifle, at a distance of about two hundred yards. The ball 
 passed directly through his bod}^ just below his shoulders, 
 and making a desperate bound, he fell dead against the door- 
 yard fence. Holloway's fire missed Butler, the ball lodging 
 in the door-jamb, just behind him ; but without waiting to 
 learn the fate of his leader, or to secure his horse, he fled 
 to the woods and escaped. Brown was an active, shrewd, 
 heartless man — the terror of women and children wherever 
 his name was known. Butler, it is believed, took the hint, 
 and never re-appeared in Spartanburg. 
 
 One tradition has it, that Brown's life of robbery and 
 out-lawry commenced even before the Revolution, which 
 may very well have been so. The amount of money cou- 
 sin a MS. letter of Colonel Elijah Clarke to General Sumter, October 29th, 17S0, occurs 
 this statement: "' I am to inform you, that the Tories killed Captains Hampton and Stid- 
 man, at or near Fair Forest"— the latter, perhaps, the associate of Culbertson, in his suc- 
 cessful foray against Brown, and for that very reason he probably lost his life, in retaliation, 
 on the part of Brown's friends. 
 
138 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 cealed b}^ him was supposed to be large — the fruits of his 
 predatory- life ; and frequent searches have been made to 
 find the hidden treasure. In his secluded cave, he kept a 
 mistress, but she professed ignorance of his localities of de- 
 posit. A small sum only has been discovered by accident. 
 The probabilities are, he never accumulated much mone}', 
 as the frontier people whom he plundered were poor, and 
 but little specie was in circulation beyond the immediate 
 neighborhood of the British troops. 
 
 After the death of her despicable brother, poor Charity 
 Brown fled westward to the mountain region of what is now 
 Buncombe and Haywood, and before her death, it is related, 
 she made some revelations where to find valuables buried in 
 the vicinity of the cave at the Look-Out Shoals ; and among 
 articles subsequently discovered, were twelve sets of pewter- 
 ware, which had been concealed in a large hollow tree. 
 This, in the course of time, had been blown down by the 
 wind, and thus revealed this long hidden booty of the rob- 
 bers of the Catawba. It is currently stated by the super- 
 stitious of that region, that when one comes near the cave, 
 and tries to bring his batteau to land at the base of the cliff, 
 he hears a fearful noise — not proceeding from the cave, so 
 far above the water, but from the rock at the bottom. 
 
 However this may be, Culbertson and Holloway, after 
 their successful work at Thompson's, deliberately wiped 
 their guns, reloaded them, and were again prepared for any 
 perilous adventure. Not verj^ long after Brown's death, 
 which was a source of rejoicing among the Whigs in all 
 that region, Culbertson received word, that a noted Tory, 
 whom he knew, then in North Carolina, threatened to kill 
 him, in retaliation for Brown's death. They met one day 
 unexpectedly, and instantly recognized each other, when 
 both fired their rifles almost simultaneously ; Culbertson's 
 cracked a moment first — the Tory fell dead, while the Whig 
 rifleman escaped unhurt. 
 
 Such sanguinary relations of civil warfare make one's 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 139 
 
 blood almost curdle in the veins. The unmerciful conduct 
 of Tarleton at Buford's defeat, had engendered a feeling of 
 savage fury on the part of the Whigs, and as bitterly recipro- 
 cated on the part of the Tories, which, in time, amounted 
 to the almost utter refusal of all quarter. So that in the 
 Carolinas and Georgia, the contest became, to a fearful 
 extent, a war of ruthless bloodshed and extermination.* 
 General Greene, a few months later, wrote thus freely of 
 these hand-to-hand strifes: "The animosity," he said, 
 " between the Whigs and Tories, rendered their situation 
 truly deplorable. There is not a day passes but there are 
 more or less who fall a sacrifice to this savage disposition. 
 The Whigs seem determined to extirpate the Tories, and 
 the Tories the Whigs. Some thousands have fallen in this 
 way in this quarter, and the evil rages with more violence 
 than ever. If a stop can not be put to these massacres, the 
 country will be depopulated in a few months more, as 
 neither Whig nor Tory can live."f 
 
 *The authorities for the story of Plundering Sam Brown are : Fanning's Narrative ; 
 obituary notice of Josiah Culbertson, in the Washington, Indiana, Weekly Register, Octo- 
 ber 17th, 1839, with comments thereon, by Major Mcjunkin, preserved among the Saye 
 MSS.; Ex-Governor B. F. Perry's sketch of Culbertson. in the Orion Magazine, June, 
 1844; Johnson's Traditions, 423; and sketch of Sam Brown, by Rev. E. R. Rockwell, of 
 North Carolina, in the Historical Magazine, October, 1873. 
 
 t Greene's Li/e 0/ Greene^ iii, 227, 
 
140 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 August, 1780— March, 1781. 
 
 CornwalHs' Hanging Propensities. — Sumter a thorn in his Lordship's 
 side. — Dispersion of Whig Bands. — Ferguson' s Success in Training 
 the Loyal Militia. — Action of the Alarmed Tory Leaders. — Ferguson 
 Moves into Try on County. — Colonel Graham Repels a Party of Plun- 
 derers. — Ruse for Saving Whig Stock. — Mrs. Lytle and her Beaver 
 Hat. — Engagement on Caite Creek, and Major Dunlap -djounded. — 
 Apprehension of Jonathati Hampton. — Dunlap' s Insolence. — Sketch 
 of Dunlap' s Career and Death. 
 
 Lord CoiTiwallis' success at Camden had, like the 
 mastiff fed on meat and blood, made him all the more 
 fierce for further strife and carnage. Two days after 
 Gates' defeat, his Lordship wrote to Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Cruger, at Ninety Six : "I have given orders that all the 
 inhabitants of this Province, who had submitted, and who 
 have taken part in this revolt, should be punished with the 
 greatest rigor ; that they should be imprisoned, and their 
 whole property taken from them or destroyed ; I have like- 
 wise directed that compensation should be made out of 
 their effects to the persons who have been plundered and 
 oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most positive 
 manner, that every militia man who had borne arms with 
 us, and had afterwards joined the enemy, should be imme- 
 diately hanged. I have now, sir, only to desire that you 
 will take the most vigorous measures to extinguish the 
 rebellion, in the district in which you command, and that 
 j'ou will obey, in the strictest manner, the directions I have 
 given in this letter, relative to the treatment of the countr3\"* 
 
 *This is the language of his Lordship's letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger, as given in 
 the Cornwallis' Correspondence., i, 56-57. His Lordship seeius to have equivocated about 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 141 
 
 These sanguinary orders were, in manj^ cases, most faith- 
 fully obeyed — Tarleton, Rawdon, Balfour and Browne, par- 
 ticularly demonstrating their fitness for carrying into effect 
 these tyrannical measures. 
 
 Sumter, by his plucky and frequent attacks on several 
 British detachments, had proved himself a thorn in his 
 Lordship's side. He had made a bold push against Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Turnbull at Rocky Mount ; then practically 
 defeated Major Garden and the Tory Colonel Bryan, at 
 Hanging Rock ; and finally captured Fort Carey, and a 
 large convoy, below Camden. These were audacious 
 things to do, evincing great contempt of his Majesty's 
 Government, and of his Lordship's power and consideration 
 in the Province. Turnbull, after Sumter's attack, had re- 
 tired to Ferguson's quarters, on Little river ; and Ferguson 
 meanwhile, had pushed further north to the Fair Forest 
 region. On his great victory over Gates, Cornwallis direc- 
 ted Turnbull and Ferguson to immediately put their corps 
 in motion, and push on, if possible, to intercept Sumter's 
 retreat towards North Carolina with his prisoners and spoils 
 of victory. Tarleton was also sent in his pursuit, overtak- 
 ing and surprising him at the mouth of Fishing creek, only 
 two days after Gates' melancholy disaster near Camden. 
 
 As we hear nothing more of Turnbull in the Ninety Six 
 region, it is to be presumed that he was, not long after, 
 recalled to the eastern part of South Carolina. The orders 
 of Lord Cornwallis, which must have reached Colonel Fer- 
 guson shortly after the affair at Musgrove's Mill, seem to 
 have set that officer's forces in motion> After driving 
 Clarke, Shelby, and Williams out of the Province, it only 
 remained to pay his attention to McDowell's party, at 
 Smith's Ford, on Broad river. On receipt of General Cas- 
 well's letter, announcing the disaster of Gates, and advising 
 
 the subject-matter of this letter; but he wrote a similar one, the same month, fully as 
 blood-thirsty in its tone, to Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, which is given in Sparks' Wash- 
 zftg-ion, vii, 555-6. 
 
142 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 the independent detachments to retire bej^ond the reach of 
 the victorious British, McDowell's force mostly disbanded 
 and scattered — some of them, perhaps, like Shelby's men, 
 because their term of service had expired ; while others, it 
 may be, like Clarke's Georgians, because thej^ were volun- 
 teers at pleasure. What was left of McDowell's command 
 — less than two hundred, apparently — retired to their own 
 mountain region of North Carolina, in the counties of 
 Rutherford and Burke. 
 
 That Ferguson, during the period he held command in 
 the up-country, had been both untiring and successful, is 
 well attested by a report of Lord Cornwallis to the Home 
 Government, August twentieth, 1780: "In the district of 
 Ninety Six," says his Lordship, "by far the most populous 
 and powerful of the Province, Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, 
 by his great attention and diligence, and by the active 
 assistance of Major Ferguson, who was appointed Inspector- 
 General of the militia of this Province by Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton, had formed seven battalions of militia, consisting of 
 above four thousand men, and entirely composed of persons 
 well-affected to the British Government, which were so 
 regulated, that they could, with ease, furnish fifteen hundred 
 men, at a short notice, for the defense of the frontier, or 
 any other home service. But I must take this opportunity 
 of observing, that this militia can be of little use for distant 
 military operations, as they will not stir without a horse ; and, 
 on that account, your Lordship will see the impossibility of 
 keeping a number of them together without destroying the 
 country." Turning their horses into fields of grain, and eat- 
 ing out one settlement, they would soon necessarily have 
 to remove to another. 
 
 Only five days before the action at Musgrove's, while 
 Ferguson and his troops were encamped at Fair Forest 
 Shoal, in Brandon's Settlement, an important meeting 
 was held there by the Loyalist officers and their men. 
 The North Carolina battalion under Colonel Ambrose Mills, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 143 
 
 and the six South Carohna battahons — Cunningham's, Kirk- 
 land's, Clary's, King's, Gibbs' and Plummer's were there in 
 camp, while Lieutenant-Colonel John Philips, battalion, and 
 another, were stationed at Edward Mobley's settlement, in 
 the adjoining county of Fairfield, some twenty-five miles 
 distant. All the Colonels seem to have been absent — Clary 
 at Musgi-ove's ; but all the battalions were represented at 
 the meeting. Lieutenant-Colonel Philips, Lieutenant-Colo- 
 nel W. T. Turner, Majors Daniel Plummer, Zachariah 
 Gibbs, and John Hamilton, and Adjutant Thomas D. Hill, 
 Jr., being present. 
 
 These Loyalist chiefs, who had flattered themselves that 
 the Rebellion was, to all intents and purposes, quelled, and 
 that they would soon be made lords and masters over the con- 
 quered communities, now began to realize that the Whigs of 
 the country would not " down" at their bidding — that Sum- 
 ter, Marion, McDowell, Williams, Shelby, Clarke, Thomas, 
 Brandon, Mcjunkin, and other leaders, were in arms, boldly 
 attacking Tory parties whenever they could meet them on 
 anything like an equal footing. The Loyal militia, when 
 danger began to stare them in the face, showed signs of 
 weakening and lagging. It was, therefore, important, as 
 "the Rebels were again in the field," as they expressed it, 
 that they should provide severe punishments for all of their 
 Loyalist delinquents ; that their horses, cattle, grain, and 
 arms should be forfeited, and they should be brought to 
 trial, and punished in person as they deserved. They 
 furthermore gave it as their unanimous expression, that 
 whoever should act a treacherous part bj^ abandoning the 
 Royal cause, deserting his battalion, or disobeying the 
 orders of his commanding officers, is a worse enemy to the 
 King and country than even the Rebels themselves, and 
 that all good Loyalists should assist in the defense of the 
 country, and that whoever neglects to assemble, and do 
 
144 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 service in the Loyal militia, should be made to serve in the 
 regular army.* 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, on the twenty-ninth of August, an- 
 nounced to Sir Henrjr Clinton: "Ferguson is to move 
 into Trjon county with some militia, whom, he says, he 
 can depend upon for doing their duty and fighting well ; 
 but I am sorry to say that his own experience, as well as 
 that of every other officer is totally against him." It is not 
 a little singular, that his Lordship, with his poor opinion of 
 the fighting qualities of the Tories, should have ordered 
 Ferguson so far beyond the reach of succor, in case of 
 danger. As he could not spare any detachment of regulars 
 to give them countenance, he probably hoped that the 
 Whigs were so far cowed and dispersed, that they would 
 not give Ferguson any serious opposition. 
 
 As McDowell, Clarke, Shelby, and Williams had retired 
 to the back parts of North Carolina, Ferguson, after awhile, 
 followed into that quarter. His detachments, however, 
 during the heats of summer, performed many of their move- 
 ments at night, and kept beating about in various direc- 
 tions, sometimes in the North Province and sometimes in 
 the South, in search of prominent Whig leaders, over-awing 
 all opposition, plundering whenever they found anj^thing 
 which they needed or coveted, and administering the oath 
 of allegiance to all who would take it, with liberal tenders 
 of pardon to those who had been active and prominent par- 
 ticipators in the rebellion. Many submissions were made ; 
 but oftener, when Ferguson's and Dunlap's parties would 
 call for the head of a Whig family, he was pretty certain, 
 nine cases out of ten, not to be found at home — where he 
 was, his wife and children could not say, for, in truth, they 
 seldom knew, for the patriots and out-lyers beat about quite 
 as much as those in quest of them. 
 
 In consequence of this state of affairs, the old people, 
 
 * MS. record obtained by Colonel Sevier from a Tory Colonel at King's Mountain, as 
 given in Ramsey's Tennessee, 216-17. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 145 
 
 together with the women and children, would fiequently 
 gather at the strongest and largest house in their region, 
 taking with them all their arms, ammunition, and such house- 
 hold goods as they needed, or could not conceal, with some- 
 times a few men in vigorous life for their protection. Such 
 a gathering in Colonel William Graham's neighborhood 
 took place at his residence, near the west bank of Buffalo 
 creek, in then Lincoln, now Cleveland county, about eight 
 miles north of King's Mountain, and about seven miles 
 south-east of the present village of Shelby. It was a large, 
 hewn-log-house, weather-boarded, and, to some extent, forti- 
 fied ; well fitted for a successful defence against any party 
 with small arms alone, and who were not prepared to prose- 
 cute a regular siege. 
 
 Sometime in September, one of these Tory marauding 
 parties, consisting of about twentj^-three in number, sud- 
 denly made their appearance before Graham's Fort. The 
 only persons there capable of bearing arms, for the defence 
 of the many helpless people, old and young, congregated 
 there, were Colonel Graham, David Dickey, and the Colo- 
 nel's step-son, William Twitty, a brave youth of nineteen ; 
 but they were fearless and vigilant. The Tory party 
 demanded admittance, but were promptly refused by Colo- 
 nel Graham and his associates. A warm attack was com- 
 menced, the Tories firing several volleys, without doing 
 much damage, yelling out at the top of their voices, after 
 each discharge, "d — n yon, won't j'ou surrender now?" 
 
 One fellow, John Burke, more venturesome than the 
 rest, ran up to the house, and through a crack aimed at 
 young Twitty, when Susan Twitty, the sister of the young 
 soldier, seeing his peril, jerked her brother down just as 
 the gun fired, the ball penetrating the opposite wall. She 
 then looked out of the aperture, and saw Burke, not 
 far off", on his knees, re-loading for another fire; and 
 quickly comprehending the situation, exclaimed : " brother 
 Wilham, now's your chance — shoot the rascal ! " The next 
 
146 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 instant young Twitty's gun cracked, and the bold Tory was 
 shot through the head. So eager was Miss Tvvitty to ren- 
 der the good cause any service in her power, that she at 
 once unbarred the door, darted out, and brought in, amid 
 a shower of Tory bullets, Burke's gun and ammunition, as 
 trophies of victory. She fortunately escaped unhurt. It 
 was a heroic act for a young girl of seventeen.* Losing 
 one of their number killed, and three wounded, the Tories 
 at length beat a retreat. Anticipating that the enemy, 
 smarting under their repulse, would return with increased 
 numbers, Colonel Graham and friends retired to a more dis- 
 tant place of safety, when a large Tory party re-appeared, 
 with no one to oppose them, and plundered the house of 
 clothing and other valuables, and carried off six of Colo- 
 nel Graham's negroes. | 
 
 Another instance where a party of the enemy fared no 
 better, occurred during the Tory ascendency in 1780. 
 Adam Reep, a staunch Whig, returning home, after a tour 
 of service under Colonel Graham, to visit his family, on the 
 western bank of the Catawba river, in Lincoln County, 
 had scarcely reached his humble domicile, when a party of 
 ten or twelve Tories, under the leadership of a British offi- 
 cer, made their appearance just at the gray of the evening. 
 Reep, who, like a good minute man, was always on the 
 watch, had barely time to close and bar his doors, when he 
 mounted his ladder with his faithful rifle ; and through some 
 port-holes in the loft of his house, he blazed away at his 
 enemies, wounding two of them, when the party fell back 
 
 * This noble heroine subsequently married John Miller, and died the 14th of April, 1825, 
 at the age of sixty-two years. Her son, Hon. W.J. T. Miller, represented Rutherford 
 County, in the Legislature of North Carolina, in 1836-40, and subsequently Cleveland 
 County, when it was organized, and where he still resides an honored and useful citizen. 
 
 Mrs. Miller's brother, William Twitty, who aided so gallantly in the defense of Gra- 
 ham's Fort, was born in South Carolina, July 13th, 1761 ; he served at King's Mountain, 
 and lived at Twitty's Ford, on Broad river, where he died February 2d, 1816, in his fifty- 
 fifth year. He has njany worthy decendants, among them William L. and Dr. T. B. Twitty, 
 grandsons, the latter residing at the old homestead. 
 
 t MS. pension statement of Colonel Graham, and MS. correspondence of Hon. W. J. 
 T. Miller, William L. Twitty, and Dr. T. B. Twitty. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 147 
 
 to a safer distance, and finally retired with their disabled 
 comrades.* 
 
 Colonel Ferguson encamped awhile at Gilbert Town, 
 some three miles north of the present village of Rutherford- 
 ton. For many miles around people wended their way to 
 the head-quarters of this noted representative of the British 
 crown; thinking, as Charleston had fallen. Gates been 
 defeated, Sumter surprised and dispersed, and the various 
 detachments lately in force in the Spartanburg region were 
 disbanded or scattered, that the Whig cause was now utterly 
 prostrate and hopeless. Many of those who now took the 
 oath of allegiance to the British Government, subsequently 
 excused their conduct on the plea that the country was over- 
 run, and that this was the only course by which they could 
 save their property, secure themselves and families from 
 molestation, and at the same time preserve the stock of the 
 country for the supply of the needy patriots thereafter. 
 
 While in this mountain region, Ferguson found he had 
 a case of small-pox developing itself. It was one of his 
 officers, who was left in a deserted house, taking his favor- 
 ite charger with him. And there the poor fellow died in 
 this lonely situation ; and it is said his neglected horse 
 lingered around till he at length died also. It was a long 
 time before any of the country people would venture to 
 visit the solitary pest-house — 
 
 "And there lay the rider, distorted and pale, 
 With the dew on his brow and the rust on his mail." 
 
 Finalljr some one ventured there and carried off the sword, 
 holsters, and pistols, selling them to John Ramsour, who 
 gave them, nearly thirty years after, to Michael Reinhardt.f 
 Ferguson led a detachment to surprise Colonel McDow- 
 ell at the head of Cane creek. An engagement took place 
 with McDowell's troops, who had been beating about the 
 
 '■' MS. statement of W. M. Reinhardt. Esq., of Lincolnton, North Carolina, who many 
 years ago had the facts from Reap himself, 
 
 fMS. statement of W. M. Reinhardt, son of Michael, who yet preserves these relics 
 of a century ago. 
 
148 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 mountain country, since retiring from Smith's Ford on 
 Broad river, and were now retreating towards the Watauga 
 in East Tennessee. The British force encamped at the noted 
 White Oak Spring, a mile and a half east of the present 
 village of Brindletown, in the south-eastern part of Burke 
 County as now constituted, and on the direct road from 
 Morganton to Gilbert Town. McDowell learning their 
 position, and too weak to meet the enemy on anything like 
 equal terms, concluded to waylay them on renewing their 
 southward march. He, therefore, selected a fitting spot for 
 an ambuscade at Bedford's Hill, some three miles south- 
 west of Brindletown, in the south-eastern corner of 
 McDowell County, and something like fifteen miles from 
 Gilbert Town. This hill was a small round elevation about 
 a quarter of a mile from the base of the South Mountains 
 then covered with timber and surrounded by a soft swamp ; 
 located on the eastern side, and just below, the Upper 
 Crossing of Cane creek, now known as Cowan's Ford — 
 which ford the hill commanded. If forced to retire, the 
 Whio-s had an easy access to the mountains close by, where 
 they would be safe against almost any force that the enemy 
 could send against them. 
 
 Here McDowell's partj' awaited the coming of the British 
 force, and, as they were passing the ford, an indecisive fight 
 transpired. The enem}', after receiving the unexpected 
 fire of McDowell's backwoodsmen, rallied, and beat back 
 the Americans, killing, among others, one Scott, of Burke 
 County, while standing beside the late James Murphy, of 
 that region. By the heroic efforts especially of Major 
 Joseph McDowell — the Colonel's brother, Captain Thomas 
 Kennedy, and one McKay, the Whigs were again brought 
 into action. Major McDowell was particularly active, 
 swearing roundly that he would never yield, nor should his 
 Burke boys — appealing to them to stand by and die with 
 him, if need be. B}^ their united bravery and good bush- 
 whacking management, in which their real wickedness was 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 149 
 
 concealed, and by their activity and well directed rifle-shots 
 they succeeded in inflicting considerable execution on their 
 antagonists — killing several, and, among others, v\founding 
 Major Dunlap. The British now retired to Gilbert Town, 
 conveying their disabled commander with them, who was 
 severely wounded in the leg ; while McDowell's party, 
 numbering about one hundred and sixty only, directed their 
 retreat up the Catawba valley, and over the mountains, 
 for the friendly Watauga settlements. 
 
 Quite a number of human bones were brought to light, 
 some forty years ago, at the point where this Cane creek 
 fight occurred — the remains of the British and Tories who 
 fell in this spirited contest. This action occurred, according 
 to Lieutenant Allaire's MS. Diary, on the twelfth of Sep- 
 tember ; and had its influence, as the sequel will show, in 
 rousing the people over the mountains, as well as in Wilkes 
 and Surry, to embody under their gallant leaders, and strike 
 a decisive blow against the bold invader, Ferguson.* 
 
 It has been stated, near the close of the chapter on the 
 Musgrove's Mill expedition, that Shelby and his associates 
 on that service had agreed, that as soon as they could col- 
 lect the necessary force, they would embody their several 
 detachments, and attack Ferguson. It was correctly antici- 
 pated that so soon as that British leader and his forces 
 should exhaust the beef supply in the Spartanburg region, 
 he would be quite certain to advance into Rutherford and 
 Burke Counties, in North Carolina, where, in the latter 
 especially, there were large stocks of fine cattle ; and it was 
 
 *MS. letter of Colonel Isaac T. Avery, October 19th, i860, to Hon. D. L. Swain; MS. 
 pension statements of General Thomas Kennedy, Colonel William Graham, James Blair, 
 William Walker, and Matthew Kuykendall; General Lenoir's Account 0/ King s Mountain, 
 appended to this volume ; MS. correspondence of Colonel S. McDowell Tate, of Morganton ; 
 T. A. Lewis, of Brindletown ; M. O. Dickerson and A D. K. Wallace, of Rutherfordton, 
 North Carolina; the venerable Andrew B. Long, of Rutherford County, whose father, at 
 the time of this action a boy of ten years, resided on Cane creek ; and Wm. L, and Dr. 
 T. B. Twitty also of Rutherford County. 
 
 Lieutenant Allaire's Diary not only supplies the date of this little engagement, but 
 serves to corroborate the tradition of the country, that McDowell's men were drawn uP 
 "on an eminence "—Bedford's Hill apparently ; that, according to this account, the Whigs 
 were worsted, losing one private killed,. Captain White wounded, seventeen prisoners, and 
 twenty pounds of powder while the British had one killed, and two wounded-Captain 
 Dunlap, one of them, receiving two wounds. 
 
150 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 enjoined on Colonel Charles McDowell, to devise the best 
 means possible to preserve these stocks from the grasp of 
 the British and Tories. 
 
 Colonel McDowell called the leading men of the Upper 
 Catawba valley together, and suggested, simply to meet the 
 present emergency, that they should repair to Gilbert Town, 
 take British protection, and thereby save the Whig stock, 
 so necessary for the support of the country, from being 
 appropriated by the enemy ; that no man would thereby 
 become a Tory at heart, but would merely exercise a wise 
 stroke of public policy — that the end would justify the 
 means and render the country a good service. Daniel 
 Smith, afterwards Colonel, Captains Thomas Lytle and 
 Thomas Hemphill, Robert Patton, and John McDowell, of 
 Pleasant Garden — better known as Hunting John McDowell 
 — absolutely refused to engage in any such course, and 
 stated that they would drive all the stock they could collect 
 into the deep coves at the base of the Black Mountain ; that 
 others might, if they would, take protection and save the 
 remainder that could not be readily collected and concealed. 
 Captain John Carson, a distinguished Indian fighter, after- 
 wards known as Colonel Carson, Benjamin and William 
 Davidson, and others, were designated to take protection, 
 and thus save many valuable herds of cattle from the grasp 
 of the enemy.* It was a very ungracious act on their part ; 
 but Carson and his associates deemed it justifiable under 
 the circumstances — suggested and urged, as it was, by 
 Colonel McDowell, in behalf of the Whig cause. While 
 they accomplished the object they had in view, their 
 motives, in the course of time, were unjustly misjudged 
 and impugned, f 
 
 * MS. statements of General Joseph McDowell and Colonel David Vance, made in 1797, 
 and preserved by the late Hon. Robert Henry— all participants in the King's Mountain 
 campaign. 
 
 fHon. Samuel P. Carson, a distinguished member of Congress, and son of Colonel Car- 
 son, resented an aspersion on his venerable father's character, when charged with having 
 been a Tory, which resulted in an unfortunate duel, and the death of his antagonist. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 151 
 
 As had been anticipated by the patriots, Ferguson, either 
 in full force, or with a strong detachment, penetrated into 
 the very heart of Burke County — as far as Davidson's 
 " Old Fort," in the extreme western part of then Burke, 
 now McDowell county ; * and a few miles farther north, up 
 the Catawba Valley, as far as the old Edmondson place, 
 since McEntyre's, on Buck creek at the foot of the Blue 
 Ridge. On their way thither, the British force was supplied 
 with beef, corn, and other necessaries, b}' one Wilson, an 
 Irishman, who afterwards migrated to Tennessee, and for 
 which he received a draft on the British Government from 
 which, probably, he never received any avails, f 
 
 While in the region of Old Fort, a detachment of the 
 enemy, under the command, it is believed, of Col. Fergu- 
 son, concluded to pay a visit to Captain Thomas Lytle, a 
 noted Whig leader, who resided some four miles south-west 
 of that locality on Crooked creek. Mrs. Lytle, a spirited 
 woman, heard of this intended visitation a little in advance 
 of the approach of the party, and concluded she would 
 don her nice new gown and beaver hat, in procuring which 
 for his young wife. Captain Lytle had spent nearly all his 
 Continental money. It was pardonable of Mrs. Lytle to 
 make this display, for there were no meetings or public 
 gatherings, in that frontier mountain region, in those troub- 
 lous times, where she could appear in her gaudy array of 
 new finery. She naturally felt a secret satisfaction, as her 
 husband was not in the way of danger, that this occasion 
 had presented itself, in which she could gratify the feehngs 
 of a woman's pride in making what she regarded as an 
 uncommonly attractive appearance. She took unusual 
 pains in making up her toilet ; for though she was no Tory, 
 she yet supposed that Colonel Ferguson was a gentleman, 
 as well as a prominent British officer. 
 
 *MS. Correspondence of Colonel Silas McDowell. 
 
 + MS. letter of Colonel Isaac T. Avery, November 2d, i860, on authority, of Major Ben 
 Burgin, whose memory went back to the Revolution. 
 
152 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 At length, the Colonel, at the head of his squadron, leis- 
 urelj' rode up toward the house. He halted in front of the 
 door, and inquired if he could have the pleasure of a few 
 moments' conversation with Captain Lj^tle? Mrs. Lytle 
 stepped to the door in full costume — probably the best 
 dressed lady the Colonel had seen since he left Charles- 
 ton — and dropping him a polite courtesy, in accordance 
 with the fashion of that day, invited him to alight and 
 come in. He thanked her, but his business, he said, 
 required haste ; that the King's army had restored his 
 authority in all the Southern Provinces, and that the rebel- 
 Hon was virtually quelled ; that he had come up the Valley 
 to see Captains Lytle and Hemphill, and a few others, who 
 had served in the Rebel army against the King, and that 
 he was the bearer of pardons for each of them. 
 
 "My husband," Mrs. Lytle replied, " is from home." 
 
 "Madame," inquired the Colonel, earnestly, "do you 
 know where he is ?" 
 
 "To be candid with you. Colonel," said Mrs. Lytle, " I 
 really do not ; I only know that he is out with others of his 
 friends whom you call Rebels." 
 
 "Well, madame," replied Ferguson, deprecatingly, " I 
 have discharged my duty ; I felt anxious to save Captain 
 Lj'tle, because I learn that he is both brave and honorable. 
 If he persists in rebellion, and comes to harm, his blood 
 be upon his own head." 
 
 "Colonel Ferguson," she responded, thoughtfully but 
 firmly, " I don't know how this war may end ; it is not un- 
 unlikely that my husband may fall in battle ; all I positively 
 know is, that he will never prove a traitor to his country." 
 
 " Mrs. Lytle," said the Colonel, patronizingly, "I admire 
 you as the handsomest woman I have seen in North Caro- 
 lina — I even half way admire your zeal in a bad cause ; 
 but, take my word for it, the rebellion has had its day, and 
 is now virtually put down. Give my kind regards to Cap- 
 tain Lytle, and tell him to come in. He will not be asked 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 163 
 
 to compromise his honor ; his verbal pledge not again to 
 take up arms against the King, is all that will be asked of 
 him." He then bowed to Mrs. Lytle, and led off his 
 troop. A straggler in the rear rode back, and taking off 
 his old slouched hat, made her a low bow, and with his left 
 hand hfted her splendid beaver from her head, replacing it 
 with his wretched apology, observing with mock gravity, 
 "Mrs. Lylle, I can not leave so 'handsome a I'ady without 
 something by which to remember you." As he rode off, 
 she hallooed after him : "You'll bite the dust for that, you 
 villain ! " Thus Mrs. Lytle momentaril}^ enjoyed the occa- 
 sion of arraying herself in her best ; but, as she afterwards 
 confessed, she paid dearly for the gratification of her pride, 
 and long mourned the loss of her beautiful beaver hat.* 
 
 Colonel McDowell had completely outwitted Ferguson 
 and his plundering Tory followers ; and the hungry horde, 
 who invaded the Upper Catawba Valley with high hopes 
 and expectations, returned to their camps near Gilbert 
 Town without any beef cattle as a recompense for all their 
 toils and troubles. 
 
 After the affair at Cane creek, and the final retirement 
 beyond the mountains of the last remnant of embodied 
 Whig forces in the western region of the Carolinas, Fergu- 
 son thought the matter decided. When William Green 
 rode up with a troop of cavalry, and tendered his and their 
 services for the defense of the King's cause, Ferguson 
 thanked them for their loyalty ; but declined their accept- 
 ance, as the country was subdued, and everything was quiet. 
 
 It was reported to Colonel Ferguson, that Jonathan 
 Hampton, a son of Colonel Andrew Hampton, residing in 
 the vicinity of Gilbert Town, held the King's authorit}? in 
 
 =■= MS. correspondence with the late Colonel Silas McDowell, of Macon County, North 
 Carolina, in 1873-74, who had these particulars from Mrs. Lytle herself. Colonel McDowell* 
 thought it was Tarleton who visited Captain Lytle's, but it could not have been, as his 
 "Campaigns" and map of the route of his excursions show that he was never above 
 Cowan's Ford on the Catawba, while it is certain that Colonel Ferguson was in Burke 
 County. Captain Lytle died not very far from 1832, at the age of about eighty-three years; 
 and his venerable companion gently passed away about the same time. 
 
154 KING •■ S MO UNTAIN 
 
 great contempt ; that he had the hardihood to accept a com- 
 mission of Justice of the Peace from the Rebel Government 
 of North Carolina, and had, only recently, ventured, by 
 virtue of that instrument, to unite Thomas Fleming and 
 a neighboring young lady in the holy bonds of wedlock. 
 It was a high crime and misdemeanor in British and Tory 
 e3'es. So a party of four or five hundred men were dis- 
 patched, under Majors Plummer and Lee, to visit the 
 Hampton settlement, four or five miles south-west of Gil- 
 bert Town, to apprehend young Hampton, and possibly 
 entrap his father at the same time. But the Colonel had 
 left the day before, and re-united with McDowell's forces. 
 Riding up to j'oung Hampton's cabin, they found him sit- 
 ting at the door, fastening 'on his leggings, and getting 
 himself in readiness to follow his father to the Whig camp 
 in some secluded locality in the mountain coves of that 
 region. 
 
 At this moment, James Miller, and Andrew and David 
 Dickey, three Whig friends, came within hailing distance, 
 and hallooed: "Jonathan, are those men in the yard, 
 friends or foes ! " 
 
 Hampton, without exercising ordinary prudence, re- 
 plied : " Boys, whoever you are, they are d — d Red Coats 
 and Tories — clear yourselves ! " 
 
 As they started to run, the Tories fired two or three vol- 
 leys at them ; but they fortunately escaped unhurt. Per- 
 haps Hampton presumed somewhat upon his partially 
 crippled condition that forbearance would be shown him, 
 for he was reel-footed ; yet he managed to perform many a 
 good service for his country, and, as in this case, would ^ 
 lose sight of self, when he could hope to benefit his friends. 
 Mrs. Hampton chided him for his imprudence, saying: 
 "Why, Jonathan, you are the most unguarded man I ever 
 saw." 
 
 The Tory party cursed him soundly for a d — d Rebel, 
 and Major Lee knocked him down, and tried to ride over 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 155 
 
 him, but his horse jumped clear over his body without 
 touching him. Lee had just before appropriated Hamp- 
 ton's horse as better than his own, and it may be that the 
 animal recognized his master, and declined to be a party 
 to his injury. While Major Plummer was courteous and 
 considerate, Major Lee was rude and unfeeling in the 
 extreme, Hampton, and his wife's brother, Jacob Hyder, 
 were made prisoners ; and those who had Hampton in 
 charge, swore that they would hang him on the spot, and 
 began to uncord his bed for a rope for the purpose, when 
 Mrs. Hampton ran to Major Plummer with the alarm, and 
 he promptly interposed to prevent the threatened execution. 
 Some of the disappointed Tories, who thirsted for his 
 blood, declared in his presence, that Ferguson would put 
 so notorious a Rebel to death the moment he laid eyes on 
 him. Major Plummer informed Hampton if he could 
 give security for his appearance the next day at Gilbert 
 Town, he might remain over night at home. He tried 
 several Loyalists whom he knew, but they declined ; and 
 finally Major Plummer himself offered to be his security. 
 According to appointment, the next day Hampton pre- 
 sented himself to Ferguson, at Gilbert Town, who pro- 
 ceeded to examine his case. When asked his name, he 
 frankly told him, adding, that, though in the power of his 
 enemies, he would never deny the honored name of Hamp- 
 ton. Major Dunlap, then on crutches, entering the room, 
 inquired of Colonel Ferguson the name of the Rebel 
 on trial? " Hampton," replied Ferguson. This seemed to 
 rouse Dunlap's ire, who repeated thoughtfully: "Hamp- 
 ton — Hampton — -that's the name of a d — d fine-looking 
 young Rebel I killed a while since, on the head of Paco- 
 let," referring to the affair at Earle's Ford, when Noah 
 Hampton, a brother of the prisoner, was murdered in cold 
 blood. Dunlap added: "Yes; I now begin to recall 
 something of this fellow; and though a cripple, he has done 
 more harm to the Royal cause than ten fighting men ; he is 
 
156 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 one of the d — dest Rebels in all the country, and ought to 
 be strung up at once, without fear or favor." 
 
 Jonathan Hampton had, indeed, been an unwearied 
 friend of the Whig cause. He was a good talker ; he kept 
 up the spirits of the people, and helped to rally the men 
 when needed for military service. Even in his crippled 
 condition, he would cheerfully lend a helping hand in stand- 
 ing guard; and, when apprehended, was about abandoning 
 his home to join his father and McDowell in their flight to 
 Watauga. But Ferguson was more prudent and humane 
 than Dunlap, and dismissed both Hampton and Hj'der on 
 their parole. Hampton observed when Ferguson wrote the 
 paroles, he did so with his left hand ; for, it will be remem- 
 bered, his right arm had been badly shattered at Brandywine, 
 the use of which he had never recovered. Hyder tore up 
 his parole, shortly after leaving Ferguson's presence ; but 
 Hampton retained his as long as he lived, but never had 
 occasion to use it, as Ferguson shortly after retired to 
 King's Mountain, and the region of Gilbert Town was 
 never after invaded bj^ a British force.* 
 
 Major James Dunlap, who figured so prominently in the 
 military operations in Spartanburg during the summer of 
 1780, now claims at our hands a further and final notice. 
 Of his origin, we have no account. He must have been a 
 man of enterprise, for he was commissioned a Captain in 
 the Queen's Rangers, a partisan corps, November twenty- 
 seventh, 1776. This corps had been raised during the sum- 
 mer and autumn of that year, from native Loyalists, mostly 
 refugees from Connecticut, and from the vicinity of New 
 
 *MS. correspondence of Adam and James J. Hampton, sons of Jonathan Hampton, in 
 1873-74: MS. letter of Colonel Isaac T. Avery, October igth, i860; and MS. letter of Colo- 
 nel Silas ^TcDowell, July 13th, 1873. 
 
 This sterling patriot. Jon.ithan Hampton, was born on Dutchman's creek, Lincoln 
 County, near the Catawba river, North Carolina, in 1751; and when nearly grown, he 
 removed with his father, and settled on Mountain creek, four or five miles south-west of 
 Gilbert Town. He was many years clerk of the Rutherford court, and five years repre- 
 sented the County in the State Senate in the early part of the present century. He died 
 at Gilbert Town, October 3d. 1843, at the venerable age of ninety-two years. Of his large 
 family, but one son survives — Jonathan Hampton, Jr., now eighty-five years of age. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 157 
 
 York, by Colonel Robert Rogers, who had distinguished 
 himself with a corps of Rangers on the frontiers of New 
 York and Canada, during the French and Indian war of 
 1755-60. The month before Dunlap had become a Captain 
 in the corps, Rogers had been surprised at Mamoroneck, 
 on Long Island Sound,' losing nearly eighty killed and cap- 
 tured, together with sixty stand of arms.* 
 
 Such was the daring and good service of the Qiieen's 
 Rangers at Brandy wine, September eleventh, 1777, that 
 the British Commander-in-chief particularly complimented 
 them "for their spirited and gallant behavior in the engage- 
 ment," f in which they suffered severely. The ensuing 
 year they shared in the operations around Philadelphia, 
 and in New Jersey. In the affair at Hancock's House, 
 near Salem, New Jersey, on the night of the twentieth of 
 March, 1778, Captain Dunlap bore a prominent part. The 
 order was a most sanguinary one: — " Go — sfare no one — 
 ■put all to death — give no quarters!'^ The house was gar- 
 risoned by twenty men, under Captain Carleton Sheppard ; 
 and with them were four Loyalist prisoners — ^Judge Han- 
 cock, the owner of the house, and three other Qiiakers — 
 one of whom was Charles Fogg, " a very aged man." All 
 were asleep, and the work of death by the sword and bayo- 
 net was quick and terrible. Some accoimts represent that 
 all, others two-thirds, of the occupants, garrison and prison- 
 ers, were horribly mangled by Dunlap and his fiendish as- 
 sociates — among them were Judge Hancock and some of 
 his Quaker brethren. Simcoe, of the Rangers, speaks of 
 this undesigned destruction of their friends as "among the 
 real miseries of war," though he had no tears to shed for 
 the score or two of patriots who fell without resi stance.]: 
 
 Dunlap and the Queen's Rangers shared in the British 
 retreat from Philadelphia to New York, and in the battle of 
 
 * Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, ii, 615. 
 t Simcoe'syiJ7^r«rt/, 319. 
 
 XlQh-as,oxi' 5 History of Salem New Jersey: T.arber and Howe's Historical Collections 
 of New Jersey, 426-28 ; Lossing's Field Book, ii, 139 ; Simcoe' s Journal, 51-52. 
 
158 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Monmouth, in June, 1778. On the thirty-first of August 
 ensuing, the Rangers participated in a bloody affair near 
 King's Bridge, on the Hudson. A party of Americans and 
 friendly Stockbridge Indians were drawn into an ambus- 
 cade, which resulted in the loss of nearl}^ fort}' — fully twenty 
 of whom were Indians, either killed or desperately woun- 
 ded, and among the slain were Ninham, their chief, and his 
 son of the same name.* The following year, besides some 
 garrison dutjr at Oj'Ster Bay, the Rangers served on forag- 
 ing and scouting parties, during which they encountered 
 some occasional skirmishing. In one of these forays, at 
 Brunswick, New Jersey, they were unexpectedly fired upon 
 by the Americans in ambush ; and among other casualties, 
 their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, was taken 
 prisoner. Sir Henry Clinton, early in 1780, declared that 
 the history of the corps had been a " sei"ies of gallant, skil- 
 ful, and successful enterprises against the enemy, without a 
 reverse, and have killed and taken twice their own num- 
 bers."! 
 
 Such were the services of the Queen's Rangers, and the 
 experience of Captain Dunlap, prior to his engaging in the 
 expedition against Charleston, in December, i779- He 
 would seem to have been one of the picked officers of Colo- 
 nel Ferguson, for his select partisan corps for this new 
 enterprise. Dunlap shared in the siege and capture of 
 Charleston, doubtless in the same operations, as described 
 in a previous chapter, in which Ferguson's corps was 
 engaged, and was sent to the western borders of South 
 Carolina, under Ferguson, immediately after the fall of 
 Charleston. His attack on McDowell's force at Earle's 
 Ford, on North Pacolet, and the affair near Cedar Spring 
 and Wofford's Iron Works, together with the engagement 
 at Cane creek, where he was severely wounded, have 
 already been related. 
 
 " Continental Journal, September 17th, 1778; Simcoe's Military Journal, 83-86, and 
 accompanying diagram; Massacre 0/ the Stockbridge Indians, by Thomas F. De Voe, in 
 Magazine of Ajnerican History, September, 1880. 
 
 I Sxmcoit' s Journal, introductory memoir, x. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 159 
 
 Majoi- Dunlap has left behind him an unenviable repu- 
 tation. The bloocl}^ work he performed at the Hancock 
 House, and his share in the destruction of Ninham and his 
 Stockbridge warriors, would appear to have been in the 
 line of his taste and character. "He had," says Judge 
 Johnson, in his Life of Gj-ccne, "rendered himself infamous 
 by his barbarity." "His severities," said Major James 
 Sevier, one of the King's Mountain men, "incensed the 
 people against him." It is certain he was an advocate for 
 hanging Whigs for no other crime than sympathizing with 
 their suffering country ; his brutal language to this effect, 
 in the presence of, and concerning Jonathan Hampton, must 
 be fresh in the reader's remembrance. That such a man, 
 characterized by such practices, should, sooner or later, 
 come to an untimely end, is neither strange nor unexpected. 
 
 SnufEng the approaching storm, Ferguson suddenly 
 abandoned his camp at Gilbert Town to avoid the approach 
 of the over-mountain men. Dunlap, upon his crutches, and 
 in such a hurried retreat, was in no condition to accompany 
 the retiring forces. William Gilbert, with whom he was 
 stopping while recovering from his wound, was a loyal 
 friend of King George ; and while he himself seems to have 
 gone off with Ferguson, Mrs. Gilbert and the family re- 
 mained to take proper care of the invalid. A soldier of the 
 name of Coates was left to wait upon him, but who, not 
 long after, provoking the mortal ire of a negro of Gilbert's, 
 was killed by him, and his remains consumed in a coal-pit. 
 
 This event of ill-omen was speedily followed by an almost 
 tragic occurrence. The avenger of blood was nigh. Two 
 or three men from Spartanburg rode to the door of the Gil- 
 bert house, shortly after Ferguson had commenced his 
 retreat for King's Mountain, when the leader. Captain Gil- 
 lespie, asked Mrs. Gilbert if Major Dunlap was not up 
 stairs? She frankly replied that he was, probably supposing 
 that the party were Loyalists, and had some important com- 
 munication for him. They soon disabused her of their 
 
1 60 KING' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 character and mission, for they declared that he had been 
 instrumental in putting some of their friends to death, and, 
 moreover, had abducted the beautiful Mary McRea, the affi- 
 anced of Captain Gillespie, as she would not encourage his 
 amorous advances, and kept her in confinement, trusting 
 that she would in time yield to his wishes ; but death came 
 to her relief, she probably dying broken-hearted. They 
 had now come for revenge ; Gillespie, particularly, uttering 
 his imprecations on the head of the cruel destroyer of all 
 his earthly hopes. So saj'ing, they mounted the stairs, 
 when Gillespie abruptly approached Dunlap, as he lay in 
 bed, with the inquiry: "Where is Mary McRea?" "In 
 heaven," was the reply ; whereupon the injured Captain 
 shot him through the body ; and quickly remounting their 
 horses, Gillespie and his associates bounded away towards 
 their Spartanburg homes. This is the tradition, sifted and 
 collated, as preserved in the Hampton family.* 
 
 Colonel Silas McDowell, who visited his old friertd, Jona- 
 than Hampton, in 183 1, heard him relate the story of Dun- 
 lap being shot, but could only recall the main fact, that the 
 perpetrator of the act, some friend of Noah Hampton, whom 
 Dunlap had boasted of slaying, had rushed to the Major's 
 up-stairs room, and shot him through the body as he lay on 
 his couch. M. O. Dickerson, Esq., of Rutherfordton, has 
 had substantially the same relation from Mr. Hampton. 
 The old Gilbert house was then standing, and Hampton 
 pointed out to both these visitors the stain of Dunlap's blood 
 still discernible upon the floor ; and there are others, still 
 living, who have seen it also. This venerable building, 
 in which the early courts of the County were held, when 
 about to fall from age, was taken down some four or five 
 years since, by its present owner, J. A. Forney, Esq., who 
 
 *MS. correspondence with the late venerable Adam and James J. Hampton, in 1873- 
 74; and the present venerable Jonathan Hampton, in 1880, sons of the patriot, Jonathan 
 Hampton. Sr. 
 
 W. O. Dickerson states that it has been handed down as the opinion of some of the old 
 people of that region, that Mrs. Gilbert and her son made way with the unfortunate Major 
 Dunlap ; but this seems to have been a cruel and baseless suspicion. 
 
tfl 
 A 
 W 
 h 
 Pi 
 
 <; 
 
 D 
 < 
 W 
 
 O 
 to 
 
 O 
 Pi 
 W 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 161 
 
 has preserved the blood-stained floor-plank. While these 
 traditions differ somewhat in their details, all having a com- 
 mon origin from the old patriarch, Jonathan Hampton, Sr., 
 they all agree in the general conclusion, that Dunlap was 
 shot in retaliation for alleged cruelties — either in killing 
 Whigs, or abducting Miss McRea, or both ; and all coin- 
 cide in the belief, that the redoubtable Major was killed 
 outright, and buried about three hundred yards south of the 
 Gilbert house, the grave being still pointed out, marked by 
 a granite rock at the head and foot.* 
 
 Major James Holland lived at Gilbert Town for many 
 years, and was a prominent character. In 1783, he repre- 
 sented Rutherford County in the State Senate ; in 17S6 and 
 1789, he was in the House of Commons, and served a term 
 in Congress from 1795 to 1797. In this latter j^ear, he was 
 again chosen to a seat in the State Senate, and then served 
 five consecutive terms in Congress, from 1801 until 181 1. 
 The late venerable Adam Hampton wrote in 1873 : " I will 
 relate to you what I heard Major James Holland say in 
 reference to Major Dunlap's grave. He said that in 1809, 
 w^hile serving as a member of Congress at Washington, he 
 dreamed that a quantity of gold ^vas buried with Dunlap, 
 and, on his return home, he opened the grave, and found 
 sixty-one guineas." 
 
 From all these traditions and relations, it would ordi- 
 narily be concluded, that Dunlap assuredly di-ed of the 
 wound inflicted by Captain Gillespie. It is quite clear, 
 however, that he did not. We can only suppose that, when 
 shot, he was left unconscious, or feigned death ; and when 
 Gillespie's party departed, it was reported, for his safety, 
 that he was killed and buried near by ; and it is possible, 
 that the Major may have had his servant, Coates, secrete 
 his money there before the latter was murdered by the 
 negro. Though in a Tory region, it would not have been 
 
 *MS. letters of Adam, James J., and Jonathan Hampton, Jr., and M. O. Dickerson, 
 W. L. and Dr. T. B. Twitty, and MibS N. M. JIcDowell. 
 11 
 
162 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 safe to have had it known that Dunlap was still alive ; for 
 Gillespie, or others, would surely have come to make the 
 work of death more certain next time. He was too feeble, 
 with this additional wound, to be removed at once to Ninety- 
 Six — the nearest British fort, after Cornwallis had fled from 
 Charlotte ; and it was fully ninety miles from Gilbert Town 
 to Ninety Six, in a direct course, and considerably more by 
 such by-ways as it would have been necessary to pursue, in 
 order to avoid the intervening Whig settlements. Hence 
 the necessity of circulating this report of his death, which 
 must have been well kept, and which the Hampton family 
 fully credited, and which Major James Sevier corroborated, 
 in a general way, to the writer, in 1844, by asserting, that 
 for his cruelties, Dunlap had been killed by a party of 
 Whigs at Gilbert Town. But as Major Sevier made no 
 mention of having heard anything concerning Dunlap on 
 the night of the third of October, when he and his fellow- 
 mountaineers were at Gilbert Town, the wounded Major 
 must, at that time, have been secreted somewhere in the 
 neighboring hills or fastnesses for safety. And even after 
 the war, as Gilbert was well known, and had figured some- 
 what in public life, he may have deemed it good policy to 
 refrain from revealing the fact that he or his family had so 
 long concealed Dunlap, and perhaps secretly aided him in 
 effecting his escape to Ninety Six. 
 
 As soon as he was able to ride, it would seem, he was 
 conveyed to Ninety Six ; and if any gold had been buried 
 bj^ Coates in his behalf, near by, for safe keeping. Major 
 Dunlap must have been unable to find it, for had the Gil- 
 berts secreted it for him, they would have known the place 
 of its concealment. We find him at Ninety Six, in March, 
 1781, and sufficiently recovered for active service. He was 
 sent with a party of seventy-six dragoons on a foraging 
 expedition. Receiving intelligence of this plundering ma- 
 raud, General Pickens detached Colonel Clarke and Major 
 McCall with a sufficient force to attack him. On the 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 163 
 
 twenty-fourth of March, they came up with him encamped 
 at Beattie's Mill, on Little river, some twenty-two miles 
 from Ninety Six. Dispatching a party to take possession 
 of a bridge over which Dunlap would necessarily pass on 
 his return, the main body advanced and took him b}^ sur- 
 prise. He retired into the mill and some neighboring out- 
 houses, but which were too open for protection against rifle- 
 men. "Recollecting," as the historian, McCall, asserts, 
 "his outragedus conduct to the families and friends of those 
 by whom he was attacked, Dunlap resisted for several hours, 
 until thirty -four of his men were killed and wounded — him- 
 self among the latter — -when a flag was hung out, and they 
 surrendered," else all would have been sooner or later 
 picked oft" by Clarke's and McCall's unerring riflemen. 
 In General Pickens' report, as published by Congress, the 
 number is stated as thirty-four of the enemy killed, and 
 forty-two taken ; so the wounded must have been included 
 among the captives. The prisoners were sent to Watauga 
 settlement, in East Tennessee, for safe keeping. 
 
 "The British account of this*affair," adds McCaU, 
 ' ' stated that Dunlap was murdered by the guard having 
 him in chargCj after his surrender ; but such was not the 
 fact — for he died of his wounds the ensuing night." It is 
 evident from General Greene's general order of the subse- 
 quent sixteenth of April, that Dunlap was taken prisoner, 
 and nothing could have been said in Pickens' first report of 
 the action relative to the Major's death ; hence it could 
 hardly have occurred so soon after his surrender as McCall 
 states. But McCall errs in supposing that Dunlap was not 
 killed by his guard, or by some one with their connivance. 
 It was covered up, as much as possible, by those who per- 
 petrated the act ; but General Pickens, whose high sense of 
 honor revolted against such turpitude, even against an offi- 
 cer of Dunlap's infamous character, "offered a hand- 
 some reward for the murdei'ers," as General Greene sub- 
 sequently testifies in a letter to the British Colonel Balfour, 
 
164 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 accompanied with a copy of Pickens' order proclaiming 
 the reward. 
 
 Thus wretchedly perished, at the hands of his enemies, 
 Major James Dunlap. While the manner of his taking off 
 is to be regretted, it must be confessed that he had little 
 reason to expect better treatment. He had led a life of 
 military savagery, and his "outrageous conduct" to the 
 families of Clarke's and McCall's men, was perfectly in 
 keeping with his previous actions, and very naturally pro- 
 voked the retaliation of those whom he had so grievously 
 wronged.* 
 
 His rank was Captain in the Queen's Rangers, and ap- 
 parently Major in the special service to which he was 
 assigned in Ferguson's corps. As the commission of his 
 successor in the Rangers — Bennet Walpole — bore date 
 March twenty-ninth, 1781, that very likely fixes the time of 
 Dunlap's death. His name last appears in the Royal Army 
 List, published in New York in 1781, which was probably 
 issued before his death in March had been learned. Had 
 he been killed in the preceding October at Gilbert Town, 
 his name would doubtless have disappeared, and that of his 
 successor taken its place. It is certain that Dunlap belonged 
 to the Queen's Rangers, and there was no other person of 
 his name and rank either in the Rangers or any other Pro- 
 vincial corps ; so it is not possible that there could have 
 been two Major Dunlaps killed — one at Gilbert Town, and 
 the other at or near Beattie's Mill. 
 
 '^ Maryland Journal, May ist and 8th, 1781 ; Massachusetts Spy, June 14th, 1781; Mc- 
 Call's Georgia, ii, 361 ; Gordon's Am. Rev., iv, 167 ; Johnson's Life 0/ Greene, ii, 107, 135, 
 195; Gibbes' Doc. History, 1781-82, 169; Greene's Greene, iii, 232; MS. pension statements 
 of Absalom Thompson and Joel Darcy, 
 
 McCall gives the date of the affair at Beattie's Mill as March 21st; but Pickens' report, 
 as published by Congress, says it occurred on the 24th of that month, and his authority 
 would seem to be most reliable. 
 
 Credit is due to Charles R. Hildeburn, Esq., of Philadelphia, for the christian name of 
 Major Dunlap. with the date of his commission in the Rangers, and that of his successor. 
 Mr. Hildeburn has given special attention to the leaders in the Loyalist corps, and learned 
 the facts in question from the rare Royal Army Lists, published in New York from 1777 to 
 1783. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 165 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 July— October, 1780. 
 
 Gathering- of the King's Mountain Clans. — Williams' failure to get com- 
 mand of Sumter s men — his tricky treatment of Sumter. — Fergu- 
 son sends a threat to the over-mountain men. — Shelby s patriotic 
 efforts to turn the scales on Ferguson. — Sevier, McDowell, Hamp- 
 ton, and Campbell unite in the Enterprise — Cleveland invited to 
 jointhe?n. — Sevier's success in providing Supplies for the Expedition. 
 — Rendezvous at the Sycamore Shoals. — Preparations for the March. 
 ■ — Parson Doak commends tJie men to the protection of the Good 
 Father. — Their March over the mountains. — foined by Cleveland 
 and Winston. — Campbell chosen to the Chief Command. — Mc- 
 Dowell's mission for a General Officer. 
 
 Colonel Williams, as we have seen, was honored by 
 Governor Rutledge, in September, with a commission of 
 Brigadier-General in the South Carolina militia, in recog- 
 nition of his having been, as the Govei^nor was led to 
 believe, the chief commander of the Whigs at the battle of 
 Musgrove's Mill. Governor Nash, of North Carolina, had 
 given him permission to recruit, within that State, not to 
 exceed a hundred horsemen. With his commission in his 
 pocket, he at once repaired to Sumter's camp, on the 
 Catawba Reservation, east of the river of that name. He 
 had it publicly read, and then ordered the officers and men 
 to recognize his right to command them, declaring that 
 Sumter had no proper authority to do so. 
 
 Here a serious difficulty arose. At this period, Sumter 
 bore the title and performed the office of a General ; but 
 he had, in fact, no commission. He had been chosen by 
 his own men, who, forced to leave their homes, had banded 
 together for their mutual safety, and the better, as occasion 
 should offer, to strike an effective blow at an insolent enemy. 
 
166 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Thus gathered together, acting pretty much on their own 
 vohtion, rather than by any special authority, they chose 
 Sumter their leader, which they believed they had a perfect 
 right to do, as South Carolina, in its then inchoate con- 
 dition, was unable to grant them any pay, or furnish them 
 supplies of any kind. Governor Rutledge, for safety, had 
 retired to North Carolina. 
 
 But they had another reason why they declined to recog- 
 nize Williams as their commander. They cherished'an old 
 grudge against him. While Sumter was organizing his 
 force, in the early summer, on Clem's Branch of Sugar 
 creek, east of the Catawba, Williams and some of his 
 neighbors of the Little river region, had retired to the 
 northward with such of their moveable property as they 
 could convey to a place of safety till more quiet times — 
 probably to Granville County, North Carolina, where the 
 Colonel had formerl}' lived, and where he had family 
 relations still residing. On his return, he repaired to Sum- 
 ter's camp, and frankl}^ confessed, as he had brought no 
 men, he could claim no command ; but he, nevertheless, 
 wished to serve his country in some position of usefulness. 
 Colonel Hill, who knew him, suggested that General Sum- 
 ter needed an efficient Commissary ; and upon mentioning 
 the matter to the General, he accordingly' commissioned 
 Williams to serve in that capacity. 
 
 Major Charles Miles, with twenty-five men and four 
 teams and wagons, was assigned to this service under 
 Colonel Williams. So matters went along smoothly 
 enough, and satisfactoriljr to all concerned, to all outward 
 appearances, till after the battle of Hanging Rock, on the 
 sixth of August. While Sumter was encamped on Cane 
 creek, in Lancaster District, one morning, about the 
 twelfth of that month, it was discovered that Williams had 
 decamped, withovit dropping a hint to Sumter on the sub- 
 ject, taking with him Colonel Brandon and a small party 
 of followers, mostly of the Fair Forest region, together 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 167 
 
 with a number of public horses, and considerable provisions 
 and camp equipage. 
 
 Sumter and his subordinates were not a little vexed at 
 this treatment. As they regarded it, Williams had been 
 not only ungrateful for the position conferred upon him, 
 but had betraj'ed a public trust. Colonel Lacey, one of 
 Sumter's best officers, a man of much personal prowess, 
 was dispatched, with a small guard, in pursuit of the 
 fugitives, with a view at least of recovering the public 
 property. He overtook them encamped on the west side 
 of the Catawba, but finding Williams' party too strong to 
 attempt coercive measures, Lacey resorted to other means 
 to accomplish his purpose. Inviting Williams to take a 
 walk with him, he suddenly, when out of reach of the 
 camp, presented a pistol at his breast, threatening him with 
 instant death if he should make the least noise, or call for 
 assistance. With his pistol still aimed, Lacey expostu- 
 lated with him on the baseness of his conduct, when Wil- 
 liams pledged his word and honor that he would take back 
 all the public property, and as many of the men as he could 
 prevail upon to return with him. Not confiding in his word, 
 Lacey exacted an oath to the same purpose, with which 
 Williams readily complied. But once free from restraint, 
 he neither regarded the one nor the other, but retired to 
 Smith's Ford, on Broad river, where he joined Colonel Mc- 
 Dowell's forces, and participated, immediately thereafter, 
 in the successful expedition against the enemy at Mus- 
 grove's Mill. * 
 
 During the summer, Sumter had been operating mostly 
 east of the Catawba. Williams' home was considerably to 
 the southwest of that stream, and he tried to justify himself, 
 no doubt, by arguing that his own particular region had 
 the strongest claim upon his attention, and a man who 
 would not provide for his own family and people was worse 
 
 than an infidel. However this may be, there can be no good 
 
 -'-• 
 
 * The details of this affair are taken from Colonel Wm. Hill's MS. narrative. 
 
168 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 excuse for his conduct. He should have sought a more 
 manly and honorable way of effecting his object, as Colonel 
 Clarke had done before him. ^ 
 
 Sumter, his officers and men, were unanimous in resoh- 
 ing to have nothing to do with Williams. They regarded 
 his conduct in leaving the camp as he did the preceding 
 month, as treacherous, and unbecoming an honorable offi- 
 cer. Williams, meeting with such a reception — and he 
 could hardly have expected any other — was not slow to 
 take his departure. A council of the field officers of Sum- 
 ter's command was soon after convened, in which it was 
 judged best to make a full representation to Governor Rut- 
 ledge of the condition of the brigade, and their reasons for 
 refusing to accept Williams as their commander. Five 
 prominent officers were accordinglj^ selected to wait upon 
 the Governor, at Hillsboro, four of whom were Colonels 
 Richard Winn, Henry Hampton, John Thomas, Jr., and 
 Charles S. Myddelton ; Colonel Thomas Taylor was prob- 
 ably the other. Meanwhile, it was agreed that Sumter 
 should retire until a decision was reached and the difficulty 
 settled. Colonels Lacey and Hill to command the troops 
 during the interim.* 
 
 Williams seems to have received some intimation, while 
 in Sumter's camp, that his conduct would soon be properly 
 represented to Governor Rutledge ; and having claimed 
 more with regard to his command at Musgrove's than the 
 facts would warrant, he probably deemed it best not to lay 
 his new grievances before the Governor, but repair at once 
 to the field, and endeavor, by brilliant service, to cause his 
 past derelictions to be overlooked and forgotten. 
 
 It is now necessary to give a succinct account of the 
 circumstances which led the over-mountain men so soon 
 again to re-pass the Alleghanies, and appear on their 
 eastern border. Though separated by high mountains 
 and broad forests from their brethren of the Carolinas, 
 
 * Colonel Hill's RIS. narrative. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 169 
 
 they heartily sympathized with them, and were even 
 ready to aid them in their struggles against the common 
 enemy. Shelby, the McDowells and their compeers, it 
 will be remembered, while retiring, in August, before 
 Ferguson's pursuers, from the Musgrove's Mill expedi- 
 tion, resolved that as soon as they could have a needed 
 rest, and strengthen their numbers, they would re-cross the 
 mountains, and ''beard the lion in his den." The summer 
 heats and exposures had retarded their renewal of the 
 enterprise ; their crops had doubtless demanded their at- 
 tention ; and, above all, the neighboring Cherokees were 
 inimical and threatening. And so they tarried, watching 
 on the borders. 
 
 But a circumstance transpired that tended to arouse 
 them from their ease and sense of security. When Fer- 
 guson took post at Gilbert Town, in the early part of Sep- 
 tember, remembering how the mountain men had annoyed 
 him and his detachments on the Pacolet, at Thicketty Fort, 
 near WofFord's iron works, and at Musgrove's, he paroled 
 Samuel Philips, a distant relative of Colonel Isaac Shelby, 
 whom he had taken prisoner — perhaps one of the wounded 
 left at Wofford's or Musgrove's, now recovered — with a 
 verbal message to the officers on the Western waters of 
 Watauga, Nolachuckjr, and Holston, that "if they did not 
 desist from their opposition to the British arms, he would 
 march his army over the mountains, hang their leaders, 
 and lay their country waste with fire and sword."* 
 
 This threat accomplished more than Ferguson bargained 
 for. Philips, residing near Shelby's, went directly to him 
 with the message, giving him, in addition, such intelligence 
 as he could impart concerning the strength, locality, and 
 intentions of the enemj^. Of the Loyalists composing the 
 major part of Ferguson's command, some had previously 
 
 *Shclby'5 King's Mountain Narrative, 1823; Haywood's Hist. Tennessee. 67; Shelby's 
 statement, in the American Whig Review, Dec, 1846, 580; General Joseph Graham's 
 account, in the Southern Literary Messenger, September, 1845. 
 
170 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 been on the Western waters, and were familiar with the 
 Watauga settlements, and the mountain passes by which 
 they were reached. One of them had been subjected, the 
 past summer, to the indignity of a coat of tar and feathers, 
 by the light-horsemen of Captain Robert Sevier, on 
 Nolachucky ; and, in resentment, proposed to act as 
 pilot to Ferguson.* 
 
 In a few da^'s, Shelby went some forty miles to a horse- 
 race, near the present village of Jonesboro, to see Colonel 
 Sevier, the efficient commander of the militia of Washing- 
 ton Count}', embracing the Watauga and Nolachucky settle- 
 ments, to inform him of Ferguson's threatening message, 
 and concert measures for their mutual action. The result 
 was that these brave leaders resolved to cany into effect the 
 plan Shelby and associates had formed the previous month, 
 when east of the mountains — to raise all the men they 
 could, and attempt, with proper assistance, to surprise 
 Ferguson by attacking him in his camp ; or, at any rate, 
 before he should be prepared to meet them. If this was 
 not practicable, they would unite with any corps of patriots 
 they might meet, and wage war against the enemies of 
 their country ; and should they fail, and the country 
 eventually be over-run and subdued by the .British, they 
 could take water, float down the Holston, Tennessee, Ohio, 
 and Mississippi, and find a home among the Spaniards in 
 Louisiana. It was known to them, that Colonel Charles 
 McDowell and Colonel Andrew Hampton with about one 
 hundred and sixty men, had retired before Ferguson's forces 
 from Cane creek and Upper Catawba, arriving at Colonel 
 John Carter's on the eighteenth of September, and 
 were now refugees mostly encamped on the Watauga. f 
 Some of McDowell's officers were seen and consulted by 
 Shelby and Sevier before they parted. Colonel Sevier 
 engaged to see others of them, and bring them all into the 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee^ 223, 
 
 f MS. letter Colonel Joseph Martin, Long Island of Holston, Sept. 22, 1780. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 171 
 
 measure ; while Shelby, on his part, undertook to procure 
 the aid and co-operation of Colonel William Campbell, 
 of the neighboring County of Washington, in Virginia, with 
 a force from that region, if practicable. A time and place 
 for the general rendezvous were appointed — the twent}^- 
 lifth of September, at the Sycamore Flats or Shoals, on 
 the Watauga. 
 
 Colonel Shelby had necessarily much to do in getting 
 his own regiment of Sullivan County men in readiness 
 for the expedition. He wrote to Colonel Campbell, who 
 resided forty miles distant, explaining the nature of the 
 proposed service, and urging him to join in it with all the 
 men he could raise for that purpose. The letter was sent 
 by the Colonel's brother, Captain Moses Shelby. It was 
 the plan of Lord Cornwallis to lead his army from Char- 
 lotte to Salisbury, there to form a junction with Ferguson's 
 corp'S ; and, preliminary to the further invasion of North 
 Carolina and Virginia, to incite the Southern Indians not 
 only to invade the Holston and Watauga settlements, but 
 proceed, if possible, as high up in South-West Virginia as 
 Chiswell's Lead Mines, and destroy the works and stores 
 at that place, where large quantities of lead were pro- 
 duced for the supply of the American armies. And as the 
 destruction of the Mines and their product was a capital 
 object with the British, the Tories high up New river, and 
 in the region of the Lead Mines, had also been encouraged 
 to make an attempt in that direction. Colonel Campbell 
 had been diligently engaged, for several weeks, with a 
 part of his regiment, in suppressing this Tory insurrection, 
 and had just returned from that service when Colonel 
 Shelby's letter arrived. 
 
 Campbell replied, that he had determined to raise what 
 men he could, and march down by the Flour Gap, on the 
 southern borders of Virginia, to be in readiness to oppose 
 Lord Cornwallis when he should advance from Chai'lotte, 
 and approach that State; that he still thought this the 
 
172 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 better policy, and declined uniting with Sevier and 
 Shelby on the proposed expedition. Colonel Shelby 
 promptly notified Colonel Sevier of Campbell's determin- 
 ation, and at the same time issued an order for all the 
 militia of Sullivan County to hold themselves in readi- 
 ness to march at the time appointed. As the Cherokee 
 towns were not to exceed eighty to one hundred miles from 
 the frontiers of Sullivan, and much less from the Watauga 
 settlements ; and as it was known that the Cherokees were 
 preparing to make a formidable attack on the border people, 
 in the course of a few weeks. Colonel Shelby felt an 
 unwillingness to draw off, for a distant service, all the dis- 
 posable force of the counties of Sullivan and Washington 
 at so critical a period, and leave hundreds of helpless 
 families exposed to the tomahawk and scalping-knife. 
 
 He, therefore, immediately wrote a second letter to 
 Colonel Campbell hy the same messenger, urging his 
 views more fully, and stating that without his aid, he 
 and Sevier could not leave sufficient force to protect their 
 frontiers, and at the same time lead forth a party strong 
 enough to cope with Ferguson. About the same time 
 he wrote also to Colonel Arthur Campbell, the cousin and 
 brother-in-law of Colonel William Campbell, and who was 
 the County Lieutenant or superior military officer of the 
 County, informing him of Ferguson's progress and threats, 
 and telling the touching story of McDowell's party, driven 
 from their homes and families ; and appealing to the County 
 Lieutenant, whether it would not be possible to make an 
 effort to escort and protect the exiles on their return to their 
 homes and kindred, and drive Ferguson from the country. 
 Colonel Arthur Campbell had just returned from Rich- 
 mond, where he had an interview with Governor Jefferson, 
 and learned that vigorous efforts were being made to re- 
 trieve the late misfortunes near Camden, and repel the 
 advances of the enemy now flushed with victory. 
 
 Both Colonels Arthur and William Campbell, on full 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 173 
 
 reflection, regarded the proposed expedition with favor, and 
 sent back word tliat they would co-operate with Colonels 
 Shelby and Sevier to aid their friends to return to their 
 homes beyond the mountains, and punish their Tory oppress- 
 ors ; Colonel Arthur Campbell informing Shelby, through 
 the messenger, Mr. Adair, of the Governor's sentiment, 
 and the efforts that would soon be made by Congress to 
 check the progress of the enemy. " The tale of McDowell's 
 men,'' says Colonel Arthur Campbell, "was a doleful one, 
 and tended to excite the resentment of the people, who of 
 late had become inured to danger by fighting the Indians, 
 and who had an utter detestation of the tyranny of the Brit- 
 ish Government."* 
 
 At a consultation of the field officers of Washington 
 County, it was agreed to call out one-half of the militia, 
 under Colonel William Campbell, for this over-mountain 
 service. That day, the twenty-second of September, the 
 order was made for the men, who seemed animated with a 
 spirit of patriotism, and speedily prepared for the expedi- 
 tion. An express was, at the same time, sent to Colonel 
 Cleveland, of Wilkes County, North Carolina, to apprise 
 him of the designs and movements of the men on the 
 Western waters, and request him to meet them, with all the 
 troops he could raise, at an appointed place on the east side 
 of the mountains. The express doubtless took the shortest 
 route, crossing New river not far from the Virginia and 
 North Carolina line, and thence to Wilkes County ; and 
 probably the thirtieth of September, and the Quaker 
 Meadows, were the time and place of meeting. Colonel 
 Campbell went to the place of rendezvous by way of 
 Colonel Shelby's, while his men, who had assembled at the 
 first creek below Abingdon, marched down a nearer way 
 — by the Watauga road. 
 
 The whole country was animated by the same glowing 
 spirit, to do something to put down Ferguson and his Tor}'- 
 gang, who threatened their leaders with the halter, and 
 
 *MS. statement of Colonel Arthur Campbell. 
 
174 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 their homes with the torch. " Here," exclaimed the young 
 second wife of Colonel Sevier, pointing to a youth of nearly 
 sixteen, "Here, Mr. Sevier, is another of your boys who 
 wants to go with his father and brother Joseph to the war ; 
 but we have no horse for him, and, poor fellow, it is too 
 great a distance for him to walk." Horses, indeed, were 
 scarce, the Indians having stolen many of them from the 
 settlers, but young James Sevier, with or without a horse, 
 went on the expedition. 
 
 Colonel Sevier endeavored to borrow money on his 
 private responsibility, to fit out his men for this distant 
 service — for there were a few traders in the countrj- who 
 had small supplies of goods. What little money the people 
 had saved, had been expended to the last dollar to the 
 Entr)' Taker of Sullivan County, John Adair, the State 
 officer, for the sate of the North Carolina lands — the same 
 person, doubtless, whom Colonel Shelby had sent as his 
 express to Colonel Arthur Campbell. Sevier waited upon 
 him, and suggested that the public money in his possession 
 be advanced to meet the military exigencies at this critical 
 juncture. His reply was worthy of the. man and the times : 
 "Colonel Sevier," said he, " I have no authority by law to 
 make that disposition of this money; it belongs to the 
 impoverished treasury of North Carolina, and I dare not 
 appropriate a cent of it to any purpose ; but, if the country is 
 over-run b}^ the British, our liberty is gone. Let the money 
 go, too. Take it. If the enemy, by its use, is driven from 
 the country, I can trust that country to justify and vindicate 
 my conduct — so take it."* Thus between twelve and thirteen 
 thousand dollars were obtained, ammunition and necessary 
 equipments secured. Colonels Sevier and Shelby pledging 
 themselves to see the loan refunded or legalized by an act 
 of the Legislature, which they effected at the earliest prac- 
 ticable moment. f 
 
 *This sturdy patriot subsequently settled in Knox County, Tennessee, where he died 
 in April. 1827, at the age of ninety-five years. 
 fRamsey's Teftnessee, 226, 
 
4»-^ 
 
 5®\y; j(a)[Hiw si£^jaiE'>s. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 175 
 
 On Monday, the twenty-fifth of September, at the place 
 of rendezvous, at the Sycamore Flats or Shoals, at the foot 
 of the Yellow Mountain, on the Watauga, about three miles 
 below the present village of Elizabethtown, Colonel Camp- 
 bell's two hundred men assembled, together with Colonel 
 Shelby's and Lieutenant-Colonel Sevier's regiments of two 
 hundred and forty men each. There McDowell's party had 
 been for some time in camp ; but Colonel McDowell him- 
 self, as soon as the expedition had been resolved on, hurried 
 with the glad news over the mountains, to encourage the 
 people, obtain intelligence of Ferguson's movements, and 
 hasten the march of Colonel Cleveland and the gallant men 
 of Wilkes and Surry. While yet in camp, all hearts were 
 gladdened by the unexpected arrival of Colonel Arthur 
 Campbell, with two hundred more men from his County, 
 fearing the assembled force might not be sufficient for the 
 important service they had undertaken ; and uniting these 
 new recruits with the others, this patriotic officer immedi- 
 ately returned home to anxiously watch the frontiers of 
 Holston, now so largely stripped of their natural defenders.* 
 
 Mostly armed with the Deckardf rifle, in the use of 
 which they were expert alike against Indians and beasts of 
 the forest, they regarded themselves the equals of Ferguson 
 and his practiced riflemen and musketeers. They were 
 little encumbered with baggage — each with a blanket, a 
 cup by his side, with which to quench his thirst from the 
 mountain streams, and a wallet of provisions, the latter 
 principally of parched corn meal, mixed, as it generally 
 was, with maple sugar, making a very agreeable repast, 
 and withal full of nourishment. An occasional skillet was 
 taken along for a mess, in which to warm up in water their 
 parched meal, and cook such wild or other meat as fortune 
 
 -MS. statement of the King's Mountain Expedition, by one of Campbell's men — the 
 writer not known— sent me by the late Governor David Campbell, of Abingdon, Virginia. 
 
 •j- A century ago the Deckard or Dickert rifle was largely manufactured at Lancaster, 
 Pennsylvania, by a person of that name. It was, for that period, a gun of remarkable pre- 
 cision for a long shot, spiral grooved, with a barrel some thirty inches long, and with its 
 stock some three and a half or four feet, carrying bullets varying from thirty to seventy 
 to the pound of lead. The owner of a Deckard rifle at that day rejoiced in its possession. 
 
176 'KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 should throw in their way. The horses, of course, had to 
 pick their living, and were hoppled out, of nights, to keep 
 them from straying away. A few beeves were driven along 
 the rear for subsistence, but impeding the rapidity of the 
 march, they were abandoned after the first day's journey. 
 
 Early on the twenty-sixth of September, the little army 
 was ready to take up its line of march over mountains and 
 through forests, and the Rev. Samuel Doak, the pioneer 
 clergyman of the Watauga settlements, being present, in- 
 voked, before their departure, the Divine protection and 
 guidance, accompanied with a few stirring remarks befitting 
 the occasion, closing with the Bible quotation, "The sword 
 of the Lord and of Gideon ;" when the sturdy, Scotch- 
 Irish Presbyterians around him, clothed in their tidy hunting- 
 shirts, and leaning upon their rifles in an attitude of respect- 
 ful attention, shouted in patriotic acclaim: "The sword 
 of the Lord and of our Gideons ! " * 
 
 Then mounting their horses, for the most of them were 
 provided with hardy animals, they commenced their long 
 anti difficult march. They would appear to have had some 
 trouble in getting their beeves started, and probably tarried 
 for their mid-day lunch, at Matthew Talbot's Mill, now 
 known as Clark's Mill, on Gap creek, only three miles 
 from the Sycamore Shoals. Thence up Gap creek to its 
 head, when they bore somewhat to the left, crossing Little 
 Doe river, reaching the noted "Resting Place," at the 
 Shelving Rock, about a mile beyond the Crab Orchard, 
 where, after a march of some twenty miles that day, they 
 took up their camp for the night. Big Doe river, a bold 
 and limpid mountain stream, flowing hard by, afforded the 
 campers, their horses and beef cattle, abundance of pure 
 and refreshing water. f Here, a man of the name Miller 
 resided, who shod several of the horses of the party. 
 
 *"This," writes the venerable historian, Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, "is the tradition of 
 the country, and I fully believe it."— MS. letter. June 21st, 1880 
 
 •fit is not altogether certain that the over-mountain men camped here the first night; 
 but such is the tradition, and such the probabilities. If they did not, then they went on 
 beyond the mountain summit, accomplishing some twenty-eight miles, which, with the 
 trouble of driving cattle, would seem quite improbable. It is only by concluding that 
 
AND ITS HEROES. Vll 
 
 The next morning, Wednesday, the twentj'-seventh, 
 probably weary of driving the cattle, some of which had 
 stampeded, they killed such as were necessary for a tempo- 
 rary supply of meat, thus considerably delaying the march 
 that day. Relieved of this encumbrance, they pressed for- 
 ward some four miles, when they reached the base of 
 the Yellow and Roan Mountains. "The next day" 
 — evidently after leaving the Sycamore Shoals, — says 
 Ensign Robert Campbell's diary, "we ascended the moun- 
 tain;" which they did, following the well-known Brighfs 
 Trace, through a gap between the Yellow Mountain on the 
 north, and Roan Mountain on the south. The ascent was 
 not very difficult along a common foot-path. As they 
 receded from the lovely and verdant Crab Orchard vallej^, 
 "they found,'' says Campbell's diary, "the sides and top 
 of the mountain covered with snow, shoe-mouth deep ; and 
 on the summit," adds the same diarist, "there were about 
 a hundred acres of beautiful table-land, in which a spring 
 issued, ran through it, and over into the Watauga." Here 
 the volunteers paraded, under their respective commanders, 
 and were ordered to discharge their rifles ; and such was 
 the rarity of the atmosphere, that there was little or no 
 report.* This body of table-land on the summit of the 
 mountain has long been known as " The Bald Place, ^'' or, 
 " The Bald of the Tellowr 
 
 An incident transpired while the troops were at " the 
 Bald" that exerted no small influence on the campaign. 
 Two of Sevier's men, James Crawford and Samuel Cham- 
 bers, here deserted ; and when they were missed, and their 
 object suspected — that of apprising Ferguson of the ap- 
 proach of the mountain men — instead of bearing to the 
 
 they camped at the celebrated "Resting Place,'' on the night of the twenty-sixth, that 
 we can reconcile Campbell's diary and the traditions of the oldest and best informed 
 people along the route, as to the other camping places till they reached the Catawba, on 
 the night of the thirtieth, as stated by Campbell, Shelby, and Cleveland, in the official 
 report of the expedition, and by Shelby in his several narratives. 
 
 *MS. letter of Dr. J. G. M, Ramsey, July 12, 1880. "This fact," adds the Doctor, 
 "was related to me by several of the old King's Mountain soldiers." 
 12 
 
178 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 right, as they had designed, the troops took the left hand, 
 or more northerly route, hoping thereby to confuse the 
 enemy should they send spies on the southern trail, and 
 make no discoveries.* 
 
 After the parade and refreshments, f the day was well-nigh 
 spent, and the mountaineers passed on a couple of miles de- 
 scending the eastern slope of the mountains into Elk Hollow 
 — a slight depression between the Yellow and Roan moun- 
 tains, rather than a gap ; and here, at a fine spring flowing 
 into Roaring creek, they took up their camp for the night.]; 
 
 Descending Roaring creek, on the twenty-eighth, four 
 miles, they reached its confluence with the North Toe 
 river, and a mile below they passed Bright's place, now 
 Avery's ; and thence down the Toe to the noted spring 
 on the Davenport place, since Tate's, and now known as 
 Child's place, a little distance west of the stream, where 
 they probably rested at noonday. Some thirty years ago 
 an old sword was found near this spring, supposed to have 
 been lost by some of the mountaineers. § As they de- 
 scended from the mountains, they reached a country 
 covered with verdure, where they enjoyed an atmosphere 
 of almost summer mildness. They followed the ravines 
 along the streams the most of the way, but over a very 
 rough, stony route — exceedingly difficult, and not unfre- 
 quently dangerous, for horses to pursue. 
 
 The mountain scenery along thtir route is scarcel}' ex- 
 ceeded for wildness and romantic grandeur, in any other 
 part of the country — several of the towering peaks, among 
 the loftiest in the United States, exceeding six thousand 
 
 * Haywood's Tennessee, on authority of Colonel Shelby, says this desertion occurred 
 on "the top" of the mountain : and Robert Campbell, in his King's Mountain Narratives, 
 states that the deserters "left the army on the Yellow mountain;" and Dr. Ramsey 
 practically confirms these statements by asserting that it transpired on the second day. 
 
 t Captain Christopher Taylor, of Sevier's regiment, states, in his pension deposition, 
 that in a conference of the officers, held on Yellow Mountain, Colonel Campbell was ap- 
 pointed to the chief command. No other account confirms this statement, and Captain 
 Taylor must have had in mind the subsequent action to that effect, 
 
 J Campbell's diary; 1\[S. correspondence of the late ex-Governor David Campbell, 
 and of Hon. Wm. B. Carter, 
 
 I MS. letter of 'W. A. McCall, Aug. is, 1880. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 179 
 
 five hundred feet in height. The bright, rushing waters 
 tumbling over their rocky beds, and the lofty blue moun- 
 tains in the distance, present a weird, dreamy, bewildering 
 appearance. " Here," says a graphic writer on the mountain 
 region of North Carolina, " if we were to meet an army 
 with music and banners, we would hardly notice it; man, 
 and all his works, and all his devices, are sinking into 
 insignificance. We feel that we are approaching nearer 
 and nearer to the Almighty Architect. We feel in all 
 things about us the presence of the great Creator. A sense 
 of awe and reverence comes over us, and we expect to find 
 in this stupendous temple we are approaching, none but 
 men of pure hearts and benignant minds. But, by degrees, 
 as we clamber up the winding hill, the sensation of awe 
 gives way — new scenes of beauty and grandeur open upon 
 our ravished vision — and a multitude of emotions swell 
 within our hearts. We are dazzled, bewildered, and ex- 
 cited, we know not how, nor why ; our souls expand and 
 swim through the immensity before and around us, and our 
 being seems merged in the infinite and glorious works of 
 God. This is the country of the fairies ; and here they 
 have their shaded dells, their mock mountains, and their 
 green valleys, thrown into ten thousand shapes of beauty. 
 . But higher up are the Titan hills ; and when we get among 
 them, we will find the difference between the abodes of the 
 giants and their elfin neighbors." 
 
 After a hard day's march for man and beast, they at 
 length reached Cathey's, or Cathoo's, plantation — since 
 Cathey's mill, at the mouth of Grassy creek, a small 
 eastern tributary of North Toe river ; and here they rested 
 for the night. f Some twenty miles were accomplished this 
 day. Their parched corn meal, and, peradventure, some 
 
 ':* C. H. Wiley's North Carolina Reader, 68, 77. 
 
 tCarapbcirs diary. The MS. correspondence of Thomas D. Vance. W. A. McCall, 
 Hon. Wm. B. Carter, W H. Allis, G. W. Crawford, Dr. J. C. Newland, Hon. J. C. Har- 
 per, Colonel Samuel McDowell Tate, Hon. C. A. Cilley, Mrs. Mary A. Chambers, Dr. J. 
 G. M. Ramsey, and Major T. S. Webb, has been of essential importance in helping to de- 
 termine and describe the route and its localities of the King's Mountain men. 
 
180 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 remaining beef rations, formed a refreshing repast, with 
 appetites sharpened by the rough exercise of so tedious 
 a jaunt over hills and dales, and rocks, and mountain 
 streams. 
 
 On Friday, the twenty- ninth, the patriot army pursued 
 its winding wa)^ up the valley of Grassy creek to its 
 head, some eight or nine miles, when they passed through 
 Gillespie's Gap in the Blue Ridge ; emerging from which 
 they joyfully beheld, here and there, in the distance, in 
 the mountain coves and rich valleys of the heads of the 
 Upper Catawba, the advanced settlements of the adven- 
 turous pioneers. Here the troops divided — Campbell's men, 
 at least, going six or seven miles south to Henry Gillespie's, 
 and a little below to Colonel William WofTord's Fort, both 
 in Turkey Cove : while the others pursued the old trace in 
 an easterly direction, about the same distance, to the North 
 Cove, on the North Fork of the Catawba, where they 
 camped for the night in the woods, on the bank of that 
 stream, just above the mouth of Hunnj^cut's creek. On a 
 large beech tree, at this camp, several of the officers cut 
 their names,* among them Colonel Charles McDowell ; 
 who had, by arrangement, several days preceded the troops 
 from the camp of the Burke and Rutherford fugitives on the 
 Watauga. 
 
 At this point Colonel McDowell rejoined his over- 
 mountain friends, imparting to them such vague and un- 
 certain intelligence as he had been able to learn of Fergu- 
 son and his movements. Colonel McDowell had repaired 
 to his Quaker Meadow home, and exerted himself, by 
 sending messengers in every direction, to rouse the people ; 
 he had despatched James Blair, as an express, to hasten 
 forward Colonel Cleveland with the men of Wilkes and 
 Surry. Blair reached Fort Defiance, a distance of some 
 thirt}- miles, where he probably met Cleveland and his men 
 
 *This venerable tree, about 1835, was accidentally charred by burning logs, in clear- 
 ing land, causing it to die. W. A. McCall, who still resides there, saw the tree and read 
 the names many times. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 181 
 
 advancing ; but he did not accomplish his mission without 
 imperiUing his life, for he was wounded by a stealthy Tory 
 by the way.* 
 
 Colonel Campbell's party visited the Turkey Cove settle- 
 ment, though some miles out of the way, with a view to 
 gaining intelligence. Henry Gillespie, near whose cabin 
 some of the troops camped, a hardy Irishman, who had 
 perhaps been a dozen years in the country, and from 
 whom the neighboring Gap took its name, was acting a 
 neutral part in the war — probably, from his exposed situa- 
 tion, as his only recourse to save himself and family from 
 destruction by the Indians, instigated, as thej' were, by 
 British emissaries stationed among them. Gillespie was 
 kept at camp during the night ; but he really had no secrets 
 to reveal and was set at liberty the following morning. f 
 
 Ensign Campbell's diary states : "The fourth night, the 
 twenty-ninth, we rested at a rich Tory's, A^'here we obtained 
 an abundance of every necessary refreshment." This evi- 
 dently refers to Colonel Wofford, for he was wealthy, and 
 well-to-do for that day ; while his near neighbor, Gillespie, 
 was poor, and his little cabin and small surrounding im- 
 provements, were sufficient evidence of it. But this is a 
 cruel and unjust imputation upon the memory of so worthy 
 a man as William Wofford. Descended from ancestry from 
 the north of England, he was born near Rock creek, in 
 then Prince George, now Montgomery County, Maryland, 
 about twelve miles above Washington City, on the twenty- 
 fifth of October, 1728. Of his early life, we have no 
 knowledge ; but he most likely served among the Mary- 
 land troops in the French and Indian war raging on the 
 frontiers of that and the neighboring Colonies in his 
 younger days. 
 
 Colonel Wofford was a man of enterprise, early mi- 
 
 * Blair's MS. pension statement. 
 
 f Henry Gillespie died at the Turkey Cove, about 1S12, at the age of well-nigh eighty 
 years, leaving two sons, David and William. 
 
182 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 grating to the upper country of South Carolina, where, on 
 Pacolet river, he erected noted iron works. He was one 
 of the leading patriots of that region, and served as Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel on Williamson's Cherokee campaign of 
 1776.* Early in 1779, he was in service in pursuit of the 
 fugitive Tory party under Colonel John Moore, when flee- 
 ing from North Carolina to Georgia ; and, in the spring 
 and summer of that year, he served in Georgia and South 
 Carolina, under General Lincoln,! and doubtless shared in 
 the battle of Stono. 
 
 It was probably on the fall of Charleston, when his 
 iron works were destroyed, that he, to avoid the British 
 and Tories who were over-running South Carolina, retired 
 to the Upper Catawba, purchasing a fine tract of nine 
 hundred acres, with improvements, of one Armstrong, an 
 enterprising pioneer in the Turkey Cove. At his new 
 home, he erected a fort for his own and neighbors' pro- 
 tection against the Indians, and built a small grist-mill. It 
 is barely possible that Colonel Wofford may have been 
 prevailed upon by the frontier settlers of Burke county, to 
 unite with Captain John Carson and others, to take pro- 
 tection from Colonel Ferguson when he invaded the 
 Upper Catawba valley, merely as a temporary ruse to pre- 
 serve their stock and other property from those rapacious 
 plunderers. But of this, there is no evidence, save tlie 
 vague allusion of Ensign Campbell. At all events. Colonel 
 Wofford was no Torjr, and never lifted a finger against his 
 country. It is quite evident, that Colonel Campbell gained 
 no important intelligence from either Colonel Wofford or 
 Henry Gillespie, simpl}^ because they were not the men to 
 hiu'e confided to them the secrets of the Loyalists, and con- 
 sequently had nothing to impart.;]; 
 
 ^Dr. John Whelchel's MS. pension statement. 
 
 fCapt. Matthew Patton's MS. pension statement. 
 
 t Colonel Wofford subsequently gave much attention to the surveying of lands ; and, 
 several years after the war, removed to what is now Habersham county, Georgia, where he 
 became an influential citizen, and died near Toccoa Falls, about 1823, at the age of about 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 183 
 
 The respective divisions — the one at the Turkey Cove, 
 and the other at the North Cove— had marched some fifteen 
 miles this day. Colonel Charles McDowell must have been 
 able to inform the troops, whom he happily met at the 
 North Cove, that Ferguson was yet at and near Gilbert 
 Town; that Cleveland and Winston, at the head of the 
 Wilkes and Surry men, were approaching in strong force ; 
 and that the South Carolina parties under Lacey and 
 Hill, and Williams' separate corps, were at no great dis- 
 tance. That Ferguson was still reposing in fancied se- 
 curity vdthin striking distance, and that strong Whig re- 
 inforcements were at hand, were matters of good omen ; 
 and tended, in no small degree, to encourage and inspirit 
 the patriots in their combined efforts and self-denials to 
 rid their suffering country of a powerful, invading foe. 
 
 On Saturday morning, the thirtieth of the month, 
 the troops at the North Cove took up their line of march, 
 passing over Silver and Linville mountains, then along a 
 dividing ridge, and down Paddie's creek to the Catawba. 
 They probably rested at mid-day, delaying a while for the 
 detachment from Turkey Cove, who had several miles 
 farther to march in order to overtake them. When re- 
 united, and refreshed, they pushed on, as the old trail then 
 ran, from the mouth of Paddie's creek, down the north- 
 west bank of the Catawba, crossing the mouth of Linville 
 river,* and thence to the Quaker Meadows, the noted home 
 
 ninety-five years, being able to read and write without spectacles to the last. General 
 VVm T. Wofford. of Bartow county, Georgia, is his great grandson. 
 
 A daughter of Colonel Wofford's was, in after years, married to David Gillespie, the old- 
 est son of Henry Gillespie. David Gillespie was a youth of some fourteen years when the 
 over-mountain men marched to King's Mountain. All through life he was very observant, 
 and possessed a most retentive memory ; and from him these facts were derived about a 
 portion of the mountaineers going to Turkey Cove, and the others to the North Cove, and 
 .tbout the detention of his father in camp over night. We are indebted to Wm. A. 
 McCall. of North Cove, for these traditions, which he had from his grandfather, David 
 Gillespie, and to some extent, corroborated by Arthur McFall. an old hunter of the Revo- 
 lutionary period, who frequently made his home with Gillespie, At the venerable age 
 of about ninety-two, David Gillespie died in Turkey Cove, in 1859. 
 
 *This fine mountain stream was named from this circumstance. In the latter part of 
 the summer of 1766, William Linville, his son, and a young man, had gone from the lower 
 Yadkin to this river to hunt, where they were surprised by a party of Indians, the two 
 
184 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 of Colonel Charles and Major Joseph McDowell. Here 
 they encamped for the night, after a long and wearisome 
 march, especially on the part of Campbell's corps, who had 
 accomplished well-nigh thirty-one miles this day, and the 
 others about twenty-three.* The McDowells did all within 
 their power to render the mountaineers comfortable around 
 their cheerful camp-fires — Major McDowell particularly^ 
 bidding them to freely avail themselves of his dry rails 
 in kindling their fires for their evening repast, and for their 
 night's enjoyment.f 
 
 Here thej^ had the joyous satisfaction of being joined 
 by the troops from Wilkes and Surr}^, under the leader- 
 ship of Cleveland and Winston — reported at the time, for 
 effect, at eight hundred, but really numbering only three 
 hundred and fifty. When the people of the Yadkin region 
 heard of Ferguson's advance into Burke county, and of 
 the engagement so near them, at the head of Cane creek, 
 between McDowell and the British and Tory forces, it 
 exerted a powerful influence in arousing them for active ser- 
 vice. Some of them, under Colonel Cleveland, had been 
 on the head of New river, suppressing the Tory insurrec- 
 tion in that quarter ; and when they received tidings of the 
 approach of the over-mountain men, they were already em- 
 bodied, waiting to march at the tap of the drum — if not, 
 indeed, actuall)^ at route to join their distant brethren. 
 West from Wilkesboro, some eight or ten miles, they crossed 
 the Yadkin at the mouth of Warrior creek ; thence bearing 
 to the south-west, some eighteen or twenty miles, they 
 
 Liiivilles killed, the other person, though badly wounded, effecting his escape. The Lin- 
 villes were related to the famous Daniel noone, 
 
 * We are indebted to Mr. McCall for the route of march of the King's Mountain men 
 from the North Cove to the Quaker Meadows, derived from his grandfather, David Gilles- 
 pie, Beside Mr. McCall's tradition, John Spelts and the venerable Major Samuel G. 
 ■ Blalock, declare that they marched by way of Quaker Meadows and Morganton, Captain A. 
 Burgin and J, C. Whitson both of McDowell County, North Carolina, state, on the author- 
 ity of aged people of the Upper Catawba valley, related to them many years since, that 
 the over-mountain men assuredly took the route hy the Quaker Meadows on their outward 
 march. 
 
 ■{"MS. notes of conversations with John Spelts, of Marshall county. Miss., in 1844, 
 a venerable survivor of Major McDowell's King's Mountain men. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 185 
 
 reached old Fort Defiance ; and thence some eight or ten 
 miles across Warrior mountain, to Crider's Fort,* where 
 the village of Lenoir is now located. Here Philip Evans, 
 one of the Surry men, received a severe injury by a fall 
 from his horse, which rendered it necessary to leave him 
 there for recovery. f 
 
 But a worse accident befell Lieutenant Larkin Cleve- 
 land, a younger brother of the Colonel. -It was some ten 
 miles from Crider's Fort, crossing the Brushy mountain, to 
 Lovelady's Ford of the Catawba. While crossing the river, 
 Lieutenant Cleveland, with the advance, after having 
 passed a narrow defile between a rocky cliff and the stream, 
 w^as shot by some concealed Tories in the cliff", severely 
 wounding him in the thigh. The Loyalists had learned 
 of Colonel Cleveland's march, and had resolved on his 
 destruction, hoping thereby to cripple the expedition and 
 possibly defeat its object. Colonel Cleveland and his 
 brother very much resembled each other in size and 
 general appearance ; and the Tories probably mistook 
 the latter for the Colonel. 
 
 The men in the rear, on hearing the volley, rushed for- 
 ward to surround ihe daring party in ambush, and, if 
 possible, to effect their capture ; but the birds had flown. 
 Sending the wounded Lieutenant in a canoe up the river, 
 the troops forded the stream without further trouble, and ad- 
 vancing half a dozen miles, passed through Morganton — or 
 what was shortly after so named in honor of General Daniel 
 Morgan, the hero of the Cowpens ; and, about two miles west 
 
 *Hon. J. C. Harper, of Patterson, Caldwell County, N. C, writes; *' Fort Crider 
 was situated on a small eminence within the present limits of Lenoir. It had a hill on the 
 east, and another on the west. Some forty years ago, I heard old Henry Sumter relate, 
 that when the fort was built, a hunter came along, and declared it was not safe, as he could 
 shoot a man in it from either of the hills. On this being disputed, a coat was hung on a 
 stick within the stockade, and the hunter, at the first fire, sent his ball through it from the 
 top of the western hill. It was a remarkable shot for a gun of those days.'' 
 
 ■f" Evans' MS. pension statement. iMr. Evans recovered in good season to aid in 
 guarding the prisoners on the return of the King's Mountain men; and to share under 
 Major McDowell, in Morgan's glorious victory at the Cowpens, January 17, 1781. i^e 
 was a native of Rowan County, N. C, born June 17, 1759; and died in Greenville County, 
 S. C, June 19, 1849, at the age of ninety years. 
 
186 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 of that point, they again reached and re-crossed the Catawba, 
 meeting with a joyful reception by the McDowells and the 
 mountaineers at the Quaker Meadows. Here Lieutenant 
 Cleveland was confided to the care of the widowed mother 
 of the McDowells, who bestowed every attention upon the 
 unfortunate officer. Though he in time recovered, he was 
 a cripple for life.* 
 
 Sunday morning, October the first, dawned bi-ightly 
 upon the mountaineers at their camp, at the Quaker Mead- 
 ows — a gratifying continuation of the fine weather that had 
 enabled them so comfortably, and with such satisfactory 
 progress, to pass the mountain ranges. Resuming their 
 march, with a better road, they made a more rapid advance, 
 passing the Pilot mountain, near the present village of Brin- 
 dletown — a noted beacon for travelers, prominently discern- 
 ible for many miles away. In the afternoon a rain storm 
 set in, and they early encamped in a gap of the South 
 mountain, near where the heads of Cane and Silver creeks 
 interlock each other, and not very far trom the scene of the 
 fight three weeks before, between the British and Tory 
 forces and Colonel McDowell's party. This day's march 
 numbered some eighteen miles. 
 
 So wet did the next day, Monday, prove, that the army 
 remained in their camp. The little disorders and irregu- 
 larities which began to prevail among the troops, unaccus- 
 tomed to discipline and restraint, occasioned no little un- 
 easiness among the commanding officers. As if by instinct, 
 the field officers of the several corps met that evening for 
 consultation. Colonel McDowell, as the senior officer, pre- 
 sided. It was suggested that inasmuch as the troops were 
 from different States, no one properly had the right to com- 
 mand the whole, and it was important that there should be 
 a military head to their organization ; and, to this end, 
 
 *MS. statement of Elijah Callaway; and MS. letters of Shadrach Franklin and Jere- 
 miah Cleveland — the two latter nephews of the wounded Lieutenant. Callaway was a 
 stout lad of some eleven years at that time, a resident of Wilkes county, and well 
 acquainted with the Clevelands. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 187 
 
 that a messenger be sent to General Gates, at his head- 
 quarters, wherever they might be, informing him of their 
 situation, and requesting him to send forward a general offi- 
 cer to take the command. This was agreed to. 
 
 Anything looking like delay was not in accordance with 
 the views of Shelby and his associate officers — expedition 
 and dispatch were all-important at this critical juncture. It 
 was now proposed, to meet the emergencjf, that the corps 
 commanders should convene in council dailj^, to determine 
 on the measures to be pursued the ensuing daj^, and appoint 
 one of their number as officer of the day, to put them in 
 execution, until they should otherwise determine. Colonel 
 Shelby, not quite satisfied with this suggestion, observed 
 that they were then within sixteen or eighteen miles of Gil- 
 bert Town, where they supposed Ferguson to be, who would 
 certainly attack them if strong enough to do so, or avoid 
 them, if too weak, until he could collect more men, or ob- 
 tain a reinforcement, with which they would not dare to cope, 
 and hence it behooved them to act with decision and 
 promptitude. They needed, he continued, an efficient head, 
 and vigorous movements ; that all the commanding officers 
 were North Carolinians, save Colonel Campbell, who was 
 from Virginia ; that he knew him to be a man of good 
 sense, and warmly attached to the cause of his country ; 
 that he commanded the largest regiment, and closed by 
 proposing to make Campbell commanding officer, until a 
 general officer should arrive from head-quarters, and that 
 they march immediatel}'' against the enemy. 
 
 Colonel Campbell thereupon took Colonel Shelby aside 
 and requested him to withdraw his name, and consent to 
 serve himself. Shelby repHed that he was the youngest 
 Colonel present — which was true ; that he had served under 
 Colonel McDowell, who was too slow for such an enter- 
 prise, who would naturally take offence should he be ele- 
 vated to the command over him ; that while he (Shelby) 
 ranked Campbell, and as the latter was the only officer from 
 
188 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Virginia, if he pressed his appointment, no one would 
 object. Colonel Campbell felt the force of this reasoning, 
 and consented to serve. The proposition was approved and 
 adopted. 
 
 Shelb}^'s object in suggesting Colonel Campbell's ap- 
 poinment, is best explained by himself. " I made the 
 proposition," saj's Shelby in his pamphlet, in 1823, "to 
 silence the expectations of Colonel McDowell to command 
 us — he being the commanding officer of the district we 
 were then in, and had commanded the armies of militia 
 assembled in that quarter all the summer before against 
 the same enemy. He was a brave and patriotic man, but 
 we considered him too far advanced in life, and too inactive 
 for the command of such an enterprise as we were engaged 
 in. I was sure he would not serve under a 3^ounger officer 
 from his own State, and hoped that his feelings would, 
 in some degree, be saved by the appointment of Colonel 
 Campbell." In his narrative, in the American Review^ 
 December, 1848, Governor Shelby makes no reference to 
 McDowell's age, but simply states, that he "was too slow 
 an officer" for the enterprise. 
 
 Though Colonel Shelby speaks of McDowell's age as 
 objectionable for such a service, it really deserved little, if 
 any, consideration. He was then only some thirty-seven 
 years of age * — Colonel Cleveland was some years older, 
 and Shelby himself, the youngest of the Colonels, was only 
 seven years his junior. It may be curious to note, that 
 "Old Put," then in active service, was twenty-five years 
 older than McDowell, General Evan Shelby, the Colonel's 
 father, who, the year before, commanded an important 
 expedition against the Chicamauga Indian towns, was 
 
 * There is much diversity in the authorities as to General IMcDowell's birth-year. 
 It is assumed, in this connectinn, that he was born in 1743, as stated in Wheeler's Hist, of 
 North Carolina, published while Captain Charles McDowell, a son of the General, was 
 still living, and who is believed to have furnished the statement. Other accounts, of a tra- 
 ditional character, place his birth, one in 1740, and another in 1742 ; while his tomb-stone, 
 giving the date of his death, March 31, 1815, says he was "about seventy years of age." 
 If this latter be true, then he was still younger, born about 1745. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 189 
 
 twenty-three years older, General Stark fifteen, Washing- 
 ton eleven, Marion ten, Sumter at least four, and General 
 Greene one. The real objection to Colonel McDowell was 
 not so much his age, as his lack of tact and efficiency for 
 such a command ; and, it has been hinted, moreover, that 
 his conduct at the Cane creek aflair was not without its 
 influence in producing the general distrust entertained of 
 his fitness to lead the mountain men on this important ser- 
 vice. The expression was quite general, that General 
 Morgan or General Davidson should be sent to take the 
 command ; the former, especially, who had gained such 
 renown at Saratoga, and had recently joined General 
 Gates, was highly esteemed by the mountaineers.* 
 
 Colonel McDowell, who had the good of his country 
 at heart more than any title to command, submitted grace- 
 fully to what was done ; but observed, that as he could not 
 be permitted to command, he would, if agreeable, convey 
 to head-quarters the request for a general officer. This 
 was warmly approved, as it was justly declared that he was 
 well acquainted with the situation of the country, and could, 
 better than any other, concert with General Gates a plan of 
 future operations, and they would await his return. The 
 manner in which this was presented gratified McDowell, 
 who at once set off on his mission, leaving his men under 
 the command of his brother. Major Joseph McDowell. f 
 Passing through Burke county, McDowell's command, par- 
 ticularly, was considerably increased]: by relatives, friends 
 
 ■•• This statement of the action of the officers in council at the South Mountain camp is 
 made up largely frijm Shelby's narratives ; that in Haywood and Ramsey's Histories 0/ 
 Tennessee, his pamphlet of 1823, and his Hardin account in the American Review of Decem- 
 ber, 1848. The late Colonel Wm. Martin, of Tennessee, also furnished his recollections 
 as derived in conversations with Colonel Cleveland. John Spelts, one of the King's 
 Mountain men, related several facts connected with this council. 
 
 f Of the result of McDowell's mission, we have no information, save that he called at 
 the camp of Lacey and Hill, and their South Carolinians, and Williams and his corps, at 
 Flint Hill, a dozen miles or so to the eastward of the head of Cane creek He doubtless 
 visited General Gates, at Hillsboro; but as the news of the King's Mountain victory 
 reached there nearly as early as Colonel McDowell, there was no occasion for any action 
 in the premises. 
 
 \ Shelby's narrative, 1823. 
 
190 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 and neighbors ; and there John Spelts, § or Continental 
 Jack, as he was familiarly called by his associates, first 
 joined Shelby's regiment, but fought under McDowell. 
 Colonel Campbell now assumed the chief command ; in 
 which, however, he was to be directed and regulated by the 
 determination of the Colonels, who were to meet every day 
 for consultation. 
 
 Everything was now arranged quite satisfactorily to the 
 Whig chiefs ; and their men were full of martial ardor, 
 anxious to meet the foe, confident of their ability, with 
 their unerring rifles, to overthrow Ferguson and his Loyal- 
 ist followers, even were their numbers far greater than they 
 were represented. 
 
 g MS. notes of conversations with Spelts, in 1844. He was a jolly old soldier, then in 
 his ninety-fourth year, and from him were derived many interesting reminiscences of the 
 Revolution. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 191 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 September— October, 1780. 
 
 Further Gathering of the King's Mountain Men. — Williams' North 
 Carolina Recruits. — Movements of Sumter's Force under Hill and 
 Lacey .— Troubles with Williams. — March to Flint Hill. — The 
 Mountaineers at their South Mountain Camp. — Patriotic Appeals 
 of the Officers to their Men. — Resume of Ferguson's Operations in 
 the Upper Catawba Valley. — Alarming Intelligettce of the Ap- 
 proach of the Back Water Men. — Why Ferguson Tarried so long 
 on the Frontiers. — British Scheme of Suppressing the Rebelliofi by 
 the Gallows. — Ferguson Flees from Gilbert Town. — Sends Messen- 
 gers for aid to Cornwallis and Cruger. — Frenzied Appeal to the 
 Tories. — Ferguson's Breakfast Stolen by Saucy Whigs. — His 
 Flight to Tate's Ferry. — Dispatch to Lord Cornwallis. — Takes 
 Post on King' s Mountain, and Description of it. — Motives for 
 Lingering there. 
 
 It will be remembered, that Governor Nash had granted 
 to Colonel Williams, a South Carolinian, the privilege of 
 organizing a corps of mounted men within the North Prov- 
 ince. Under this authority, he enlisted about seventy, chiefly 
 while encamped at Higgin's plantation, in Rowan County. 
 Colonel Brandon and Major Hammond were quite active 
 in this service. The call for recruits was dated September 
 twenty-third; and was headed: "A call to arms! — Beef, 
 bread, and potatoes." These implied promises of good 
 fare were more easily made than fulfilled — probably based 
 on the fact that Governor Nash had given orders to the 
 commissaries of that State to furnish the party "such sup- 
 plies as may be necessary." Colonel Hill tells us, that 
 these North Carolinians who enrolled under Williams, were 
 men who shirked duty under their own local officers ; and 
 besides the tempting offer of "beef, bread, and potatoes," 
 Colonel Williams had furthermore promised what was re- 
 
192 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 garded as still better in the estimation of men of easy 
 virtue — the privilege of plundering the Tories of South 
 Carolina of "as many negroes and horses as they might 
 choose to take." 
 
 This little force, as Major Hammond states in his pen- 
 sion application, constituted "the largest portion of Wil- 
 liams' command at King's Mountain;" and with them the 
 Colonel pushed forward some sixty or seventy miles south- 
 west of Salisbury, where, after crossing the Catawba at the 
 Tuckasegie Ford, on the second of October, he found 
 Sumter's command under Colonels Hill and Lacey, in the 
 forks of the main and south branches of that stream.* This 
 part}^, to the number of about two hundred and seventy, had 
 retired from South Carolina for their own safety, and to be 
 in readiness to form a junction with others whenever they 
 could hope thereby to render useful service to their suffer- 
 ing country. Williams marched into the camp of Sumter's 
 men ; and as Sumter himself, and the most of his principal 
 officers were still absent — the latter, endeavoring to arrange 
 with Governor Rutledge with reference to the command, 
 Williams probably thought it a favorable opportunity to 
 read again, as he did, his commission of Brigadier, and 
 with an imperious air, commanded the officers and men to 
 submit to his authority. Colonel Hill frankly told him, in 
 no gingerly language, that there was not an officer nor a 
 man in the whole body who would, for a moment, yield 
 obedience to him ; that commissioners had been sent to the 
 Governor with proofs of the baseness of his conduct, as 
 they regarded it, whose return was soon expected. Evi- 
 dently fearing, from what he saw around him, that he 
 might be subjected to worse treatment than a mere denunci- 
 
 *Colonel Hill's Manuscript Narrative; Major Hammond's and Andrew Floyd's pen- 
 sion statements ; Colonel Williams' letter to General Gates, October 2, 1780, in the gazettes 
 of the day, and Almon's Reinetiibrancer, xi, 158. 
 
 By some unaccountable mistake, or misprint, this letter of Colonel Williams, is dated 
 " Burke County ; " when all the other authorities. Hill. Floyd, Hammond and Whelchel— 
 the two latter of Williams' party— combine to show, beyond a doubt, that they were at this 
 time in Lincoln County, west or south-west of Tuckasegie Ford. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 193 
 
 ation of words, Williams thought it prudent to beat a safe 
 retreat, which he did, foiTning his camp some distance 
 apart from the other. 
 
 Colonels Hill and Lacey had previously designed to 
 form a junction with General Davidson, of North Carolina, 
 to whom they had sent an express, who gave them, in re- 
 turn, information, probably derived through a messenger from 
 Colonel McDowell on his earliest return from Watauga, that 
 there was, by this time, a considerable body of men from 
 both sides of the mountains', marching with a view of 
 measuring swords and rifles with the redoubtable Ferguson. 
 With this gratifying intelligence, they crossed the Catawba 
 at Beattie's Ford, and that evening received the call already 
 related, from Colonel Williams. That day Colonels Gra- 
 ham and Hambright had joined the South Carolinians, with 
 a saiall party of some sixty men from Lincoln County. 
 
 On that evening Colonel Hill suggested to Colonel 
 Lacey, that, as they might have to encounter a superior 
 force in a short time, they had better conciliate Colonel 
 Williams, though his followers were but few, if they could 
 do so without recognizing his right to command them. 
 Lacey coincided with this view. It was therefore proposed 
 that the troops should be arranged into three divisions 
 — the South Carolinians proper, Graham and Hambright's 
 partj% and Williams' followers, who, by this time, would 
 seem to have been joined by Captain Roebuck's company — 
 perhaps some twenty or thirty in number ; and choose a 
 commanding officer for the whole, the orders and move- 
 ments of the corps to be determined by all the officers. 
 When the matter was submitted to him the next morning, 
 he " spurned " the offer, as Colonel Hill informs us, renew- 
 ing the intimation, that by virtue of his Brigadier's com- 
 mission, he would command the whole. He was plainly 
 told, that if he would not accept the honorable offer made 
 him, he should absent himself, and not attempt to march 
 with the South Carolina and Lincoln County men, or the 
 
194 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 consequences might be more serious than would be agree- 
 able to him. Seeing no prospect of can-ying his point, 
 Williams finally acceded to the proposition, and an officer 
 was chosen to command the whole. That day the spies 
 came in with the intelligence, that the mountain men were 
 advancing through a valley between a large and small 
 mountain — probably referring to the South Mountain, at 
 the head of Cane creek. 
 
 This party of South Carolinians and their associates 
 marched through Lincoln Count}^, crossing the upper forks 
 of Dutchman's creek, proceeding on to Ramsour's Mill, 
 on the South Fork of Catawba ; thence bearing some- 
 what south-westwardly, crossing Buffalo and First Broad 
 rivers, to Flint Hill* — now sometimes known as Cherry 
 Mountain, in the eastern part of Rutherford County — a 
 great place of modern summer resort, where cherries in 
 their season abound. f From the flinty rocks along the 
 mountain sides gush many clear and cool springs, the 
 heads of neighboring streams. The hill was covered with 
 timber, as was doubtless the surrounding country, rendering 
 the locality a most inviting camping ground. X Here, on the 
 third of October, the South Carolinians, the Lincoln men, 
 and Williams' party, took up their temporary quarters. On 
 the day of their arrival at Flint Hill, Colonel McDowell 
 called on them while on his mission to Hillsboro ; § but the 
 designs of the mountain men to make a push for Ferguson 
 were not fully resolved on till after the Colonel's departure. 
 His intelligence, therefore, was not sufficiently decisive to 
 warrant them in taking up their line of march in any direc- 
 tion ; and so thej' patiently awaited further developments 
 of the plans and movements of the mountaineers. 
 
 Let us return to the mountain men whom we left in camp 
 
 *MS. pension statements of Dr. John Whelchel, of Williams' party, and Andrew 
 Floyd, of Graham's men, 
 
 t Colonel J. R Logan's MS. correspondence, 
 
 J MS. letter nf W. L. Twitty. 
 
 g Shelby's narrative in A^Jcrican Review, December, 1848, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 195 
 
 in the gap al South Mountain, some sixteen or eighteen 
 miles north of Gilbert Town. It was now supposed that 
 the decisive contest between the Tories of the Western 
 Carolinas and their Whig antagonists would be fought at 
 that place. The officers of the mountaineers were more or 
 less experienced, and felt an abiding confidence of success. 
 Thinking it a good occasion, before taking up the line of 
 march on the morning of October the third, to address a 
 few stirring words to the patriotic army. Colonel Cleve- 
 land requested the troops to form a circle, and he "would 
 tell them the news," as he expressed it. Though a rough, 
 uncouth frontiersman, and weighing at this time fully two 
 hundred and fifty pounds, Cleveland possessed the happy 
 faculty of inspiring men with much of his own indomitable 
 spirit. Colonel Sevier was active in getting the men into 
 form, assuring them that they would hear something that 
 would interest them. Cleveland came within the circle, 
 accompanied by Campbell, Shelby, Sevier, McDowell, 
 Winston, and other officers ; and taking off his hat, said 
 with much freedom and effect : 
 
 '' Now, vaj brave fellows, I have come to tell you the 
 news. The enemy is at hand, and we must up and at 
 them. Now is the time for every man of jou to do his 
 country a priceless service — such as shall lead your 
 children to exult in the fact that their fathers were the 
 conquerors of Ferguson. When the pinch comes, I shall 
 be with you. But if any of you shrink from sharing in the 
 battle and the glory, you can now have the opportunity 
 of backing out, and leaving ; and j^ou shall have a few 
 minutes for considering the matter." 
 
 "Well, mjr good fellows," inquired Major McDowell, 
 with a winning smile on his countenance, " what kind of a 
 story will you, who back out, have to relate when you get 
 home, leaving your braver comrades to fight the battle, and 
 gain the victory?" 
 
 "You have all been informed of the offer," said Shelby ; 
 
196 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 " you who desire to decline it, will, when the word is given, 
 march three steps to the rear, and stand, prior to which a 
 few more minutes will be granted you for consideration." 
 At length the word was given \)j the officers to their re- 
 spective commands, that "those who desired to back out 
 would step three paces in the rear." Not a man accepted 
 the unpatriotic privilege. A murmur of applause arose 
 from the men on ever}- hand, who seemed to be proud of 
 each other, that there were no slinks nor cowards among 
 their nvimber. "I am heartily glad," said Shelby, "to see 
 you to a man resolve to meet and fight your country's foes. 
 When we encounter the enemy, don't wait for the word of 
 command. Let each one of j'ou be j^our own officer, and 
 do the very best you can, taking every care you can of 
 yourselves, and availing yourselves of every advantage that 
 chance may throw in your way. If in the woods, shelter 
 yourselves, and give them Indian play ; advance from tree 
 to tree, pressing the enemy and killing and disabling all 
 you can. Your officers will shrink from no danger — they 
 will be constantly with 3^ou, and the moment the enemy give 
 way, be on the alert, and strictly obey orders." * 
 
 These appeals to the mountain men were adroitty put, 
 and had a good effect. Each soldier felt that he could im- 
 plicitly rely on his fellows to stand by him to the last. The 
 troops were now dismissed, with directions to be ready to 
 march in three hours — and have provisions prepared for 
 two meals, and placed in their knapsacks. Cleveland and 
 McDowell seem to have obtained some liquor, and added 
 that " when the men were ready for the march, they should 
 have a 'treat.' " f They marched down Cane creek a few 
 miles, making slow progress, and encamped for the night 
 with the usual guards on duty. The next daj^ October the 
 fourth, they renewed the march, fording and re-fording 
 Cane, creek many times, as the trail then ran, and at night 
 
 ' MS. notes of conversations with John Spelts, whose memory of this gathering, and 
 the remarks of Cleveland, McDowell and Shelby, was clear and vivid, 
 t Spelts' recollections. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 197 
 
 reached the neighborhood of its mouth, in the region of 
 Gilbert Town. They learned this day from Jonathan 
 Hampton, that Ferguson had retreated from Gilbert Town ; 
 and also received information that it was his purpose to 
 evade an engagement with them.* 
 
 In order to give a proper view of the movements of the 
 opposing parties, it is now necessary to recur to Ferguson 
 and his Tory followers. It will be remembered, that Fergu- 
 son's troops made an excursion, during the month of Septem- 
 bei', into the Upper Catawba Valley, in then Burke, now 
 McDowell County ; and that several of the patriots, Captain 
 John Carson among them, were prevailed on by the Whig 
 leaders to take protection, simply as a 7'use by which to 
 save as much of the stock of the country as possible. The 
 scheme worked to a charm, not merely in benefiting the 
 Whigs, but by Captain Carson's shrewd management, it 
 produced, in the end, a telling effect on the few Tories of 
 that region. Ferguson began to suspect that Carson and 
 his friends were deceiving him, and saving more cattle than 
 probably belonged to them, and resolved that he would not 
 be thus foiled by such backwoods diplomacy. So he 
 fitted out a party from camp to go in quest of beeves thus 
 attempted to be smuggled out of harm's way, and lay in a 
 good supply of meat. Carson accompanied the foraging 
 expedition. A large herd was found roaming about the 
 extensive cane-brakes, where David Greenlee since resided ; 
 but Carson was close-mouthed about their ownership imtil 
 the Tory party had slaughtered over a hundred head of fine 
 young cattle, when he- quietly observed, that he expected 
 that they were the propert}^ of Joseph Brown, Dement, and 
 Johnstone, who had joined Ferguson, and were then in his 
 camp. These men got wind of the transaction, made in- 
 quiries, and ascertained that it was indeed their stock that 
 had been so unceremoniously appropriated for his Majesty's 
 troops. They were not a little chop-fallen and disgusted. 
 
 *General Joseph Graham's narrative ; MS. correspondence with Jonathan Hampton, Jr. 
 
198 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 and the affair was soon noised abroad, and had quite a 
 dispiriting effect upon the Loyalists of the country. Fer- 
 guson declared that the Rebels had out witted him.* 
 
 A little incident, worthy of relation, occurred while the 
 British troops were encamped at Davidson's place, since 
 Mclntyre's, two miles west of Captain Carson's. A soldier 
 was tempted to kill a chicken and enjoy a savory meal, but 
 he happened to be disco\'ered by Mrs. Davidson, who 
 promptly reported the theft to Ferguson. The British 
 commander had the culprit immediately punished, and gave 
 the good lady a dollar in compensation for the loss.f This 
 act was certainly creditable to Ferguson's sense of justice ; 
 but it was, like an oasis in the desert, a circumstance of 
 very unfrequent occurrence. 
 
 Returning from this excursion, Ferguson and his Tory 
 marauders camped a while at the White Oak Spring, near 
 Brindletown. Their camp was in close proximity to the 
 loftj- peak known in all that region as Pilot Mountain, almost 
 isolated in the midst of a comparatively level country — 
 so named, as tradition has it, from its having been the land- 
 mark of the Indians in their wanderings, and the guide by 
 which the Tory foraging parties, in 1780, directed their 
 course when returning from their plundering expeditions. 
 One of these parties captured Robert Campbell, too old for 
 active service, while at breakfast, at his home on Camp 
 Creek, twelve miles north-east of Rutherfordton, and con- 
 veyed him to the camp at White Oak Spring. 
 
 Reference has heretofore been made to the fight at 
 Cowan's Ford, on Cane creek. One traditonj places the 
 
 * MS. narrative of Vance and McDowell, preserved by Robert Henry. 
 
 "I- MS. letter of Governor D. L. Swain, of Chapel Hill. North Carolina, February 8th, 
 1854, to General John G. Bynum, on authority of D. M. Smith, of Asheville, North Caro- 
 lina, a grandson of Mrs Davidson, communicated by Rev. W, S. Bynum, of Winston, 
 North Carolina. 
 
 t MS. correspondence of Wm. L. Twitty, who derived the tradition from Wm. Mon- 
 teith. and he from Wm. Watson, a worthy Revolutionary hero who was in the fight, and 
 who died in 1854, at the venerable age of ninety-five years. It may be added, in this con- 
 nection, that old Wm. Marshall, in his lifetime, placed several large bloclis of granite on 
 the spot where this contest is said to have taken place, to identify the locality, and com- 
 memorate the occurrence. This would go to prove, that some Revolutionary event must 
 have transpired at that point. 
 
AND ITS HEROES, 199 
 
 locality of this contest some three miles above Cowan's 
 Ford, at the old Marshall place, now Jonathan Walker's, on 
 the west branch of that stream. One Hemphill was killed ; 
 Captain Joseph White, John Criswell, and Peter Branks 
 were wounded in this afi'air.* It was a sort of drawn 
 battle, on a small scale, neither party caring to renew the 
 conflict. Ferguson and his officers seemed to prefer camp- 
 ing on or near some hill or elevation ; so while prosecuting 
 their retreat, they took post on the top of a high hill at 
 Samuel Andrews' place, twelve miles north of Gilbert 
 Town. Here the stock, poultry, and every thing they 
 could make use of, were unfeelingly appropriated ; while 
 the unfortunate owner, Andrews, and his Whig neighbors, 
 had fled for safety to the neighboring Cane creek moun- 
 tains.! At -length the jaded troops, with their disabled 
 Major, Dunlap, reached their old locality at Gilbert Town 
 — the men encamping on Ferguson's Hill, while Dunlap 
 was conveyed to Gilbert's residence. 
 
 On the thirtieth of September, J little dreaming of any 
 impending danger, Ferguson wa« suddenly awakened from 
 his sense of security. The two Whig deserters, Crawford 
 and Chambers, arrived from the camp of the mountaineers 
 on the top of the Yellow Mountain, with the alarming 
 intelligence of the rapid approach of "the Back Water 
 men," as Ferguson termed them. He rightly judged, that 
 if his threats of hanging, fire, and sword had no effect on 
 them, they were coming with a full determination to fight 
 him with desperation. He had furloughed many of his 
 Tory followers to visit their families, under promise of 
 rejoining him on short notice. Hp had been tarrying 
 longer than he otherwise would, in the hope of intercepting 
 Colonel Clarke, who had laid siege to Augusta, Georgia, 
 
 * MS. pension statements of Captain James Withrow and Richard Eallew. 
 
 ■fMS. correspondence of A. B, Long and W. L. Twitty, 
 
 JColonel Cruger's letter to Ferguson, of 3d October, 1780, refers to the latter's dis- 
 patch of September 30th, with the alarming news of "so considerable a force as you under- 
 stand is coming from the mountains. ■■' '■' '•'■ I don't see how you can possibly [defend] 
 the country and the neighborhood you are now in. The game from the mountains is just 
 what I expected." — Ramsey's Tennessee, 242. 
 
200 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 from the fourteenth to the sixteenth of September, and 
 would have completely succeeded, had not Colonel Cruger 
 arrived from Ninetj- Six with a party of relief, when Clarke 
 was compelled to make his way northward, along the east- 
 ern base of the mountains. 
 
 Cruger promptly apprised Ferguson of Clarke's oper- 
 ations and retirement. In the pursuit, quite a number of 
 the Whigs were taken prisoners by the British and their 
 Tory and Indian allies, and several were scalped. Captain 
 Ashby and twelve other captives were hanged under the 
 eyes of Colonel Browne, the British commandant of Au- 
 gusta, who was twice disabled during the seige, and was 
 smarting under the effect of his wounds ; thirteen who were 
 delivered to the Cherokees were killed by the tomahawk, 
 or by tortures, or thrown into fires. Thirty altogether were 
 put to death by orders of the vindictive and infamous 
 Browne. Lieutenant William Stevenson, one of Ferguson's 
 corps, in writing from Gilbert Town, on the twenty-fifth of 
 September, probably gave vent to the prevalent feelings of 
 Ferguson's men when he said, referring to the pursuit and 
 capture of Clarke's men : " Several of whom they imme- 
 diately hanged, and have a great many moi-e yet to hang. 
 We have now got a method that will soon ptU an end to the 
 rebellion in a short time, by hanging every man that has 
 taken -protection , and is found acting against us.*'" Hang- 
 ing men ^'immediately" after the}" were made prisoners, 
 plainly implies that no opportunitj^ was given to prove or 
 disprove whether they had ever taken protection or not. 
 But this practice of immediate hanging was simply carrying 
 into effect Lord Cornwallis' inhuman orders to Cruger and 
 Balfour. 
 
 Ferguson was quite as anxious to wa3-lay the remnant 
 of Clarke's partisans as were Cruger and Browne to have 
 him do so. It is not improbable, that in furloughing so 
 many of his Tory recruits, as he had recently done, to visit 
 
 * Almon's Renteiiibrancer for 1781, xi, 280-81. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 201 
 
 their homes, Colonel Ferguson may have had in view, that 
 their scattered localities might enable them to obtain early 
 notice of the approach of Clarke's fugitives, and promptly 
 apprise him of it. Thus watching and delaying in order 
 to entrap the Georgia patriots, proved his own speedy de- 
 struction. When the two deserters from Sevier's regiment 
 brought him intelligence of his threatened danger from the 
 mountaineers, he was not slow to realize his situation. He 
 sent out expresses in all directions, strongly appealing to* 
 the Roj^alists to hasten to his standard with all possible ex- 
 pedition, and to render him every assistance in their power 
 in this critical emergency. 
 
 He evidently had a triple object in view by taking this 
 circuitous course. He hoped still, peradventure, to inter- 
 cept Clarke 5 he anxiouly desired to strengthen his own 
 force by re-inforcements, and to collect on his route his fur- 
 loughed South Carolina Loyalists, and prevent their being 
 cut up in detail ; and he attempted, moreover, to play off a 
 piece of strategy, which, if successful, would relieve him 
 of the danger of too close a proximity to these swarming 
 mountaineers — by misleading them as to the objective point 
 of his retreat, and thus indulging the hope that they might 
 make a dash, by the nearest route, to intercept him before 
 his expected arrival at Ninety Six. Had Ferguson, with 
 his three or four days' start, taken the most direct easterly 
 course to Charlotte, he could easily have accomplished his 
 purpose, as it was only some sixty miles distant in a straight 
 line, and could not have exceeded eighty by the then zig-zag 
 routes of travel. 
 
 Leaving Gilbert Town on the twenty-seventh of 
 September, Ferguson moved to the Green river region 
 in quest of Clarke. Three days later, while in camp 
 at James Step's place, receiving the alarming intelli- 
 gence of the rapid approach of the Back Water men, in 
 strong force, he promptly notified X,ord Cornwallis of his 
 danger, and of the consequent necessity of his hastening 
 
202 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 towards his Lordship's head-quarters ; and probably hinting 
 that a re-inforcement or escort adequate to the occasion, 
 would prove a most opportune occurrence. This dispatch 
 was confided to Abram Collins and Peter Quinn, who 
 resided on the borders of the two Carolinas, and were well 
 acquainted with the route. His injunctions to them were to 
 make the utmost expedition, and deliver the letter as soon 
 as possible. They took the most direct course, crossing 
 • Second Broad river at Webb's Ford ; thence by way of 
 what is now Mooresboro to First Broad river at Stice's 
 Shoal ; and thence on to Collins' Mill on Buffalo, when 
 they bore south-east to King's Mountain. Proceeding on 
 to Alexander Henry's, a good Whig, they disguised their 
 true character and mission, and there obtained refresh- 
 ments. Immediately renewing their journej^, with undue 
 haste, excited the suspicions of Mr. Henry's family, that 
 the}^ were engaged in some mischief boding no good to the 
 public welfare. Mr. Henry's sons, inspired by a patriotic 
 feeling, proposed to follow and apprehend them ; and pur- 
 sued so closely on their trail, that the miscreants got wind 
 of it in the vicinity of the present Bethel Presbyterian 
 Church, and secreted themselves by day, and traveled 
 stealthily by night, crossing the Catawba at Mason's Ferrjr. 
 Thus was the dispatch delayed, so that it did not reach 
 Cornwallis till the morning of the seventh of October — the 
 day of Ferguson's final overthrow.* These details are 
 interesting as showing the cause of Cornwallis' failure to 
 re-inforce Ferguson in his time of peril and need. 
 
 In addition to this dispatch to Lord Cornwallis for suc- 
 cor, Ferguson also wrote on the thirtieth of September to 
 
 * General Joseph Graham's King's Mountain narrative gives this statement in brief; 
 many of the particulars were furnished for this work by Colonel J. R. Logan, of Cleveland 
 County. North Carolina, "Collins," adds Colonel Logan, " after the war, entered very valu- 
 able lands on Buffalo Creek in this County. He w.ns often in jeopardy on account of his noto- 
 rious counterfeiting practices, and frequently in jail ; but always had friends enough to 
 help bim out. He died in poverty near Stice's Shoal on First Broad river. Peter Quinn 
 led a worthier life, and became the progenitor of very numerous descendants — some of 
 them, in this County, and in the West, highly respectable people." 
 
AND ITS HEROES. ' 203 
 
 Colonel Cruger, commanding at Ninety Six, calling for a 
 large militia re-inforcement — how large is not stated, but 
 several regiments ; when Cruger replied that there were onl y 
 half that number* all told. And as a rtise^ Ferguson gave 
 out word, that he was going to Ninety Six, and to give coun- 
 tenance to the deception, started in that direction, making 
 quite a detour southwardly from a direct course to Charlotte. 
 The fond hope of capturing Clarke and his intrepid fol- 
 owers was, it would seem, almost an infatuation with 
 Ferguson. He could not bear the thought of leaving the 
 country without accomplishing this important object, if it 
 were possible to do so. He had his scouts out in the direc- 
 tion of the mountains, and was vigilant in seeking information 
 from the quarter where Clarke was supposed to be directing 
 his course. On Sunday, the fii'st of October, while beating 
 about the country, he visited Baylis Earle's, on North 
 Pacolet, a dozen miles south-west of Denard's Ford. 
 Captain William Green and his company made up a part of 
 this force ; and while at Earle's, they killed a steer, 
 destroyed four or five hundred dozen sheaves of oats, and 
 plundered at their pleasure, f They then marched to 
 Denard's Ford, J making their camp there for the night. 
 While at this Ford, the old crossing of Broad river, half a 
 mile below the present Twitty's Ford, and some eight miles 
 from Gilbert Town, Ferguson issued the following energetic 
 appeal — apparently almost a wail of despair — addressed 
 " to the inhabitants of North Cai"olina," and, doubtless, 
 similar ones to the Loyalists of South Carolina also : 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, 242. 
 
 -{-MS. letter of Baylis Earle, September nth, 1814, to Major John Lewis and Jonathan 
 Hampton, communicated by Hon. W. P. Eynum. 
 
 }MS. letters of Hon. W.J. T. Miller, Dr. J. B. Twitty, W, L. Twitty, A. D. K. Miller, 
 and Colonel J. R. Logan fix the locality of Denard's Ford as near \.\\^ present Twitty's 
 Ford ; and the venerable Samuel Twitty, a colored man, now eighty-six years old, and 
 raised in that neighborhood', says the old ford, half a mile below the present Twitty's 
 Ford and under a large oak tree that long stood there, was often pointed out to him in his 
 boyhood as Ferguson's crossing place. The MS. McDowell-Vance narrative says Ferguson 
 crossed at Twitty's Ford, which practically confirms these traditions. The Virginia 
 Gazette and the old land records of Rutherford County determine the orthography of the 
 name Denard, instead of Donard, as Wheeler has it in his History 0/ North Carolina. 
 Allaire's Diary also confirms this mode of spelling the name. 
 
204 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 " Denard's Ford, Broad River, 
 
 Tryon County, October i, 1780. 
 
 "Gentlemen: — Unless you wish to be eat up by an in- 
 undation of barbarians, who havfe begun by murdering an 
 unarmed son before the aged father, and afterwards lopped 
 oft" his arms, and who by their shocking cruelties and irregu- 
 larities, give the best proof of their cowardice and want of 
 discipline; I say, if you wish to be pinioned, robbed, and 
 murdered, and see your wives and daughters, in four days, 
 abused by the dregs of mankind — in short, if you wish or 
 deserve to live, and bear the name of men, grasp your 
 arms in a moment and run to camp. 
 
 "The Back Water men have crossed the mountains; 
 McDowell, Hampton, Shelby, and Cleveland are at their 
 head, so that you know what you have to depend upon. 
 If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a 
 set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn 
 their backs upon you, and look out for real men to protect 
 them. 
 
 "Pat. Ferguson, Major yist Regiment.'" * 
 
 An amusing incident occurred in this neighborhood. The 
 British had captured Andrew Miller, and were conveying 
 him along with them. Lewis Musick, who had just returned 
 from the unfortunate attack on Augusta, joined Anthony 
 Twitty, an elder brother of the William Twitty who con- 
 ducted himself so bravely in the defence of Graham's Fort, 
 as formerly related; and being well mounted, they conclu- 
 ded to take a scout, and see what discoveries they could 
 make. Coming to the main road, it seemed to them as 
 though the whole line of travel for more than a mile was 
 alive with Red Coats, Ferguson and his dragoons among 
 
 ^'''Virginia Gazette, November u, 1780; Wheeler's North Carolina, '\^,\o^\ Ramsey's 
 Tennessee, 233. It is exceedingly doubtful if any such barbarities were perpetrated upon 
 the Tories as Ferguson's proclamation asserts. It must have been a figment of the imagi- 
 nation, invented for effect. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 205 
 
 them. The Whig scouts had a good view of them, and as 
 they passed David Miller's place, one of the enemy and a 
 negro remained behind, the latter going to the spring 
 to catch his horse. The soldier — or Red Coat, as 
 Twitty preferred to call him — proved to be Ferguson's 
 cook ; and, it seems, was completing the preparation of 
 a savory meal, to take along for the Colonel's breakfast, 
 who had been too busy in getting his troops started to enjoy 
 his morning's repast. Twittj^ and Musick retired behind a 
 field, where they hitched their horses in some bushes, de- 
 termined to get ahead of the two loiterers and capture them. 
 Beside the road, there was a , fallen tree, the top of which 
 was yet thickly covered with leaves, where they secreted 
 themselves, awaiting the advance of the supposed officer 
 and his servant. The negro, in about fifteen minutes, came 
 dashing along some fifty yards in front. Twitty was to 
 rush out and take the negro, while Musick was to prevent 
 the Red Coat in the rear from shooting him ; and the colored 
 fellow was seized so suddenly that he made no defence. 
 Musick demanded the Red Coat to surrender, who seeming 
 unwilling to do so, Twitty leveled his gun at him, with a 
 severe threat if he did not instantly obey. At this moment 
 the negro put spurs to his horse and escaped. 
 
 But the white captive was dismounted, and hurried off 
 half a mile or more, and talking loudly by the way, as if to 
 attract *he attention of pursuers, he was plainly admonished 
 that another utterance would forfeit his life. After that, he 
 was quiet enough. Once out of danger of being overtaken, 
 the Whig scouts examined their prisoner, and ascertained 
 that he was Ferguson's cook — not so much of a dignitary, 
 after all, as they had supposed, and learned that Ferguson 
 was then on the lookout to intercept Colonel Clarke and his 
 men on their retreat from Augusta. Twitty and his com- 
 panion paroled the soldier-cook, retaining the captured meal, 
 which they appropriated to their own use, and Ferguson lost 
 his breakfast. 
 
206 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Before releasing their prisoner, however, the Whig 
 scouts found means to pen a liurried note to Ferguson, in- 
 forming him, that when they ascertained that the person 
 they had taken was his cook, they concluded that the British 
 commander could not well dispense with so important a 
 personage, and he accordingly sent him back, trusting 
 that he would restore him to his butlership. Overtaking 
 the Colonel, the cook delivered the note, cursing his eyes 
 if he had not been taken prisoner by a couple of Rebel 
 buggers, as he termed them, and proceeded to curse and 
 denounce them at a terrible rate. Ferguson quietly re- 
 strained his temper, and told him he was wrong to speak of 
 them so harshly, as they had used him well, and permitted 
 him to return after a ver}^ brief captivity. Thus Andrew 
 Miller, who was present, subsequently reported the inter- 
 view.* 
 
 From Denard's Ford, Ferguson and his troops, accord- 
 ing to Allaii-e's Diary, marched on Monday afternoon, the 
 second, only four miles, where they formed a line of 
 action, and lay on their arms all night. But the enemy they 
 so confidently expected, did not make their appearance. 
 Much precious time was thus spent to no purpose. All 
 this, under ordinary circumstances, would indicate in- 
 decision ; but the British commander, it seems, still lingered, 
 hoping to intercept Clarke and his Georgia patriots, and 
 delayed for the return of his men whom he had furlOughed 
 to visit their families, and the hoped-for militia from the 
 region of Ninety Six, and, after crossing Broad river at 
 Denard's, purposely bore off to the left, instead of continu- 
 ing on the direct road south to Green river en route for 
 either Cowpens or Ninety Six, hoping thereby to elude the 
 vigilance of the Back Water men. 
 
 * MS. narrative of Anthony Twitty, written in September, 1832 ; MS. letters of Drs. T. 
 B. and W. L. Twitty, on authority of Mrs. Jane Toms and others. Twitty was born in 
 Chester County, Pennsylvania, November 29th, 1745, and was much" engaged ir scouting 
 service during the Revolution. Judge W. P. Bynum, of Charlotte, North Carolina, kindly 
 communicated Twitty's MS. narrative. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 207 
 
 It is possible, moreover, that Ferguson might have felt the 
 necessity of feeling his way cautiously out of his difficulties ; 
 that while evading the mountaineers on the one hand, he 
 should not run recklessly into other dangers, it might be 
 equally as formidable ; for Lord Cornwallis had, on the 
 twenty-third of September, apprised him that Colonel 
 Davie's party of Whig cavalry had marched against him, 
 which Ferguson's apprehensions, and Tory fears, may have 
 magnified into a much larger body than eighty dragoons. 
 Nothing, however, was gained by these tardy operations ; 
 and, in these fruitless efforts at strategy, Ferguson, had he 
 realized it, might have exclaimed, with the Roman digni- 
 tary, "I have lost a day!" For he could have marched 
 from Denard's Ford to the neighborhood north of Cowpens 
 from sunrise to sunset, instead of consuming two days in its 
 accomplishment. 
 
 Allaire's Diary informs us, that on the third, Ferguson 
 marched six miles to Camp's Ford of Second Broad river, 
 thence six farther to Armstrong's, on Sandy Run, where the 
 troops refreshed; then, as they reckoned distance, pushed 
 on seven miles to Buffalo creek, a mile bej'ond which they 
 reached Tate's plantation — making twenty miles this day, 
 the route being north of main Broad river. At Tate's, 
 Ferguson tarried two full days, probably awaiting in- 
 telligence as to the movements of the Whigs, which he 
 doubtless received on the evening of the fifth, for the army 
 renewed its march at four o'clock on Friday morning, the 
 sixth. During this day Colonel Ferguson sent the following 
 dispatch to Lord Cornwallis, without date ; but the con- 
 necting facts fix the time as here indicated : 
 
 "My Lord : — A doubt does not remain with regard to 
 the intelligence T sent your Lordship. They are since 
 joined by Clarke and Sumter * — of course are become an 
 
 * A small squad of Clarke's men did, about this time, join the mountain men; and Sum- 
 ter's force, under Colonel Lacey. soon after effected a junction. Ferguson, probably from 
 his spies and scouts, learned of these parties and their intentions. 
 
208 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 object of some consequence. Happil}-- their leaders are 
 obliged to feed their followers wilh such hopes, and so to 
 flatter them with accounts of our weakness and fear, that, 
 if necessary, I should hope for success against them mjself ; 
 but numbers compared, that must be but doubtful. 
 
 "I am on mj' march towards 3'ou, by a road leading 
 from Cherokee Ford, north of King's Mountain. Three 
 or four hundred good soldiers, part dragoons, would finish 
 the business. Something must be done soon. This is their 
 last push in this quarter, etc. 
 
 "Patrick Ferguson."* 
 
 It is evident from this dispatch, that Ferguson, when 
 penning it, had no other design than to march resolutely 
 forward and join his Lordship at Charlotte. Had he then 
 in contemplation the taking post on King's Mountain, and 
 there awaiting succor, and there deciding the mastery with 
 his tireless pursuers, he would likel}' have indicated it in 
 his letter. So he simply said : "I am on my march towards 
 you, by a road leading north of King's Mountain;" and, 
 at the same time, tacitly plead for a re-inforcement, appar- 
 ently aware by this time, that though he had succeeded in 
 his strategic effort to throw the Back Water men off his 
 trail, the}^ were yet doggedly pursuing him. 
 
 Lieutenant Allaire says it was sixteen miles from Tate's 
 place to "Little King's Mountain." Ferguson marched 
 up the old Cherokee Ferry road, between the waters of 
 Buffalo and King's creeks, crossing the western branch of 
 this latter stream where Whisnant's mill is now situated ; 
 thence on the old Qtiarryroad to main King's creek; and 
 soon after crossing which, he bore off to King's Mountain. 
 Or, as Reverend Robert Lathan describes it, Ferguson 
 "pushed on up the ridge road between King's and Buffalo 
 creeks, until he came to the forks, near Whitaker's Station, 
 on the present Air-Line railroad. There he took the right 
 prong, leading across King's creek, thr.ough a pass in the 
 
 *Almon's Rejitembrancer ior 1781, xi, 280; Tarleton's Cainpaigvs, quarto edition, 193. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 209 
 
 mountain, and on in the direction of Yorkville. Here, a short 
 distance after crossing the creek, on the right of the road, 
 about two hundred and fifty yards from the pass,"* he came 
 to King's Mountain. Ferguson's dispatch to Cornwallis, 
 ah-eady cited, and written during the day before the battle, 
 shows conclusively, that this mountain bore its prefix of 
 "King's" at that time,f and that its subsequent occupancy 
 by the King's troops had nothing to do in giving to it this 
 appellation. 
 
 That portion of it where the action was fought, has little 
 or no claim to the distinction of a mountain. The King's 
 Mountain range is about sixteen miles in length, extending 
 generally from the north-east, in North Carolina, in a south- 
 westerly course, sending out lateral spurs in various direc- 
 tions. The principal elevation in this range, a sort of lofty, 
 rocky tower, called The Pinnacle, is some six miles dis- 
 tant from the battle ground. That portion of the oblong 
 hill or stony ridge, now historically famous, is in York 
 County, Sovith Carolina, about a mile and a half south of 
 the North Carolina line. It is some six hundred yards long, 
 and about two hundred and fifty from one base across to the 
 other ; or from sixt}' to one hundred and twenty wide on 
 the top, tapering to the South — "so narrow," says Mills' 
 Statistics, "that a man standing on it may be shot from 
 either side." Its summit was some sixty feet above the 
 level of the surrounding country. 
 
 Ferguson's obsei'ving eye was attracted to this com- 
 manding eminence ; and regarding it as a fit camping 
 place, he concluded to tarry there. This was on the even- 
 ing of the sixth of October. He apparently awaited the 
 expected return of furloughed parties of Loyalists under 
 Major Gibbs and others ; and he fondly hoped, too, to be 
 soon re-inforced by Tarleton, and the militia from the dis- 
 
 * Pamphlet Historical Sketch of the Battle of Kings Mountain, Yorkville, South 
 Carolina, 1880. 
 
 f '* It took its name " says Moultrie's Memoirs. " from one King, who lived at the foof 
 of the mount with his family." The name of King's Creek had also the same origin. 
 14 
 
210 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 trict of Ninety Six. Rejoined by his Loyalist forces, and 
 strengthened by re-inforcements, he no doubt flattered 
 himself with gaining a crushing victory over the Back 
 Water men, whom he never failed to belittle, and whom 
 he heartily despised. He had for months untiringlj- 
 drilled the men under his banner ; his detachments under 
 Patrick Moore, Innes and Dunlap, had met with 
 repeated disasters, which he anxiously desired a suit- 
 able opportunit)- to retrieve before joining his Lordship 
 at Charlotte. He prided himself in his skill in the use of 
 fire-arms, and his success in inspiring others with something 
 of his own feelings of invincibility ; and, above all things, 
 he coveted a fitting occasion to put to the test his long and 
 patiently drilled Loyalists, as soon as he could do so with 
 a reasonable hope of success. This hope he saw in 
 the expected "three or four hundred good soldiers — part 
 dragoons" — hinting, doubtless, at Tarleton's Legion cav- 
 alry, even if the expected militia should fail him ; when he 
 could, in his own estimation, do up the business for the 
 daring Back Water men, and extricate himself from his 
 impending danger. Cherishing such hopes, he thought it 
 unwise to retire too precipitately to Charlotte. Such a 
 retreat might betray signs of fear — suggesting, perhaps, 
 that he shirked the opportunity he had long pretended to 
 court, and he might thereby lose the chance of a life-time 
 of distinguishing himself on the glorious field of Mars, and 
 winning undying honors and fame from his King and 
 country. These visions of glory were too tempting, and he 
 yielded to their seductive influences. "The situation of 
 King's Mountain," said Arthur McFall, one of his Loyalist 
 followers, "was so pleasing that he concluded to take post 
 there, stoutly affirming that he would be able to destroy or 
 capture any force the Whigs could bring against him."* "So 
 confident," says Shelby, " was Ferguson in the strength of 
 his position, that he declared that the Almighty could not 
 
 "MS. letter of Wm. A. McCall, to whom McFall made the statement. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 211 
 
 drive him from it." * The McDowell-Vance narrative 
 states, that Ferguson declared, that "he was on King's 
 Mountain, that he was king of that mountain, and God 
 Almighty could not drive him from it." This impious 
 boast was doubtless made to encourage his confiding fol- 
 lowers. 
 
 There was a spring on the north-west side of the moun- 
 tain, one of the sources of Clai^k's Fork of Bullock's creek, 
 from which a needful supply of water could be obtained, 
 though not verjr convenient ; but the countrjr, wild as it 
 then was, was unable to furnish anything like the necessary 
 amount of provisions requisite for such a body of men. It 
 was a stony spot, where lines could not easil}' be thrown 
 up ; there was, however, an abundance of wood on the hill 
 with which to form abatis, and defend his camp ; but Fergu- 
 son took none of these ordinary military precautions, and 
 only placed his baggage-wagons along the north-eastern 
 part of the mountain, in the neighborhood of his head- 
 quarters, so as to form some slight appearance of protection. 
 And thus he remained nearly a whole day, and as Mills 
 states, "inactive and exposed," f awaiting the return of his 
 furloughed men, and the expected succors ; but these anx- 
 
 -*Shelby's narrative in American Review, December 1848, corroborated by Todd's mem- 
 oir of Shelby ; Colonel Hill's MS. statement; MS. notes of conversations with James 
 Sevier and John Spelts, both King's Mountain men and General Lenoir's narrative. 
 
 Since this chapter was put in type, George H. Moore, LL, D., of the Lenox Library, has 
 called the author's attention to, and kindly loaned him a copy of a rare, if not hitherto un- 
 known pamphlet. Btograpliical Sketch, or ]\Iemoir of Lietiienant Colonel Patrick Ferguson, 
 by Adam Ferguson, LL. D., Edinburgh. 1817, in which this paragraph, relative to Colonel 
 Ferguson's retreat occurs : " He dispatched a messenger to Lord Cornwallis, to inform his 
 Lordship of what had passed, — of the enemies he had to deal with, — of the route he had 
 taken to avoid them ; earnestly expressing his wish, that he might be enabled to cover a 
 country in which there were so many well affected inhabitants ; adding that for this purpose, 
 he should halt at King's Mountain, hoping that he might be there supported by a detach- 
 ment from his Lordship, and saved the necessity of any further retreat. This letter having 
 been intercepted, gave notice to the enemy of the place where Ferguson was to be found : 
 and though a duplicate sent on the following day was received by Lord Cornwallis, it came 
 too late to prevent the disaster which followed." 
 
 If such a dispatch was sent to Lord Cornwallis, it must have been written after 
 Ferguson had arrived at King's Mountain, and concluded to take post there. Certajn it is, 
 that Ferguson sent several dispatches to Lord Cornwallis after he commenced his retreat 
 from Gilbert Town, the burthen of which evidently was to express his great anxiety for a 
 re-inforcement. 
 
 T Statistics of South Carolina, 1826, p. 778. 
 
212 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 ious hopes were doomed to bitter disappointment. Instead 
 of the coveted re-inforcements, as the sequel will show, came 
 the haled Back Water men, worse, if possible, than were 
 the Mecklenburg hornets to Cornwallis and his army. 
 
 His infatuation for military glory is the only explanation 
 that can be given for Ferguson's conduct in lingering at 
 King's Mountain. When he left Green river, he knew 
 full well that the mountaineers, in strong force, were press- 
 ing hard upon him, and he marched towards Charlotte, 
 but not expeditiously. He knew, too, that the Back 
 Water men had, by their various unions, become " of some 
 consequence," as he frankly admitted in his dispatch to 
 Lord Cornwallis. Concluding, therefore, that "something 
 must be done," as he expressed it, to check the onward 
 progress of the mountain men — that this was "their last 
 push in this quarter," he was not slow in properly esti- 
 mating the strength and prowess of his enemy ; and 
 keenly realized his pressing need for "three or four 
 hundred good soldiers," if he hoped to meet and van- 
 quish the coming horde of Back Water "barbarians.'' 
 The possible failure of his Lordship to receive his dis- 
 patches, seems not to have entered into Ferguson's calcula- 
 tions ; and he did not fully realize the dangers besetting 
 him — the meshes with which the patriots were preparing to 
 entrap him. He knew, indeed, that " the Campbells were 
 coming ;" but the haughty Scotsman relied this time too 
 much on the pluck and luck which had hitherto attended 
 him. In his own expressive language, a direful " inunda- 
 tion " was impending. [Unprepared, as he was, to meet it, 
 ordinary military prudence would have dictated that he 
 should make good his retreat to Charlotte without a mo- 
 ment's delay. Within some thirty-five miles of his Lord- 
 ship's camp, he could easily have accomplished the dis- 
 tance in^a few hours ; yet he lingered two days at Tate's, 
 and one on King's Mountain, deluded with the hope of 
 o-aining undying laurels, when Fate, the fickle goddess, had 
 only in store for him defeat, disaster, and death. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 213 
 
 CHAPTER XI, 
 
 October, 1780. 
 
 Uncertainty of Ferguson's Route of Retreat.— A small Party of Georgians 
 join the Mountain Men. — Whig forces over-estimated. — Report of a 
 patriot Spy from Ferguson's Camp.— Williams attempt to Mislead 
 the Mountaineers.— Lacey sets them Right.— The South Carolinians' 
 treatment of Williams. — Selecting the fittest Men at Green river to 
 pursue Ferguson.— Arrival at the Cowpens. — The Tory, Saunders 
 — his ignorance of Ferguson, his Beeves and his Corn. — Story of 
 Kerr, the cripple Spy. — Gilmer, the cunning Scout, duping the 
 Tories. — The Cowpens Council, ficrther selection of Pursuers, and 
 their Nimiber. — Night March to Cherokee Ford. — Straying of Camp- 
 bell's Men. — Groundless Fears of an Ambuscade. — Crossing of 
 Broad river. — Stormy Time. — Jaded Condition of Men and Horses. 
 — Tory Information. — Gilmer's Adventures.- — Plan of Attac/cijig 
 Ferguson. — Colonel Graham Retires. — Chrotiicle assigned Comma?id 
 of the Lincoln Men. — Young Ponder Taken. — Ferguson s Dress. — 
 Pressing towards the Enemy s Camp. 
 
 Leaving Ferguson, for the time being, at his chosen 
 position on King's Mountain, we will return to the moun- 
 taineers, whom we left encamped, on the night of the fourth 
 of October, near the mouth of Cane creek, in the neighbor- 
 hood of Gilbert Town. The game they had been seeking 
 had fled. It was generally reported that Ferguson had 
 gone some fifty or sixty miles southwardly, and later assur- 
 ances from two men, represented that he had directed his 
 course to Ninetj^ Six, well-nigh a hundred miles away.* 
 The defences of that fort had been recently repaired and 
 strengthened, f and it was strongly garrisoned, it was said, 
 with four hundred regulars and some militia. The proba- 
 bility was that it would resist an assault by small arms, and 
 
 * Moore's Life of Lacey, t6, 
 
 t Tarleton's Campaigns, 169, 183. 
 
214 KIA^G'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 the mountaineers had none others ; but they were not to be 
 thwarted in their purpose, for they had made many a sacri- 
 fice of personal comfort, and had traveled many a weary 
 mile, in order to vanquish, if possible, the great Tory 
 leader of the South. They, however, learned Ferguson's 
 real strength, and were determined to pursue him to Ninety 
 Six, or wherever else he might see fit to go. Here, before 
 renewing their march, the mountain men killed some beeves 
 for a supply of fresh food. 
 
 While Colonel Clarke, of Georgia, and his followers, 
 were retreating from that unhappy country, with their fami- 
 lies, and were aiming to cross the mountains to the friendly 
 Nolachucky settlements, they were met by Captain Edward 
 Hampton, who informed them that Campbell, Shelby, 
 Se\'ier, and McDowell were collecting a force with which 
 to attack Ferguson. Major William Candler and Captain 
 Johnston, of Clarke's party, filed oft' with thirty men and 
 formed a junction with the mountaineers, near Gilbert 
 Town.* Not very long thereafter, at what was called 
 Probit's place, on Broad river, Major Chronicle, with a party 
 of twenty men from the South Fork of Catawba, joined the 
 mountain men.f Every such addition to their numbers was 
 hailed with delight ; and the whole force was, for purposes 
 of policy, greatly exaggerated by the leaders, to inspire both 
 their own men and the enemy with the idea of their great 
 strength and invincibility.]; 
 
 *McCalI's History of Georgia, ii, 336. McCall mistakes in stating that Colonel Clarke 
 and his Georgia fugitives retired to Kentucky for the safety of their families. That is of 
 itself improbable; but a MS. letter of Clarke to General Sumter, of October sgth, 1780, 
 asserts that it was to the Nolachucky settlement they repaired. 
 
 fVanceMcDowell narrative, and MS. letter of R. C. Gillam, of Asheville, North 
 Carolina, to Dr. J. H. Logan, communicating an interview with the venerable Robert 
 Henry, one of Chronicle's men. 
 
 X MS. statement of General Joseph McDowell and Colonel David Vance, preserved by 
 the late Hon. Robert Henry, of Buncombe county. North Carolina. 
 
 Supposing the numbers reported correctly, the whole force assembled for the King's 
 Mountain expedition did not exceed eighteen hundred and forty men, viz : Campbell's 
 force, 400; Shelby's, 240; Sevier's, 240; McDowell's, 160, increased in Burke to probably 
 180: Cleveland and Winston's, 350; Candler's, 30; Lacey's. 270; Williams', 70; and Ham- 
 bright's, including Chronicle's, 60. Yet they were represented as numbering three thou- 
 sand by Major Tate, who was in the action. See General Davidson's letter, October loth, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 215 
 
 Pursuing the same route Ferguson had taken, they 
 passed over Mountain creek and Broad river, at Denard's 
 Ford, when they seem to have lost the trail of the fugitives, 
 whose place of detour to the left the}^ did not happen to 
 discover. They constantly sent out scouts, lest any parties 
 of Tories might be roving through the country, and take 
 them unawares. John Martin and Thomas Lankford, of 
 Captain Joseph Cloud's companjr, of Cleveland's regiment, 
 while out spjnng, were waylaid near Broad river, by a 
 party in ambush, who fired at them, severely wounding 
 Martin in the head. Lankford escaped unhurt. The Tories 
 captured their horses and Martin's gun, leaving Martin for 
 dead. At length recovering his senses, the wounded soldier 
 managed to reach the camp of his friends. The shot had 
 fortunately been broken of their force by his hat, and only 
 penetrated through the skin of his temples, and John Death- 
 eridge succeeded in picking them all out of the wound. 
 Unfit for further service at that time, Martin was conveyed 
 home.* 
 
 1780, Gordon's ^?«^r/cfl« IF^i?- says, they "amounted to near three thousand; " and this 
 was copied into the first edition of Marshall's Li/e of Washington. In Steadman's Ameri- 
 can War, the number is given as " upward of three thousand." Governor Shelby, in his 
 American Review narrative, states that "a Whig prisoner taken by Lord Cornwallis repre- 
 sented to him that the patriot force numbered three thousand riflemen ; " and other reports 
 to the British at this period made the number still larger. Judge Johnson, in his Li/e of 
 Greene, has magnified it to "near six thousand." 
 
 There is, after all. some reason to suppose that the Whig force was over-estimated in 
 the official report of Campbell, Shelby, and Cleveland. Campbell's regiment, according to 
 Ensign Robert Campbell, oneof the officers of that corps, amounted to "near four hun- 
 dred," and Shelby's and Sevier's together to only three hundred. The M S. account hereto- 
 fore cited, written by one of Campbell's men, whose name is unknown, states that Shelby 
 and Sevier's united force numbered three hundred and fifty, and McDowell's one hundred 
 and fifty; that Williams', the South Carolinians, and the few Georgia troops, amounted to 
 about three hundred and fifty; placing Campbell's at four hundred and fifty, and Cleve- 
 land and Win.ston's at four hundred— making a total of sixteen hundred. Colonel Arthur 
 Campbell's manuscript only gives the number of McDowell's party at one hundred and 
 fifty. In Shelby's narrative, in the American Revieiv, it is stated that the Williams party 
 numbered " from two to three hundred refugees" which, united with the others, " made a 
 muster-roll of about sixteen hundred." It was. perhaps, this total number that Major 
 Tate reported to General Davidson, and which the General misunderstood as the selected 
 portion for the battle. 
 
 '^'■MS. pension statement of Thomas Shipp. John Martin, one of the heroic soldiers of 
 that part of Surry County, now constituting Stokes, North Carolina, was born in Essex 
 County, Virginia, in 1756: and. in 1768, his parents settled near the Saura Mountain, in 
 Stokes. During the Revolution, Martin was very active, sometimes serving as a private 
 
216 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 The mountain men, after crossing Broad i-iver, went on 
 some two and a half miles, to what is now Alexander's Ford 
 of Green river, accomplishing not over twelve or thirteen miles 
 this day, the fifth of October. Many of the horses had become 
 weak, crippled, and exhausted, and not a few of the tramp- 
 ers foot-sore and weary. Their progress was provokingly 
 slow, and Campbell and his fellow leaders began to realize 
 it. They determined to select their best men, best horses, 
 and best rifles ; and, with this chosen corps, pursue Fergu- 
 son unremittingly, and overtake him, if possible, before he 
 could reach any post, or receive any re-inforcements. The 
 Whig chiefs were not a little perplexed as to the course of 
 Ferguson's retreat, and the objective point he had in view ; 
 and some of the men began to exhibit signs of getting 
 somewhat discouraged. But all doubts and perplexities 
 were soon happily dissipated, as we shall presently learn. 
 
 While Ferguson was encamped at Tate's place, an old 
 gentleman called on him, who disguised the object of his 
 visit. The next morning, October fifth, after traveling all 
 night, some twenty miles or more, Ferguson's visitor, well 
 known to many of the troops as a person of veracity, 
 arrived at the camp of the South Carolinians at Flint Hill, 
 and gave the following information : that he had been 
 several days with Colonel Ferguson, and had, by his plausi- 
 ble address, succeeded in impressing the British commander 
 
 volunteer, and sometimes as a lieutenant, in fighting the British and Tories. In February, 
 1776, he served a tour under Colonel Joseph Williams against the Scotch-Tories, at Cross 
 creek, who were defeated just before their arrival ; and in the fall of that year, he went on 
 General Rutherford's expedition against the Cherokees, In a skirmish with the Tories, 
 he wounded and captured one of their leaders, Horton, who died shortly afterwards. In 
 July, 1780, he went in pu'-^uit of the fleeing Tory leader. Colonel Samuel Bryan, and par- 
 ticipated in the fight at Colsnn's, under Colonel William Lee Davidson. But for the griev- 
 ous wound he received near Broad river, he would have shared in the dangers and glories 
 of King's Monnt.iin. He was stationed, in September, 1781. at Guilford, and shortly after 
 at Wilmington, where he heard the joyful news of Cornwallis' surrender. 
 
 After the war, he became a colonel in the militia ; in 1798 and 1799, be served as a mem- 
 ber in the House of Commons; and was long a magistrate, presiding for thirty years in the 
 County Court. He was a man of infinite humor and irony, possessing a keen perception 
 of the ludicrous. Several characteristic anecdotes are preserved of him in Wheeler's 
 History of North Carolina, He died at his home, near the Saura Mountain, April 5th, 
 1823, leaving many children to inherit his virtues. The late General John Gray Bynum 
 wa.s his grandson, as is the Hon. William P. Bynum, of Charlotte. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 217 
 
 with the beHef that his aged visitor was a great friend to 
 the Royal cause; that Ferguson, the evening before, had 
 sent an express to Lord CornwalHs, at Charlotte, announc- 
 ing that he knew full well that the Back Water men were 
 in hot pursuit ; that he should select his ground, and boldly 
 meet them ; that he defied God Almighty himself and all 
 the Rebels out of h — 1 to overcome him ; that he had 
 completed the business of his mission, in collecting and 
 training the friends of the King in that quarter, so that he 
 could now bring a re-inforcement of upwards of a thousand 
 men to the Royal army ; but as the intervening distance, 
 thirty to forty miles to Charlotte, was through a d — d rebel- 
 lious country, and as the Rebels were such cowardly rascals, 
 that instead of meeting him in an open field, they would 
 resort to ambuscades, he would, therefore, be glad if his 
 Lordship would send Tarleton with his horse and infantry 
 to escort him to head-quarters.* 
 
 During the day, Williams and Brandon were missed 
 from the camp, and Colonel Hill was informed that they 
 had taken a pathway that led to the mountains. After sun- 
 set they were seen to return. Colonel Hill, who had been 
 on the watch for them, now inquired where they had been, 
 as they had not been seen the greater part of the day. A^- 
 first, they appeared unwilling to give any satisfactory infor- 
 mation. Colonel Hill insisting that they should, like honor- 
 able men, impart.whateverknowledge they may have gained, 
 for the good of the whole, Williams at length acknowl- 
 edged that they had visited the mountain men on their 
 march south from the neighborhood of Gilbert Town, and 
 had found them a fine set of fellows, well armed. When asked 
 further by Colonel Hill where they were to foi'm a junction 
 with them, he answered, "At the Old Iron Works, on Law- 
 son's Fork." Hill remarked, that that would be marching 
 directly out of the'way from Ferguson ; that it was undoubt- 
 
 =■•' Hill's MS. narrative. Colonel Hill, recording his recollections thirty-four years after 
 this event, makes the evident mistake that the old man visited Ferguson on King s 
 Mountain. 
 
218 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 edly the purpose of the mounttiin men to fight Ferguson, 
 who had sent to Cornwalhs for Tarleton's horse and infantry 
 to go to liis relief, and this re-inforcement miglit be expected 
 in a day a two ; tlrat, if the battle was not fought before 
 Tarleton's arrival, it was very certain it would not be fought 
 at all ; that Ferguson, who had been bitter and cruel in his 
 efforts to crush out the Whigs and their cause, was now in 
 South Carolina, within striking distance, and it appeared as 
 if Heaven had, in mercy, sent these mountain men to 
 punish this arch-enemy of the people. 
 
 Colonel Hill states, that Williams seemed for some 
 moments to labor under a sense of embarrassment ; but 
 finally confessed, that he had made use of deception in 
 order to direct the attention of the mountaineers to Ninety 
 Six. Hill then inquired if they had any cannon with them. 
 Williams said "no," and then added, that such men with 
 their rifles would soon reduce that post. Colonel Hill 
 relates : "I then used the freedom to tell him, that I plainly 
 saw through his design, which was to get the army into 
 his own settlement, secure his remaining property, and 
 plunder the Tories.'' In the course of the conversation, 
 Williams said, with a considerable degree of warmth, that 
 the North Carolinians might fight Ferguson or let it alone ; 
 but it was the business of the South Carolinians to fight for 
 their own country. Colonel Hill took the occasion further 
 to inform him, that, notwithstanding he had taken such un- 
 warrantable means to avoid an action with Ferguson, by his 
 efforts to mislead the mountain men, he wo\ild endeavor to 
 thwart his purposes. 
 
 Leaving Williams to his own reflections. Colonel Hill at 
 once informed Colonel Lacey what the former had done — 
 that, to use a huntsman's phrase, he had been putting 
 their friends on the wrong scent ; that should they not be 
 correctly informed before the ensuing day, Ferguson 
 might escape ; and as he. Colonel Hill, was unfit to make 
 a night ride, with his arm still in a sling from the severe 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 219 
 
 wound he received at Hanging Rock, he desired Colonel 
 Lacey to go at once to the camp of the mountaineers, as he 
 was better able to travel, and give them a just representa- 
 tion of Ferguson's localit}^, and the necessity for the great- 
 est expedidon in attacking him while yet within reach, and 
 before Tai-leton could come to his aid. 
 
 Taking Colonel Hill's horse, who was a good night 
 traveler, with a person for pilot who was acquainted with 
 the country, Lacey started on his mission at about eight 
 o'clock in the evening ; and on crossing the spur of a moun- 
 tain, they unfortunately strayed from the trail, and Lacey 
 began to be suspicious that his guide was playing him false, 
 and was endeavoring to betray him into the hands of the 
 enemy. So strong was this conviction, that he twice cocked 
 his gun to kill the suspected traitor ; but the pilot's earnest 
 pleas of innocence prevailed. 
 
 At length they regained the path, and, after a devious 
 journey of some eighteen or twenty miles, reached the camp 
 of the mountain men, at Green river, before day. Lacey was 
 at once taken in charge, blind-folded, and conducted to the 
 Colonels' quarters, where he introduced himself as Colonel 
 Lacey. They at first repulsed his advances, taking him to 
 be a Tory spy. He had the address, however, to convince 
 them that he was no impostor. He informed them of Fer- 
 guson's position, his strength, and urged them, by all 
 means, to push forward immediately, and that, by combin- 
 ing the Whig forces, they could undoubtedly overwhelm 
 the Tory army, while delay might prove fatal to their success, 
 as Ferguson had appealed to Lord Cornwallis for re-inforce- 
 ments.* These views met with a hearty response from the 
 sturdy mountaineers. 
 
 * HiH's MS. narrative, and Dr. M. A. Moore's pamphlet Life of General Edward 
 Lacey, pp. 16-17. Dr. Moore states that Lacey's journey from the camp of the South 
 Carolinians to that of the mountaineers was sixty miles; but from Colonel Hill's repre- 
 sentation of the time consumed by Lacey and his pilot, it is an evident mistake. The dis- 
 tance from Flint Hill, across a somewhat rough and broken country, to the old ford on 
 Green river, is as stated in the text. 
 
 It should be added, in this connection, that Major Chronicle, who probably personally 
 knew Colonel Lacey, must, on this visit of the latter, have been absent on a scout or with 
 a foraging party. 
 
220 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Colonel Lacey learned from the Whig leaders that Wil- 
 liams and Brandon had represented to them that Ferguson 
 had gone to Ninety Six ; and that by agreement, the 
 mountain men were to form a junction with the South Caro- 
 linians at the Old Iron Works, on Lawson's Fork of Pacolet. 
 This tallied precisely with the opinion Colonel Hill had 
 formed, judging from Williams' confession of deception, in 
 order to lead the mountaineers to the region of Ninety Six, 
 where his own interests were centered. When Campbell 
 and his associates learned of the ruse Williams had attempt- 
 ed to palm off upon them, they felt not a little indignant, 
 as they had come so far, and suffered so many privations, 
 for the sole purpose, if possible, of crushing Ferguson. 
 The Cowpens was agreed on as the proper place for the 
 junction of the forces the ensuing evening. 
 
 Williams seemed intent on carrying his point of getting 
 control of Sumter's men, and marching them towards 
 Ninety Six. On the morning of Friday, the sixth of Octo- 
 ber, he went the rounds of the camp of the South Caroli- 
 nians, ordering the officers and men to prepare to march 
 for the Old Iron Works ; but Colonel Hill followed quickly 
 upon his heels, exposing his designs, and directing the men 
 to await Colonel Lacey's return, that they might know to 
 a certainty to what point to march, in order to form 
 the expected union with their friends from the West. 
 Colonel Hill animadverted upon the folly of making a 
 foray into the region of Ninety Six simplj^ for the sake of 
 Tory booty, when Ferguson, with his strong force, would 
 be left in their rear, thoroughly acquainted with all the 
 mountain gaps, and fords of the streams, to entrap and cut 
 them off. Colonel Hill then ordered all who loved their 
 country, and were readj^ to stand firmty by it in its hour of 
 distress, to form a line on the right ; and those who pre- 
 ferred to plunder, rather than courageously to meet the 
 enemy, to form a line on the left. Colonel Hill adds, that 
 he was happy that the greater portion took their places on 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 221 
 
 the right, leaving but the few followers of Williams to oc- 
 cupy the other position. 
 
 Upon the return of Colonel Lacey, about ten o'clock, 
 the troops renewed their march, with the expectation of 
 uniting with the mountaineers at the Cowpens that evening. 
 Colonel Williams, with his followers, hung upon the rear, 
 as if he thought it unsafe to march by himself at a distance ; 
 and when the pinch came, he abandoned the idea of going 
 with his party alone to the region of Ninety Six. By this 
 time, such was the spirit of animosity cherished by the 
 Sumter men against Williams and his followers, that they 
 shouted back affronting words — even throwing stones at 
 them, the whole day.* About sunset, after a march of 
 some twenty miles, the South Carolinians arrived at the 
 place of their destination. 
 
 The over-mountain men now demand our attention. 
 They reached the ford of Green river on the evening of 
 the fifth of October. Strong guards were placed around 
 the camp, relieved every two hours — "mighty little sleep 
 that night, "said Continental Jack sixtjr-four years thereafter. 
 The whole night was spent in making a selection of the 
 fittest men, horses, and equipments for a forced march, and 
 successful attack on- the enemy. The number chosen was 
 about seven hundred ; f thus leaving of the footmen and 
 those having w^eak horses, judging from the aggregate 
 given in the official report of the campaign, about six 
 
 * These details of the movements and differences of Sumter's corps and Williams 
 and his party, are taken from the interesting MS. narrative of Colonel William Hill. See- 
 ing no reason to discredit the statements of this sturdy patriot, they have been used freely, 
 the better to illustrate the difficulties of the times, and especially those attending the King's 
 Mountain campaign. 
 
 f Narrative of Ensign Robert Campbell, who served on the expedition; corroborated 
 by Elijah Callaway's MS. narrative, in 1843. Genera] Wm. Lenoir says " five or six hun- 
 dred " Campbell's and Callaway's statements in this case seem the most probable. Gen- 
 eral Lenoir's recollections as to the number of footmen is very erroneous, placing them at 
 about fifteen hundred. 
 
 Spelts stated, that some fifty odd footmen followed in the rear, he among the number; 
 and old " Continental Jack" insisted that though at first they were not able to keep up 
 with the horsemen, yet they overtook them, before reaching King's Mountain, and shared 
 in the fight. James Sevier testified to the fact, that a number of footmen actually followed 
 and took part in the action. 
 
222 XING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 hundred and ninety, and somewhat less, according to the 
 statement of the unknown member of Campbell's regiment. 
 These were placed under the command of Major Joseph 
 Herndon, an excellent officer of Cleveland's regiment, while 
 Captain William Neal was left in special charge of Camp- 
 bell's men. Colonel Campbell, realizing that the footmen 
 might j-et be needed in his operations, and knowing that 
 Neal was an officer of much energy of character, had 
 selected him for this service; and gave directions to him, 
 and to Major Herndon also, to do every thing in their 
 power to expedite the march of the troops confided to their 
 charge, by urging them forward as rapidly as possible. 
 
 Colonel Lacey's opportune visit to the camp of the 
 mountaineers was fortunate. Some, at least, of the Whig 
 leaders, as tradition has it, began to doubt the policy of con- 
 tinuing the uncertain pursuit, lest by being led too far away, 
 their prolonged absence from their over-mountain homes 
 might invite a raid from the hostile Cherokees upon their 
 feebly protected families. Lacey's information and spirited 
 appeals reassured the timid, and imparted new courage to 
 the hopeful.* Instead of directing their course, as they 
 otherwise would have done, to the Old Iron Works, on 
 Lawson's Fork of Pacolet, some fifteen miles out of their 
 way, they marched direct for the Cowpens, starting about 
 daybreak on the morning of the sixth of October. They 
 took a southerly direction to Sandy Plains, following a 
 ridge road well adapted for travel ; \ thence bearing south- 
 easterly to the Cowpens, a distance of some twenty-one 
 miles altogether, reaching the place of rendezvous soon 
 after sunset, a short time after the arrival of the South 
 Carolinians and their associates, under Colonels Hill, Lacey, 
 WiUiams, and Graham. J On the way, they passed near 
 where several large bodies of Tories were assembled ; one, 
 
 *MS. letter of the late Dr. Alex. Q. Bradley, Marion, Ala., December 29, 1871. 
 
 + MS. letter of Dr. T. B. Twitty, of Twitty's Ford of Broad river. 
 
 t Hill's MS. narrative. In the narrative of Major Thomas Young, one of Williams- 
 party, in the Orion magazine, the idea is conveyed that the mountaineers arrived first 
 and were engaged in killing beeves. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 223 
 
 numbering six hundred, at Major Gibbs', about four miles 
 to the right of the Cowpens, who were intending to join 
 Ferguson the next dajr ; but the mountain men \\'ere after 
 Ferguson, and would not be diverted from their purpose, 
 and lose precious time, to strike at these lesser parties.* 
 The riflemen from the mountains had turned out io catch 
 Fergzison, and this was their rallying crj- from the day they 
 had left the Sycamore Shoals, on the Watauga. f 
 
 While the main object was kept steadily in view — not to 
 be tempted away from the direct pursuit of Ferguson, yet 
 it was deemed of sufficient importance to endeavor to make 
 a night attack on this party at Major Gibbs'. The only ac- 
 count we have of this enterprise is preserved in Ensign 
 Campbell's diary : " On passing near the Cowpens, we 
 heard of a large body of Tories about eight miles dis- 
 tant, and, although the main enterprise was not to be 
 delayed a singlfe moment, a party of eighty volunteers, 
 under Ensign Robert Campbell, was dispatched in pursuit 
 of them during the night. They had, however, removed 
 before the mountaineers came to the place, and who, after 
 riding all night, came up with the main body the next 
 daj^." Ensign Campbell adds, that " a similar expedition 
 was conducted by Captain Colvill, with no better success, 
 but without causing delay," — and this, too, must have been 
 the same night, though he places it as occurring on the 
 following one. J: 
 
 For an hour or two on the evening of the sixth, there was 
 a stirring bivouac at the Cowpens. A wealthy English Tory, 
 named Saunders, resided there, who reared large num- 
 bers of cattle, and having many pens in which to herd his 
 stock — hence the derivation of Cow-pens. Saunders, was, 
 
 =:= Shelby, as cited in Haywood's Tennessee, 'jo\ and Ramsey's Tennessee, 234. Dr. 
 Hunter, in his Sketches, 306, gives the number of the Tory party at Major Gibbs' as "four 
 or five hundred," which is perhaps quite as large as it really was. 
 
 V Hunter's Sketches. 
 
 J MS. Diary of Ensign Robert Campbell, kindly communicated by Rev. D. C. Kelley, 
 D. D. of Leeville, Tenn. This diary is a different document from the King's Mountain 
 narrative, by the same writer. 
 
224 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 at the time, in bed — perhaps not very well, or feigning sick- 
 ness ; from which he was unceremoniously pulled out, and 
 treated prett}' roughly. When commanded to tell at what 
 time Ferguson had passed that place, he declared that the 
 British Colonel and his arm}^ had not passed there at all ; 
 that there was plenty of torch pine in his house, which they 
 could light, and search carefully, and if they could find any 
 track or sign of an army, they might hang him., or do what- 
 ever else they pleased with him ; but if they made no such 
 discoveries, he trusted they would treat him more leniently. 
 Search was accordingly made, but no evidence of an army 
 passing there could be found.* Several of the old Toiy's 
 cattle were quickly shot down and slaughtered for the sup- 
 ply of the hungry soldiers ; and the bright camp fires were 
 everywhere seen lighting up the gloomy surroundings, and 
 strips of beef were quickly roasted upon the coals and 
 embers ; while fifty acres of corn found there were har- 
 vested in about ten minutes. f The weary men and horses 
 were refreshed — save a few laggards who were too tardy in 
 cooking their repast. 
 
 Joseph Kerr, the cripple spy, was at this time a member 
 of Colonel Williams' command. Either from Flint Hill, 
 or shortly before reaching there, he had been sent to gain 
 intelligence of Ferguson, and found him encamped — appar- 
 ently at noon-day, on the sixth of October — at Peter 
 Quinn's, six or seven miles from King's Mountain ; and 
 designed marching to that point during the afternoon of that 
 day. It was a region of many Tories, and Kerr found no 
 difficulty in gaining access to Ferguson's camp ; and hav- 
 ing been a cripple from his infancy, passed unsuspected of 
 his true character, making anxious inquiries relative to 
 taking protection, and was professedl}' gratified on learning 
 
 "■■'MS. narrative of Vance and McDowell, preserved by the late Hon. Robert Henry. 
 
 f Silas McBee's statement to the author in 1842. Mr. McBee was born November 24, 
 1765, and was consequently not quite fifteen when he served on this campaign. He died 
 in Pontotoc County, Mississippi, January 6th, 1845, in his eightieth year. He was a mem- 
 ber of the first legislature of Alabama, and was a man much respected by all who knew him. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 225 
 
 good news concerning the King's cause and prospects. 
 After managing, by his natural shrewdness and good sense, 
 to make all the observations he could, he quietly retired, 
 making his way, probably in a somewhat circuitous course, 
 to rejoin his countrymen. As they were on the wing, he 
 did not overtake them till the evening of that day, at the 
 Cowpens, when he was able to report to the Whig chiefs 
 Ferguson's movements and position, and that his numbers 
 did not exceed fifteen hundred men.* This information 
 was much more recent than had come through the old 
 man who made his report at Flint Hill, on the morning 
 of the fifth ; and it tended to corroborate the correctness of 
 the general tenor of the intelligence. And it served to 
 strengthen the faith of the mountain men, that with proper 
 energy on their part, and the blessing of Providence, they 
 would yet overtake and chastise the wily British leader and 
 his Tory alhes, after whom they were so anxiously seeking. 
 It was deemed important to gain the latest intelligence 
 of Ferguson's present position, for he might not now be 
 where he was when seen by Kerr. Among others, 
 Enoch Gilmer, of the South Fork of Catawba, was pro- 
 posed by Major Chronicle, of Graham's men. It was 
 objected that Gilmer was not acquainted with the country 
 through which Ferguson was beUeved to have marched. 
 Chronicle replied, that Gilmer could acquire information 
 better than those familiar with the region, for he could 
 readily assume any character that the occasion might re- 
 quire ; that he could cry and laugh in the same breath, and 
 all who witnessed him would firmly believe that he was in 
 earnest in both ; that he could act the part of a lunatic so 
 appropriately that even those best acquainted with him, if 
 not let into the secret, would not hesitate a moment to 
 believe that he was actually deranged; that he was a 
 
 CMS pension statement of Joseph Kerr ; Hunter's Slcetches of Western North Carolina, 
 121 After the war, Kerr removed to White County, Tennessee, where he received a pen- 
 sion in 1832 for his Revolutionary services, and subsequently died at a good old age. 
 
226 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 shrewd, cunning fellow, and a stranger to fear. He was 
 selected among others, and started off on his mission. 
 
 He called at a Torj^'s house not many miles in advance, 
 and represented to him that he had been waiting on Fergu- 
 son's supposed route from Denard's Ford to Ninety Six, 
 intending to join his forces ; but not marching in that direc- 
 tion, he was now seeking his camp. The Tor}', not sus- 
 pecting Gilmer's true character, frankly related all he knew 
 or had learned of Ferguson's movements and intentions ; 
 that, after he had crossed Broad river at Denard's Ford, he 
 had received a dispatch from Lord Cornwallis, ordering him 
 to rejoin the main arm)' : that his Lordship was calling in his 
 outposts, making readj' to give Gates a second defeat, reduce 
 North Carolina, stamping out all Rebel opposition as in 
 Georgia and South Carolina, when he would enter Virginia 
 with a larger army than had 3'et marched over American 
 soil.* Gilmer returned to the Cowpens before the troops 
 took up their line of march that evening. All this was about 
 on a par with the ordinary British boasting of the times ; 
 but did not furnish the Whig leaders with the intelligence 
 they more particularly desired relative to Ferguson's present 
 plans and whereabouts. 
 
 Meanwhile a council was held, in which the newly joined 
 officers, save Colonel Williams, participated ; and Colonel 
 Campbell was retained in the chief command — "in courte- 
 sy," says Colonel Hill, " to him and his regiment, who had 
 marched the greatest distance." Men and horses refreshed, 
 they started about nine o'clock on their night's march in 
 quest of Ferguson. To what extent the North and South 
 Carolinians, who joined the mountain men at the Cowpens, 
 added to their numbers, is not certainly known ; but 
 as they were less jaded than the others, they probably 
 reached about their full quota of four hundred, as is 
 generally understood — Williams had, a few days before, 
 called them in round numbers, four hundred and fifty, 
 
 *Vance and McDowell narrative, as preserved by Robert Henry. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 227 
 
 including his own corps ; while Colonel Hill is silent 
 in his narrative as to their strength. Thus the combined 
 force at the Cowpens was about eleven hundred, and 
 nearly all well armed with rifles. Here a prompt selec- 
 tion was made by the officers from the several parties just 
 arrived from Flint Hill — so that the whole number of 
 mounted men finally chosen to pursue and attack Ferguson, 
 was about nine hundred and ten, besides the squad of un- 
 counted footmen, who were probably not so numerous as 
 Spelts supposed. They maybe estimated, fro rata, accord- 
 ing to the relative strength of their respective corps, about 
 as follows : Chosen at Green river — Campbell's men, two 
 hundred ; Shelby's, one hundred and twenty ; Sevier's, one 
 hundred and twenty; Cleveland's, one hundred and ten; 
 McDowell's, ninety ; and Winston's, sixty ; — total, seven 
 hundred. Additional troops selected at the Cowpens : 
 Lacey's, one hundred; Williams', sixty; and Graham and 
 Hambright's, fifty ; — total, two hundred and ten ; and mak- 
 ing altogether nine hundred and ten mounted men.* The 
 squad of uncounted footmen should be added to the number. 
 The little party of Georgians seem to have been united 
 with Williams' men, and served to swell that small corps ; 
 Chronicle's South Fork boys helped to make up the Lincoln 
 force under Graham ; while the few footmen doubtless 
 generally joined their respecdve corps, though some, like 
 Spelts, united with the column most convenient to them 
 when the time of trial arrived. 
 
 ='=The official report signed by Campbell, Slielby and Cleveland, says nine bundred was 
 the number selected ; Shelby's account in Haywood and Kamsey, and in the American 
 Review says nine hundred and ten; Colonel Hills MS. narrative gives nine hundred 
 and thirty-three as the number. Ramsey's Revolution in South Carotina, 1785 : Gordon's 
 American War, 1788; and Moultrie's Memoirs, 1802. all give the number as nine hundred 
 and ten. So does General Graham in his King s Mountain narrative. General Davidson, 
 in his letter to General Sumner, October 10, 1780, says sixteen hundred was the number 
 selected — a palpable error, or exaggeration — which was copied by Marshall into the first 
 edition of his Li/e 0/ Washington. 
 
 " It is not easy." says Rev. Mr. Lathan. " to determine with any degree of certainty, 
 the exact number of Americans engaged in the battle of King's Mountain." It is as accurately 
 known as the numbers are in military operations generally, by following the official and 
 other reliable reports, and discarding palpable errors and exaggerations — such for instance, 
 as that which this writer gives that the South Carolinians under Hill and Lacey " amounted 
 to near two thousand." 
 
228 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 It pruved a very dark night, and to add to the un- 
 pleasantness and difficuhy of the march, a drizzly rain soon 
 set in, which, Shelby says, was, at least part of the time, 
 excessively hard. While the road was pretty good, as 
 Silas McBee represents, who was raised on Thicketty creek 
 in that region, yet, from the darkness brooding over them, 
 the pilots of Campbell's men lost their way, and that corps 
 became much confused, and dispersed through the woods, 
 so when morning appeared the rear portion were not more 
 than five miles from the Cowpens, as Hill's manuscript 
 informs us. Discovering the absence of the Virginians, 
 and divining the cause, men were sent from the front at the 
 dawn of day, in all directions, till the wanderers were found, 
 who had taken a wrong trail, and were now put on the 
 right road. 
 
 Once reunited, with the light of day to guide them, they 
 pushed forward uncommonly hard. They had designed 
 crossing Broad river at Tate's, since Deer's Ferry, as the 
 most direct route to King's Mountain ; and, as they neared 
 that locality, they concluded to bear down the river, some 
 two and a half miles, to the Cherokee Ford, lest the enemy, 
 peradventure, or some portion of them, might be in posses- 
 sion of the eastern bank of the stream at Tate's crossing, 
 and oppose their passage.* It was near daylight, when on 
 the river hills, in the neighborhood of the Cherokee Ford, 
 Gilmer was sent forward to reconnoitre at the Ford, and 
 discover, if possible, whether the enem}^ might not have 
 wa3daid the crossing at that point, with a design of attack- 
 ing their pursuers in the river. While awaiting Gilmer's 
 return, orders were given to the men to keep their guns dry, 
 for it was yet raining. After some little time, Gilmer's well- 
 known voice was heard in the hollow near by, singing Bar- 
 ney Linn, a favorite jolly song of the times, which was suffi- 
 
 * Shelby \a American Review: Hill's MS. narrative; Vance and McDowell's state- 
 ment; General Joseph Graham's sketch in Southern Literary Messenger, September, 1845; 
 General Lenoir's narrative in Wheeler's North Carolina, ii, 106 ; MS. notes of conversa- 
 tions with Silas McBee. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 229 
 
 cient notice that the way was clear. As they reached the 
 river, it was about sunrise. Orders were given, that those 
 having the largest horses should stem the current on the 
 upper side of the stream. Not much attention was paid to 
 the order. Though the river was deep, it was remarked 
 that not a solitary soldier met with a ducking.* They had 
 now marched some eighteen miles since leaving the Cow- 
 pens, and were yet some fifteen miles from King's 
 Mountain. 
 
 After passing the river, Gilmer was again sent forward 
 to make discoveries, and dashed off at full gallop. The 
 officers rode at a slow gait in front of their men — the latter, 
 as if getting somewhat wearied of the pursuit, would some- 
 times indulge in an oath, adding that if they were to have a 
 battle, they could wish to engage in it, and have it soon over. 
 Some three miles above the Cherokee Ford, they came to 
 Ferguson's former encampment, where they halted a short 
 time, taking such a snack as their wallets and saddle- 
 bags afforded — scanty at best, and manjr entirely destitute. 
 Coming to a cornfield by the roadside, the mountain men 
 would soon pull it, cutting some of the raw corn from the 
 cob for their own sustenance, and hauling a supply for their 
 horses. 
 
 The rain continued to fall so heavily during the forenoon, 
 that Colonels Campbell, Sevier and Cleveland concluded 
 from the weary and jaded condition of both men and beasts, 
 that it was best to halt and refresh. Many of the horses 
 had given out. Riding up to Shelby, and apprising him of 
 their views, he roughly replied with an oath: "I will not 
 stop until night, if I follow Ferguson into Cornwallis' 
 lines." Without replying, the other Colonels returned to 
 their respective commands, and continued the march. 
 The men could only keep their guns dry by wrapping 
 their bags, blankets, and hunting shirts around the locks, 
 
 * MS. rotes of conversations with Silas McBee ; Lenoir's narrative; and Benjamin 
 Sharp's statement in the American Pioneer, 
 
230 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 thvis leaving their own persons unpleasantly exposed to the 
 almost incessant stormjr weather which they had encountered 
 since leaving the Cowpens. Proceeding but a mile after the 
 proposed halt, the}^ came to Solomon Season's, who was a 
 half- Whig, half-Loyalist, as occasion required, where they 
 learned that Ferguson was only eight miles in advance ; and 
 there, too, they had the good fortune to capture a couple of 
 Tories, who, at the peril of their lives, were made to pilot the 
 army to King's Mountain — one, as related by McBee, ac- 
 companying Shelby, the other Cleveland. They gave some 
 account of the situation of the enemy, which revived the 
 hopes of all, that they would soon gain the object they were 
 so anxiously seeking. Another gratifying circumstance 
 was, that the rain ceased about noon, and cleared off with 
 a fine cool breeze. When the mountaineers had advanced 
 five miles further, some of Sevier's men called at the house 
 of a Loyalist, seeking information, when the men would only 
 say that Ferguson was not far away. As they departed, 
 a girl followed the riflemen out of the building, and in- 
 quired : "How many are there of you?" ''Enough," was 
 the reply, "to whip Ferguson, if we can find him." "He 
 is on that mountain," she said, pointing to the eminence 
 three miles distant.* 
 
 After traveling several miles, the officers in front de- 
 scried the horse of Gilmer, the scout, fastened at a gate 
 about three-fourths of a mile ahead. They gave whip to 
 their steeds, and rode at full speed to the place ; and on 
 going into the house, found Gilmer sitting at the table eat- 
 ing. "You d — d rascal," exclaimed Colonel Campbell, 
 " we have got you ! " "A true King's man, by G — ," re- 
 plied Gilmer. In order to test the scout's ability to sustain his 
 assumed character, Campbell had provided himself with a 
 rope, with a running noose on it after the style of a lasso, 
 
 *MS. notes of conversations with Colonel George Wilson, of Nashville, Tennessee, in 
 1844. derived from Alexander Greer, one of Sevier's men, Greer was a noble specimen 
 of the pioneer soldier ; became a Colonel of militia in after years, and died on Duck river, 
 Bedford County, Tennessee, in February, 1810. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 231 
 
 and threw it over Gilmer's neck, swearing that they would 
 hang him on the bow of the gate. Chronicle begged that 
 he should not be hung there, for his ghost would haunt the 
 women, who were present and in tears. Campbell acqui- 
 esced, saying they would reserve him for the first conveni- 
 ent over-hanging limb that they should come across on the 
 road. Once fairly beyond sight of the house, a few hundred 
 yards, the rope was detached from Gilmer's neck, and he 
 permitted to remount his horse. He then stated the intelli- 
 gence he had gained : That on reaching the house, and 
 finding it occupied by a Tory family, he declared that he was 
 a true King's man ; and wished to ascertain Ferguson's 
 camp, as he desired to join him. Finding the two women at 
 the house warmly attached to the King's cause, he could not 
 repress his joy, so gave each a hearty sympathizing smack ; 
 the youngest of whom now freely related, that she had been 
 in Ferguson's camp that very morning, which was only 
 about three miles awaj', and had carried the British com- 
 mander some chickens ; that he was posted on a ridge 
 between two branches where some deer hunters had a camp 
 the previous autumn. Major Chronicle and Captain Mat- 
 tocks stated that the camp referred to was theirs, and that 
 they well knew the ground on which Ferguson had taken 
 post — a spur of King's Mountain. 
 
 As they now had recent knowledge of Ferguson's posi- 
 tion, the officers led by Campbell rode a short distance by 
 themselves, agreeing upon a plan of attack, and freely re- 
 ported it to the men for their encouragement ; assuring them 
 that by surrounding Ferguson's army, and shooting at them 
 on their part up-hill, there would consequently be no danger 
 of our men destroying each other, and every prospect of 
 success would be theirs. It was a question, whether the 
 mountaineers were numerous enough to surround the entire 
 ridge on all sides — for they did not then know its exact 
 length. But the scheme was heartily approved by all. The 
 officers without stopping, began to agree upon the position 
 each corps was to occupy in the attack. 
 
232 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Colonel William Graham, who was at the head of the 
 Ivincoln men, and had rendered good service the past sum- 
 mer in connection with Shelby in the Spartanburg region, 
 and had so successfully defended his fort on Buffalo creek, 
 received at this point certain intelligence that his wife was 
 in a precarious condition, some sixteen miles away, near 
 Armstrong's Ford on the South Fork, and his presence was 
 imperatively demanded at the earliest possible moment. 
 When he stated the case to Colonel Campbell, the latter 
 replied that if he could venture to remain, share in the im- 
 pending batde, and carry the tidings of victory to his com- 
 panion, it would prove the best possible intelligence to her. 
 Turning to Chronicle, also from the South Fork, Campbell 
 inquired, as if the Major knew something of the urgency 
 of the case — " Ought Colonel Graham to have leave of 
 absence?" "I think so. Colonel," responded Chronicle; 
 "as it is a woman affair, let him go." Leave of absence 
 was accordingly granted ; and David Dickey, much against 
 his wishes, was assigned as an escort. Campbell, judging 
 that Major Chronicle was a younger and more active officer 
 than Lieutenant-Colonel Hambright, observed to the Major 
 — "Now you must take Graham's place;" and turning to 
 Hambright, Campbell asked if-he had any objections. He 
 generously said, it was his wish that Chronicle should do 
 so, as he best knew the ground. As this was satisfactorily 
 arranged. Chronicle exclaimed, " Come on, my South Fork 
 boys," and took the lead.* 
 
 When within two or three miles of King's Mountain, 
 Sevier's advance managed to capture two or three more 
 Tories, who were out spying, from whom corroborative 
 information was derived of the position of Ferguson's camp, 
 and of the locality of his picket guard. f Soon after, a 
 
 *This statement concerning Gilmer's adventures, the plan of the battle, and Colonel 
 Graham, is taken from the MS Vance-McDowell narrative, and no doubt this portion was 
 furnished by Robert Henry, one of Chronicle's party, 
 
 t Benjamin Sharp's statement ; MS, notes of conversations with Colonel George Wilson, 
 derived from Alexander Greer ; Lathan's Sketch, 14. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 233 
 
 youth, named John Ponder,* some fourteen years of age, 
 was met riding in great haste, while another account says 
 he was captvired in an old field — probably taking a circuit- 
 ous course for Charlotte. Colonel Hambright knowing that 
 this lad had a brother and other relatives in Ferguson's 
 camp, caused his prompt arrest. On searching him, a fresh 
 dispatch from Ferguson to Cornwallis was found, manifest- 
 ing great anxiety as to his situation, and earnestly renew- 
 ing his request for immediate assistance. The substance 
 of the dispatch was made known to the men, without, how- 
 ever, mentioning Ferguson's strength, which he seems to 
 have given, lest his numbers should tend to discourage them. 
 Interrogating young Ponder as to the kind of dress Fergu- 
 son wore, he replied that while that officer was the best 
 uniformed man on the mountain, they could not see his 
 military suit, as he wore a checked shirt, or duster, over it. 
 Colonel Hambright at once called the attention of his men 
 to this peculiarity of Ferguson's dress: " Well., pays," said 
 he, in his broken Pennsjdvania German accent, '■'■when ■you 
 see dotinan tiiit a pig shirt on over his clothes, you may knoiv 
 ■who him is, and mark him mit your rijles." \ 
 
 As they approached within a mile of the enemy, they 
 met George Watkins, a good Whig, who had been a 
 prisoner with Ferguson ; and having been released on 
 parole, was now on his way home. He was able to give 
 the very latest information, with the assurance that the 
 enemy still maintained their position on the mountain. 
 Here a brief halt was made. Hitherto the men had 
 been mostly unembodied — marching singly, or in squads. 
 
 * General Joseph Graham, in his King's Mountain narrative, gives the name as Fonde- 
 rin, which Dr. Hunter in his Sketches repeats. But Colonel J. R. Logan, who has lived 
 all his life of some seventy years in the King's Mountain region, and whose grandfather, 
 William Logan, was in the battle, states that all the aged persons of that section of country 
 unite in declaring that the youths name was John Ponder. A Mr. Dover, says Colonel 
 Logan, was likewise met on the march, and imparted some information to the Whig 
 leaders of Fergu^^on's movements and whereabouts; and the families of the Ponders and 
 Dovers still reside in York County, South Carolina, and Cleveland County, North Caro- 
 lina, while Ponder's Branch of King's creek is a well-known stream in that quarter. 
 
 •i-General Graham's King's Mountain narrative; MS. correspondence of Abram Hardin; 
 Hunter's Western North Carolina, 306-7. 
 
234 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 as might best suit their convenience; " but little subordi- 
 nation," says Colonel Hill, "had been required or ex- 
 pected." The men were now formed into two lines, two 
 men deep — Colonel Campbell leading the right line, and 
 Colonel Cleveland the left.* The officers renewedly adopted 
 the plan of attack already suggested, to surround the enemy ; 
 but Williams, as Colonel Hill states, dared not appear at the 
 council, in consequence of his recent effort to mislead the 
 Whig Colonels. The strictest orders were given that no 
 talking would be allowed on the march, which was faithfully 
 obeyed, every man seeming as dumb as the poor brute that he 
 rode.f It was somewhere near this point, that Major Winston 
 was detached, with a portion of the Wilkes and Surry troops, 
 to make a detour, apparently south of the Quarry road, to 
 gain the right of Ferguson. | 
 
 After passing Whistnant's Mill creek, the mountaineers 
 followed the ridge road past what is now the Antioch Bap- 
 tist church, thence northerly till they intersected the road 
 leading from North Carolina to Yorkville, along which 
 latter they marched to the right, a nearly south-easterly 
 course, crossing Ponder's Branch, and another upper prong 
 of King's creek, by way of Colonel Hambright's subsequent 
 improvements, and through a gap in the mountain to the 
 battle hill. Or, as General Graham describes the line of 
 March after passing King's creek, "they moved up a branch 
 and ravine, between two rocky knobs ; be3rond which the 
 top of the mountain and the enem3''s camp upon it, were in 
 full view, about a hundred poles in front." 
 
 This route by way of Antioch church and Ponder's 
 Branch was quite circuitous, north of the old Quarry road. 
 The traditions of the King's Mountain region are more or 
 less contradictory ; but the statements of the best informed 
 indicate this as the course pursued ;§ and probably this 
 
 * James Crow's statement. 
 
 T Statement of Hon. John F. Darby of St. Louis, derived from his grandfather, one of 
 Campbell's men. 
 
 X General Lenoir's narrative. 
 
 g MS. statement of Colonel J. R. Logan. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 235 
 
 indirect way was taken in order to cut off the enemy's retreat, 
 should tliey attempt a flight towards Charlotte when the 
 Whigs should make their formidable appearance. In the 
 rear of trees and bushes, on the east side of King's creek, 
 a little above where the Qtiarrj^ road passes that stream, the 
 mountaineers arrived at about three o'clock in the afternoon, 
 when the word " halt " was given. Then they were ordered 
 to "dismount and tie horses ; " next to " take off and tie up 
 great-coats, blankets, etc., to your saddles," as it had been 
 rainy the preceding night, and till within the past three 
 hours ; and a few men were designated to take charge of 
 the horses. Then came the final general order: "Fresh 
 prime j-our guns, and every man go into battle firmly re- 
 solving to fight till he dies!" * No such word as fail entered 
 into the composition or calculations of Campbell and his 
 men. Never was the war-cr}^ of the ancient Romans more 
 ceaseless and determined, that Carthage must be destroyed, 
 than was that of the mountaineers — to catch and destroy 
 Ferguson ! 
 
 '■'Hon. J. F. Darby's narrative: General Graham's statement; Shelby's memoir in 
 American Review ; Latham's Sketch of King s Mountain. 
 
236 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 King's Mountain Battle, October 7th, 1780. 
 
 Ferguson and his Men Resolve to Fight. — The Bayonet their Main Re- 
 liance. — British Strength. — Character of the Provincial Rangers. — 
 Different Classes of Loyalists Described. — Traits of the Mountain- 
 eers. — The Holstoti Men, and Frotttier Adventures. — Assignment 
 of the Whig Corps to the Attack. — Campbell's Appeal to his Men. 
 — Winston s mis- Adventures. — Cleveland not the First to Commence 
 the Action. — Surprising the Enejny's Picket. — Shelby's Cohinin An- 
 noyed by the Enemy. — Campbell' s Men Rush into the Fight — At- 
 tack on the British Main Guard. — The Virgiiiians Advance tip the 
 Moti?ttain. — March of Cleveland' s Meji — Patriotic Speech of their 
 Conunander — Drive in a Picket. — Movements of Lacey's Men. — 
 Ca?npbeir s Corps Driven before the Bayonet — Rally, and Renew 
 the Contest. — -Shelby, too. Retired before the Charging Columns. — 
 The Right and Left Wings take part in the Action. — -Culbertson's 
 Heroism. — CaptainMoses Shelby Wounded. — Ensign Campbell Dis- 
 lodging Tories from their Rocky Ramparts. — Terrific Character of 
 the Conflict. — Ajnusing Incident of one of Lacey's Men. — Heroic 
 Efforts of Campbell and his Corps. — Ensign CajnpbeW s Good Con- 
 duct. — Captain Edmondson s Exploit and Death. — Lieutenant 
 Reece Bowen' s Disdain of Danger, and his Lamented Fall. — Camp- 
 bells Active Efforts and Heroic Appeals. — Death of Major Chron- 
 icle. — The Sotith Fork Boys Charged, and Several Wounded. — 
 Robert Henry Transfixed, and yet Survived all his Associates. — 
 William Twitty and Abram Forney. — Clevelatid and his Men. — 
 Lieutenant Samuel fohnson and other Wounded Officers. — Lntre- 
 pidity of Charles Gordon and David Wither spoofi. — Singular 
 Adventure of Charles Bowen and Colonel Cleveland. 
 
 Ferguson had carefully posted his Provincial corps and 
 drilled Lo}-alists along the crest of the mountain, extending 
 from nearly one end to the other. They had no thought of 
 retreating from their pursuers. We have, indeed, no evi- 
 dence that they really knew^ that the Back Water men were 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 237 
 
 I so closely upon them. It is true that one account states, 
 
 f that the British descried in the far distance " a thick cloud 
 
 of cavalr}^"* apparently referring to thick clouds of dust 
 produced by a large body of horsemen ; but this could 
 not have been so, for the country was then covered with 
 timber, which would have prevented any such discovery ; 
 and it had, moreover, rained many successive hours during 
 the preceding night and the fore part of that day, so that 
 there was no dust from which any clouds could arise. At 
 any rate, the enemy maintained their position, either hope- 
 fully or sullenly determined to fight to the last. 
 
 Ferguson's Provincials — or Rangers, as Tarleton terms 
 them — were not a permanent corps, but made up for special 
 service, from other Provincial bodies — the King's American 
 Regiment, raised in and around New York, the Queen's 
 Rangers, and the New Jersey Volunteers. These Colonial 
 troops were clad, in the early pa-rt of the war, in green ; 
 afterwards, as a rule, they wore scarlet coats. f The 
 Provincials were well trained, and Ferguson relied largely 
 upon them in consequence of their practised skill in 
 the vise of the bayonet ; and, in case of necessitj^, for such 
 of his Tory troops as were without that implement, he had 
 provided each with a long knife, made by the blacksmiths 
 of the country, the butt end of the handle of which v/as 
 fitted the proper size to insert snugly in the muzzle of the 
 rifle, with a shoulder or button two inches or more from 
 the end, so that it could be used as an effective substitute 
 for a bayonet. 
 
 What was the exact strength of Ferguson's force cannot 
 with certainty be determined. Tarleton says, beside his 
 corps of Rangers — which numbered about one hundred — 
 he had not far from one thousand Loyal Militia,;]: while 
 some British accounts put the number as low as eight hun- 
 
 "* History 0/ the War in America, Dublin, 1785, iii, 149. 
 ■fMS. Correspondence of Gen. J. W. DePeyster. 
 X Southern Campaigns, 156, 
 
238 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 dred. The American official report, professing to gain the 
 information from the enemy's provision returns of that da}-, 
 gives the number as eleven hundred and twenty-five ; and 
 this tallies pretty closely with Tarleton's statement. There 
 is, however, some reason to suppose that about two hundred 
 Tories left camp that day, perhaps on a scout, but more 
 likely on a foraging expedition. 
 
 It is fitting, in this connection, to speak of the character 
 of these Loyalists, here arrayed on King's Mountain, and 
 about to engage in a memorable conflict against their com- 
 mon country — for they were all, or nearly all, save Fergu- 
 son himself, natives of the Colonies. Now that Dunlap was 
 separated from them, Ferguson's corps of Rangers seem to 
 have been quite as unobjectionable a class of men as the 
 temptations and unrestrained recklessness of war ordinarily 
 permit the military to be ; and, though they had fled before 
 Captain Hampton in their retreat from Earle's Ford of North 
 Pacolet, and had recoiled before the galling fire of Shelby 
 and Clarke near Cedar Spring, the summer preceding, yet 
 they were experienced soldiers, and were by many account- 
 ed as brave and reliable as any British troops in America. 
 
 But who were the Tories proper? They were made up 
 of different classes of citizens who sympathized with, or 
 took up arms for the King, and fought against their fellow- 
 citizens who were bravely contending for the liberties of 
 their country. Tiiose of them who remained after the war, 
 in their old localities, were sadly abused and villified as long 
 as they lived. They hardly dared to offer an apology for 
 their conduct. Thej' were numerous in many of the States, 
 and have left many descendants, not a few of whom are 
 among the most worthy and respected in the communities 
 where they reside ; yet none of them boast of their relation- 
 ship to the Loyalists. It has been the fashion to stigmatize 
 the Tories without stint and without discrimination, heap- 
 ing all manner of reproaches upon them and their class 
 generally. The issue of the war, and the general verdict 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 239 
 
 of the Whigs, who had suffered not a little in the seven 
 years' conflict, seemed to justify these severe judgments. 
 No one now supposes that he would have been a Tory, had 
 it been the will of Providence that he should have been an 
 actor in the scenes of the Revolution a century ago. As 
 he reads the history of the stirring events connected with 
 the war, he concludes, that had he been there, he would, 
 as a matter of course, have been on the right side, periling 
 life and fortune at every hazard in the cause of freedom. 
 
 It is easy enough for us to imagine, when we read of 
 deeds of humanity, generosity, and noble daring, that we, 
 too, would have acted in a similar manner had we been in 
 the same situation as those persons were who performed 
 them. Few know, till they are tried, what they would do 
 under certain circumstances. One's associations, surround- 
 ings, and temptations oftentimes exert an overpowering in- 
 fluence. Let us judge even the Tories with as much char- 
 ity and leniency as we can. Some of them were cajoled 
 into the British service, and not a few forced into it under 
 various pretenses and intimidations. 
 
 Rev. James H. Saye, who has spent his life of over 
 seventy years in Georgia and South Carolina, and had 
 much intercourse with the survivors of the Revolution in his 
 day, made the various classes of Tories a special subject of 
 study and inquiry, including the influences that prompted 
 their unhappy choice, and grouped them into six principal 
 divisions : 
 
 I . There were some men in the country conscientiously 
 opposed to w:ar, and every sort of revolution which led to 
 it, or invoked its aid. They believed that the}' ought to 
 be in subjection to the powers that be ; and hence they main- 
 tained their allegiance to the British crown. The Quakers 
 were of this class. They were then far more numerous in 
 the Carolinas than now. The}' were, religiously, non-com- 
 batants ; and the weight of their influence naturally fell on 
 the wrong side. 
 
240 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 2. There were many persons who really knew nothing 
 of the questions at issue in the contest. The world has 
 always been cursed with too large a stock of men of this 
 class, whose daj^s are passed in profound ignorance of every- 
 thing which requires an exertion of intellect, yet often the 
 most self-conceited beings that wear the human form — per- 
 fect moles, delighting in nothing so much as dirt and dark- 
 ness. This class followed their cunning and intriguing^ 
 leaders in the Revolution, and were easily and naturally 
 led into the camp of the Loyalists. 
 
 3. Another class thought the Government of George 
 the Third too good to exchange for an uncertainty. They 
 practically said : " Let well enough alone ; a little tax on 
 tea won't hurt us ; and as for principles and doctrines, leave 
 them to the lawyers and parsons." 
 
 4. Another class thought that, however desirable the 
 right of self-government might be, it was then quite out of 
 the question, unless his most gracious Majesty might be 
 pleased to grant it ; and they believed that the fleets and 
 armies of Great Britain were perfectly invincible, while de- 
 feat and utter ruin to all engaged in it must follow rebellion 
 against the King. 
 
 5. There was another class who claimed no little cred- 
 it for shrewdness and management ; who prided themselves 
 on being genteel and philosophical. If they ever had scru- 
 ples of conscience, they amounted to very little ; if an}^ re- 
 ligious principles, they imposed no self-denial, and forbade 
 no sensual gratification. If they had a spark of patriotism 
 or love for their King, it could only be kindled by fuel from 
 the Government coffers. The needle is no truer to the 
 pole than were these people to the prospect of gain. War 
 is usually a great distributor of money ; they wanted a lib- 
 eral share, and wanted to acquire it easily. On the fall of 
 Charleston, when Sir Henry Clinton issued his proclama- 
 tion, these money-worshipers discovered in it a bow of 
 promise. Pardon was offered to all rebels with one excep- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 241 
 
 tion ; and that exception embraced many persons of large 
 estates, and a still greater number possessing comfortable 
 means. Here the shadow of a golden harvest flitted befoi'e 
 their longing eyes. The excepted Whigs had property 
 enough to make many rich, if informed against by the zeal- 
 ous advocates of the crown ; or, if plundered and appropri- 
 ated without taking the trouble of making any report of the 
 matter. Feelings of humanity and tenderness w6re not 
 cultivated or regarded — it was enough that the proscribed 
 Whigs had well-cultivated farms, negroes, horses, cattle, 
 or other desirable property, and that they had, in their esti- 
 mation, justly forfeited all by rebelling against the King and 
 his Government. This class became the sycophants to Royal 
 authority, and the army of plunderers during the war ; and 
 once hardened in pillaging, they soon became reckless of 
 life and virtue. 
 
 6. There was yet another class which had a large fol- 
 lowing among the Tories — a class, too, which either on ac- 
 count of its numbers, industry, or general influence, gave 
 character to a large portion of the whole fraternity. When 
 a Revolutionary soldier was asked, " What sort of men were 
 the Tories?" The almost invariable reply was, "A pack 
 of rogues." An eminent e^cample of this class was found 
 in the person of Plundering Sam Brown, already described, 
 a notorious robber years before the war commenced ; yet, 
 like other men who had wealth or the means of acquiring 
 it, he had numerous friends and followers. He had the 
 shrewdness to perceive that the field was well suited to his 
 tastes and habits ; and accordingly raUied his retainers, 
 joined Ferguson, and for a time proved an efficient ally. 
 Though he had been an outlaw for many years, yet few 
 brought to the Royal standard a larger share of talent for 
 cunning and inhumanity for the position assigned him. He 
 now enjoyed the liberty of plundering under the sanction 
 of law and authority, and of arresting, for the sake of re- 
 ward, those who had long been known as the stanch de- 
 
242 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 fenders of honesty and justice. The notorious Captain 
 David Fanning, Bloody Bill Bates, and Bloody Bill Cun- 
 ningham were men of the same infamous character — un- 
 feeling, avaricious, revengeful, and bloody. 
 
 Here, then, were the conscientious class of Loyalists ; 
 an ignorant class ; an indifferent class ; a cowardly class ; 
 a covetous, money-making class ; and a disappointed, ro- 
 guish, fevengeful class. It must not be supposed that these 
 characteristics were never combined. Several of them had 
 a natural affinitj^ for each other, and were almost invariably 
 found united in the same person. The non-combatants, the 
 cowards, and the indifferent were not found among those 
 arrayed on King's Mountain ; but Ferguson's force, aside 
 from the young men who had enlisted under his standard, 
 and a few worthy but misguided people, was largely made 
 up of the worst characters which war evolves from the dregs 
 of mankind.* 
 
 In the confronting ranks was a very different class of 
 men. Those from the Holston, under Campbell, were a 
 peculiar people — somewhat of the character of Cromwell's 
 soldiery. They were, almost to a man, Presbyterians. In 
 their homes, in the Holston Valley, they were settled in 
 pretty compact congregations ; quite tenacious of their re- 
 ligious and civil liberties, as handed down from father to 
 son from their Scotch-Irish ancestors. Their preacher, 
 Rev. Charles Cummins, was well fitted for the times ; a 
 man of piety and sterling patriotism, who constantly exerted 
 himself to encourage his people to make every needed sac- 
 rifice, and put forth every possible exertion in defense of the 
 liberties of their country. They were a remarkable body 
 of men, both physically and mentally. Inured to frontier 
 life, raised mostly in Augusta and Rockbridge Counties, 
 Virginia, a frontier region in the French and Indian war, they 
 early setdedon the Holston, and were accustomed from their 
 childhood to border life and hardships ; ever ready at the tap 
 
 '■' Saye's Memoir of Mcjunkin. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 243 
 
 of the drum to turn out on military service ; if, in the busiest 
 crop season, their wives, sisters, and daughters could, in their 
 absence, plant, and sow, and harvest. They were better 
 educated than most of the frontier settlers, and had a more 
 thorough understanding of the questions at issue between 
 the Colonies and their mother country. These men went 
 forth to strike their country's foes, as did the patriarchs of 
 old, feeling assured that the God of battles was with them, 
 and that He would surely crown their efforts with success. 
 They had no doubts nor fears. They trusted in God — and 
 kept their powder dry. Such a thing as a coward was not 
 known among them. How fitting it was, that to such a 
 band of men should have been assigned, by Campbell's 
 own good judgment, the attack on Ferguson's choicest 
 troops — his Provincial Rangers. It was a happy omen of 
 success — literally the forlorn hope — the right men in ^e 
 right place. 
 
 Lacey's men, mostly from York and Chester Counties, 
 South Carolina, and some of those under Shelby, Sevier, 
 Cleveland, Williams, Winston, and McDowell, were of the 
 same character — Scotch-Irish Presbyterians ; but many of 
 them, especially those from the Nolachucky, Watauga, and 
 lower Holston, who had not been very long settled on the 
 frontiers, were more of a mixed race, somewhat rough, but 
 brave, fearless, and full of adventure. They were not a 
 whit less patriotic than the Virginians ; and were ever ready 
 to hug a bear, scalp an Indian, or beard the fiercest Tories 
 wherever they could find them. Such, in brief, were the 
 salient characteristics of the mountaineers, and the men of 
 the up-country of the Carolinas, who were about to engage 
 in deadly conflict with Ferguson and his motley followers. 
 
 The decisive moment was now at hand, and the moun- 
 taineers were eager for the fray. Campbell and his corps 
 commanders had arranged their forces into two divisions, as 
 nearly equal as they could conveniently form them, each 
 party to attack opposite sides of the mountain. Campbell 
 
244 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 was to lead his Virginians across the southern end of the 
 ridge, and south-east side, which Shelby designates as the 
 column of the right center ; then Sevier's regiment, Mc- 
 Dowell's and Winston's battalions, were to form a column 
 on the right wing, north-east of Campbell, and in the order 
 named, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Sevier. 
 Of these, Winston had, it will be remembered, made a 
 detour some distance to the south of Ferguson, in order the 
 more promptly to gain the positioii assigned him, and per- 
 adventure lend a helping hand in retarding the enemy, 
 should they conclude that a hasty retreat was the better 
 part of valor. 
 
 Shelb3^'s regiment was to take position on the left of the 
 mountain, directly opposite to Campbell, and form the left 
 center — Campbell's left and Shelby's right coming together ; 
 and beyond Shelbj' were respectively Williams' command, 
 including Brandon, Hammond, and Candler ; then the South 
 Carolinians under Lacey, Hathorne, and Steen, with the 
 remainder of the Wilkes and Surry men under Cleveland, 
 together with the Lincoln troops under Chronicle and Ham- 
 bright, all under the direction of Colonel Cleveland. By 
 this disposition was the patriot force arranged in four col- 
 umns — two on either side of the mountain, led respectively 
 by Colonels Campbell and Sevier on the right, and Shelby 
 and Cleveland on the left. It is reasonable to presume that, 
 as Winston had been detached, when a mile away, to gain 
 his assigned position on the right, that Chronicle and Ham- 
 bright were also early ordered to gain the extreme left por- 
 tion of the mountain, so that these two parties should meet 
 each other, and thus encompass the enemy on that end of 
 the ridge. 
 
 Before taking up the line of march, Campbell and the 
 leading officers earnestly appealed to their soldiers — to the 
 higher instincts of their natures, by all that was patriotic 
 and noble among men, to fight like heroes, and give not an 
 inch of ground, save only from the sheerest necessity, and 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 245 
 
 then only to retrace and recover their lost ground at the 
 earliest possible moment. Campbell personally visited all 
 the corps; and said to Cleveland's men, as he did to all, 
 " that if any of them, men or officers, were afraid, to quit 
 the ranks and go home ; that he wished no man to engage 
 in the action who could not fight ; that, as for himself, he 
 was determined to fight the enemy a week, if need be, to 
 gain the victory.''* Colonel Campbell also gave the neces- 
 sary orders to all the principal officers, and repeated them, 
 so as to be heard by a large portion of the line, and then 
 placed himself at the head of his own regiment, as the 
 other officers did at the head of their respective commands. f 
 Many of the men threw aside their hats, tying handker- 
 chiefs around their heads, so as to be less likely to be 
 retarded by limbs and bushes when dashing up the moun- 
 tain. \ 
 
 At length the several corps started for the scene of con- 
 flict, marching two men deep, led on by their gallant offi- 
 cers. Both the right and left wings were somewhat longer 
 in reaching their designated places than had been expected. 
 When Winston's party had marched about a mile, they 
 reached a steep hill, losing sight of the other columns, and 
 evidently of King's Mountain also. Some men riding in 
 view directed them to dismount from their horses, and 
 march up the hill, which was immediately done, with the 
 anticipation of meeting the enemy on its summit ; but, be- 
 fore they had advanced two hundred paces, they were again 
 hailed, disabused of their error, and directed to re-mount 
 their horses and push on, as King's Mountain was yet a 
 mile away. They now ran down the declivity with great 
 precipitation to their horses, and, mounting them, rode, like 
 so many fox hunters, at an almost break-neck speed, 
 through rough woods and brambles, leaping branches and 
 
 !• Statement of Joseph Phillips, one of Cleveland's men. 
 
 t MS. narrative of Gov. Campbell. 
 
 t Mrs. Ellet's Women of the Revolution, iii, 293. 
 
246 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 crossing ridges, without a proper guide who had a personal 
 knowledge of the country. But they soon fell upon the 
 enemy, as good luck would have it, at the very point of 
 their intended destination. 
 
 It was an erroneous idea of the South Carolina historian, 
 Ramsay, that Cleveland's men, who had been compelled 
 to make something of a circuit to reach their appointed po- 
 sition in the arrangement for the onslaught, were the first 
 to commence the action, and the first to receive a bayonet 
 charge from the enemy. The official report, to which 
 Cleveland gave the sanction of his signature, states that 
 Shelby and Campbell's regiments began the attack. Such 
 was the nature of the ground, and the thick, intervening 
 foliage of the trees, that the Whigs were not discovered till 
 within a quarter of a mile of Ferguson ; when the enemy's 
 drums beat to arms, and the shrill whistle of their comman- 
 der was distinctly heard, notifying his followers to repair to 
 their places in the ranks, and be ready for hot work, for 
 they well knew that no child's play was in reserve for them. 
 
 A select party of Shelby's men undertook to surprise a 
 picket of the enemy, of whose position they had previous 
 knowledge, and accomplished their purpose without firing 
 a gun or giving the least alarm. This exploit seems to 
 have occurred some distance from the mountain, and was 
 hailed by the army as a good omen.* Orders had been 
 given to the right and left wings, that when the center col- 
 umns were ready for the attack, they were to give the signal 
 by raising a regular frontier war-whoop, after the Indian 
 stj'le, and rush forward, doing the enemy all the injury 
 possible ; and the others hearing the battle-shout and the 
 reports of the rifles, were to follow suit. The first firing 
 was heard on the north side of the mountain f — evidently 
 made by the enemy upon Shelby's column, before they 
 were in position to engage in the action. It was galling in 
 
 * Sharp's narrative in the American Pioneer. 
 
 f Young's auto-biography in the Orion magazine. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 247 
 
 its effect, and not a little annoying to the mountaineers, 
 some of whom, in their impatience, complained that it 
 would never do to be shot down without returning the fire. 
 Shelby cooll}' replied, " press on to your places, and then 
 your fire will not be lost." * 
 
 But before Shelby's men could gain their position, Col- 
 onel Campbell had thrown off his coat, and while leading 
 his men to the attack, he exclaimed at the top of his voice, 
 — "Here they are, my brave boys; sJwtd like h — /, and 
 fight like devils!''^ The woods immediately resounded 
 with the shouts of the line, in which they were heartily 
 joined, first by Shelby's corps, and then instantly caught 
 up by the others along the two wings. f When Captain 
 De Peyster heard these almost deafening yells — the same 
 in kind he too well remembered hearing from Shelby's men 
 at Musgrove's Mill, — he remarked to Ferguson: "These 
 things are ominous — these are the d — d j^elling boys ! "]; 
 And when these terrific shouts saluted Ferguson's ears, he 
 expressed fears for the result. § 
 
 About the time the Virginians advanced to the conflict. 
 Major Micajah Lewis, with his brother, Captain Joel Lewis, 
 . both of the Wilkes and Surry troops, with Captain Andrew 
 Colvill, of the Virginia regiment, had been designated by 
 Colonel Campbell to make a dash on horseback upon the 
 British main guard, half way up the spur of the mountain ; 
 and having swept them out of the wa}^, to fall back, dis- 
 mount, and join the others in the general advance. Here 
 the first heavy firing took place between the contending 
 parties, the guard commencing it. The mountaineers raised 
 the Indian war-whoop and rushed upon the foe, who soon 
 retreated, leaving some of their men to crimson the earth 
 with their blood. 11 
 
 * Graham's sketch in (he Southern Literary Messenger, and Foote's North Carolina. 
 
 -f- Statement of John Craig, one of Campbell's men ; conversations with Gov. David 
 Campbell, in 1844. 
 
 X Statement, in 1844, of Col George Wilson. 
 
 $Gov. Campbell's statement. 
 
 \ MS. statement of J. L. Gray, and his communication in the Rutherford Enquirer, 
 May 24th, 1859. 
 
248 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 One of the mountaineers came within rifle shot of a 
 British sentinel before the latter perceived him ; on discov- 
 ering the American, he discharged his musket, and ran 
 with all his speed towards the camp on the hill. This ad- 
 venturous Whig, who had pressed forward considerably in 
 advance of his fellows, quickly dismounted, leveled his rifle, 
 firing at the retreating Briton, the ball striking him in the 
 back of the head, when he fell and expired.* Among the 
 slain of the Virginians was Lieutenant Robert Edmondson, 
 and John Beatty, the ensign of Colvill's company, while 
 Lieutenant Samuel Newell, also of Colvill's corps, was 
 wounded. Retiring down the hill, Newell passed Colonel 
 Campbell and Major Edmondson hurrying on the regiment 
 into action. 
 
 But Newell was too good a soldier to give up at the very 
 commencement of the fight ; and returning some distance, 
 he came across a horse, mounting which he rode back to 
 the lines to perform his share in the conflict. f 
 
 What terse, patriotic utterances were made by the sev- 
 eral Whig leaders to their heroic followers, have been main- 
 ly lost to history. Such words had their intended effect at 
 the time : but all were too intent on the exciting scenes be- 
 fore them, to treasure up in their memories these outbursts 
 of patriotism. Cleveland and his men, while passing 
 around to the left of the mountain, were somewhat retarded 
 by a swampy piece of ground then saturated with water ; \ 
 but, getting clear of this, Cleveland discovered an advance 
 picket of the enemy, when he made the following charac- 
 teristic speech to his troops — not, under the circumstances, 
 in a very formal manner we may well conclude, but, most 
 likely, by piece-meal, as he rode along the lines : 
 
 "My brave fellows, we have beaten the Tories, and we 
 can beat them again. They are all cowards : if they had 
 
 *This incident is given on authority of a writer in the Rutherford Enquirer^ May 24tll, 
 1859 signing himself "J. L. G." — J. L. Gray. 
 
 ■J- Statements of Lieutenant Newell and Ensign Robert Campbell. 
 X Sharp's narrative. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 249 
 
 the spirit of men, tliey would join with their fellow-citizens 
 in supporting the independence of their country. When 
 you are engaged, you are not to wait for the word of com- 
 mand from me. I will show you, by my example, how to 
 fight ; I can undertake no more. Every man must consider 
 himself an officer, and act from his own judgment. Fire 
 as quick as you can, and stand your ground as long as you 
 can. When you can do no better, get behind trees, or 
 retreat ; but I beg you not to run quite off. If we are 
 repulsed, let us make a point of returning, and renewing 
 the fight ; perhaps we may have better luck in the second 
 attempt than the first. If any of you are afraid, such shall 
 have leave to retire, and they are requested immediately to 
 take themselves off."* But a single man, John Judd, 
 intimated a preference to remain behind — " to hold the 
 horses," as he expressed it ; while, to redeem the honor of 
 the family, his brother, Rowland Judd, went forward, and 
 acted the part of a brave soldier in the trying conflict. f 
 The distance that Cleveland's men had to march, with the 
 swampy nature of their route, delayed them some ten min- 
 utes in reaching the place assigned them. But they nobly 
 made amends for their delay by their heroic conduct in the 
 action. The picket that they attacked soon gave way, and 
 they were rapidly pursued up the mountain. 
 
 Doctor Moore asserts, that it has always been the tradi- 
 tion in the King's Mountain region, that inasmuch as Col- 
 onel Lacey rode the express, and gave the patriots at Green 
 river the true situation of Ferguson, Colonel Campbell gave 
 him the honor of commencing the battle — the friends of 
 Campbell, Shelby, Sevier, Winston, and Roebuck have for 
 each also clairned the same honor ; that Lacey led on his 
 men from the north-western and most level side of the 
 mountain, engaging the attention of the foe, while Cleve- 
 
 « 
 
 * Ramsay's Re^'oluiion in South Carolina^ 1785, ii, 182-83. This speech was derived 
 apparently from Colonel Cleveland himself. 
 
 fMS. correspondence of Col. H. A. Brown, formerly of Wilkes County, N. C, now of 
 Maury County, Tennessee. 
 
250 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 land and the other leaders marched to their respective 
 places of assignment, completel}- encircling Ferguson's 
 army. * Judging from the official report, this tradition has 
 no substantial foundation ; yet Lacey, no doubt, anticipated 
 Cleveland, and perhaps some of the other regimental and 
 battalion commandants, in engaging the attention of the 
 enemj', and taking part in the conflict. 
 
 Where Campbell's men ascended the mountain to com- 
 mence the attack was rough, craggy, and rather abrupt-^the 
 most difficult of ascent of any part of the ridge ; but these 
 resolute mountaineers permitted no obstacles to prevent 
 them from advancing upon the foe, creeping up the accliv- 
 ity, litde by little, and from tree to tree, till they were 
 nearly at the top — the action commencing at long fire, f 
 The Virginians were the first upon whom Ferguson ordered 
 his Rangers, with doubtless a part of his Loyalists, to make 
 a fixed bayonet charge. Some of the Virginians obsti- 
 nately stood their ground till a few of them were thrust 
 through the body ; but being unable, with rifles only, to 
 withstand such a charge, they broke and fled down the 
 mountain — further, indeed, than was necessary. % In this 
 rapid charge, Lieutenant Allaire, of Ferguson's corps, over- 
 took an officer of the mountaineers, fully six feet high ; and 
 the British Lieutenant being mounted, dashed up beside his 
 adversary, and killed him with a single blow of his swOrd.§ 
 But the British chargers did not venture quite to the bottom 
 of the hill, before they wheeled, and quickly retired to the 
 summit. Campbell's men ran across the narrow interven- 
 ing valley to the top of the next ridge. Colonel Campbell 
 and Major Edmondson, about half way between their men 
 and the enemy, were loudly vociferating to their Virginians 
 to halt and rally ; and Lieutenant Newell, now mounted, 
 joined them in this effort. The men were soon formed, and 
 
 * Li/c of Lacey, 17-18. 
 
 f Statement of James Crow, of Campbell's men. 
 
 J Statement of Lieutenant Newell. 
 
 ^ Lieutenant Allaires' narrative in the New York Royal Gazette, Feb, 24, 1781. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 251 
 
 again led up by their heroic commander to renew the con- 
 test. * It was during this attack that Lieutenant Robert 
 Edmondson, the younger, of Captain David Beattie's com- 
 pany — for there were two Lieutenants of the Virginians of 
 that name— was wounded in the arm. He then sheltered 
 himself behind a tree, with one of his soldiers, John Craig, 
 who bandaged up his Hmb. By this time Campbell's men 
 were successfully rallied, and were returning to the charge, 
 when Edmondson exclaimed, " Let us at it again !" f Of 
 such grit was Campbell's Holston soldiers composed ; and 
 as long as there was any fighting to be done for their 
 countrjr, and they could stand upon their feet, they never 
 failed to share largely in it. 
 
 Colonel Shelby has briefly stated his knowledge of this 
 heroic movement of Campbell and his men. " On the first 
 onset," says Shelhy, " the Washington militia attempted 
 rapidly to ascend the mountain ; but were met by the British 
 regulars with fixed bayonets, and forced to retreat. They 
 were soon rallied by their gallant commander, and some of 
 his active officers, and by a constant and well-directed fire 
 of our rifles we drove them back in our turn, and reached 
 the summit of the mountain. " ]: Or, as cited by Haywood, 
 and understood to be also from a statement by Shelby : 
 " Campbell, with his division, ascended the hill, killing all 
 that- came in his way, till coming near enough to the main 
 body of the enemy, who were posted upon the summit, he 
 poured in upon them a most deadly fire. The enem}^, with 
 fixed bayonets, advanced upon his troops, who gave way 
 and went down the hill, where they rallied and formed, and 
 again advanced. The mountain -was covered with flame 
 and smoke, and seemed to thtmder .''''% 
 
 While Ferguson's Rangers were thus employed in their 
 dashing bayonet charge against Campbell's column, Shelby 
 
 ♦ Statements of Newell, and David Campbell, afterwards of Campbell's Station, Tenn. 
 
 fjohn Craig's statement. 
 
 t Shelby's letter to Col. Arthur Campbell. Oct. 12, 1780. 
 
 g Haywood's Tennessee, 71. 
 
252 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 was pressing the enemy on the opposite side and south- 
 western end of the mountain ; so that the Provincials found 
 it necessary to turn their attention to this body of the 
 mountaineers. "Shelby, a man of the hardiest make, stiff 
 as iron, among the dauntless singled out for dauntlessness, 
 went right onward and upward like a man who had but one 
 thing to do, and but one thought — to do it. "* But brave 
 as he and his men were, they, too, had to retreat before the 
 charging column, yet slowly firing as they retired. When, 
 at the bottom of the hill, Shelb}^ wanted to bring his men to 
 order, he would cry out — " Now, boys, quickly re-load your 
 rifles, and let's advance upon them, and give them 
 another h — 1 of a fire ! " f 
 
 Thus were Campbell's and Shelby's men hotly engaged 
 some ten minutes before the right and left wings reached 
 their points of destination, when, at length, they shared in 
 completely encompassing the enemy, and joined in the 
 deadly fray. Ferguson soon found that he had not so much 
 the advantage in position as he had anticipated ; for the sum- 
 mit of the mountain was bare of timber, exposing his men to 
 the assaults of the back-woods riflemen, who, as they 
 pressed up the ridge, availed themselves of the trees on its 
 sides, which afforded them protection, and which served to 
 retard the movements of the British charging parties. As 
 the enemy were drawn up in close column on the crest of 
 the mountain, they presented a fair mark for the rifles of the 
 mountaineers, f and they suffered severely by the exposure. 
 The famous cavalry Colonel, Harry Lee, well observed of 
 Ferguson's chosen place for battle — it was " more assailable 
 by the rifle than defensible with the bayonet." § 
 
 Among the keenest of the sharp-shooters under Shelby 
 was Josiah Culbertson, so favorably noticed elsewhere in 
 this work. He had been selected with others to get pos- 
 
 '-' Bancroft, x, 338. 
 
 tMS. statement of Gen. Thomas Love, derived from Captain David Vance. 
 
 X Shelby's narrative in the American Review. 
 
 gLee's Memoirs of the War, revised edition, N. Y., 1872, p 200, 
 
IPWWrfTilTir^ 
 
 
 1,^ ^ 
 
 ESAiL© SBmiHBTo 
 
 '^,^2:^ 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 253 
 
 session of an elevated position, for wliich a Tory Captain 
 and a party under him stoutly contended ; but Culbertson 
 and his riflemen were too alert for their antagonists, and 
 pressing closely upon them, forced them to retire to some 
 large rocks, where Culbertson at length shot their leader in 
 the head, when the survivors fled, and soon after with their 
 fellows were compelled to surrender. * 
 
 Captain Moses Shelby, a brother of the Colonel, received 
 two wounds in the action — the last dirough his thigh near 
 his body, disabling it, so that he could not stand without help. 
 He was assisted down to a branch, some distance from the 
 foot of the mountain, and was left with his rifle for his de- 
 fence, should he need it. Seeing one of the soldiers coming 
 down too frequently to the branch under plea of thirst. 
 Captain Shelby admonished him if he repeated his visit he 
 would shoot him ; that it was no time to shirk duty, f 
 
 But a portion of the Tories had concealed themselves 
 behind a chain of rocks in that quarter, from which they 
 kept up a destructive fire on the Americans. As Camp- 
 bell's and Shelby's men came in contact at the south- 
 western end of the ridge, Shelby directed Ensign Robert 
 Campbell, of the Viginians, to move to the right, with a 
 small party, and endeavor to dislodge the enemy from 
 their rocky ramparts. Ensign Campbell led his men, 
 under fire of the British and Tory lines, within forty steps 
 of them ; but discovering that the Whigs had been driven 
 down the hill, he gave orders to his party to post them- 
 selves, as securely as possible, opposite to the rocks and 
 near to the enemy, while he himself went to the assistance 
 of Campbell and his fellow officers in bringing the regiment 
 to order, and renewing the contest. These directions were 
 punctually obeyed, and the watching party kept up so gall- 
 ino- a fire with their well-plied rifle shots, as to compel 
 
 * Washington, Indiana, Weekly Register, Oct. 17, 1839. 
 
 f Captain Moses Shelby's Statement. Conversation with Maj. Thomas H. Shelby, 
 son of Governor Shelby, in 1S63. 
 
254 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Ferguson to order a stronger force to cover and strengthen 
 his men behind their rocky defence ; but, towards the close 
 of the action, they were forced to retire, with their demor- 
 ahzed associates, to the north-eastern portion of the moun- 
 tain.* 
 
 The battle now raging all around the mountain was almost 
 terrific. " When that conflict began," exclaimed the late 
 eloquent Bailie Peyton, of Tennessee, "the mountain 
 appeared volcanic ; there flashed along its summit, and 
 around its base, and up its sides, one long sulphurous 
 blaze." f The shouts of the mountaineers, the peals of 
 hundreds of rifles and muskets, the loud commands and 
 encouraging words of the respective officers, with every 
 now and then the shrill screech of Ferguson's silver 
 whistle high above the din and confusion of the battle, 
 intermingled with the groans of the wounded in every part 
 of the line, combined to convey the idea of another pande- 
 monium. 
 
 Colonel Lacey and his gallant South Carolinians, who 
 had seen hard service under Sumter on many a well-fought 
 field, rushed forward to share in the contest. At the very 
 first fire of the enemy. Colonel Lacey's fine horse was shot 
 from under him. With a single exception these South 
 Carolinians, mostly from York and Chester, proved them- 
 selves worthy of the high reputation they had gained on 
 other fields. That exception was an amusing one — a man 
 who, at he£W"t, was as true a patriot as could be found in the 
 Carolinas ; but who constitutionally could not stand the smell 
 of powder, and invariably ran at the very first fire. 
 When about going into action to fight Ferguson and his 
 Tories, his friends, knowing his weakness, advised him to 
 remain behind. "No," said he, indignantly, "I am 
 determined to stand my ground to-daj^ live or die.''' True 
 to his instinct, at the very first fire he took to his heels, as 
 
 * Ensign CampbeU's narrative ; his statement, also, as published in 1823. 
 ■j-Mr. Peyton's speech in Congress, January i6th, 1834. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 255 
 
 usual. After the battle was over, when he returned, his 
 friends chided him for his conduct. " From the first fire," 
 said he, by way of apolog)', " I knew nothing whatever 
 till I was gone about a hundred and fifty yards ; and when 
 I came to myself, recollecting my resolves, I tried to stop ; 
 but my confounded legs zvould carry me off!" * But for- 
 tunately his associates were made up of better material, 
 and rendered their country good service on this occasion. 
 
 No regiment had their courage and endurance more 
 severely tested than Campbell's. They were the first in 
 the onset — the first to be charged down the declivity by 
 Ferguson's Rangers — and the first to rally and return to 
 the contest. Everything depended upon successfully rally- 
 ing the men when first driven down the mountain. Had 
 they have become demoralized as did the troops at Gates' 
 defeat near Camden, and as did some of Greene's militia 
 at Guilford, they would have brought disgrace and disaster 
 upon the Whig cause. When repulsed at the point of the 
 bayonet, the well-known voice of their heroic commander 
 bade them "halt! — return my brave fellows, and you will 
 drive the enemy immediately ! "f He was promptly obeyed, 
 for Campbell and his officers had the full confidence and 
 control of their mountaineers. They bravely faced about, 
 and drove the enemy, in turn, up the mountain. In these 
 desperate attacks, many a hand-to-hand fight occurred, and 
 many an act of heroism transpired, the wonder and admir- 
 ation of all beholders ; but there were so many such heroic 
 incidents, where all were heroes, that only the particulars 
 of here and there one have been handed down to us. 
 Ensign Robert Campbell, at the head of a charging party, 
 with singular boldness and address, killed Lieutenant 
 McGinnis, a brave officer of Ferguson's Rangers. J 
 
 Captain William Edmondson, also of Campbell's regi- 
 ment, remarked to John McCrosky, one of his men, that 
 
 * Moore's Life of Lncey, i8. 
 
 ■{■Statement of David Campbell, of Campbell's Station, who shared in the action. 
 
 X Ramsey's Tennessee, 240. 
 
256 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 he was not satisfied with his position, and dashed forward 
 into the hottest part of the battle, and there received the 
 charge of DePeyster's Rangers, discharged his gun, then 
 clubbed it and knocked the rifle out of the grasp of one 
 of the Britons. Seizing him by the neck, he made him his 
 prisoner, and brought him to the foot of the hill. Returning 
 again up the mountain, he bravely fell fighting in front of 
 his company, near his beloved Colonel. His faithful 
 soldier, McCrosky, when the contest was ended, went in 
 search of his Captain, found him, and related the great 
 victory gained, when the dying man nodded his satifaction 
 of the result. The stern Colonel Campbell was seen to 
 brush awa}^ a tear, when he saw his good friend and heroic 
 Captain stretched upon the ground under a tree, with one 
 hand clutching his side, as if to restrain his life blood from 
 ebbing away until the battle was over. He heard the shout 
 of victory as his commander and friend grasped his other 
 hand. He was past speaking; but he kissed his Colonel's 
 hand, smiled, loosed his feeble hold on life, and the 
 Christian patriot went to his reward.* 
 
 Lieutenant Reece Bowen, who commanded one of the 
 companies of the Virginia regiment, was observed while 
 marching forward to attack the enemy, to make a hazard- 
 ous and unnecessary exposure of his person. Some friend 
 kindly remonstrated with him — " Why Bowen, do you not 
 take a tree — why rashly present )'Ourself to the deliberate 
 aim of the Provincial and Tory riflemen, concealed behind 
 every rock and bush before you? — death will inevitably 
 follow, if you persist." "Take to a tree," he indignantly 
 rephed — "no! — never shall it be said, that I sought safety 
 by hiding my person, or dodging from a Briton or Tory 
 who opposed me in the field." Well had it been for him 
 and his country, had he been more prudent, and, as his 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, 240-41 ; General John S. Preston's Address at the King's Moun- 
 tain Celebration in October, 1855, p. 60. Ramsey states, that Captain Edmondson received 
 a mortal wound in the breast, while Charles Bowen, one of his soldiers, says he was shot 
 in the head. He may have been shot both in the head and body. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 257 
 
 superiors had advised, taken shelter whenever it could be 
 found, for he had scarcely concluded his brave utterance, 
 when a rifle ball struck him in the breast. He fell and 
 expired. * 
 
 The " red-haired Campbell— the cla5'more of the Argyle 
 gleaming in his hand, and his blue eye glittering with a 
 lurid flame," wherever he was, dashing here and there 
 along the line, was himself a host. His clarion voice rang 
 out above the clash of resounding arms and the peals of 
 successive riflery, encouraging his heroic mountaineers to 
 victory. And thus the battle raged with increased fury — the 
 mountain men constantly gaining more confidence, and 
 steadily lessening the number of their foes. 
 
 Nor were the other columns idle. Major Chronicle 
 and Lieutenant Colonel Hambright led their little band of 
 South Fork boys up the north-east end of the mountain, 
 where the ascent was more abrupt than elsewhere, save 
 where Campbell's men made their attack. As they reached 
 the base of the ridge, with Chronicle some ten paces in 
 advance of his men, he raised his militar}^ hat, crying out — 
 " Face to the hill I " Fie had scarcely uttered his command, 
 when a ball struck him, and he fell ; and William Rabb, 
 within some six feet of Chronicle, was killed almost in- 
 stantly thereafter. The men steadily pressed on, under the 
 leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Hambright, Major Joseph 
 Dickson, and Captains Mattocks, Johnston, White, Espey 
 and Martin — a formidable list of officers for so small a body 
 of men ; but th^ all took their places in the line, and fought 
 with determined heroism. Before they reached the crest of 
 the mountain, the enemy charged bayonet — said to have 
 been led by DePeyster — first firing off" their guns, by which 
 Robert Henry supposed that Captain Mattocks and John 
 Boji'd were killed, and W^illiam Gilmer, a brother of the 
 
 *Gaxi^n'% Anecdotes, second series, p. 212, presumably communicated for that work 
 by Judge Peter Johnston, of Abingdon, Virginia, a distinguished officer of L&e's Legion 
 during the Revolution, and the ancestor of the present Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, and 
 Hon. John W. Johnston, United States Senator from that State. 
 17 
 
258 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 noted scout, and John Chittim wounded — the latter of 
 Captain Martin's companj^ was shot in his side, making an 
 orifice, through which, according to tradition, a silk hand- 
 kerchief could be dra\vn, and yet he recovered, living to a 
 good old age. * 
 
 One gallant young fellow, Robert Henry, then in his 
 sixteenth year, had taken his position behind a log stretched 
 across a hollow ; and was getting ready to give the enemy 
 another shot, when the bayonet chargers came dashing 
 along. One of the enemy was advancing rapidly on 
 young Henry, who was in the act of cocking his gun, when 
 his antagonist's bayonet glanced along Henry's gun-barrel, 
 passing clear through one of his hands, and penetrating into 
 his thigh. Henrjr, in the melee, had shot the Torjr, and 
 both fell to the ground — the young Whig hero completely 
 transfixed. Henry was pretty well enveloped in powder- 
 smoke ; but sad and helpless as was his condition, he could 
 not help observing that man}^ of his South Fork friends 
 were not more than a gun's length ahead of the Tory bay- 
 onets, and the farthest could not have exceeded twenty feet, 
 when thej' fired, with deadly effect, upon their pursuers, 
 and retired to the bottom of the hill, quickly re-loading, and 
 in turn chasing their enemies up the mountain. 
 
 William Caldwell, one of Henr3''s companions, seeing 
 his situation, pulled the bayonet out of his thigh ; but find- 
 ing it yet sticking fast to the young soldier's hand, gave the 
 wounded limb a kick with his boot, which loosened the 
 bloody instrument from its hold. Henry suffered more in 
 the operation of extracting the bayonet, than when the 
 Briton made the effective thrust, driving it through his hand 
 and into his thigh. Again upon his feet, he picked up his 
 gun with his uninjured hand, and found it empty — how, he 
 could not tell ; but supposed, as he received the terrible 
 bayonet thrust, that he must, almost instinctively, have 
 touched the trigger, and discharged his rifle, and that the 
 
 *MS. letter of Dr. C, L. Hunter. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 259 
 
 "ball must have cut some main artery of his antagonist, as 
 he bled profusely.* 
 
 Another incident of the battle : When WiUiara Twitty, 
 who behaved so gallantly in the defence of Graham's Fort 
 the preceding summer, and now serving among the South 
 Fork or Lincoln boys, discovered that his most intimate 
 crony had been shot down by his side, he believed that he 
 knew from the powder-smoke, from behind which tree the 
 fatal ball had sped ; and watching his opportunity to avenge 
 the death of his friend, he had not long to wait, for soon he 
 observed a head poking itself out from its shelter, when he 
 quickly fired, and the Tory fell. After the battle, Twitty 
 repaired to the tree and found one of his neighbors, a well- 
 known Loyalist, with his brains blown out.f 
 
 Abram Forney, a brave soldier of Captain William 
 Johnston's company, of the Lincoln men, used in after 
 years to relate this incident of the battle : When the contest 
 had become warm and well-maintaingd on both sides, a 
 small party of Whigs, not relishing the abundance of lead 
 flying all around them, and occasionally cutting down some 
 gallant comrade at their side, concluded to take temporarj^ 
 shelter behind an old hollow chestnut tree — a mere shell — 
 which stood near, and from its walls to pour forth a 
 destructive fire upon the enemy. The British, however, 
 presently observed the quarter whence this galling fire 
 proceeded, and immediately returned their compliments in 
 
 *MS. narrative of Robert Henry: MS. letter of Robert C. GiUam, Sept 2gth, 1858, 
 giving statements derived from an interview with Mr. Henry, 
 
 Mr. Henry was born in a rail pen, in then Rowan, now Iredall County, North Carolina. 
 January loth, 1765. Full of patriotism, though young, he shared in the trials and perils of 
 the Revolution, and in due time recovered from the severe wounds he received at King's 
 Mountain. In 1795, he was one of the party who ran the boundary line between North 
 Carolina and Tennessee. He subsequently studied law, and practised his profession many 
 years in Buncombe County, He served in the House of Commons in 1833 and 1834. He 
 was a clear and forcible public speaker; and his memory deserves to be held in grateful 
 remembrance for preserving the narrative of the King's Mountain campaign and battle, so 
 frequently cited in this work. He died in the new County of Clay, North Carolina, 
 January 6th, 1863, within four days of attaining the patriarchal age of ninety-eight years, 
 and he was undoubtedly the last of the heroes of King's Mountain. 
 
 -I" MS. correspondence of Wm. L. Twitty, grandson of William Twitty. 
 
260 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 the shape of a few well-aimed volleys at the old shell, com- 
 pletely perforating it with balls, and finally shivering it in 
 pieces.* 
 
 When Cleveland's regiment hastened to their appointed 
 place of attack, under a heavy fire while on the way, their 
 brave commander exclaimed, pointing significantly to the 
 mountain, "Yonder is your enemy, and the enemy of 
 mankind!" They were soon hotly engaged with the 
 Loyalists lining the brow of the eminence before them. 
 From the Colonel down to the humblest private they all 
 heartily detested Tories, and fought them with a resolute 
 determination to subdue them at all hazards. They sought 
 all natural places of protection — trees, logs, rocks, and 
 bushes ; when Cleveland would, ever and anon, vocifer- 
 ously urge onward and upward his troops — "a little nearer 
 to them, my brave men ! " And the men of Wilkes and 
 Surry would then dart from their places of concealment, and 
 make a dash for more advanced positions. Occasionally 
 one of their number would fall, which only served to nerve 
 on the survivors to punish the Tories yet more effectually. 
 
 In one of these bold and dashing forays, Lieutenant 
 Samuel Johnson, of Captain Joel Lewis' company, was more 
 adventurous than prudent, and found himself and men in a 
 most dangerous and exposed position, which resulted in the 
 loss of several of his soldiers, and receiving himself a severe 
 wound in the abdomen. Three bullet holes were made in 
 one skirt of his coat, and four in the other. After Lieuten- 
 ant Johnson had fallen, and while the contest was yet 
 fiercely raging around him, he repeatedly threw up, his 
 hands, shouting — "-^ Huzza, boys!" The salvation of his 
 life was attributed to the scanty amount of food he had taken 
 during the three days preceding the battle, so difficult had 
 it been to obtain it. f Of his fellow officers of Cleveland's 
 regiment who were also among the wounded, were Major 
 
 *Dr. C. L. Hunter, in IVkeeler s North Carolina^ ii, 245, 
 
 -{- Pension statenlent of Johnson's widow, substantiated by surviving witnesses. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 261 
 
 Micaj ah Lewis, Captain Joel Lewis, Captain Minor Smith, 
 and Lieutenant James M. Lewis ; the three wounded Lewises 
 were brothers, and a noble triumvirate they were. Daniel 
 Siske and Thomas Bicknell were among the killed of the 
 Wilkes regiment, as the manuscript records of that county 
 show. 
 
 Many a mortal combat and hand-to-hand rencontre, 
 took place in this part of the line. Charles Gordon, appar- 
 ently a young officer, made a quick, bold movement into 
 the midst of the enemy, seizing a Tory officer by his cue, 
 and commenced dragging him down the mountain, when 
 the fellow suddenly drew and discharged his pistol, break- 
 ing Gordon's left arm ; whereupon the latter, with his sword 
 in hand, killed the officer outright. The whole affair was 
 but the work of a moment, and was regarded at the time as 
 an intrepid act — a prodigy of valor. * David Witherspoon, 
 also of Cleveland's regiment, in getting into close quarters, 
 discovered one of the enemy prostrate on the ground, 
 loading and firing in rapid succession. Witherspoon drew 
 his rifle on him and fired, when the Red Coat, wounded, 
 pitched the butt of his gun, in submission, towards his 
 antagonist, throwing up his hands imploring mercy ; and 
 when Witherspoon reached him, he found his mouth full of 
 balls, chewing them so as to make them jagged, and render 
 the wounds they might inflict more fatal, f 
 
 Early in the engagement. Colonel Cleveland's noble 
 steed, "Roebuck," received two wounds, and he had to dis- 
 mount ; yet, unwieldly as he was, he managed under the 
 excitement surrounding him, to keep fully up with his men, 
 
 '■'MS. statements of Rev. Z. H. Gordon, and Mrs Sarah C. Law, nephew and niece of 
 the hero of this adventure. Charles Gordon was a native of the Fredericksburg region, in 
 Virginia, early settling in what subsequently became Wilkes County, North Carolina, 
 where he filled public positions, ^nd became a Major in the militia. He married a daughter 
 of General Lenoir, dying near what is now Patterson, Caldwell County, in that State, 
 March 24, 1799. at the age of about thirty-seven years. Charles G. McDowell, of Shufords- 
 ville, N. C, and the lady of Hon James C. Harper of Patterson, are his grand-children, 
 and Mrs. C. A. Cilley. of Lenoir, N C, is his great grand-Jaughter. 
 
 •f-MS. letter of Col. J. H. Witherspoon, a son of David Witherspoon, Nov. 25, 1880, 
 giving the incident as related to him by his father. 
 
262 ■ KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 and, with rifle in hand, gallantly fulfilling all the duties of 
 the occasion ; until he was at length remounted, one of his 
 men bringing him another horse. * An incident occurred, 
 near the close of the contest, of an exciting character, and 
 which very nearl}' cost the heroic Colonel his life. Charles 
 Bowen, of Captain William Edmondson's company, of 
 Campbell's regiment, heard vaguely that his brother. Lieu- 
 tenant Reece Bowen, had been killed, and was much dis- 
 tressed and exasperated in consequence. On the spur of 
 the moment, and without due consideration of the danger 
 he incurred, he commenced a wild and hurried search for 
 his brother, hoping he might j^et find him in a wounded 
 condition only. He soon came across his own fallen Cap- 
 tain Edmondson, shot in the head, and dying ; and hurry- 
 ing from one point to another, he at length found himself 
 within fifteen or twenty paces of the enemy, and near to 
 Colonel Cleveland, when he slipped behind a tree. 
 
 At this time, the enemy began to waver, and show 
 signs of surrendering. Bowen promptly shot down the first 
 man among them who hoisted a flag ; and immediately, as 
 the custom was, turned his back to the tree, to re-load, 
 when Cleveland advanced on foot, suspecting from the 
 wildness of his actions that he was a Tory, and demanded 
 the countersign, which Bowen, in his half-bewildered state 
 of mind, had, for the time being, forgotten. Cleveland, 
 now confirmed in his conjectures, instantljr levelled his rifle 
 at Bowen's breast, and attempted to shoot ; but fortunately 
 it missed fire. Bowen enraged, and perhaps hardly aware 
 of his own act, jumped at and seized Cleveland by the 
 collar, snatched his tomahawk from his belt, and would in 
 another moment have buried it in the Colonel's brains, had 
 not his armbeen arrested by a soldier, named Buchanan, who 
 knew both parties. Bowen, now coming to himself, recol- 
 lected the countersign, and gave it — " Buford ;" when 
 Cleveland dropped his gun, and clasped Bowen in his arms 
 
 * Sharp's narrative. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 263 
 
 for joy, that each had so narrowly and unwittingly been re- 
 strained from sacrificing the other.* Well has a noble 
 South Carolina orator, a grandson of the illustrious Camp- 
 bell, described him — " Cleveland, so brave and yet so 
 gentle !" f 
 
 *Bowen's MS. pension statement, 1832, then of Blount County, Tennessee. 
 + Gen. Jolin S, Preston's King's Mountain Address,i855. p. 60. 
 
264 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Battle.— October 7th, 1780. 
 
 Further Progress and hicidents of the Contest.—Heroic Act of William 
 Robertson. — Thomas Robertson Shoots a Tricky Tory. — Treatment 
 of the Tory, Branson, by Captain VVithrow. — Captain Lenoir's 
 Part in the Battle. — Captai>t Robert Sevier Wounded. — Alarm 
 concerning Tarleton. — Mistake caused by Campbell' s Bald Faced 
 Horse. — Campbell' s Daring Reconnoitre. — Anecdote of Cleveland. 
 — Colonel Williajns' Patriotic Conduct. — William Giles "Creased" 
 — Revives, and Renews the Fight. — Thomas Young's Relation of 
 Colonel Williams' Fall. — Major Hamjnond's Desperate Charge, 
 and singular Premonition of one of his Men. — Campbell and Shelby 
 Renewing the Attack. — Lieutenant- Colonel Hambright Wounded. — 
 Ferguson s Pride and Recklessness — Attemptitig to Escape, is 
 Mortally Woimded. — Various Statements of Colonel Williams' 
 Fall. — Furious Charge of Campbell' s and Shelby's Men. — Several 
 Corps drive/t down the Mountain. — British Over-Shoot the Whigs. — 
 North Carolina Tories first to Weaken. — Colonel Graham's Ujiex- 
 pected Return. — Fergicsoji's Fall — DePeyster Vindicated. — Whigs 
 slow to Recognize the White Flag. — Young Sevier's Shooting 
 Paroxysm. — Efforts of Shelby and Campbell io Quell the Firing of 
 the Whigs. — Three Rousing Cheers for the Great Victory. — 
 Colonel Williams' Shot — an Exciting Scene. — Confiicting Stories 
 of his Fatal Charge. — British Officers Surrender their Swords. — 
 Ferguson' s Heroic Conduct in the Battle — his Mistakes. — He' 7vas 
 Mortally Wounded, not Killed Out-Right. — Curiosity of the Whigs 
 to View his Body. — His Mistresses. — Privations and Sufferings of 
 the Mountaineers. — Strength of the Tories — Absence of their 
 Leaders. — Their Fighting Qualities. — Dismay of the Southern 
 British Commanders. — Their Ignorance of the Over-Mountain 
 Whig Settleynents. — Boone not on the Ca7npaign. — Duration of the 
 Battle. — Strength and Losses of the British and Tories. — Colonels 
 fohn and Patrick Moore. — Number of Prisoners Taken. — Errors 
 in Reports of Losses. — Names of Whigs Killed and Wounded. — 
 Death of Captain Sevier. — William Moore Wounded. — Remarkable 
 Losses in Campbell' s Regiment. — Captains Weir and Shannon 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 265 
 
 Arrive. — Counting the Dead. — Caring for the Wounded.— Guard- 
 ing the Prisoners. — Scarcity of Provisions. — King's Moimlain 
 Souvenirs. — Heart- Rending Scenes of the Battle-Field. — The 
 NiglU after the Action. 
 
 All the different corps fought well at King's Mountain. 
 The Burke and Rutherford battalion, under McDowell and 
 Hampton, performed their full share in the engagement. 
 Among Hampton's men was William Robertson, who 
 during the fight was shot completely through the body, the 
 ball entering at one side, and passing out at the other. 
 He fell quite helpless to the ground. His wound was 
 apparently mortal, and chancing to recognize one of his 
 neighbors lying down near him, he anxiously inquired if he, 
 too, was wounded. The reply was, that his ^un was choked, 
 or something of the kind, and would not fire. Robertson 
 then gave him his rifle. "Give me your shot-bag, also, 
 old fellow," he added, for his own supply was exhausted. 
 With his own hand the fallen patriot delivered him 
 his ammunition. But God was better to the wounded 
 hero than his fears ; for in due time he recovered, and raised 
 a family, living near Brittain, in Rutherford County, on 
 the farm now occupied by William L. Twitty. * 
 
 Thomas Robertson, a brother of the wounded man, was 
 posted behind a tree, when a Tory neighbor, named 
 Lafferty, discovering him, called him by name ; and Rob- 
 ertson peering around the tree to see, if he could, who had 
 spoken to him, when a ball sped quickly past him, cutting 
 the bark of the tree near his head. Robertson instantly 
 fired back, before his antagonist could regain his position, 
 mortally wounding the tricky Tory, who was near enough 
 to exclaim, and be heard, "Robertson, you have ruined 
 me I" " The d — 1 help you," responded the Whig, and then 
 re-loading his rifle, renewed the fight for freedom. A Tory 
 named Branson was wounded and fell ; and seeing his 
 
 *Gen. Lenoir, in Wheeler's North Carolina, ii, 107: MS. correspondence of Wm. L. 
 Twitty, who derived the incident from A. B. Long. 
 
266 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Whig brother-in-law, Captain James Withrow, of Hampton's 
 men, begged his relation to assist him. "Look to your 
 friends for help," was the response, evincive of the bitter- 
 ness that existed between the Whigs and Loyalists in those 
 times. * 
 
 All of Captain Wilham Lenoir's company of Cleveland's 
 regiment, save half a dozen, remained behind with the other 
 footmen at Green river, while the Captain himself went 
 'forward in a private capacity, falling into line wherever he 
 Ibund it most convenient — fighting " on his own hook." 
 He fell in immediately behind Winston's men, in front of 
 the right hand column, where he could see whfit was going 
 on under McDowell and Hampton. He says he advanced 
 the nearest way toward the enemy, under a heavy fire, 
 until he got within thirty paces. He noticed the particular 
 instance of bravery just related of William Robertson. 
 "About that time," he adds, "I received a slight wound 
 in my side, and another in my left arm ; and, after that, a 
 bullet went through my hair above where it was tied, and 
 my clothes were cut in several places. "f Participating in 
 this close and hotly-contested action, it is sufficiently evident, 
 was no child's play to those engaged in it. 
 
 Sevier's column at length gained the summit of the hill, 
 driving the enemy's left flank upon his center. | But they 
 were not subjected to any bayonet charges — save a portion 
 of the left, who hastened to the support of Campbell's regi- 
 ment, when hard pressed, and became intermingled with 
 them. Captain Robert Sevier was mortally wounded 
 towards the close of the action, and becoming faint and 
 thirsty, was assisted, by his brother, Joseph Sevier, some 
 distance to a hollow, where there was a spring of water. 
 
 The last time Campbell and Shelby's men were driven 
 down the declivity, the mountaineers learned in some way — 
 
 *MS. correspondence of W. L. Twitty, who adds, that the gun that Thomas Robert- 
 son used in the battle, is in the possession of one of his decendants. 
 
 \ General Lenoir's narrative, in Wheeler's North Carolina^ ii, 107. 
 \ Official report of the Colonels to General Gates. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 267 
 
 perhaps by deceptive shouting on the part of the enemy — 
 that Tai-leton with his horse had come, which seemed for the 
 moment to have a dispiriting efiect ; when the officers, includ- 
 ing Colonel Sevier, rode along the fine, calling upon the 
 men to halt, assuring them that Tarleton was not there; and 
 if he were, they could also make him, like Ferguson's 
 Rangers, turn their backs, and flee up the mountain. This 
 time the riflerpen pressed upon the enemy with the utmost 
 firmness and determination. * 
 
 In the beginning of the action, Colonel Campbell's 
 famous Bald Face, a black horse, proving skitdsh, he ex- 
 changed him with his namesake, a Mr. Campbell, of his 
 own corps, for a bay animal ; and Bald Face was sent to 
 the rear, and placed in charge of the Colonel's servant, 
 John Broddy, who was a tall, well-proportioned mulatto, 
 and in the distance very much resembled his master, f 
 Broddy's curiosity prompted him to ride up within two 
 hundred yards of the raging battle, sajdng " he had come 
 to see what his master and the rest were doing." X Broddy, 
 with his coat off, and sitting upon Bald Face, unwittingly 
 deceived Colonels Shelby and Sevier, Captain Moses 
 Shelby, and perhaps others, into the belief that it was Col- 
 onel Campbell himself, intently watching at a respectful 
 distance, the progress of the engagement. But Campbell was 
 all this time in the thickest of the fight, riding his bay 
 
 * Conversations with Colonel G. W. *^eviei , son of Colonel Sevier. 
 
 -[-Colonel Cleveland was something of a wag. While in camp, £■« route ior King's 
 Mountain, the obese and jolly Colonel walked up to Campbell's markee, and seeing him 
 at the entrance and very much resembling his servant, pretended to mistake him for the 
 latter, and accosted him with—" Halloo, Jack, did you take good care of my noble Roe- 
 buck when you fed your master's horse ? — Ah ! I ask your pardon, Colonel Campbell ; you 
 and your servant look so much alike, led to the mistake!" The joke was received, as it 
 was given, in the best of good humor, and was much enjoyed among the officers. This 
 anecdote was related to the author in 1843. by Benjamin Starritt, of Fayette County, Tenn., 
 who was one of Lee's Legion in the Revolution, and Lee's and Campbell's corps fought 
 together at the battle of Guilford ; and Starritt personally knew Cleveland, and had two 
 brothers-in-law under Sevier at King's Mountain. 
 
 I No doubt others of the sons of Africa, beside Broddy, aided in menial occupations 
 on the campaign. It is worthy of record, that " there is a tradition in the King's Moun- 
 tain region," says Colonel J. R. Logan, " that something more than a dozen negroes were 
 under arms in the battle, in behalf of liberty, and demeaned themselves bravely." 
 
268 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 horse till he became exhausted, when he abandoned him, 
 and was the remainder of the battle at the head of his men, 
 on foot, with his coat off and his shirt collar open.* 
 
 It was during that critical period of the battle, when the 
 final rally of the Virginians had been made, and after Col- 
 onel Campbell's horse had given out, that the intrepid chief 
 ascended the mountain on foot, several paces in advance of 
 his men ; and, having reached the point of the ridge, he 
 climbed over a steep rock, and took a view of the position 
 of the enemy within a very short distance of their lines, and 
 discovered that they were retreating from behind the rocky 
 i-ampart they had hitherto occupied with so much security 
 to themselves, and injury to the mountaineers, when he 
 rejoined his men unharmed, f 
 
 Colonel Williams, who felt offended that his merit — and 
 his superior rank, also — had not been recognized by the other 
 Colonels, at first refused to take part in the battle ; J but he 
 could not, after all, when the pinch came, resist so glorious 
 an opportunity to do his country service, and redeem, it 
 may be, the errors of the past. Williams wheeled chival- 
 rously into line on the left of Shelby, exclaiming to his 
 followers, " Come on, my boj's — the old wagoner never yet 
 backed out. "§ Though his numbers were few, Williams 
 
 * Statements of Lieutenant Newell and James Snodgrass, of Campbell's regiment, and 
 Thomas Maxwell of Shelby's men, together with the published account of General John 
 Campbell, in the Richmond Enquirer, June 24, 1823, with the appended letter of "J. C," 
 dated Washington County, Virginia, June 13, 1823; corroborated by statements of Ex- 
 Governor David Campbell of Abingdon, Va., to the author. General Campbell asserts in 
 his article, that Andrew Evins also declared that Colonel Campbell rode his bay horse in 
 the action until he gave out. 
 
 William Moore, Israel Hayter, James Keyes, Benjamin White, William Anderson, of 
 Campbell's regiment; Jacob Norris, James Pierce, and Gideon Harrison of Sevier's; and 
 Joseph Phillips, of Cleveland's, also testify to the fact that it was Colonel Campbell's bay, 
 not his bald faced horse that he rode in the action. Much confusion grew out of the 
 mistake that it was Buid Fare that Campbell rode on the field, and on which he was supposed 
 to have retired to a place of safety long before the conclusion of the battle. Several o^ 
 Campbell's own men, and those who were nearest to him. and had the best means of know- 
 ing, unite in declaring that this is a grievous error. See. also. Southern Literary Messenger 
 September, 1845; and Foote's Sketches of North Carolina. 271. 
 
 f Ensign Robert Campbell's narrative ; Holston Intelligencer^ October, 1810. 
 
 t MS. letter of Dr. M. A. Moore to Dr. J. H. Logan. 
 
 \ Dr. C L. Hunter, in Wheeler's North Carolina, ii, 246, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 269 
 
 had several good and experienced partisan officers — 
 Brandon, Hammond, Hayes, Roebuck and Dillard among 
 them ; and their intrepid example had an inspiring effect 
 upon the men under their command. 
 
 Among the ' ' bravest of the brave ' ' who fought under 
 Williams- and Brandon, was William Giles, some of whose 
 heroic adventures in the Union region in South Carolina, 
 have already been related. The battle-field of King's 
 Mountain was a fitting scene for such a fearless spirit. 
 During the contest, into which he entered with his accus- 
 tomed zeal, he received a ball through the back of his neck, 
 and fell as if dead. William Sharp, his fellow-hero, his neigh- 
 bor, his friend and relation, stopped a moment, brushed away 
 a tear from his eye, saying — •' Poor fellow, he is dead ; but 
 if I am spared a little longer, I will avenge his fall." After 
 firing his rifle several times. Sharp, to his astonishment, saw 
 Giles raise himself up, rest upon his elbow, and commence 
 loading his gun. He had got creased, as it is said of horses 
 when shot through the upper part of the neck, and falling 
 helpless to the ground, after a while recover. Giles was soon 
 upon his feet again, fought through the battle, and lived to 
 a good old age. His son of the same name, in after years 
 represented both York and Union Counties in the South 
 Carolina Legislature.* 
 
 Thomas Young, also under Williams and Brandon, re- 
 lates a touching incident. An uncle of his, one McCrarj-, 
 was then a prisoner with the British on Edisto Island ; and 
 his wife, for fear her husband would be hung, compelled 
 her youthful son, Matthew McCrary, to turn out and join 
 Ferguson. "Just after we had reached the top of the hill," 
 says Young, "Matthew discovered me, and ran from the 
 British line, and threw his arms around me for jo}^ I told 
 him to get a gun and fight ; he said he could not ; when I 
 bade him let me go, that I might fight." Whether young 
 McCrary found a gun, and shared in the engagement, we 
 
 "■' MS. notes of Hon. Daniel Wallace. 
 
270 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 are not informed ; but certain it is, the lad had thrown 
 away his British rifle, and the enemj'- had one less follower 
 among their number. * 
 
 " I well remember," continvies Young, " how I behaved. 
 Ben Rollings worth and I took right up the side of the 
 mountain, and fought our way, from tree to tree, up to the 
 summit. I recollect I stood behind one tree, and fired 
 until the bark was nearljr all knocked off, and my eyes 
 pretty well filled with it. One fellow shaved me pretty 
 close, for his bullet took a piece out of mj^ gun-stock. 
 Before I was aware of it, I found myself apparently between 
 my own regiment and the enemy, as I judged from seeing 
 the paper which the Whigs wore in their hats, and the pine 
 twigs the Tories wore in theirs, these being the badges of 
 distinction. 
 
 " On the top of the mountain," Mr. Young adds, "in 
 the thickest of the fight, I saw Colonel Williams fall, and a 
 braver or a better man never died upon the field of battle. 
 I had seen him but once before, that day — it was in the 
 beginning of the action, as he charged by me at full speed 
 around the mountain. Toward the summit a ball struck 
 his horse under the jaw, when he commenced stamping as 
 if he were in a nest of yellow jackets. Colonel Williams 
 threw the reins over the animal's neck — sprang to the 
 ground, and dashed onward. The moment I heard the 
 cry that Colonel Williams was shot, I ran to his assistance, 
 for I loved him as a father, he had ever been so kind to me, 
 almost always carrying a cake in his pocket for me and his 
 little son, Joseph. They carried him into a tent, and 
 sprinkled some water in his face. As he revived, his first 
 words were, ' For God's sake, boys, don't give up the hill !' 
 I remember it as well as if it had occurred yesterday. I 
 left him in the arms of his son Daniel, and returned to the 
 field to avenge his fall."f 
 
 "■' Saye's Memoir o/ Mcjunkin. 
 
 + Narrative of Major Thomas Young, drawn up by Col. R. J. Gage, of Union County, 
 S. C, and published in the Orioit magazine, Oct. 1843. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 271 
 
 In one of the charges on the enemy, Major Hammond, 
 of WilHams' corps, full of his usual clash and intrepidity, 
 broke through the British lines with a small squad of brave 
 followers, when the enemy attempted to intercept their 
 return. Seeing his own and soldiers' perilous situation, 
 Hammond instantly faced about, ordering his men to join 
 him in cutting their way back, which, by dint of the most 
 heroic efforts, they successfully effected. * 
 
 A singular incident occurred, which Major Hammond 
 used to relate in connection with the contest. One of the 
 men in his command had fought in many a battle, and had 
 always proved himself true as steel. On the night preced- 
 ing the action — in some snatch of sleep, perhaps, while on 
 the march — he had a presentiment, that if he took part in 
 the impending battle he would be killed. Before reaching 
 King's Mountain, he concluded that he would, for once in 
 his life, be justifiable, under the circumstances, in skulk- 
 ing from danger, and thereby, as he believed, preserve his 
 life for future usefulness to his countrjr. So he stole ofl', 
 and hid himself. He was missed, when an orderly went 
 in search of him, and finally discovered him in an out-of- 
 the-way place, all covered up, head and body, with his 
 blanket. Though taken to the front, he soon found means 
 to absent himself again ; but his lurking place was again 
 found, and he once more hurried to the front, just before 
 the final attack. He evidently now made up his mind to 
 do his duty, and let consequences take care of themselves ; 
 and during the action he had posted himself behind a stump 
 or tree, and evidently peering his head out to get a shot, 
 received a fatal bullet in his forehead, killing him instantly. 
 Subsequently learning the cause of his singular conduct in 
 endeavoring to evade taking part in the contest. Major Ham- 
 mond regretted that he had not known it at the time, so that 
 he could have respected the soldier's conscientious convic- 
 
 * Obituary notice of Col. Samuel Hammond, September, 1S42, written by his son-in- 
 law, James H. R. Washington, corroborated by Mrs. Washington to the author, as related 
 to her by her father. 
 
272 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 tions ; but, at the moment, suspecting that he was under the 
 cowardly influence of fear, the Major could not, and would 
 not, tolerate anything of the kind in his command. * 
 
 And thus the battle waged with alternate advances and 
 repulses, the columns of Campbell and Shelby having been 
 two or three times dri^•en down the mountain at the point 
 of the bayonet — the last one almost a rout; but the brave 
 mountaineers had learned from experience when to stop in 
 their retreat, face about, and push back their assailants. 
 In this last desperate repulse, some of the Whig riflemen 
 were transfixed, while others fell head-long over the cliffs. f 
 When one column would drive the enemy back to their 
 starting place, the next regiment would raise the battle-cry 
 — " Come on, men, the enemy are retreating;" and when 
 the Provincials and Lo3'alists would make a dash upon this 
 party of mountain men, and would, in turn, be chased 
 back by them, then the other Whig riflemen, who had just 
 before been driven down the hill, would now advance, return- 
 ingthe shout — "Come on, men, the enemy are retreating !" J 
 Thus, as one of Campbell's men expressed it — "When the 
 enem}' turned, we turned." § "Three times," says Mills' 
 Statistics, " did the Britons charge with bayonet clown the 
 hill ; as often did the Americans retreat ; and the moment 
 the Britons turned then* backs, the Americans shot from 
 behind every tree, and every rock, and laid them prostrate." 
 It was the happy fruition of Shelby's perpetual battle cry — 
 " Never shoot until you see an enemy, and never see an 
 enemy, without bringing him down." | 
 
 By this time the two wings of the mountaineers were 
 pressing the enemy on both sides of the mountain, so that 
 Ferguson's men had ample employment all around the emi- 
 
 * Dr. A. L. Hammond's sketch of King's Mountain battle, in Charleston Courier, 
 June 21, 1859, 
 
 i Hamilton's Republic of the United States, ii, 161. 
 
 X General Graham's narrative. 
 
 g James Crow's statement. 
 
 II ^iX^s' National Register, iv, 403. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 273 
 
 nence, without being able to repair to each other's relief, 
 however much they needed it. At length the Provincial 
 Rangers and their fellow chargers, led by the intrepid De- 
 Peyster, began to grow weary and discouraged — steadily 
 decreasing in numbers, and making no permanent inroads 
 upon theJr tireless opposers, who, when beaten down the 
 mountain, did not choose to stay there simply to oblige 
 their enemies. From the - south-western portion of the 
 ridge, the Rangers and Tories began to give way, and were 
 doggedly driven by Campbell and Shelby, aided by some of 
 Sevier's men, and perhaps others, intermingled with them. 
 
 Near the close of the action, Lieutenant-Colonel Ham- 
 bright, while encouraging his men, received a shot through 
 his thigh, making an ugly wound — the ball passing between 
 the thigh bone and his saddle, cutting some arteries, and 
 filling his boot with blood. Discovering that the Colonel 
 was wounded, Samuel Moore, of York County, South Caro- 
 lina, proposed to assist him from his horse, which he declined, 
 assigning as a reason, that it would distract the attention of 
 his men, and, as he did not feel sick nor faint, he preferred 
 to remain with them as long as he could sustain himself in 
 the saddle. Then pressing forward, he exclaimed in his 
 broken German: " Huzza, my prave poys, fight on a few 
 minutes more, and te battle will be over!" Hearing 'this 
 encouraging shout, Ferguson, it is said, responded : "Huzza, 
 brave boys, the day is our own !" * It was among the last 
 of the British leader's utterances to animate his men in a 
 hopeless struggle. 
 
 Dr. Ramsay, in his History of Tennessee, asserts that the 
 Tories had begun to show flags in token of surrender, even 
 before Ferguson was disabled, seeing which, he rode up, in 
 two instances, and cut them down with his sword. It was 
 
 =^MS correspondence of the venerable Abraham Hardin, who knew Colonel Ham- 
 bright, and of Gill. Hambright, his descendant. Colonel Hambright, during the action, 
 had his hat perforated with three bullet holes, and this memorial of the battle was long 
 retained in the family. Though his wound was a serious one, he soon recovered ; but as 
 some of the sinews of his thigh were cut, he ever after had a halt in his walk. 
 18 
 
274 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 suggested to him by some of his officers, that it was useless 
 to prolong the contest, and throw their lives awajr. The 
 slaughter was great, the wounded were numerous, and 
 further resistance would be unavailing. But Ferguson's 
 proud heart could not think of surrendering ; he despised 
 his enemies, and swore "he never would yield to such a 
 d — d banditti." Captain DePeyster, his second in com- 
 mand, having the courage of his convictions, and " con- 
 vinced from the first of the utter futihty of resistance at the 
 point selected, advised a surrender, as soon as he became 
 satisfied that Ferguson would not fall back upon the (sup- 
 posed) rapidly advancing relief. He appears to have urged 
 the only course which could have saved the little arm}^, 
 viz: a precipitate, but orderly, retreat upon less exposed 
 points, for the purpose of assisting the General-in- 
 Chief in his attempt to re-inforce the detachment — so im- 
 portant to future and ultimate success — by drawing back, 
 nearer to some point, which alone, re-inforcements could 
 reach, and where, alone, they could be made available. 
 This advice was founded on what the event proved : that 
 the British were about to be slaughtered to no purpose, like 
 ' ducks in a coop,' without inflicting any commensurate loss. 
 The event proved the justice of this counsel." * 
 
 At length, satisfied that all was lost, and firmlj^ resolving 
 not to fall into the hands of the despised "Back-Water men," 
 Ferguson, with a few chosen friends, made a desperate at- 
 tempt to break through the Whig lines, on the south-east- 
 ern side of the mountain, and escape. The intrepid British 
 leader made a bold dash for life and freedom, with his sword 
 in his left hand, cutting and slashing till he had broken it. 
 Colonel Shelby mentions the sword incident, and Benjamin 
 Sharp corroborates it ; while several others unite in testify- 
 ing to the fact that he spurred his horse, and rushed out, 
 attempting to escape, f Before the action commenced, it 
 
 -'■Gen. DePeyster, in Historical Magazine^ March, 1869, 195. 
 
 -{- Shelby's narrative \n American Review, Shelby, ascited in Haywood's Tennessee, 
 71 ; Sharp's statement in American Pioneer, February, 1843; MS. account of King's 
 
AND ITS HEROES. ' 275 
 
 was well known that Ferguson wielded his sword in his left 
 hand, and that he wore a light or checked duster or hunt- 
 ing-shirt for an outer garment, and the admonition had 
 gone from soldier to soldier — " Look out for Ferguson with 
 his sword in his left hand, wearing a light hunting-shirt !" * 
 
 One of Sevier's men, named Gilleland, who had received 
 several wounds, and was well-nigh exhausted, seeing 
 the advance of Ferguson and his part}-, attempted to arrest 
 the career of the great leader, but his gun snapped ; when 
 he called out to Robert Young, of the same regiment — 
 " There'^ Ferguson — shoot him !'' f ' " I'll try and see what 
 Sweet-Lips can do," muttered Young, as he drew a sharp 
 sight, discharging his rifle, when Ferguson fell from his 
 horse, and his associates were either killed or driven back. 
 Several rifle bullets had taken effect on Ferguson, appar- 
 ently about the same time, and a number claimed the 
 honor of having shot the fallen chief — among them, one 
 Kusick, another of Sevier's sharp-shooters. X Certain it is, 
 that Ferguson received six or eight wounds, one of them 
 through the head. He was uriconscious when he fell, and 
 did not long survive. It was in the region of Sevier's col- 
 umn that he received his fatal shots ; and not very far, it 
 would seem, from where Colonel Shelby had posted Ensign 
 Robert Campbell to watch the motions of the enemy so 
 strongly ensconced behind the range of rocks. 
 
 Ensign Campbell gives us some further insight into 
 Ferguson's attempt at flight. It was, as he represents, when 
 
 Mountain by an unknown member of Campbell's corps; Hon. Wm. C. Preston's Defence 
 of Colonel Campbell, 1822; MS. correspondence of Ex-Governor David Campbell, and Dr. 
 A. Q. Bradley: conversations with Colonel Thomas H. Shelby. Mills, in his Statistics of 
 South Carolina, asserts thai "Ferguson attempted to force his way ; " and Wheeler's 
 North Carolina declares that " he made a desperate move to break through the American 
 lines." The Political Magazine, for February, 1781, states while " advancing to reconnoitre 
 the enemy, who were retiring, he fell by a random shot." 
 
 * Statements of James and George W. Sevier; Silas McBee, Colonel George Wilson, 
 Colonel Thomas H. Shelby, and others. Mrs. Ellet, in her Women of the Revolution, 
 iii, 293, speaks of the check-shirt disguise. 
 
 t Gilleland recovered from his wounds, and lived many years. 
 
 } Conversations with James and George W. Sevier, and Colonel George Wilson ; and 
 MS. correspondence of Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey. 
 
276 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Colonels Campbell and Shelby were pressing the enemy 
 from the south-western extremity of the mountain, and Fer- 
 guson's men were falling fast on every hand. He had sent 
 DePeyster with the Provincial Rangers to strengthen the 
 front; and in reaching the point assigned him, he had to 
 pass through a blaze of riflerj', losing many of his men in 
 the effort. Ferguson's small cavalry' corps, under Lieuten- 
 ant Taylor — consisting of twenty men, made up from his 
 Rangers — were ordered to mount, and press forward to aid 
 DePeyster in his heroic purpose ; but as fast as thej' mount- 
 ed, they were mostly picked off by the Whig marksmen. 
 Driven to desperation, Ferguson endeavored to make 
 his escape, accompanied by two Loyalist Colonels, all 
 mounted, who charged on that part of the line which 
 the};^ thought was most vulnerable — " in the quarter where 
 Sevier's men were," as related by James Sevier, one of 
 their number, and Benjamin Starritt, derived fmm his two 
 brothers-in-law, who served in Sevier's regiment ; and, as 
 Ensign Campbell stated, " on that part of the line defended 
 by his party." As soon as Ferguson reached the Whig 
 front, he fell ; and the other two officers, attempting to 
 retreat, soon shared the same fate. One of these Tory 
 officers killed was, doubtless. Colonel Vezey Husband, and 
 the other — not a Colonel, as Ensign Campbell supposed — 
 but Major Daniel Plummer. 
 
 Some accounts represent that Colonel Williams sought, 
 a personal encounter with Ferguson, determined to kill him, 
 or die in the attempt. This is more romantic than prob- 
 able. It could hardly have been so, since Ferguson was 
 shot some distance from where Williams must have received 
 his wounds, and on the opposite side of the hill ; and the 
 accounts pretty well agree, that Williams was wounded at 
 the very close of the conflict, when the enemy had begun 
 to exhibit their white flags, * while Ferguson was shot from 
 
 ♦Mills, in his Statistics of South Carolina, states, that Colotiel Williams "'had the 
 good fortune to encounter personally in battle Colonel Ferguson, who attempted to force 
 
AND ITS HEROES, 277 
 
 his horse some little time before. The suggestion made by 
 Colonel Hill, in his manuscript narrative, that Colonel 
 Wilhams was shot by some of Lacey's men, who were in- 
 imical to him, and had sworn to take his life, is hardly 
 credible ; and, for the honor of humanity, we are con- 
 strained to discard so improbable and unpatriotic a supposi- 
 tion. 
 
 The last desperate grapple between CampbelFs men — 
 assisted by Shelby's — and the enemy, just before the close 
 of the engagement, lasted twenty minutes^" — and within 
 
 his way at this point. They both fell on the spot, being shot, it was supposed, by a ball 
 from the British side— it was the last gun fired." 
 
 Dr. Ramsay, the Tennessee historian, asserts that Colonel Williams " fell a victim to 
 the true Palmetto spirit, and intemperate eagerness for battle. Toward the close of the 
 engagement, he espied Ferguson riding near the line, and dashed toward him with the 
 gallant determination of a personal encounter. ' I will kill Ferguson, or die in the attempt!' 
 exclaimed Williams ; and spurring his horse in the direction of the enemy, received a bul- 
 let as he crossed their line. He survived till he heard tbac his antagonist was killed, and 
 his camp surrendered ; and amidst the shouts of victory by his triumphant countrymen, 
 said : ■ 1 die contented ;' and with a smile on his countenance, expired." 
 
 The late Dr. A. L. Hammond, son of Major Hammond, in an article on King's Moun- 
 tain battle, in the Charleston Courier, June 21. 1859 stated that " Williams' horse, wound- 
 ed and snorting with foam and blood at every bound, dashed forward. Ferguson turned 
 to receive him ; their swords crossed — nothing more, for at that instant a deadly volley 
 came from both sides, and the two combatants fell mortally wounded." 
 
 Ensign Robert Campbell states, that "Colonel Williamfe was shot tbrojgli the body, 
 near the close of the action, in making an attempt to chirge on Ferguson; he lived long 
 enough to hear of the surrender of the British army, when he said: 'I die contented, 
 since we have gained the victory ' " 
 
 Dr. John H. Logan, the historian of the U/>-Country 0/ South Carolina, has preserved 
 among the MS. traditions he gathered many years ago, this account of Colonel Williams' 
 death: Williams and Ferguson fell nearly at the same time, on the eastern side of the 
 mountain. Williams, from a more favorable position than those occupied by Campbell 
 and Hambright. saw the magpie influence of Ferguson's whistle Dashing to the front, his 
 horse throwing bloody foam from his month that had been struck by a ball, he was heard 
 to exclaim — " I'll silence that whistle or die in the attempt!" Quickly Ferguson was no 
 more ; and soon after, a, ball from the enemy laid Williams mortally wounded on the hill- 
 side. 
 
 Still more romantic is Simms' statement in his History of South Carolina: " Tradition 
 reports that Williams and Ferguson perished by each other's hands ; that, after Ferguson 
 had fallen by the pistol of Williams, and lav wounded on the ground the latter approached 
 and offered him mercy ; and that his answer was a fatal bullet from the pistol of the dying 
 man !" 
 
 Much more probable is the statement of Dr. John Whelchel. of Williams' command. 
 doubtless an eye-witness, and a man of much intelligence. In his pension declaration, he 
 states that Colonel Williams received his fatal shot "immediately after the enemy had 
 hoisted a flag to surrender." Lieutenant Joseph Hughes, of Brandon's men, makes a 
 similar statement The narrative of Thomas Young already cited, also tends to divest 
 thes? romances of any claim to historic probability. 
 
 ^' ''A British surgeon," says Lieutenant Newell, referring, doubtless, to Dr. Johnson, 
 ** stated that he held his watch, and that the storm lasted twenty minutes." 
 
278 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 thirty or forty yards of each other ; and was the most hotly 
 contested part of the action. Campbell was on foot at the 
 head of his regiment — so much advanced in front as to be 
 in danger from the fire of his own men ; and his courageous 
 words were — " Boys, remember your liberty ! Come on! 
 come on ! my brave fellows ; another gun — another gun will 
 do it ! D — m them, we must have them out of this !" * It 
 was one incessant peal of fire-arms. The enemy made a 
 firm stand ; but after a while they were forced to retire some 
 distance along the crest of the mountain, towards their camp 
 at the north-eastern extremity, when they halted again for a 
 few moments. The brave men of Campbell and Shelby 
 were sensibly aided by the heroic bravery of the left wing 
 under Cleveland, Lacey and Williams, who pressed, with 
 shouts of victory, upon the Tories in that quarter, which 
 tended to re-animate the Virginians and the Sullivan troops, 
 who, with re-doubled iury, fought like tigers. They drove 
 Ferguson's surviving Rangers and the Tories before them to 
 where their wagons were, behind which they made a rally ; 
 but they were soon driven from this covert, down into a 
 sunken or hollow place, by which time the Rangers were 
 mostly killed or disabled, and the Loyalists quite de- 
 moralized, f 
 
 Campbell's column was two or three times driven down, 
 or partly down the mountain ; Shelby says he was three 
 times repulsed — and Doctor Ferguson, in his Memoir of 
 his kinsman. Colonel Ferguson, declares that the Provin • 
 cials, with their bayonets " repulsed the enemy in three 
 several attacks." One part of Cleveland's line was charged 
 once in the flank, and another portion was twice driven 
 before the bayonet; while Chronicle and Hambright's 
 Lincoln men were once, at least, forced down the hill. Mc- 
 Dowell's corps received a bayonet charge, as Thomas Ken- 
 
 Newell's and Sharp's statements, 
 •r Statements of Lieutenant Newell, James Crow, and Henry Dickenson, of Campbell's 
 regiment. 
 

AND ITS HEROES. 279 
 
 nedy, one of the Captains, testifies. Sevier's column, save 
 those intermingled with Campbell's men, was not charged 
 dm-ing the action ; nor was WilHams' battalion ; * nor is it 
 known that Lacey's or Winston's columns suffered from 
 these bayonet charges. 
 
 When the Provincials and Loyalists charged the Ameri- 
 cans down the mountain, they seem to have reserved their 
 fire till the termination of their pursuit ; and having dis- 
 charged their rifles, they retreated with great precision, re- 
 loading as they retraced their steps f — as they had learned 
 very skillfully to do by the example and instructions of Fergu- 
 son ; but while they were thus deliberately retiring, the sharp- 
 sighted riflemen below them, taking deadly aim, would pick 
 them off" at every moment. Long experience proves, that 
 marksmen in a valley have the advantage of those on a 
 hill, in firing at each other, which is probably owing to the 
 terrestrial refraction. J The forest-hunters, though apprised 
 of this fact, often shoot too high when their object is below 
 them. Be this as it may, the English shot whistled over the 
 heads of the Americans, rattling among the trees and cut- 
 ting off" twigs, while the bullets of the mountaineers produced 
 dreadful eflect — the British losses having been nearly three 
 times that of their antagonists. Lieutenant Allaire states 
 that the North Carolina Loyalists, seeing that they were 
 surrounded, and numbers being without ammunition, were 
 the first to give way, which naturally threw the rest of the 
 Tories into confusion. § This may have been so, and yet 
 the official report of Campbell and his associates be also 
 true, that the greater part of the enemy's guns at the sur- 
 render were still charged. 
 
 As Robert Henry, of Hambright's and Chronicle's party, 
 
 * So James Sevier and Silas McBee, of those regiments, respectfully stated to the 
 author. 
 
 f Communicated verbally, in July, 1842, by Samuel Handley, of Pontotoc County, 
 Miss., as derived from his father, Captain Samuel Handley, Sr., who served in Sevier's regi- 
 ment at King's Mountain. 
 
 J Mills" Statiscics. 779. 
 
 ^Allaire's MS. Diary ; and his newspaper narrative, also. 
 
2S0 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 who had been traiislixed by a Tory bayonet, was making 
 his way at the very close of the engagement to Clarke's 
 Branch to quench his thirst, he unexpectedly met Colonel 
 Graham on his large black steed, accompanied by David 
 Dickey, who, wielding his sword around his head, exclaimed 
 — '-D — m the Tories!"* He had heard the firing while 
 on his way to his sick wife, and could not resist the impulse 
 to return, and share in the battle. \ Just before the final 
 surrender of the enemy, when there was much intermingling 
 of the mountaineers. Colonel Shelby had the hair on 
 the left side of his head scorched off, which was noticedby 
 Colonel Sevier, who met him at this moment — so narrowly 
 did,the heroic Shelby escape losing his life by Tory bullets. J 
 With their men forced into a huddle near their tents and 
 wagons, the surviving British officers could not form half a 
 dozen of them together; and the demoralized Tories were 
 being shot down like sheep at the slaughter. 
 
 The fall of Ferguson is represented by Lieutenant 
 Allaire as having occurred " early in the action ; " and 
 Captain Ryerson, another of his corps officers, only states 
 that DePe3'ster, after the loss of Ferguson, maintained his 
 ground as long as it was possible to defend it. Tarleton 
 states, that when Ferguson was shot, after nearly an hour's 
 fighting, " his whole corps was thrown into total confusion ; 
 no effort was made after this event, to resist the enemy's 
 barbarity, or revenge the fall of their leader." In the 
 Meynoir of General Samuel Graham, a Captain under 
 Lord Cornwallis — a work prepared from the General's 
 manuscripts — it is stated, that after the fall of Ferguson, 
 and many of his men, " the remainder, after a short resist- 
 ance, were overpowered, and compelled to surrender." A 
 
 * Robert Henry s MS. narrative, appended to the statements of Vance and McDowell, 
 -J- That night. Colonel Graham's only child, Sarah, was born, who, when she grew to 
 womanhood, bei ame the wife of Abram Irvine, who was several years Sheriff of Ruther- 
 ford County. The venerable Dr. O. E. Irvine, of Greenville, S. C, is one of several 
 children of this marriage. 
 
 \ Shelby s letter, August 12, and Colonel John Sevier s, August 27, 1812. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 281 
 
 writer in the London Political Magazine, for February, 
 1781, asserts that when Ferguson fell, Captain DePeyster, 
 the next in command, " immediately hoisted the white flag 
 — that is, his white handkerchief ;" an officer close by him, 
 enraged at such timidity, made a stroke at him with his 
 sabre, and almost cut off his hand; nevertheless the surren- 
 der went on." 
 
 Allaire and Ryerson, his fellow officers, not only acquit 
 DePe3'ster of the charge of timidity, but declare that his 
 conduct was, in all "respects, proper;" and Captain 
 Ryerson adds, that he "behaved like a brave good officer." 
 Of course, the hand-cutting incident had no foundation. 
 Ramsaj', the South Carolina historian, states that "no 
 chance of escape being left, and all prospect of successful 
 resistance being at an end, the second in command sued for 
 quarter." Gordon, in his History, and Mackenzie, in his 
 Strictures, adopt this view of the matter : And Ensign 
 Robert Campbell, of the Virginia regiment observes, that as 
 soon as Ferguson fell, " Captain DePe3'ster raised a flag, 
 and called for quarters ; it was soon taken out of his hand 
 by one of the officers on horseback, and raised so high that 
 it could be seen by our line." 
 
 But there were other white flags or emblems displayed 
 by the enemy, either with or without the sanction of De- 
 Peyster. A man w^as mounted on horseback with a white 
 handkerchief as a token of submission ; but he was quickly 
 shot down by the half-crazed Bowen, as already related; 
 when another was mounted on the same horse, and set 
 out for the display of the emblem of surrender, who soon 
 shared the same fate, but a third met with better success — 
 Major Evan Shelby received it, and, with others, pro- 
 claimed the surrender. By this time white handkerchiefs 
 were also displayed in various quarters on guns and ram- 
 rods. " Our men," says Shelby, " who had been scattered 
 in the battle, were continually coming up, and continued to 
 fire, without comprehending, in the heat of the moment, 
 
282 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 what had happened." Many of the young men, it was said 
 for their apolog}', knew not the meaning of a white flag 
 under such circumstances ; while others had become embit- 
 tered, and were crying out — "Give them Buford's play !"* — 
 no quarters, as Tarleton had, the preceding May, so savagely 
 treated Colonel Buford and his party. "When the 
 British," sa3'S Mills' Statistics of South Carolina, "found 
 themselves pressed on all sides, they hung out white hand- 
 kerchiefs upon guns and halberds. Few of the Americans 
 understood the signal, and the few that did, chose not to 
 know what it meant ; so that, even after submission, the 
 slaughter continued, until the Americans were weary of 
 killing." This is a sad confession, but impartial truth de- 
 mands that the record be faithful, though, in this case, there 
 is reason to believe that the latter part of Mills' statement is 
 somewhat exaggerated. 
 
 Among those still engaged in this work of death was 
 3roung Joseph Sevier, who had heard that his father. Col- 
 onel Sevier, had been killed in the action — a false report, 
 originating, probably, from the fact of the Colonel's brother. 
 Captain Robert Sevier, having been fatally wounded ; and 
 the J'oung soldier kept up firing upon the huddled Tories, 
 until admonished to cease, when he excitedly cried out, 
 with the tears chasing each other down his cheeks — " The 
 d — d rascals have killed my father, and I'll keep loading 
 and shooting till I kill every son of a b — h of them." Col- 
 onel Sevier now riding up, his son discovered the mistake 
 under which he had labored, and desisted, f 
 
 But the Whig leaders were active in their efforts to put 
 a stop to the further firing of the patriots. The subdued 
 Tories were everywhere crying " quarters !" — " quarters !" 
 " D — m you," exclaimed Shelby, " if you want quarters, 
 throw down your arms !" \ Benjamin Sharp, of Camp- 
 
 * Shelby's narrative, 1823 ; General Graham's statement ; certificate of John Long, of 
 Shelby's men. 
 
 t Statement of Colonel George W.Sevier. 
 
 X Certificate of John Sharp, of Shelby's regiment, 1823. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 283 
 
 bell's regiment, who witnessed this scene, thus describes it : 
 " At the close of the action, when the British were loudly 
 calling for quarters, but uncertain whether they would be 
 granted, I saw the intrepid Shelby i-ush his horse within 
 fifteen paces of their lines, and command them to lay down 
 their arms, and they should have quarters. Some would 
 call this an imprudent act ; but it showed the daring bravery 
 cf the man." * 
 
 Andrew Evius, a member of Captain William Edmond- 
 son's company, of the Virginia regiment, was, with others, 
 still firing on the demoralized Tories, when Colonel Camp- 
 bell came running up, and knocked up the soldier's gun, 
 exclaiming — " Evins, for God's sake, don't shoot! It is 
 murder to kill them now, for they have raised the flag!"f 
 Campbell, as he rushed along, repeated the order — " Cease 
 firing ! — for God's sake, cease firing ! "' \ Thus was Colonel 
 Campbell mercifully engaged in saving the discomfited 
 Loyalists from further effusion of blood — no officer could 
 have acted more tender or humane ; and he passed on 
 around the prisoners, on foot, still seeking to promote their 
 safety and protection. 
 
 Captain DePeyster, who had succeeded Ferguson in 
 the command, sitting on his grey horse, expostulated with 
 Colonel Campbell, referring to the firing on his flag — " Col- 
 onel Campbell, it was d — d unfair," and then repeated it; 
 but Campbell, probably thinking it no time to bandy words 
 with the British leader, simply ordered him to dismount ; 
 and called out, "officers, rank by yourselves; prisoners, 
 take off" your hats, and sit down." § The enemy at this 
 time had been driven into a group of sixty yards in length, 
 and less than forty in width. || The mountaineers were 
 ordered to close up in surrounding the prisoners, first 
 
 * American Pioneer, Febtuary, 1843, 6g. 
 
 •^ Evins' statement. 1823. 
 
 \ Letter of General George Rutledge, May 27th, 1813. 
 
 g James Crow's statement, .May 6, 1813. 
 
 11 General Graham's narrative. 
 
284 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 in one continuous circle, then double guards, and finally 
 four deep. * Colonel Campbell then proposed to his troops 
 three huzzas for Liberty, which were gi\-en in hearty 
 acclaim, making the welkin ring, and the hills resound, with 
 their shouts of victory, f 
 
 An occurrence now transpired, that, for a few moments, 
 changed the whole scene in that quarter ; and threatened, 
 for a brief period, the most tragic consequences. It is 
 known, as a British account relates it, tliat " a small party 
 of the Loyal militia returning from foraging, unacquainted 
 with the surrender, happening to fire on the Rebels, the 
 prisoners were immediately threatened with death, if the 
 firing should be repeated."} Whether it was the volley 
 from this party, who probably scampered off; or whether 
 from some of the Tories in the general huddle, exasperated 
 perhaps that proper respect was not instantly paid to their 
 flag, now fired upon, and mortally wounded Colonel Wil- 
 liams, who was riding towards the British encampment ; 
 and, wheeling back, said to William Moore, one of Camp- 
 bell's regiment — " I'm a gone man !" § 
 
 Colonel Campbell was close at hand when this un- 
 happy event transpired ; and doubtless reasoned, that if the 
 fatal firing proceeded from an outside partj', it was the pre- 
 cursor of Tarleton's expected relief ; if from the surrendered 
 Tories, at least some considerable portion of them were in- 
 clined to spring a trap on the Whigs, shoot down their leaders, 
 and make a bold attempt to escape, when the patriots were 
 measurably off their guard, and least prepared for it ; and 
 acting on the spur of the moment, he resolved on stern 
 military tactics to quell the intended mutiny, by instantly 
 
 * Captain Christopher Taylor's statement : conversations with John Spelts, 
 
 "rSlatements of John Craig; MS. narrative of Robert Henry. 
 
 \ South Carolina Gazette, Decemher 20, 1780; ^TiA Scof s Magazine, Jannary, 1781. 
 The editor of the Gazette evidently derived his statement from Lieutenant Allaire, of Fer- 
 guson's Rangers, judging from a comparison of the details there given, with a more elabor- 
 ate narrative in Rivington's Royal Gazette, New York, February 24, 1781, which General 
 J. Watts DePeyster attributes, from internal evidence, to that officer, and which Lieutenant 
 Allaire's MS. Di.iry fully corroborates. 
 
 3 Statement of William Moore. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 285 
 
 ordering the men near him — the* men of Williams and 
 Brandon's command — to fire upon the enemy. The order 
 was quickly obeyed by the soldiers who had been so 
 treacherously deprived of their intrepid leader ; " and," said 
 Lieutenant Joseph Hughes, one of Brandon's part}^ "we 
 killed near a hundred of them." But the probabilities are, 
 that those who fired, and those who suffered from it, were 
 not very numerous. It was, however, a sad affair ; and in 
 the confusion of the moment, its origin and its immediate 
 effects were probably little understood by either party ; and 
 doubtless Colonel Campbell himself deeply regretted the 
 order he had given to fire upon an unresisting foe. * 
 
 =*' These particulars may be somewhat erroneous and exaggerated; but there must be 
 a basis of truth in them. It is due to the high reputation that Colonel Hughes sustained in 
 his day, to accord candor and good intentions to his statements generally. In his pension 
 application, in 1833, he briefly states: "Was at King's Mountain, where General Williams 
 was mortally wounded, after the British had raised their flag to surrender, by a fire from 
 some Tories. Colonel Campbell then ordered a fire on the Tories, and we killed near a 
 hundred of them after the surrender of the British, and could hardly be restrained from 
 killing the whole of them." 
 
 That Colonel Hughes' statements are worthy of respect, a brief reference to some of 
 the more salient points of hi? Revolutionary services, and the good character he bore during 
 the war, and for more than half a century thereafter, are only necessary to be cited. He 
 was born in what is now Chester County, South Carolina, in 1-761, his parents having 
 retired there_ temporarily from the present region of Union County, on account of Indian 
 troubles. He served, in 1776, on Williamson's Cherokee expedition, and subsequently in 
 Georgia. Governor Rutledge, early in 1780. commissioned him a Lieutenant, and he fought 
 under Sumter at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock; and then shared in the heroic action at 
 Musgrove's Mill. His dare-devil character, ?nd adventurous services, in the up-country 
 region of South Carolina, during the summer and autumn of 1780, have already been related. 
 In one of these Tory encounters, Hughes had a lock of hair cut from his head, Captain 
 Samuel Otterson a slight wound on his chin, while a third person received a cut across his 
 cheek — all from the same shot. 
 
 Then we find him taking part, in the memorable engagements at King's Mountain, 
 Hammond's Store, and Cowpens. Though yet a Lieutenant, he commanded his company 
 in this latter action. He was not only a man of great personal strength, but of remarkable 
 fleetness on foot. As his men, with others, broke at the Cowpens, and fled before Tarleton's 
 cavalry; and though receiving a sabre cut across his right hand, yet with his drawn 
 sword, he would out-run his men, and passing them, face about, and command them to 
 stand, striking right and left to enforce obedience to orders; often repeating with a loud 
 voice : " You d — d cowards, halt and fight — there is more danger in running than in fight- 
 ing, and if you don't stop and fight, you will all be killed !" But most of them were for 
 awhile too demoralized to realize the situation, or obey the commands of their officers. As 
 they would scamper off, Hughes would renewedly pursue, and once more gaining their 
 front, would repeat his tactics to bring them to their duty. At length the company was 
 induced to make a stand, on the brow of a slope, some distance from the battle-line, be- 
 hind a clump of young pines that partially concealed and protected them from Tarleton's 
 cavalry. Others now joined them for self-protection. Their guns were quickly loaded, 
 
286 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 The firing upon the British and Tories was at length 
 suppressed. Colonel Shelby, fearing that the enemy might 
 3^et, perhaps, feel constrained, in self-defence, to resume 
 their arms, and which they could with such facility snatch 
 up as they lay before them, exclaimed : *' Good God ! what 
 can we do in this confusion ?" '' We can order the prison- 
 ers from their arms" said Captain Sawyers. ''Yes," re- 
 sponded Shelby, "that can be done''; and the prisoners 
 were accordingly forthwith marched to another place, with 
 a strong guard placed around them. * 
 
 The surviving British leaders were prompt to surrender 
 their swords to the first American officer that came near 
 them. Ferguson's sword was picked up on the ground ; 
 and, according to one account, it passed into Colonel 
 Cleveland's possession ; but with more probability, accord- 
 ing to others, it fell into the hands of Colonel Sevier. Cap- 
 tain DePeyster delivered his sword, as some assert, to 
 Colonel Campbell ; while others declare it was to Major 
 Evan Shelby. Captain Ryerson, who was wounded, ten- 
 dered his swoi'd to Lieutenant Andrew Kincannon, of 
 
 and they were themselves again. Morgan galloped up and spoke words of encourage- 
 ment to them. The next moment the British cavalry were at them ; but the Whigs re- 
 served their fire till the enemy were so near, that it was terribly effective, emptying many 
 a British saddle, when the survivors recoiled. Now Colonel Washington gaVe them a 
 charge — the battle was restored, when Howard and his Marylanders with the bayonet 
 swept the field. Such is the account related by Christopher Brandon to Daniel Wallace. 
 Tarleton acknowledges, that " an unexpected fire from the Americans, who came about as 
 they were retreating, stopped the British, and threw them into confusion," when a panic 
 ensued, and then a general flight. It was a high and woithy compliment from his old 
 commander, Colonel Brandon, who declared, that, at the Cowpens, " Hughes saved ike 
 fate of the day." 
 
 As a deserved recognition of these meritorious services, he was promoted to a Cap- 
 taincy early in 1781, when he was scarcely twenty years of age ; and led his company with 
 characteristic valor, at the battle of Eutaw Springs, The Tories had killed his father 
 during the war, and many a dear friend, and his animosity against the whole race was 
 alike bitter and unrelenting. In 1825, he removed to Alabama, first to Green County, and 
 then to Pickens, where he died, in September, 1834, in his seventy-fourth year. For more 
 than twenty of the closing years of his life, he was an elder in the Presbyterian church ; 
 and the rough, and almost tiger-like partisan, became as humble and submissive as a lamb. 
 He rose to the rank of Colonel in the militia. He was tall and commanding in his appearance, 
 jovial and affable in conversation ; yet his early military training rendered him, to the Inst. 
 stern and rigid in discipline. In all that makes up the man, he was a noble specimen of the 
 Revolutionary hero. 
 
 '■'Ramsey's Tennessee, 239; MS, correspondence of Dr. Ramsey. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 287 
 
 Campbell's regiment, who was, at that moment, endeavor- 
 ing to check the firing on the surrendered Tories ; but not 
 regarding himself as the proper officer to receive this ten- 
 der of submission, the Lieutenant, without due reflection, 
 courteously invited the British Captain to be seated ; who 
 looking around, and seeing no seat, promptly squatted 
 himself upon the ground, Kincannon entering into conver- 
 sation with him. Adjutant Franklin, of Cleveland's regi- 
 ment, now coming up, received Ryerson's sword, the latter 
 remarking: "You deserve it, sir!"* Colonel Campbell 
 was stalking around among the enemy in his shirt sleeves, 
 and his collar open, and when some of the Americans 
 pointed him out as their commander, the British, at first, 
 from his unmilitary plight, seemed to doubt it, but a number 
 of officers now surrendered their swords to him, until he 
 had several in his hands, and under his arm.f 
 
 It is proper to advert briefly to Ferguson's conduct in 
 the battle. It was that of a hero. He did all that mortal 
 man could have done, under the circumstances, to avert the 
 impending catastrophe. He was almost ubiquitous — his 
 voice, his presence, and his whistle everywhere animated 
 his men, either to renew their bayonet charges, or maintain 
 a firm stand against the steadily encroaching mountaineers. 
 But he tiiisted too much to the bayonet against an enemy as 
 nimble as the antelope. % " He had," says Doctor Ferguson, 
 " two horses killed under him, while he remained untouched 
 himself; but he afterwards received a number of wounds, 
 of which, it is said, any one was mortal, and dropping from 
 his horse, expired, while his foot yet hung in the stirrup." § 
 This, if we may credit Lee's Memoirs of the War in the 
 
 '■'Judge J. F. Graves' sketch of his grandfather, Jesse Franklin, in the second series of 
 Caruthers' Incidents in the Old Kortk State, pp. 203-4 ', ^^S. statement of Elijah Callaway ; 
 MS. correspondence of Dr. A. N. Kincannon, of Missouri, and John L. Worth, of Mt. 
 Airy. N. C. 
 
 I Lieutenant William Russell, James Snodgrass, James Keys. David Campbell, Henry 
 Dickenson, and David Beattic, of CampbelFs regiment, and William King, and George 
 Rutledge. of Shelby's men. 
 
 J Johnson's Greene, i. 306. 
 
 ^Memoir of Colonel Ferguson, -^2' 
 
288 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Souths and Burk's History of Virginia, happened after 
 fifty minutes' fighting ; or some ten or fifteen minutes before 
 the final close of the action ; and about three minutes before 
 the flag was displayed for surrender, according to Thomas 
 Maxwell, one of Shelby's men. 
 
 As long as Ferguson lived, his unyielding spirit scorned 
 to surrender. He persevered until he received his mortal 
 wounds. His fall very naturally disheartened his followers. 
 For some time before that fatal event, there was really nothing 
 to encourage them, save the faintest hope which they vainly 
 cherished of momentary relief from Tarleton. Animated 
 by the brave example of their heroic leader, and, still con- 
 fiding in his fruitful mihtary resources, they had maintained 
 the unequal contest under all disadvantages. Losing his 
 inspiration, they lost all — with him perished the last hope 
 of success. * 
 
 Colonel Ferguson not only made a sad mistake in delaj'- 
 ing a single moment at Kinjr's mountain with a view to a 
 passage at arms with his pursuers ; but he committed, if pos- 
 sible, a still more grievous error in the supposed strength of 
 his position. •' His encampment," says the South Carolina 
 historian, Ramsay, " on the top of the mountain was not 
 well chosen, as it gave the Americans an opportunity of 
 covering themselves in their approaches. Had he pursued 
 his march on charging and driving the first part}^ of the 
 militia which gave way, he might have got oflf with the 
 most of his men ; but his unconquerable spirit disdained 
 either to flee or to surrender." The historian, Gordon, takes 
 the same view : " Major Ferguson was overseen in making 
 his stand on the mountain, which, being much covered with 
 woods, gave the militia, who were all riflemen, the oppor- 
 tunity of approaching near, with greater safety to themselves 
 than if they had been upon plain, open ground. The Major, 
 however, might have made good his retreat, if not with the 
 whole, at least with a great part of his men, had he pursued 
 
 * Stedman's A. 
 
 77ierzca n 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 289 
 
 his march immediately upon his charging and driving 
 the first detachment ; for though the mihtia acted with spirit 
 for undiscipHned troops, it was with difficulty that they could 
 he prevailed upon to renew their attack, after being charged 
 with the bayonet. They kept aloof, and continued popping ; 
 then gathered round, and crept nearer, till, at length, they 
 leveled the Major with one of their shots." 
 
 General Simon Bernard, one of the most distinguished 
 engineers, and aids-de-camp of the great Napoleon, and sub- 
 sequently in the United States engineer service, on examin- 
 ing the battle-ground of King's Mountain, said: "The 
 Americans, by their victory in that engagement, erected a 
 monument to perpetuate the brave men who had fallen 
 there ; and the shape of the hill itself would be an eternal 
 monument of the militar}^ genius and skill of Colonel Fer- 
 guson, in selecting a position so well adapted for defence; 
 and that no .other plan of assault but that pursued by the 
 mountain-men, could have succeeded against him." * 
 
 One of our best historical critics. General DePeyster, 
 observes: "Ferguson set an inordinate value on the posi- 
 tion which he had selected, which, however strong against 
 a regular attack, was not defensible against the attacks 
 which were about to be directed upon it. How grievously 
 he erred as to the intrinsic availability of King's Mountain 
 as a military position, was evinced by his remark that ' all 
 the Rebels from h — 1 could not drive him from it.' It is true, 
 he was not driven from it ; but its bald, rocky summit 
 merely served, like the sacrificial stone of the Aztecs, for 
 the immolation of the victims." \ 
 
 The historian, Lossing, who visited the battle-field thirty 
 odd years ago, justly observes: "It was a strange place 
 for an encampment or a battle, and to one acquainted with 
 the region, it is difficult to understand why Ferguson and 
 his band were there at all." % 
 
 '■•' Ramsey's History of Tennessee, 239. 
 t Historical Magazine. March, 1S69. 194. 
 \ Pictorial Field Book 0/ the Revolution, ii, 423. 
 19 
 
290 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 It is useless to speculate on what might have changed 
 the fate of the day ; yet a few suggestions ma}^ not be out of 
 place in this connection. Trivial circumstances, on critical 
 occasions, not unfrequently produce the most momentous 
 consequences. Had Tarleton, for instance, suddenly made 
 his appearance before or during the battle — had the detach- 
 ment at Gibbs' plantation, near the Covvpens, or Moore's 
 foraging party, vigorously attacked the mountaineers in the 
 rear, during the progress of the engagement, and especially 
 during the confusion consequent upon the repulses of Camp- 
 bell's and Shelby's columns ; or had Ferguson chosen 
 suitable ground on the plains, and in the woods, where his 
 men could have availed themselves of shelter for their pro- 
 tection, and fought on an equality with their antagonists, 
 the result might have been very different, and Ferguson 
 have been the hero of the hour — and, it may be, the fate of 
 American Independence sealed. But in God's good 
 Providence, such a fatal blow was not in store for the 
 suffering patriots. 
 
 Most of the accounts repi'esent that the British Colonel 
 was killed out-right. He is said to have received six or 
 eight bullet holes in his body — one penetrating his thigh, 
 another re-shattering his right arm just above the elbow ; 
 and yet he continued to raise his sword in his left hand,* till 
 a rifle ball piercing his head, put an end to further fighting 
 or consciousness, f In faUing from his horse, or while 
 
 '■'MS, statement of Elijah Callaway, in 1842. 
 
 -{-Ramsay, Gordon, Smith, in his American War, Moultrie, Judge James, Mills and 
 Foote are among the American writers, who unite in declaring that Ferguson "received a 
 mortal wound." Stedman, Mackenzie, and Lamb, British writers, all ot whom were con- 
 nected with the British service at the lime, make the same assertion. The Columbian 
 Magazine, 1792, p. 323, states also that he received a mortal wound. Dr. John Whelchel, 
 of Williams' men, asserts in his pension statement, that Ferguson " fell mortally wounded ; " 
 and William White, of Lacey's regiment, in his pension application, says " he was mortally 
 wounded, and died a short time afterwards." 
 
 The place where Ferguson fell is indicated on the diagram of the battle-field, near the 
 brow of the south eastern portion of the mountain, opposite to McDowell's column, but 
 probably where Sevier's men had advanced at the close of the conflict, when the enemy 
 had been forced to that quarter. That locality was pointed out, fjlly fifty years ago, by 
 William Logan, a survivor of the battle, to his grandson, the present Col. J. R. Logan, and 
 in which, Arthur Patterson, a cotemporary of the Revolution, and familiar with King's 
 Mountain all his life, coincided. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 291 
 
 being conveyed to the rear, a silver whistle dropped from 
 his vest pocket, which was picked up by one of his soldiers, 
 Elias Powell, who preserved it many years;* and Powell, 
 and three others, as John Spelts relates, were seen, at the 
 close of the surrender, bearing off, in a blanket, their fallen 
 chief to a spring near the mountain's brow, on the southern 
 side of the elevation ; and there gently bolstered him up 
 with rocks and blankets. One of the Tories, who had just 
 grounded his gun, taking in the situation, and true to his 
 plundering instincts, ran up, and was in the act of thrusting 
 his hand into the dying man's pockets, when the unfeeling 
 intruder was repelled by one of the attendants, who, rudely 
 pushing him away, exclaimed with a sarcastic oath — " Are 
 you going to rob the dead ? " f A little after, Colonel Shelby 
 rode up, and thinking perhaps that Ferguson might yet be 
 sensible of what was said to him — though he evidently was 
 not — ^exclaimed : " Colonel, the fatal blow is struck — we've 
 Burgoyned you?" X The life of this restless British leader 
 soon ebbed away. Some of the more thoughtless of the 
 Whig soldiery, it is said, committed an act which we would 
 fain be excused from the pain of recording. " The moun- 
 taineers, it is reported, used everj^ insult and indignity, after 
 the action, towards the dead body of Major Ferguson." § 
 
 So curious were the Whigs to see the fallen British 
 chief, that many repaired to the spot to view his body as it 
 lay in its gore and glory. Lieutenant Samuel Johnson, of 
 Cleveland's regiment, who had been severely disabled in 
 the action, desired to be carried there, that he, too, might 
 
 '■= Powell was one of the young men induced to enlist under Ferguson's banner, and 
 became much attached to his commander. He was taken prisoner to Hillsboro, where 
 he was paroled, and returned to his widowed mother, who lived at what is known as 
 Powellton, two miles east of Lenoir, Caldwell County, on the western frontier of North 
 Carolina, There he lived until his death. May 5th, 1832. The silver whistle then went to 
 one of his decendants, who removed West, and having since died, the relic has been lost 
 sight of. John Spelts related, that Ferguson had a yet larger silver whistle, a foot in length, 
 which fell into the hands of Colonel Shelby. 
 
 f Statement of Spelts, 
 
 I Related by Spelts and Thomas H, Shelby, a son of the Colonel. 
 
 g Tarleton's Catnpnigns^ 165. 
 
292 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 look upon the dying or lifeless leader of the enemy whom he 
 had so valiantly fought ; when Colonel Cleveland, and two 
 of the soldiers, bore the wounded Lieutenant to the place 
 of pilgrimage ; * and even the transfixed Robert Henry, amid 
 his pains and suflferings, could not repress his curiosity to 
 take a look at Ferguson. It was probably where he was 
 conveyed, and breathed his last, that he was buried — on 
 the south-eastern declivity of the mountain, where his mortal 
 remains, wrapped, not in a military cloak, or hero's coffin, 
 but in a raw beef's hide, f found a peaceful sepulture. 
 
 The tradition in that region has been rife for more than 
 fifty years, that Ferguson had two mistresses with him, per- 
 haps nominally cooks — both fine looking 3'oung women. 
 One of them, known as Virginia Sal, a red haired lady, it is 
 related, was the first to fall in the battle, and was buried in 
 the same grave with Ferguson, as some assert ; or, as others 
 have it, beside the British and Tory slain ; while the other, 
 Virginia Paul, survived the action ; and after it was over, 
 was seen to ride around. the camp as unconcerned as though 
 nothing of unusual moment had happened. She was con- 
 veyed with the prisoners at least as far as Burke Court 
 House, now Morganton, North Carolina, and subsequently 
 sent to Lord Cornwallis' army. \ 
 
 That almost envenomed hate which the mountaineers 
 cherished towards Ferguson and his Tory followers, nerved 
 them to marvellous endurance while engaged in the battle. 
 They had eaten little or nothing since they left the Cowpens 
 some eighteen hours before — much of the time in the rain, 
 protecting their rifles and ammunition by divesting them- 
 selves of their blankets or portions of their clothing ; and they 
 had been, since leaving Green river, for over forty hours, 
 without rest or repose. "I had no shoes," said Thomas 
 Young, " and of course fought in the battle barefoot, and, 
 
 ■■■ Statement of Lewis Johnson, a son of the Lieutenant. 
 + MS. letter of Dr. W.J. T. Miller, July 30, 1880. 
 
 t MSS. of Dr. John H. Logan; MS. letters of James J. Hampton, Dr. C, L. Hunter, 
 Colonel J. R. Logan, and Dr. W. J. T. Miller. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 293 
 
 when it was over, my feet were much lacerated and bleed- 
 ing." * Others, too, must have suffered from the flinty rocks 
 over which they hurriedly passed and re-passed during the 
 engagement. As an instance of the all-absorbing effect of 
 the excitements surrounding them, when the next morning 
 the mountaineers were directed to discharge their guns, " I 
 fired my large old musket," said Young, " charged in time 
 of the battle with two musket balls, as I had done every time 
 during the engagement ; and the recoil, in this case, was 
 dreadful, but I had not noticed it in the action." f 
 
 Taking it for granted that the Loj'alist force under 
 Ferguson at King's Mountain was eight hundred, it may 
 be interesting to state what little is known of the respective 
 numbers from the two Caroljnas. In Lieutenant Allaire's 
 newspaper narrative, he refers to the North Carolina regi- 
 ment, commanded by Colonel Ambrose Mills, as number- 
 ing " about three hundred men." A Loyalist writer in the 
 London Political Afagazine, for April, 1783, who appar- 
 ently once resided in the western part of North Carolina, 
 asserts that the Loyalists of the Salisbury district — which 
 embraced all the western portion of the North Province — - 
 who were with Ferguson, numbered four hundred and 
 eighty. Deducting the absent foraging party under Colonel 
 Moore, who was a North Carolinian, and whose detachment 
 may be presumed to have been made up of men from that 
 Province, we shall have about the number mentioned by 
 Allaire remaining. This would suggest that about three 
 hundred and twenty was the strength of the South Carolina 
 Loyalists. 
 
 As the North Carolina Tories were the first to give way, 
 according to Allaire, and precipitate the defeat that followed, 
 it only goes to prove that they were the hardest pressed by 
 Campbell and Shelby, which is quite probable ; or, that the 
 South Carolinians had been longest drilled for the service, 
 
 *Rev. James H. Saye's MS. conversations with Thomas Young, of Union County, 
 South Carolina, March 27, 1843. 
 + Saye's MSS. 
 
294 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 and were consequently best prepared to maintain their 
 ground. It is not a little singular, that so few of the promi- 
 nent Loyalist leaders, of the Ninety Six district, were pre- 
 sent with Ferguson — only Colonel Vesey Husband, of 
 whom we have no knowledge, and who, we suppose, was 
 in some way associated with the South Carolina Tories, to- 
 gether with Majors Lee and Plummer. Where were the 
 other Loyalist leaders of that region — Colonels Cunningham, 
 Kirkland, and Clarj', Lieutenant-Colonels Philips and 
 Turner, and Majors Gibbs, Hill, and Hamilton ? Some 
 were doubtless with the partj' whom the Whigs had passed 
 at Major Gibbs' plantation, near the Cowpens, or possibly 
 with Colonel Moore's detachment ; others were scattered 
 here and there on furlough ; but they were not at King's 
 Mountain, when sorely needed, with all the strength they 
 could have brought to the indefatigable Ferguson. That 
 freebooter. Fanning, with his Tory foragers, who were 
 beating about the country, fell in with Ferguson five days 
 before his defeat ; * but preferring their independent bush- 
 whacking service, they escaped the King's Mountain 
 disaster. 
 
 Paine, in his American Crisis, berated the Loyalists as 
 wanting in manhood and bravery, declaring: " I should 
 not be afraid to go with an hundred Whigs against a thous- 
 and Tories. Every Tory is a coward, for a servile, slavish, 
 self-interested fear is the foundation of Toryism ; and a 
 man under such influence, though he may be cruel, can 
 never be brave." Yet, it must be confessed, that the 
 Loyalists evinced no little pluck and bravery at King's 
 Mountain. But they had been specially fitted for the 
 service, and under the eye of a superior drill-master, as few 
 Americans had been in either army ; and it had been justly 
 said, that, on this occasion, they fought with halters around 
 their necks ; and they, too, were expert riflemen. 
 
 The British Southern leaders were not only surprised 
 
 '■' Fanning's Narrative, 13. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 295 
 
 and amazed beyond measure, but were filled with alarm at 
 the unexpected appearance of so formidable a force — 
 largely exaggerated as it was — -from border settlements 
 of which they had not so much as heard of their existence. 
 Lord Rawdon, in his letter of October twenty-fourth, 1780, 
 referring to Ferguson's miscarriage, and the men who 
 confronted and defeated him, says: " A numerous army 
 now appeared on the frontier, drawn from Nolachucky, 
 and other settlements beyond the mountains, whose very 
 names had been unknown to us ; " and Mackenzie, one 
 of Tarleton's officers, probabl}^ mistaking Nolachucky, in 
 what is now East Tennessee, for Kentucky, states in his 
 Strictures : "The wild and fierce inhabitants of Kentucky, 
 and other settlements westward of the Alleghany mount- 
 ains, under Colonels Campbell and Boone," then naming 
 the other leaders, " assembled suddenly and silently ; " and 
 adding, that these mountaineers " advanced with the inten- 
 tion to seize upon a quantity of Indian presents, which they 
 understood were but slightly guarded at Augusta, and which 
 were, about that time, to have been distributed among a 
 body of Creek and Cherokee Indians assembled at that 
 place." 
 
 This erroneous statement -of Mackenzie's has been 
 adopted by Stedman in his History of the Atnerican War, 
 and by Dr. Ferguson, in his Memoir of Colonel Ferguson. 
 So cridcal a student of American history as Gen. J. W. 
 DePeyster, has fallen into the error, that the ' ' dark and 
 bloody ground" of Kentucky contributed her quota of 
 fighting men for King's Mountain battle.* But none of the 
 King's Mountain men came from that region, though many 
 of them subsequently became permanent settlers there ; and 
 so far from Colonel Boone having participated in the cam- 
 paign, he was hundreds of miles away, in his beloved 
 Kentucky. The day before King's Mountain battle, while 
 he and his brother, Edward Boone, were out buffalo hunting, 
 
 =!' Historical Magazine, March, 1869. p. T90. 
 
296 KING'S MO Ux\ TAIN 
 
 the latter was shot dead by a party of Indians, concealed in 
 a cane-brake, some fifteen or twenty miles from Boonesboro, 
 and the former made good his escape to that settlement ; 
 and, the day of the contest on King's Mountain, he was with 
 a party in pursuit of the Indians who laad killed his brother. 
 Nor is it in any sense true, that the plunder of Indian goods 
 at Augusta was their object — all the facts go to disprove anj^ 
 such intention. This, however, seems to have been one of 
 the motives held out by Colonel Clarke to his men in his 
 attack on Augusta, as stated by Lee in his Memoirs. 
 
 There is no great discrepancy among the different 
 authorities as to the length of time occupied by the engage- 
 ment — if we discard, as we must, Mills' inordinate mistake, 
 that "the battle began between eight and nine o'clock in 
 the morning, and lasted till night." A writer in the 
 Virginia Argus, of December eleventh, 1805, evidently a 
 survivor of Campbell's men, says, " in forty-two minutes we 
 made tliem beg for quarters," referring, doubtless, to the 
 time of Ferguson's fall, and the running up of the white 
 flag. General Davidson, in his letter to General Sumner, 
 states, three days after the action, on the authority of 
 Major Tate, of Lacej^'s corps, who was in the engage- 
 ment, that it lasted "forty-seven minutes." Lee, in his 
 History of the Soitthern Campaigns, who was subsequently 
 associated in service with Campbell, declares that after 
 "the battle had raged for fifty minutes,'' Ferguson was 
 shot, when the fire of the enemy slackened, and their sur- 
 render followed. Burk, in his History of Virginia, makes 
 the same statement. This fixes the time, as nearly as we 
 can ascertain it, when Ferguson fell. There would seem 
 to have been but little resistance on the part of the enemy 
 after the loss of their commander ; it could have been pro- 
 longed a few minutes only at m.ost. Both Tarleton and 
 Stedman, British authorities, state that the action lasted 
 " near an hour." 
 
 In Colonel Shelby's letter to his father, written October 
 twelfth, 1780, he sa3rs : " the battle continued warm for an 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 297 
 
 hour ; " and he wrote the same day to Colonel Arthur 
 Campbell, that " the firing was kept up with fury, on both 
 sides, for near an hour." But Campbell, Shelby, and 
 Cleveland, in their official account, assert that " a flag was 
 hoisted by Captain DePeyster, their commanding officer — 
 Major Ferguson having been killed a little while before ; " 
 that " the engagement lasted an hour and five minutes." The 
 British Captain Ryerson who shared in the contest, states in 
 his account in Rivingston's New York Royal Gazette^ of 
 March twentj^-first, 1781 , that " the action lasted an hour and 
 five minutes, very hot indeed ; " and Lieutenant Allaire, an- 
 other British contestant, says, in his newspaper narrative, 
 that " the action was severe for upwards of an hour ; " and, 
 in his MS. Diary, he is more explicit, stating that it lasted " an 
 hour and five minutes." The probabilities are that Doctor 
 Johnson, who timed by his watch the last desperate attack 
 of Campbell's and Shelby's corps, also noted the duration 
 of the battle, from its commencement to the final suppression 
 of the firing on the Tories ; and that Campbell and his 
 associates derived from him their knowledge of the length 
 of the engagement, and which may be regarded as correct. 
 The exact strength and losses of the British at King's 
 Mountain can only be approximately determined. Fer- 
 guson's Rangers may be set down at one hundred — though 
 they may have somewhat exceeded that figure. The 
 general estimate is, in round numbers, one thousand militia 
 or Loyalists, which would make a total of eleven hundred ; 
 or, perhaps eleven hundred and twenty-five, as the American 
 official report has it, founded on the provision returns of that 
 day. In General Lenoir's account it is stated, that "not 
 a single man of them escaped that was in camp at the 
 commencement of the battle." This is probably true, and 
 goes to show that the party of foragers who returned at the 
 close of the battle and fired on the Americans, mortally 
 wounding Colonel Williams, had left previously without 
 coming under this category. It is pretty evident that 
 a detachment left camp that morning — doubtless on a for- 
 
298 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 aging expedition ; and this returning party were probably 
 a portion of the number. Gordon, in his American War. 
 usually good authority, says four hundred and forty escaped ; 
 and Haywood's Tennessee gives the same statement, evi- 
 dently copied from Gordon ; while Mills' Statisties of South 
 Carolina gives the number as three hundred. Judge 
 Johnson, in \\\^ Life of General Greene^ says two hundred 
 escaped ; and this accords with the statement of Alexander 
 Greer, one of Sevier's men, who adds that they were under 
 Colonel Moore,* perhaps the Tor}^ commander at Ram- 
 
 * Whether Colonel John or Patrick Moore is the one referred to, is not certain — prob- 
 ably the former, as Colonel Ferguson seemed not to have formed a good opinion of the 
 conduct of Patrick Moore in failing to defend Thicketty Fort the preceding July. Moses 
 Moore, the father of Colonel John Moore, was a native of Carlisle, England, whence he 
 migrated to Virginia in 1745, marrying a Miss Winston, near Jamestown, in that Province ; 
 and in 1753, settling in what is now Gaston County, North Carolina, eight miles west of 
 Lincolnton. Here John Moore was born; and being a frontier country, when old enough 
 he was sent to Granville County, in that Province, for his education. When the Revolution 
 broke out, he became a zealous Loyalist ; and led a party of Tories from Tryon County, in 
 February, 1779, to Georgia, and uniting with Colonel Boyd on the way, they were defeated 
 by Colonel Pickens at Kettle Creek. Boyd was mortally wounded, and Moore escaped to 
 the British army in that quarter ; and is said to have participated in the defence of Savan- 
 nah. In December following, he was in the service near Moscley's Ferry, on the Ogeechee. 
 He subsequently returned to North Carolina, a Lieutenant-Colonel in Hamilton's 
 corps of Loyalists, and prematurely embodied a Tory force, near Camp Branch, about half 
 a mile west of his father's residence ; thence marched about six miles north to Tory 
 Branch, and thence to Ramsour's Mill, on the South Fork, where he was disastrously 
 defeated. June 20th, 1780, escaping with thirty others to Camden His regiment, the 
 Royal North Carolinians, participated in Gates' defeat, losing three killed and fourteen 
 wounded -among the latter, Colonel Hamilton. It is doubtful if Moore participated in the 
 action, as he was about that time under suspension, threatened with a court martial for 
 disobedience of orders in raising the Loyalists at Ramsour's before thetime appointed by 
 Lord Cornwallis ; but it was at length deemed impolitic to bring him to trial. Escaping 
 from King's Mountain, we next find him with Captain Waters, and a body of Tories, 
 defeated by Colonel Washington at Hammond's Store, South Carolina, December 28th, 
 1780 Thoueh a family tradition coming down from a sister to her grandson, John H. 
 Roberts, of Gaston County, represents that Moore went to Carlisle. England, and was lost 
 track of: yet the better opinion is founded on a statement by a North Carolina Loyalist, 
 piihli<;hed in the Pah'ticnl Ma^azinP. London, April. 1783. that he was taken prisoner by 
 Colonel Wade Hampton, near the Wateree, and hanged. Ke left no family. 
 
 A few words about Colonel Patrick Mooff^ may not be inappropriate in this connection. 
 He was of Irish descent, and a native of Virginia. He early .settled on Thicketty creek in 
 the north-western part of South Carolina, where he commanded Fort Anderson or Thicketty 
 Fort, which he surrendered, without firing a gun to Colnnel Shelby and associates. He 
 was subsequently captured by a party of Americans, according to the tradition in his 
 family, near Ninety Six. and was supposed to have been killed by his captors, as his remains 
 were afterwards found, and recognized bv his ereat height — six feet and seven inches. His 
 death probably occurred in t-j8i. He left a widow, who survived many years, a son and 
 three daughters; and hjis decendants in South Carolina and Georgia are very worthy 
 people. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 299 
 
 sour's Mill. Joseph Kerr, one of Williams' men, after 
 
 enumerating the killed and prisoners of the enemy, adds 
 
 " the balance escaped." General Alexander Smythe, who 
 lived on the Holston, said in a speech in Congress, in 1829, 
 " only twenty-one escaped " — referring, perhaps, to that 
 party of foragers who mortally wounded Colonel Williams. 
 Andrews, in his History of the War, says "very few 
 escaped ;" and Tarleton mentions about picking up some 
 of the fugitives. 
 
 We may conclude that Moore's foraging detachment 
 numbered about two hundred ; which would have left about 
 nine hundred altogether under Ferguson with whom to 
 fight the battle. The British Lieutenant Allaire says, the 
 Loyalists consisted of eight hundred, and Ferguson's corps 
 of one hundred, * which tallies pretty well with Tarleton's 
 account in his Southern Campaigns, of about one thousand 
 Loyal militia, supposing that two hundred of them were on 
 detached service at the time of the battle ; and it agrees 
 also with Lord Rawdon's statement, made towards the close 
 of October, that Ferguson had "about eight hundred 
 militia " in the engagement — to this, of course, should be 
 added his one hundred Provincial Rangers. Allaire, and 
 other British writers,, assuming as true that the exaggerated 
 account of the entire Whig strength, including those in the 
 rear, was well-nigh three thousand, assign as a reason of 
 their overwhelming defeat, the great superiority of their 
 antagonists — three to one, as they assert, against them. In 
 point of fact, the numbers of the opposing forces were about 
 equal ; and it was their persistency, their pluck, and excel- 
 ling in the use of the rifle, that gave the mountaineers the 
 victory. 
 
 Both in Allaire's New York Gazette and MS. Diary 
 
 * Allaire's account in the New York Royal Gazette, February 24, 1781 : and in his MS. 
 Diary, kindly communicated by his grandson, J, DeLancey Robinson, of New Brunswick. 
 Stfedman gives Ferguson's as nine hundred and sixty; Mrs. Warren, in her History of the 
 Revolution, eight hundred and fifty. The British historian. Andrews, in his History of tlie 
 JVa-r, still further diminishes the number — killed and wounded upwards of three hundred, 
 and four hundred prisoners. 
 
SOO KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 accounts, he states that the British lost on the field and 
 in prisoners, as follows : Of the Provincial corps, Colonel 
 Ferguson, Lieutenant McGinnis and eighteen privates, 
 total, twenty killed ; Captain Ryerson and thirty-two Ser- 
 geants and privates, total, thirty-three wounded — making the 
 killed and wounded together, fifty-three ; two Captains, 
 four Lieutenants, three Ensigns, one Surgeon, and fifty-four 
 Sergeants and privates, including the wounded, making a 
 total of sixty-four prisoners — showing, according to this 
 account, only thirty-one of Ferguson's corps who escaped 
 being killed or wounded. This, however, is a manifest 
 error, for the fiftj^-three killed and wounded, and thirty-one 
 uninjured men would add up only eighty-four, whereas. 
 Lieutenant Allaire concedes that there were, at the com- 
 mencement of the battle, one hundred of Ferguson's corps. 
 In this estimate of prisoners, he did not probably include 
 the survivors of Lieutenant Taylor's twenty dragoons, and 
 ten wagoners, taken from the Rangers — more than enough 
 to make up the full complement assigned to the Provin- 
 cials by that officer. He also states, that the Loyalists 
 lost "in officers and privates, one hundred killed, ninety 
 wounded, and about six hundred prisoners." Reckoning 
 the prisoners at six hundred and ten, and the killed and 
 wounded as Allaire reports them, would make up the full 
 amount of the supposable Tory force — eight hundred. 
 
 It is stated in the official report of Campbell and his 
 associates, that of Ferguson's corps nineteen were killed, 
 and thirty-five wounded — exceeding Allaire's account by 
 one only ; but making of the officers and privates sixty- 
 eight prisoners, which would seem to have included onl}^ a 
 part of the wounded ; that the Tories had two hundred and 
 six killed, one hundred and twenty-eight wounded, and 
 forty-eight ofliicers and six hundred privates made prisoners 
 — thus accounting for a total of Provincials and Loyalists 
 of eleven hundred and three. 
 
 Only five days after the battle. Colonel Shelby, in a 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 301 
 
 letter to his father, stated the loss of Ferguson's corps at 
 thirty killed, twenty-eight wounded, and fifty-seven prison- 
 ers ; that the Tories had one hundred and twenty-seven 
 killed, one hundred and twenty-five wounded, and six 
 hundred and forty -nine prisoners ; or both classed together, 
 one hundred and fifty-seven killed, one hundred and fifty- 
 three wounded, and seven hundred and six prisoners — total, 
 one thousand and sixteen. Here is a difference of the 
 killed of the Tories alone, of seventy-nine, between Shelby's 
 statement to his father, and the official account, which he is 
 supposed to have drawn up, and signed a few days later, in 
 conjunction with Campbell and Cleveland. This discrep- 
 ancy is unaccountable, except on the supposition that the 
 official statement was designed, as Colonel Shelby alleges 
 in his narrative of 1823, to "give tone to public report," 
 and confessing, withal, that it was "inaccurate and 
 indefinite." The probabilities are that the figures of the 
 patriots, as to the extent of the losses of the enemy, were 
 considerabl}^ over-estimated for public effect ; and that the 
 prisoners were somewhat " upward of six hundred." as 
 stated in General Greene's manuscripts,* and which Allaire 
 practically confirms by stating that they were " about six 
 hundred." 
 
 " Exaggeration of successful operations," wrote Colonel 
 Lee to General Greene, " was characteristic of the times ; " f 
 and this was, perhaps, excusable in this instance, since a 
 total defeat of the enemy, like that of Ferguson's at King's 
 Mountain, was a circumstance of rare occurrence, and the 
 Whigs pi-obably thought it was well to make the most of it 
 to revive the drooping spirits of the people. Love of 
 country predominated over any mere questions of casuistry ; 
 and thus Shelby and his associates were not over-nice about 
 the matter of the enemy's numbers, so that they were only 
 represented sufficientlj^ large to make a decided impression 
 
 * Greene's Life of General Greene^ iii, 78. 
 ■{■Greene's Greene, iii, 222. 
 
302 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 on the minds of all classes, encouraging the friends of free- 
 dom, and equally depressing their enemies. 
 
 Of the killed and wounded of the Americans, it is less 
 difficult to get at the facts ; or at least they are not involved 
 in such contradictor}^ statements as those relating to the 
 British losses. Colonel Shelby, in his letter to his father, 
 October twelfth, 1780, mentions six officers and twenty three 
 privates killed, and fifty-four wounded ; but adds, that he 
 believes, with more accurate returns, the killed will prove 
 to be thirty-five, and the wounded between fifty and sixty. 
 Colonel Campbell, in his letter of October twentieth, places 
 the number at about thirty killed, and sixty wounded. 
 In the official report, made out apparently somewhat later, 
 and hence more reliable, the killed are stated at twenty- 
 eight, and the wounded at sixty-two. 
 
 In the command of Williams, Brandon, Steen and Ham- 
 mond, we have no record of any loss save that of their 
 gallant leader, and the person, whose name is unknown, 
 who had a presentiment of his death ; and William Giles, 
 as already related, slightly wounded. Among the South 
 Carolinians under Lacey and Hawthorn, no killed are 
 reported, save, perhaps, David Duff and William Watson, 
 who probably belonged to this corps, and but one wounded, 
 Robert Miller, of Chester County, who was badly disabled 
 in his thigh. In both of these commands there were prob- 
 ably other losses. Of the Rutherford men under Colonel 
 Hampton, John Smart * and Preston Goforth were killed, 
 and Major James Porter and William Robertson wounded ; 
 but of McDowell's Burke County men, we have no know- 
 ledge of any deaths or disabilities. 
 
 The Lincoln County men, considering their small num- 
 ber, suffered considerably in the engagement — Major 
 Chronicle, Captain Mattocks, William Rabb, John Boyd, 
 and Arthur Patterson, killed, and Moses Henry mortally 
 
 * Smart was killed by a Tory named Hughes. In after years, John Smart Jr. hearing 
 of Hughes in West Tennessee, started on a mission to seek the Tory's life, but never 
 returned, — W. L. Twitty, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 303 
 
 wounded ; Lieutenant-Colonel Hambright, Captain Espey, 
 Robert Henry, William Gilmer, John Chittim, * and 
 William Bradley, wounded. There must have been other 
 losses ; for of Captain Samuel Martin's company of about 
 twenty men, he relates in his pension statement, that four 
 were killed, and two mortally wounded. 
 
 Of Sevier's regiment, William Steele, John Brown, 
 and Michael Mahoney, are known to have lost their lives in 
 the contest ; while Captain Sevier was mortally, and one 
 Gilleland and Patrick Murphy severely wounded. Near 
 the close of the action. Captain Sevier, while stooping to 
 pick up his ramrod, received a buck-shot wound near his 
 kidney ; after the action, the British Surgeon, Doctor 
 Johnson, endeavored to extract the shot, but failed in the 
 effort; dressed his wound, saying if he would remain 
 quiet awhile, the shot could be extracted, and he would 
 probably recover ; but if he attempted to return home at 
 once, his kidneys would inflame, and about the ninth day 
 he would expire. Fearing to be left behind, lest the Tories 
 might wreak their vengeance on him, he started on horse- 
 back for his Nolachucky home, accompanied by his 
 nephew, James Sevier. On the ninth day, when at Bright's 
 Place on the Yellow Mountain, preparing their frugal meal, 
 he was suddenly taken worse, and died within an hour, and 
 his remains, wrapped in his blanket, were interred beneath 
 a lofty mountain oak. 
 
 After the battle, among the stores captured from the 
 enemy was a keg of rum, some of which was conveyed to 
 the wounded Pat Murphy, with which to bathe his wound. 
 He had been shot across the windpipe in front, cutting it 
 considerably. Pat held the cup while a companion gave 
 the wound a faithful bathmg ; this done, he swallowed the 
 remainder, remarking with much sang froid, "a little in 
 was as good as out." \ 
 
 * Chittim was placed on the invahd roll of pensioners in 1815, drawing seventy-two 
 dollars a year, till his death, December 24, 1818. 
 
 f Statement of the late Major John Sevier, a son of Colonel Sevier. 
 
304 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Colonel Shelby's regiment no doubt suffered from losses 
 in the action ; but the particulars are wanting, save that 
 Captain Shelby, William Cox, and John Fagon were 
 wounded. As Shelby's men encountered hard fighting, and 
 were repeatedly charged down the mountain, they must 
 necessarily have lost some of their number, and had more 
 wounded than the three whose names are mentioned. 
 
 Of the Wilkes and Surry men, under Cleveland and 
 Winston, we have only the names of two men killed — 
 Thomas Bicknell, and Daniel Siske, of Wilkes County; 
 Major Lewis, Captains Lewis, Smith, and Lenoir, Lieu- 
 tenants Johnson and J. M. Smith, Charles Gordon, and 
 John Childers wounded — the latter badly. Where so many 
 officers were disabled, there must have been several others 
 of this gallant regiment killed and wounded. 
 
 Colonel Campbell's Virginians, who fought so nobly and 
 persistently throughout the action, met with severer losses 
 than any other regiment engaged in this hard day's contest. 
 Of the killed were Captain William Edmondson, Lieutenants 
 Reece Bowen, William Blackburn, and Robert Edmondson, 
 Sr., Ensigns Andrew Edmondson, John Beattie, James 
 Corry, Nathaniel Dryden, Nathaniel Gist, James Philips, 
 and Humberson Lyon, and private Henry Henigar. 
 Lieutenant Thomas McCulloch, and Ensign James Laird, 
 who were mortally wounded, died a few days thereafter. 
 Captain James Dysart, Lieutenants Samuel Newell, Robert 
 Edmondson, Jr., and eighteen privates wounded,* of whom 
 were Fredrick Fisher, John Skeggs Benoni Banning, 
 Charles Kilgore, William Bullen, Leonard Hvce, Israel 
 Havter, and William Moore, who recovered. The names 
 of the other ten disabled Virginians have not been preserved. 
 
 So badly wounded was William Moore, that his leg had 
 to be amputated on the field. He was necessarily left at 
 
 * Samuel Newell's letter to Getieral Francis Preston, states that Campbell's regiment 
 had thirty-five killed and wounded. As fourteen were killed including two officers who 
 shortly after died of their wounds, it would leave twenty-one wounded, three of whom 
 were officers. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 305 
 
 some good Samaritan's ; but when his associates returned 
 to their distant Holston homes, and told the story of their 
 victory, and its cost in life and suffering, his devoted wife, 
 on learning her husband's terrible misfortune, though in the 
 month of November, mounted her horse and rode all the 
 long and dreary journey to the neighborhood of King's 
 Mountain — such was the intrepidity of the frontier women, 
 as well as the men, of those trying times ; and having nursed 
 him until sufficiently recovered, she conveyed him home, and 
 he lived to a good old age, * dying in 1826, after having 
 received from the Government an invalid pension for thirty- 
 seven years. 
 
 It is remarkable, that thirteen officers to only a single 
 private of Campbell's men, were killed or mortally wounded 
 during the battle — nearly one-half of the fatalities of the 
 whole Whig force engaged in the contest. This disparity of 
 losses between the leaders and privates is a striking proof 
 how fearlessly the officers exposed themselves in rallying 
 the regiment when broken, and leading on their men by 
 their valor and heroic examples to victory. One-third of 
 the wounded were of Campbell's regiment. Another 
 remarkable fact is, that of eight Edmondsons of the 
 Virginia troops, engaged that day, three were killed, and 
 one was wounded — all prominent and efficient officers of 
 that corps ; the survivors having been WilHam Edmondson, 
 the major of the regiment, and privates John, Samuel, and 
 William Edmondson. 
 
 Thus the names of those who fell and those who were 
 disabled, of the several Whig regiments, so far as we have 
 been able to collect them, number twenty-six killed, and 
 a nameless one of Hammond's men, who fell, who had a 
 premonition of his fate ; and thirty-six wounded. There 
 must have been several others killed, beside those whose 
 names are given in the several lists, and some twenty-six 
 
 » MS. Statements of the late Governor David Campbell, and \Vm. G. G. Lowry, Clerk 
 of the Court of Washington County, Virginia— the latter a great grandson of this patriotic 
 couple. 
 
 20 
 
306 KING ' 6" MO UNTAIN 
 
 additional ones wounded. It does not appear that there was 
 a single Surgeon among the Americans, and Doctor Johnson 
 only, of three Surgeons of Ferguson's men, survived, who 
 seems to have generously attended the wounded of the 
 Whigs, as well as those of his own corps. But the frontier 
 people were much accustomed, from necessity, with splints, 
 bandages, and slippery elm poultices, to treating gun-shot 
 wounds and other disabilities. 
 
 Not very long after the close of the action. Captain John 
 Weir, of that part of Lincoln now comprising Gaston 
 County, arrived with his company, having heard of the 
 advance of the mountaineers ; and may have heard, in the 
 distance, the reports of the eighteen hundred rifles and 
 muskets of the Whigs and Tories that reverberated from 
 King's Mountain over the surrounding country.* Captain 
 Robert Shannon, a brave Irishm.an, also of Lincoln County, 
 hastened with his compan)^ likewise to the field of battle. 
 And not a few of the scattered settlers of that region, men 
 and women, repaired to the battle-ground to learn the news, 
 and render whatever aid they could under the circum- 
 stances. Among them was Mrs. Ellen McDowell, and her 
 daughter Jane, having heard the firing from their house, 
 went to the scene of strife, where they remained several 
 days nursing and attending to the wounded soldiers. 
 
 After the battle quite a number were appointed to count 
 up the losses ; but their reports were so contradictory that 
 little reliance could be placed in them — apparently repeating 
 the process of counting them, in some instances, so that 
 
 ■■■■ Captain Weir was born in Ireland, in 1743, where he early married a Miss McKelvey, 
 Their eldest son was born in Ireland, soon after which they emigrated to America, set- 
 tling on Buffalo Creek, at what is now known as Weir's Bridge, in Gaston County, North 
 Carolina. Weir was early commissioned a Captain, and was much engaged in scouting 
 service during the Revolution. His activity in the Whig cause excited the ire of the 
 Tories. Just before the battle of the Cowpens, he was caught and severely whipped by a 
 Tory party, and left in the woods securely tied to a tree; but w.ts fortunately soon after 
 found, and released by his friends. On another occasion, his wife was whipped by the 
 Tories for refusing to divulge to them the place of her husband's concealment. She died, 
 August ir, 1819, and he on the 4th of September following, in his seventy-sixth year. Both 
 were long members of the Presbyterian church, and left many worthy descendants. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 307 
 
 the aggregate results greatly exceeded the facts in the case. 
 Among the natural rocky defenses, where many of the 
 Tories had posted themselves, upwards of twenty of their 
 dead bodies were found, completel}^ jammed in between the 
 rocks, who had been shot directly through the head * — 
 so fatally accurate was the aim of the mountain-riflemen 
 when their antagonists ventured to peep out from their 
 chosen fastnesses. 
 
 Some considerable time was necessarily employed in 
 getting the prisoners properly secured, and in giving such 
 attention to the wounded Whigs as the circumstances would 
 permit ; Colonel Williams being taken into one of the 
 British markees, as were doubtless many others. Doctor 
 Johnson, of Ferguson's corps, seems to have been the good 
 Samaritan of the occasion, rendering such professional 
 services as he could, alike to the Whigs and his "brother 
 Provincials ; while the wounded of the poor Loyalists 
 appear to have been left pretty much to their fate. 
 
 The truth is, that rarely, if ever, did a body of eighteen 
 hundred fighting irien come into conflict, with so litttle pro- 
 visions to supply their wants. The Americans, in their 
 desperate pursuit of the enemy, trusting to luck, had literally 
 nothing ; while Ferguson had been scarcely any more prov- 
 ident in securing needful supplies. The country in the 
 immediate vicinity of King's Mountain was but sparsely 
 settled at that period. " It was dark again we got the 
 prisoners under guard," sa3-s the unknown chronicler of 
 Campbell's regiment, who left us his narrative of the 
 campaign and battle. 
 
 Many a souvenir was appropriated by the victors. 
 Captain Joseph McDowefl, of Pleasant Garden, secured 
 some of Ferguson's table service — six of his china dinner 
 plates, and a small coffee cup and saucer ; several of which 
 interesting war trophies are yet retained among his descend- 
 ants.! Colonel Shelby obtained the fallen Chieftain's 
 
 * Statements of Silas McBee and John Spelts to the author. 
 
 f MS. letters of Mrs. R. M. Pearson, and Miss N. M. McDowell, grand-daughters, and 
 Miss Anna M. Woodfin, a great grand-daughter, of Captain McDowell. 
 
308 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 famous silver whistle, while the smaller one fell to the lot of 
 EHas Powell ; and Colonel Sevier secured his silken sash, 
 and Lieutenant-Colonel's commission, and DePeyster's 
 sword. Colonel Campbell secured at least a portion of his 
 correspondence. Ferguson's white charger, who had 
 careered down the mountain when his master was shot from 
 his back, was, by general consent, assigned to the gallant 
 Colonel Cleveland, who was too unwieldy to travel on foot, 
 and who had lost his horse in the action. Samuel Talbot, 
 turning over Ferguson's dead body, picked up his pistol, 
 which had dropped from his pocket. His large silver watch, 
 as round as a turnip, fell into the hands of one of Lacey's 
 men ; and Doctor Moore, in his Life of Lacey, says he 
 frequently saw it ; that it traded for about forty-five or fifty 
 dollars as a curiosity. 
 
 " Awful, indeed," says Thomas Young, " was the scene 
 of the wounded, the dying and the dead, on the field, after 
 the carnage of that dreadful day." * " We had," observed 
 Benjamin Sharp, " to encamp on the ground with the dead 
 and wounded, and pass the night amid groans and lamen- 
 tations." t " My father, David Witherspoon," remarks his 
 son, " used to describe the scenes of the battle-ground the 
 night after the contest as heart-rending in the extreme — 
 the groans of the dying, and the constant cry of "water! 
 water ! " \ "The groans of the wounded and dying on the 
 mountain," said John Spelts, " were truly affecting — 
 begging piteously for a little water ; but in the hurry, con- 
 fusion, and exhaustion of the Whigs, these cries, when 
 emanating from the Tories, were little heeded." § 
 
 " The red rose grew pale at the blood that was shed, 
 And the white rose blushed at the shedding.'' 
 
 Such was the night on King's Mountain immediately 
 
 * Young's Memoir \n the Orion magazine. 
 -J- Sharp's narrative in the American Pioneer. 
 
 1 MS. letter of Colonel J. H. Witherspoon, of Lauderdale County, Alabama, No- 
 vember, 1880. 
 
 g Conversations with Spelts, in December, 1843. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 309 
 
 succeeding the battle. While these surrounding sufferings 
 touched many a heart, others had become more or less 
 hardened, believing, so far as the Tories were concerned, 
 that their wretched condition, brought upon themselves, 
 was a just retribution from high heaven for their unnatural 
 opposition to the efforts of their countrymen to throw off the 
 chains of political bondage forged by the British Govern- 
 ment. The Whigs, weary as they were, had to take turns 
 in guarding the prisoners, with little or no refreshment ; 
 and caring, as best they could, for their own over three- 
 score wounded, with no little fear, withal, lest Tarleton 
 should suddenly dash upon them. It was a night of care, 
 anxiety and suffering, vividly remembered, and feelingly 
 rehearsed, as long as any of the actors were permitted to 
 survive. 
 
310 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER XIV, 
 
 October, 1780. 
 
 Battle Incidents. — Long Sam Abney Coerced into Ferguson's Army. — 
 Death of Arthur Patterson. — Drury Mathis' Rough Experience. — 
 A Tory Wo?nan Finding her Slain Son. — Fatality of the Riflemen. — 
 Preston Goforth and three Brothers Killed. — A Brother Kills a 
 Brother.. — The Whig and Tory Logans. — William Logan Noticed. — 
 Preparing to Retire — Burning Captured Wagons — Horse-Litters 
 for the Wounded. — Gray's Kindness to a Wounded Tory. — A 
 Termagajit Prisoner Released. — Messengers Sent to the Foot-Meft. — 
 Arms Captured — Tories made to Carry Them. — Trophies of Vic- 
 tory. — A Whig Woman Refusing to Share in the Plunder. — Ru?nor 
 of Tarleton's Approach. — Burial of the Whig and Tory Dead. — 
 Treatmeyit of Ferguson Considered. — Re-Interment of Remains. — 
 March of the Army. — Death of Colonel Willams. — Camp at Broad 
 River. — Willams' Burial — Discovery of his Long- Forgotten Grave. 
 — Six Tory Brothers Escape. — Notice of Colonel Walker. — Bran- 
 don's Barbarity. — Campbell Protecting the Prisoners. — Gray' s Retort 
 to a Tory Vixen. — Gray's Services. — Sufferitig for Food. — Feedijtg 
 Prisoners on Corn and Pumpkins. — Billeting the Wounded. — March 
 to Bickerstaff's Old Fields. 
 
 In a contest like that on King's Mountain, lasting over 
 an hour, with eighteen hundred men engaged in mortal 
 combat, and with repeated charges and repulses, many a 
 battle-incident occurred of an interesting or exciting' char- 
 acter. A number of them have already been related while 
 detailing the services of the several corps engaged in the 
 action ; but others, of a more general nature, or where Loy- 
 alists were referred to, may very appropriately be grouped 
 in this connection. 
 
 Samuel Abnej- — better known as Long Sam Abney, to 
 distinguish him from others of the name — -a resident of 
 Edgefield County, South Carolina, was a Whig both in 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 311 
 
 principle and practice. Upon the fall of Charleston, and 
 the occupation of Ninety-Six and Augusta by a strong 
 British force, the great body of the people were forced to 
 submit — to take protection, which they understood to mean 
 neutrality ; but which the British leaders construed very 
 differently. Thej^ were treated as conquered Rebels, and, 
 in many -instances, were compelled to take up arms in 
 defence of a Government which they loathed, and to fight 
 against their country's freedom to which their hearts were 
 devoted. Such was Abney's situation. He was forced 
 into Ferguson's Loyalist corps, and was marched to King's 
 Mountain. 
 
 At the commencement of the battle, he stationed him- 
 self behind a rock, where he would be secure from the balls 
 of either side, determined not to fight against his countrj-- 
 men. He could not, and would not, take part in shooting 
 his own friends, was his secret thought and resolution. But 
 amid the shower of bullets fljdng in every direction, he was 
 not so safe as he had flattered himself; for while leaning on 
 his rifle, and probably indulging in the curiosity of taking a 
 view of the combatants, he unintentionally exposed his 
 person more than he had designed, when a ball penetrated 
 the fleshy part of his arm. This made him " a little mad," 
 as he expressed it; still he had, as yet, no thought of taking 
 part in the contest. • Presentl}-, however, he was struck 
 with another ball; which made him "mighty mad," and 
 he then turned in and fought with the bravest and boldest 
 of Ferguson's troops. Before the action was over, he was 
 riddled with bullets, as he related the story of the fight — 
 seven balls taking effect on his person. He was left in a 
 helpless, unconscious condition, among the slain and 
 wounded on the batde-field ; but fortunately the frost of the 
 ensuing night revived him. -He crawled to a neighboring 
 branch, and slacked his burning thirst. He was sub- 
 sequently found by one of the people of that region, who 
 compassionately conveyed him to his home, and bound up 
 
312 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 his wounds ; and, after many days, he i-ecovered, and 
 returned to his friends. He lived to a good old age, and 
 used merrily to relate how he was shot, and how he was 
 provoked to shoot back again, at King's Mountain. * 
 
 In the neighborhood of King's Mountain, on King's 
 creek, resided old Arthur Patterson, an Irishman, who 
 was devoted to the Whig cause, as well as his several sons 
 who were settled around him. On the morning preceding 
 the battle, a party of Ferguson's foragers ranging along 
 that stream, came across three of the young Pattersons, 
 Arthur, Jr., Thomas and William, together with James 
 Lindsay ; arrested and marched them to camp, where they 
 were placed under guard, awaiting trial. The same day, 
 learning of the apprehension of his sons, the aged father 
 of the Pattersons started for the camp, to see if he could do 
 anything towards effecting their release. Meanwhile the 
 Whigs suddenly made their appearance, encircled the 
 mountain, and commenced their attack. During the prog- 
 ress of the action, while the Americans were pressing the 
 enemy, the guards were ordered to take their places in 
 the line of defence, and aid, if possible, in checking the 
 advance of the mountaineers. Left to themselves, amid the 
 confusion of the battle, the prisoners resolved to make a 
 push for freedom. Lindsay, together with William and 
 Arthur Patterson, Jr., ran through an opening in the British 
 lines, and escaped unharmed — Arthur with a portion of the 
 rope, with which he had been fastened, still dangling from 
 his neck. Thomas Patterson, possessing perhaps more of a 
 belligerent nature, watched his opportunity, between fires, 
 and made a bold dash for the Whig lines, reaching Shelby's 
 corps, where he picked up the rifle of a wounded soldier, 
 and fought bravely until victory was proclaimed. His aged 
 father was less fortunate. His old Irish blood, as he came 
 in view of the noble army of patriots, was stirred within 
 
 * Random Recollections of the Revoltitton. by Hon. J. B. O'Neall, in the Southern 
 Literary Journal, August, 1838, pp. 106-7. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 313 
 
 him ; and hoping that he might aid in liberating both his 
 sons and his country, he warmlj' joined in the fray, and 
 was killed. * 
 
 Drury Mathis, who resided at Saluda Old town, on the 
 Saluda, in South Carolina, some two and a half miles above 
 the mouth of Little river, had united his fortunes with Fer- 
 guson. In the third charge which was made against Camp- 
 bell's men, Mathis was badly wounded, and fell to the 
 ground. The spot where he had fallen was halfway down 
 the mountain, where the balls from the Virginians fell 
 around him almost as thick as hail. Fie used to relate, that 
 as the mountaineers passed over him, he would play 
 possum ; but he could plainly observe their faces and eyes ; 
 and to him those bold, brave riflemen appeared like so 
 many devils from the infernal regions, so full of excitement 
 were they as they darted like enraged lions up the mount- 
 ain. He said they were the most powerful looking men he 
 ever beheld ; not over-burdened with fat, but tall, raw-boned, 
 and sinewy, with long matted hair — such men, as a body, 
 as were never before seen in the Carolinas. With his feet 
 down the declivity, he said he could not but observe that 
 his Loyalist friends were very generally over-shooting the 
 Americans ; and that if ever a poor fellow hugged mother 
 earth closely, he did on that trying occasion. After the battle 
 — the next day, probably — he was kindly taken to a house in 
 that region, and nursed till his wound had healed, when he 
 returned to Ninety-Six, an humbled, if not a wiser man. 
 He lived to enjoy a green old age ; but used stoutly to swear 
 that he never desired to see King's Mountain again, f 
 
 Thomas Mullineaux, a youth, lived with his mother, 
 some two miles from the mountain. He used to relate, in 
 his old age, that when the firing began, his mother and the 
 family were sitting down to a late dinner. Presently a 
 neighboring woman came running in, wringing her hands, 
 
 *MS. letters of Colonel J. R. Logan, Dr. W. J. T. Miller, Abraham Hardin; Hunter's 
 Sketches, 311 ; Moore's Lacey, 18; The Carolinian, Hiclcory, North Carolina, Oct. 1st, 1880. 
 f MS. papers of Dr. John H. Logan. 
 
314 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 and uttering her deep lamentations over the dangers sur- 
 rounding her son, who had enlisted under the banners of 
 Ferguson. After the firing had, at length, ceased, and 
 all was still again, as if nothing had occurred to disturb the 
 peace that had brooded over the mountain from time 
 immemorial, the poor woman hastened, with a heavy heart, 
 accompanied b}' j'oung Mullineaux, to the scene of action. 
 Turning up the faces of the dead and wounded Tories, 
 scattered along the sides, and upon the crest of the moun- 
 tain, she at length discovered the gorj^ bod}' of her son 
 pierced by a rifle ball. It was a heart-rending scene.* 
 
 The fatality of the sharp-shooters at King's Mountain 
 almost surpasses belief. Riflemen took off riflemen with 
 such exactness, that they killed each other when taking 
 sight, so instantaneously that their eyes remained, after 
 they were dead, one shut and the other o-pen — in the usual 
 manner of marksmen when leveling at their object. f Wil- 
 kinson, in his Memoirs, refers to " the Southern States, rent 
 by civil feuds, bleeding by the hands of brothers ; " and cites 
 an incident in point at King's Mountain, related to him by 
 Colonel Shelby, ^^ that tzuo brothers, expert riflemen, zuere 
 seen to present at each other , to fire and fall at the same 
 instant — their names were given to me, but they have 
 escaped my memory." \ 
 
 It is not improbable that these two brothers who con- 
 fronted and killed each other, as related by Colonel Shelby, 
 were of the Goforth family, of Rutherford County, North 
 Carolina. At least, four brothers — Preston Goforth on the 
 Whig side, and John Goforth and two others in the Tory 
 ranks — all participated in the battle, and all were killed. 
 It was a remarkable fatality. § 
 
 Another instance of brother killing a brother, during the 
 engagement, is thus related : A Whig soldier noticed a 
 
 '•'Dr. J. H. Logan's manuscripts. 
 
 ■f Lamb's y<?Mr«(i^. 308. 
 
 J Wilkinson's Memoirs, i, 115. 
 
 g MS. Correspondence of W, L. T-wItty. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 315 
 
 good deal of execution in a particular part of his line from a 
 certain direction on the other side. ■ On close observation, 
 he discovered that the fatal firing on tlae part of Ferguson's 
 men, proceeded from behind a hollow chestnut tree, and 
 through a hole in it. He concluded to make an effort to 
 silence that battery, and aimed his rifle shots repeatedly at 
 the aperture. At length the firing from that quarter ceased. 
 After the battle, his curiosity prompted him to examine the 
 place, and discovered that he had killed one of his own 
 brothers, and wounded another, who had joined the Loyalist 
 forces, and concealed themselves in the rear of this tree. 
 So much did the patriot brother take the circumstance to 
 heart, that he became almost deranged in consequence.* 
 
 There were four brothers, all of Lincoln County, North 
 Carolina, who shared in the battle — William and Joseph 
 Logan, on the Whig side, and John and Thomas Logan 
 among Ferguson's forces. William Logan belonged to 
 Mattock's company, and was close by his Captain when he 
 fell — the fatal ball having passed a hollow dead chestnut 
 tree. Joseph Logan, the other Whig brother, was a Baptist 
 preacher ; and, during the engagement, he, with a Presbj'- 
 terian minister, wrestled with the Lord in prayer, as in 
 olden times, to stay up the hands of their friends. Thomas 
 Logan, one of the Tory brothers, had his thigh badly 
 broken, and was left on the field of battle ; while his 
 brother, John Logan, was taken among the prisoners, and 
 afterwards died a pauper. t These political divisions in 
 families, which were not unfrequent, were exceedingly 
 unpleasant, engendering much bitterness and animosity. 
 
 * Rev. E. R. Rockwell, of Cool Spring, North Carolina, in Historical Magazine, 
 September, 1867, p. i8t. 
 
 T MS. Correspondence of Colonel J. R Logan. His grandfather, William Logan, who 
 shared in the glories of King's Mountain, was a native of Virginia, born in 1749. descend- 
 ing from Scotch-Irish ancestry. Before the war, he married Jane Black, and settled in 
 Lincoln County. North Carolina. He did good service at King's Mountain, and rendered 
 himself useful during the continuance of the contest, for which in his advanced years he 
 drew a pension. After the war he settled on main Buffalo creek, on the border of York 
 County, South Carolina, where he died in r832, at the age of eighty-three years, having 
 dropped dead in the field while feeding his cattle. He left five sons and two daughters, and 
 was long a worthy member of the Baptist church. 
 
316 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 In the morning, after the battle, a man was discovered 
 on the top of the mountain — one of the Tories, it is believed 
 — with a bullet hole through his head, a rifle ball having 
 entered his forehead, and passed out at the back part of his 
 cranium ; and strange to say, he was still alive, and sitting 
 in an upright posture on the ground. Some of his brains 
 had oozed out on either side of his head ; and though 
 unconscious, he was yet breathing. It was proposed by 
 those who saw him, that they would gently lay him down ; 
 and, on doing so, he instantly expired.* 
 
 On Sabbath morning, October the eighth, the sun shone 
 brightly, the first time in several days, and the patriots 
 were early astir — prompted thereto by two verj' pressing 
 motives. One was, that they might get on their return 
 route as quickly as possible, to secure a much needed sup- 
 ply of provisions ; the other to hasten beyond the reach of 
 the dreaded Colonel Tarleton, an encounter with whom 
 was very undesirable, encumbered as they were with so 
 many prisoners, and the necessary care and conveyance of 
 their own wounded. Seventeen baggage wagons were, 
 according to Colonel Shelby's letter to his father, among 
 the trophies of victory ; and these, says Ramsey's Tetines- 
 see, were drawn by the men across their camp-fires and 
 consumed. To have attempted to carry them along, would 
 have retarded their march over a rough country ; and the 
 wounded could be best borne on the journey on horse-litters, 
 by fastening two long poles on either side of two horses at 
 tandem, leaving a space of six or eight feet between them, 
 stretching tent-cloth or blankets between the poles, on which 
 to place a disabled officer or soldier. 
 
 In rambling that morning among the Tory wounded, 
 who lay scattered about — all who could had crept to the 
 branch to quench their raging thirst — James Gray, of the 
 Rutherford troops, discovered an old acquaintance wounded 
 
 '■'J. L. Gray's MS. narrativCj derived from James Gray, one of the King's Mountain 
 men. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 317 
 
 in the ankle, and unable to walk. Gray was fully aware, 
 that the unfortunate man was not one of those disrepu- 
 table Tories who had joined the King's standard, like 
 Plundering Sam Brown, simply for the sake of being 
 protected in rapine and plunder. He had joined Fergu- 
 son from conscientious motives, believing it his duty 
 to fight for the Royal Government. Gray feeling kindly 
 towards his old friend, took out his pocket-handkerchief, 
 bound up his broken limb, and did whatever else he could 
 to ameliorate his unhappy condition. Nor was this kind- 
 ness thrown away. Recovering from his wound, the 
 Loyalist became a useful citizen to his country ; and, as 
 long as he lived, he manifested the strongest friendship for 
 Gray, who had shown him compassion in the day of his 
 distress. * 
 
 Among the prisoners, Colonel Shelby discovered some 
 officers who had fought under his banner, a few weeks pre- 
 viously, at Musgrove's Mill. They declared that they had 
 been forced to join Ferguson, or fare worse ; and when 
 their cases had been inquired into, and their representations 
 found to be correct, their misfortunes were conimisserated, 
 and they were henceforth regarded as friends, f Here a 
 woman was liberated from captivity, who had been taken pris- 
 oner in Burke County during Colonel Ferguson's inva- 
 sion of that region in the month preceding. She was a regu- 
 lar termagant — especially excited by the presence of Tories, 
 and in this instance, her ire had probably been provoked 
 by the reckless plunder of her property, and she had appar- 
 ently been apprehended because she gave them a piece of 
 her tongue, in a manner quite too loose and reckless to suit 
 the fastidious notions of his Majesty's representatives in the 
 backwoods of America. + Once again free in body, as her 
 unruly member always had been, she renewedly indulged 
 her propensity, we may well judge, of saying ugly things 
 of Fersfuson and his men to her heart's content. 
 
 *J. L. Gray's MS. statement, and Rutherford Enquirer, May 24, 1859. 
 
 •J- Shelby, in j47«^r7Va« Review, December, 1848, 
 
 X MS. statement of W. L. Twitty, derived from Colonel W. H. Miller. 
 
318 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Earl}' that morning, Colonel Campbell ordered two of 
 his men, William Snodgrass and Edward Smith, to return 
 on the route on which the armj^ had advanced, so as to 
 meet the part)' of footmen, and prevent their further 
 approach in the direction of King's Mountain. Declining 
 a guard, because, as the messengers said, the patriots already 
 had the whole population of that region, either as soldiers 
 or prisoners, they went on, without any mishap or adventure, 
 to Broad river — apparently at the Cherokee Ford — where 
 they met their countrymen. They imparted to them the 
 joyful tidings of victory, and turned their course, in 
 obedience to orders, up the stream. * 
 
 According to the official report of Colonel Campbell 
 and associates, fifteen hundred stand of arms were cap- 
 tured ; but in Colonel Shelby's letter to his father, written 
 five davs after the battle, twelve hundred is the number 
 stated — andaportion of these were supernumerary, designed 
 for new recruits. " The prisoners," says Shelby, " were 
 made to carry their own arms, as they could not have been 
 carried in an}^ other way." The flints were taken from the 
 locks ; and, to the more strong and healthy Tories, two guns 
 each were assigned for convej-ance. When ready to start 
 on the day's journey, the prisoners were marched, in single 
 file, by the spot where the rifles and muskets were stacked, 
 and each was directed to shoulder and carry the arms 
 allotted to him. Colonel Shelby, with his sword drawn, 
 stood by, among others, to see that the order was strictly 
 obeyed. One old fellow came toddling by, and evinced a 
 determination not to encumber himself with a gun. Shelby 
 sternly ordered him to shoulder one without delay. The 
 old man demurred, declaring he was not able to carry it. 
 Shelby told him, with a curse, that he was able to bring 
 one there, and he should carry one away ; and, at the same 
 time gave him a smart slap across his shoulders with the 
 flat side of his sword-blade. The old fellow, discovering 
 
 "!' MS. letter of Wm. Snodgrass to Ex-Governor David Campbell, August 15th, 1842. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 319 
 
 that he could not trifle with such a man as Shelby, jumped 
 at the gun-pile, shouldered one, and marched away in 
 double-quick time. * 
 
 There were not a few other articles, military and per- 
 sonal, that fell into the hands of the victors. These seem 
 to have been retained by those who possessed themselves of 
 them — as the troops, be it remembered, had not engaged in 
 the service by any order of Congress, or of their respective 
 States. It was entirely a volunteer movement — no baggage- 
 wagons, no commissaries, no pay, and no supplies. General 
 Lenoir adds, th!at by the victory of King's Mountain, " many 
 militia officers procured swords who could not possibly get 
 any before ; neither was it possible to procure a good sup- 
 ply of ammunition." 
 
 If the soldiers, who had marched so far and suffered so 
 much, in order to meet and conquer Ferguson and his army, 
 were not unwilling to appropriate to their own use the 
 trophies of victory, there is at least one recorded instance 
 in which a sturd}^ Whig woman of the country refused 
 to profit by the spoils of war. Two brothers, Moses and 
 James Henry, of the Lincoln troops, residing in what is 
 now Gaston County, fought bravely in the battle ; Moses 
 Henry sealing his devotion to his country with his life's 
 blood — dying, not long thereafter, in the hospital at Char- 
 lotte, of the wound he received in the action. His brother, 
 James Henry, while passing through the woods near the 
 scene of the conflict, a few days after the engagement, 
 found a very fine horse, handsomely equipped with an 
 elegant saddle, the reins of the bridle being broken. The 
 horse and equipments had belonged, as he supposed, to 
 some officer of the enemy. He took the animal home with 
 him, greatly elated with his good luck; but his patriotic 
 mother meeting him at the gate, immediately inquired whose 
 horse it was? He rephed, that he judged that it had be- 
 
 ""■ Shelby's narrative in the American Review, Ramsey's Tennessee, 242; General 
 Lenoir's statement; T. L. Gray's MSS. ; Rutker/ord Enquirer, May 24th, 1859. 
 
320 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 longed to some British officer. "James," said the mother, 
 sternly, " turn it loose, and drive it off the place, for I will 
 not have the hands of my household soiled with British 
 plunder." Colonel Moses Henry Hand, a worthy citizen 
 of Gaston Count}^, is a grandson of Moses Henry who was 
 mortally woiinded at King's Mountain. * 
 
 At length the patriot army was ready to commence its 
 long and tedious return march, encumbered with their 
 wounded, and over six hundred prisoners. A report was 
 prevalent that morning, that Tarleton's cavalry was press- 
 ing on, and would attempt to rescue the prisoners, f and 
 inflict punishment upon the audacious mountaineers ; but 
 while it was only camp rumor, brought in by people from 
 the surrounding countrjr, whose curiosity had prompted 
 them to visit the battle-field, yet the Whig leaders deemed 
 it wise to waste no time unnecessarily. Much of the morn- 
 ing had been consumed in preparing litters for the wounded. 
 
 When the army marched, some ten o'clock in the fore- 
 noon. Colonel Campbell remained behind with a party of 
 men to bury their unfortunate countrymen. J The British 
 Lieutenant Allaire states, that before the troops moved, 
 orders were given to his men b}^ Colonel Campbell, that 
 should they be attacked on the march, to fire on and destroy 
 the prisoners. We have no means of determining whether 
 such orders were given on the supposition of Tarleton's pos- 
 sible pursuit, and attempt to rescue the captives ; or it may 
 be, if there was any foundation for the statement, it was 
 made in a modified form. 
 
 A place of sepulture was selected, upon a small eleva- 
 tion, some eighty or a hundred yards south-east of Fergu- 
 son's head-quarters ; large pits were dug, and a number of 
 the slain placed together, with blankets thrown over them, 
 and thus hurriedly buried. § Tarleton asserts, on some 
 
 '■' Hunter's Sketches, pp. 296-97. 
 
 ■h MS. letter of Wm. Snodgrass to Governor Campbell; Mills' Statistics ^•J'Ji^'f conver- 
 sations with Silas McBee and Jolin Spelts, survivors of the battle. 
 t Statement of Joseph Phillips, one of Cleveland's men. 
 § MS. letters of Wm, Snodgrass and John Craig, of CamcbelTs regiment. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 321 
 
 reports he had heard, that the mountaineers used every 
 insult and indignity towards the dead body of Ferguson ; * 
 and Hanger, an officer at that time in Tarleton's corps, 
 declares that such was the inveteracy of the Americans 
 against the British leader, that while they buried all the 
 other bodies, they stripped Ferguson's of its clothes, and 
 left it naked on the field of battle, to be devoured by the 
 turkey-buzzards of the country, f 
 
 Colonel Ferguson's biographer repeats the statement 
 that his body was stripped, and his surviving comrades 
 were denied the privilege of bestowing upon his remains 
 the honors of a soldier's burial ; but that the neighboring 
 people subsequently accorded to him a decent interment. X 
 Mills, in his Statistics of South Carolina., remarks, that 
 the victors, dreading the arrival of Tarleton, " hastened from 
 the scene of action ; nor durst they attend to the burial of 
 the dead, or to take care of the wounded, many of whom 
 were seen upon the ground, two days after the battle, 
 imploring a little water to cool their burning tongues ; but 
 the}^ were left to perish there, and this long hill was 
 whitened with their bones." 
 
 That Ferguson's elegant clothing, under his duster or 
 hunting-shirt, may have been taken, and that even some 
 indignities may have been shown by an excited soldiery, 
 towards the British leader's lifeless bod}', is quite possible ; 
 if so, it is strange that two officers of his corps, much 
 devoted to him. Lieutenant Allaire and Captain Ryerson, 
 should make no mention of any such circumstance in 
 their narratives of King's Mountain battle. At all events, 
 when Colonel Campbell detailed a party of his troops 
 to remain behind to bury the American dead, he directed 
 a number of the British prisoners to dig pits for the 
 interment of their fallen companions, and at the same 
 
 '."'Tarlet'on's Campaigns, quarto edition, 165. 
 ■r Hanger's Life and Opinions, ii, 406. 
 X Dr. Ferguson's Memoir^ 35. 
 21 
 
322 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 time, detained Doctor Johnson to attend to the wounded of 
 the enemj' before his final departure.* That the grave-pits 
 were shallow, and the work of sepulture hastily performed, 
 is very likely, for the reception of both the American and 
 British remains ; but all was undoubtedly done that well 
 could be, undet the circumstances, with such limited facil- 
 ties as they possessed, and in their half-starved condition, 
 and, withal, threatened, as they supposed, with a visit from 
 Tarleton's Legion. The British dead were interred in two 
 pits — one a very large one, probably where the Tories were 
 laid, side by side ; the other, a smaller one, where doubt- 
 less the men of Ferguson's corps were buried. f 
 
 The wolves of the surrounding country were soon 
 attracted to the spot by the smell of flesh and blood ; and 
 for several weeks they revelled upon the carcasses of the 
 slain — some of which had been overlooked and left un- 
 buried, while others were scratched out of their shallow 
 graves by these prowlers of the wilderness. Vultures and 
 wolves divided the human plunder ; and so bold and 
 audacious did the latter grow, gorging on flesh, that they, 
 in some instances, showed a disposition to attack the living, 
 when visiting the scene of the battle. And long after the 
 war, it is said, that King's Mountain was the favorite resort 
 of the wolf-hunter.]: 
 
 '■'MS. letter of Wm. Snodgrass to Governor Campbell, August 15th. 1842; Benjamin 
 Sharp's statement in the American Pioneer. These acts of kindness on the part of Colonel 
 Campbell, effectually disprove the supposition of Carrington, in his Battles 0/ the Revo- 
 lution, that the Tory wounded were deliberately slaughtered by the victorious patriots. 
 
 f MS. correspondence of Abraham Hardin. 
 
 I Doctor Logan's MSS.. and his I-listory 0/ Ufipcr South Carolina, 68; MS. corres- 
 pondence of Colonel J, R. Logan ; Mills' Statistics, 779. 
 
 i t may be added, in this connection, that in 1S15, through the instrumentality of Doctor 
 William McLean, of Lincoln County, North Carolina, a day was set apart, and the 
 scattered human bones on the mountain, dragged away from their former resting places by 
 the voracious wolves, were collected together, and re-interred; and the old monument or 
 head-stone of dark slate rock erected at the expense of Doctor McLean, who delivered 
 a suitable address on the occasion. The monr.ment bears this inscription: On the east 
 side — " S.tcred to the memory of iM li'ir Wilhim Chronicle, Captain John Mattocks, William 
 Robb. and John Boyd, who were killed at this place on the 7th of October, 1780, fighting 
 in defence of America.'' On the west side: "Colonel Ferguson, an ofhcer of his 
 Britannic Majesty, was defeated and killed at this place, on the 7th of October. 1780." — 
 Mills' Statistics, 779; )i\im.er' ^ S/ietclies, pp. 2S9, 311 ; MS. correspondence of Abraham 
 Hardin. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 323 
 
 When the army took up its line of march, strongly 
 guarding their prisoners, the tenderest possible care was 
 bestowed on the suffering wounded, conveyed on the horse- 
 litters — and of none more so than on the heroic Colonel 
 Williams. In the early part of the afternoon, when about 
 three miles south-west of the battle ground, on the route 
 towards Deer's Ferry on Broad river, the little guard having 
 him in charge, discovering that life was fast ebbing away, 
 stopped by the road-side at Jacob Randall's place, since long 
 the homestead of Abraham Hardin, where he quietly 
 breathed his last. His death was a matter of sincere grief to 
 the whole army. His friends resolved, at first, to carrj^ his 
 remains to his old home, near Little river, in Laurens 
 County ; but soon after changed this determination. March- 
 ing some twelve miles from the battle ground, they en- 
 camped that night near the eastern bank of Broad river, 
 and a little north of Buff"alo creek, on the road leading to 
 North Carolina, and within two or three miles of Boren's or 
 Bowen's river and known also as Camp's creek. Here 
 at the deserted plantation of a Tory named Waldron as 
 Allaire has it — or Fondren, as Silas McBee remembered 
 the name* — they found good camping ground, with plenty 
 of dry rails and poles for their evening fires, and happily 
 a sweet potato patch sufficiently large to supph' the whole 
 army. 
 
 "This," says Benjamin Sharp, "was most fortunate, 
 for not one in fifty of us had tasted food for the last two 
 days and nights — since we left the Cowpens." During the 
 evening Colonel Campbell and party rejoined the patriots ; 
 and the footmen aiTived whom they had left at the ford of 
 Green river, and who had made commendable progress in 
 following so closely upon the mounted advance ; and who 
 
 *CoI. J. 'R. Logan fully corroborates McBae's statement — that instead of Waldron, as 
 Allaire has it, the name of the owner of the plantation where Williams was buried, was 
 Matthew Fondren, connected with the Quinns of that region — so states Mrs. Margaret 
 Roberts, nee Quinn, now nearly ninety years of age, and reared in that locality. Fondren 
 was subsequently thrown from a chair or gig, and killed. 
 
324 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 had, moreover, the good fortune to secure a temporary- 
 supply of food — live beef cattle, probably; so that the 
 hungry mountaineers, almost famished, now enjoyed a 
 happy repast.* 
 
 The next morning, for want of suitable conveyance, the 
 friends of Colonel Williams concluded to bury his remains 
 were thej^ were. They were accordingly interred with the 
 honors of war, between the camp of the patriots and the 
 river, a little above the mouth of Buffalo creek — on what 
 was long known as the Fondren, then the old Carruth 
 place, now belonging to Captain J. B. Mintz.f Having 
 performed this touching service, and fired a parting volley 
 over the newly made grave of one of the noted heroes of 
 the war of independence, the army, late in the day, 
 renewed its line of march apparently up Broad river ; and 
 after passing what Allaire calls Bullock's creek, but what 
 is evidently Boren's river they took up quarters for the 
 night on its northern bank, having accomplished only two 
 and a half miles. Beside the burial of Colonel Williams, 
 the precarious condition of the wounded, probably, re- 
 tarded the progress of this day's march, and time was 
 needed for recuperation. 
 
 Tuesday, the tenth, was a busy day. The course pur- 
 sued would seem to have been still up main Broad river, 
 crossing First Broad and Sandy run, in a north-westerly 
 direction, towards Gilbert Town, and camping in the woods 
 that night, probably not very far from Second Broad 
 river, after having accomplished a march of twenty- 
 miles. An incident occurred on this part of the route, 
 
 -■■ Snodgrass MS. letter to Governor Campbell; Sharp's narrative; General Lenoir's 
 statement; Allaire's MS. Z'/zir;'; and conversations with Silas McBee. 
 
 T MS. correspondence of Colonel J. R. Logan and Abraham Hardin. Colonel Logan 
 adds, that he learned from Captain Mintz that a tradition had been handed down that 
 Colonel Williams was buried in that neighborhood, and no little pains had been taken to 
 identify the grave by various people, and even by some of Colonel Williams' descendants, 
 but without success. At length Captain Mintz employed some men toshruboifa field 
 long overgrown, and requested them to watch for the long-forgotten grave ; and sure enough, 
 they found a grave with a head and foot stone composed of a different kind of rock from 
 those abounding there, and well overgrown with grape vines. Though there was no in- 
 scription on the head-stone, there is no doubt it is the grave of •' Old King's Mountain Jim." 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 325 
 
 worthy of notice. Among the prisoners were six brothers 
 named Gage, who had joined Ferguson in consequence of 
 the Tory influences surrounding them. During the second 
 dajr's march, one of the Gages was taken ill, when the 
 officer of the day, who probably could not provide any 
 means for his conveyance, and possibly surmising that he 
 was feigning sickness, in order to seek an opportunity to 
 escape, or delay the Whigs so thatTarleton might overtake 
 them, urged the sick prisoner to keep pace with the others. 
 His brothers, to save him from possible calamity, took turns 
 in carrying him on their backs ; and they adopted the plan 
 of availing themselves of their peculiar situation to lag as 
 much behind as possible, with a view of taking advantage 
 of the first considerable stream they should have occasion to 
 pass, in the night, to fall down in the water, and suffer the 
 rear guard to ride over them. Their scheme succeeded, 
 and they thus escaped in the darkness unobserved.* The 
 Whigs kept up their march of evenings, so long as they 
 thought it necessary to place themselves beyond the reach 
 of British pursuit. 
 
 During Wednesday, the eleventh, the army marched 
 twelve miles, and encamped at Colonel John Walker's, 
 according to Allaire's Diary. Colonel Walker, one of the 
 prominent Whig leaders of the country, resided some five 
 miles north-east of Gilbert Town, on the east side of Cane 
 creek, half a mile above its mouth, and a mile below the 
 present Brittain church. f There seems to have been 
 
 =■= Conversations with Benjamin Starritt, in 1843. 
 
 ■f- Colonel Walker was born on Bohemia Creek, New Castle County, Delaware, in 1728. 
 When grown, he settled on the South Branch of Potomac, Hampshire County. Virginia, 
 where he married Elizabeth Watson. He served as a volunteer under Colonel Washington, 
 and shared in Braddock's disastrous defeat in 1755. He shortly after removed to North 
 Carolina, settling first on Leeper's Creek, in now Lincoln County, and served on Colonel 
 Grant's campaign against the Cherokees in 1761. He subsequently located on Crowder's 
 Creek ; and. in 176S, at the mouth of Cane Creek, where he purchased a fine tract of four 
 hundred acres for a doubloon. He was a man of marked character and prominence, hold- 
 ing several commissions under the Colonial Government — Colonel Commandant of Tryon 
 County, and Judge of the Court for many years. On the breaking out of the Revolution, 
 sharing in the sympathies of the people, he resigned his Loyal offices, and was among the 
 foremost in signing the Articles of Association, pledging resistance to British encroachments. 
 
326 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 individual cases of savage severity, even to murder, exer- 
 cised towards the prisoners. Colonel Brandon, a rough, 
 impulsive Irishman, discovering that one of the Tories, who 
 had been carrying a couple of the captured guns, had 
 dodged into a hollow sycamore by the road-side, dragged 
 him from his hiding place, and completely hacked him to 
 pieces with his sword.* Hints and innuendoes have been 
 occasionally thrown out against Colonel Campbell himself 
 as guilty of heartless cruelty to the Tory prisoners ; f but 
 the following extract from his General Order, at the camp 
 below Gilbert Town, October eleventh, 1780, probably in 
 the early part of the day, should be a complete vindication 
 of his memory and good name from such a charge: " I 
 must," he said, "request the officers of all ranks in the 
 army to endeavor to restrain the disorderly manner of 
 slaughtering and disturbing the prisoners. If it cannot be 
 prevented by moderate measures, such effectual punishment 
 shall be executed upon delinquents as will put a stop to it." X 
 It would appear that the avvay^ on its march this daj-, 
 passed through Gilbert Town ; and resting there awhile, 
 the prisoners were placed in a pen, in which Ferguson, 
 when stationed there, had confined captured Whigs. When 
 the British held full sway in that quarter, a Tory woman 
 there was asked what the leaders were going to do with 
 their Rebel prisoners in the bull-pen? "We are going," 
 she tartly replied, " to hang all the d — dold Rebels, and take 
 their wives, scrape their tongues, and let them go." This 
 
 in August, 1775; and. the same month, served as a member of the Convention at Hillsboro. 
 His sons took an active part in the war, one of whom, Felix Wallcer, represented Ruther- 
 ford County seven years in the House of Commons, and six in Congress. Colonel Walker, 
 in 1787, removed to the mouth of Green river, in Rutherford County, where he died 
 January 25th, 1796, in his sixty-eighth year. He was one of the pioneer fathers of Western 
 Carolina. For most of the facts in this note, we acknowledge our indebtedness to the 
 Memoirs 0/ Hon, Felix Walker, edited by his grandson, Samuel R Walker. 
 
 ='■ Conversations with the late Dr. A. Q. Bradley, who had this incident from one of 
 Brandon's men. 
 
 T Statements of Henry Blevins, John Lang and Jacob Isely. appended to Shelby's 
 King's Mountain pamphlet, 1823; and W A. Henderson's published Lecture on Governor 
 John Sevier, at Knoxville, Tennessee, in January, 1873. 
 
 I Copied from the original, furnished by General John S. Preston; Bancroft, x, 340. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 327 
 
 same Loyalist lady, now when the changes of fortune had so 
 suddenly reversed matters, again visited the prison-pen, 
 where her husband, who had joined Ferguson's forces, was 
 among those in confinement ; and, with eyes filled with 
 tears, touchingly inquired of James Gray, one of the 
 guard, "What are you Whigs going to do with these 
 poor fellows? " Retorting in her own slang language, to 
 annoy and humble her, he replied : " We are going to hang 
 all the d — d old Tories, and take their wives, scrape their 
 tongues, and let them go." This severe response com- 
 pletely confounded the termagant, against whose friends 
 and cause the battle had gone, and she silently retired.* 
 
 Remaining in camp at Walker's during Thursday, the 
 twelfth, the baggage of the Bridsh leaders was divided 
 among the Whig officers, save a small • portion granted to 
 Captain DePeyster and his associates for a change. Colonel 
 Shelby, referring to the tardy movements of the troops, 
 observes : " Owing to the number of wounded, and the des- 
 titution of the army of all conveyances, they traveled 
 slowly, and in one week had only marched about forty 
 miles." f Another trying circumstance was, that in conse- 
 quence of the contending armies having either occupied, or 
 repeatedly traversed, this sparsely settled region, during the 
 preceding two or three months, the people were completely 
 
 *MS. statement of J. L. Gray, derived from his grandfather, James Gray ; Rutherford 
 Rnguirer,. IMay 24th, 1859. 
 
 James Gray, who generously bound up. with his handkerchief, the broken ankle of a 
 Tory acquaintance at King's Mountain, and treated the Tory woman with a touch of his 
 biting sarcasm, was a worthy Revolutionary soldier. He was born in Augusta County, 
 Virginia, in 1755, and settled in Tryon. sincft Rutherford County, North Carolina, prior to 
 the Revolution. He served throughout the war, a part of the time in Captain Miller's com- 
 pany. He took part in Rutherford's campaign against the Cherokees in 1776; in the fight 
 at Earle's on North Pacolet; in chasing Dunlap to Prince's Fort; and was in Captain 
 Edward Hampton's company at the capture of Fort Anderson, on Thicketty creek. It 
 was, as he used to relate, a matter of great satisfaction to him. that he aided in capturing 
 at King's Mountain some of his Tory acquaintances who had formerly pursued him when 
 unable to defend himself He served in Captain Inman's company at the siege of Ninety 
 Six, in 1781 ; and not long after was appointed a Captain, and guarded the stations at 
 Earle's, Russell's, Waddleton's and White Oak. Captain Gray lived to enjoy a pension, 
 and died in Rutherford County. October 21st, 1836, at the good old age of eighty-one years. 
 
 ^American Review, December, 1848. 
 
328 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 stripped of provisions, and both the patriots and their pris- 
 oners suffered greatly for want of the necessaries of Hfe. 
 "The party," says the British Lieutenant Allaire, "was 
 kept marching two days without any kind of provisions." 
 Thomas Young, in his narrative, refers to the army 
 arriving on Cane creek with the prisoners, "where," he adds, 
 "we all came near starving to death. The countr}' was 
 very thinly settled, and provisions could not be had for love 
 or money. I thought green pumpkins, sliced and fried, 
 about the sweetest eating I ever had in my life. " * The poor 
 prisoners fared worse, for their food was uncooked. When 
 camped for the night, they were fed, while surrounded by a 
 cordon-guard, like so many farmer's swine — corn upon the 
 ear, and raw pumpkins, being thrown to them, which the 
 hungry fellows would seize with avidity, f To expedite the 
 march of the arm)-. Colonel Campbell issued an order on 
 the thirteenth, while yet encamped at Walker's place, 
 directing that all the wounded who were not able to march 
 with the army, should be billeted in the best manner pos- 
 sible, the several companies to which they belonged provid- 
 ing the necessary assistance for their removal to places 
 selected for them. \ This was probably intended to lighten 
 the army of a part of its encumbrance ; but we judge, it was 
 found impracticable in that settlement, in consequence of 
 the scarcity of pro\isions. That day, according to Allaire's 
 Diary, the troops moved, with their prisoners, five or six 
 miles, north-east of Walker's to Bickerstaff's, or Bigger- 
 staff's Old Fields, since known as the Red Chimneys, where 
 a stack of chimneys long stood after the house had decayed 
 and been demolished. This locality is on Robertson's 
 creek, some nine miles north-east of the present village of 
 Rutherfordton. 
 
 ■■'Orion Magazine. October, 1843. 
 
 + Conversations with John Spelts, an eye-witness to these scenes ; and also with Ben- 
 jamin Starritt. 
 
 J Colonel Campbell's MS. order, preserved by General Preston. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 329 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 October— November, 1780. 
 
 Colonel Campbell Denounces Plundering. — Complaints against Tory 
 Leaders. — Their Outrages on the Whigs. — A Court called to Con- 
 sider the Matter. — Retaliation for British Executions Demanded. — 
 A Law Found to Meet the Case. — Charges against Mills, Gilkey, 
 and McFall. — Colotiel Davenport Noticed. — Nwnber of Tories 
 Tried and Condemned. — Case of fames Crawford. — One of tlie 
 Prisoners Released. — Cleveland Favoring Severe Measures. — 
 Motives of the Patriots Vindicated. — Shelby's Explanation. — 
 Tories Executed — their Names and Residence. — Paddy Carr's 
 Remarks, and Notice of Him. — Baldwin's Singular Escape. — 
 Further Executions Stopped. — Tories Subsequently Hung. — Rumor 
 of Tarleton's Approach. — Whigs Hasten to the Catawba. — A Hard 
 Day's March — Sufferings of Patriots and Prisoners. — Major Mc- 
 Dowell's Kindness. — Mrs. McDowell's Treatment of British Offi- 
 cers. — Some of the Whig Troops Retire. — Disposition of the JVounded. 
 — PriSioners Escape — One Re-taken and Hung. — March to the 
 Moravian Settlements. — Bob Powell's Challe7ige. — Official Account 
 of the Battle Prepared. — Campbell ajid Shelby Visit General Gates. 
 — Cleveland left in Command. — His Trial of Tories. — Escape of 
 Green and Langum. — Cleveland Assaults Doctor fohnson. — Colonel 
 Armstrong Succeeds to the Command. — Escape of British Officers. 
 
 While encamped at BickerstafF's, on Saturday, the four- 
 teenth, Colonel Campbell issued a General Order., deplor- 
 ing the " many deserters from the army," and the felonies 
 committed by them on the poverty-stricken people of the 
 country. " It is with anxiety," he adds, " that I hear the 
 complaints of the inliabitants on account of the plundering 
 parties who issue out of the camp, and indiscriminately rob 
 both Whig and Tory, leaving our friends, I believe, in a 
 worse situation than the enemy would have done;" and 
 appeals to the officers " to exert themselves in suppressing 
 
330 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 this abominable practice, degrading to the name of soldiers." 
 He further orders that none of the troops be discharged, 
 till the prisoners can be transferred to a proper guard. * 
 But some of the prisoners were soon to be disposed of in a 
 manner evidently not anticipated when the order just issued 
 was made known to the army. 
 
 During this day, an important occurrence transpired at 
 Bickerstaft''s. The officers of the two Carolinas united in 
 presenting a complaint to Colonel Campbell, that there 
 were, among the prisoners, a number who were robbers, 
 house-burners, parole-breakers, and assassins. The British 
 victory near Camden had made, says General Preston, 
 " Cornwallis complete master of South Carolina. This 
 power he was using with cruelty, unparalleled in modern 
 civilized conquest ; binding down the conquered people 
 like malefactors, regarding each Rebel as a condemned 
 criminal, and checking everjr murmur, answering every 
 suspicion with the sword and the fire-brand. If a suspected 
 Whig fled from his house to escape the insult, the scourge 
 or the rope, the myrmidons of Ferguson and Tarleton 
 burned it down, and ravished his wife and daughters ; if a 
 son refused to betray his parent, he was hung like a dog ; 
 if a wife refused to tell the hiding-place of her husband, her 
 belly was ripped open by the butcher-knife of the Tory ; 
 and to add double horror and infamy to the deep damna- 
 tion of such deeds, Americans were forced to be the instru- 
 ments for perpetrating them. That which Tarleton (beast, 
 murderer, hypocrite, ravisher as he was,) was ashamed to 
 do, he had done by Americans — neighbors, kinsmen of his 
 victims. I draw no fancy picture — the truth is wilder far 
 than the fabulist's imagination can feign." \ 
 
 Bancroft touchingly depicts the sad condition of the 
 people, where unchecked Toryism had borne sway : " The 
 sorrows of children and women," he says, " robbed and 
 
 "^'MS. Order preserved by General Preston, 
 t King's Mountain Address, October, 1855, 49. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 331 
 
 wronged, shelterless, stripped of all clothes but those the}^ 
 wore, nestling tibout fires they kindled on the ground, and 
 mourning for their fathers and husbands," were witnessed 
 on every hand ; and these helpless suflerers appealed to all 
 hearts for sympathy and protection. Colonel Campbell, on 
 the strength of the complaints made to him, was induced to 
 order tlie convening of a court, to examine fully into the 
 matter. T*lie Carolina officers urged, that, if these men 
 should escape, exasperated, as they now were, in con- 
 sequence of their humiliating defeat, they would com- 
 mit other enormities worse than their former ones.* 
 The British leaders had, in a high-handed and summary 
 manner, hung not a few of the captured patriots at 
 Camden, and more recently at Ninety Six, and Augusta ; 
 and now that the Whigs had the means of retaliation at 
 their command, they began to consider whether it was 
 not their duty to exercise it ; thinking, probably, that it 
 would have a healthful influence upon the Loyalists — that 
 the disease of Toryism, in its worst aspects, was disastrous 
 in its effects, and heroic treatment had become necessary. 
 
 Colonel Shelby, with others, seems to have taken this 
 view of the subject. When the mountaineers "reached 
 Gilbert Town," says Shelby, " a week after the battle, they 
 were informed by a paroled officer, that he had seen eleven 
 patriots hung at Ninety Six a few days before, for being 
 Rebels. Similar cruel and unjustifiable acts had been 
 committed before. In the opinion of the patriots, it required 
 retaliatory measures to put a stop to these atrocities. A 
 copy of the law of North Carolina was obtained, which 
 authorized two magistrates to summon a jurj^ and forthwith 
 to try, and, if found guilty, to execvite persons who had 
 violated its precepts." \ This law providing capital punish- 
 ment, must have had reference to those guilty of murder, 
 arson, house-breaking, riots, and other criminal offences. 
 
 * Ensign Robert Campbell's King's Mountain narrative. 
 \ Shelby, in American Review, December, 1848. 
 
332 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 "Colonel Campbell," says Ensign Campbell, "complied, 
 and ordered a court-martial to sit immediateh', composed of 
 the field officers and Captains, who were ordered to inquire 
 into the complaints which had been made. The court was 
 conducted orderljr, and witnesses were called and examined 
 in each case — the consequence was, that thirty-two were 
 condemned." * 
 
 Under the law as cited by Colonel Shelby, while the 
 tribunal was, no doubt, practically, a court-martial, it was 
 nominally, at least, a civil court, with two presiding justices. 
 There was no difficulty on this point, for most of the 
 North Carolina officers were magistrates at home — Colonel 
 Cleveland, and four or five others, of the Wilkes regiment 
 alone filling that position. The jury was composed of 
 twelve officers — Lieutenant Allaire, in \i\s Diary, denouncing 
 it as " an infamous mock jury." " Under this law," says 
 Shelby, "thirty-six men were tried, and found guilty of 
 breaking open houses, killing the men, turning the women 
 and children out of doors, and burning the houses. The 
 trial was concluded late at night; and the execution of the 
 law was as summary as the trial." 
 
 How much of the evidence, hurriedly adduced, was one- 
 sided and prejudiced, it is not possible at this late day to 
 determine. Colonel Ambrose Mills, the principal person 
 of those condemned, was a man of fair reputation, and 
 must have been regarded chiefly in the light of being a 
 proper and prominent character upon whom to exercise 
 retaliator}^ measures ; and yet it was necessary to make 
 some specific charge against him — the only one coming 
 down to us, is that related bj^ Silas McBee, one of the 
 King's Mountain men under Colonel Williams, that Mills 
 had, on some former occasion, instigated the Cherokees to 
 desolate the frontier of South Carolina, which was very 
 likely without foundation. It was proven against Captain 
 Walter Gilkey, that he had called at the house of a Whig ; 
 
 '■'■Annals of the Ar7ny o/ Tennessee, 1878, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 333 
 
 and inquiring if he was at liome, was informed by his son, 
 a 3-outh, that he was absent, when the Tory Captain 
 immediately drew his pistol, discharged it, wounding the 
 lad in the arm, and taking his gun from him. Recovering 
 from his wound, this youth was now with the mountaineers, 
 and testified against his would-be murderer. Gilkey's aged 
 father was present, and offered in vain his horse, saddle and 
 bridle, and a hundred dollars in money, as a ransom for 
 his son.* 
 
 Another case somewhat similar to Gilkey's, was that of 
 John McFall, a noted Tory leader of Burke County. Head- 
 ing a party of mounted Loyalists, McFall dashed up to the 
 house of Martin Davenport, on John's river, hoping to 
 capture or kill him, as he was a prominent Whig, and had, 
 more than once, marched against the Tories, under Colonel 
 Cleveland and Major McDowell. But they failed to find 
 him, as he was absent in the service. The Tory band vented 
 their spleen and abuse on Mrs. Davenport, and directed her 
 to prepare breakfast for them ; and McFall ordered the lad, 
 William Davenport, then in his tenth year, to go to the corn 
 crib, procure some corn, and feed the horses in the trough 
 pi^epared for such use at the hitching post. After getting 
 their meal, and coming out to start off, McFall discovered 
 that the horses had not been fed, and asked the little fellow 
 roughl}' why he had not done as he had bidden him ? The 
 spirited little Rebel replied : " If you want your horses fed, 
 feed them yourself." Flying into a passion, McFall cut a 
 switch and whipped him smartly. 
 
 At the trial at Bickerstaff 's, when McFall's case was 
 reached. Major McDowell, as the proper representa- 
 tive of Burke County, whence the culprit hailed, was 
 called on to give his testimony ; when, not probably regard- 
 ing McFall's conduct as deserving of death, he was disposed 
 
 * Conversations with Silas McBee ; narrative of Ensign Robert Campbell ; MS. corres- 
 pondence of W, L. Twitty, as related by the venerable John Gilkey, of Rutherford County, 
 N. C, in no way related to his Tory namesake. 
 
334 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 to be lenient towards him. Colonel Cleveland, who, it 
 would appear, was one of the presiding justices, had his 
 attention attracted from his paper, upon which he was mak- 
 ing some notes, by hearing McFall's name mentioned, 
 now spoke up — "That man, McFall, went to the house 
 of Martin Davenport, one of my best soldiers, when he 
 was awav from home, fighting for his country, insulted his 
 wife, and whipped his child; and no such man ought to 
 be allowed to live." * His fate was sealed by this revela- 
 tion ; but his brother, Arthur McFall, the old hunter of the 
 mountains, was saved through the kind intervention of Major 
 and Captain McDowell, believing, as he had been wounded 
 in the arm at King's Mountain, it would admonish him not 
 to be found in the future in bad company, f 
 
 Benjamin Sharp represents that the number of Tories 
 condemned to the gallows was upwards of forty, Thomas 
 Maxwell and Governor David Campbell say thirty-nine, 
 Shelby thirty-six. General Lenoir and Ensign Campbell 
 thirty-two, while Ramsey's Tennessee, Lieutenant Allaire, 
 Benjamin Starritt and others, give the number as thirty. 
 Starritt asserts that those upon whom sentence of death had 
 been pronounced, were divided into three classes of ten each 
 
 * MS. pension statement of Richard Ballew, of Knox County, Ky , formerly of Burke 
 County. N C. ; MS. letters of Hon. J. C. Harper, and Captain W. W. Lenoir, who had 
 the particulars from William Davenport himself. Colonel Davenport was born in Culpeper 
 County, Virginia. October 12, 1770. His mother dying about the close of the Revolution 
 of small-po-K, his father removed to the mountain region, on Toe river, in now Mitchell 
 County; a hunter's paradise, where he could indulge himself in his favorite occupation 
 of hunting, and where his son William killed the last elk ever seen in North Carolina. 
 Colonel William Davenport became a man of prominence, representing Burke County in 
 the House of Commons in 180a, and in the Senate in 1802. He possessed an extraordinary 
 memory, was a most excellent man ; and was the chief founder of Davenport Female Col- 
 lege at Lenoir. He married the widow of Major Charles Gordon, one of the King's Moun- 
 tain heroes; and lived for many years in the Happy Valley of the Yadkin, three and a 
 half miles above Fort Defiance, where he died August ig, 1859, in the eighty-ninth year of 
 his age. 
 
 "i-MS. correspondence ofW. A. McCall, Esq., of McDowell County, N. C, who knew 
 Arthur McFall very well. He used to speak kindly of the McDowells befriending him, 
 and said that Colonel Cleveland had little mercy on Americans who were caught fighting 
 with the British. Arthur McFall spent most of his life as a hunter in the mountains, 
 making his home, when in the settlements, with old acquaintances. He was a man after 
 Daniel Boone's own heart ; and died about the year 1835, on Grassy Creek, at the venerable 
 age of between ninety and a hundred years. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 335 
 
 — Colonel Mills heading the first class, and James Crawford 
 the second class. It will be remembered that Crawford, 
 who lived at the head of French Broad river, belonged to 
 Sevier's regiment ; and while at " The Bald " of the Yellow 
 Mountain on their outward march, had enticed Samuel 
 Chambers, an inexperienced youth, to desert with him, and 
 they gave Ferguson information of the plans and approach 
 of the mountaineers. It is said, that when Ferguson had 
 taken post on King's Mountain, and a week had elapsed 
 since the renegades brought the report, that he had caused 
 Crawford to be tried and condemned for bringing false in- 
 telligence ; and the evening of the seventh of October had 
 been set for his execution. However this may have been, 
 Colonel Sevier interceded in Crawford's behalf, as he could 
 not bear to see his old neighbor and friend suffer an igno- 
 minious death, and had him pardoned. He subsequently 
 removed to Georgia. Young Chambers' guilt was excused 
 on account of his youthfulness. * Judged by the laws of 
 war, Crawford was a deserter ; and in view of the injury he 
 tried to inflict on the Whig cause, he as richly deserved the 
 halter as Andr^, and doubtless much more than anj- of his 
 Tory associates. 
 
 As Abram Forney, one of the Lincoln troops, was sur- 
 veying the prisoners, through the guard surrounding them, 
 he discovered one of his neighbors, who only a short ,time 
 before King's Mountain battle, had been acting with the 
 Whigs ; but had been over-persuaded, by some of his Tory 
 acquaintances, to join the King's troops. Upon seeing him, 
 Forney exclaimed — " Is that you, Simon?" "Yes," he 
 replied, quickly, " it is, Abram, and I beg j'ou to get me out 
 of this bull-pen ; if you do, I will promise never to be 
 caught in such a scrape again." When it was, accordingly, 
 made to appear on the day of trial, that he had been unfortu- 
 nately wrought upon by some Tory neighbors, such a miti- 
 gation of his disloyalty was presented as to induce the court 
 
 *MS. notes of conversations with James and George W. Sevier, and Benjamin Starritt. 
 
336 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 to overlook his offence, and set him at liberty. Soon after- 
 wards, true to his promise, he joined his former Whig 
 comrades, marched to the battle of Guilford, and made a 
 good soldier to the end of the war. * 
 
 So far as the evidence goes. Colonel Cleveland was 
 probably more active and determined than any other officer 
 in bringing about these severe measures ; though Colonel 
 Brandon, it was well known, was an inveterate hater of 
 Tories ; and Colonel Shelby seems to have aided in find- 
 ing a State law that would meet these cases. It is said 
 that Cleveland had previously threatened to hang certain 
 Tories whenever he could catch them ; f and Governor 
 Rutledge, shortly after this affair, ascribed to him the chief 
 merit of the execution of several " noted horse thieves and 
 Tories" taken at King's Mountain. J 
 
 The Southern country was then in a very critical condi- 
 tion, and there seemed to be a grave necessity for checking, 
 by stern and exemplary punishment, the Tory lawlessness 
 that largely over-spread tlie land, and impressing tliat 
 class with a proper sense of the power and determination 
 of the Whigs to protect their patriot friends, and punish 
 their guilty enemies. Referring to the action at Bicker- 
 staff's, Ensign Campbell well observes: "The officers on 
 that occasion acted from an honorable motive to do the 
 greatest good in their power for the public service, and to 
 check those enormities so frequently committed in the States 
 of North and South Carolina at that time, their distress 
 being almost unequalled in the annals of the American 
 Revolution." The historian, Bancroft, errs in supposing 
 that these executions were the work of lawless "private 
 soldiers.'' § The complaints against the Tory leaders were 
 made by the officers of the western army from the two 
 Carolinas, and the court and jury were composed exclu- 
 
 * Hunter's Sketches, pp. 266-67. 
 
 \Got^ori's American Revohttion,\v.y ^66'^ Mrs. Warren's Revolution^W, 2^2, 
 
 J RusselVs Magazine, 1857, i, 543. 
 
 2 History of the United States, a, 339. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 337 
 
 sively of officers — and all was done under the form and 
 sanction of law. 
 
 While the jurist-historian, Johnson, could have wished 
 that the conquerors of Ferguson had been magnanimous, 
 and spared these miserable wretches from the gallows, yet 
 as an act of justice and public policy he vindicates their 
 conduct. Many severe animadversions, he observes, have 
 been showered on the brave men who fought at King's 
 Mountain for this instance of supposed severity. War, in 
 its mildest form, is so full of horrors, that the mind recoils 
 from vindicating any act that can, in the remotest degree, 
 increase its miseries. To these no act contributes more 
 than that of retaliation. Hence no act should be ventured 
 upon with more solemn deliberation, and none so proper to 
 be confined to a commander-in-chief, or the civil power. 
 But the brave men who fought in the affair at King's 
 Mountain, are not to be left loaded with unmerited censure. 
 
 The calmest and most dispassionate reflection upon 
 their conduct, on this occasion, will lead to the conviction, 
 that if they committed any offence, it was against their own 
 country — not against the enemy. That instead of being 
 instigated by a thirst of blood, they acted solely with a view 
 to put an end to its effusion ; and boldly, for this purpose, 
 took upon themselves all the dangers that a system of retalia- 
 tion could superinduce. The officers of the American army, 
 who, twelve months afterwards, hazarded their lives by 
 calling upon their General to avenge the death of Hayne, 
 justly challenge the gratitude and admiration of their 
 country ; but the men of King's Mountain (for it is avowed 
 as a popular act, and not that of their chief alone), merit 
 the additional reputation of having assumed on themselves 
 the entire responsibility, without wishing to involve the 
 regular army in their dangers. And this was done in the 
 plenitude of British triumph, and when not a man of them 
 could count on safetj' for an hour, in anything but his own 
 bravery and vigilance. 
 
338 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 But what was the prospect before them? They were 
 all proscribed men ; the measures of Lord CornwalHs had 
 put them out of the protection of civilized warfare ; and the 
 spirit in which his proclamations and instructions were 
 executed by his officers, had put them out of the protection 
 of common humanity. The massacres at Camden had 
 occurred not six weeks before, and those of Browne, at 
 Augusta, scarcely half that time. Could they look on and 
 see this system of cruelty prosecuted, and not try the 
 only melancholy measure that could check it? The effect 
 proved that there was as much of reflection as of passion in 
 the act ; for the little despots who then held the country, 
 dared prosecute the measure no farther. Another and an 
 incontestible proof that blind revenge did not preside over 
 the counsels that consigned these men to death, is drawn 
 from the deliberation with which they were selected, and 
 the mildness manifested to the residue of the prisoners. 
 
 It has been before observed, that, in the ranks of Col- 
 onel Ferguson, there were many individuals notorious as 
 habitual plunderers and murderers. What was to be done 
 with these? There were no courts of justice to punish their 
 offences ;* and, to detain them as prisoners of war, was to 
 make them objects of exchange. Should such pests to 
 society be again enlarged, and suffered to renew their out- 
 rages? Capture in arms does not exempt the deserter from 
 the gallows; why should it the cold-blooded murderer? 
 There was no alternative left ; and the officers, with all the 
 attention to form that circumstances would permit, and 
 more — a great deal, it is believed — than either Browne or 
 
 * Such was the distraction of the times, that South Carolina, during the period of 
 1780-S1, was without a civil government, Governor Rutledge having been compelled to 
 retire from the State, and the Lieutenant Governor and some of the Council were prisoners 
 of war. Nor during a portion of the war did North Carolina fare much better. At one 
 time, one of her high judicial officers, Samuel Spencer, could only execute the laws 
 against Tories with threats and attempted intimidation ; the Governor, at one period, was 
 captured and carried away. When Cornw^allis invaded the State, the prominent officials 
 fled, carrying the public records to Washington County, Virginia, on the lower frontiers 
 of Holston, as a place of asylum and security, as is shown by a MS. letter of Colonel 
 Arthur Campbell to Hon. David Campbell, September 15, 1810. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 339 
 
 Cornwallis had exhibited, could only form a council, and 
 consign them to the fate that would have awaited them in 
 the regular administration of justice. * 
 
 It is but just and proper, in this connection, to give the 
 views of Colonel Shelby, one of the conspicuous actors in 
 this whole affair ; and he seems to justify it wholly as a 
 measure of retaliation : It is impossible, he observes, for 
 those who have not lived in its midst, to conceive of the 
 exasperation which prevails in a civil war. The execution, 
 therefore, of the nine Tories at [near] Gilbert Town, will, 
 by manjr persons, be considered an act of retaliation unnec- 
 essarily cruel. It was believed by those who were on the 
 ground to be both necessary and proper, for the purpose of 
 putting a stop to the execution of the patriots in the Caro- 
 linas by the Tories and British. The event proved the 
 justice of the expectation of the patriots. The execution of 
 the Tories did stop the execution of the Whigs. And it 
 maj^ be remarked of this cruel and lamentable mode of 
 retaliation, that, whatever excuse and pretenses the Tories 
 may have had for their atrocities, the British officers, who 
 often ordered the execution of Whigs, had none. Their 
 training to arms, and military education, should have pre- 
 vented them from violating the rules of civilized warfare in 
 so essential a point, f 
 
 Early in the evening, the trials having been brought to 
 a conclusion, a suitable oak was selected, upon a projecting 
 limb of which the executions were to take place. It was 
 by the road side, near the camp, and is yet standing, known 
 in all that region as the Gallows Oak. Torch-lights were 
 procured, the condemned brought out, around whom the 
 troops formed four deep. It was a singular and interesting 
 night scene, the dark old woods illuminated with the wild 
 glare of hundreds of pine-knot torches ; and quite a number 
 of the Loyalist leaders of the Carolinas about to be launched 
 
 ^-- Johnson's Life of Greene, i. pp. 309-11. 
 
 ■j" Conversations with Governor Sheiby, in Atnerican Review, December, 
 
340 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 into eternity. The names of the condemned Tories were — 
 Colonel Ambrose Mills, Captain James Chitwood, Captain 
 Wilson, Captain Walter Gilkey, Captain Grimes, Lieuten- 
 ant LafFerty, John McFall, John Bibby, and Augustine 
 Hobbs. They were swung off three at a time, and left 
 suspended at the place of execution. According to Lieuten- 
 ant Allaire's account, they died like soldiers — like martyrs, 
 in their own and friends' estimation. " These brave but un- 
 fortunate Loyalists," says Allaire, " with their latest breath 
 expressed their unutterable detestation of the Rebels, and 
 of their base and infamous proceedings ; and, as they were 
 being turned off, extolled their King and the British Gov- 
 ernment. Mills, Wilson and Chitwooddiedlike Romans." * 
 Among the small party of Georgians who served in the 
 campaign, was the noted Captain Paddy Carr, heretofore 
 introduced to the reader. Devoid, as he was, of the finer 
 feelings of humanity, he was deeply interested in, and 
 greatly enjoyed these sickening executions. If there was 
 
 * Allaire's MS. Diary ; and his statements as given in the Scofs Magazine and Riving- 
 ton's Royal Gazette. 
 
 It may be well to give the authorities for the names of the Loyalist leaders who suffered 
 on this occasion. Lord Cornwallis, in his correspondence, names Colonel Mills, as do 
 several historians; Allaire gives the names of Captains Wilson and Chitwood; Gilkey 
 is referred to by Ensign Campbell, and specifically named by Silas McBee, and the vener- 
 able John Gilkey ; Captain Grimes is mentioned in Ramsey's Tennessee, and Putnam's 
 Middle Tennessee; McFall's name has been preserved by Richard Ballew, John Spelts, 
 and Arthur McFall — eye-witnesses, and his prior acts at Davenports are related by Hon. 
 J. C. Harper and Captain W. W. Lenoir, who derived them from William Davenport ; the 
 names of Lafferty and Bibby have been communicated by W. L. Twitty, as the tradi- 
 tions of aged people of Rutherford County, N. C, where they, as well as Chitwood lived, 
 whose name is likewise preserved in the memories of the aged inhabitants of that region ; 
 and the name of Hobbs is alone remembered by Silas McBee. 
 
 Colonel Mills resided on Green river, in Rutherford County ; Captain Wilson, in the 
 Ninety Six region, South Carolina; Chitwood, Lafferty, Bibby, and probably Gilkey, in 
 Rutherford; McFall, in Burke County ; Hobbs most likely In South Carolina ; and Grimes 
 in East Tennessee, where he was a leader of a party of Tory horse-thieves and highway- 
 men, and where some of his band were taken and hung. He fled to escape summary pun- 
 ishment, but justice overtook him in the end. His bandit career in Tennessee is noticed 
 in Ramsey's History of that State, pp. 179. 243 ; and Putnam's Middle Tennessee, 58. 
 
 General DePeyster, in his able Address on King's Mountain, before the New York 
 Historical Society, January, 4, i8Sr, has inadvertently fallen into the error of including 
 Captain Oates as amon^ those executed with Colonel Mills, citing Mrs. Warren's History 
 as authority. Lord Cornwallis, in his letter to General Smallwood, November, 10, 1780. 
 states that Captain Oates was taken by the Americans near the Pedee, in South Carolina, 
 and "lately put to death." 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 341 
 
 anything he hated more than another, it was a Tory ; and, 
 it may be, much of his extreme bitterness grew out of the 
 fact, that he knew full well how intensely he, in turn, was 
 hated by the Loyalists. Pointing at the unfortunates, while 
 dangling in mid-air, Carr exclaimed: ^' Would to God 
 every tree in the wilderness bore such fruit as that !" '^ 
 
 After nine of the Loyalist leaders had been executed, 
 and three others were about to follow suit, an unexpected 
 incident occurred. Isaac Baldwin, one of these condemned 
 trio, had been a leader of a Tory gang in Burke County, 
 who had sacked many a house, stripping the unfortunate 
 occupants of food, beds and clothing ; and not unfrequently, 
 after tying them to trees, and whipping them severely, 
 would leave them in their helpless and gory condition to 
 their fate. While all eyes were directed to Baldwin and 
 his companions, pinioned, and awaiting the call of the exe- 
 cutioners, a brother of Baldwin's, a mere lad, approached, 
 
 =''J. L. Gray's MS. statement; Rutherford ^«$'MzVirr, May 24, 1859. 
 
 The Revolutionary war produced few characters so singular and so notorious as 
 Patrick Carr, He was by birth an Irishman, and settled in Georgia before the commence- 
 ment of the war. It is only in the latter part of the contest we are able to trace him. He 
 shared as a Captain under Colonel Clarke in the heroic attack on Augusta, in September, 
 1780; then retired to the Carolinas, and joined the mountaineers under Major Candler, 
 and fought at King's Mountain. The following month we find him under Sumter at Black- 
 stocks ; in May, 1781, engaged in forays against British and Tory parties in Georgia, way- 
 laying and defeating them, extending little or no mercy to any of them. In November, 
 
 1781. when Major Jackson surprised the British post at Ogeechee, and its commander, 
 Johnson, was In the act of surrendering his sword to Jackson, Carr treacherously killed 
 Captain Goldsmith. Johnson and his associates, judging that no quarters would be given 
 them, instpntly sprang into their place of defence, and compelled the Americans to retire 
 with considerable loss. A notorious Tory by the name of Gunn had concerted a plan to 
 kill Colonel Twiggs, and subsequently fell into the Colonel's hands, when Carr insisted that 
 Gunn should be hung; But Twiggs, more humane, protected the prisoner from harm. In 
 
 1782, Carr was made a Major, and, in the spring and early summer, marched with a force 
 over the Altamaha, where he had two skirmishes with whites and Indians. On one occasion, 
 Carr was praised for his bravery, when he replied that had not God given him too 
 merciful a heart he would have made a very good soldier. It is related that he killed 
 eighteen Tories on his way back from King's Mountain and Blackstocks to Georgia ; and 
 one hundred altogether during the war, with his own hands ! Certain it is, the Tones 
 stood in great awe of him. He was murdered, in August, 1802, in Jefferson County, 
 Georgia, where he long resided ; and, it is said, the act was committed by descendants of 
 the Tories. In December following, the Jefferson County troop of Light Horse assembled 
 at his place of inteiment, Lieutenant Robinson delivering a brief eulogy, when the military 
 fired a volley over his grave. Though " a honey of a patriot, " Paddy Carr left a name 
 
 *' to other times, 
 
 Mixed with few virtues, and a thousand crimes." 
 
342 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 apparently in sincere affection, to take his parting leave. He 
 threw his arms around his brother, and set up a most piteous 
 screamin<i and lamentation as if he would go into convul- 
 sions, or his heart would break of sorrow. While all were 
 witnessing this touching scene, the youth managed to cut 
 the cords confining his brother, who suddenly darted away, 
 breaking through the line of soldiers, and easily escaping 
 under cover of the darkness, into the surrounding forest. 
 Although he had to make his way through more than a 
 thousand of the best marksmen in the world, yet such was 
 the universal admiration or feeling on the occasion, that not 
 one would lift a hand to stop him. * 
 
 Whether the escape of Baldwin produced a softening 
 effect on the minds of the Whig leaders — any feelings of 
 forbearance towards the condemned survivors ; or whether, 
 so far as retaliation, or the hoped-for intimidating influence 
 on the Tories of the country, was concerned, it was thought 
 enough lives had been sacrificed, we are not informed. 
 Some of these men must have been tried within the scope of 
 the civil law, for crimes committed against society ; while 
 others must have been tried and condemned for violations 
 of the usages of war;f and yet, after 2iS\., \h.& moral effect 
 would seem to have been the principal motive for these 
 cases of capital punishment. 
 
 Referring probably to the two companions of Baldwin 
 after he had effected his escape, we have this statement on 
 the authority of Colonel Shelby: " Three more were tied, 
 ready to be swung off. Shelby interfered, and proposed to 
 
 * Conversations with John Spelts and Benjamin Starritt; Memoir of Major Thomas 
 Young; Johnson's Life of General Greene, \. 310. 
 
 Baldwin made his way into his old region, in Burke County, where his father resided, 
 on Lower Creek of Catawba ; where some two weeks afterwards, he was espied in the 
 woods hy some scouts who gave chase, and finally overtook him, one of the pursuers killing 
 him by a single blow over the head with his rifle. Some forty-five years after this tragedy, 
 a younger brother of Ike Baldwin —prnbibly the one who had so successfully planned his 
 escape at Bickerstaff 's— made three ineffectual attempts to kill the man who had brained 
 the Tory free-booter. 
 
 t Speech of General Alexander Smyth, in Congress, January 21, 1819, Niles" Register, 
 XV., Supplement, 151. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 343 
 
 • 
 stop it. The other officers agreed ; and the three men who 
 supposed they had seen their last hour, were untied."* The 
 inference is, that the officers here referred to, who, with 
 Shelby, exercised the pardoning power, or "put a stop" 
 to further executions, were the presiding officers of the 
 court, in their character of justices, of whom Colonel Camp- 
 bell could hardly have been one, though a magistrate at 
 home, for the civil court was acting under the laws of 
 North Carolina ; and yet Ensign Campbell, in his narrative, 
 speaks of the trials having been conducted before a court- 
 martial, and adds, that, after the nine were executed, " the 
 others were pardoned by the commanding officer;" while 
 another eye-witness, Benjamin Sharp, states that " a court 
 was detailed," and after the nine were hung, " the rest 
 were reprieved by the commanding officer." Nor is the 
 language of the late Governor Campbell less explicit: " A 
 court-martial was ordered and organized to try many of the 
 Tory officers, charged by the officers of North and South 
 Carolina with many offences — such as murdering unoffend- 
 ing citizens not in arms, and without motive, save the brutal 
 one of destroying human life. Thirty-nine were found 
 guilty, nine of whom were executed, and thirty were par- 
 doned by the commanding officer." f Whether the surviv- 
 ors were pardoned by the court in its civil capacity, or by 
 the commanding officer at the instance of a court-martial, 
 the executions ceased. \ 
 
 ^^ American Review, December, 1848. 
 
 ■f MS. statement by Governor Campbell. 
 
 J This, however, was not the last of the Tory executions. A few days after King's 
 Mountain battle, while some young men of the surrounding country — Thomas Patterson, 
 who escaped while a prisoner, and fought so bravely in the action, is believed to have been 
 one of the party — were near the battle-ground, looking for horses in the range, they dis- 
 covered one of Ferguson's foragers, who was absent at the time of the engagement. They 
 concluded to capture him ; but on showing such an intention, they were surprised at his 
 pluck, in firing on them single-handed— the bullet whizzing close by them without harm. 
 The Tory then betook himself to his heels, but was soon overhauled, and, without much 
 ceremony, was suspended to the limb of a tree by means of one of the halters designed for 
 the horses His carcass was left hanging till it decayed, and dropped to the ground; while 
 the rope dangled from the limb for several years. So relates the venerable E. A. Patterson, 
 a grand-son of young Arthur Patterson, who, while a prisoner on King's Mountain, escaped 
 
344 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 ^ 
 One of the reprieved Tories, touched with a sense of the 
 obhgation he was under for sparing his Hfe, and perhaps 
 resolved tliereafter to devote his energies to the Whig cause, 
 went to Colonel Shelby at two o'clock that night, and 
 made this revelation : " You have saved my life," said he, 
 " and I will tell you a secret. Tarleton will be here in the 
 morning — a woman has brought the news." * No doubt 
 intelligence came that Tarleton had been dispatched by 
 Lord Cornwallis with a strong force lor the relief of Fergu- 
 son, if relief could be of any service ; but as to the par- 
 ticular time of his arrival, that was the merest guess- v^'ork, 
 and, with the Tories, the wish was father to the thought. 
 But the Whig leaders, on receiving this information, deeming 
 it prudent to run no risk, but to retire with their prisoners to 
 a place of safety, instantly aroused the camp, picking up 
 everything, sending the wounded into secret places in the 
 mountains, and making every preparation for an early start 
 in the morning, f They marched, according to Allaire's 
 Diary, at the early hour of five o'clock, on Sunday, the 
 fifteenth of October. 
 
 The poor Loyalist leaders had been left swinging from 
 the sturdy oak upon which they had been executed. No 
 sooner had the Whigs moved off, than Mrs. Martha Bicker- 
 staff, or BiggerstafF, the wife of Captain Aaron Bickerstaff 
 who had served under Ferguson, and been mortally 
 wounded at King's Mountain, with the assistance of an old 
 man who worked on the farm, cut down the nine dead 
 bodies. Eight of them were buried in a shallow trench, 
 some two feet deep ; while the remains of Captain Chitwood 
 
 during the battle; corroborated by the venerable Abraham Hardin. Colonel J. R. 
 Logan communicated Mr. Patterson's tradition of the affair. 
 
 Not long after the action at King's Mount'iin, o. couple of Tories were caught ard 
 hung on an oak tree, near Sandy Plains Baptist Church, in the edge of Cleveland County, 
 some four miles south-east of Flint Hill. Neither their names, nor the crimes with which 
 they were charged, have been preserved. The tree on which they were executed is still 
 standing, and like that at the Bickerstaff Red Chimneys, is known as the Gallows Oak ; it 
 has been dead several years. This tradition has been communicated by the aged father of 
 Daniel D. Martin, of Rutherford County, and Colonel J. R. Logan. 
 
 * Shelby's account in American Review^ 
 
 -{- Shelby's account. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 345 
 
 were conveyed by some of his friends, on a plank, half a 
 mije away to Benjamin Bickerstaff's, where they were 
 interred on a hill still used as a grave-yard. About 1855, 
 a party of road-makers concluded to exhume the remains 
 of Colonel Mills and his companions, as the place of their 
 burial was well known. The graves of only four of the 
 number were opened, the bones soon crumbling on expo- 
 sure. Several articles were found in a very good state of 
 preservation — a butcher knife, a small brass chain about five 
 inches in length, evident!}' used in attaching a powder-horn 
 to a shot-bag, a thumb lancet, a large musket flint, a goose- 
 quill, with a wooden stopper, in which were three or four 
 brass pins. These articles, save the knife, and a portion 
 of the pins, are preserved by M. O. Dickerson, Esq., of 
 Rutherfordton . * 
 
 Shortly after marching from Bickerstaff's, rain began to 
 fall in torrents, and it never ceased the whole day. " In- 
 stead of halting," says Benjamin Sharp, "we rather mended 
 our pace in order to cross the Catawba river before it should 
 rise to intercept us." It was regarded as essential to get 
 out of Tarleton's reach, and hence the straining of every 
 nerve, and the exercise of every self-denial, to accomplish 
 so important an object. The sanguinary character of that 
 impetuous British cavalry officer, and the celerity of his 
 movements, as shown at Buford's defeat, at Monk's Corner, 
 and at Sumter's surprise at Fishing Creek, admonished 
 the Whig leaders of the enemy they might have to deal 
 with ; and impelled, on this occasion, by the hope of rescu- 
 ing several hundred Bridsh and Tory prisoners was very 
 naturally regarded by the patriots as a powerfrd incentive 
 for Tarleton to push them to the utmost extremity, and play 
 cut and slash as usual — and hence the supposed necessity 
 of equal exertions on their part to avert so great a calamity. 
 It is not a little singular that, at this very moment, Corn- 
 wallis and Tarleton were retreating from Charlotte to 
 
 *MS. correspondence of W. L, Twitty and Mr Dickerson. 
 
346 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 Winnsboro, South Carolina, with all their might and main — 
 " with much fatigue," saj^s Lord Rawdon," "occasioned by 
 violent rains ; " fearing that the " three thousand " reported 
 victorious mountaineers were in hot pursuit. " It was 
 amusing,'.' said one of the King's Mountain men, "when 
 we learned the facts, how Lord Cornwallis was running in 
 fright in one direction, and we mountaineers as eagerly 
 fleeing in the other." * 
 
 In Allaire's newspaper narrative, we have this account 
 - — whether colored or distorted, we have no means of 
 determining: " On the morning of the fifteenth, Colonel 
 Campbell had intelligence that Colonel Tarleton was 
 approaching him, when he gave orders to his men, that 
 should Tarleton come up with them, they were immediately 
 to fire on Captain DePeyster and his officers, who were in 
 the front, and then a second volley on the men. During 
 this day's march, the men were obliged to give thirty-five 
 Continental dollars for a single ear of Indian corn, and forty 
 for a drink of water, they not being allowed to drink when 
 fording a river ; in short, the whole of the Rebels' conduct 
 from the surrender of the party into their hands, is incredible 
 to relate. Several of the militia that were worn out with 
 fatigue, not being able to keep up, were cut down and 
 trodden to death in the mire." 
 
 It was about ten o'clock at night, according to Allaire's 
 Diary ^ and as late as two o'clock, according to Shelby, when 
 the wearied troops and prisoners reached the Catawba, at 
 the Island Ford, where the river was breast deep as they 
 forded it. They bivouacked on the western bank of the 
 river at the Quaker Meadows — the home of Major Mc- 
 Dowell. "A distance of thirty-two miles," says Allaire, 
 " was accomplished this day over a very disagreeable road, 
 all the men worn out with fatigue and fasting, the prisoners 
 having had no bread nor meat for two days" — and, appar- 
 ently, not even raw corn or pumpkins. Nor had the Whigs 
 
 *MS. Notes of conversations with Silas McBee, in 1842. 
 
S,^ i T^y M^£y^!. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 347 
 
 fared any better, judging from the statement in the 
 American Review, dictated by Colonel Shelb}^ : "As an 
 evidence of the hardships undergone by these brave and 
 hardy patriots, Colonel Shelby says that he ate nothing 
 from Saturday morning until after they encamped Sunday 
 night — [or rather Monday morning] — at two o'clock." 
 Benjamin Sharp throws additional light on the privations 
 of the patriots: "During the whole of this expedition," 
 he states, " except a few days at our outset, I neither tasted 
 bread nor salt, and this was the case with nearly every man ; 
 when we could get meat, which was but seldom, we had to 
 roast and eat it without either ; sometimes we got a few 
 potatoes, but our standing and principal rations were ears 
 of corn, scorched in the fire or eaten raw. Such was 
 the price paid by the men of the Revolution for our 
 independence." 
 
 Here, at McDowell's, some provisions were obtained — 
 not much of a variety, but such as satisfied half-starved 
 men ; nor did they' seek rest until they had dried themselves 
 by their, camp fires, and enjoyed their simple repast. 
 " Major McDowell," says Sharp, " rode along the lines, 
 and informed us that the plantation belonged to him, and 
 kindly invited us to take rails from his fences, and make 
 fires to warm and dry us. I suppose that every one felt 
 grateful for this generous offer ; for it was rather cold, it 
 being the last of October, and every one, from the Com- 
 mander-in-chief to the meanest private, was as wet as if he 
 had just been dragged through the Catawba river." 
 
 It is evident from Allaire's Diary, that when it was pos- 
 sible, courtesies were extended to the British officers — even 
 when the Whig patriots themselves were camping out on 
 the ground. " We officers," he says, " were allowed to go 
 to Colonel McDowell's, where we lodged comfortably." A 
 litde incident transpired on this occasion which the good 
 Lieutenant did not care, perhaps, to record in his Diary. 
 Some of these very same officers had visited the residence 
 
348 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 of the McDowell's, under very different circumstances, the 
 preceding month, when Ferguson had invaded the Upper 
 Catawba Valley, and when the two brothers, Colonel 
 Charles and Major Joseph McDowell, had retired with their 
 little band across the mountains. Their widowed mother 
 was the presiding hostess of the old homestead at the 
 Quaker Meadows ; she was a woman of uncommon energy 
 and fearlessness of character — a native of the Emerald Isle. 
 She possessed a nice perception of right and wrong ; and, 
 withal, was not wanting in her share of quick temper 
 peculiar to her people. 
 
 Some of these visitors, having ransacked the house for 
 spoils, very coolly appropriated, among other things, the 
 best articles of clothing of her two noted Rebel sons ; and 
 took the occasion to tantalize the aged mother with what 
 would be the fate of her boys when they should catch them. 
 Charles should be killed out-right, but as for Joe, they 
 would first compel him, by way of humiliation, to plead on 
 his knees for his life, and then would slay him without 
 mercy. But these threats did not in the least intimidate 
 Mrs. McDowell ; but she talked back at them in her quaint, 
 effective Irish style, intimating that in the whirligigs of life, 
 they might, sooner or later, have a little begging to do for 
 themselves. The changed circumstances had been brought 
 about in one short month, quite as much, perhaps, to the 
 surprise of the good old lady, as to the proud officers of 
 Ferguson's Rangers. Now they appeared again, wet, 
 weary, and hungry ; but Mrs. McDowell readily recognized 
 them, and it required not a little kind persuasion on the 
 part of Major McDowell to induce his mother to give those 
 " thieving vagabond Tories," as she termed them, shelter, 
 food, and nourishment. But the appeals of her filial son, of 
 whom she was justly proud, coupled with the silent plea of 
 human beings in their needy, destitute condition, prevailed ; 
 and in her Christian charitjr, she returned good for evil.* 
 
 * Related by'the lady of Ex-Governor Lewis E. Parsons, of Alabama, who derived it from 
 her mother, a daughter of Major Joseph McDowell, of Quaker Meadows. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 349 
 
 It was fortunate for the mountaineers that the}^ had suc- 
 ceeded in crossing the Catawba so opportunely, for the next 
 morning they found it had risen so much as to be past 
 fording. This obstacle would naturally prevent, for some 
 time, all pursuit, if indeed any had been made. It was 
 now arranged that Colonel Lacey's men* should be per- 
 mitted to return to South Carolina, while most of Shelby's 
 and Sevier's regiments, with the footmen of the Virginians, 
 should take their home trail across the mountains. The 
 mounted men of Campbell's regiment, with the Wilkes and 
 Surry troops under Cleveland and Winston, and perhaps 
 McDowell's party, together with a few of Sevier's and 
 Shelby's young men who preferred to remain in the service, 
 and who had incorporated themselves into McDowell's 
 corps, now constituted the escort for the prisoners. Shelby 
 states, that after the several corps had retired at the Catawba, 
 there remained not more Whigs than they had prisoners to 
 guard — about five or six hundred. 
 
 The wounded Americans, who had been hid away in the 
 mountains when the troops marched so hurriedly from 
 Bickerstaff 's, were soon brought forward ; and mau}^ of them 
 were left in Burke County, eight or ten miles above Burke 
 Court House, where Doctor Dobson, of that neighborhood, 
 had eighteen of them under his care at one time ; four of 
 whom were Wilkes and Surry County officers billeted at 
 a Mr. Mackey"s. \ 
 
 After a needful rest, and the return of fair weather, the 
 patriots proceeded at two o'clock on Monday afternoon, 
 October sixteenth, directing their course, by easy marches, 
 to the head of the Yadkin, and down the valley of that 
 stream. Fording Upper creek, or the North branch of 
 the Catawba, and John's river, they encamped that night at 
 a Tory plantation, not very far beyond the latter stream. 
 
 While on the hurried and toilsome march from Bicker- 
 
 * Pension statements of William White of Lacey's regiment, and William Alexander 
 of Campbell's men. 
 
 f Lieutenant Newell's statement, 1823. 
 
350 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 staff's to the Catawba, and especially during se\'eral hours of 
 the evening, amid rain and mud, it proved a favorable oppor- 
 tunity for many of the prisoners to give their guards the slip, 
 and effect their escape. Allaire says the number reached a 
 hundred. To put a stop to these numerous desertions, the 
 Whig leaders promulgated severe admonitions of the con- 
 sequences of any further attempts in that direction ; but 
 thejr did not effectually restrain the daring and adventurous. 
 Having marched fifteen miles during Tuesday, passing 
 through Happy Valley and over Warrior Mountain, the 
 troops, with their prisoners, camped that evening at Captain 
 Hatt's plantation, not very far from Fort Defiance ; and, 
 during the night, three of the prisoners attempted to evade 
 their guards, two of them succeeding, while the other was 
 shot through the bod}^, retaken, and executed at five o'clock 
 on the following morning. * 
 
 During Wednesday, the eighteenth, the troops forded 
 Elk and Warrior creeks, camping that night on the west- 
 ern bank of Moravian creek, a short distance west of 
 Wilkes Court House, having accomplished eighteen miles ; 
 and passing the next day through the Old Mulberry Fields, 
 or Wilkes Court House, they took up their camp at 
 Hagoods' plantation, on Brier creek, having marched six- 
 teen miles this day. While in camp, on Brier creek, 
 Colonel Campbell appears to have discharged some of his 
 Virginians, for he wrote a letter on the twentieth, to his 
 brother-in-law. Colonel Arthur Campbell, giving him a 
 brief account of the battle, but was uncertain as yet what 
 disposition would be made of the prisoners. Taking a late 
 start on Frida}^, six miles only were accomplished, camping 
 that night at Sales' plantation. Proceeding by slow 
 marches, they passed Salem, arriving at Bethabara, or Old 
 Town, on the twent3r-fourth — both Moravian villages — 
 whose people, according to Allaire, were stanch friends 
 of the King, and were very kind to all the prisoners. 
 
 * Allaire's MS. Diary. Capt. Hatt may possibly be designed for Capt. Holt or Hall. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 351 
 
 The very first night the British officers had been 
 assigned quarters at Bethabara, Lieutenant AUaire and 
 Doctor Johnson, who were rooming togetlier, were driven 
 fi-om their bed by a violent Wliig Captain named Campbell, 
 who, with drawn sword, threatened them with death if they 
 did not instantly obey him. Colonel Campbell was notified 
 of this rudeness, who had the unseasonable intruder turned 
 out of the room ; * and this is but another instance of his 
 sense of justice towards helpless prisoners. 
 
 Among the Tory captives, was a notorious desperado 
 named Bob Powell. He was a man of unusual size, strong, 
 supple, and powerful. He boasted of his superior ability 
 and agility to out-hop, out-jump, out-wrestle, or out-fight 
 any Whig in the army. He seemed to possess a happier 
 facultj' of getting into scrapes, than in getting out. Chained 
 with two accomplices for some bad conduct, he sent word 
 one morning that he wanted to see Colonels Campbell, 
 Shelby and Cleveland, on a matter of importance. When 
 waited on by those officers, he seemed to think that the 
 proposition he was about to submit was a matter of no small 
 consideration — no less than a challenge to wresde or fight 
 with the best man they could produce from their army, 
 conditioned that, should he prove victor, his freedom should 
 be his reward ; should he fail, he would regard his life as 
 forfeited, and they might hang him. Though a couple of 
 guineas were offered to any man who would successfully 
 meet him — probably more with a view of an exhibition of 
 the " manly art," as then regarded by the frontier people, 
 yet no one saw fit to engage in the offered contest. Under 
 the circumstances, all knew full well that Powell would 
 fight with the desperadon of a lion at bay ; and none cared 
 to run the risk of encountering a man of his herculean pro- 
 portions, with the stake of freedom to sdmulate his efforts. f 
 
 It w^as apparently while at Bethabara, that Colonels 
 
 * Allaire's MS Diary, and his newspaper narrative. 
 
 ■fMS. notes of conversation with John Spelts, an eye-witness. 
 
352 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Campbell, Shelby, and Cleveland made out their official 
 report of King's Mountain battle. Had it been prepared 
 before Colonels Lacey and Sevier had retired at the Quaker 
 Meadows, the names of those two officers would doubtless 
 have been attached to it also.* Colonel Shelby accom- 
 panied the troops to Bethabara. He had been deputed 
 to visit General Gates at Hillsboro, to tender the services 
 of a corps of mountaineers, mostly refugees, under Major 
 McDowell, to serve under General Morgan. Colonel 
 Campbell also had occasion to repair to head-quarters to 
 make arrangements for the disposition of the prisoners. 
 
 On the twenty-sixth of October, Colonel Campbell issued 
 a General Order, appointing Colonel Cleveland to the 
 command of the troops and prisoners until his expected 
 return, especially providing that full rations be issued to the 
 prisoners ; adding, "it is to be hoped, no insult or violence 
 unmerited will be offered them ; no uimecessary injury be 
 done to the inhabitants, nor any liquor be sold or issued to 
 the troops without an order from the commanding officer." f 
 Here we have additional evidence, if any were needed, 
 of Campbell's humanity and good sense. 
 
 Colonels Campbell and Shelby had scarcely departed, 
 when new troubles arose in the treatment of the prisoners. 
 Allaire tells us, that one of the Whig soldiers was passing 
 the guard, where the captives were confined, when he rudely 
 accosted them: " Ah ! d — n j^ou, you'll all be hanged!" 
 One of the prisoners retorted — " Never mind that, it will be 
 your turn next ! " For this trifling offence, the poor fellow 
 
 * Doctor Ramsey, in his History of Tennessee, states that the three Colonels visited 
 Hillsboro, and there made out their report. Colonel Cleveland did not go there on that 
 occasion, having been left in command at Bethabara. His name was signed to the report 
 by himself, and not by another as a comparison of his genuine autograph with the/ic- 
 j-jw;/? signature to the report conclusively shows. Perhaps as a compliment, Colonel Cleve- 
 land was permitted to head the list, in signing the report, as shown in facsimile in 
 Lossing s Field Book of the Revolution ; but when General Gates sent a copy, November i, 
 1780, to Governor Jefferson, to forward to Congres.s, he very properly placed Campbell's 
 name first, Shelby's next, and Cleveland's last — and so they appear as published in the 
 gazettes at the time by order of Congress. 
 
 fMS. order, preserved by General Preston. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 353 
 
 was tried before Colonel Cleveland, and condemned to be 
 hung. Qiiite a number of people gathered at Bethabara to 
 witness the execution of the unfortunate man ; " but," adds 
 Allaire, "Colonel Cleveland's goodness extended so far as 
 to reprieve him." 
 
 About this time, Captain William Green and Lieutenant 
 William Langum, among the Tory prisoners, were tried 
 before Colonel Cleveland. The charge ai^ainst Green 
 seems to have been, that he had violated the oath he had 
 taken as an officer to support the governments of the State 
 of North Carolina and of the United States, by accepting a 
 British commission, and lighting at King's Mountain. Some 
 of the British officers were present, and remonstrated at the 
 course taken, when Cleveland cut them short, saying : 
 "Gentlemen, you are British officers, and shall be treated 
 accordingly — therefore give your paroles and march off 
 immediately ; the other person is a subject of the State.'' * 
 Green and Langum were condemned to be executed the 
 next morning. " May be so," coolly remarked Green. 
 
 That night, as he and his comrade, Langum, were lying 
 before the camp-fire, under a blanket. Green rolled over so 
 that his hands, fastened with buck-skin straps, came in con- 
 tact with Langum 's face, who seeming to comprehend his 
 companion's intention, worked away with his teeth till he 
 succeeded in unfastening the knot. Green was now able 
 to reach his pocket, containing a knife, with which he 
 severed the remaining cords, and those of Langum. He 
 then whispered to Langum to be ready to jump up and run 
 when he should set the example. Green was above the 
 ordinary size, strong and athletic. The guard who had 
 special watch of them, was in a sitting posture, with his 
 head resting upon his knees, and had fallen asleep. Mak- 
 nig a sudden leap, Green knocked the sentinel over, and 
 tried to snatch his gun from him ; but the latter caught the 
 skirt of the fleeing man's coat, and Green had to make a 
 
 * Gordon's American Revolution^ iii, pp. 466-67. 
 
354 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 second efibrt before he could release himself from the sol- 
 dier's grasp, and gladlj^ got off with the loss of a part of his 
 garment. In another moment both Green and Langum 
 were dashing down a declivity, and though several shots 
 were fired at them, they escaped unhurt, and were soon 
 beyond the reach of their pursuers. Aided by the friendly 
 wilderness, and sympathizing Loyalists, they in time reached 
 their old region of Buffalo creek, in now Cleveland County, 
 Green at least renouncing his brief, sad experience in the 
 Torv service, joined the Whigs, and battled manfully there- 
 after for his country. Both Green and Langum long sur- 
 vived the war, and were very worthy people. * 
 
 Allaire records an incident, involving, if correctly reported, 
 rash treatment on the part of Colonel Cleveland towards 
 Doctor Johnson, whose benevolent acts, it would be sup- 
 posed, would have commanded the respectful attention of all : 
 '•November the first," writes Lieutenant Allaire, " Doctor 
 Johnson was insulted and knocked down by Colonel Cleve- 
 land, for attempting to dress the wounds of a man whom 
 the Rebels had cut on the march. The Rebel officers 
 would often go in amongst the prisoners, draw their swords, 
 cut and wound whom their wicked and savage minds 
 prompted." f There must have been something unex- 
 plained in Doctor Johnson's conduct — the motive is wanting 
 for an act so unofficer-like as that imputed to Colonel Cleve- 
 land. While it is conceded that he was a rough frontier 
 man, and particularly inimical to thieving and murderous 
 Tories, yet he was kind-hearted, and his sympathies 
 as responsive to misfortune as those of the tenderest 
 woman. The same day. Colonel Cleveland was relieved 
 of his command by Colonel Martin Armstrong, his superior 
 
 * MS. Deposition of Colonel Wm. Porter, 1814. kindly communicated by Hon. W. P. 
 Bynum ; MS. letters of Jonathan Hampton and Colonel J R. Logan, the latter giving the 
 recollections of the venerable James Blanton, now eighty-two years of age, who was well 
 acquainted with both Green and Langum; statements of Benjamin BiggerstafF and J. W. 
 Green, furnished by W. L. Twitty, Some of the traditions represent Langums name as 
 Lankford. 
 
 t Allaire's MS. Diary, and his newspaper narrative. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 355 
 
 in rank, as well as the local commandant of Surry County, 
 where the troops and prisoners then were. 
 
 The British officers had been expecting to be paroled. 
 Colonel Cleveland's remark to them, at Green's trial, would 
 seem to indicate the early anticipation of such an event. 
 " After we were in the Moravian town about a fortnight, " 
 says Allaire, " we were told we could not get paroles to 
 return within the British lines ; neither were we to have any 
 till we were moved over the mountains in the back parts of 
 Virginia, where we were to live on hoe-cake and milk." 
 Large liberties had been accorded the officers, to enable 
 them to while away the tedium of captivity : so that they 
 sometimes visited the neighboring Moravian settlements, or 
 dined at their friends, in the country. 
 
 When Lieutenants Taylor, Stevenson, and Allaire 
 learned that there was no immediate prospect of their 
 receiving paroles, they concluded that they would " rather 
 trust the hand of fate," as Allaire states it in his narrative, 
 and make a desperate effort to reach their friends — taking 
 French leave of their American captors. Accordingly, on 
 Sunday evening, about six o'clock, the fifth of November, 
 they quietly decamped, taking Captain William Gist, of the 
 South Carolina Loj^alists, with them ; traveling fifteen 
 miles that night to the Yadkin, the fording of which they 
 found very disagreeable, and pushed on twenty miles 
 farther before daylight. Though pursued, the Whigs were 
 misled by false intelligence from Tory sources, and soon 
 gave up the chase. 
 
 Traveling by night, and resting by day ; sometimes 
 sleeping in fodder-houses, oftener in the woods ; with 
 snatches of food at times — hoe-cake and dried beef on one 
 occasion — supplied by sympathizing friends bj' the way; 
 encountering cold rain storms, and fording streams ; guided 
 some of the weary journey by Loyalist pilots, and sometimes 
 following such directions as they could get ; passing over the 
 Brushy Mountain, crossing the Upper Catawba, thence over 
 
356 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 the country to Camp's Ford of second Broad river, the 
 Island Ford of Main Broad, and the old Iron Works 
 of Pacolet ; barely escaping Sumter's corps at Black- 
 stock's on Tyger, they at length reached Ninety Six, the 
 eighteenth day after taking their leave of Bethabara, 
 traveling, as they accounted distance, three hundred miles. 
 These resolute adventurers suffered unspeakable fatigues 
 and privations, but successfully accomplished the object of 
 all their toils and self-denials. After resting a day at Ninety 
 Six, they pursued their journey to Charleston. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 357 
 
 CHAPTER XVI, 
 
 October— December, 1780. 
 
 Disposition of King s Mountain Prisoners. — Proposition to Enlist them. 
 — Needed for Exchange. — Congress Refers the Matter to the States 
 where the Prisoners Belong. — How they Dwindled Away. — Colonel 
 Ar^nstroJig Blamed. — Remnant Confined at Salisbury. — DePeyster 
 and Ryerson Paroled. — A Plucky Band of Whigs Scare a large 
 Tory Party. — Tarleton Frustrates Cornwallis' Design of Relieving 
 Ferguson. — Intercepting Ferguson's Messengers. — Tarleton at 
 Length in Motion. — His Instructiojzs. — Effect of King's Mountain 
 Victory. — Ewin and Barry Alarm the Neutrals, and they Alarm 
 Cornwallis. — Crowing of David Knox. — Cornwallis flees to South 
 Carolina, with the Imaginary Mountaineers in Pursuit. — A Tricky 
 Guide Misleading the Retiring Troops. — A Panic. — Illness of Corn- 
 wallis. — Sickness and Fatality among the Troops. — Privations and 
 Sufferings of the Retrograders. — Aid Rendered by the Tories.— 
 Ninety Six Safe. — Cornwallis Threatens Retaliation for Execution 
 of King's Mountain Prisoiiers. — Gates and Randall on the Situa- 
 tio7i. — The Question Met by General Greene. — Cornwallis Drops the 
 Matter. — Case of Adam Cusack. — The Widows and Orphans of 
 Ninety Six District. — Good Words for King' s Mountain Victory. — 
 Gates Thanks the Victors. — Washington Takes Courage. — Resolves 
 of Congress. — Greene and Lee Commend the Mountaineers. — Lossing, 
 Bancroft, and Irving on the Result. — The British Leaders Recognize 
 the Disastrous Effects of Ferguson's Miscarriage. — Gates and fef- 
 ferson's Encomiums. — King's Mountain Paves the Way for York- 
 town and Independence. 
 
 General Gates, on the twelfth of October, at Hillsboro, 
 received the joyous intelligence of the victory of King's 
 Mountain ; and wrote the next day to Colonel William 
 Preston, near Fort Chiswell, or the Lead Mines, in the 
 Virginia Valley, appointing him to prepare barracks or 
 other works for the reception of the prisoners, and to take 
 the superintendency of them, believing that locality a safe 
 
358 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 quarter, and where the necessar}' supplies could be obtained 
 for their support. Colonel Preston assured General Gates 
 that the Lead Mines would be an unsafe place for the pris- 
 oners, as there were more Tories in that County, Montgom- 
 ery, than any other known to him in Virginia ; he urged, 
 besides, the further objection of its proximity to Surry and 
 other disaffected regions in North Carolina, and the inimi- 
 cal Cherokees to the south-west. He, therefore, suggested 
 the County of Botetourt, higher up the Valley, as more 
 suitable, and William Madison as a proper and younger 
 person to undertake the service.* 
 
 It would seem that General Gates balanced between two 
 modes of disposing of the prisoners — one, to place them 
 where they would be secure from rescue, " to be ready for 
 exchange for our valuable citizens in the enem3''s hands;" 
 the other, a suggestion of Colonel Campbell, to send them 
 to the North, and incorporate them with the army under 
 General Washington. Colonel Campbell was the bearer 
 of General Gates' dispatches on the subject to Governor 
 Jefferson, at Richmond, who finally referred the whole 
 matter to Congress. f That body, on the twentieth of Nov- 
 ember, recommended to Governor Jefferson to cause the 
 King's Mountain prisoners to be secured in such manner 
 and places as he might judge proper : " That a list of the 
 names of the Tory prisoners be taken, distinguishing the 
 States, County or District to which they severally belong, 
 and transmitted to the Executives of their several States, 
 who ai-e requested to take such order respecting them as the 
 public security, and the laws of the respective States may 
 require." | 
 
 But various circumstances combined to render all such 
 arrangements of no avail. Starting from King's Mountain 
 with not to exceed six hundred prisoners, thej^ rapidly 
 
 *MS. letter of Gates to Preston, October 13, and of Preston to Gates, October 27, 1780; 
 Jefferson's Works, i, 273, 
 
 fMS. letter of Linnaeus Smith to General Francis Preston, July 19, 1823. 
 J Journals of Congress, 1780, vi, 374. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 359 
 
 dwindled away ; the paroles of some of them commenced 
 the second day after the battle ; * one hundred, Allaire tells 
 us, escaped during the march the stormy day, and part 
 of the night, before reaching the Qiiaker Meadows ; half a 
 dozen at another time ; Allaire and three associates escaping 
 as already related, and sdll later sixteen soldiers succeeded 
 in getting away from the guard at Bethabara, f while 
 doubtless many others evaded the vigilance of their guards 
 of which we have no record. According to the Mora\ian 
 accounts, there were never more than three hundred prison- 
 ers at Bethabara, fifty of whom were of Ferguson's 
 Provincial corps, and five hundred Whigs to guard them, 
 w^ho remained at that place nineteen days, till all the 
 provisions were consumed. \ Prior to the seventh of 
 November, one hundred and eighty-eight, who were inhabit- 
 ants of the western country of North Carolina, were taken 
 out of Colonel Armstrong's charge by the civil authorities, 
 and bound over, § inferentially for their appearance at court, 
 or for their good behavior ; some were dismissed, some 
 paroled, but most of them enlisted — some in the three 
 months' militia service, others in the North Carolina 
 Continentals, and others still in the ten months' men under 
 Sumter. So evident was it to General Gates, that neither 
 the military nor civil officers of North Carolina had any 
 authority over these prisoners, many of whom had been 
 almost constantly in arms against their country since the 
 surrender of Charleston, that he remonstrated with the 
 State Board of War at Salisbury ; and Colonel Armstrong 
 was made to answer for the injury thus done to the 
 American cause. The remaining prisoners were then 
 marched under a strong guard to Hillsboro. || 
 
 '■= MS. parole of Dennis McDuff by Captain George Ledbetter, October 9th, 1780, 
 preserved by Hon. W. P. Bynum. 
 
 f Colonel Armstrong to Gen. Gates, November nth, 1780, among the Gates Papers in 
 the New York Historical Society, 
 
 J Reichel's Moravians in North Carolina, pp. 92-93. 
 
 g Colonel Armstrong to Gen. Gates, November 7th and nth, 1780. 
 
 H Burk's History 0/ Virginia, iv, 410. 
 
360 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Including the Provincials, only about one hundred and 
 thirty captives remained ; and General Greene, when he 
 took the command of the Southern department, early in 
 December, lamented the loss of so many of the King's 
 Mountain prisoners, who, had they been retained, would 
 have been the means of restoring to the service many a noble 
 soldier languishing in British prisons ; nor was he without 
 suspicions of something more than folly on the part of those 
 who had taken such liberties to dispose of them. * The 
 jail and a log house near it, at Salisbury, were ordered by 
 General Greene to be picketed in, for the reception of the 
 remaining prisoners, who were directed to erect huts within 
 the pickets, f for their use as cooking and sleeping apart- 
 ments. " The North Carolina government," wrote Colonel 
 Henry Lee to General Wayne, January seventh, i"78i, 
 "has in a great degree bafHed the fruits of that victory. 
 The Tories captured were enlisted into the militia or draft 
 service, and have all rejoined the British ; I heard General 
 Greene say, j^esterday, that his last return made out sixty in 
 jail, and his intelligence from the enemy declares that two 
 hundred of them were actually in arms against us.'' J In 
 February ensuing, Captains DePeyster and Ryerson were 
 paroled to Charleston, and found on their arrival that they 
 were already exchanged. § 
 
 A singular incident occurred, in connection with the 
 King's Mountain campaign, that shows what, with pluck 
 and bravery, a few fearless men may accomplish. Fergu- 
 son, it will be remembered, had foraging, and perhaps 
 recruiting, parties out — under Colonel John Moore, Major 
 Zachariah Gibbs, and, very likely, others. One of these 
 parties, estimated at above two hundred and fifty, though 
 probably not so numerous, encamped a night or two pre- 
 
 '■■ Greene to Washington, December 7th, 1780. 
 •f Greene's Life of Greene^ iii, pp. 78-79. 
 
 \ Life of Gen, Henry Lee, by R, E. Lee, perfixed to Lee's Memoirs, revised edition, 
 1872, p. 33, 
 
 g Captain Ryerson's statement in the Royal Gazette, Charleston, October 27th, 1781. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 361 
 
 ceding the battle, at a school-house, near Holhngsworth's 
 mill, on Brown's creek, in now Union County, South 
 CaroHna, some twenty-five miles south of King's Mountain. 
 Their camp was on a high hill, thickly covered with timber. 
 
 A small party of eight or ten Whigs, who were lurking 
 about the thickets along Brown's creek, with a view of 
 gaining intelligence concerning both friends and foes, 
 chanced to capture a solitary Tory, from whom they 
 learned of the design of this large party of foragers to biv- 
 ouac that night at the school-house near Hollingsworth's. 
 Ready for adventure, the plucky Whigs, though so few in 
 nuinber compared with their adversaries, thought the}' might 
 gain by strategy what they could not accomplish by main 
 strength ; and concluded to make an effort to give the Tory 
 camp, at least, a first-rate scare. They accordingly arranged 
 their plan of proceedings, which was natural and simple. 
 Some time after dark they approached the enemy's camp — 
 spread themselves in open order, around the hill, at some 
 distance from each other, with the understanding that they 
 would advance till hailed by the sentinels, then lie down till 
 the guards fired, when they would arise and rush towards 
 the camp, firing and shouting as best they could. 
 
 They moved forward with great caution. The Tory 
 camp-fires threw a glaring light towards the canopy of 
 heaven, and lit up the forest far and near. All was joy and 
 gladness in the camp. The jovial song, and merry laugh, 
 indicated to the approaching Whigs that good cheer 
 abounded in the camp among the friends of King George. 
 In a moment all this was suddenly changed — the sentinels 
 hailed^then they fired, when an unseen foe rushed on 
 through the woods, yelling and screaming at the top of 
 their voices — and bang ! bang ! belched forth their rifles in 
 quick succession. The poor Tories were taken completely 
 by surprise — a panic ensued ; and crying "mercy ! mercy I " 
 they dashed through the bushes down the hill at their very 
 best speed. A frightened Tory was proverbially famous in 
 siich a race. 
 
3C2 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 The victorious Whigs came into the camp one after 
 another, and peered into the darkness, but could only hear 
 the retreating foragers darting through the woods ; the noise 
 growing fainter at each successive moment ; while the 
 skedaddlers, poor souls, were congratulating themselves on 
 their fortunate escape from a formidable party of Rebels, led 
 on, it might be, by the untiring Sumter, or such a Tory-hater 
 as Tom Brandon, of Fair Forest. The Whigs had now 
 gained full possession of the camp, with none to dispute 
 their victory. Forage wagons were standing hither and 
 thither, horses hitched to them and to the surrounding trees, 
 guns stacked, cooking utensils lying about the fires, with 
 hats, caps, and articles of clothing scattered in wild 
 confusion. 
 
 Till the grey twilight streaked the eastern sky on the 
 following morning, the little patriot band kept close guard, 
 expecting the momentary return of the campers ; but 
 nothing of the kind transpired. The sun rose brightly, and 
 mounted high above the hills, and still no report from the 
 fugitives. What should be done with the horses, arms, 
 baggage and baggage-wagons, was now discussed by the 
 fearless captors. They transported them from the camp, 
 around the hill to a secluded spot, and maintained a strict 
 watch over their new quarters, and the property they had 
 so adroitly captured. It must have been the day succeed- 
 ing Ferguson's defeat, that one of the men on guard 
 discovered a party of a dozen or fifteen horsemen rapidly 
 approaching. It was thought to be the van of an army^ 
 perhaps Ferguson's — coming to recover the spoils ; but the 
 brave Whigs who had made the successful capture, and 
 had guarded the plunder with so much vigilance, resolved 
 to test the matter. 
 
 They boldly advanced in a body, hailed the vanguard, 
 while their horses were drinking at the creek. But the 
 horsemen responded only by a confused flight ; and upon 
 them the patriots discharged their rifles, which disabled 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 863 
 
 one of their horses, so that his rider surrendered in dismay. 
 From him the Whigs learned that liis party was just from 
 King's Mountain — probabl}^ the band who had returned 
 from a foray, and fired upon the mountaineers at the close of 
 the action, mortally wounding Colonel Williams — and were 
 now making the best of their way to their respective homes, 
 or to Ninety Six, having in ^-iew no other object than their 
 personal safety. Learning of Ferguson's total defeat, the 
 Whig heroes now ventured to leave their secluded camp, 
 and gather a party to convey away the spoils of war to a 
 place of safety, where they and their friends could divide 
 and enjoy them. * 
 
 Lord Cornwallis' fine schemes of North Carolina and 
 Virginia conquest, were destined to a speedy disappoint- 
 ment. Awaiting at Charlotte, for the reception of supplies, 
 and the return of the healthful season, to prosecute his 
 military enterprise, he had reluctantly yielded to the per- 
 suasions of Colonel Ferguson to make an excursion into the 
 western borders of North Carolina, to encourage the friends 
 of the Government in that quarter. Though Ferguson 
 gave Cornwallis the assurance that his trained militia could 
 be trusted, j^et his Lordship had serious doubts on that head, 
 declaring that Ferguson's " own experience, as well as that 
 of every other officer, was totally against him ;" but, in con- 
 sequence of Ferguson's entreaties, backed with the earnest 
 advice of Colonel Tarleton, the expedition was undertaken, 
 Ferguson promising to return should he hear of any superior 
 force approaching him. 
 
 Cornwallis, failing for some time to receive any definite 
 information from Ferguson, evidently commenced to feel 
 anxious concerning his situation. In the Virginia Gazette, 
 of October eleventh, 1780, we find among the latest items of 
 intelligence from the southward, one to the efiect that " on 
 the thirtieth of September, about eight hundred of the enemy, 
 with two field pieces, were on their march, three miles in 
 
 *Saye's Memoir of Mcjunkin, 
 
364 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 advance from Charlotte, on the road leading to Beattie's 
 Ford, on Catawba river, supposed to be intended to support 
 Major Ferguson, who was, with a party, in the neighbor- 
 hood of Burke Court House." 
 
 If a relief force was sent at all, it was not pushed far 
 enough forward to accomplish the purpose. Tarleton's ill- 
 ness of a fever — yellow fever, as Major Hanger terms it — 
 may have caused procrastination. " Tarleton is better," 
 wrote Lord Cornwallis to Ferguson on the twenty-third of 
 September. As he recovered, he was pressed to engage in 
 this service, but found excuses for not undertaking it. " My 
 not sending relief to Ferguson," observed Lord Cornwallis, 
 " although he was positively ordered to retire, was entirely 
 owing to Tarleton himself; he pleaded weakness from the 
 remains of a fever, and refused to make the attempt, 
 although I used the most earnest entreaties." * 
 
 Tarleton informs us, that the County of Mecklenburg, in 
 which Chai'lotte was situated, and the adjoining County of 
 Rowan, were more hostile to England than any other por- 
 tion of America ; that so vigilant were the Whig troops and 
 people of that region, that " very few, out of a great number 
 of messengers, could reach Charlotte, in the beginning of 
 October, to give intelligence of Ferguson's situation." At 
 length Cornwallis received confused reports of Ferguson's 
 miscarriage. He dispatched Tarleton on the tenth of that 
 month, with his Light Infantry, the British Legion, and a 
 three-pounder, to go to the assistance of Ferguson, as no 
 certain intelligence had arrived of his defeat : though it 
 was rumored, with much confidence, by the Americans in 
 the neighborhood of Charlotte. Tarleton's instructions 
 were to re-inforce Ferguson wherever he could find him, 
 and to draw his corps to the Catawba, if, after the junction, 
 advantage could not be obtained over the mountaineers ; or, 
 upon the certainty of his defeat, at all events to oppose the 
 entrance of the victorious Americans into South Carolina — 
 
 * Cornwallis' Correspondence^ i, 59. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 865 
 
 fearing they might seriously threaten Ninety Six and 
 Augusta.* 
 
 The effect of King's Mountain battle on the Tories of 
 the country, and on Lord Cornwallis and his officers at 
 Charlotte, may be best inferred from actual facts explana- 
 tory of the matter. Robert Henry, who had been so pain- 
 fully transfixed in a British charge on Chronicle's men, was 
 conveyed to his home on the South Fork, a few miles of 
 the way on Saturday evening after the battle, and the 
 remainder on Sunday, Hugh Ewin and Andrew Barry, two 
 of his brave companions, acting as his escort. On Monday 
 morning these two friends came to see him, and learned the 
 happy effects of- a poultice of wet, warm ashes, applied to 
 his wounds by his good mother. While there, several 
 neutrals, as they termed themselves, but really Tories in 
 disguise, called to learn the news of the battle, when the 
 following dialogue took place between them and Ewin and 
 Barry : 
 
 " Is it certain," inquired one of the Tories, "that Colonel 
 Ferguson is really killed, and his army defeated and taken 
 prisoners?" 
 
 " Yes, it is certain," replied the Whigs, "for we saw 
 Ferguson after he was dead, and his army prisoners of 
 war." 
 
 " How many men had Ferguson?" 
 
 " Nearly, but not quite, twelve hundred," was the reply. 
 
 "Where," asked the Tories, "did the Whigs get men 
 enough to defeat him?" 
 
 "They had," responded the patriots, "the South Carolina 
 and Georgia refugees. Colonel Graham's Lincoln County 
 men, some from Virginia, some from the head of the Yad- 
 kin, some from the head of the Catawba, some from over 
 the mountains, and some pretty much from everywhere." 
 
 " Tell us," eagerly inquired the neutrals, "how it hap- 
 pened, and all about it." 
 
 * Tarleton's Campaigns, pp. i6o, i6i, 165. 
 
366 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 "Well," said Evvin and Bariy, "we met near Gilbert 
 Town, and found that the foot troops could not ovei'take Fer- 
 guson, and we took between six and seven hundred horse- 
 men, leaving as many or more footmen to follow; and we 
 overtook Ferguson at King's Mountain, where we sur- 
 rounded and defeated him."' 
 
 "Ah!" said one of the Tories, "that will not do — 
 between six and seven hundred surrounding nearly twelve 
 hundred. It would have taken more than two thousand to 
 surround and take Colonel Ferguson." 
 
 " But," responded the Whigs, "we were all of us blue 
 hens' chickens — real fighters, and no mistake." 
 
 "There must have been," said the Tories, "of your 
 foot and horse over four thousand in all. We see what you 
 are about — that your aim is to catch Lord Cornwallis 
 napping." 
 
 Thus ended the dialogue, not more than two hours after 
 sunrise on Monday, the ninth of October ; and the neutrals 
 or Tories quickly took their departure. It was reported 
 that they immediately swam a horse across the swollen 
 Catawba, by the side of a canoe, and hastened to give Lord 
 Cornwallis the earliest news of Ferguson's defeat. 
 
 As soon as the intelligence reached Charlotte, it produced 
 a great excitement among all classes. 
 
 "Have you heard the news," inquired one officer, of 
 the guard? 
 
 " No, what news ? " 
 
 " Whjr," said the first, " Colonel Ferguson is killed, and 
 his whole army defeated and taken prisoners." 
 
 " How can that be," said the doubter — " where did the 
 men come from to accomplish such a feat?" 
 
 "Some of them," replied the man of news, "were 
 South Carolina and Georgia refugees, some from Virginia, 
 some from the heads of the Yadkin and Catawba, some from 
 over the mountains, and some from everywhere. They 
 met at or near Gilbert Town, about two thousand despera- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 367 
 
 does on horseback, calling themselve blue hens' chickens ; 
 and started in pursuit of Ferguson, leaving as many foot- 
 men to follow. They overtook Ferguson at a place called 
 King's Mountain, where they surrounded his army, killed 
 that gallant officer, defeated his men, and took the survivors 
 prisoners." 
 
 " Can this be true?" despondingly inquired the first 
 officer. 
 
 "As true as the gospel," replied the other; "and we 
 may look out for breakers." 
 
 " God bless us ! " ejaculated the dejected officer of the 
 guard. 
 
 David Knox, a kinsman of President Polk, who was a 
 prisoner, but enjoyed the privilege of the town, a man full 
 of fun and frolic, hearing this colloquy, jumped upon a pile 
 of fire-wood beside the street, slapped his hands and thighs, 
 and crowed like a rooster, exclaiming. Day is at hand! * 
 
 It was accounts like these, largely colored and exagger- 
 ated by the fear-stricken Tories, that reached Cornwallis' 
 ears, and so alarmed him that he sent out Tarleton to aid 
 Ferguson, if yet in a condition to be relieved, and finally 
 induced his Lordship to depart in hot haste from Charlotte, 
 with all his army. Tarleton proceeded a south-westerly 
 course, fifteen or twenty miles, to Smith's Ford, below the 
 Forks of the Catawba, where he received certain intelli- 
 gence of the melancholy fate of Ferguson, and crossed the 
 river "to give protection" as he says, "to the fugitives," — 
 a small number of whom, he adds, his light troops picked 
 up, all of which must have been the result of his vivid 
 imagination. 
 
 At length, while Tarleton was absent, Cornwallis re- 
 ceived definite information of Ferguson's downfall ; and 
 Tarleton gives a sombre picture of the unhappy influence 
 it exerted upon both the British and Tories. "Added," 
 
 *MS. narrative of Robert Henry, who heard the dialogue between the neutrals and 
 Ewin and Barry, and had the particulars of the interview of the British officers, from David 
 Knox himself. 
 
368 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 he says, " to the depression and fear it communicated to the 
 Loyahsts upon the borders, and to the southward, the effect 
 of such an important event was sensibly felt by Lord 
 Cornwallis at Charlotte Town. The weakness of his army, 
 the extent and poverty of North Carolina, the want of 
 knowledge of his enemy's designs, and the total ruin of his 
 militia, presented a gloomy prospect at the commencement 
 of the campaign. A farther progress by the route which 
 he had undertaken, could not possibly remove, but would 
 undoubtedly increase his difficulties ; he, therefore, formed 
 a sudden determination to quit Charlotte Town, and pass 
 the Catawba river. The army was ordered to move, and 
 expresses were dispatched to recall Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Tarleton." * 
 
 About sunset, on the evening of the fourteenth of Octo- 
 ber, the British ■axray took up its line of march towards 
 the Old Nation Ford on the Catawba. They had for a 
 guide William McCafTerty, an Irishman, who had for 
 several years been a merchant at Charlotte ; remaining 
 there when the enemy came, endeavoring to save his 
 property ; but whatever were his professions to the British, 
 he played his new friends a sharp trick — a shabby one, no 
 doubt, in their estimation. About two miles below Char- 
 lotte, he led them on a wrong road towards Park's, since 
 Barnett's mill ; he at length suggested that they must , be 
 out of the way, and he would ride a little to the left to get 
 righted ; but as soon as out of their sight, he left them to 
 their fate. They were two miles to the right of the road they 
 intended to have taken — the night was dark, and, being 
 near Cedar creek, they were intercepted by high hills and 
 deep ravines. Endeavoring to file to the left, to regain the 
 right road, they became separated into different parties, 
 and kept up a hallooing to learn which way their comrades 
 had gone. By midnight they were three or four miles 
 apart, and appeared to be panic-struck, lest the Americans 
 
 '■'Tarleton's Campaigns, i66. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 369 
 
 — the dreaded mountaineers — should come upon them in 
 their pitiful situation. Thej' did not get together until noon 
 the next da}', about seven miles from Charlotte. Owing to 
 the difficult passes they took, and the darkness of the 
 night, together with the scare that befell them, the rear 
 guard left behind them near twent)' wagons, says Tarleton 
 — forty, saj-s General Graham — and considerable boot}-, 
 including a printing press and other stores, together with the 
 baggage of Tarleton's Legion.* 
 
 Reaching the Old Nation Ford, the river was too high 
 to cross with safety. In consequence of a dangerous fever, 
 which suddenly attacked Lord Cornwallis, as the result of 
 heavy rains and severe exposures, and the want of forage 
 and provisions, the army remained two days in an anxious 
 and miserable situation in the Catawba Indian settlement, 
 until his physicians declared that his Lordship's condition 
 would endure the motion of a wagon. Meanwhile, the 
 treacherous pilot, JNIcCafferty, had hastened to the Whig 
 Colonel Davie's encampment, reaching there early in 
 the morning, and communicating the tidings of the 
 enemy's retreat. Davie, with his small squadron of 
 cavalry, hung upon their rear and flanks, but could 
 gain no advantage over them. Crossing the Catawba 
 near Twelve Mile creek, the army at length reached 
 Winnsboro, a distance of some seventy miles, on the 
 twenty-ninth of the month, after a two weeks' march; 
 encountering sickness, difficulties, and privations of the 
 most serious character. 
 
 Major Hanger relates, that he and five other officers had 
 the j'ellow fever, as he terms it, and were placed in wagons 
 when the army evacuated Charlotte ; that, in passing 
 swollen streams, the straw on which they lay in the 
 vehicles frequently became wet, which aggravated their 
 sickness, and all, save himself only, died of fatigue and 
 
 "i- General Graham's Revolutionary History 0/ Nortit Carolina, in North Carolina 
 University Magazine, April, 1856, pp. 101-2 ; Tarleton's Campaigns, 167 
 24 
 
370 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 exposure during the first week of the march, and were 
 buried in tlie woods, while the jaded troops were moving 
 forward as rapidly as possible. So low was Major Hanger 
 reduced, that his bones protruded through his skin, and his 
 life was onl}- saved by the use of opium and port wine.* 
 
 But for their Tory associates, the sufTerings of the army, 
 great as they were, would have been still more aggravated. 
 For several days in succession it rained without inter- 
 mission ; the soldiers had no tents, and the roads were over 
 their shoes in water and mud. At night the army en- 
 camped in the woods, in a most unhealthy climate, and for 
 many days, Stedman adds, they were entirely without rum. 
 The water they drank was frequently as thick as in puddles 
 by the road side. Sometimes they had beef and no bread ; 
 at other times bread, or corn, and no beef. For five days 
 the troops were supported upon Indian corn alone, which 
 was gathered as it stood in the field, five ears of which 
 were the allowance for two soldiers for twenty-four hours. 
 The Tory militia taught the regulars how best to adapt it for 
 use. Taking their tin canteens, they would cut them up, and 
 punch holes through the strips with their bayonets, and then 
 use them as a rasp, or grater, on which to grate their corn, 
 and prepare it for cooking. The idea was communicated 
 to the Adjutant-General, and afterwards adopted through- 
 out the army, f 
 
 By their acquaintance with the country, being mounted 
 on horseback, and inured to the climate, the Tory militia 
 would go forth daily inquest of provisions, being frequently 
 obliged to pass through rivers, creeks, woods and swamps, 
 to secure beef cattle for the support of the army. "With- 
 out their assistance," says Stedman, " it would have been 
 impossible to have supplied the troops in the field." 
 Some of these men, when a creek was reached, difficult, 
 from its steep banks, and its clayey, slippery soil, to cross, 
 
 * Li/e of Hanger, ii, pp. 408-11. 
 I Stedman's ATnsrican War, ii, 224 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 371 
 
 would take the place of the horses, being harnessed in their 
 stead, and drag the wagons through the stream. Sted- 
 man, one of Cornwallis' officers, gives us some inklings of 
 the treatment of these Tory benefactors of their army, by 
 the British officers: "We are sorry to say," observes this 
 candid historian, " that in return for these exertions, the 
 militia were maltreated by abusive language, and even beaten 
 by some officers in the Quarter-Master General's depart- 
 ment. In consequence of this ill usage, several of them 
 left the army the next morning forever, choosing to run 
 the risk of meeting the resentment of their enemies, rather 
 than submit to the derision and abuse of those to whom they 
 looked up as friends.* 
 
 Cornwallis, with his army, was now at Winnsboro, 
 nearly midway between Camden and Ninety Six, and 
 within supporting distance of either. According to Lord 
 Rawdon, the second in command, it is evident that the 
 British leaders were happy, after all their toils and sufferings, 
 to find that "Ninety Six was safe"! — that the much- 
 dreaded mountaineers had fortunately turned their faces 
 northwardly, instead of towards the fortress where Cruger 
 commanded, and which they might easily have reached 
 long before it could possibly have been relieved by the 
 storm, mud, and sick-bound army en route from Charlotte to 
 Winnsboro. 
 
 Through the Tories, doubtless. Lord Cornwallis learned 
 in time of the executions by the mountaineers of the Loyal- 
 ists atBickerstaff's, near Gilbert Town, and wrote to the 
 American commanders threatening retaliation. General 
 Gates, in transmitting these complaints to Congress, 
 expressed the opinion that " no person ought to be executed, 
 but after legal conviction, and by order of the supreme civil 
 or military authority, in the department where the offence 
 is committed ; but I must confess my astonishment at Lord 
 
 * Stedman, ii, 225. 
 
 f Cornwallis' Correspondence, i, 496. 
 
372 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Cornwallis' finding fault with a cruelt}' he and his officers 
 are constantly practising — this is crying rogue first." 
 
 Commenting on this passage, Henr}^ S. Randall pertin- 
 ently observes: "Supreme civil or military authority " was 
 not much better than a name, in the locality and exigency ; 
 and was quite as well represented, in our judgment, as it 
 could elsewhere have been, in the intelligent and respon- 
 sible gentlemen — for emphatically they were such — who, 
 by their own danger and exertions, had done what no 
 formally constituted " authority" was able to do; and, if 
 the victors of King's Mountain hung fewer men than the 
 documents found on British officers clearl}' proved had 
 been executed of Americans by their orders, they enforced 
 less, we believe, than the full measure of rightful and 
 proper retaliation. And there is not a doubt that the prac- 
 tical effect of the measure was good, not only on the British 
 Lieutenant-General, but on the parricides who were so keen 
 to scent out, among their countrymen, the breakers of 
 enforced and v/ithdrawn paroles. The hunt became less 
 intently amusing, when it was understood that the hunter 
 placed the noose that had strangled his victim, around his 
 own neck, in the event of his capture. * 
 
 The threatened retaliation by Cornwallis, addressed in 
 the first instance to General Smallwood, and then to Gen- 
 eral Gates, was left as a legacy for General Greene, on his 
 succeeding Gates in the command of the Southern depart- 
 ment ; and he met it in a calm and dignified manner. " I 
 am," he wrote to his Lordship, " too much a stranger to the 
 transactions at Gilbert Town to reply fully to that subject. 
 They must have been committed before my arrival in the 
 department, and bj' persons under the character of volun- 
 teers, who were independent of the army. However, if 
 there was anything done in that affair contrary to the prin- 
 ciples of humanity and the law of nations, and for which 
 they had not the conduct of your army as a precedent, I 
 shall be ever ready to testify my disapprobation of it. The 
 
 * Life o/ Jefferson^ i, 282. 
 
AiYD ITS HEROES. 373 
 
 first example was furnished on your part, as appears by the 
 list of unhappy sufferers enclosed ; and it might have been 
 expected, that the friends of the unfortunate should follow 
 it. Punishing capitally for a breach of military parole, is 
 a severity that the principles of modern war will not author- 
 ize, unless the inhabitants are to be treated as a conquered 
 people, and subject to all the rigor of military government. 
 The feelings of mankind will forever decide, when the 
 rights of humanity are invaded. I leave them to judge of 
 the tendency of your Lordship's order to Lieutenant-Col- 
 onel Balfour after the action near Camden, of Lord 
 Rawden's proclamation, and of Tarleton's laying waste the 
 country, and distressing the inhabitants, who were taught 
 to expect pi-otection and security, if they observed but a 
 neutrality. Sending the inhabitants of Charleston to St. 
 Augustine, contrary to the articles of capitulation, is a 
 violation which I have also to represent, and which I hope 
 3^our Lordship will think 3^ourself bound to I'edress." 
 
 The enclosed list referred to was this : " William Stroud 
 and Mr. Dowell, executed near Rocky Mount, without a 
 trial, by order of Lieutent-Colonel Turnbull ; Richard 
 Tucker, Samuel Andrews, and John Miles, hanged at 
 Camden by order of Lord Cornwallis ; Mr. Johnson, hanged 
 since the action of Blackstocks, by Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Tarleton ; about thirty persons hanged at Augusta by 
 Colonel Browne ; Adam Cusick hanged at Pedee by one 
 Colonel Mills."* 
 
 '•'Gordon's Avierican IVar, iv. pp. 28-29. 
 
 The Colonel Mills here referred to, must not be confounded with Colonel Ambrose 
 Mills, uf King's Mountain memory, one of the unfortunates executed at Bickerstaff's. 
 William Henry Mills, mentioned by General Greejie. belonged in the Cheraw region, and 
 served in the South Carolina Provincial Congress, early in the contest; but sub'-equently 
 joined the British, and was made a Colonel, Surviving the war, he retired to Jamaica, and 
 then to England, where he died in 1807. 
 
 But from Judge James' Life 0/ Marion, and Gregg's History of the CheTaws. it is very 
 questionable if Colonel Mills was responsible for the execution of Cusack. Those well- 
 iiiformed writers clearly charge that act upon Colonel Wemyss. Cusack w.is accused. 
 according to one account, of no other crime than refusing to transport some British officers 
 over a ferry, and shooting at them across the river ; while another statement has it, that he 
 shot at the black servant of a Tory officer, John Brockington, whom he knew, across Black 
 crfeek. Taken prisoner by the enemy, he was tried, and condemned on the evidence of 
 the negro. 
 
374 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Here happily ended the threatened retaHation on the 
 part of Lord Cornwalhs for the execution of the LoyaUst 
 leaders taken at King's Mountain. It was well that his 
 Lordship refrained from exercising a power that could only 
 have fanned the flames of desolation throughout the south- 
 ern borders. The inhumanities practiced on both sides m 
 that distracted quarter were already but too deplorable in 
 their character, and needed not fresh provocations to inten- 
 sif}" their brutality, or add to the frequency of their 
 occurrence. It was generally said, and beheved, that in 
 the district of Ninety Six alone, fourteen hundred unhappy 
 widows and orphans were left to bemoan the fate of their 
 unfortunate fathers, husbands and brothers, killed and mur- 
 dered during the course of the war. * 
 
 Good words for the victory and victors of King's Moun- 
 tain have not been wandng. General Gates returned thanks, 
 through Colonel Campbell and his associates, " to the brave 
 officers and soldiers under your command, for your and 
 their glorious behavior in the action ; the records of the 
 war will transmit your names and theirs to posterity, with 
 the highest honors and applause;" and he desired to 
 express the sense he entertained of " the great service they 
 had done their country." General Washington proclaimed 
 the result in General Orders to the army, as "an import- 
 ant object gained," and '^ a proof of the spirit and resources 
 of the countr}? ; " while Congress expressed in its resolves, 
 " a high sense of the spirited and military conduct of 
 Colonel Campbell, and the officers and privates of the 
 militia under his command, displayed in the action of 
 October seventh, in which a complete victory was obtained." 
 This marked success over Ferguson, and the heroic conduct 
 of the riflemen at Guilford, convinced General Greene, that 
 "the militia of the back country are formidable." " Camp- 
 befi's glorious success at King's Mountain," was the terse 
 encomium of Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, of the Legion 
 
 "'Moultrie's yJ/(?OT(J2Vj, ii, 242. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 375 
 
 Cavalry. " It was a sharp action," said Chief Justice 
 Marshall, gained by "the victorious mountaineers." 
 
 " No battle," says Lossing, " during the war, was more 
 obstinately contested than this ; it completely crushed the 
 spirits of the Loyalists, and weakened, beyond recovery, 
 the royal power in the Carolinas." * "The victory at 
 King's Mountain," observes Bancroft, " which in the spirit 
 of the American soldiers was like the rising at Concord, in 
 its effects like the success at Bennington, changed the 
 aspects of the war. The Loyalists of North Carolina no 
 longer dared rise.- It fired the patriots of the two Caro- 
 linas with fresh zeal. It encouraged the fragments of the 
 defeated and scattered American army to seek each other, 
 and organize themselves anew. It quickened the North 
 Carolina Legislature to earnest efforts. It encouraged 
 Virginia to devote her resources to the country south of her 
 border. The appearance on the frontiers of a numerous 
 enemy from settlements beyond the mountains, whose very 
 names had been unknown to the British, took Cornwallis 
 by surprise, and their success was fatal to his intended 
 expedition. He had hoped to step with ease from one 
 Carolina to the other, and from those to the conquest of 
 Virginia ; and he had now no choice but to retreat." f 
 
 When all the circumstances, continues the same distin- 
 guished historian, are considered, the hardihood of the 
 conception, the brilliancy of the execution, and the 
 important train of consequences resulting from it, there 
 was nothing in the North more so. except the surrender 
 at Saratoga. It is not to be imagined, that the assemb- 
 lage of the troops was an accidental and tumultuous 
 congregation of men, merely seeking wild adventures. 
 On the contrary, although each step in the progress of the 
 enterprise seemed to be characterized by a daring impulse, 
 yet the purpose had been coolly conceived, and its execution 
 
 "Field Book of the Revolution, ii, pp. 428-29. 
 t History 0/ the United states, x, 340, 
 
376 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 deliberately planned in a temper of not less wisdom than 
 hardihood. * 
 
 Irving declares, that "the battle of King's Mountain, 
 inconsiderable as it was in the numbers engaged, turned 
 the tide of Southern warfare. The destruction of Ferguson 
 and his corps gave a complete check to the expedition of 
 Cornwallis. He began to fear for the safety of South Caro- 
 lina, liable to such sudden irruptions from the mountains ; 
 lest, while he was facing to the north, these hordes of 
 stark-riding warriors might throw themselves behind him, 
 and produce a popular combustion in the Province he had 
 left. He resolved, therefore, to return with all speed to 
 that Province, and provide for its security." * 
 
 Lord Cornwallis fully recognized the extent of the great 
 disaster. Plis sudden retreat into South Carolina showed 
 it. Ferguson, he said, " had taken infinite pains with 
 some of the militia of Ninety Six," and had confidence that 
 the}' would fight well, which his Lordship doubted ; and 
 yet Cornwallis suffered him to go on a distant service, 
 without any regulars, artillery, or cavalry for his support, 
 and the result was, as his Lordship acknowledges, that 
 Ferguson was "totally defeated at King's Mountain." 
 The discouraging effect of that crushing disaster on the 
 Tories, may well be judged from Cornwallis' dispatch to 
 Sir Henr}^ Clinton: "The militia of Ninety six," he 
 observes, " on which alone we could place the smallest 
 dependence, was so totally disheartened by the defeat of 
 Ferguson, that of that whole district we could with diffi- 
 culty assemble one hundred ; and even those, I am con- 
 vinced, would not have made the smallest resistance if they 
 had been attacked." "The defeat of Major Ferguson," 
 wrote Lord Rawdon, "had so dispirited this part of the 
 countrjr, and indeed the Loyal subjects were so wearied by 
 the long continuance of the campaign, that Lieutenant- 
 
 * MS. statement of Hon. George Bancroft, preserved by General Preston. 
 •[-Irving's ll'iis/ii/i^tofz, \\, pp. 193-94. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 377 
 
 Colonel Cruger, commanding at Ninety Six, sent informa- 
 tion to Lord Cornwallis, that the whole district had deter- 
 mined to submit as soon as the Rebels should enter it;" 
 and, a Httle later, Lord Cornwallis wrote: "The constant 
 incursions of refugees, North Carolinians, Back Mountain 
 nien, and the perpetual risings in different parts of this 
 Province, the invariable successes of all those parties against 
 our militia, keep the 'whole country in continual alarm, and 
 render the assistance of regular troops everj'vvhere neces- 
 sary. " * 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, the British Commander-in-chief in 
 America, blamed Lord Cornwallis for detaching Ferguson 
 without any support of regular troops, when his Lordship 
 had previously stated, that Ferguson's hopes of success on 
 his Tory militia "were contrary to the experience of the 
 army, as well as of Major Ferguson himself; " and " that 
 his Lordship," wrote Sir Henry, "should, after this opinion., 
 not onl}^ suffer Colonel Ferguson to be detached without 
 support, but put such a river as the Catawba between him 
 and Ferguson, was a matter of wonder to Sir H. Clinton 
 and all who knew it." f 
 
 "Great and glorious I" was the exclamation of General 
 Gates, when the tidings of the grand triumph of the King's 
 Mountain men reached him. " That memorable victory," 
 declared the patriot Jefferson, "wasthe joyful annunciation of 
 that turn of the tide of success, which terminated the Revo- 
 lutionary war with the seal of independence." And richly 
 did the heroes, who marched under Campbell's banners, 
 deserve all the praise so generously bestowed upon them. 
 King's Mountain paved the wajr for the successive ad- 
 vantages gained by the American arms at First Dam Ford, 
 Blackstocks, Cowpens, Guilford, and Eutaw ; and ulti- 
 mately for the crowning victory of York Town, with the 
 glorious fruition of " INDEPENDENCE FOREVER." 
 
 *• Cornwallis' Correspondence, i, pp. 63, 80-Si, 4g7-c 
 X Clinton's Observations on Stedinan. 
 
378 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 Gen. "William Campbell. 
 
 His Scotch-Irish Ancestry. — His Father an ^arly Holston Explorer. — 
 William Campbell's Birth and Education, — Settles oil Holston. — A 
 Captain on Dunmore's Campaign. — Raised a Company for the first 
 Virginia Regiment in ITJS- — Returns for the Defence of the Fron- 
 tiers. — His Military Appointments. — Rencounter with and Hanging 
 of the Bandit Hopkins.— Suppressing Tories tip New River. — 
 King's Mountain Expedition — his Bravery Vindicated. — Public 
 Thanks for his Sen/ices — Marches to Long Island of Holston. — ■ 
 At Whitzells Mills and Guilford. — Resig?is from Ill-treatment. — 
 Made Brigadier -General. — Serves under LaFayette. — Death and 
 Character. — Notices of his King's Moiintain Officers. 
 
 The Campbell family, from which the hero of King's 
 Mountain descended, were originally from Inverary, Argyll- 
 shire, connected with the famous Campbell clans of the 
 Highlands of Scotland ; and emigrated to Ireland near the 
 close of the reign of Qiieen Elizabeth — about the year 
 1600. The northern portion of Ireland received, at that 
 period, large accessions of Scotch Protestants, who proved 
 valuable and useful citizens. Here the Campbells continued 
 to live for several generations, until at length, John Camp- 
 bell, with a family of ten or twelve children, removed to 
 America in 1726, and settled first in Donegal, Lancaster 
 County, Pennsylvania, where we find one of his sons, Pat- 
 rick Campbell, born in 1690, serving as a constable in 1729. 
 About 1730, John Campbell, with three of his sons, Patrick 
 among them, removed from Pennsylvania to what was then 
 a part of Orange, now Augusta County, in the rich valley 
 of Virginia.* Another authority assigns 1738 as the time 
 of this migration.! 
 
 *MS. statements of Gov. David Campbell ; Foote's Sketches of Virginia, second series, 
 pp. 114, 117 ; Rupp's History of Lancaster County, Pa., 185 ; IMombert's Lancaster, 120. 
 \ R. A. Brock, Esq.. in Richmond Standard, July loth, 1880, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 379 
 
 Among the children of Patrick Campbell, who thus early 
 settled in Western Virginia, was Charles, who seems to 
 have been born in Ireland before the removal of the family 
 to the New World. He became a prominent and efficient 
 pioneer of the Augusta Valley. He early married a Miss 
 Buchanan, whose father, John Buchanan, Sr., had figured 
 in the wars of Scotland ; and from this union sprang 
 William Campbell, who subsequently led the Scotch-Irish 
 patriots of the Holston Valle)' against Ferguson at King's 
 Mountain. He was born in Augusta County in 1745 ; and, 
 though reared on that remote frontier, and amid the excite- 
 ments and dangers of the French and Indian war of 1755- 
 63, yet he was enabled, as an only son, to secure the best 
 education under the best teachers of that period — David 
 Robinson, a fine scholar, having been, it is believed, among 
 his instructors, as he was of many others of the youth of 
 Augusta of that day. Young Campbell acquired a correct 
 knowledge of the English language, ancient and modern 
 history, and several branches of the mathematics.* 
 
 His father, Charles Campbell, was not only an entei'pris- 
 ing farmer of Augusta, but early engaged in western 
 exploration, and in the acquisition of the rich wild lands 
 of the country. In April, 1748, he made an exploring tour 
 down the Holston, in company with Doctor Thomas 
 Walker, Colonel James Patton, James Wood, and John 
 Buchanan, together with a number of hunters and wood- 
 men. It was on this occasion that Campbell located a fine 
 t^act on the North Fork of Holston, where valuable salt 
 springs were afterward discovered, for which he obtained a 
 patent from the Governor of Virginia in 1753. It proved a 
 great benefit alike to his descendants and the country. In 
 an old manuscript written apparently in 1750, it is stated 
 that "John Buchanan and Charles Campbell do not go 
 out this fall " — indicating a contemplated removal, probably 
 
 *Co\. Arthur Campbell's MS. Sketch of Gen. William Campbell; Gov. Campbell's MS. 
 correspondence. 
 
380 KIXG 'S MO mYTAnV 
 
 to the Holston frontiers. As early as 1742, Charles Camp- 
 bell \vas enrolled as a militia-man in the company of John 
 Buchanan; and, in 1752, he was chosen a Captain, and 
 doubtless rendered service in the defence of the Augusta 
 Valle}' during the long period of Indian irruptions and 
 disturbances of Braddock's war. In the latter part of his 
 life he became intemperate, and cut short his career, dying 
 early in 1767.* 
 
 At his father's death, William Campbell, then a 3'oung 
 man of about twenty-two, resolved to remove with his 
 mother and four young sisters, f to the frontiers of Flolston. 
 They migrated there, locating on a fine tract called Aspen- 
 vale, twent3'-one miles east of the Wolf Hills, now the 
 pleasant town of Abingdon, and one mile west of the 
 Seven Mile Ford. In 1773, he was appointed among the 
 earliest Justices of Fincastle County, and, in 1774, a Captain 
 of the militia. Although an only son, and inheriting a 
 considerable propert}-, he never yielded to the fashionable 
 follies of young men of fortune. Devoted to the opening 
 and culture of a plantation in the wilderness, nothing 
 occurred to interfere with the routine of farm life till the 
 breaking out of the Indian war in 1774, "'hen he raised a 
 company of young men, and joining Colonel Christian's regi- 
 ment, pursued rapidly to overtake Colonel Andrew Lewis, 
 who had preceded them to Point Pleasant, at the mouth 
 of the Kenhawa, where a decisive battle was fought, beating 
 back the Shawanoes and allied tribes. Colonel Christian's 
 re-inforcement, though they made a forced march, did not 
 reach the battle-ground dll midnight succeeding the engage- 
 ment. The next morning the army crossed the Ohio, hasten- 
 ing to join Lord Dunmore, with another division, at the Pick- 
 
 *MS. records of Aiiausta County, Va. ; Winlerbotham's -•);«<•?-!>«, iii, 230; Morse's 
 Geography, i^A 1797; do , ed. 1S05. i, 6S8 ; Scott's Gcograpliical Dictionary, lioi; Guthrie's 
 Gco^ra /i/ii', I R I ^ ii. 472; MS Diary of Dr. Thomas Walker, which alone shows the correct 
 date of Cti.irics Campbell's exploration of the Holston Valley. 
 
 i-Thc eldest, Elizabeth, married John Taylor; Jane, Thomas Tate; Margaret. Col. 
 Arthur Campbell ; and Ann, Richard Poston — ail men of great respectability, leaving 
 numerous descendants. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 381 
 
 away plains on the Scioto, where liis Lordship concluded a 
 treaty of peace with the defeated and humbled Indian 
 tribes. Thus was Captain Campbell, with all his zeal to 
 engage in active service, and after having traveled hun- 
 dreds of miles through the wilderness from south-western 
 Virginia to the heart of the Ohio country, compelled to 
 sheathe his sword, and return again to his peaceful home on 
 the Holston. 
 
 The aggressions of the British ministrj' on the rights 
 of American freemen had alread}- made a deep impression 
 on the minds of the frontier people. While at Fort Gower, 
 at the mouth of the Hockhocking, returning from the Scioto 
 expedition, the troops declared, on the fifth of November, 
 1774 — Captain Campbell, no doubt, among the number — 
 that, " as the love of Liberty, and attachment to the real 
 interests and just rights of America outweigh every other 
 consideration, we resolve that we will exert every power with- 
 in us for the defence of American Liberty, and for the support 
 of her just rights and privileges." And on the twentieth of 
 January ensuing, Colonels Preston and Christian, Arthur and 
 William Campbell, together with William Edmondson, 
 Reverend Charles Cummings, and other leaders of Fin- 
 castle County, comprising the Holston settlements, sent a 
 calm and patriotic address to the Continental Congress, 
 announcing, that '' if no pacific measures shall be proposed 
 or adopted by Great Britain, and our enemies attempt to 
 dragoon us out of those inestimable privileges which we are 
 entitled to as subjects, and reduce us to slavery, we declare 
 that we are deliberately and resolutely determined never to 
 surrender them to any power upon earth but at the expense 
 of our lives. These are our real, though unpolished, senti- 
 ments of liberty and loyality, and in them we are resolved 
 to live and die." * These were noble declarations of 
 William Campbell and associates, proclaimed three months 
 before the first clang of arms at Lexington, four anterior to 
 
 ^^ American Archives, Fourth Series, i, 963, 116 
 
382 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 the patriotic resolves of the people of Tvlecklenburg, five 
 before the deadly strife on Bunker Hill, and nearly a year 
 and six months before the immortal Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence by Congress. These sentiments of the men 
 of Holston formed the key-note of their patriotic efforts 
 throughout the Revolution — and they never flagged a mo- 
 ment, while life lasted, till their liberties were secured. 
 
 At length war burst upon the country. Captain Camp- 
 bell, who had pledged himself at Fort Gower, in 1774, to 
 exert every power within him in the defence of American 
 liberty, and subsequently renewed the solemn declaration 
 "to live and die" in support of the great principles for 
 which Bruce and Wallace, and Hampden and Sydney had, 
 in the past, contended, now entered warmly into the con- 
 test, raising the first company in south-western Virginia in 
 support of the common cause, marching to Williamsburg 
 with his hunting-shirt riflemen, in September, i775) ^'^d 
 taking their place in the First Virginia regiment under the 
 command of the famous Patrick Henry. His commission 
 as Captain bore date December fifteenth of that year. 
 Owing to the regiment's confinement to the inactivities 
 of camp life, and the slights and indignities meted out to 
 him, Henry at length resigned the command, when his men 
 who were devoted to him, went into mourning. Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Christian succeeded to the command, and the 
 regiment was placed on Continental establishment, under 
 General Andrew Lewis ; and shared in dislodging Dunmore 
 from Gwyn's Island, July ninth, 1776 — the British not 
 fancying a too close contact with the frontier riflemen, 
 exclaimed, as they came in sight, "the shirt-men are 
 coming!" when they, panic-stricken, precipitately evacu- 
 ated the Island. 
 
 Shortly after, intelligence came that the Cherokees, 
 instigated by British agents and emissaries, had attacked 
 the frontiers, when Colonel Christian resigned, and returned 
 to the Holston country to lead an expedition against the 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 383 
 
 hostile Indians. When Captain Campbell heard of these 
 border troubles, he felt not a little uneasy on account of the 
 unprotected situation of his mother and sisters ; and wrote 
 to Major Arthur Campbell, expressing the hope that all the 
 women and children in the Holston country might be 
 gathered into forts, thus enabling the men to engage in 
 repelling the enemy, adding: "I have the most cogent 
 reasons for endeavoring to resign, and can, I think, do so 
 with honor ; and if I possibly can, I shall be with you 
 soon." * He felt it was his duty to repair to the frontiers, 
 and lend all his aid in their defence. But he was not able 
 to leave the service till near the close of the year, and thus 
 failed to share in Christian's expedition against the Chero- 
 kees. But the delaj', perhaps, aided him in securing a 
 noble companion for life, in the person of Miss Elizabeth 
 Henry, a sister of his old commander, Patrick Henry — the 
 imrivalled orator and statesman of the Revolution. During 
 this service of over a j'ear in eastern Virginia, Captain 
 Campbell acquired a practical knowledge of military tactics, 
 and the discipline of an army, which proved of great value 
 to him in his subsequent campaigns to King's Mountain 
 and Guilford. 
 
 On his return home he found, the Cherokees, having 
 been subdued, were quiet for awhile. The large County 
 of Fincastle, embracing much of south-western Virginia 
 and all of Kentucky, was sub-divided ; and on the organi- 
 zation of Washington County, in Januarjr, 1777, he was con- 
 tinued a memberof the Justices' Court, and made Lieutenant- 
 Colonel of the militia, Arthur Campbell having been made 
 County Lieutenant or Colonel Commandant, and Evan 
 Shelby, Colonel. At this term of the court, William Camp- 
 bell, William Edmondson, and two others were appointed 
 commissioners to hh'c zuagons to bring up the County salt 
 allotted by the Government and Council, and receive and 
 distribute the same, making it necessary to wagon the salt 
 
 «MS. letter, August ist, 1776. 
 
384 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 fully four hundred miles, over rough roads, from Williams- 
 burg. This was several 5'ears before the rich salt wells were 
 discovered on Colonel Campbell's lands on North Holston. 
 In the fall of this year. Colonel Campbell, having been 
 appointed a commissioner for running the boundary line 
 between Virginia and the Cherokees, probably in fulfill- 
 ment of stipulations of the treaty at Long Island of Holston, 
 in Jul}' preceding, performed this service, the line ex- 
 tending from the mouth of Big creek to the high knob on 
 Cumberland Mountain, a few miles west of Cumberland 
 Gap.* During the year 1778, he seems to have been 
 engaged in no special public service. 
 
 In the summer of 1779, there was a partial uprising of 
 Tories in Montgomery County, where Colonel Walter 
 Crockett, by his energy, succeeded in quelling the insur- 
 rection before it had gained much headwa}^. The same Tory 
 spirit had extended itself into Washington County — and 
 even into the Watauga and Nolachuck}^ settlements ; but the 
 leaders were not open in their movements — rather like 
 bandits, struck their blows in the dark, under disguises and 
 concealments. Colonel Campbell was very out-spoken 
 against them. His gates were placarded, threatening his 
 life ; and an attempt was made to take him, of a dark night, 
 and in a deep tbrest, by two of these desperadoes, but they 
 mistook their man — othenvise Colonel Campbell would have 
 probably lost his life at their hands. 
 
 Not long after, when he was returning from the Ebbing 
 Spring meeting house, where he had been hearing a good 
 Presbyterian sermon, mounted on horseback, accompanied 
 by his wife, his cousin John Campbell and family. Captain 
 James Dysart and wife, James Fullen, a man named Farris, 
 an African negro named Thomas, and others, he discovered 
 a man approaching, on horseback, who turned off into the 
 woods — a suspicious circumstance. Colonel Campbell did 
 not personally know him, but John Campbell, who did, told 
 
 *MS. pension statement of Charles Bickley. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 3&5 
 
 the Colonel that it was Francis Hopkins, the Tory ban- 
 dit. For a year or more Hopkins had given the County 
 authorities much trouble ; they had imposed heavy fines upon 
 him for his rascalities, and had placed him under heavj- 
 bonds. He had been found guilty of passing counterfeit 
 money — w^as ordered imprisoned at Cocke's Fort onRenfroe 
 creek, till the county jail should be completed ; and when the 
 new structure was ready for occupancy, it was a ricketty 
 affair, and Hopkins one dark night was released from his 
 confinement by the aid of sj^mpathizing Tories, who pried the 
 jail door from its hinges, and carried it half a mile away. 
 Thus the bandit and counterfeiter evaded further imprison- 
 ment, and snapped his fingers at justice. He fled to the 
 nearest British garrison — probably in Georgia — where he 
 obtained a commission, with letters to the Cherokee Indians 
 and the white emissaries among them, urging them to fall 
 upon the frontier settlers with fagot, knife, and tomahawk. 
 He was, in every sense, an infamous Tory, and a dangerous 
 character. 
 
 Upon learning the name of the stranger, Colonel Camp- 
 bell instantty put spurs to his horse, and gave chase to the 
 bandit; and in the course of one or two miles, reaching 
 the deep ford of the Middle Foi'k of Holston,* about a mile 
 above where Captain Thompson then lived, Hopkins, who 
 was mounted on a fine horse, rode down a steep bluff, some 
 fifteen or twenty feet, plunging into the river. Campbell, by 
 this time, was close in pursuit, and not to be balked, followed 
 the bandit into the water. The fearful leap threw Hopkins 
 from his horse ; and, before he could recover, Campbell 
 was at him. They had a long and desperate rencounter in 
 river, the bandit losing his dirk. Hopkins was the strongest 
 man, and came near drowning Campbell, when Fullen and 
 some of the others, who had followed, came to his rehef ; 
 and, with their assistance, the bandit was, after something 
 of an enforced ducking, subdued and taken to the bank. 
 
 !'This locality is now on James Byar's farm, in Washington County. 
 
386 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Hopkins' reckless character was well known — a leader 
 of a mountain clan of desperadoes, who had long infested 
 the country', committing robberies on defenceless people 
 along the thinly populated frontiers. No time was lost — there 
 was no jail in the countj^ that could hold him, and it was 
 dangerous to the community to suffer such a lawless char- 
 acter to roam at large, threatening the lives of such men as 
 William Campbell. On taking the culprit to the bank 
 of the stream, they searched him, finding his commission, 
 with commissions for others, and the letters to the Cherokees, 
 which he had not yet delivered. The horse he rode was 
 stolen but a few hours before ; and he had a new halter tied 
 on behind his saddle, evidentlj' intended for another horse, 
 preparatory, perhaps, for a journey, with some accomplice, 
 to the Cherokee country. But the halter, like Haman's 
 gallows, was put to quite a different use from what was 
 designed ; for with it, Hopkins, who was insolent to Camp- 
 bell, was speedily hung to the limb of a convenient sycamore 
 that leaned over the river. When Colonel Campbell 
 rejoined his wife, she eagerl}- inquired, "What did you do 
 with him, Mr. Campbell?" "Oh, w-e hung him, Betty — 
 that's all." The whole country rejoiced at this riddance 
 of one of the greatest pests to society. Others of the ban- 
 dit party were hunted down, and several of them killed — 
 one on Clinch, and another at the lower end of Washing- 
 ton County, or on the borders of the neighboring County 
 of Sullivan, in now Tennessee. 
 
 At the ensuing October session of the Virginia Legis- 
 lature, an act was passed, at the instance of General 
 Thomas Nelson, Jr., one of the signers of the Declaration 
 of Independence, and afterwards Governor of the State, to 
 fulljr meet the case — though it would seem to have hardly 
 been necessary. The act states, that while the measures 
 for the suppression of "open insurrection and conspiracy" 
 may not have been " strictly warranted by law, it was 
 justifiable from the immediate urgency and imminence 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 387 
 
 of the danger" — hence "that WilHam Campbell, Walter 
 Crockett, and other liege subjects of the Commonwealth, 
 aided by detachments of the militia and volunteers from 
 the County of Washington and other parts of the frontiers, 
 did by timely and effectual exerdon, suppress and defeat 
 such conspiracy," and they were declared fully exonerated 
 and indemnified for the act.* 
 
 In April, 1780, Colonel Campbell was promoted to the 
 full rank of Colonel, in place of Evan Shelby. Sr., whose 
 residence, it was now determined, was in North Carolina. 
 He served a term in the House of Delegates from early in 
 May, until the twentieth of June, when' he obtained leave of 
 absence for the remainder of the session, to engage in an 
 expedition against the Chickamauga towns. Governor Jef- 
 ferson and his council authorizing him to embody two hun- 
 dred and fifty militia from Washington and Montgomery 
 counties, and unite with a conjunctive force from the Caro- 
 linas.f 
 
 But soon after his return home, he found a dangerous 
 enemy in the midst of the white settlements. Two hundred 
 Tories of the New river region, within what is now Graysc5n 
 County, Virginia, and Ashe County, North Carolina, had 
 risen in arms, with some British officers aiding them, with a 
 view of seizing the Lead Mines, near the present Wytheville ; 
 Avhen Colonel Campbell, by order of Colonel Preston, took 
 the field in August at the head of one hundred and forty or 
 fifty men, and scoured that wild, mountainous country ; and 
 at a place known as the Big Gl.ides, or Round Meadows, 
 approaching a large party of Tories, the latter under cover 
 of a thick fog, fled, dispersing in every direction, and hiding 
 themselves in the mountains, losing only one of their num- 
 
 ■'= Statement of Colonel Samuel Newell, December 9, 1833, in The Land ]Ve Love, May 
 1867 ; MS. Correspondence of Governor D. Campbell and John B. Dysart; conversations 
 with Colonel Patrick H. Fontaine, a grandson of Patrick Henry, and General Thomas 
 Love ; Henning's Statutes of Virginia, x, 195. In Atkinso-i's Casket, for September, 1833, 
 is an interesting story founded on the hanging of Hopkins, having, however, but little 
 resemblance to the real facts in the case. 
 
 ^ Journal of House of Delegates. 1780; Gibbes' Doc. History, 1776-82, p. 135. 
 
388 KING'S MO UNTATN 
 
 ber in their flight. Colonel Cleveland on a similar service, 
 had captured Zachariah Goss, one of Plundering Sam 
 Brown's gang of murderers, horse-thieves, and robbers, 
 who was tried and immediately hung at Peach Bottom, on 
 New River, in the presence of Cleveland's and Camp- 
 bell's parties ; while two other villains were very well 
 whipped. Colonel Campbell then marched to the old 
 Moravian town of Bethabara, in North Carolina, where 
 he made head-quarters for some time, sending out de- 
 tachments in quest of Tory bands — one penetrating into 
 Guilford Countjr, surprised and dispersed two companies of 
 Tories at night, and captured Captain Nathan Read, one of 
 their leaders, and seventeen others — Captain Eli Branson, 
 another of their leaders, narrowly escaping. Read was 
 tried. Colonels Cleveland and Martin Armstrong, and 
 Major Lewis sitting upon the court-martial, was found guilty 
 of crimes and misdemeanors, and condemned to be hung — 
 with the alternative presented him of joining the patriots, 
 and serving faithfully to the end of the war, which he de- 
 clined, meeting his death heroically. Another party of 
 Tories was dispersed above the Shallow Ford of Yadkin.* 
 Returning from this expedition. Colonel Campbell led 
 four hundred brave riflemen from Washington County 
 across the Alleghanies to meet Ferguson's Rangers and the 
 united Tories of the Carolinas. Their utter discomfiture 
 has been fully related ; and too much praise cannot well be 
 accorded to "the hero of King's Mountain" for his gallant 
 bearing during the campaign generally, and especially for 
 his heroic conduct in the batde. It is a matter of regret, 
 that such patriots as Shelby and Sevier should have been 
 deceived into the belief that the chivalric Campbell shirked 
 from the dangers of the conflict, mistaking, as they did, 
 the Colonel's servant in the distance for the Colonel him- 
 
 « Colonel Willinm Campbell's MSS ; statement of John Spelts, who was out in this ser- 
 Tice; MS. Pension statements of Colonel Robert Love and James Keys, of Campbell's men; 
 Gibbes' Doc, History^ 1776-82, p. 137, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 389 
 
 self; when well-nigh forty survivors of the battle, including 
 some of Campbell's worthiest officers, and men of Sliel- 
 by's, Sevier's, and Cleveland's regiments as well, testitying, 
 of their own knowledge, to his personal share in the action, 
 and specifying his presence in every part of the hotly-con- 
 tested engagement, from the beginning to the final surren- 
 der of the enem3r at discretion. It is evident that such 
 heroes as Shelb}^ and Sevier had quite enough to do within 
 the range of their own regiments, v.ithout being- able to 
 observe very much what was transpiring beyond them. 
 And what Shelby honestly supposed was a vague confes- 
 sion by Campbell of unaccountable conduct on his part in 
 the latter part of the action, simpl}' referred to his too pre- 
 cipitate oi'der to fire on the unresisting Tories when Col- 
 onel Williams had been shot down after the close of the 
 contest. But in such a victory, without unjustly detracting 
 from Campbell's great merits and rich deservings, there is 
 both honor and fame enough for £(11 his worthy compatriots 
 also. * It may be proper to note, that the sword that Col- 
 onel Campbell wielded at King's Mountain, and subse- 
 quently at Guilford — his trusty Andrea di Fcrrara — more 
 than a century old, was used by his Caledonian ancestors 
 in the wars of the Pretenders, and is yet preserved by his 
 Preston descendants, f 
 
 Colonel Campbell would have been more or less than 
 mortal, had he not felt a sense of satisfaction for the high 
 praises showered upon him and his associates for the 
 decisive triumph achieved at King^s Mountain — emanadng 
 from Gates, Washington, the Legislature of Virginia, and 
 the Continental Congress. The latter august body voted, 
 that it entertained " a high sense of the spirited and mih- 
 
 *Both Colonel William Martin and Elijah Callaway, who were intimately acquainted 
 with Colonel Cleveland, state that he frequently spoke of Campbeirs good deportment in 
 the battle; Major Lewis, of Cleveland's regiment, declared that, h.ad it not been for 
 Campbell and his Virginians. Ferguson would have remained master of King's Mountain ; 
 and General Lenoir, also of Cleveland's men, testified to Campbell's gallant conduct in 
 the action. 
 
 f Colonel Arthur CampbeU's Memoir; Campbell's History of Virginia, i860, p. 700. 
 
390 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 tary conduct of Colonel, Campbell" and his associates; 
 while the Virginia House of Delegates voted its "thanks 
 to Colonel Campbell," his officers and soldiers, for their 
 patriotic conduct in repairing to the aid of a distressed sis- 
 ter State, and after " a severe and bloody conflict," had 
 achieved a decisive victory ; and that " a good horse, with 
 elegant furniture, and a sword, be purchased at the public 
 expense, and presented to Colonel William Campbell as a 
 further testimony of the high sense the General Assem- 
 bly entertain of his late important services to his country." 
 To these high compliments of the Legislature, Colonel 
 Campbell returned the following modest acknowledgment : 
 
 " Gentlemen — I am infinitely happy in receiving this 
 public testimony of the approbation of my country for my 
 late services in South Carolina. It is a reward far above 
 my expectations, and I esteem it the noblest a soldier can 
 receive from a virtuous people. Through you, gentlemen, 
 I wish to communicate the high sense I have of it to the 
 House of Delegates. I owe, under Providence, much to 
 the brave officers and soldiers who served with me ; and I 
 shall take the earliest opportunity of transmitting the 
 resolve of your House to them, who, I am persuaded, will 
 experience all the honest heart-felt satisfaction I myself 
 feel on this occasion." * 
 
 Now hurrying to his frontier home on the Holston, he 
 found that the restless Cherokees had again been at their 
 bloody work, and Colonel Arthur Campbell had in Decem- 
 ber, 17S0, aided by Colonel Sevier and Major Martin, led 
 forth a strong force for their chastisement. Colonel Will- 
 iam Campbell at once raised additional troops, and marched 
 as far as the Long Island of Holston, \ to succor his kins- 
 man if need be ; but it was not necessary, for the Chero- 
 
 '■■- Journals 0/ Congress, 1780, 367; Journal of the Virginia House 0/ Delegates, 1780, 
 Fall session, pp. 13, 18. The Virginia Le^rislature subsequently called a County after him, 
 to perpetuate his name and memory. 
 
 + MS correspondence of Colonel Vv'illiam Martin, one of William Campbell's men, and 
 of Governor D. Campbell ; Haywood's Tennessee^ 98. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 391 
 
 kees wei-e pursued in detached parties by their invaders, 
 many of their warriors were killed, and their settlements 
 desolated. 
 
 On the thirtieth of January, 1781, General Greene wrote 
 to "the famous Colonel William Campbell," reminding him 
 of the glory he had already acquired, and urging him "to 
 bring, without loss of time, a thousand good volunteers 
 from over the mountains." Notwithstanding the Cherokees 
 were still troublesome, and threatening the frontiers, the 
 noted Logan, with a northern band, was committing depre- 
 dations on Clinch, while others were doing mischief in 
 Powell's Valley, yet Colonel Campbell raised over a hun- 
 dred of his gallant riflemen, and moved forward on Feb- 
 ruary twentj'-fifth,* others joining him on the way, until 
 he brought General Greene, about the second of March, a 
 re-inforcement of over four hundred mountaineers, f Lord 
 Cornwallis had imbibed a personal resentment towards 
 Colonel Campbell, as the commander at King's Mountain, 
 threatening that should he fall into his hands, he would 
 have him instantly put to death for his rigor against the 
 Tories — evidently designing to hold him personally respon- 
 sible for the execution of the Tory leaders at Bickerstaff's. 
 This, instead of intimidating, had the contrary effect ; and 
 Campbell, in turn, resolved, if the fortunes of war should 
 place Cornwallis in his power, he should meet the fate 
 of Ferguson. % 
 
 Could anything have served to give additional spirit to 
 Colonel Campbell, and nerve him to almost superhuman 
 exertions, it was just such a dastardly threat as that uttered 
 by Lord Cornwallis. Campbell and his men were soon 
 called into action. Taking advantage of a thick fog. Lord 
 Cornwallis sent forward a strong force to beat up the quar- 
 ters of Greene's advance parties — or, as Greene supposed, 
 
 '^ Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 548. 555. 
 
 f Calendar 0/ Virginia State Papers, 542 ; Johnson's Greene, \, 438. 
 
 \ Colonel Arthur Campbell's memoir of General William Campbell. 
 
392 KIXG ' S A/0 UNTAIN 
 
 either to intercept his stores, or cut off' the Light Infantry, 
 including tlie riflemen, from the main body. Tliese advance 
 columns met at Wlritzell's Mills, on Reedy creek, some 
 seven miles from Greene's camp, where Colonel Otho H. 
 Williams, with Campbell's and Preston's riflemen, and 
 Washington's and Lee's corps, formed on the southern 
 bank of the stream, in front of the ford, and some two 
 hundred yards below the mill. The main object was to 
 protect the mill as long as possible, and enable Greene's 
 provision wagons to load with flour and meal, and get off" 
 with the needed supply, which thev barely effected. As 
 the British, with their short Yager riflemen in front, ap- 
 proached, they fired in the distance ; and when within 
 eighty yards, descending towards the creek, the American 
 riflemen opened on them with deadly effect, one of the 
 officers of the enemy, when shot, bounding up several feet, 
 fell dead ; a second discharge on the advancing foe, when 
 only some forty-five yards off', was also ver}^ destructive. 
 The enemy had opened their field pieces, but, like the fire 
 of their small arms, was too high, and only took effect 
 among the limbs of the trees. As the atmosphere was 
 heavy, the powder smoke obstructed the enemj^'s view ; 
 while the Americans, below them, had abetter opportunity. 
 The fighting was chiefly done by the riflemen, and Lee's 
 Legion, while covered by the regulars; and "Colonel 
 Campbell," says John Craig, one of his riffemen, "acted 
 with his usual courage.'' 
 
 Having accomplished the object they had in view — the 
 security of the flour and meal, — the Americans retired 
 over the ford, which was some three feet deep, with a rapid 
 current, over a slippery, rocky bottom, with a steep brushy 
 bank on the northern shore to ascend. While effecting this 
 passage, the gallant Major Joseph Cloyd, of Preston's riffe- 
 men, observed his old commander on foot, who had been 
 unhorsed in the conflict, and dismounting, aided Colonel 
 Preston, who was now advanced in years and quite fleshy, 
 into the saddle, when both escaped.* "The enemy," 
 
 -MS. notes of conversations with Thomas Hickman, of Davidson County, Ten- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 393 
 
 said General Greene, "were handsomely opposed, and suf- 
 fered considerably. " 
 
 After no little manoeuvring, the battle of Guilford took 
 place on the fifteenth of March. It was brought on by a 
 sharp action, in the morning, by the advance, consist- 
 ing of Lee's Legion, and a portion of Campbell's riflemen — 
 in which Lee was supposed to have inflicted a loss of fifty 
 on the part of Tarleton ; while the Light Infantry of the 
 Guards \vere so hard pressed by the riflemen, losing a hun- 
 dred of their number, that a portion of Tarleton's cavalry 
 went to their relief. In the main battle that soon followed, 
 Lee's Legion and Campbell's riflemen formed the corps of 
 observation on the left flank — the riflemen occupying a 
 woodland position. During the obstinate contest, Camp- 
 bell's corps fought with the heroic bravery characteristic of 
 their noble leader, and of their own unrivalled reputation. 
 When the enemy charged the Maryland Line, Campbell 
 with his riflemen made a spirited attack on the regiment 
 of Boze, on the British right wing, and drove it back ; and 
 when the riflemen, in tiu'n, were charged with the bayonet, 
 having none to repel them, they were obliged for the 
 moment to retire, still loading and firing, however, on 
 their pursuers, and thus, whether charging or retiring, 
 kept up a destnictive fire on these veteran German sub- 
 sidiaries. So severely did Campbell's riflemen handle 
 his right wing, that Lord Cornwallis was obliged to order 
 Tarleton to extricate it, and bring it ofl". By this time Lee 
 had retired with his cavalry, without apprising Campbell of 
 his movement; and the result was, that the riflemen were 
 swept from the field.* 
 
 nessee, and Major Herndon Haralson, of Brownsville, Tennessee, in 1844, and Benjamin 
 Starritt, all participants in the action ; Tarleton's Campaigns, 135 ; Stedman, ii, 336 ; Lees 
 Memoirs, revised ed., 265-67; Greene, in Letter to Washington, iii, 260; Johnson's Greene, 
 i, 462-63: Greene's Greene, iii, 188. 
 
 * MS. Notes of conversations with Benjamin Starritt, of Lee's Legion; Tarleton's 
 Campaigns, 270-71, 275-76; Stedman. with MS marginal notes by Captain J. R. Whitford, 
 ". 337» 343: Lee's Memoirs, new ed., 276-83; Johnson Greene, ii. 6; Lossing's Field Book, 
 ii, 402. 403 : Bancroft, -y, 476-79 ; Dawson's Battles, ii, 665-67. MS. Letter of Hon. W. C. 
 Preston, to the author, July loth, 1840. 
 
394 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Lee commended Colonel Campbell for the bravery dis- 
 played in the action b}' his battalion ; and Greene assured 
 him, that his "taithful services" claimed his General's 
 warmest thanks, and his "entire approbation of his con- 
 duct " — adding : " Sensible of )'our merit, I feel a pleasure 
 in doing justice to it." Displeased with the treatment shown 
 to himself and riflemen — who were the first in the engage- 
 ment, and the last in the field — Campbell retired in disgust 
 from the service. At his home on the Holston, he an- 
 nounced himself, on the thirty-first of March, as a candi- 
 date for the House of Delegates, saying: "The resignation 
 of my militarj' commission, which I could not longer hold 
 with honor, after the treatment I have received, puts it out 
 of my power to serve m}- country as an officer. "* Camp- 
 bell and his men felt deeply aggrieved — feeling that Lee 
 had abandoned them without notice, and left them to main- 
 tain the unequal contest unprotected by cavalry, when 
 Tarleton directed his dragoons against them. 
 
 " You have no doubt observed," wrote General William 
 R. Davie, "that Campbell's regiment of riflemen acted 
 with Lee on the left flank of the army. After the main 
 body of the army had been pushed off the field, these 
 troops remained engaged with the Yagers of the regiment 
 of Boze, near the Court House, some of them covered by 
 houses, others by a skirt of thick wood. In this situation, 
 they were charged by the British cavalry, and some of 
 them were cut down. Lee's cavalry were drawn up on the 
 edge of the open ground, above the Court House, about 
 two hundred yards off, and, as Colonel Campbell asserted, 
 moved as this charge was made on his riflemen. On the 
 day after the action, Campbell was extremely indignant at 
 this movement, and spoke freely of Lee's conduct. Lee 
 was, however, sent oft' the same da}-, to watch the enemy's 
 movements, and Campbell's regiment were soon dis- 
 charged." f 
 
 *MS. Letter of Colonel Campbell to Colonel Daniel Smith, on Clinch. 
 "i-Johnson's Greene^ ii, 16-17, 20, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 395 
 
 "Lee's abandonment of Campbell's riflemen," said the 
 late William C. Preston, " at twilight, and without giving 
 notice of his withdrawal, was long regarded b}' the survi- 
 vors with the most bitter feelings, which were subsequently 
 revived by the manner in which he sunk their services and 
 suflerings in his published account of the battle."* This, 
 at least, is expressive of the sentiments of Campbell and 
 his men ; and, at this late day, it is difficult to determine 
 whether Lee was excusable, or culpable, for the course he 
 pursued. But well-merited compliments and soothing 
 words, on the part of General Greene, did not change 
 Colonel Campbell's determination to withdraw from the 
 service. He accordingly left camp on the morning of the 
 twentieth ; and returning home resigned his commission in 
 the militia. 
 
 Colonel Campbell, as the oldest serving Jusdce in the 
 County Court, became entitled to a term of the office of 
 Sheriff", but declined the position. He was chosen to rep- 
 resent Washington County in the House of Delegates. 
 The General Assembly convened at Richmond early in 
 May of this year ; but owing to the approach of the enemy, 
 they adjourned to meet at Charlottesville on the twent}'- 
 fourth of that month ; and, on June the fourth, thejr were 
 compelled hurriedly to adjourn to Staunton to escape cap- 
 ture by Tarleton. During the session, disturbed as it was, 
 much important public business was transacted. Colonel 
 Campbell was placed on several of the leading committees, 
 associated with Patrick Henry and other prominent 
 patriots — on privileges and elections, the establishment of 
 martial law, and amendatory of the militia act. General 
 Morgan was again called into service by the Legislature ; 
 and a few days later, on the fourteenth of June, the House 
 of Delegates chose Colonel Campbell a Brigadier General 
 of the militia, to serve imder Marquis De La Fayette, then 
 commanding in Virginia, which was concurred in by the 
 
 * MS. letter to the author, July loth, 1840. 
 
396 KIA^G'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Senate the following day. On the sixteenth, General 
 Campbell obtained leave of absence for the remainder of 
 the session, and at once repaired to La Fayette's camp for 
 service. He became a favorite of that gallant nobleman, 
 who assigned him to the command of a brigade of light 
 infantry and riflemen. * 
 
 While General Campbell was temporariljr absent, and 
 his corps was encamped at some point in Cumberland 
 County, a Parson McCrea, of the old established church, 
 who had drawn his salary in tobacco for many a year, 
 visited the camp, and plied his best arguments to discourage 
 the men, representing that the great strength of Cornwallis' 
 army would enable them to slaughter the feeble American 
 force like so many beeves. General Campbell returning, 
 and hearing of this insolent visit, sent a detail of men to 
 apprehend the inter-meddling Parson ; and severely repri- 
 manded him for his unpatriotic conduct, saying his age 
 alone excused him from corporal punishment ; " but we 
 will show you," added the General, "how we intend to 
 serve Cornwallis." Pie then ordered the Torjr clergyman 
 to prostrate himself flat on his belly across the road, when 
 every soldier stepped over him on their march. We are 
 afraid the good man left in too ill a humor to properly pray 
 for his enemies. 
 
 From the published histories, and the gazettes of that 
 day, it would not appear that General Campbell had any 
 share in the battle of Jamestown Ford, fought on the sixth 
 of July, mainly by Wayne's brigade ; yet a survivor of 
 La Fayette's army stated that Campbell participated in the 
 attack, and fell back fighting as he retired. f His riflemen, 
 perhaps, formed the reserve of Wa3'ne's attacking party; 
 for some of his riflemen were wounded, and Colonel John 
 Boyer, of his rifle corps, from Rockbridge County, was 
 
 * Journals of the Virginia Legislature. 1781 ; Colonel Arthur Campbell's memoir, 
 t MS. notes of conversations with Reverend James Haynes, near Paris, Tenn., in 1844, 
 then eighty-four years of age. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 397 
 
 made a prisoner b}- the enemy. Though CornwaUis 
 affected the most haughty contempt for ''the boy" La- 
 Fayette, he must have had some respect for Wayne, the 
 hero of Stony Point, for Campbell, who had taken a little 
 detached army from him at King's Mountain, and for 
 Morgan, who had handled his detachment under Tarleton 
 so roughly at the Cowpens. 
 
 While CornwaUis was encamped at Williamsburg, and 
 La Fayette six miles distant on the road leading to Rich- 
 mond, General Campbell, in command of the light troops, 
 usually kept a picket guard of a dozen or fifteen of his 
 mounted men at the Three Burnt Chimneys, about midway 
 between the hostile camps. For several successive morn- 
 ings the enemy would send out a superior bod}^ of horsemen, 
 and drive in the American picket. Campbell determined to 
 profit by this experience. A short distance in the rear 
 of the Burnt Chimneys was a fine grove b}' the road-side, 
 surrounding a church. In this grove Campbell posted a 
 large detachment of mounted riflemen, himself at their 
 head ; and placed the customary picket at the Burnt Chim- 
 neys, with directions to retire on the approach of the 
 expected British cavalry early in the morning. The 
 enemy, as usual, hotly pursued the fleeing Americans 
 under whip and spur, until they reached the grove, when an 
 unexpected volley of rifle balls unhorsed a goodly number 
 of the astonished Britons — killing some twenty or more of 
 their cavalry men, and thirt}^ or forty of their horses. The 
 survivors fled back in dismay, and the picket at the Burnt 
 Chimneys was no more annoj^ed. * 
 
 But General Campbell's services were destined to a 
 sudden termination. Taken with a complaint in his breast, 
 he was conveyed to the residence of Colonel John Sj-me, his 
 wife's half brother, at Rocky Mills, in Hanover County, 
 where, after a few days' illness, he expired, August the 
 
 *MS. notes of convers;uions, in January, 1844, with James Givens, one of Campbell's 
 men, then in his eightieth year. 
 
398 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 twenty-second, 1781, in his thirty-sixth year. When 
 La Faj-ette received intelligence of the death of his friend, 
 he issued a General Order announcing the sad event, char- 
 acterizing General Campbell as "an officer whose services 
 must have endeared him to every citizen, and in particular 
 to every American soldier. The glory which General 
 Campbell has acquired in the affairs of King's Mountain 
 and Guilford Court House, will do his memory everlasting 
 honor, and insure him a high rank among the defenders 
 of liberty in the American cause;" General La Fayette 
 recrettino- that the funeral was so ?reat a distance from the 
 arm}^ as to deprive him and his officers the privilege of 
 paying to General Campbell the honors due to his rank, 
 and " particularlj.' to his merit," and deputing four field 
 officers to repair to Rocky Mills and, in behalf of the army, 
 pay him their last tribute of respect. 
 
 Here his remains reposed until 1823, when his relatives 
 had them removed to his old Aspenvale homestead on the 
 Holston, in now Smyth County, beside his mother, little son, 
 and other relatives, and where a neat monument was ei'ect- 
 ed to his memory. His widow, a son, and a daughter 
 survived him — the widow subsequently uniting in marriage 
 with General William Russell ; the son died young ; the 
 daughter, Sarah, became the wife of General Francis Pres- 
 ton, and mother of Hon. William C. Preston, General 
 John S. Preston, and Colonel Thomas L. Preston. Gen- 
 eral Campbell's widow died in November, 1825, aged about 
 eighty ; and his daughter, Mrs. Preston, died at Abingdon, 
 Virginia, July twenty-third, 1846, at the age of nearly 
 seventy years. 
 
 There was something akin to rivalry between Colonel 
 Arthur Campbell and his brother-in-law, William Camp- 
 bell, whose sister Margaret he had married. She was a 
 woman of excellent mind, and of uncommon beauty and 
 sprightliness ; and withal she possessed no little ambition, 
 which she endeavored to turn to good account in her 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 399 
 
 husband's behalf. This young wife encouraged him in all 
 his plans by whicli he might acquire distinction as a public 
 man. Her whole mind seemed completely absorbed in 
 this one great object of her life, to whicli every other must 
 bend ; no privation, however great, annoyed her in the 
 smallest degree, if she believed it would contribute to the ac- 
 quirement of either militaiy or civil reputation for her hus- 
 band. Her extreme solicitude and promptings to push him 
 up the ladder of fame, caused him sometimes to make false 
 steps, and involved him in unnecessaiy altercations with 
 his brother-in-law and others. Except these ambitious ef- 
 forts, and they were always promoted in a manner to grat- 
 ify her husband, she was among the most exemplary of 
 women, never having a thought in opposition to his upon 
 any subject, and believing him to be the greatest man in 
 the country, not excepting her brother, of whose abilities 
 she entertained a very exalted opinion.* 
 
 Colonel Arthur Campbell was some three years the 
 senior of William Campbell ; this fact, and his having been 
 in youth a prisoner with the Indians, had given him the 
 precedence in martial affairs. His military talents, how- 
 ever, were not of the first order, while William Campbell 
 thought that the experience he had gained on the Point 
 Pleasant campaign, and during his year's service in the 
 Williamsburg region, in 1775-76, fairly entitled him to lead 
 his brother-in-law, who would not acquiesce in this view, 
 and jealousies were the consequence, and sometimes open 
 ruptures. There appears to have been a sort of quasi un- 
 derstanding between them, that they should take turns in 
 commanding the Washington foi'ce on military expeditions 
 against the enemy. While Colonel William Campbell led 
 the troops against the Tories up New river, the men com- 
 posing the command were only in part from Washington 
 County ; and, hence he was permitted to go on the King's 
 Mountain campaign, heartily seconded in his eflbrts by 
 
 *MS. letter of Gov David Campbell to the author, Dec. 12, 18 
 
400 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Colonel Arthur Campbell. The latter led the expedition 
 in December following against the Cherokees ; and when, 
 shortly after, \\'illiam Campbell recei\-ed the urgent in- 
 vitation from General Greene to join him with a band of 
 riflemen. Colonel Arthur Campbell interposed objections, 
 nominally on the ground of danger trom the Indians, but 
 probably prompted in fact somewhat by his jealousy of his 
 bi-other-in-law"s growing fame as a leader in expeditions 
 against the enemy. 
 
 General Campbell had a very imposing personal ap- 
 pearance — the beau ideal of a military chieftain with those 
 who served under him, He was about six feet, two inches 
 high, possessing a large, muscular, well-proportioned frame 
 — rather raw-boned ; with an iron constitution, capable of al- 
 most incredible endurance — and he was as straight as an In- 
 dian. Flis complexion was ruddy, with light colored or red- 
 dish hair, and bright blue e3^es. His countenance presented 
 a serious — na}-, stern appearance ; and when not excited ex- 
 pressive of great benevolence ; but when his ire was stirred, 
 he exhibited the fury of an Achilles. On such occasions he 
 would commit violent and indiscreet acts ; he was, however, 
 easily calmed, particularly when approached by those in 
 whom he reposed confidence — to such he would yield his 
 opinions without the slightest opposition. In conversation 
 he was reserved and thoughtful ; in his written communica- 
 tions, expressive and elegant. He was bland in his man- 
 ners, and courteous to all with whom he had intercourse, 
 whether high or low, rich or poor. At preaching in the 
 country, it was his constant custom to look around after ser- 
 mon was ended, and assist all the women of the neighbor- 
 hood, especially the more aged, who were not attended, 
 on their horses. 
 
 Of Scottish descent, he inherited the principles and 
 predilections of his persecuted Presb3'terian ancestors 
 of that northern land. His religious zeal — certainly in 
 theorj^ — and his devotion to liberty, were alike deep, fer- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 401 
 
 vent, and exclusive. In his domestic and social relations, 
 he was the most amiable of men. He would send his ser- 
 vants to aid a poor neighbor, while he would himself plow 
 through the heat of the day in his fields, giving his spare 
 moments to his Bible and his God, endeavoring scrupu- 
 lously to live up to the golden rule in all his dealings with 
 his fellow men. But he set his face like a flint against the 
 enemies of his country and of freedom, proving himself 
 almost as inflexible as a Claverhouse or a Cumberland 
 toward those who betrayed or deserted the holy cause for 
 which he contended, and for which he died. 
 
 But it was as a military genius that he shone preeminent. 
 He had the ability to form able plans — confidence in him- 
 self, and indefatigable perseverance to execute them ; and 
 the rare capacity to inspire all under his command with his 
 own confidence and indomitable courage. Had he acted 
 on as conspicuous a stage as Warren or Montgomerjr, his 
 name and fame would have been as illustrious as theirs. 
 With inferior numbers of undisciplined volunteers, em- 
 bodied with great celerity, led forth, with scanty supplies, 
 nearly two hundred miles over rugged mountains, he 
 totally defeated Ferguson, one of the most experienced and 
 enterprising of the Bridsh partisan leaders — gaining, as he 
 expressed it, "victory to a wish." At Guilford he fully 
 sustained his high reputation, and had the North Carolina 
 milida behaved with the firmness and courage equal to his 
 riflemen, the army of Cornwallis would not have been 
 crippled only, but would, in all probability, have met with 
 irretrievable disaster. 
 
 General Campbell never balanced between militar}- duty 
 and prudential maxims. Himself a hater of vice and 
 treason in every form, he was bj^ some deemed too severe 
 in punishing the deviations of others — yet his acts, in his 
 own estimation, were the result of the purest patriotic 
 impulses. Wherever the story of King's Mountain and 
 Guilford is read, and the services of their heroes fully 
 
402 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 appreciated, it will be found that William Campbell has 
 " purpled o'er his name with deathless glory." 
 
 Of such of General Campbell's officers as served with 
 him at King's Mountain, and concerning whom facts have 
 been obtained, brief notices will be made. Major William 
 Edmondson — or Edmiston, as frequently written in early 
 days — the second in command of the Virginia regiment in 
 the battle, was descended from Irish ancestry, and born in 
 Cecil County, Maryland, in 1734. While he was yet 
 young, his father removed to what is now Rockbridge 
 County, Virginia, where he grew to years of manhood, 
 receiving a limited education. He early engaged in the 
 old French and Indian war. 
 
 Learning of Colonel Byrd's expedition down the Hol- 
 ston, destined against the Cherokees, in 1760, William 
 Edmondson, and his brother Samuel, concluded to enlist, 
 so as to give them an opportunity to examine the lands 
 of the Holston country with a view to future settlement. 
 While on this service, William Edmondson was guilty 
 of the high crime of addressing an officer without taking 
 off his hat, as was required of all soldiers, for which he 
 was severely rebuked, and threatened with punishment. 
 Reaching his comrades in great wrath, Edmondson loaded 
 his rifle, and swore he would shoot the officer who had so 
 grossly insulted him ; and it was with great difficulty, that 
 his brother dissuaded him from it. One of the Virginia 
 officers, who knew Edmondson, wrote to Governor Fau- 
 quier, that there was a high spirited soldier in his corps, 
 who, unless commissioned, was likely to get into trouble. \ 
 On the first of August, in that year, the Governor sent 
 
 =''The5e salient points in the character of General Campbell are drawn from Colonel 
 Arthur Campbell's memoir ; Governor D. Campbell's MS. correspondence ; and the recol- 
 lections of Colonel Walter Lewis, who had served under him, in Atkinson' s Casket, Sep- 
 tember, 1833, 387. 
 
 •f-MS. letter of Hon. Benjamin Estill, August 21st, 1845. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 403 
 
 him an Ensign's commission to serve on tliat expedition. 
 But wlien Byrd got pretty well down the Valley, he took to 
 camp, but made no further progress during that nor the 
 following year. In 1763, Governor Fauquier sent Edmond- 
 son a commission of Lieutenant in the militia. 
 
 Having married a Miss Montgomerjr, he removed, after 
 the war, to the New river frontiers, in now Grayson County ; 
 and subsequently to what now constitutes Washington Coun- 
 ty, settHng on a tract of land received for his military ser- 
 vices. In 1774 hs was commissioned a Lieutenant in the 
 mihtia of Fincastle County, served on the frontiers of 
 Chnch and Sandy, and probably in Christian's regiment on 
 the expedition to Point Pleasant and the Scioto : and, in 
 1776, he was made a Captain, and served on the campaign 
 against the Cherokees in the fall of that year. In 1777, he 
 was appointed a Justice, and failed only a few votes of an 
 election to the Plouse of Delegates. He was, this year, 
 selected by the Legislature one of the commissioners for 
 taking depositions against the claim of Henderson and 
 Company to the Kentucky countrj^. During 1777, he was 
 in service when the treaty was held at Long Island of Hol- 
 ston, and was much engaged, in 1778, in guarding the 
 frontiers. Early in 1779, he commanded a company on 
 Colonel Evan Shelb3''s Chickamauga expedition ; and early 
 in 1780, he was promoted to Major of the Washington regi- 
 ment, serving on the expedition against the Tories on New 
 river, and then on the King's Mountain campaign. At the 
 close of the j^ear he joined Colonel William Campbell's 
 force, marching to the Long Island of Holston. He was 
 advanced to Lieutenant-Colonel in 1781, and in 1783 to a 
 full Colonel. During 1781 and- 1782, he was much in ser- 
 vice in protecting the frontiers. 
 
 By two marriages— the second to a Miss Kenned}' — he 
 had fifteen children, one son, born soon after the death of 
 his revered commander, he named General William Camf- 
 bell Ed^nondson. He lived to a good old age, dying July 
 
404 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 thirtieth, 1822, in his eighty-ninth year. He was six feet, 
 two inches high, possessed a vigorous mind ; he wa^ bold, 
 manly, open-hearted, and generous. His attachments 
 were strong, and his hatreds bitter. He served at one time 
 as Sheriff of the County, and for many years presided, 
 with great dignity, over the County Court. Judge Estill, 
 who knew him well, declared, that "few more gallant, 
 useful, and honorable men than Colonel Edmondson ever 
 lived in any country." 
 
 James Dj'sart was born in Donegal Count}^, Ireland ; 
 his parents dying in his infancy, he was raised by his grand- 
 father, who gave him a plain education. At the age of 
 seventeen he sailed for the New World to seek his fortune, 
 landing, m 1761, at Philadelphia, from which he gradually 
 worked his way to the south-west, until he reached the Hol- 
 ston Valley. In 1770, he joined James Knox and others, 
 in exploring Tennessee and Kentucky, who are known in 
 history as the Long Hunters. In 1775, he married Nancy 
 Beattie, sister of Captain David Beattie, and settled on the 
 Little Holston. During the whole Revolutionary war he 
 was active in frontier service, heading his company ; and 
 at King's Mountain he was badly wounded in the left hand, 
 which crippled him for life. In 1781 he was made a Major, 
 and subsequently a Colonel ; and once represented Wash- 
 ington County in the Virginia Legislature. In his old age, 
 broken up by surety debts, he removed to Rockcasde 
 County, Kentuck}', with his wife, three sons, and three 
 daughters ; where he died, May twenty-sixth, 1818, at the 
 age of seventy-four years. He was fond of reading, and 
 had quite a library of books. When it was once suggested 
 to him that he must be lonesome at his frontier home — "I 
 am never lonesome," he replied, " when I have a good 
 book in my hand." He always spoke highly of Colonel 
 William Campbell as a brave man and able commander. 
 In 1806, he was placed on the invalid pension list, drawing 
 a hundred and twenty dollars a year. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 405 
 
 Another of Campbell's officers was Captain David Beat- 
 tie, son of John Beattie, born on Carr's creek, in now 
 Rockbridge County, Virginia, about 1752; and removed 
 with his parents to what is now Washington County, in 
 1772, settling at the present locality of the Glade Spring 
 Depot. He married Miss Mary Beattie, and raised four 
 sons and a daughter. The Beattie connection forted 
 against the Indians where the Glade Spring church is now 
 situated. Captain Beattie was much engaged in frontier 
 service, and led his company at King's Mountain — his 
 brothers John and William were also along. John Beattie, 
 an Ensign, was killed in the battle, leaving no family. 
 Captain Beattie died in the spring of 1814. He was a man 
 of much energy of character. His brother, William Beat- 
 tie, survived till April fourth, i860, at the venerable age 
 of one hundred years — the last of Campbell's King's 
 Mountain men. 
 
 Captain Andrew Colvill, an early settler in the Holston 
 Valley, took an active part in the defence of the country. 
 He was, as early as 1776, commanding at Fort Black, and 
 the two following years he was ranging the frontiers, or 
 stationed at Moore's and Cowan's Forts, and distinguished 
 himself at King's Mountain. He died in the autumn 
 
 of 1797. 
 
 Few of the Holston pioneers were more serviceable 
 than Robert Craig. He commanded a company on Chris- 
 tian's Cherokee campaign in the fall of 1776; was much 
 engaged in the defence of the frontiers, and at King's 
 Mountain, where he fought bravely, losing his Lieutenant, 
 Wilham Blackburn, and his Ensign, Nathaniel Dryden. 
 He survived the war. 
 
 Of Captain William Edmondson's career, who distin- 
 guished himself and lost his life at King's Mountain, we 
 have no further particulars ; nor of Captain William Neal, 
 who commanded the footmen in the rear, save that he rose 
 from the rank of ensign in 1777, and survived the war. 
 
406 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 Reece Bowen was born in Maryland about 1742. He 
 first emigrated to what is now Rockbridge County, Vir- 
 ginia, and, in 1769, to tlie waters of Clinch, in what is now 
 Tazewell County. He shared in the battle of Point Pleas- 
 ant ; went to the relief of the Kentucky stations in 1778; 
 and on the King's Mountain campaign, he was Lieu- 
 tenant of his brother, Wilham Bowen's company. His 
 brother being ill of fever, Reece Bowen succeeded to the 
 command of the company. His heroic death has been 
 already related ; he is said to have been shot by a Tory 
 boy, behind a baggage wagon, near the close of the 
 engagement, when Campbell's men were driving the 
 enemy toward the north-eastern end of the mountain. 
 He was remarkable for his herculean strength and great 
 activity. He left a famity — his son, Colonel Plenry Bowen, 
 lived in Tazewell County to a good old age. 
 
 Thomas McCoUoch had long been prominent among 
 the border men of Holston. Though only a Lieutenant, 
 he commanded a company at King's Mountain, and 
 was mortally wounded in the battle. He died while the 
 army was at Walker's, on their return march, the twelfth 
 of October, and was buried in Little Britain grave-yard. 
 On the rude stone at his grave is this inscription : " Here 
 lies the body of Lieutenant Thomas McCoUoch, belonging 
 to Colonel Campbell's Virginia regiment, who lost his life 
 in, and for the honorable, just, and righteous cause of 
 liberty, in defeating Colonel Ferguson's infamous company 
 of banditti, at King's Mountain, October seventh, 1780." 
 
 William Russell, Jr., who, though only a Lieutenant, 
 commanded Captain Neal's company at King's Mountain, 
 was born in Culpeper County, Virginia, in 1758. He was 
 chiefly raised on the south-western frontier of that State ; 
 and, in 1774, he served on an expedition, in Powell's Val- 
 ley, under Daniel Boone, and was repeatedly in service 
 thereafter ; acting as Adjutant to Colonel Campbell at 
 King's Mountain, Whitzell's Mill, and Guilford. He 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 407 
 
 afterwards removed to Kentucky, serving from 1791 to 
 1794, under Scott, Wilkinson, and Wayne, on their several 
 expeditions against the Indians; and again, in north-west- 
 ern campaigns during the war of 18 12-15, having been 
 appointed to the command of a regiment in the regular 
 army in 1808. He rendered much service in civil life, 
 representing Fayette County, in the Virginia Legislature in 
 1789, and m the Kentucky Legislature thirteen sessions. 
 He was an unsuccessful candidate for Governor in 1824 ; 
 and died July third, 1825, about sixty-seven years of age. 
 
 The two Robert Edmondsons — of whom the elder was 
 killed, and the younger wounded, at King's Mountain — 
 were of Irish descent, and near kinsmen. Both were in 
 the battle of the Long Island Flats of Holston, July twen- 
 tieth, 1776, when some of the men retreated — young Robert 
 among them. The elder Robert Edmondson interposed, and 
 brought some of them into line, his young kinsman of the 
 number. The elder Edmondson chided the younger for 
 having used profane language during the engagement, for 
 which he was bound to report him to his father. The 
 young man retorted — "You, too, did the very same thing 
 when the men were on the flight." This accusation 
 shocked the good man, who was a strong Presbyterian, and 
 said this charge would be an additional matter to report to 
 the young man's father; whereupon a by-stander mildly 
 said, " It's too true — I heard you." The old soldier, who 
 had unconsciously used rough language under high excite- 
 ment, now held his peace. He was a good soldier, and 
 killed two or three Indians at the Island Flat battle ; he 
 served on Christian's Cherokee expedition in the fall of 
 1776; was engaged in frontier defense as a Lieutenant in 
 1777-8, and on Evan Shelby's Chickamauga expedition 
 in 1779. 
 
 At King's Mountain, the younger Edmondson was 
 Lieutenant of Beattie's company. He subsequently set- 
 tled at the Irish station, near Haysboro, seven or eight 
 
408 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 miles above Nashville, on the Cumberland. In the fall of 
 1787, in a scrape with the Indians, at Neely's Bend, he 
 was badly wounded in the arm ; and it was eight years 
 after, when an ounce ball was extracted from the arm, 
 before he recovered. He died in 1816, at the age of sixty- 
 three. Captain Andrew J. Edmondson, who served under 
 General Jackson in the Creek w^ar, and at New Orleans, 
 was his son. 
 
 Samuel Newell was born in Frederick County, Vir- 
 ginia, November fourth, 1754, and his parents early settled 
 on the Holston. Heengaced in the service against Tories 
 in April, 1776, and in the summer following shared in the 
 battle of Long Island Flats of Holston ; and the same year 
 was appointed a Sergeant in Captain Colvill's company, and 
 a Lieutenant in 1777 — serving several years on the fron- 
 tiers. In 1780, he took part in the expedition against the 
 Tories on New river, and then at King's Mountain, in Col- 
 vill's company, where he was badly wounded, from which 
 he never full}' recovered. In December of the same year, 
 he went on Colonel Arthur Campbell's Cherokee expedi- 
 tion ; and in 1781, was appointed a Captain. He was 
 much engaged in the protection of the Kentucky road and 
 Powell's Valley, and had several skirmishes with the In- 
 dians — twice, in 1782, overtaking war parties, in one of 
 which he and his men surrounded an Indian camp, and 
 his gun alone went off, the others failed, from becoming wet ; 
 but his single fire killed one Indian and mortally wounded 
 another. He earh' removed to French Broad river, in 
 Tennessee, where he figured among the promoters of the 
 Franklin Government, was a representative, in 1785, of 
 Sevier Count}^ in the Legislature, and also a member of 
 the Convention that formed the Franklin Constitution at 
 the close of that year ; was subsequently a Justice and a 
 Colonel of militia. In 1797, he removed to what is now 
 Pulaski County, Kentucky, where he was long presiding 
 Justice of the County Court ; and about 1838 he removed to 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 409 
 
 Montgomciy County, Indiana, where he died September 
 twenty-first, 1841, at the age of nearly eighty-seven years. 
 Fie was six feet, one inch in height, of fine presence, and 
 superior abilities. He left numerous descendants. In 1812 
 he was placed on the invalid pension list, drawing, at first, 
 ninety-six, and subsequently increased to one hundred and 
 eight dollars a year, and still later to two hundred and 
 thirty-one dollars and ninety-three cents. 
 
 Andrew Kincannon, a native of the Valley of Virginia, 
 was born October twenty-seventh, 1744. He early settled 
 in the Holston country. He was a blacksmith and gunsmith 
 by trade, and claimed to have made the first horse-shoe in 
 Kentucky, probably in 1775. In February, 1777, he was 
 acting as armorer to the troops stationed at Long Island of 
 Holston ; and that year he was appointed an Ensign, and 
 then a Lieutenant in Washington County, and stationed 
 at the Stone Mill on Deer Creek. At King's Moun- 
 tain, he succeeded to the command of his company, 
 when Captain Dysart was wounded, and was chosen 
 Captain in 1782. A few years after the w-ar, he settled on 
 Tom's Creek, in Surry County, North Carolina, where he 
 had a fine farm and iron works. He married Catherine 
 McDonald ; they raised nine children, and left many de- 
 scendants. He was tall and muscular, of great integrity, 
 and high character. He died in November, 1829, at the 
 age of eighty-five years. 
 
 Robert Campbell, a younger brother of Colonel Arthur 
 Campbell, was born in Augusta County, Virginia, May 25, 
 1755, and emigrated to the Holston in 1771 ; serving in 
 Christian's regiment on the Shawanoe Campaign in 1774; 
 and was in the battle of Long Island Flats of Holston, in 
 July, 1776, where in advance of his fellows, he was mistaken 
 for an Indian, and came near losing his life, and when 
 within twenty paces of a warrior, who had discharged his 
 gun ineffectually at Campbell, the latter aimed at him in 
 turn, when the savage hero folded his arms, and met his 
 
410 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 fate with a dignity and firmness worthy of the brightest 
 days of chivalry. Seeing the Indians extending their Hnes 
 to svn'round the whites, Campbell gave the alarm in season 
 to counteract it. On Christian's Cherokee campaign, in 
 the fall of 1776, he was a volunteer; and on the march 
 to Highwassee, the troops forded French Broad river to their 
 waists and armpits, then bivouacked on the southern bank 
 during the greater part of a verj' cold night, without fire, 
 apprehending an attack from the Indians, and renewing 
 their march at the dawn of daj-, with shivering limbs, liter- 
 ally encased in ice. At King's Mountain, though only an 
 Ensign, he served conspicuously. In December following 
 he was Adjutant to his brother. Colonel Arthur Campbell, 
 on his Cherokee expedition, and at his own request, headed 
 a party of sixty men to destroy Chilhowee. Having accom- 
 plished this service, while returning, they had to pass a nar- 
 row defile, three hundred yards in extent, lined by two or 
 three hundred warriors ; and, without pausing, he directed 
 his men to follow him in single file, and charged through at 
 their best speed, without losing a man, though a heavy 
 volley was fired at them. He served a long period as a 
 Colonel of a regiment, and as a magistrate nearly forty 
 years, in Washington County; then removed, in 1825, to 
 Knox Countj^ Tennessee, where he died December twenty- 
 seventh, 1831, in the seventy-seventh year of his age.* 
 
 *Some writers have confounded Lieiitenant-Coloncl Richard Campbell with General 
 William Campbell. In a sketch of the latter, in the first edition of Applcton: s Cyclopedia, 
 it is stated that he was mortally wonndcd at the battle of Eutaw Springs, September 
 eighth, 1781 ; and when told of the success of the American arms, died uttering the same 
 words as Wolfe had done before him, " 1 die contended " This was true of Richard 
 Campbell, also a native of the Virginia Valley, who was commissioned a Captain in 
 February, 1776, and subsequently a Major, serving in Colonel John Gibson's regiment at 
 Pittsburg. He served on Mcintosh's expedition against the Ohio Indians in 1778; and 
 leading a relief party to Fort Laurens, in June, 1779. he commanded that frontier garrison 
 till its evacuation shortly after. Joining General Greene with a regiment of Virginia 
 regulars, he served with distinction at Guilford, Hobkirk's Hill and Ninety Six, sealing 
 with his life's blood his devotion to his country at Eutaw. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 411 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Cols. Shelby and Sevier, and their Officers. 
 
 Notice of Evan Shelby. — Isaac Shelby's Life and Services. — Officers 
 under him at Ki7ig s Mountain — Evan Shelby, Jr. — Gilbert Chris- 
 tian — Moses Shelby — James Elliott — John Sawyers — George Max- 
 well, and George Rutledge. — John Sevier's Life and Services. — 
 His King' s Mountain Officers — JonatJian Tipton — Valentine and 
 Robert Sevier — Christopher Taylor — Jacob Brown — Samuel Weir. 
 
 Evan Shelb}^ who was born in Wales in 1720, emi- 
 grated, with his father's family, to Maryland, about 1735, 
 settling near North Mountain, in now Washington County, 
 where he became a noted woodsman, hunter, and Indian 
 trader. He figured prominently on the Maryland and 
 Pennsylvania frontiers in the old French and Indian war — 
 first as a Lieutenant, and then as a Captain. On Forbes' 
 campaign, he gave chase to an Indian spy, in view of many 
 of the troops, overtaking and tomahawking him. He sub- 
 sequently distinguished himself at Point Pleasant, on Chris- 
 tian's campaign, and on the expedition he led against the 
 Chickamaugas. Rising to the rank of Colonel, and then 
 General, he died December fourth, 1794, at the age of 
 seven t)''-four years. 
 
 His son, Isaac Shelby, was born near the North Moun- 
 tain, Maryland, on the eleventh of December, 1750, where 
 amid the excitements of the Indian wars, he obtained only 
 the elements of a plain English education. In 177 1, he was 
 for some time engaged in feeding and herding cattle in the 
 extensive natural ranges west of the Alleghanies ; and in 
 the same year, the Shelby connection removed to the Hols- 
 ton country. In 1774, when the Indians became trouble- 
 some, Isaac Shelby received the commission of a Lieuten- 
 
412 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 ant in the militia at the hands of Colonel William Preston, 
 the County Lieutenant of Fincastle, and took his seat ; 
 when his father, who was present, thinking his son had not 
 shown proper respect in the matter, said to him : " Get up, 
 you dog }'ou, and make your obeisance to the Colonel " — 
 whereupon the 3'outhful officer arose, somewhat abashed, and 
 made the amende honorable. He served with distinction, as 
 second in command of his father's company, in the memor- 
 able battle of Point Pleasant, October tenth, 1774, where the 
 frontier riflemen fought the Shawanoes and allied tribes from 
 sunrise till sundown, gaining a decisive victor}'. Point Pleas- 
 ant was then made a garrison, where he remained in service 
 till July, 1775, when Governor Dunmore ordered the dis- 
 bandment of those troops, lest they might sj'mpathize with, 
 and become obedient to the Whig authorities. 
 
 He was now, for nearly twelve months, engaged in ex- 
 ploring the wilds of Kentucky, and in surveying lands for 
 Henderson and Companj-, who had made a large purchase 
 from the Cherokees. During his absence in 1776, he was 
 commissioned a Captain ; and, in 1777, Governor Henry ap- 
 pointed him a Commissarjr of supplies for the several frontier 
 garrisons, and for the ensiling treaty with the Cherokees at 
 the Long Island of Holston in that year. It was only by his 
 most indefatigable exertions that the large amount of pro- 
 visions required, could be obtained. The following year he 
 continued his Commissary services, providing for the Con- 
 tinental army, and for General Mcintosh's expedidon against 
 the Ohio Indians. In the spring of 1779, ^^ pledged his 
 individual credit for supplies for his father's troops on the 
 Chickamauga expedidon. I-Ie was, this spring, elected a 
 member of the Virginia Legislature from Washington 
 County ; and, in the fall, he was commissioned a Major by 
 Governor Jefferson for the escort of guards to the Commis- 
 sioners for extending the boundary line between Virginia 
 and North Carolina. His residence was now found to be 
 within the limits of the latter State, and he was, in Novem- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 413 
 
 ber of this year, appointed by Governor Caswell a Colonel 
 and magistrate of the new Countjr of Sullivan, entering 
 upon their duties at the organization of the County in 
 Febmarj' following. 
 
 In the the summer of 1780, Colonel Shelb}^ was in Ken- 
 tucky, perfecting liis claims to lands he had five 3'ears before 
 selected and marked out for himself, when the intelligence 
 of the surrender of Charleston reached tliat country. He 
 returned home in July, determined to enter the service, 
 and remain in it until independence should be secured. 
 He found a message from Colonel Charles McDowell, of 
 Burke County, begging him to furnish all the aid he could to- 
 wards checking the enemj-, who were over- running tlie 
 three Southern States, and had reached the western borders 
 of North Carolina. In a few days, he crossed the Allegha- 
 nies with two hundred mounted riflemen. Their valor and 
 patriotism were shown conspicuously at Thicketty Fort, 
 Cedar Springs and Musgrove's Mill ; re-assuring the strug- 
 gling patriots that the British leaders could not ride, rougli- 
 shod, over the American people. Shelby's noble efforts 
 in prosecuting tlie King's Mountain expedition, liis magna- 
 nimity in securing tlie appointment of Colonel Campbell to 
 the chief command, and his heroic conduct in the battle, all 
 combine to render his services, at that critical period, of 
 the greatest importance to his countr}-. 
 
 The Legislature of North Carolina passed a vote of thanks 
 to Colonels Shelby and Sevier for their good services, direct- 
 ing that an elegant sword should be presented to each of 
 them. General Greene wrote urgently requesting Col. 
 Shelby to join him wnth a. body of mountaineers, which 
 letter miscarried ; but a second message was more fortunate, 
 and Shelby and Sevier led five hundred mounted riflemen 
 over the mountains joining General Greene, about the first 
 of November. Shelby was detached with Colonel Maham 
 in an attempt on the British post of Fairlawn, at Colleton's 
 plantation, a few miles from Monk's Comer: When a flag 
 
414 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 was sent in, demanding its surrender, tlie British officer in 
 command returned for answer, that he would defend it 
 to the last extremity. Shelby then went himself, assuring 
 the commandant that should he be so fool-hardy as to suffer 
 a storm, every soul would be put to death, as he had under 
 his command several hundred mountaineers who would 
 rush in, tomahawk in hand, upon the garrison. The officer 
 then inquired if he had any cannon. " Yes, indeed," said 
 Shelby, " guns that will blow you to atoms in a moment." 
 " Then," replied the officer, " I suppose I must surrender," 
 which he did — one hundred and five prisoners, with three 
 hundred stand of arms. Shelby shordy after obtained leave 
 of absence, to attend the North Carolina Legislature, of 
 which he was a member. Soon after the mountaineers 
 returned home — not deserters as Judge Johnson describes 
 them, for the call upon them was for a special service— to 
 aid in intercepting Cornwallis ; who, having been effectually 
 intercepted at Yorktown, they felt that they had fulfilled all 
 that could reasonably be required of them, and retired 
 to their homes, in a deep snow, early in January ensuing.* 
 The Legislature of North Carolina soon adjourned, and 
 Colonel Shelby returning to the Holston, was engaged dur- 
 ing spring in preparing for an expedition against the Chick- 
 amau^a band of Cherokees, and the hostile Creeks at the 
 sources of the Mobile, in which enterprise he was to have 
 been joined by two hundred men from Washington County, 
 Virginia ; but on account of the poverty of that State, the 
 authorities discouraged the scheme, and reaching Big Creek, 
 thirty miles below Long Island of Holston, the expedition 
 was relinquished. He was, in 1782, again chosen a member 
 of the North Carolina Assembly, and was appointed one of 
 the Commissioners to adjust preemption claims on Cumber- 
 land river, and lay off the lands allotted to the officers and 
 
 * Haywood's History o/ Tennessee, 102-106 ; Todd's il//V of Shelby ; MS. Etatement of 
 Gov. Shelby, apparently addressed to Judge Johnson, controverting his statements about 
 the pretended desertion of the mountaineers; MS. notes of conversations with James 
 Sevier, who was in the service, and with Col. George Wilson. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 415 
 
 soldiers of the North Carolina line, which service he per- 
 formed in the winter of 1782-83. In April following, he 
 was married at Boonesborough, Kentucky, to Susanna, 
 daughter of Captain Nathaniel Hart, one of the pioneers of 
 the country, and now settled on his preemption near Stan- 
 ford, where he continued to reside for forty-three years. 
 
 In January, 1783, Colonel Shelby having been appointed 
 by Governor Harrison and the Council of Virginia, one 
 of the Commissioners to hold treaties with the Western 
 Indians, a conference was held at Long Island of I^Iol- 
 ston with the Cherokees in July, but nothing of mo- 
 ment was accomplished. The proposed treaty v^'itli the 
 Shawnees miscarried ; and only Colonels Donelson and 
 Martin met the Chickasaws at French Lick, on Cumber- 
 land, in November, and interchanged friendly talks with 
 them. For several years Indian disturbances continued, 
 the Cherokees waylaying the Kentucky road, and inflict- 
 ing much injury- on the travelers to that country. The 
 Kentucky people resolved to march in strong force 
 against Chickamauga, and could only be restrained, in the 
 summer of 1791, in view of an approaching treaty at 
 Knoxville. Colonel Shelby attended — the Indians were 
 surly, when he frankly told them, that there were a thousand 
 riflemen in Kentucky, with their horses all shod, ready 
 to march against them. "Too many — too many," said 
 the Cherokees, and they patched up a temporary peace. 
 
 He was a member of the early Conventions held at 
 Danville to secure a separation from Virginia, and of the 
 Convention, in April, 1792, that formed the first Constitution 
 of Kentucky. In May following, he was chosen the first 
 Governor of the new State ; and during his four years' term 
 he proved a model Chief Magistrate, lending every aid in 
 his power in supplying troops for quelling the Indian war in 
 the North-west. He was three times chosen an elector, 
 supporting Thomas Jefferson for President; and when the 
 second war with Great Britain burst upon the country, he 
 
416 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 consented again to serve as Governor, exerting ever}' influ- 
 ence in sustaining the Government, and bringing the con- 
 flict to an honorable issue. The revival of the war spirit 
 reminded North Carolina of its ancient pledge of a sword 
 to Governor Shelby for his King's Mountain services, and 
 it was presented to him in 1813 ; and he led the Kentucky 
 troops, the same j-ear, on the Canada campaign, which 
 closed with the victory of the Thames. For this patriotic 
 service, Congress, in 181 7, voted him a gold medal. In 
 1818, he was appointed, bj^ President IMonroe. Secretarjr 
 of War ; but, at his advanced age, preferring the quiet of 
 private life, he declined its acceptance. In 1818, he was 
 associated with General Jackson in holding a treaty with 
 the Chickasaws, which resulted in the cession of their 
 lands west of the Tennessee to the General Government — 
 his last public service. He was stricken with paralysis in 
 1820, disabling his right arm and limb ; but his mind con- 
 tinued unimpaired until July eighteenth, 1826, when he 
 died of apoplex}', sitting in his chair — with onh' his vener- 
 able companion present, as he had often expressed his wish 
 that it should be. The noble patriot of three wars thus 
 quietly passed away, in the seventy-sixth year of his age. 
 
 Evan Shelby, Jr., who acted as Major in his brother's 
 regiment at King's Mountain, was born in Maryland about 
 1754. He was a Lieutenant on Christian's campaign of 
 1776. Beside his participation in the King's Mountain 
 expedition, he served as a volunteer at the Cowpens ; and, 
 near the close ofi78i, with his brother Isaac in South Caro- 
 lina. Left on one occasion, with three or four men, to 
 guard quite a squad of horses on an island, a British party 
 of some ninety men came and took the horses ; Shelby and 
 his associates escaping. But they dogged the enemy until 
 they camped in a lane, when, leaving one of their number 
 behind some distance with a horn which he was directed, at 
 the proper time, to blow furiously, Shelby and the others 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 417 
 
 made a bold push on the camp, hallooing " surround ! sur- 
 round them !" This, with the horn, indicating a charge, 
 some of the enemy began to fall back, when the horses, 
 becoming frightened, ran at full speed over the Red-Coats, 
 materially aiding in the stampede. The Whigs killed sev- 
 eral of the skedaddlers. Marrying his cousin, Catharine, 
 daughter of Major John Shelby he settled a station about 
 1790, pretty well up the West Fork of Red river, some fifty 
 miles north-west of Nashville. On the eighteenth of 
 January, 1793, when out hunting, at the mouth of Casey's 
 creek of Little river, in the eastern part of the present county 
 of Trigg, Kentucky, he, with two companions, was killed 
 by hostile Indians — his brother, Moses escaping unhurt. 
 
 Gilbert Christian, son of Robert Christian, was born in 
 Augusta County, Va., about 1734, and participated in the 
 border wars of 1755-63. Settling in the Holston country, 
 he commanded a company on Christian's Cherokee cam- 
 paign, the Chickamauga expedition, and at King's Moun- 
 tain. He served as a Major on Arthur Campbell's expedi- 
 tion, figured prominently in the Franklin Republic, and 
 acted as a Colonel during the Cherokee war of 1788 till 
 his death, at Knoxville, in November 1793, when returning 
 from the Hightower campaign. 
 
 Moses Shelb}% born about 1756, was severely wounded at 
 the head of his company at King's Mountain. He served at 
 the siege of Savannah in 1779, '^^ Cowpens, and the capture 
 of Augusta, in 1781 — on one of which occasions he received 
 six sabre wounds. After the Indian wars, he settled near 
 New Madrid, Missouri, where he died September seven- 
 teenth, 1828, about sevent3f-two }'ears of age. 
 
 James Elliott was an early settler on Holston. From an 
 , Ensign in 1777, he rose by good service to the rank of Cap- 
 tain, commanding his company at King's Mountain ; and 
 while serving on Colonel Arthur Campbell's Cherokee expe- 
 pedition, he was killed atTellico, December twent3r-eighth, 
 1780, by a concealed Indian — Colonel Campbell denominat- 
 ing him " a gallant young officer." 
 
418 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 John Sawyers was born in Virginia in 1745, shortly after 
 liis parents arrived from England, who early settled in 
 Augusta County, Virginia. In 1761 young Sawyers was 
 engaged on Colonel B3'rd's abortive expedition, and in other 
 frontier service against the Indians. In 1768, he with others 
 explored the Holston Valley, early removed to that frontier, 
 and served at Point Pleasant, on Christian's Cherokee cam- 
 paign, and on the Chickamauga expedition in 1779, and led 
 a company at King's Mountain. Settling in what is now 
 Knox County, Tennessee, he was made a Major, then a 
 Colonel, and twice chosen a member of the Legislature. 
 He died November twentieth, 1831, aged eightj^-six years. 
 
 George Maxwell born in Virginia, 1751, early migrated 
 to the Holston. A Lieutenant in 1777, he was much en- 
 gaged in frontier sei^vice, commanding a company at King's 
 Mountain. On the organization of Sullivan County, Ten- 
 nessee, in 1780, he was made one of the Justices ; in 1784, 
 a Major ; the next year a Colonel, and member of the 
 Assembly of the short-lived Republic of Franklin ; in 1787, 
 a member of the North Carolina Legislature; in 1799, ^ 
 member of the Tennessee Senate from Hawkins county, 
 where he died November twenty-third, 1822, in his seventy- 
 second year. Of his associates. Captain John Pemberton, 
 and Captain Webb, we have no knowledge. 
 
 Col. John Sevier and his Officers. 
 
 Near the close of the seventeenth centurj^, the grand- 
 father of the subject of this sketch fled from his native Paris, 
 on account of religious persecution, and settled in London. 
 The family name of Xavier was now Anglicized to Sevier. 
 Here he married a Miss Smith, and had two sons, Val- 
 entine and William, who, when scarcely grown, ran away, 
 and took passage for America. This was not far from 1 740. 
 Among their fellow-passengers were several young men of 
 a wild and sporting character, from whom Valentine Sevier 
 acquired habits of gambling and dissipation. Landing at 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 419 
 
 Baltimore, he subsequently married a Miss Joanna Goade, 
 and settled in then Augusta, now Rockingham County, in 
 the Valley of Virginia, six miles south-west of where the 
 little village of New Market was subsequently located. 
 Here he opened a farm, and carried on trade with the Indians, 
 and here John Sevier was born, September twenty-third, 
 1745. After the Indian war of 1755 broke out, the family 
 removed for safety to Fredericksburg, where they remained 
 nearly two years, and where young Sevier attended school. 
 
 Returning to his old home in the Valley, Valentine 
 Sevier found his domicil had been burned b}' the Indians. 
 The cabins were re-built, and trade re-commenced. John 
 Sevier was sent to Staunton to school ; and while there, he 
 one day accidentally fell into a mill-race, and was saved 
 from drowning by the heroic efforts of two young ladies — 
 one of whom subsequently became the wife of George Mat- 
 thews, one of the heroes of Point Pleasant, and subsequent^ 
 a Colonel in the Revolution, and Governor of Georgia. He 
 now engaged with his father in trade ; and, in 1761, before 
 he had turned of seventeen, he married Miss Sarah Haw- 
 kins, cleared up a farm, and engaged in excursions against 
 the Indians — on one occasion, he and his party narrowly 
 escaping a fatal ambuscade by a timely discovery of the trap 
 their enemies had set for them. He laid out the village of 
 New Market, and there for some time he kept a store and 
 inn, and carried on a farm ; and then engaged in merchan- 
 dizing in the neighboring village of Middletown. 
 
 About 1 77 1, he visited the Holston country, carrying some 
 goods with him for trade, and repeated the visit in 1772. 
 At the Watauga Old Fields, on Doe river, near its junction 
 with the Watauga, he witnessed a horse-race, \yhere a large, 
 savage fellow, named Shoate, took .from a traveling stran- 
 ger his horse, pretending that he had won him in a bet. 
 Such an act disgusted Sevier with the country, naturally 
 beautiful; but the elder Evan Shelby remarked: "Never 
 mind these rascals: they'll soon take poplar" — meaning 
 
420 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 canoes, and put off. This Shoate became a noted horse-thief, 
 and was pursued and killed about 1779-80. Late in 1773, 
 John Sevier removed his family to the Holston country, and 
 first located in the Kej'wood settlement, on the north shore of 
 Holston, half a dozen miles from the Shelbys. Before his 
 removal from Virginia, he had been commissioned a Cap- 
 tain by Governor Dunmore. 
 
 He was at Watauga Fort when attacked, July twenty- 
 first, 1776. At day-break, when there were a large num- 
 ber of people gathered there, and the women were out-side 
 milking the cows, a large body of Cherokees fired on the 
 milkers ; but they all fortunately escaped to the fort, the 
 gates of which were thrown open for their reception. 
 Among the young girls thus engaged was Catharine 
 Sherrill, who, when she reached the gate, found it shut ; but 
 equal to the emergency, she threw her bonnet over the 
 pickets, and then clambered over herself, and, as she jumped 
 within, was caught in the arms of John Sevier — her future 
 husband. A warm attack on the fort ensued, during which 
 Captain Sevier thought he killed one of the Indians. A 
 man stole out of the stockade at night, went to the Holston, 
 when a large party marched to the relief of the beleaguered 
 garrison. It was because the people refused to join and co- 
 operate with the enemies of their country, that the savages 
 were instigated to murder them, destroy their crops and 
 improvements, and drive off their cattle and horses. 
 
 John Sevier was among the foremost in the defence of the 
 Watauga and Nolachucky settlements. He had been 
 elected Clerk of the first self-constituted court in 1775 ; and, 
 in 1776, he was chosen one of the representatives of the 
 united settlements to the North Carolina Convention at Hali- 
 fax, and took his seat, securing the establishment of the dis- 
 trict of Washington. Hastening back home, he reached 
 there in season to serve on Christian's expedition against 
 the Cherokees at the head of a fine company of riflemen ; 
 and also, at Colonel Christian's request, he acted as a spy 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 421 
 
 during the campaign. He continued his services, till the con- 
 clusion of the treat}^ at Long Island of Holston in July, 
 1777. In the fall of that year, he was appointed Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel lor Washington County. During the period 
 1777-79, ^^'^ Indians, Tories and horse-thieves required Col- 
 onel Sevier's constant vigilance. In the summer of 1780, 
 he was left in defence of the settlements, while Major 
 Charles Robertson led the Watauga troops on the campaign 
 in South Carolina. During their absence, August four- 
 teenth, having some time previously lost his wife, he was 
 married to Miss Catharine Shen-ill. 
 
 His gallant services at King's Mountain cannot be too 
 highly extolled. December sixteenth following, he defeated 
 the Cherokees at Boyd's creek, killing thirteen, and taking 
 all their baggage, and then joined Colonel Arthur Campbell 
 on an expedition against the hostile Indian towns. On the 
 third of February, 1781, he was made a full Colonel ; and 
 in March, he led a successful foray against the Middle 
 Cherokee Settlements, killing about thirty of their warriors, 
 capturing nine prisoners, burning six towns, and bringing 
 off about two hundred horses. 
 
 " What time from right to left there rang the Indian war-whoop wild, 
 Where Sevier's tall Watauga boys through the dim dells defiled." 
 
 Having, in February, been appointed by General Greene 
 one of the Commissioners to hold a treaty with the Indians, 
 a conference took place with the Cherokees at the Long 
 Island of Holston in July, Colonel Sevier and Major Mardn 
 attending, but without any permanent results. In the 
 autumn of this year. Colonel Sevier served under Generals 
 Greene and Marion in South Carohna ; and, in 1782, he 
 carried on a campaign against the Cherokees. 
 
 In November, 1784, he was appointed Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral, which he declined because of his leadership in the effort 
 to establish the republic of Frankhn. During the period of 
 1784 to 1788, he was made its Governor and defender. He 
 was apprehended by the North Carolina authorities, on a 
 
422 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 charge of rebellion against the State, and conveyed to Mor- 
 ganton, where he was rescued by a party of his friends ; and 
 returning home, "Chuckyjack" led a campaign against 
 the Indians. As the East Tennesseans were divided in sen- 
 timent, the Franklin Republic, after a turbulent career of 
 some four years, ceased to exist. In 1789, General Sevier 
 was chosen a member of the Legislature of North Carolina, 
 when an act of oblivion was passed, and he was re-instated 
 as Brigadier-General. In 1790-91, he was elected to repre- 
 sent the East Tennessee district of North Carolina in Con- 
 gress. When Tennessee was organized into a Territory, 
 he was appointed by President Washington a Brigadier- 
 General in the militia ; and he continued to protect the 
 frontier settlements, carrying on the Hightower campaign 
 against the Cherokees in 1793. In 1798, he was made a 
 General in the Provisional armj-. 
 
 On the organization of a State Government in 1796, 
 General Sevier was chosen the first Governor, and by suc- 
 cessive re-elections was continued in that office till 1801. 
 In 1802, he served as a Commissioner in running the bound- 
 ary line between Tennessee and Virginia. He again served 
 as Governor from 1803 till 1809, and then a term in the 
 State Senate. He was chosen to a seat in Congress in 
 181 1, serving, during the war, on the important com- 
 mittee on military affairs, till 1815 ; when President Madi- 
 son appointed him one of the Commissioners, to ascertain 
 the boundary of the Creek territory, and died while on that 
 service, in camp, on the east side of the Tallapoosa, near 
 Fort Decatur, Alabama, September twenty-fourth, 185 1, 
 closing a busy, useful life at the age of seventy years. As 
 a proof of the love and veneration of his neighbors and 
 friends, while absent in the Creek country, they had again 
 elected him to Congress without opposition. In the language 
 of the distinguished Hugh L. White, who had sen'ed 
 under him in the old Indian wars: "General Sevier was 
 considered in his day, among the most gallant, patriotic, 
 and useful men in the country where he lived." * 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 423 
 
 Jonathan Tipton was born in Frederick County, Virginia, 
 in 1750. Early settling in what became Washington 
 Covinty, East Tennessee, he was, in February, 1777, made 
 Major, and was engaged in guarding the frontiers ; and in 
 1780, had a fight with the Indians at the mouth of Flat creek, 
 on Nolachucky. He was second in command of Sevier's 
 regiment at King's Mountain : and then served on Arthur 
 Campbell's campaign, leading a detachment against Telas- 
 see and Chilhowee. In the fall of 1781 , he went on service 
 with Colonels Shelby and Sevier under General Greene, in 
 South Carolina. Major Tipton died in Overton County, 
 Tennessee, January eighteenth, 1833, in his eighty-third 
 year. 
 
 Valentine Sevier was born in what is now Rockingham 
 County, Virginia, about 1747, and settled at an early period 
 in East Tennessee. He was a Sergeant, and one of the 
 spies, at the battle of Point Pleasant, where, sa3's Isaac 
 Shelby, "he was distinguished for vigilance, activity, and 
 bravery." He subsequently served in the Indian wars in 
 East Tennessee, and commanded a company at Thicketty 
 Fort, Cedar Springs, Musgrove's Mill, and King's Moun- 
 tain. He was the first Sheriff of Washington County, a 
 Justice of the court, and rose in the militia to the rank of a 
 Colonel. He removed to the mouth ol Red river on Cumber- 
 land, now Clarksville, where he was attacked by Indians, 
 November eleventh, 1794, killing and wounding several 
 of his family. After long suffering from chronic rheu- 
 matism, he died at Clarksville, Febmary twenty-third, 
 1800, in his fifty-third year; his widow surviving till 1844 
 in her one hundred and first year, His younger brother, 
 Robert Sevier, who also commanded a company at King's 
 Mountain, and was mortally wounded in the conflict, was 
 previously much engaged in ridding the Watauga and Nola- 
 chucky region of Tories and horse thieves. 
 
 Christopher Taylor was born in Bedford County, Vir- 
 
 * MS. letter to the author, April 6th, 1839. 
 
424 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 ginia, in 1746, and early removed, with a young family, 
 to East Tennessee. He served on Christian's campaign ; 
 he was chosen a Captain, in 1778, and ranged the frontiers, 
 serving in 1780, at King's Mountain, and subsequently 
 against the Indians. He was a member of the Jonesborough 
 convention in 1784, and died in Washington County, Ten- 
 nessee, September tenth, 1833, at the age of eighty-seven. 
 
 Jacob Brown was born in South Carolina, December 
 eleventh, 1736; settled on Nolachucky, in 1772, purchas- 
 ing lands of the Cherokees. He served in the Indian 
 wars, at the head of his company in Sevier's regiment 
 at King's Mountain, and then on Arthur Campbell's 
 expedition. H^e was made a Major, defeated a party 
 of Indians in the fall of 1781, and died, June twenty-eighth, 
 1785, from an accidental wound received while out hunting. 
 
 Samuel Weir was another of Sevier's Captains at King's 
 Mountain. He was an active participant in the Franklin 
 Republic mo^'ement ; led a party, in 1793, against Telassee, 
 killing sixteen Indians, and taking four prisoners. In 1793 
 and 1794, he was a member of the Territorial Legislature, 
 and, in 1796, a member of the Convention that formed the 
 Constitution of Tennessee. He served many years as 
 clerk of Sevier County court ; and lived to a good old 
 age. He was fully six feet in height, dark complexioned, 
 and possessed much energy of character. 
 
 Other Captains of Sevier's regiment at King's Moun- 
 tain were Samuel Williams, a member of the Jonesborough 
 Convendon of 1784, and a representative of Carter County, 
 in the Legislature in 1799 ; James Sdnson, Jesse Beene, and 
 Thomas Price, who were much engaged against the Chero- 
 kees. George Russell, Joel Callahan, Isaac Lane, Andrew 
 Caruthers, aad William Robinson, were probably all 
 Lieutenants. Caruthers, a native of Ireland, died in Lin- 
 coln Count}', Tenn., in 1818; and Robinson, a native of 
 Scodand, was among the defeated Regulators at Alamance, 
 in May, 177 1, and lived to advanced years, dying also in 
 Lincoln County. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 425 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Col. Ben. Cleveland, Maj. Joseph Winston and their 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Cleveland's Ancestry.— His Early Life and Hunting Adventures.— 
 Trip to Kentucky.— Elk Hunt and Narrow Escapes.— Revolution- 
 ary War.— Suppressing Scotch Tories.— Rutherford's Cherokee 
 Campaign.— Marches to Watauga.— Appointed Colonel.— Serves in 
 Georgia. — New River Scout. — King's Mountain.— Hangs Coyle 
 and Brown. — Captured by Tories and his Rescue. — Riddle and 
 Wells Hung. — Other Tory Brigands Taken— Nichols, Tate, and 
 Harrison. — Thumbing the Notch. — Reforming Tories. — Removes to 
 Tugalo. — Hangs Dinkins. — Appointed Judge. — Anecdote. — Great 
 Size, Death, and Character. 
 
 Major Joseph Winston Noticed.— Ben. Herndon.—Micajah and Joel 
 Lewis. — Robert and John Cleveland. — Jesse Franklin. — Williarn 
 I.^noir — John Barton — William Meredith, and Minor Smith. — 
 John Brown and Samuel Johnson. — David and John Wither- 
 spoon. — Jo. Herndon, Richard Allen, and Elisha Reynolds. 
 
 A beauty of the time of Charles the First — so runs the 
 story — named Elizabeth Cleveland, a daughter of an officer 
 of the palace of Hampton Court, attracted the attention of 
 her sovereign, and an amour was the result. When Oliver 
 Cromvsrell became the i-ising star of the empire, the same 
 charms won his sympathies, and a son was born unto them. 
 The mother retired from the public gaze, and subse- 
 quently married a Mr. Bridge. When this wild colt of a 
 son grew up, he took his mother's name and was the 
 reputed author of a book — " The Life and Adventures of 
 Mr. Cromwell, Natural son of Oliver Cromwell,'" pub- 
 lished after his death, by consent of his son, first in 1731, a 
 second edition, with a French translation in 1741, and yet 
 another edition in 1760. 
 
, 426 KING 'S MO UNTAIN' 
 
 The perusal of this work, more than thirty years ago, 
 left on the mind of the writer the strong conviction that it 
 was a romance, and a recent re-examination of it conlirms 
 that opinion. Noble, in his learned production on the 
 Cromwell Family, published nearly a century since, 
 declares that these pretended Adventures are "too marvel- 
 ous to be true ;'' and a writer in Notes and ^leries, in 
 1856, states that from " the extraordinary adventures related 
 in it," he " considers it a fictitious narrative." Whether 
 or not this work is a romance, or records a series of facts 
 more wonderful than fiction, it is nevertheless true, that 
 Colonel Benjamin Cleveland had a copy of it, to which he 
 used to point with no little pride, claiming his descent 
 through this " Mr. Cleveland," from the illustrious Oliver 
 Cromwell. Others of the Cleveland connection made the 
 same claim. 
 
 While Noble, Guizot, and other writers on Cromwell, 
 agree that the renowned Protector, with all his religious 
 seeming, "probably had natural children," yet it is ex- 
 ceedingly doubtful if our King's Mountain hero descended 
 from any such questionable origin. History informs us, 
 that the Clevelands were an ancient family, deriving their 
 name from a tract of country in the North Riding of York- 
 shire, England, still called Cleveland. Tradition designates 
 Alexander Cleveland, Sr. and Jr. ; and that John Cleve- 
 land, with his father, the younger Alexander Cleveland, 
 early migrated to Virginia, and married a Miss Martha 
 Coffee. He settled on the since famous Bull Run, in 
 Prince William County, where he engaged in the employ- 
 ment of a house-joiner. His son, Benjamin Cleveland, the 
 subject of this sketch, was born there May twenty-sixth, 
 1738; and while yet very j'oung, his father removed some 
 sixty miles to the south-west, locating in a border setde- 
 ment on Blue Run, some six or eight miles above its 
 junction with the Rapidan, in Orange County, near the line 
 of Albemarle. Not only young Cleveland's parents, but 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 427 
 
 his grandfather Clevehmd and wife also settled on Blue 
 Run; the latter couple d3'ing there, about 1770, within 
 three days of each other, when about a hundred years 
 old * ; and here his parents lived and died at a good old age. 
 
 When about twehe jears old, and his parents were both 
 absent, some drunken rowdies called at the house, and 
 began to throw the stools into the fire. Little Ben, satisfied 
 what his father would do were he at home, snatched the 
 old man's rifle from its hooks, and simply said, " gentle- 
 men, do you see this?" They saw it, and the youth's 
 determined attitude, which led them to think discretion the 
 better part of valor, when one of the party said to his 
 fellows: "We'd better be off; we don't know what this 
 excited child might do." So the brave lad put the lawless 
 drunkards to flight, and saved his father's property. 
 
 Nor was it inebriates alone that young Cleveland early 
 learned to vanquish. Like Nimrod of old, he became " a 
 mighty hunter ; " and, like Daniel Boone, he had an uncon- 
 querable aversion to the tame drudgery of farm life, as he 
 regarded it. He spent much of his time from early youth 
 in the wilderness, securing pelts and furs, which found a 
 ready market. The heads of the Dan, Staunton and Pig 
 rivers, in the region that subsequently became Pittsylvania 
 County, was a favorite resort for hunters, and here young 
 Cleveland reaped his forest harvests. Fire hunting, at 
 that day, was a very common mode of entrapping the deer 
 in warm weather, when they repaired to particular localities 
 at night in shallow? streams, where they could find succulent 
 food, and be less exposed to tormenting insects. The 
 torchHghts of the hunters would so dazzle the fated deer's 
 
 'This fact is given on the authority of Maj. John Redd, of Henry County, Va., to the 
 writer in 1845. who was born in Orange County, Va., in 1755, and personally knew these 
 old people. If then, Alexander Cleveland, the younger, who died about 1770, was a hun- 
 dred years old. he must have been boin about 1670— only seventeen years after Cromwell 
 became Protector. This would seem to spoil the story of descent from Oliver Cromwell 
 through the pretended "Mr. Cromwell"; and that he must have descended from 
 Alexander Cleveland, Sr., whose birth evidently was considerably anterior to the time of 
 the Protectorate. 
 
428 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 attention, that he would stand in amazement watching the 
 strange hght, while the wary hunter had only to blaze away 
 at its glaring eyes, and bring down the stupid animal. 
 
 There was an old Dutchman in that region who had a 
 good stand for fire-hunting, and young Cleveland concluded 
 he would scare him out of it. Pealing some bark from a 
 tree, he placed it in the water so as to represent a counterfeit 
 deer. The next night, he hid himself near by where he could 
 watch operations. In due time, the Dutch hunter made his 
 appearance — fired on the supposed deer, without apparently 
 bringing him down ; then repeated his shot, and still the 
 deer remained unmoved. The Dutchman now becoming 
 alarmed, exclaimed, " Its de duy-vil ;" and quickly aband- 
 oned that hunting ground — Cleveland chuckling not a litde 
 over the success of his stratagem. 
 
 At length young Cleveland married, in Orange County, 
 Miss Mary Graves — of an excellent family, whose father 
 was in quite comfortable circumstances. Tradition tells us 
 that Cleveland took an active part in the French and Indian 
 war ; but the particulars are lost to history. He, no doubt, 
 in that border conflict became initiated into military life, 
 which proved a preparatory school for his Revolutionary 
 services. But his marriage did not reform his idle and 
 reckless habits. He still loved gaming, horse-racing, and 
 the wild frolicking common on the frontiers. In company 
 with Joseph Martin — afterwards General Martin — he put in 
 a field of wheat on Pig river, about the year 1767, where he 
 settled some four years before ; but they were too indolent 
 to fence it properly. When harvest time came, there was 
 something of a crop. As was the custom of the times, they 
 invited their friends to join them in cutting the grain ; for 
 which hilarious occasion some liquor and a fiddler were 
 provided, and a good time was necessary before entering 
 upon the work, which ended in a debauch, and the grain 
 was never harvested. 
 
 To break awav from such habits and associations, 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 429 
 
 Cleveland, about 1769, removed, with his father-m-law and 
 family, to North Carohna, and settled, near the foot of the 
 Blue Ridge, on the waters of Roaring Creek, a northern 
 affluent of the Yadkin, in what was then Rowan, afterwards 
 Surry, and a few years later Wilkes County. Here Cleve- 
 land, with the aid of Mr. Graves' servants, opened a farm, 
 raised stock, and devoted much of his time to hunting. At 
 some subsequent period, he located on the noted tract, on 
 the northern bank of the Yadkin, fifteen miles below 
 Wilkesboro, known as the Roxmd About — takincr its name 
 from the horse-shoe shape of the land, nearly surrounded 
 by the river. 
 
 From Daniel Boone, who was among the earliest 
 of the pioneers of the Yadkin Valley, Cleveland learned 
 of the Kentucky country — that land of cane and pea-vine, 
 abounding with deer and buffalo. Its wild charms, its rich 
 lands, and its teeming game, rendered it the hunter's para- 
 dise. Such attractions as these Cleveland could not resist. 
 In the summer of about 1772, in company with Jesse 
 Walton, Jesse Bond, Edward Rice, and William High- 
 tower, he set out on a trip of hunting and exploration, in 
 quest of the beautiful land of Kentucky. When they had 
 safely passed Cumberland Gap, and entered upon the 
 borders of the famous hunting grounds, with cheerful hopes 
 and glowing prospects, they were unexpectedly met and 
 plundered by a party of Cherokees, of all their guns, horses, 
 peltrj', and every thing they possessed, even to their hats 
 and shoes. A poor old shot gun was given in turn, with 
 a couple of charges of powder and shot, when they were 
 threateningly ordered to leave the Indian hunting-grounds. 
 They had no alternative. On their way home, they hus- 
 banded their ammunition as long as possible ; with one of 
 the charges they killed a small deer — the other was spent 
 ineffectually. They had the good fortune to catch a broken- 
 winged wild goose, and eventually had to kill their faith- 
 ful little hunting dog, greatly to their regret ; and Cleve- 
 
430 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 land, in after j-ears, used to say that this dog was tame, 
 under the circumstances, the sweetest animal food he ever 
 ate. With this scanty supply, and a few berries, they 
 managed to hold out till thej^ reached the settlements, but 
 in a nearljr famished condition. 
 
 Several months afterwards, Cleveland made up a party 
 of chosen men — among whom was William Hightower, 
 who wended their way to the Cherokee towns, determined 
 to recover the horses that had been taken from them. From 
 some circumstance not now known, Flightower gave name 
 to the Hightower or Etowah river. Cleveland applied to 
 a noted Cherokee chief, known among the whites as Big 
 Bear, who replied that the Indians who had his horses 
 would be likely to kill him as soon as they should learn the 
 object of his mission ; bvit, he added by waj^ of compliment, 
 "if you were to be killed, I should claim that honor, as 
 one big warrior ought onlj- to be slain by another." Big 
 Bear sent an escort with Cleveland to the several towns to 
 aid him in reclaiming his property. He succeeded without 
 much difficulty, except in the last case. The Indian having 
 the horse, showed fight, raised his tomahawk, and Cleve- 
 land cocked his rifle, when his friendly escort interposed, 
 and saved their red brother from a fatal shot, by throwing 
 him to the ground ; but not before he had hurled his battle- 
 axe at his antagonist, which happily did no other harm 
 than cutting away a part of the bosom of Cleveland's hunting 
 shirt. Then Cleveland, at the instance of his Indian guides, 
 mounted his newly recovered horse, which was at hand, and 
 was riding awa}^, when a ball from the rifle of the enraged 
 Cherokee, wounded the animal, but not seriously. Return- 
 ing to Big Bear's village, that chief increased the guard ; and 
 Cleveland and party retired with their horses in triumph. 
 On their way back to North Carolina, they went by the Tu- 
 galo country, which greatly attracted Cleveland's attention. 
 
 Reuben Stringer was a noted woodsman of the Upper 
 Yadkin Valley, and was often Cleveland's associate in his 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 431 
 
 hunting adventures. They took an elk hunt together, in 
 the month of August, when these animals were in their 
 prime The elk were large, and very wild, and gradually 
 retired before the advancing settlements. A few years 
 anterior to the Revolutionary war, they were yet to be found 
 at the foot of the mountain ranges on the heads of New 
 river. Pursuing a wounded elk, Cleveland in attempting to 
 intercept him at a rocky point of the river, where he ex- 
 pected the animal would cross the stream, found himself sur- 
 rounded by a large number of rattle-snakes, coiled, hissing, 
 and fearfully sounding their alarm rattles on every hand. 
 From this dangerous dilemma, his only deliverance seemed 
 to be an instantaneous plunge into the river, which he made 
 without a moment's hesitation, and thus probably escaped a 
 horrid death. 
 
 While Stringer was busy one day in preparing a fire for 
 cooking some of their wild meat for a repast, Cleveland 
 spread his blanket on the ground, beneath a cluster of large 
 white oaks, to rest himself, and soon fell asleep. In a few 
 moments he suddenly awakened, in a startled condition — 
 why, he could not tell — and, casting his eyes into the tree- 
 tops above, he discovered a large limb, directly overhead, 
 nearly broken off, hanging onlj^ by a slight splinter to its 
 parent stem. Fie said to his companion, pointing to the 
 object of his alarm : " Look, Reuben, and see what an 
 ugly thing we have camped under !" " It has, indeed, an 
 ugly appearance ; " replied Stringer, "but since it has ap- 
 parently hung a great while in that condition, it may very 
 likely do so a good while longer." "Ah", said Cleveland, 
 " as long as it has hung there, there is a time for it to come 
 down, and I will not be in the way of danger," and gathered 
 up his blanket, to spread it in a safer place. As he was 
 passing the fire, he heard a crack above — the splinter had 
 broken, and the limb came tumbling down, plunging its 
 three prongs directly into the ground where Cleveland had 
 but a moment before lain. They pulled over the fallen 
 
432 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 limb, and found its prongs had penetrated into the earth to 
 the depth of fourteen inches. Stringer congratulated his 
 comrade on his fortunate awaking and removal, "for," he 
 added, " in one minute more, you would have been inevit- 
 ably killed." "Ah, Reuben," said Cleveland, who was 
 very much of a fatalist, " I always told you that no man 
 would die till his appointed time ; and when it comes, there 
 can be no possible escape.'' 
 
 But Cleveland's hunting days were about to end. It 
 was no longer a war with the wild beasts of the forest, but 
 with his fellow men. The story of Colonial taxation by the 
 King and Parliament reached the Yadkin Valley, and 
 Cleveland was among the first to resent the threatened tyr- 
 anny ; and soon came the tidings of Lexington and Bunker 
 Hill. North Cai-olina was organized into companies, regi- 
 ments, and brigades ; and, on the first of September, 1775, 
 Cleveland was appointed an Ensign in the second regiment, 
 under the command of Colonel Robert Howe. But he 
 seems not to have accepted it, preferring to serve in the 
 militia in his immediate locality, where he judged his 
 presence and efforts would be more useful. 
 
 During 1775, when Cleveland's neighbors and friends 
 of the Upper Yadkin Valley had occasion to go to Cross 
 Creek to dispose of their surplus productions, and purchase 
 their supplies of iron, sugar, salt, and other necessaries, 
 they were compelled, before they were permitted to buy or 
 sell, to take the oath of allegiance to the King. When 
 Cleveland heard of these tyrannical acts, and attempts to 
 forestall the politics of the people, he swore roundly that 
 he would like nothing better than to dislodge those Scotch 
 scoundrels at Cross Creek. Nor was an opportunity long 
 wanting. In February, 1776, the Highland Tories of that 
 locality raised the British standard, when Captain Cleve- 
 land marched down from the mountains with a party of 
 volunteer riflemen ; and, tradidon has it, that he reached 
 the front in season to share in the fight, and in the suppres- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 433 
 
 sion of the revolt. He scoured the country in the region of 
 Wake Forest, capturing several outlaws, some of whom he 
 hung. to the trees in the woods ; one of whom was Captain 
 Jackson, who was executed within half a mile of Ransom 
 Sutherland's homestead, whose houses and merchandize, 
 Jackson had caused to be laid in ashes a few days after the 
 battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. " I don't recollect," said 
 Colonel Sutherland, in the North Carolina University Maga- 
 zine, for September, 1854, " after Cleveland had done with 
 them, to have heard much more of those wretches"' during 
 the war." In this service, or at least a part of it, Cleveland 
 was under Colonel James Moore, who had served with credit 
 on the frontiers in the old French and Indian war, and 
 whose determined bravery gave him ^& sobriquet of "Mad 
 Jimmie" among the soldiery; and for years thereafter, 
 Moore was the theme of Cleveland's admiration. 
 
 V^hen the Cherokees were inveigled by the British into 
 hostilities. Captain Cleveland, in the summer of 1776, served 
 a tour of duty in scouting on theWestern frontier of the State ; 
 and, shortly after, getting intelligence that a Tory Colonel 
 Roberts had embodied a number of Loyalists on the north- 
 west side of the Blue Ridge, on the borders of North Caro- 
 linia and Virginia, he went in quest of them ; but hearing 
 of this pursuit, they disbanded and dispersed. In the au- 
 tumn of that year, when General Rutherford led a strong 
 force against the Cherokees, Cleveland and his company 
 went on the campaign, in the Surry regiment, under Colonel 
 Joseph Williams * and Major Joseph Winston. William Le- 
 noir, who was Cleveland's Lieutenant, was accustomed, in 
 after years, to recount the hardships and privations the troops 
 
 ''Colonel Williams was born in Hanover County, Virginia, March twenty-seventh. 
 1748 ; migrated in 1766 to Granville County. North Carolina, where he married Rebecca, 
 daughter of Thomas Lanier, and shortly after settled near the Shallow Ford of Yadkin, in 
 what afterwards became Surry County. When that County was organized, lie was made 
 Colonel, and led his regiment on Rutherford's Cherokee campaign in 1776. He shared in 
 defeating the Tory leaders, Colonel Gideon and Captain Hezikiah Wright, at the head of 
 three hundred and ten Loyalists, at the Shallow Ford, October, fifteenth, 17S0 Colonel 
 Williams died August eleventh, 1827. 
 23 
 
434 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 had to suffer on that sei^vice — often destitute of provisions, 
 without tents, with but few blankets, dressed in clothing 
 made of rude materials, derived from liemp, tow, and the 
 wild nettle. Though often harrassed on their march by 
 parties in ambush, there was no general engagement — 
 Captain Cleveland sharing in the skirmishes and bush- 
 whackings of the campaign. The villages and settlements of 
 the hostile Cherokees were laid waste, their crops and pro- 
 visions destroyed, and they were compelled to sue for 
 peace. 
 
 Such was the high estimate placed on Captain Cleve- 
 land's fitness for frontier service, that early in the spring of 
 1777, he was selected to lead his company to the Watauga 
 settlements, to serve a tour for their protection against the 
 yet troublesome Cherokees. After passing the rugged in- 
 tervening mountain country, and reaching the Watauga 
 Valley, Cleveland and his men made their head-quarters at 
 Carter's Fort, while the Virginia troops were stationed at 
 the Long Island of Holston. Though scouting was kept up, 
 everjr pains were taken to bring the Indians to terms. Cleve- 
 land's company concentrated, with the other forces, at the 
 Long Island, where the celebrated treaty, in July of that 
 year, was held, and at which Major Winston was one of 
 the Commissioners. When peace was jnade, the Wilkes 
 troops returned to their distant home. 
 
 In the autumn of 1777, Captain Cleveland attended the 
 Legislature — not as a member, but to use his influence for 
 the division of Surry, and the formation of a new County, 
 for the better convenience of the Upper Yadkin settlements. 
 Wilkes County, thus formed, was named in honor of John 
 Wilkes, noted for his steady opposition in Parhamentto the 
 American war. In March, 1778, when the new County was 
 organized, Cleveland was placed at the head of the commis- 
 sion of Justices, and was made Colonel of the militia. Hence- 
 forth we find Colonel Cleveland in regular attendance as 
 one of the Justices of the County Court, and generally the 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 435 
 
 principal bondsman for tlie Sheriff and otlier County officers. 
 He was also often called on to fill other positions — Com- 
 missioner for seizing confiscated estates, Superintendent of 
 elections, and County Ranger or Stray Master. In 1778, 
 he was chosen to represent Wilkes- County in the House of 
 Commons, and was regarded as one of the popular leaders 
 of the mountain region of the State. 
 
 On one occasion, soon after the regiment was organized, 
 it was ordered on service to the frontiers to quell some 
 Tory disturbance. After no little indiscriminate plunder- 
 ing of both Whigs and Tories, they returned home before 
 the expiration of their term of service, with their ill-got- 
 ten gains, before Colonel Cleveland was able to join them. 
 He was highly displeased with their conduct, swearing, 
 roundly that he would shoot the ring-leaders ; but he finally 
 agreed to forgive them on two conditions — the restoration of 
 their dishonorable plunderings, and to the end of the war, 
 turning out on a minute's warning. All who had shared in 
 the disgraceful pillage, returned the spoils of every kind, 
 and were ever after prompt to engage in any service at the 
 shortest notice. 
 
 When the British invaded Georgia, in 1778, General 
 Rutherford led a force from the back part of North Caro- 
 lina, of which at least a portion of Colonel Cleveland's regi- 
 ment formed a part. They repaired to Georgia, and shared 
 in the winter campaign of 1778-79, which culminated in the 
 disastrous defeat of General Ashe, at Brier Creek, before 
 Lincoln and Rutherford could come to his aid. Returning 
 from this service, Colonel Cleveland was chosen to repre- 
 sent his County in the State Senate. In the summer of 1 780, 
 he was constantly employed in suppressing the Tories — first 
 in marching against those assembled at Ramsour's mill, 
 reaching there shortly after their defeat ; then in chasing 
 Colonel Bryan's band from the State ; and finally in scour- 
 ing the region of New river in checking the Tory rising in 
 that quarter, capturing and hanging some of their notorious 
 leaders and outlaws. 
 
436 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Then followed his King's Mountain campaign — the 
 great service of his life — the wounding, while on the way, 
 of his brother, Lieutenant Larkin Cleveland, by a Tory party 
 under Captain John Murray, near Lovelady's Shoals; and 
 then hurrying forward to grapple with the indomitable Fer- 
 guson. The poet Hayne notices Cleveland in this battle as 
 though he were a very round head of Cromwell's fervor and 
 time : 
 
 "Now, by God's grace," cried Cleveland my noble Colonel he, 
 Resting to pick a Tory off, quite cooly on his kn-e, — 
 "Now, by God's grace, we have them ! the snare is subtly set ; 
 The game is bagged: we hold them safe as pheasants in a net." 
 
 His heroic bearing in the contest, and his exciting ren- 
 counter with the half-crazed Bowen, each so fortunately es- 
 caping fatal results, have been already related. Besides 
 having assigned to him, by general consent, one of Fer- 
 guson's war horses, which lived to an uncommon great age, 
 he carried home with him a snare-drum, to which he pointed 
 with pride as a King's Mountain trophy, as long as he lived. 
 There can be no question but Colonel Cleveland was con- 
 spicuous in bringing about the execution of the Tory lead- 
 ers at Bickerstaff's. His whole career during the war goes 
 to show that he was severe in his treatment of the Tories — 
 perhaps not unjustly so, considering the times and circum- 
 stances of an exposed frontier, when the execution of civil 
 law was so infrequent and uncertain. His brief command 
 over the Tory prisoners at Bethabara has been elsewhere 
 noticed. Sometime in November ensuing, James Coyle or 
 Cowles, and John Brown — or Jones, as Wheeler has it — 
 two notorious Tory plunderers, passing through Lincoln 
 County, robbed the house of Major GeorgeWilfong of every- 
 thing they could carr}' away, and then made off with a 
 couple of his horses. Major Wilfong with a party followed 
 the culprits, overtaking them near Wilkesboro, recovered 
 the horses, but the ruffians made good their escape. They 
 had appropriated Wilfong's clothes-line for halters, which 
 the Major left behind, with which to hang the rascals should 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 437 
 
 they ever be taken. Shortly after, as they were returning 
 towards Ninetj^ Six, they were apprehended by some 
 of Cleveland's scouts, and brought to Wilkesboro, where 
 Colonel Cleveland ordered them hung with Wilfong's ropes. 
 All admitted that though the execution was summary, it was 
 nevertheless just. 
 
 Early in 1781, when General Greene was manoeuvering 
 on the upper border of North Carolina, Colonel Cleveland 
 raised about a hundred riflemen, went to his assistance, 
 serving awhile in the advance parties of light infantry, but 
 returned home from their tour of duty a little before the 
 conflict at Guilford. 
 
 To Colonel Cleveland, whose career was replete with 
 perilous adventures, an occurrence now transpired, which 
 at one time threatened the most tragic termination ; and 
 which, for its hair-breadth escapes, may be regarded as the 
 most notable event of his life. Some thirty-five miles 
 from his home at the Round- About on the Yadkin, and 
 some twenty north-west of Wilkesboro, and in the south- 
 eastern portion of the present County of Ashe, was a well- 
 known locality, mostly on the northern bank of the South 
 Fork of New river, called the Old Fields — which at some 
 previous period, was probably the quiet home of a wander- 
 ing band of Cherokees. These Old Fields belonged to 
 Colonel Cleveland, and served, in peaceful times, as a graz- 
 ing region for his stock. 
 
 Having occasion to visit his New River plantation. 
 Colonel Cleveland rode there, accompanied only by a negro 
 servant, arriving at Jesse Duncan's, his tenant, at the lower 
 end of the Old Fields, on Saturday, the fourteenth of April, 
 1 78 1. Unfortunately for the Colonel, Captain Wilham 
 Riddle, a noted Tory leader, son of the Loyalist Colonel 
 James Riddle, of Surry Countjr, was approaching from the 
 Virginia border with Captain Ross, a Whig captive, whom 
 he had taken, together with his servant, and now en route 
 for Ninety Six, where a British reward appears to have 
 
438 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 been paid for prisoners. Riddle, with his party of six or 
 eight men, reaching Benjamin Cutbirth's, some four miles 
 above the Old Fields, a fine old Whig, and an old associate 
 of Daniel Boone, who had only partially recovered from a 
 severe spell of fever. The Tory Captain, probably from 
 Cutbirth's reticence regarding solicited information, shame- 
 fully abused him, and placed him under guard. 
 
 Descending the river to the upper end of the Old Fields, 
 where Joseph and Timoth^r Perkins resided — about a mile 
 above Duncan's — both of whom were absent in Tory 
 service. Riddle learned from their women, that Cleveland 
 was but a short distance away, at Duncan's, with only his 
 servant, Duncan, and one or two of the Callaway family 
 there. Everjr Tor}^ in the country knew full well of Cleve- 
 land's inveterate hatred of their race ; how prominently he 
 had figured at King's Mountain, and had given his influ- 
 ence for the Tory executions at Bickerstaff^'s, and caused 
 the summary hanging of Coyle and Brown at Wilkesboro. 
 Riddle well judged that such a prisoner would be a prize to 
 take along to Ninety Six, or it would prove no small honor 
 to anjr Lo5ralist to rid the Rebel cause of so untiring and dis- 
 tinguished a leader in the Southern country. 
 
 The prospect of making Cleveland his prisoner was too 
 tempting for Riddle to neglect. His force was too small to 
 run anjf great risk, and so he concluded to resort to strata- 
 gem. He resolved, therefore, to steal Cleveland's horses in 
 the quiet of the night, judging that the Colonel would fol- 
 low their trail the next morning, supposing they had strayed 
 off, when he would ambuscade him at some suitable place, 
 and thus take " Old Round-About" as he was called, una- 
 wares, and at a disadvantage. The horses were accord- 
 ingly taken that night ; and a laurel thicket selected, just 
 above the Perkins' house, as a fitting place to waylay their 
 expected pursuers. During Saturday?, Richard Callaway 
 and his brother-in-law, John Shirley, went down from the 
 neighboring residence of Thomas Callaway to Duncan's, to 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 439 
 
 see Colonel Cleveland, and appear to have remained there 
 over night. 
 
 Discovering that the horses were missing on Sunday 
 morning, immediate pursuit vi'as made. Having a pair of 
 pistols, Colonel Cleveland retained one of them, handing 
 the other to Duncan, while Callaway and Shirley were un- 
 armed. Reaching the Perkins' place, one of the Perkins 
 women knowing of the ambuscade, secretly desired to 
 save the Colonel from his impending fate, so she detained 
 him, as long as she could, by conversation, evidently fear- 
 ing personal consequences should she divulge the scheme 
 of his enemies to entrap him. His three associates kept on, 
 with Cleveland some little distance behind, Mrs. Perkins 
 still following, and retarding him by her inquiries ; and as 
 those in advance crossed the fence which adjoined the 
 thicket, the Tories fired from their places of concealment, one 
 aiming at Cleveland, who though some little distance in the 
 rear, was yet within range of their guns. But they gener- 
 ally shot wild — only one shot, that of Zachariah Wells, who 
 aimed at Callaway, proving effectual, breaking his thigh, 
 when he fell helpless by the fence, and was left for dead.* 
 Duncan and Shirley escaped. Cleveland from his great 
 weight — fully three hundred pounds — knew he could not run 
 any great distance, and would only be too prominent a mark 
 for Tory bullets, dodged into the house with several Tories 
 at his heels. Now, flourishing his pistol rapidly from one 
 to another, they pledged to spare his life and accord him 
 good treatment, if he would quietly surrender, which he did. 
 
 Wells by this time having re-loaded his rifle, made his 
 appearance on the scene, swearing that he would kill Cleve- 
 land ; and aiming his gun, the Colonel instantly seized Abi- 
 
 *Richard Callaway had been grieviously wounded on the head, arms, shoulder, and 
 hand by Tarleton's cavalry, at Sumter's surprise, Aug. eighteenth, 1780, and left for dead ; 
 yet recovered, though, he had a crippled hand for life. In due time his broken limb, so 
 badly disabled by Wells' unerring shot, healed up, and he lived many years. He aided in 
 running the boundary line from the White Top Mountains to the Mississippi, and died in 
 Tennessee in 1822. 
 
440 KING 'S AW UNTAIN 
 
 gail Walters who was present, and by dint of his great 
 strength, and under a high state of excitement, dextrously 
 handled her as a puppet, keeping her between him and his 
 would-be assassin. Wells seemed vexed at this turn in the 
 affair, and hurled his imprecations on the poor woman, 
 threatening if she did not get out of the way, that he would 
 blow her through as well, not appearing to realize that she 
 had as little power as a mouse in the clutches of a ferocious 
 cat. Cleveland getting his eyes on Captain Riddle, whom 
 he knew, or judged by his appearance, to be the leader, 
 appealed to him if such treatment was not contrary to the 
 stipulations of his surrender. Riddle promptly replied that 
 it was, and ordered Wells to desist from his murderous in- 
 tent, saying that they would take Cleveland to Ninety Six, 
 and make money out of his capture. The terrified woman 
 who had been made an unwilling battery, was now released 
 from Cleveland's grasp as from a vise ; and the whole party 
 with their prisoner and his servant were speedily mounted, 
 and hurried up New river. This stream, so near its source, 
 was quite shallow, and the Tories traveled mostly in its 
 bed to avoid being tracked, in case of pursuit. 
 
 Soon after the Tory party had called at Cutbirth's, on 
 their way down the river, young Daniel Cutbirth and a 
 5'outh named Walters, who were absent at the time, 
 returned ; and encouraged by Mrs. Cutbirth, though only 
 fourteen or fifteen years of age, they resolved that 
 they would take their guns, select a good spot, and 
 ambuscade Riddle on his return, and perhaps rescue what- 
 ever prisoners he might have. But on the return of the 
 Tory party the next day, they made so much noise, and 
 gave so many military commands, that led the youthful 
 ambuscaders to conclude that they had received a re^in- 
 forcement, and that it would be rashness for two single- 
 handed youths to undertake to cope with numbers so 
 unequal. So Riddle and his party reached Cutbirth's 
 undisturbed, and ordered dinner for himself, men, and 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 441 
 
 prisoners. One of the Cutbirth girls, not engaging wil- 
 lingly in this service, received abuse, and even kicks, from 
 the Tory leader. Their hunger appeased, they proceeded 
 up New river, mostly along its bed, till they reached Elk 
 Creek, up which they made their way in the same manner. 
 Colonel Cleveland, meanwhile, managed unperceived, to 
 break off overhanging twigs, dropping them into the stream 
 to float down as a guide to his friends, who he knew would 
 make an early pursuit. From the head of the south fork 
 of Elk, they ascended up the mountains to what has since 
 been known as Riddle's Knob, in what is now Watauga 
 County, and some fourteen miles from the place of Cleve- 
 land's captivity, where they camped for the night. 
 
 Early on that Sabbath morning, Joseph Callaway and 
 his brother-in-law, Berry Toney, wishing to see Colonel 
 Cleveland on business matters, called at Duncan's, and 
 learned about the missing horses, and the pursuit ; and at 
 that moment they heard the report of the firing at the 
 upper end of the plantation, and hastened in that direction, 
 soon meeting Duncan and Shirley in rapid flight, who 
 could only tell that Richard Callaway had fallen, and 
 Colonel Cleveland was either killed or taken. It was 
 promptly agreed, that Duncan, Shirle}^ and Toney should 
 notify the people of the scattered settlements to meet that 
 afternoon at the Old Fields, while Joseph Callaway should 
 go to his father's, close by, mount his horse and hasten to 
 Captain Robert Cleveland's, on Lewis' Fork of the Yadkin, 
 a dozen miles distant.* His brother, William Callaway, 
 started forthwith - up the river, and soon came across 
 Samuel McQueen and Benjamin Greer, who readily joined 
 him ; and all being good woodsmen, followed the Tory 
 trail at best they could, till night overtook them when some 
 distance above the mouth ofElk Creek, and about ten miles 
 from the Old Fields. William Callaway suggested, that he 
 
 * Joseph Callaway was a member from Ashe County, in the House of Commons, in 
 1804 and 1806. 
 
442 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 and McQiieen would remain there, while Greer should 
 return to pilot up whatever men may have gathered to 
 engage in pursuit of the Tories. 
 
 By night-fall, Captain Robert Cleveland and others, to 
 the number of twenty or thirty, good and tried men, who 
 had served under Colonel Cleveland, had gathered at the 
 Old Fields, determined to rescue their old commander at 
 every hazard, even though they should follow the Tory 
 party to the gates of Ninety Six. Greer made his appear- 
 ance in good time, and at once they were on the trail of the 
 enem}'.* They reached William Callaway and McQueen 
 awhile before day ; and as soon as light began to appear, 
 John Baker joined Callaway and McQiieen, to lead the 
 advance as spies. A little after sun-rise, having proceeded 
 four miles, thejr discovered indications of the enemy's camp 
 on the mountain. But little arrangement was made for the 
 attack ; nine men only were in readiness — the others were 
 apparently some distance behind ; and only four or five of 
 these were designated to fire on the enemy, the rest reserv- 
 ing their shots for a second volley, or any emergencies that 
 might happen — of these was William Callaway. 
 
 Some of the Tories had already breakfasted, while 
 others were busily employed in preparing their morning 
 meal. Colonel Cleveland was sitting on a large fallen tree, 
 engaged, under compulsion, in writing passes for the 
 several members of Captain Riddle's party, certifying that 
 each was a good Whig — to be used, when in a tight place, 
 to help them out of difficulty, by assuming that they were 
 patriots of the truest type, Cleveland's commendation 
 passing unquestioned along the borders of Virginia and 
 the Carolinas. But "Old Round About" had a strong 
 
 '^' Greer was one of Cleveland's heroes. One of his fellow soldiers stole his tobacco 
 from him, when he threatened he would whip him for it as soon as he should put his eyes 
 on him. Cleveland expostulated with Greer, telling him his men ought to fight the enemy, 
 and not each other. " I'll give him a hint o{ it, any way," said Greer, and when he met 
 the tobacco pilferer, he knocked him down. Greer's huit was long a by-word in all that 
 region. — Col. W. W. Lenoir. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 443 
 
 suspicion that their urgency for these passports betokened 
 that the moment they were completed, his days would be 
 numbered ; and thus naturally but a poor penman, he 
 purposely retarded his task as much as possible, hoping to 
 gain time for the expected relief, apologizing for his 
 blunders, and renewing his unwilling eflbrts. Several of 
 the Tory party were now gathering up their horses for an 
 early start, and Cleveland was receiving severe threaten- 
 ings if he did not hurry up his last passport. 
 
 Just at this moment, while Captain Riddle and Zacha- 
 riah Wells were especially guarding Cleveland and Captain 
 Ross — the former with Cleveland's pistol presented at his 
 breast, and the latter with his gun aimed for instantaneous 
 use, if need be — the relief party were silently creeping up ; 
 and the next moment several guns were fired, and the Whigs 
 rushed up, uttering their loudest yells. Colonel Cleveland, 
 comprehending the situation, tumbled oflTthe prostrate tree, 
 on the side opposite to his friends, lest their balls might 
 accidently hit him, and exclaiming, in his joy, at the top of 
 his thundering voice, '■'■Huzza for brother Bob! — that's 
 right, give 'cm h — I! " Wells alone was shot, as he was 
 scampering away, by William Callaway in hot pursuit, and 
 supposed to be mortally wounded, he was left to his fate ; 
 the rest fled with the aid of their fresh horses, or such as 
 they could secure at the moment — Riddle and his wife 
 among the number. Cleveland's servant, a pack-horse for 
 Tory plunder, was overjoj^ed at his sudden liberation. 
 Cleveland and Ross were thus fortunately rescued ; and 
 having gained their purpose, the happy Whigs returned to 
 their several homes. William Callaway was especially 
 elated that he had had the good fortune to shoot Wells, who 
 had so badly wounded his brother, Richard Callaway, at 
 the ambuscade at the Old Fields. 
 
 Shordy after this occurrence, Captain Riddle ventured to 
 make a night raid into the Yadkin Valley, where on King's 
 Creek, several miles above Wilkesboro, they surrounded 
 
444 KING ' S MO UNTAIN 
 
 the house where two of Cleveland's noted soldiers, David 
 and John Witherspoon, resided with their parents, and 
 spirited them many miles away in the mountain region on 
 Watauga river, in what is now Watauga County, were both 
 were sentenced to be shot — blindfolded, and men detailed to 
 do the fatal work. It was then proposed, if they would 
 take the oath of allegiance to the King, repair to their home, 
 and speedily return with a certain noble animal belong- 
 ing to David Witherspoon, known as "the O'Neal mare," 
 and join the Tory band, their lives would be spared. 
 They gladly accepted the proposition — with such mental 
 reservations as they thought fit to make. As soon as they 
 reached home, David Witherspoon mounted his fleet-footed 
 mare, and hastened to Colonel Ben. Herndon's, several 
 miles down the river, who quickly raised a party, and 
 piloted by the Witherspoons, they soon reached the Tory 
 camp, taking it by surprise, capturing three, and killing and 
 dispersing others. So the young Witherspoons fulfilled 
 their promise of returning speedily to the Tory camp, 
 bringing the O'Neal mare with them ; but under somewhat 
 different circumstances from what the unsophisticated Tories 
 expected. 
 
 The three prisoners taken were Captain Riddle, and 
 two of his noted associates, named Reeves and Goss. On 
 their arrival at Wilkesboro, a court martial condemned 
 them to be hung ; but as if to curry favor with the soldiers, 
 or get them in a condition so he might escape, Riddle 
 treated them freely to whisky. Learning which. Colonel 
 Cleveland frankly informed him, that it would be useless to 
 waste his whisk}- in such efforts — that he would be hung 
 directly after breakfast. The three notorious freebooters 
 were accordingly executed, on the hill adjoining the 
 village, on a stately oak, which is yet standing, and pointed 
 out to strangers at Wilkesboro. Mrs. Riddle, who seems 
 to have accompanied her husband on his wild and reckless 
 marauds, was present, and witnessed his execution. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 445 
 
 Colonel Cleveland was active at this period in sending 
 out strong scouting parties to scour the mountain regions, 
 and if possible, utterly break up the Torjr bands still 
 infesting the frontiers. His Wilkes riflemen had, by this 
 time, acquired a reputation of which they were justly 
 proud. They were generally known as Cleveland's Heroes.^ 
 sometimes as Cleveland' s Bull Dogs; while the Tories 
 denominated them Cleveland'' s Devils. Cleveland himself 
 rated each of his well-tried followers as the equal of five 
 ordinary soldiers. It was not long before one of these 
 detachments had the good fortune to take Zachariah Wells 
 who had not yet recovered from the dangerous wound he 
 had received at Riddles' Knob. He was- conveyed to 
 Hughes' Bottom, about a mile below Colonel Cleveland's 
 Round- About residence, near the mouth of a small stream 
 known as Hughes' Creek. Here young James "Gwyn, a 
 j^outh of thirteen, with a colored boy with him, was at work 
 in the cornfield, when Colonel Cleveland, who had joined 
 those having the prisoner in charge, of whom Lieutenant 
 Elisha Reynolds, Cleveland's two sons and his brother, 
 formed a part, took the plow lines from the horse, with 
 which to hang Wells to a tree on the river bank. 
 
 Young Gwyn, who knew little of the stern realities of 
 war, was shocked at the thought of so summary an execu- 
 tion. Intimately acquainted with Colonel Cleveland, he 
 begged the Colonel not to hang the poor fellow, who looked 
 so pitiful, and was suffering from his former wound, greatly 
 exciting his sympathies. "Jimmie, my son," said Cleve- 
 land tenderly, "he is a bad man; we must hang all such 
 dangerous Tories, and get them out of their misery ;" while 
 Captain Bob. Cleveland, who was present, was cursing the 
 wincing Tory at a vigorous rate. With tears coursing 
 down his cheeks, the Colonel adjusted the rope, regretting 
 the necessity for hanging the trembling culprit — remember- 
 ino- vividly the rough treatment he had so recently received at 
 the hands of Wells at the Perkins' place, at the Old Fields ; and 
 
446 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 firmly convinced that the lives of the patriots of the Yadkin 
 Valle}^ would be safer, and their slumbers all the more peace- 
 ful, when their suffering country was rid of all such vile des- 
 peradoes. Such was Cleveland's philosophy, and such his 
 patriotism. Wells soon dangled from a convenient tree, and 
 his remains were buried in the sand and loam on the 
 bank of the Yadkin. 
 
 Others of the Tory brigands also fell into the hands of 
 Cleveland's vigilant troopers. One of them was Bill Nichols, 
 a noted and desperate leader, whose wife is said to have 
 been a sister of Captain Willaim Riddle. On one occasion, 
 Nichols had a difficult}^ with a Whig neighbor named Letcher, 
 snatched his gun from him, and with it shot him 
 down in his tracks. Nichols was speedily executed. At 
 another time, one Tate and eight others were taken by 
 Cleveland and his men, and had them near old Richmond, 
 on the Yadkin, in Surry. When Cleveland was about to 
 execute the leader, Colonel William Sheppard protested 
 against such summary justice. "Why," said Cleveland, 
 "Tate confesses that he has frequently laid in wait to kill 
 you." "Is that so?" inquired Sheppard, turning to the 
 Tory captain. Tate frankly acknowledged that it was 
 true — that he was an influential Whig, and the Loyalists 
 were anxious to have him out of the way. Sheppard now 
 acquiesced in the opinion that Tate was a dangerous 
 man, and that they had best make an example of him. So 
 his fate was fixed, while his associates only suffered impris- 
 onment as other captives of war. 
 
 On another occasion Colonel Cleveland visited Colonel 
 Sheppard* at Richmond, where he had two notorious Tory 
 horse-thieves in prison. Cleveland insisted on swinging 
 them to the nearest tree, less thej^ should effect their escape, 
 
 * Colonel sheppard was an early settler of Surry County ; he commanded a troop of 
 cavalry on Rutherford's Cherokee campaign ; and participated largely in opposing the 
 Tories of his region. He represented his County in the State Senate six years, 1777-82 ; 
 and removing to Orange County, he served again in the Senate in 1793, 1801 and 1S03, and 
 was many years a magistrate, He died February eighth, 1832, in his seventy-sixth year. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 447 
 
 and yet further endanger the communitj^ — at least one of 
 them, whose crimes rendered him particularly obnoxious to 
 the people. One end of a rope was fastened to his neck, 
 when he was mounted on a log, and the other end made 
 fast to the limb of a tree overhead, and the loa: then rolled 
 from under the culprit. Cleveland now repaired to the jail, 
 and significantly pointed the surviving Tory to his late as- 
 sociate now dangling from the tree. "You have your choice," 
 observed Cleveland sternly, " either to take j^our place be- 
 side him, or cut your own ears off, and leave the country 
 forever." The Tory knew he could not trifle with "Old 
 Round-About," so he called for a knife. A case-knife was 
 accordingly handed him, which he whetted a moment on a 
 brick, then gritting his teeth, he slashed off his own ears, 
 and left with the blood streaming down his cheeks, and was 
 never heard of afterwards. Truly civil wars are both sav- 
 age and sanguinary in their character. 
 
 John Doss was the faithful overseer of Cleveland's plan- 
 tation while the Colonel was much of the time absent from 
 home during the period of Tory troubles in 1780-81. Bill 
 Harrison, a noted Tory leader of that region, with the aid 
 of his followers, not only stole Cleveland's stock, and de- 
 stroyed his propert}^, but apprehended his vigilant overseer, 
 took him to a side-hill, placed him on a log, fastening one 
 end of a grape vine around his neck, and the other over a 
 prong of a stooping dogwood ; when one of the party went 
 up the hill, so as to gain sufficient propelling power, then 
 rushed down headlong, butting Doss off the log into etern- 
 ity. It was not long before Harrison was caught, and 
 brought to Cleveland's home. Accompanied by his servant 
 Bill, and one or two others, Cleveland led Harrison to the 
 same dogwood on which he had hung poor Doss. 
 
 " I hope you will nothang me, Colonel," faintly observed 
 the trembhng wretch." "Why not?" "Because," said 
 the abject Tory, "you know I am a useful man in the 
 neighborhood — am a good mechanic — have worked for you 
 
448 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 in peaceful days, and can not well be spared ; besides I have 
 invented perpetual motion, and if I am now suddenly cut 
 off, the world will lose the benefit of my discovery. I, too, 
 have heard j^ou curse Fanning and other Loyalist leaders 
 for putting prisoners to death — where are your ■p7-incifles — 
 ■where your conscience?''' "Where is my conscience," re- 
 torted Cleveland; "where are my horses and cattle you 
 have stolen — my barn and fences you have wantonly burned 
 — and where is poor Jack Doss ? 'Fore God I will do this 
 deed, and justify myself before high heaven and my coun- 
 try! Run up the hill, Bill, and butt him off the log — I'll 
 show him perpetual motion !" * 
 
 It is related, that, on one occasion, when, Colonel 
 Cleveland was absent from home, a Tory horse-thief was 
 brought in for adjudication, and turned over to the care of 
 the Coloners sons to await their father's return. This not 
 occurring so soon as expected, and fearing if they should un- 
 dertake to keep their prisoner over night he might 
 give them the slip, or make them trouble, they appealed 
 to their mother, who was engaged in her domestic voca- 
 tions, and smoking her pipe, what they had best do under 
 the circumstances. Learning the nature of the offense, and 
 that the evidence against the culprit was overwhelming, she 
 asked them what their father would do in such a case? "Hang 
 him," was the prompt reply. "Well, then," said the old 
 lady, "you must hang him," and he was accordingly hung 
 at the gate.f 
 
 Punishments were graded according to the offence, and 
 seem to have been administered on the principles of mar- 
 tial law. When an ordinar}? pilferer was taken to Colonel 
 Cleveland by William Lenoir, he was ordered to have his 
 two thumbs placed in a notch of a tree, and thus made fast, 
 while he received fifteen lashes. This was called thumbing 
 
 *Related in a debate in the North Carolina Legislature, in 1840, by Hon. Hamilton C. 
 Jones, of Rowan. 
 
 ■j-Johnson's Tnidiiions 0/ the Revolution, 401, corroborated by others. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 449 
 
 the notch. Captain John Beverly, in this case, carried the 
 order into execution ; but anxious to meet out full justice to the 
 prisoner, with a little added interest, he did not stop at the 
 number adjudged, but continued to whip the wincing cul- 
 prit, when Colonel Herndon drew his sword, and struck 
 Beverly, who drew his in return, and a tilt was the result, 
 which, but for the interference of mutual friends might have 
 terminated fatally. A little over five miles above Wilkes- 
 boro, on the Burke road, and half a mile west of the village 
 of Moravian Falls, yet stood within a few years "Shad 
 Laws' Oak," on which the notches thumbed by Shadrach 
 Laws, under sentence of Cleveland, were distinctly visible. 
 
 The reader must not suppose that Colonel Cleveland 
 alwa3^s deemed it the best policy to resort to the severest 
 measures with the Tory thieves brought before him for ad- 
 judication. Once, it is related, that he had a pretty hard 
 case in hand. "Waste no time," said Cleveland; " swing 
 him off quick I" " You needn't be in any such d — d hurry 
 about it," cooly retorted the condemned man. Cleveland, 
 who was toddling along behind, pleased with the noncha- 
 lance of the fellow, exclaimed, "boys, let him go!" The 
 Tory, touched with such unexpected generosity, turned to 
 Cleveland and said, with no little feeling: "Well, old fel- 
 low, you've conquered me ; I'll ever after fight on your 
 side," and proved himself one of the most intrepid of Cleve- 
 land's followers. 
 
 " Old Round-About " was a keen judge of human na- 
 ture, and would often set himself at work to reform a class 
 of Tories who had been led astray by unhappy influences. 
 Missing one of this class awhile, and at length meeting 
 him, he saluted him in this kind, familiar style : "Well, 
 Bob, I reckon you are returning from a Tory trip — are you 
 not?" "Yes, Colonel, I am," "Well," continued the 
 Colonel, " I expect when you become rested, 3'ou will take 
 another jaunt with them, eh?" "No, Colonel, if I ever go 
 with them again, I'll give you leave to make a button of my 
 
450 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 head for a halter." " Well, Bob, that shall be the bargain." 
 So he gives Bob a stiff drink of grog, in accordance with the 
 fashion of the times, and a hearty dinner, and starts him off 
 home rejoicing on his way, and swearing that, after all, 
 " Old Round- About " had a warmer heart, and a kindlier 
 way with him, than any Tory leader of his acquaintance, and 
 ever after Bob proved himself as true a Whig almost as the 
 Colonel himself. 
 
 Nor were Colonel Cleveland's efforts restricted to mak- 
 ing good Whigs out of refractory Tories. He aimed as well 
 to make good and industrous citizens. Eleven miles above 
 Wilkesboro, on the south bank of the Yadkin, resided one 
 Bishop, one of a class who tried to shirk the responsibilities 
 of the war, and was wanting alike in patriotism and energy 
 of character. At heart he was believed to be a Tory. Pass- 
 ing Bishop's on one of his excursions, Cleveland observed 
 that his corn, from neglect, presented a sorry appearance. 
 He called Bishop out, and asked him if he had been sick? 
 He said that he had not. " Have you, then, been fighting 
 for your country?" "No," said the neutral, " I have not 
 been fighting on either side." " In times like these," re- 
 marked Cleveland, " men who are not fighting, and are able 
 to work, must not be allowed to have their crops as foul as 
 yours." The indolent man had " ^c thumb the notch,'" 
 with the admonition that if his corn thereafter was not well 
 worked, double the punishment would be his portion next 
 time. It is hardly necessary to add, that Bishop's corn 
 was henceforth in as fine condition as any man's in the 
 country.* 
 
 Cleveland was literally " all things to all people." By his 
 severities, he awed and intimidated not a few — restraining 
 them from lapsing into Tory abominations ; by his kindness, 
 forbearance, and even tenderness, winning over many to the 
 glorious cause he loved so well. 
 
 But the war was now rapidly drawing to a close. In 
 
 *MS. correspondence of Col. W. W. Lenoir. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 451 
 
 the autumn of 1781, Colonel Cleveland performed his last 
 military service, a three months tour of duty, on the waters 
 of the Little Pedee, in the south-eastern part of the State, 
 under General Rutherford. At this time, the British Colo- 
 nel Craig was confined to Wilmington, while Fanning 
 and other Tory leaders were yet scouring the country, and 
 needed such a force as the mountaineers to successfull}^ 
 cope with them. Cleveland's men routed several of these 
 scattered Loyalist detachments before returning home. 
 
 At the close of the war, Colonel Cleveland, having lost 
 his fine Round- About plantation by a better title, now 
 turned his attention to the fine region of the Tugalo, on the 
 western borders of South Carolina — a country that had 
 greatly attracted him, when, many years before, he re- 
 turned from the Cherokee Nation with the horses he had 
 reclaimed from their plundering warriors. Though the 
 Indian title was not yet extinguished, he resolved to be 
 among the early squatters of the country. In 1784, he vis- 
 ited the Tugalo Valley, made his selection of a new home 
 in the forks of Tugalo river and Chauga creek, in the 
 present County of Oconee, whither he removed in the fol- 
 lowing year, aCcompained by not a few of his kinsmen 
 and old companions in arms. 
 
 In November, 1785, the treaty of Hopewell was con- 
 cluded, by which the Cherokees agreed to bury the hatchet, 
 and relinquish all claim to territory east of the Tugalo. 
 Such obhgations usually rest lightly upon Indians, and 
 oftentimes, it must be confessed, they were trespassed upon 
 by their more powerful and covetous white neighbors. 
 While a sort of gtcast war was yet brewing, the Cherokees 
 stole some of Cleveland's stock, when he buckled on his 
 hunting knife, and went in person to their towns, demand- 
 ing their restoration within a given time, or the last one of 
 them should pay the forfeit with his life. They were greatly 
 surprised at his enormous size, and judged that it would 
 take a hundred good warriors to cope with him single- 
 handed. The stock were promptly restored. 
 
452 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 During these border troubles, one Henr}^ Dinkins, a 
 Tory of the Revolution, who had taken refuge among the 
 Cherokees, inducing a couple of negroes to steal horses 
 and flee with him, made plundering raids on the Tugalo, 
 accompained by these colored men, all well armed and 
 well mounted. Cleveland got wind of their approach, 
 snatched up his rifle, and one night way-laying their trail, 
 captured all three of them. Some assistance coming to 
 his aid, Cleveland concluded that the best disposition to 
 make of Dinkins was to hang him on the spot, which was 
 accordingly done. So notorious was Dinkins' reputation 
 for eviL that the whole country rejoiced at his riddance, 
 without stopping to inquire whether the particular mode of his 
 exit was quite in accordance with the nicities of the law. 
 
 Colonel Cleveland served many years as a Judge of the 
 Court of old Pendleton County, with General Pickens and 
 Colonel Robert Anderson at his associates ; Colonel Cleve- 
 land "frequently taking a snooze on the bench," says 
 Governor Perry, "while the lawyers were making long, 
 prosy speeches ;" if he snored too loudly, his judicial asso- 
 ciates would give him a nudge, and wake him up. He 
 nevertheless administered justice promptly and fairlj^ In 
 1793, he lost his election to the Legislature by seven votes 
 only. "We were always afraid," said Mrs. Jane Miller, 
 a daughter of General Pickens, " when Colonel Cleveland 
 came to stay over night with us, lest the bedstead should 
 prove unequal to his ponderous weight." For several 
 years before his death, he became so unwieldly in size, that 
 he could no longer mount his favorite saddle horse, and 
 leave his home — gradually attaining to the enormous weight 
 of four hundred and fifty pounds, and was long unable to 
 rest ih bed. 
 
 He would spend much of his time sitting on his piazza, 
 dressed in a sort of loose gown, enjoying in the coldest of 
 weather, the fresh air, while others would suffer from the 
 exposure. He was full of good cheer, indulging in jibes 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 453 
 
 and jokes with the passers-by. On one occasion, while 
 occupying his big chair on his porch, he saluted a stranger 
 jocularly: "Halloo, my friend, what's the news this 
 morning from the lower regions?" "Oh, nothing of any 
 moment," the man sportively retorted, "only that Old 
 Horny and his wife had quite a set-to last night — she 
 clamoring for a supply of soap-grease, when he at length 
 pacified her with the assurance, that Colonel Cleveland 
 would soon be there, when her royal highness should enjoy 
 the fat of the land to her heart's content." This rough 
 repartee so pleased the jolly Colonel, that he insisted on 
 the stranger stopping with him, and partaking of his hos- 
 pitalities. 
 
 For several summers preceding his death, he suffered 
 from dropsy in his lower limbs, and during the last year of 
 his life his excessive fat considerably decreased, and he, at 
 length, died sitting at breakfast, in October, 1806, in the 
 sixty-ninth year of his age. His wife had preceded him to 
 the grave some half a dozen years. He left two sons and 
 a daughter, whose descendants are numerous and respect- 
 able — one of them becoming the wife of General Thomas 
 J. Rusk, one of the leaders in acquiring Texan independ- 
 ence, and subsequently serving ten years in the United 
 States Senate ; another, the lady of Governor Charles J. 
 McDonald, of Georgia. In the prime of life, Colonel 
 Cleveland was a little short of six feet, finely proportioned, 
 possessing a pleasing and intelligent countenance. 
 
 With scarcely anjr education, and little improvement in 
 after life, yet Colonel Cleveland, with a naturally vigorous 
 intellect, exerted a commanding influence among a frontier 
 people : and though despotic in his nature, and severe on 
 the Tories, his patriotic activity did much in preserving the 
 western portion of the Carolinas from British and Tory 
 ascendency. North Carolina deservedly commemorated 
 his services by naming a County after him. This noble 
 hero of King's Mountain now sleeps, in the family burial- 
 
454 KING'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 ground, on his old plantation, beautifully situated in the 
 forks of the Tugalo and Cliauga. No monument — no in- 
 scription — no memorial-stone point out his silent resting 
 place. The spot is now marked by several large pines 
 that have grown up since his interment — one of them, it is 
 understood, shoots its tall spire from his grave. His old 
 dwelling and out-houses have long since disappeared, but 
 the muse of history will not willingly let die the name and 
 memory of Benjamin Cleveland — to all Tories the terror of 
 terrors, and to all others, the jolly "Old Round-About" 
 of the Yadkin. 
 
 A branch of the Winston family, originally of York- 
 shire, England, settled in Wales, and thence migrated to 
 Virginia. "The family of Winston," saj^s Alexander H. 
 Everett, " was among the most distinguished in the Colony.'' 
 One of the Virginia descendants was Samuel Winston, of 
 Louisa County — reputed a brother of the mother of Patrick 
 Henry — who had seven sons all actively engaged in the 
 Revolution. Among them was Joseph Winston, born in 
 Louisa County, June seventeenth, 1746. Receiving a fair 
 education for that day, he joined, at the age of seventeen, 
 a company of rangers, under Captain Philips, who marched 
 from Louisa to the frontiers on Jackson's river, where uniting 
 with Captain George Moffett, making sixty men altogether, 
 they pursued a party of Indians between Forts Young and 
 Dinwiddle, and were drawn into an ambuscade, September 
 thirtieth, 1763. They were fired on from both sides of the 
 trail, and maintained the fight a considerable time ; but, 
 at length, overpowered by numbers, they were forced to 
 give way, scattering as best they could. Several were 
 killed, and, in the mcUe, young Winston had his horse shot 
 from under him, and himself received two wounds, one in 
 the body, and- the- other through his thigh, rendering him 
 well nigh helpless. He managed to conceal himself till the 
 Indians retired in pursuit of the fugitives, when a comrade 
 
,^ 
 
 / JLiW»ar^. from o-rh^i.iv2-i dU/iina i/z. ^v/''^ 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 455 
 
 fortunately came to his aid, carried him upon his back for 
 three days, living upon wild roseberries, and at length 
 reached a friendly frontier cabin. Though he in time 
 recovered, the ball in his body was never extracted, and 
 was the source of occasional suffering through life. 
 
 In 1769, Joseph Winston and others petitioned the Vir- 
 ginia authorities for a grant of ten thousand acres of land 
 on the lower side of Little Guyandotte ; and probably failing 
 to secure it, Mr. Winston migrated about this period to 
 North Carolina, locating on Town Fork of Dan river, in 
 what was long Surry, subsequently Stokes County, North 
 Carolina. In 1775, he was a member of the Hillsboro 
 Convention; and, in February, 1776, he went on the expe- 
 dition against the Scotch Tories at Cross creek. He was 
 appointed, in this year. Ranger of Surry County, and 
 Major in the militia, serving on Rutherford's expedition 
 against the Cherokees. In 1777, he was a member of the 
 House of Commons, and a Commissioner to treat with the 
 Cherokee Indians. In 1780, he served in Colonel David- 
 son's expedition in pursuit of Bryans' Tories ; was with 
 Cleveland against the Loyalists on New river ; in a skirmish 
 at Alamance ; and commanded a portion of the right wing 
 at King's Mountain, for which he subsequently was voted 
 an elegant sword by the Legislature of North Carolina. 
 
 In February, 1781, he led a party against a band of 
 Tories ; had a running fight with them, killing some, cap- 
 turing others, and dispersing the remainder. He shortly 
 after joined General Greene with a hundred riflemen, and 
 shared in the batde of Guilford. In 1792-3, and again from 
 1803-7, he represented his district in Congress. He was a 
 Presidential elector in 1800, voting for Jefferson, and in 
 181 2, voting for Madison. Three times he was chosen a 
 member of the State Senate from Surry ; and when Stokes 
 County was organized, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 and five times elected to the Senate— the last time in 1812, 
 when the Legislature provided for the presentation of the 
 
456 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 sword voted him in 1781, and which he thus pertinently ac- 
 knowledged : 
 
 "Mr. Speaker: — I am at a loss for words to express my 
 sense of the honor which the General Assembly has con- 
 ferred upon me by this grateful present. I trust that the 
 sword, which is directed to be presented to me, will never 
 be tarnished by cowardice, but be wielded in defence of my 
 country's rights and independence." 
 
 Colonel Winston died April twent}' -first, 1815, in his 
 sixty-ninth year — curiously enough, the same age as his 
 superior, Colonel Cleveland. He was a man of stately form, 
 old school manners, and commanding presence. His home 
 was within view of the lofty mountains of Stokes and Surry, 
 whose " cloud-capt summits seemed within a squirrel's jump 
 of heaven." He left many worthy descendants — three sons 
 born at a single birth.* 
 
 Benjamin Herndon was born near Fredericksburg, Vir- 
 ginia, in 1749, and early settled in what is now Wilkes 
 County, North Carolina. He was appointed one of the first 
 Justices of Wilkes County, serving for many years ; was 
 Entry Taker of the County ; first a Captain, and then Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel of Cleveland's regiment — in which double 
 capacity he served at King's Mountain, commanding a 
 company of sixty men. He was twice a member of the 
 House of Commons, and twice of the North Carolina Sen- 
 ate. Not long after this last service, in 1786, he removed to 
 Newberry District, in South Carolina, where he died De- 
 cember thirtieth, 1819, in his seventy-first year. 
 
 Micajah Lewis, who descended from Welsh ancestors, 
 
 *Soon after the birth of these triplets, a married sister, who had a babe about a month 
 old, called to visit the mother, and proposed to adopt one of the trio, and thus each would 
 practically have'a pair of twins to rear. Mrs. Winston regarded the proposition favorably ; 
 and as she sat up in bed, carefully examining all three to determine which to retain, and 
 which one to bestow upon her sister — she at length exclaimed : "i cannot decide for my 
 life — you cannot have any of them, sister; as God has given them to me, he will give me 
 strength to nurse them." And so he Hid — all of them lived, and were well educated. One 
 of them became a Major-Ceneral. another a Judge, and the third a State Senator and Lieu- 
 tenant Governor of Mississippi ; while a brother of theirs, who remained in North Carolina, 
 tought in the war of 1812, became a Major. General, and served in the State Legislature. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 457 
 
 was born in Albemarle County, Virginia, in 1755 ; and 
 early removed to what subsequently became Suny County, 
 North Carolina. He was appointed a Lieutenant in 1776, 
 and was a Captain in service in 1778. He joined General 
 Lincoln in 1779, and shared in the battle of Stono ; and, in 
 June 1780, he went in pursuit of Bryan's Tories, and was a 
 Major and Quarter-Master in Cleveland's regiment on 
 the King's Mountain campaign, receiving a wound in the 
 battle. He served as a volunteer at Pyle's defeat, February 
 twenty-fifth, 1781 ; and, two days afterwards, while out 
 reconnoitering, he was mortally wounded, dying the next 
 day, and was buried at Dickey's plantation, on the 
 Alamance. He had rendered service in the North Caro- 
 lina line, and was, as General Joseph Graham states, " a 
 real soldier," of " past service and experience." 
 
 Joel Lewis was born in Albemarle County, Virginia, 
 August twentj'-eighth, 1760; early settled in Surrj^ County ; 
 commanded a company at King's Mountain, said to have 
 embraced among its members twenty-two of his own family 
 connections. A colored free man, named Bowman, of his 
 company, claimed to have killed Ferguson ; and Captain 
 Lewis secured some of the British commander's arms — one 
 a jewel-hilted poniard, which he retained many years. He 
 married Miriam Eastham, and had eighteen children. In 
 1784, he was chosen to represent Surry in the House of 
 Commons ; and, in 1789, he removed to Nashville, Tennes- 
 see, where he was an early hotel-keeper. In 1796, he was 
 a member of the Convention that formed the first Consti- 
 tution of Tennessee, and was the same year, and again in 
 1799, elected a State Senator. He held other public 
 positions ; and died, near Nashville, November twenty- 
 second, 1816. He left many worthy descendants. His 
 younger brother, James Martin Lewis, born in 1762, who 
 was a Lieutenant at King's Mountain, married Mary, 
 daughter of Colonel Benjamin Herndon, and died at 
 Columbia, Tennessee, in 1830. It is not a little singular. 
 
458 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 that the three brothers, Micajah, Joel, and James M. Lewis, 
 were all officers, and were all wounded at King's Mountain. 
 
 Robert Cleveland, a brother of Colonel Cleveland, was 
 a Captain at King's Mountain, but his company seems to 
 have been mostly among the footmen in the rear. He was 
 born in Virginia, in 1744, and died in Wilkes County, North 
 Carolina, April twenty-siyth, 1812, in his sixty-eighth year. 
 He was one of the North Carolina Electors on the Jefferson 
 ticket for President. His younger brother. Lieutenant 
 Larkin Cleveland, who was so badly wounded at the 
 Catawba while on the march to King's Mountain, settled in 
 Lincoln County, Tennessee, where he died in 1817, in his 
 sixty-seventh year. 
 
 John Cleveland, a son of the Colonel, was born in 
 Virginia, about 1760 ; entered the service verj^ young as a 
 private, afterwards was made a Lieutenant, and was under 
 Colonel Isaacs at Sumter's surprise, August eighteenth, 
 1780. He led his company at King's Mountain ; and on the 
 Raft Swamp expedition under General Rutherford, in the 
 fall of 1781. He was a wild, reckless man — long known 
 by the sobriquet of "Devil John." He died in the 
 Tugalo region about iBio. His son, Benjamin Cleveland, 
 w^as long a prominent citizen of Habersham County, 
 Georgia, a member of the Legislature, an officer in the 
 Creek war, and rose to the rank of a General in the militia. 
 
 Jesse Franklin, a Captain and Adjutant in the regiment 
 of his uncle. Colonel Cleveland, was born in Orange 
 County, Virginia, March twenty-fourth, 1760. He settled 
 in Surry County, North Carolina, about 1777, and shared 
 largely with his uncle in the Tory warfare of the times. 
 On one occasion, a Tory party under Jo. Lasefield captured 
 him, and had him ready to swing off, when he said. "You 
 have me completely in your power ; but if you hang me, it 
 will prove the dearest day's work you ever performed ; for 
 uncle Ben. Cleveland will pursue j'ou like a blood-hound, 
 and he will never cease the chase while a solitary one of 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 459 
 
 you survives." Though they hung him, the bridle with 
 v^rhich they did it broke, and he fortunately dropped into 
 the saddle of his horse, bounded away and escaped. Be- 
 sides his service at King's Mountain, he participated in 
 Guilford battle, and attained to the rank of Major before 
 the close of the war. He was ten years a member of the 
 House of Commons, and two of the State Senate ; two years 
 in the lower house of Congress, and twelve in the Senate, 
 retiring in 1813. In 1816, he was appointed by President 
 Madison a Commissioner to hold a treaty with the Chick- 
 asaws ; and, in 1820, he was elected Governor of North 
 Carolina, serving one term, when his health failing, he 
 declined further public service, and died September twenty- 
 ninth, 1823, in his sixty-fourth year. "He was distin- 
 guished." says Wheeler. " for his sincere patriotism, sound 
 sense, and unassuming deportment." 
 
 William Lenoir, of French descent, was born in Bruns- 
 wick County, Virgina, May twentieth, 1751, early removing 
 with his parents to near Tarboro, North Carolina, where, 
 he grew to years of manhood. In March, 1775, he settled 
 in what "subsequently became Wilkes County ; served as a 
 Lieutenant on Rutherford's Cherokee campaign, a Captain 
 at King's Mountain, and at Pyle's defeat ; rising, after the 
 war, to the rank of Major General in the militia, and serving 
 many years as Magistrate, Clerk of the Court, County 
 Register, County Surveyor, and Trustee of the State Uni- 
 versity ; three years a member of the House of Commons, 
 and seven of the State Senate. He died at Fort Defience, 
 May sixth, 1839, nearly eight-eight years of age. He was 
 a man of probity, patriotism and sterling worth ; and a 
 County in North Carolina worthily perpetuates his name. 
 
 John Barton was an early Wilkes settler, commanding 
 a company in Cleveland's regiment at King's Mountain. 
 He was many years a Magistrate of that County ; and, 
 about 1785, he removed to the Tugalo region, on the west- 
 ern borders of South Carolina, where he died in 1827, aged 
 
460 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 about seventy years. His remains are interred on the 
 eastern slope of Chauga creek, about two miles above 
 Colonel Cleveland's burial place, on his old farm, now 
 owned by Thomas Jenkins. 
 
 William Meredith, of Welsh descent, a native of Louisa 
 County, Virginia, early migrated to the Yadkin country, 
 where he became a neighbor of Colonel Cleveland. He 
 was appointed an Ensign in 1776, and took an active part 
 in the war, commanding a company under Cleveland at 
 King's Mountain. He is remembered at a period after the 
 war as a school teacher ; and, afterwards removed to the 
 Tugalo country, where he left worthy descendants. 
 
 Miner Smith fought heroically at the head of his com- 
 pany at King's Mountain, where he was wounded ; and he 
 served, in the autumn of 1781, under General Rutherford, 
 on the Raft Swamp expedition. He disappeared from the 
 Wilkes and Surry region soon after the war — probably 
 migrating to the Tugalo region. Of William Jackson, an- 
 other of Cleveland's King's Mountain Captains, we have 
 no knowledge. 
 
 John Brown was born in Derry County, Ireland,*in 1738 ; 
 migrated to Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, about 1763, 
 where he taught school awhile, and married Jane McDowell. 
 He subsequently removed to Salisbury, North Carolina, 
 and, about 1770, to the Wilkes region on Yadkin. He was 
 among the first board of Magistrates, when Wilkes became 
 a County in 1778 ; served under Cleveland at King's Moun- 
 tain, it is believed as a Captain ; and three times represented 
 the County in the House of Commons. He died in Wilkes 
 County, in i8i2,leavingmany worthy descendants. Colonel 
 H. A. Brown, of Maury County, Tennessee, is his grand- 
 son. 
 
 Samuel Johnson was born near Richmond, Virginia, in 
 1757, and early settled in the Upper Yadkin Valley. He 
 served as a private on Rutherford's Cherokee campaign in 
 1776; about 1779 he commanded a mounted Company 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 461 
 
 against Tories in tlie Fayetteville region, In 1780 he served 
 on Cleveland's New river expedition, and led his company 
 on the King's Mountain campaign ; but as the companies 
 were reduced in the re-organization, leaving the footmen 
 behind, he acted in the battle as Lieutenant in Joel Lewis' 
 company. His unique, but effective command in the battle, 
 was: "Aim at the waistbands of their breeches, boys!" 
 He was badly wounded in the acdon. In 1781, he aided in 
 capturing and breaking up Captain Riddle's band of Tories. 
 He was placed on the invalid pension roll in 1809, and died 
 in Wilkes County, September, fifteenth, 1834, ™ his 
 seventy-seventh year. 
 
 David Witherspoon was a subordinate officer — perhaps a 
 Lieutenant — in Cleveland's regiment at King's Mountain, 
 and his younger brother, John, was a private. They were 
 of Scotch origin, natives of New Jersey, David born in 
 1758, and John in 1760 — collateral relatives of John Wither- 
 spoon, President of Princeton College, and a signer of the 
 Declaration of Independence. Early settling in the Yadkin 
 country, they served on Rutherford's Cherokee cam- 
 paign of 1776, and both followed the fortunes of Cleveland 
 in his warfare against Indians, British and Tories. Their 
 captivity by the Tory Captain Riddle, in the Spring of 1 78 1 , 
 led to the breaking up of that dangerous gang of freeboot- 
 ers, as already related. After the war, these brothers rep- 
 resented Wilkes County two years each in the House of Com- 
 mons. David Witherspoon was long an honored Magis- 
 trate, and died while on a visit to South Carolina, in May, 
 1828 ; and his brother, who many years before had removed 
 first to Williamson, then Wayne County, Tennessee, died 
 there about 1839. 
 
 Major Joseph Herndon, who commanded the footmen, 
 in the rear, on the King's Mountain expedition, was born 
 near Fredericksburg, Virginia, about 1 75 1 . He commanded 
 a company on frontier service in 1776 ; was the first County 
 Surveyor and County Trustee of Wilkes, as well as a 
 
462 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 member of the County Comt. In 1782, 1788, and 1793, 
 he was a member of the House of Commons, and in 1788 
 a member of the North Carohna Convention. He was a 
 noted gunsmith in his day. He died in Wilkes County in 
 the summer or autumn of 1798- 
 
 Richard Allen was born in Baltimore County, Maryland, 
 November twenty-sixth, 1741 ; settled in what was subse- 
 quently Wilkes County in 1770; became a Sergeant in 
 1775; served on the Cross Creek expedition in February, 
 1776; early in 1780 he commanded a company for the 
 relief of Charleston ; then went in pursuit of Bryan's 
 Tories ; and led his company on the King's Mountain cam- 
 paign, but was prevailed on to remain with the footmen in 
 the rear. He served a tour of duty early in 1781 under 
 General Greene. He was the fii'st Sheriff of Wilkes 
 County, and a member of the House of Commons in 1793. 
 He attained to the rank of Colonel in the militia, and died 
 in Wilkes County, October tenth, 1832, in his ninety-first 
 year. 
 
 Elisha Re3molds was born in what became Wilkes 
 County, in April, 1755. He served on Rutherford's cam- 
 paign in 1776 against the Tories gathered at Ramsour's, in 
 June, 1780; and shortly after against the Tories on New 
 river. He was with the footmen, in the rear, on the 
 King's Mountain campaign ; and shortly after Colonel 
 Cleveland's capture by the Tories, early in 1781, he went 
 with Captain Johnson and others, and broke up the Tory 
 gang who captured him. He was a Lieutenant in the latter 
 part of the war, and rendered his country good service. 
 He died December thirteenth, 1836, in his eighty-second 
 year. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 463 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Lacey and Other Wliigs.— British and Tory Leaders. 
 
 Lacey, Hawthorne, Tate, and Moffett. — Williams, Hammond, Hayes, 
 Dillard, Thompson, and Candler. — Brandon, Steeii, and Roebuck,— 
 Maj. McDowell, Capt. McDowell, Kennedy, Vance, and Wood. — 
 Hampton, Singleton, Porter, Withrow, Miller, and Watson. — 
 Hambright, Graham, Chronicle, Dickson, Johnston, White, 
 Espey, Martin, and Mattocks. — British and Tory Leaders. 
 
 Sumter's Men Under Lacey and Ha^^Arthorn. 
 
 Edward Lacey was born in Shi'ppensburg township, 
 Pennsylvania, in September, 1742; and when only thirteen, 
 fascinated with the appearance of soldiery, he ran away, 
 joined the Pennsylvania troops, serving in the pack-horse 
 department, and was in Braddock's defeat. After two 
 j^ear's absence, his father found and took him home. When 
 sixteen, he again ran away, emigrating to Chester District, 
 South Carolina, with William Adair, to whom he bound 
 himself to learn the trade of brick -laying, and from whom 
 he received a good English education. In 1766, he married 
 Jane Harper, and settled on the head waters of Sandy 
 river, six miles west of Chester Court House. 
 
 He became a Captain on the breaking out of the Revo- 
 lution, and served on Williamson's Cherokee Campaign ; 
 and when news reached them of the Declaration of 
 Independence, he read that patriotic paper to the armj-. 
 He lead the detachment that defeated the British Captain 
 Huck, and served with Sumter at Rocky Mount, Hanging 
 Rock, Carey's Fort, and Fishing Creek. At King's Moun- 
 tain, he led the Chester troops, losing his horse in the action, 
 
464 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 which was replaced with one of Ferguson's chargers. He 
 again served under Sumter at Fish Dam Ford and Black- 
 stocks ; on Sumter's rounds early in 1781, at Orangeburg, 
 Biggin Chuixh, Qiiinby Bridge, and Eutaw, and never 
 received a wound, as a gipsey woman assured him, when 
 a }'outh, that he would not, though destined to pass through 
 many a battle, but would finally get drowned. After the 
 war, he was chosen a Brigadier-General of the militia, a 
 Judge of the County Court, and served many years in the 
 Legislature. In 1797, he migrated first to West Tennessee, 
 and two years later to Livingston County, Kentucky, where 
 he was made County Judge ; and was thrown from his horse 
 while in a fit of catalepsy, in crossing the swollen waters 
 of Deer Creek, and drowned, March twentieth, 1813, at the 
 age of seventy-one years. His widow pined away, surviv- 
 ing her husband only two months. Of their eleven children, 
 ten grew to years of maturity. "General Lacey," says 
 Mills' Statistics of South Carolina, "was a cool, intrepid 
 officer, and rendered important services to the State." 
 
 James Hawthorn was born m Armagh County, Ireland 
 about 1750, whose father and family early migrated to the 
 frontiers of South Carolina, where the mother, two daugh- 
 ters and her young son, then about twelve years of age, 
 were captured by the Indians — the mother and girls were 
 killed. James Hawthorn was at length surrendered by the 
 Indians, learned the blacksmith's trade in York County, 
 South Carolina, where he married Mary, a daughter of 
 Colonel Thomas Neel. He took an active part in the Revo- 
 lution, serving in Neel's regiment on the Snow campaign 
 in 1775, on Williamson's Indian expedition in 1776, and as a^ 
 Captain on the Florida campaign of 1778-79. He served 
 under Sumter at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Carey's 
 Fort, and Fishing Creek. 
 
 As Colonel Hill was unable, from a former wound, to 
 lead his regiment at King's Mountain, it devolved on his 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Hawthorn to do so. He was subse- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 465 
 
 quentljr with Sumter at Fish Dam Ford and Blackstock's, 
 and was wounded on Sumter's rounds in February, 1781 ; 
 and received a second wound during the course of the war. 
 In after years he migrated to Livingston County, Kentucky, 
 where he lost a fine property, being on the bond of a default- 
 ing Sheriff, and where he died in the latter part of 1809, 
 about fifty-nine years of age. He left several children. 
 
 Samuel Tate, who was the Brigade-Major of Sumter's 
 brigade, of which Lacey's and Hawthorn's men formed a 
 part, was of Irish descent on his father's side, and of 
 English on his mother's. He was born and raised on the 
 Santee, near Vance's Ferry, in Orangeburg District, South 
 Carolina, and served under Sumter during the Revolution. 
 He shared in the glory of King's Mountain ; and died at the 
 old homestead, near Vance's Ferry, about 1798. 
 
 John Moffett was born, about 1742, probablj'^ in the Val- 
 ley of Virginia. He early settled in Chester County, South 
 Carolina, and served as a Captain on the Snow campaign, 
 and against the Cherokees in 1776. He was under Sumter 
 in his operations in the summer of 1780, particularly distin- 
 guishing himself at Fishing Creek. His company formed a 
 part of Lacey's regiment at King's Mountain ; he afterwards 
 served with Sumter, and also at the Cowpens, attaining the 
 rank of Colonel before the close of the war. He died in 
 DeKalb County, Georgia, in 1829 aged about eighty-seven 
 vears. 
 
 Williams, Hammond, Hayes, Dillard, and Candler. 
 
 James Williams, son of Daniel and Ursula Williams — 
 the father a native of Wales — was born near the old Fork 
 Church, Hanover County, Virginia, in November, 1740. 
 His education was very limited, and his parents dying, he 
 early migrated to Granville County, North Carolina, where 
 
466 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 his brother, Colonel John Williams was a distinguished 
 jurist, as was also his cousin. Colonel Richard Henderson. 
 Colonel Joseph Williams, of Surry County, in that Province, 
 was also his cousin. Marrying a Miss Clarke, about 1762, 
 he ten years later removed to Little River, in now Laurens 
 County, South Carolina, where he engaged in the combined 
 avocations of farmer, miller and merchant. 
 
 Taking a decided part against the mother country, he 
 was chosen one of the representatives, in January, 1775, of 
 the Broad river and Saluda district, to the South Carolina 
 Congress ; and soon after one of the local Committee of 
 Safety, and served as a Captain on the Snow campaign in 
 suppressing the Tories. In 1776 he was made Lieutenant- 
 Colonel of Militia, and served on Williamson's expedition 
 against the Cherokees. In 1778, he was defeated for State 
 Senator by the strong Tory influence in his section ; and that 
 year led his regiment on the abortive Florida campaign. In 
 
 1779, he shared in the affairs at Brier Creek, Stono Ferry, 
 and Savannah, receiving in the latter a spent ball oh his 
 forehead. The same year he served on an expedition 
 against the Cherokees, and was engaged a while in guard- 
 ing prisoners at Ninety Six. He served under Sumter, in 
 
 1780, as Commissary, on his expeditions against Rocky 
 Mount and Hanging Rock ; then at Musgrove's Mill, and 
 closing his useful life at King's Mountain, where he re- 
 ceived a mortal wound, dying the next day, in his fortieth 
 year, leaving eight children, five sons and three daughters. 
 
 Fighdng and dying, as he did, for his country, Colonel 
 Williams well deserves to be judged in charity. He was 
 every inch a patriot — and a man of strong religious feel- 
 ings. He was rough, rash and fearless, As a soldier, he 
 was much after the style of Cromwell, and Thomas J. 
 Jackson in more recent times ; and it may be added, that 
 his ambition for glory, mingled doubtless with a true love of 
 country, led him, perhaps unconsciously, to the use of 
 means, not over scrupulous, in the accomplishment of his 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 467 
 
 ends. While he differed and chafered with Sumter, Hill 
 and their associates, yet when the tug of war came, he 
 plunged fearlessly into the thickest of the fight, and freely 
 poured out his blood, and yielded up his life, for his country. 
 Let his unquestioned patriotism, like a mantle of charity, 
 cover all his seeming short-comings. The historian, Ban- 
 croft, speaks of him as "a man of exalted character, of a 
 career brief but glorious. An ungenerous enemy revenged 
 themselves for his virtues by nearly extirpating his family ; 
 they could not take awaj- his right to be remembered by 
 his country with honor and affection to the latest time." 
 
 Samuel Hammond was born in Richmond County, Vir- 
 ginia, September twenty-first, 1757 ; was at the battle of 
 Point Pleasant, in 1774, and at the Great Bridge, in Decem- 
 ber, 1775. After serving under General Hand at Pittsburg, 
 in 1777-78, he went south, opposing the British in Georgia, 
 at Stono Ferry, and Savannah, in 1779; in 1780, at Cedar 
 Spring, Musgrove's Mill, King's Mountain and Black- 
 stocks ; in 1781, at Augusta, Ninety Six, and Eutaw, where 
 he was wounded, retiring from the service at the end of the 
 war with the rank of Colonel of Cavalry. He filled many 
 public positions ; in Georgia, a member of the Legislature, 
 commanding against the Indians, and serving a term in 
 Congress ; in Missouri, Receiver of Public Moneys, Presi- 
 dent of the Territorial Council, and member of the Conven- 
 tion that formed the first Constitution ; and in South Carolina, 
 a member of the Legislature, Surve^'or General, and Sec- 
 retary of State. He died near Hamburg, in that State, 
 September eleventh, 1842, nearly eighty-five years of age. 
 His services in the Revolutionary war were highly impor- 
 tant to the country. 
 
 Joseph Hayes, of Laurens County, South Carolina, 
 served first as a Captain, and then as Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 in all, or nearly all, the services performed hy Colonel Wil- 
 liams — in Georgia, Brier Creek, Stono, a campaign against 
 the Cherokees, and at Savannah; and in 1780, at Hanging 
 
468 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Rock, Musgrove's Mill, and King's Mountain, when he 
 succeeded to the command of the regiment on the death of 
 Colonel Williams, and served at Blackstock's, Hammond's 
 Store, and Cowpens. On the nineteenth of November, 1 78 1 , 
 while Colonel Hayes, Captain Daniel and Joseph Williams — 
 sons of Colonel Williams, respectively eighteen and fourteen 
 3'ears of age — -with several others, were besieged at Hayes^ 
 Station by Bloody Bill Cunningham, the buildings were 
 lired, and the unhappy inmates forced to surrender, on con- 
 dition of being treated as prisoners of war. When, in vio- 
 lation of the pledges made them, Colonel Hayes and Captain 
 Wilhams were about to be hung to the pole of a fodder 
 stack, little Joseph Wilhams cried out in his heart's agony, 
 "Oh! brother Daniel, what shall I tell mother!" "You 
 shall tell her nothing, you d — d Rebel suckling!" retorted 
 Cunningham, as he hewed him down. Hanging Hayes 
 and the elder Williams, the pole broke, when the bloody 
 monster cut and slashed with his sword, hacking them to 
 pieces. Eleven others perished in the same manner at the 
 hands of Cunningham and his men. 
 
 James Dillard was born in Culpeper County, Virginia, 
 about 1755, removing to what is now Laurens County, 
 South Carolina, about 1772. He served as a private in 
 1775, and, in 1776, in the defence of Charleston. In 1778, 
 he went on the Florida expedition as Sergeant-Major, and 
 served on the frontiers in 1779. He was chosen a Captain 
 in Williams' regiment in August, 1780, serving at King's 
 Mountain, Hammond's Store and Cowpens, and, in 1782, 
 on Picken's expedition against the Cherokees. His heroic 
 wife, Mrs. Mary Dillard, gave Sumter notice of Tarleton's 
 approach toward Blackstock's. He became a Major in the 
 militia, and died December fourth, 1836. 
 
 John Thompson, of York County, who had served as a 
 Captain at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock and Fishing 
 Creek, commanded a company under Williams at King's 
 Mountain, and subsequently fought at Cowpens. Gabriel 
 Brown was another of Williams' Captains. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 469 
 
 Major William Candler, who with Captains Carr and 
 Johnston, commanded the small party of Georgians at 
 King's Mountain, and probably under Colonel Williams, 
 was born of English parents, at Belfast, Ireland, in 1738, 
 and was brought to Virginia when a mere child. He mar- 
 ried in 1761, Elizabeth Anthony; and the next year mi- 
 grated to Georgia. In 1771, he was a Deputy Surveyor. 
 During the war, he served under Colonel Clarke — was in the 
 attack on Augusta, at King's Mountain, and Blackstocks, 
 and rose to the rank of Colonel. He was a member of the 
 Legislature in 1784 and 1785 ; was appointed a Judge ; and 
 died at his seat, in Columbia County, in September, 1789, 
 at the age of fifty-one years, leaving several children, his 
 oldest son Henry, having served with him in the war. 
 
 Brandon, Steen, and Roebuck. 
 
 Thomas Brandon, of Irish descent, was born in Pennsyl- 
 vania in 1 741 — his parents, with a colony of Irish Presby- 
 terians, emigrated from that Province to what is now Union 
 County, South Carolina, at the period of 1754-55, and had 
 for several years to fort against the turbulent Cherokees. 
 Serving in the early part of the Revolution, he rose, in 
 1780, to the command of a regiment, acting much under 
 Sumter. Retiring from that service, with Colonel Williams, 
 he shared in the affair at Musgrove's Mill, then at King's 
 Mountain, Blackstock's, and Cowpens — in the latter killing 
 three of Tarleton's dragoons with his sword. After the 
 war, he was a Justice of the Court, County Ordinary, 
 General of the militia, and frequently a member of one or 
 the other branch of the Legislature. He was a good 
 soldier, but, like Cleveland, a bitter enemy of Tories, who 
 received little mercy at his hands. He died at his resi- 
 dence on Fair Forest, February fifth, 1802, in the sixty-first 
 year of his age. 
 
 James Steen, also of Irish descent, was probably a 
 
470 KING'S MOUNTAIN . 
 
 native of Pennsylvania, and earl}' settled in what is now 
 Union County, South Carolina. In August, 1775, he " was 
 full}? convinced, and ready to sign the Continental associ- 
 ation," and doubtless led a company on the Snow cam- 
 paign, as he did the following 3-ear against the Cherokees, 
 and, in 1777, commaned at Prince's Fort. In 1779, he 
 served in Georgia, then at Stono, and Savannah ; and per- 
 formed a tour of duty from November in that year till Febru- 
 ary, 1780, near Charleston. At this period, he ranked as. 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, distinguishing himself at Rocky Mount, 
 Hanging Rock, Musgrove's Mill, King's Mountain, and 
 probably with his superior. Colonel Brandon, at the Cow 
 pens. In the summer of 178 1, while endeavoring to arrest 
 a Tory, in Rowan County, North Carolina, he was stabbed 
 by an associate, surviving only a week. 
 
 Benjamin Roebuck was born in Orange County, Vir- 
 ginia, about 1755. His father, Benjamin Roebuck, Sr., 
 settled in Spartanburg Count}-, South Carolina, in 1777; 
 and the next year the younger Roebuck served as a Lieu- 
 tenant in Georgia, and was at Stono and Savannah. In 
 1780, he joined Sumter, and was at Hanging Rock, and 
 subsequently at Musgrove's Mill, commanding a company 
 at King's Mountain, and distinguishing himself at Cowpens, 
 where he had a horse shot under him. About this time, he 
 was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel ; and in a 
 fight at Mud Lick with the Tories, March second, 1 781, he 
 was badly wounded, the ball penetrating under the shoulder 
 blade, could not be extracted. He was then made prisoner, 
 and conveyed to Ninety Six, where he was incarcerated 
 during the siege. He was subsequently taken to Charles- 
 ton, and placed on board a prison ship. In August follow- 
 ing, he was exchanged, and returned home. He died, 
 unmarried, in 1788, from the effects of his wound. Hon. 
 Simpson Bobo, of Spartanburg, South Carolina, is his 
 nephew. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 471 
 
 McDowell and his Officers. 
 
 Joseph McDowell, Sr., of Scotch-Irish descent, was 
 born in Ireland in 17 15 — reared a weaver, married Mar- 
 garet O'Neil, and early migrated to Pennsylvania. He 
 soon after settled in Winchester, Virginia, where his sons, 
 Charles and Joseph, were born — -the latter in 1756. A 
 brother of the elder Joseph McDowell, known in after 
 years as " Hunting John McDowell," early removed to the 
 Catawba Valley, settling that beautiful tract, Pleasant 
 Garden, sometime prior to 1758; and at some period not 
 very long thereafter, his brother Joseph McDowell, Sr., 
 followed to that wild frontier region, locating at the Quaker 
 Meadows, where his famil}^ was reared. 
 
 In February, 1776, Joseph McDowell, Jr., young as he 
 was, went in his brother's regiment — some accounts state 
 as Major — on the expedition against the Scotch Tories. In 
 July, the Cherokees burst upon the Catawba settlements, 
 killing thirty-seven persons on the tenth and eleventh of 
 that month, and beleaguering a fort, in which were Colonel 
 and Major McDowell, with nine other men, and a hundred 
 and twenty women and children ; the Indians were driven 
 off. Major McDowell served, in the ensuing fall, in 
 his brother's regiment, on Rutherford's campaign against 
 the Cherokees; in 1779, on the Stono expedition; early in 
 1780, after the Tories, sharing in the victory at Ramsour's 
 Mill — "the same Joseph McDowell," says the old pen- 
 sioner, Joseph Dobson, " who was afterwards General," 
 He was next in service at Earle's Ford on Pacolet, at Mus- 
 grove's Mill, King's Mountain and Cowpens. He served 
 a tour, in the spring of 1781, against Cornwallis. In 
 August, 1781, and again in March, 1782, Major McDowell 
 led expeditions, chastising the Cherokees ; and in the fall 
 of 1782, he commanded the Burke regiment on a campaign 
 against the same troublesome tribe, under the leadership 
 of his brother. General McDowell. 
 
472 XING' S MOUNTAIN 
 
 Colonel McDowell, and his cousin of the same name, 
 were both much engaged in the public service — the former 
 distinguished from the latter, while in the State Legislature, 
 by the appendage of "Jr." to his name. In Burke County 
 they were familiarly known as " Quaker Meadow Joe," or 
 "Congress Joe," and the other as "Pleasant Garden Joe." 
 Colonel McDowell, of the Quaker Meadows, and afterwards 
 of John's river, served in the House of Commons in 1787, 
 1788,- 1791, and 1792 ; and in 1788, he was a memberof the 
 State Convention for the consideration of the Federal Con- 
 stitution. Reserved two terms in Congress, 1793-95, and 
 1797-99, taking an active part in the debates of that body 
 against the Alien and Sedition laws, and other Federal 
 measures of that day. In 1797, he was a Commissioner for 
 running the boundary line between North Carolina and 
 Tennessee. 
 
 His death occurred at his home, of apoplexy, August 
 eleventh, 1801, in the forty-fifth j^ear of his age; and he 
 was buried at the Quaker Meadows, where some rude 
 stones, and a large tree at the head of his grave, mark the 
 place of his repose. He married Margaret, daughter of 
 Colonel George MofFett, of Virginia, leaving two sons and 
 six daughters. " He was," says Moore, the North Caro- 
 lina historian, "the recognized leader of the Republican 
 party in the western Counties, and was as eminent for his 
 sagacious leadership in civil matters as he had been dauntless 
 and successful in the late war. He was no inconsiderable 
 an antagonist in debate, and throughout his life he was the 
 idol of the western people of North Carolina."* 
 
 *That it was Joseph McDowell, of the Quaker Meadows, who commanded the Burke 
 troops at King's Mountain, has been called in question — not by any of his associate heroes 
 of the Revolution, nor by the historians of the country, but chiefly by the descendants 
 of his namesake-cou.sin and brother-in-law, of Pleasant Garden, Both having borne the 
 same name, resided in the same County, and both having unquestionably served in that 
 battle — the younger, of Pleasant Garden, as a Captain under his elder cousin — have led 
 to the confusion and mistake. The descendants of the Captain, who fought in the battle, 
 and brought home as trophies some of Ferguson's table set, still preserved in the family, 
 have drawn therefrom the erroneous conclusion, that he was the Major who commanded 
 the Burke troops on that service. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 473 
 
 Of Major McDoweirs officers, only brief reference can 
 be made. Joseph McDowell, his cousin, son of '' Hunting 
 John McDowell," was born at Pleasant Garden, February 
 twenty-fifth, 1758. He served on Rutherford's campaign, 
 killing an Indian; on scouts against the Indians in Burke 
 County, and commanded a company at King's Mountain, 
 He was a member of the North Carolina Convention of 
 1788, making several able speeches. He married Mary 
 MofFett, dying in April, 1795, leaving several children. He 
 was a physician by profession, and is regarded as having 
 possessed the brightest intellect of any of the connection. 
 
 Thomas Kennedy was born in 1756, and settled when 
 
 Colonel Shelby, in his narrative cited by the Tennessee historians, Haywood and 
 Ramsey, and in his pamphlet of 1823, states that Major McDowell, who was at King's 
 Mountain, was the brother of Colonel Charles McDowell; and no less than three survivors 
 of McDowell's command, Captain David Vance, John Spelts, and James Thompson, make 
 the same assertion, fully corroborated by Robert Henry and Be njam in Sharp, two other 
 King's Mountain men. The coincidence of Spelts and Sharp aboutMajor McDowell 
 freely permitting the soldiers to burn his rails at camp at the Quaker Meadows, confirms 
 this view of the matter; as does the anecdote of the treatment of the British captive 
 officers, at the Quaker Meadows, by Mrs. McDowell, the mother of the Major, Henry 
 Rutherford, son of General Rutherford, and General Thomas Love, of Buncombe, both 
 well acquainted with General Joseph McDowell, declared that he was the brother of Gen- 
 eral Charles McDowell, and the Burke leader at King's Mountain. A letter of the late 
 Hon. N. W. Woodfin. whose lady was of the IMcDowell connection, makes the same state- 
 ment, confirmed by Misses Mary and Myra A. Dickson, grand-daughters of General 
 Charles McDowell; and also by Hon. J. C. Hafper, derived from Col. Wm. Davenport, 
 who well knew all the McDowells, The late Hon. Joseph J. McDowell, of Ohio, and 
 Harvey H. McDowell, Sr., late of Missouri, sons of General Joseph McDowell, never had a 
 doubt on the subject. The venerable Mrs. Samuel P. Carson, who from her McDowell and 
 Carson connection, has had good opportunities for learning the family traditions, declares 
 that it was Joseph McDowell, of the Quaker Meadows, who led the Burke troops at 
 King's Mountain. The historians, Haywood, Ramsey, Lossing, Wheeler. Hunter, Moore, 
 and Mrs. Ellet. all take the same view. 
 
 It has always been undoubted, that the Major McDowell of King's Mountain, was the 
 same who led the North Carolina troops at the Cowpens. Shelby states, in effect, that he 
 arranged for Major McDowell, who had served with him at King's Mountain, to join Mor- 
 gan's light troops ; and General James Jackson, in a letter extant, written in January, 1795, 
 endorsed by General Pickens, both of whom distinguished themselves under Morgan at the 
 Cowpens. and both of whom were associated with McDowell in Congress, refers to Colonel 
 McDowell, "now in Congress," as the commander of the North Carolina militia in that 
 battle. 
 
 If, therefore, the statements of those who shared in the campaign, and at Cowpens, 
 and all our historians who refer to the subject, are to be credited, Joseph McDowell, of the 
 Quaker Meadows, was unqestionably the Major who led the Burke troops at King's 
 Mountain. It was doubtless in recognition of his Revolutionary leadership, that he was. 
 in after years, made a General of the militia. 
 
474 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 young in Burke County, North Carolina. He was early 
 made a Captain, and was wounded at Ramsour's Mills ; then 
 served atEarle's Ford on Pacolet, Cane Creek, King's Moun- 
 tain, and with Rutherford in the fall of 1781, when he was 
 made prisoner by the Tories. Removing to Kentucky, he had 
 a personal conflict with an Indian on a hill-side, rolling down 
 together, when Kennedy killed him. He served in the 
 Virginia and Kentucky Legislatures, and the Kentucky 
 Convention of 1792 ; became a General ; and died in Gar- 
 rard County, June nineteenth, 1836. 
 
 David Vance, of Scotch-Irish descent, was born in 
 Frederick County, Virginia, about 1748, early removed to 
 Burke County, North Carolina, where he taught school, 
 and became Surveyor, serving at Ramsour's, Musgrove's 
 Mill, and King's Mountain. He was a member of the 
 House of Commons in 1786 and 1791 ; then removed to Bun- 
 combe Countj', and in 1797, was one of the Commissioners for 
 running the boundary line between North Carolina and 
 Tennessee, and became a Colonel in the militia. He died 
 about 1820. Hons. Z. B. and R. B.Vance, of North Car- 
 olina, are his grandsons. 
 
 Samuel Wood commanded a company at King's Moun- 
 tain, as did probably Joseph White, both of whom removed 
 to Lincoln County, Kentucky. Edmund Fear and John 
 Sigraan were also Burke County Captains in McDowell's 
 corps. 
 
 Hampton and. his Officers. 
 
 Andrew Hampton, a native of England, migrated first 
 to Virginia, and settled prior to 1 751, on Dutchman's Creek 
 on the Catawba, removing before the Revolution to what is 
 now Rutherford County, North Carolina. In 1770, he 
 was made Captain, in 1776, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Col- 
 onel, in 1779. While yet a Captain, early in 1776, he served 
 against the Scotch Tories; and early in 1779, pursued 
 Colonel John Moore's Tory party when they fled south. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 475 
 
 Earty in 1780, he went to the relief of Charleston; subse- 
 quently^ served at Earle's Ford, Thicketty Fort, Cane 
 Creek, and commanded the Rutherford troops at King's 
 Mountain and Blackstock's. He was Sheriff of Rutherford 
 in 1782, and died in October, 1805, leaving many worthy 
 descendants. 
 
 Richard Singleton was born in Brunswick County, Vir- 
 ginia, about 1750, setding in what is now Rutherford 
 County, North Carolina, before the Revolution. He led a 
 company against the Scotch Tories ; acted as Major in 1780, 
 at Earle's Ford, Cane Creek, and King's Mountain ; and 
 on a campaign against the Cherokees, in March, 1782. 
 He served in both branches of the Legislature, in the Con- 
 vention of 1788, and as Sheriff of Rutherford County. 
 Near the close of the last century, he removed to Lincoln 
 Count);-, Kentuckjr, where he died at a good old age. 
 
 James Porter, of Irish parentage, was born in Pennsyl- 
 vania, in 1744 ; settled early in Rutherford, serving as a Major 
 at King's Mountain, where he was wounded ; and subse- 
 quently removed to Greenville County, South Carolina, 
 where he survived many years, d3'ing childless. His 
 brother, William Porter, was also at King's Mountain, 
 served nineteen years in the Legislature, and was killed b}^ 
 lightning in 181 7, at the age of seventy-one years. Robert 
 Porter, a cousin, and man of prominence, was probably an 
 officer at King's Mountain also. 
 
 James Withrow, a Captain under Hampton, was born 
 in Virginia, in 1746; settled early in Rutherford; served 
 against the Scotch Tories, at Stono, King's Mountain, 
 Blackstock's, and against the Cherokees. He served eight 
 years in the House of Commons, and died about 1836, at 
 the age of about ninety years, James Miller, of Irish 
 descent, a native of Pennsylvania, and George Ledbetter, 
 also commanded companies under Hampton at King's 
 Mountain. Miller did much service during the war, was 
 made a Colonel in 1781, repressing the Tories, and com- 
 
476 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 manded the Rutherford troops on the expedition against the 
 Cherokees in the fall of 1782. From 1782 to 1787, he was 
 four times State Senator ; and died while on a trip to 
 Charleston, about 181 2, at Cross Anchor, South Carolina. 
 Ledbetter was a member of the State Convention of 1788, 
 and shortened his days by too free use of spirituous liquors.* 
 
 Hambright, Chronicle and their Officers. 
 
 Frederick Hambright was born in Germany, in 1727, 
 and, when a youth, was taken to Pennsylvania about 1738.! 
 About 1755, he removed to Virginia, where he married 
 Sarah Hardin ; and, about 1760, he migrated to North 
 Carolina, settling near the South Fork, forting awhile 
 against the Indians. In August, 1775, he was a member 
 of the Provincial Congress, He served as a Captain on 
 the frontiers in June, 1776; and, in the fall, on Ruther- 
 ford's Cherokee campaign. He was made Lieutenant- 
 Colonel in 1779 ; and, late in that year, he went to the relief 
 of Charleston, serving in Lillington's brigade, and retir- 
 ing before the surrender of the place. In 1780, he served 
 under Colonel McDowell in the Broad river region ; and 
 succeeding Colonel Graham,! fought at King's Moun- 
 tain, where he was badly wounded ; and where his son 
 John also did service, rising to the rank of Captain before 
 the close of the war. Twice married, Colonel Hambright 
 
 *Major Patrick Watson commanded the Rutherford fnotmen in the rear, and thus failed 
 to participate in King's Mountain battle. A native of Pennsylvania, he settled in Ruther- 
 ford in 1764, and died December sixteenth. 1809, in his fifty-eighth year. 
 
 fin October, 1738, Adam and Conrad Hambright arrived at Philadelphia from Ger- 
 many with their families, and probably settled in Lancaster, where the Hambrights have 
 long been prominent citizens. 
 
 J William Graham, born in Augusta County, Virginia, in 1742, settled in North Caro- 
 lina before the Revolution; served in the Provincial Congress of 177S, and was appointed 
 Colonel of Tryon County, serving on the Snow campaign; then against the Scotch Tories, 
 and-on Rutherford's Cherokee expedition He was chosen a member of the Halifax Con- 
 vention of 1776. In 1779-80, he went to the relief of Charleston; then served at Thicketty 
 Fort, Cedar Spring, and in defence of his dwelling against Tories. His retirement from 
 the army to visit his sick wife, a little before King's IMountain battle, and his hasty return 
 at its close, have been already related. He died near Shelby, North CaroHna, March 
 twenty-sixth, 1833, in his ninety-third year, a pensioner for his Revolutionary services. 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 477 
 
 was the father of eighteen children ; and died, in March, 
 1817, in the ninetieth year of his age. 
 
 WilHam Chronicle was born on the South Fork of 
 Catawba, now Gaston Countj% North Carolina, about 1755. 
 In December, 1775, he marched at the head of a company 
 on the Snow campaign, and in 1779, to Georgia ; and after- 
 wards to the relief of Charleston. He was with General 
 Rutherford's rear at Ramsour's, then joining Sumter at 
 Clem's Branch awhile, he was engaged in chasing Tories 
 out of the country. He was probably with Graham at 
 Thicketty Fort and Cedar Spring ; and yielded up his 
 young life, while serving as Major, at King's Mountain. 
 He had attracted the attention of Colonel Campbell before 
 the battle. "He was," says General Graham, " a young 
 man of great promise " — the idol of his friends and soldiers. 
 
 Joseph Dickson, of Scotch-Irish stock, was born about 
 1745 ; married Margaret McEwen, a Scotch lady, and 
 migrated to North Carolina before the Revolution, settling 
 first in Rowan County, and finally in what is now Lincoln. 
 He was a Captain in service as early as April, 1779 — and 
 probably much earlier. In June, 1780, he joined General 
 Rutherford, and was engaged in ridding the country of 
 Tories. He was in service under Colonel McDowell, in 
 South CaroHna, during that summer; and served as 
 Major of the Lincoln men at King's Mountain. Early in 
 1 78 1, he opposed Cornwallis' invasion of North Carolina, 
 and was advanced to the rank of Colonel. He was in this 
 year chosen Clerk of Lincoln Court ; State Senator from 
 1788 to 1795 ; a General in the militia, and a member of 
 Congress from 1799 to 1801. He removed in 1803, to what 
 is now Caldwell County, and in 1806, to Rutherford 
 County, Tennessee, where he died April fourteenth, 1825, 
 aged about eighty years, and was buried with military and 
 masonic honors. 
 
 James Johnston, a native of Scotland, was born about 
 1742. His father, Henry Johnston, early settled in what is 
 
478 KING 'S MO UNTAIN 
 
 now Lincoln County, North Carolina, where the son became 
 a Captain at the out-break of the Revolution, serving on the 
 Snow campaign ; was then chosen a member of the Provin- 
 cial Congress, of April, 1776; then served on the frontiers, 
 and on Rutherford's Cherokee expedition. Early in 
 1780, he had the personal conflict with the Tory, Patrick 
 Moore, related elsewhere ; and commanded a company at 
 King's Mountain. He served in the State Senate in 1780-82 ; 
 and died July twent3r-third, 1805, leaving seven children. 
 Colonel William Johnston, of Charlotte, is his grandson. 
 
 Isaac White, of Scotch-Irish pareutage, was born in 
 Chester County, Pennsylvania, in 1760; and migrated, with 
 his elder brother Thomas, to Lincoln County, North Caro- 
 lina, about 1779. Though young, James White was chosen 
 a Captain, and his brother the Lieutenant of the company; 
 and served at King's Mountain and Cowpens. In 1816, they 
 removed to Bond County, Illinois, James dying in 1821, 
 aged sixty-one years, and Thomas in 1824, at the age of 
 seventy. 
 
 Samuel Espey was born in Cumberland County, Penn- 
 sylvania, May eighth, 1758 ; and, in 1770, his father removed 
 to what is now Lincoln County, North Corolina. He served 
 as a soldier in 1776, on the frontiers, and on Rutherford's 
 campaign. In 1779, he was again in service. Early in 
 1780, he was made a Captain in Graham's regiment, serving 
 at Cedar Spring and King's Mountain, where he had an arm 
 broken in the action. He again served awhile in the spring 
 of 1781 ; and died in what is now Cleveland County, 
 December twenty-ninth, 1838. 
 
 Samuel Martin was born in Ireland in 1732, where he 
 married Margaret McCurdy, and migrated to Pennsylvania. 
 While there, he served in the old French and Indian war. 
 Removing to North Carolina, he served on the Snow cam- 
 paign in 1775 ; on the frontiers in 1776; and went to the 
 relief of Charleston in 1779-80. In June, 1780, he was 
 made Captain, serving under Rutherford ; and was at the 
 
■"^^SS*. 
 
 "^^J^t^t'/c/ M^ cy^<-y't 
 
 ^^^ 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 479 
 
 capture of Rugeley's Tories, and at King's Mountain. 
 In 1781, he opposed Cornwallis at Cowan's Ford, and after- 
 wards served awhile under General Pickens ; and then com- 
 manded a company under Colonel William Polk at Eutaw 
 Springs. Surviving his companion, he died in Gaston 
 County, November twenty-sixth, 1836, at the great age of 
 one hundred and four years. 
 
 We have no details of the prior life and services of Cap- 
 tain John Mattocks, of the South Fork, who was killed at 
 King's Mountain. His brother Charles participated with 
 him in the battle, and interceded for his Tory brother 
 Edward, who was severeljr wounded there, and cured of 
 his Toryism. After the war, the family removed to Georgia. 
 
 British and Tory Leaders at King's Mountain. 
 
 Colonel Ferguson has already been fully sketched in 
 this work. He was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the regular 
 army, and Inspector General of the Loyal Militia of South 
 Carolina, in -consequence of which he was sometimes de- 
 nomitiated General.. The epithet of ^^ Bull-Dog Ferguson'''' 
 was well applied to hirn, as suggestive of his determination 
 and persistence. 
 
 Abraham DePe5fster, the second in command at King's 
 Mountain, descended from an ancient and influential family, 
 was born in New York in 1753. He entered the Royal 
 service as Captain in the New York Volunteers — served in 
 the siege of Charleston, Musgrove's Mills, and in Ferguson's 
 operations during the summer and autumn of 1780, distin- 
 guishing himself at King's Mountain, where his life was 
 saved by a doubloon in his vest pocket, which stopped a 
 rifle ball, though the coin was bent by its force. He retired 
 on half-pay to New Brunswick, where he was Treasurer 
 and Colonel in the militia, dying about 1798. He was a 
 brave, vigilant, and enterprising officer. 
 
 Samuel Ryerson,, another of Ferguson's Captains, was 
 ,•■*•*•■■ 
 
480 KING ' S MO UN TAIN 
 
 a native of New Jersey, of Dutch descent, earl}- entered the 
 service as a Captain in the New Jersey Volunteers, was 
 wounded at King's Mountain, retired after the war to New 
 Brunswick, where he hved to a good old age. 
 
 John Taylor was born near Amboy, New Jersey, May 
 fifteenth, 1742 ; became a Lieutenant in the New Jersey 
 Volunteers — was assigned to Ferguson's corps, serving un- 
 der him during the campaign of 1780, and at King's Moun- 
 tain. He had his leg broken in some action in South 
 Carolina ; retired to Weymouth, Nova Scotia, where he 
 died November thirteenth, 1822, leaving descendants. 
 
 Anthony Allaire, of Huguenot descent, was born at New 
 Rochelle, Westchester County, New York, February 
 twenty-second, 1755 ; was commissioned a Lieutenant in 
 the Loyal American Volunteers, serving as Adjutant in Fer- 
 guson's corps, in the siege of Charleston, at Monks' Cor- 
 ner, and in the up-country of North and South Carolina, 
 sharing in the action of King's Mountain. The Diary he 
 left of the South Carolina campaign is a valuable contribu- 
 tion to history. Fie retired from the service in 1783, to 
 New Brunswick; and, in 1793, re-entered the service as 
 Lieutenant in the New Brunswick regiment, securing a 
 Captaincy in 1801, shortly before the disbandment of that 
 corps, when he retired on half-pa}'. He died on his farm, 
 near Fredericton, June ninth, 1838, leaving a daughter who 
 intermarried with Lieutenant John Robinson of the army. 
 
 Wm. Stevenson, a native of Monmouth County, New 
 Jersey, was first commissioned a Lieutenant in some Loyal 
 company in December, 1776, and transferred to the New 
 Jersey Volunteers ; serving in 1780, in Ferguson's corps, 
 at Charleston and King's Mountain. He retired to Nova 
 Scotia, and died at his old army associate's, Captain Tay- 
 lor's, at Weymouth, about 1818, quite advanced in years, 
 and without a family. 
 
 Duncan Fletcher was a New Yorker, a Lieutenant in 
 the Loyal American Volunteers — assigned to Ferguson's 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 481 
 
 corps during the campaign of 1780, serving at King's 
 Mountain. He subsequently became a Captain ; and in 
 1784, was at Wilmot, Nova Scotia. 
 
 John McGinnis, who was killed at King's Mountain, 
 was an Ensign m the New Jersey Volunteers ; and, in Fer- 
 guson's corps, seems to have acted as Lieutenant for that 
 special service. 
 
 Dr. Uzal Johnson, son of Eliphalet Johnson, was born 
 in Newark, New Jersey, April seventeenth, 1757, where he 
 practiced his profession of medicine as early as 1776; in 
 which j^ear he joined the New Jersey Volunteers as 
 Surgeon. He served with great benefit to Ferguson's 
 corps — and to the wounded Americans as well at King's 
 Mountain. After the war, he returned to Newark, and 
 practiced his profession till his death, May twenty-second, 
 1827, at the age of seventy years. 
 
 Of the Loyalist leaders but little can be gleaned from 
 history or tradition. Colonel Ambrose Mills, among tlie 
 unfortunates who were executed at Bickerstaft^'s, was born in 
 England, about 1722 and was taken while }'et young to Marj-- 
 land. He married Miss Mourning Stone, settling on James 
 River, and finally removing to the frontiers of South Car- 
 olina, where his wife was killed by Indians, during the Indian 
 warof 1755-61, leaving an only son, William. H!e afterwards 
 married Miss Anne Brown, of the Chester region, sister of 
 the wife of the noted Loj^alist leader. Colonel Thomas 
 Fletchall ; and, about 1765, settled on Green River, in 
 North Carolina ; and by this second marriage had three 
 sons and three daughters: In 1776, he served against the 
 Cherokee Indians. In 1778, Colonel Mills and the notori- 
 ous David Fanning raised a corps of five hundred men with 
 the design of joining the Royal standard at St. Augustine, 
 when one of the party betrayed their plans. Mills and six- 
 teen others were apprehended, and conve3^ed to Salisbnr}' 
 jail ; Fanning undertaking to rescue him on the way, but 
 his force proved too weak to eflect the purpose. Mills was^ 
 
482 KING'S MOUNTAIN 
 
 in course of time, liberated ; joined Ferguson with the 
 Loyal militia of his region, fought at Earle's Ford and 
 King's Mountain ; and, as viewed a century after the oc- 
 currence, he was too se\'erely dealt with at Bickerstaff's. 
 His descendants ai-e among the ablest and best citizens in 
 the South and South-West. 
 
 His son, William Mills, was born on James River, Vir- 
 ginia, November tenth, 1746. He was very popular, and 
 served in 1776 against the Indians. He acted as Major 
 under his fatlier at King's Mountain, where he was badly 
 wounded, and left for dead ; and was subsequently saved 
 iVom being executed by the interference of leading Whigs 
 who knew his worth and goodness. In after years, he set- 
 tled in the mountain region of the south-western portion of 
 North Carolina on Clear Creek, in now Cleveland County. 
 Mills' River and Mills' Gap, in that section, were named 
 afler him. He married early in life Eleanor Morris, by 
 whom he had two sons and five daughters. He was a 
 liandsome, noble, generous man. He died, in consequence 
 of a fall from his liorse on his birthday, November tenth, 
 1834, at the age of eightj--eight 3^ears. He had lived a 
 happy married life of sixty-nine 3''ears — his venerable com- 
 panion surviving him. 
 
 Vezey Husbands, who was killed at King's Mountain, 
 and is said to have served as a Colonel there, lived near 
 Lower Creek of Catawba, in Burke County ; and was, per- 
 haps a relative of Herman Husbands, of Regulation war 
 notoriety, who was a native of Pennsylvania, of Quaker 
 descent. 
 
 William Green, who commanded a company at King's 
 Mountain, and whose escape from captivity has already been 
 related, was born onBuffalo Creek, in now Cleveland County, 
 near the State hne, May sixteenth, 1753. He served up to 
 1780 as a Captain in the Whig cause ; was captured by the 
 Tories and held prisoner until released by their defeat at 
 Ramsour's. His only British service was at King's Moun- 
 
AND ITS HEROES. 483 
 
 tain, which he deeply regretted ; and, to atone for the error, 
 he enhsted in Captain Levi Johnston's company, of ten 
 month's men under Sumter, in 1781-82, and shared in the 
 battle of Eutaw Springs. After the war, he served in the 
 House of Commons in 1798, and fourteen times in the 
 State Senate from 1800 to 1824. He died in Rutherford 
 County, November sixth, 1832, leaving many worthy 
 descendants. 
 
 Major Daniel Plummer, who was probably killed at 
 King's Mountain, lived between Fair Forest and Tyger, in 
 now Spartanburg County, South Carolina ; and was repre- 
 sented as " honest and open " — kind and considerate to all. 
 His estate was confiscated. Of Major Lee, who was in, and 
 survived the battle, we have no further information. 
 William Gist, a Tory Captain in the action, lived onT3'ger 
 river, South Carolina ; was committed to jail at Charleston, 
 in 1776, for Toryism. His estate was confiscated ; but he 
 did not probably long survive the war, as the General 
 Assembly subsequently granted his wife and children five 
 hundred acres of any of his confiscated lands not already sold. 
 Captain Aaron Biggerstaff", of English descent, of Rutherford 
 County, was one of the Loyalist leaders at Ramsour's ; 
 escaping that disaster, he was mortally wounded at King's 
 Mountain, taken for treatment to what is now Union Court 
 House, where he died. From Allaire's Diary, we learn of 
 Captain Townsend, who resided a mile from the Island 
 Ford of Broad river. He received three balls in the battle, 
 and was paroled to his home. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Diary of Lieut. Anthony Allaire, 
 
 OF FERGUSON'S CORPS. 
 
 MEMORANDUM OF OCCURRENCES DURING THE 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 
 
 Sunday, March jth. The following corps marched from Savannah, 
 viz.. Light Infantry, commanded by Maj. Graham ; American Volun- 
 teers, Lieut. Col. Ferguson; New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Turnbull; 
 North Carolinians, Lieut. Col. Hamilton; South Carolinians, Col. Innes; 
 Dismounted Legion, Maj. Cochrane; one company of Georgia Dra- 
 goons, Capt. Campbell ; and the First Battalion of the Seventy-first 
 regiment, Maj. McArthur — in number about fifteen hundred. 
 
 We marched from Savannah at six o'clock in the morning ; arrived 
 at Cherokee Hill, nine miles from Savannah, at twelve o'clock, and 
 encamped to refresh ourselves. At three o'clock in the afternoon got 
 in motion, and marched to Abercorn, eight miles from Cherokee Hill ; 
 here we encamped and lay all night. Disagreeable, rainy weather. 
 
 Monday, 6th. At eight o'clock we got in motion, and marched to 
 Ebenezer, a village situated on Savannah river, eight miles above 
 Abercorn. It contains about twenty houses and a church. The inhabit- 
 ants are high Dutch. It is garrisoned by our troops; there are four 
 redoubts, but no cannon in any of them. 
 
 Tuesday, yth. Remained at Ebenezer. Pleasant morning, showery 
 evening and very Avarm. Spent part of the evening with two Indian 
 Captains, John and James ; smoked tobacco and drank grog with those 
 two devils incarnate. 
 
 Wednesday, 8th. Still remained at Ebenezer. Orders to draw two 
 days' provisions, and be ready to march at reveille beating. Several 
 men taken suddenly ill with pain and swelling of the extremities, 
 occasioned by a weed that poisons where it touches the naked skin, 
 when the dew is on it. 
 484 
 
APPENDIX. 485 
 
 Thursday, gth. The army got in motion ; passed a causeway three- 
 quarters of a mile in length, overflowed with water from two to three feet 
 deep. We marched to a plantation ten miles from Ebenezer, called the 
 Two Sisters, situated on Savannah river. It was formerly a public ferry ; 
 but at present nobody lives at it. The houses are destroyed. 
 
 Friday, loth. The American Volunteers and British Legion marched 
 three miles up the Augusta road to Tuckasse-King. Here we encamped, 
 and took breakfast at ten o'clock in the morning. A Rebel Lieut. 
 Johnson with twenty men surrounded a poor man's house here this 
 morning. They heard we were in motion, but not being certain of it. 
 they came to find out the truth. They did no damage to the family ; 
 neither did they tarry long, being informed that we were in possession 
 of the Two Sisters, they thought it proper for ihe brothers to take them- 
 selves off. This is the first Rebel party we have heard of. At three 
 o'clock in the afternoon received orders to take the ground we left in the 
 morning, where I and part of the detachment lay all night. One divi- 
 sion crossed the river — the others to follow as expeditiously as possible. 
 Saturday, nth. Crossed the Savannah river ; such a fresh that the 
 boats were brought through woods a mile and a half; the water was 
 from four to ten feet deep, where in a dry time we might have marched 
 on dry ground. The horses were swum over the river — the current 
 sets down very rapid. 
 
 South Carolina, Sunday, 12th. Lay encamped a quarter of a mile 
 from the river in the field where Gen. Moultrie was encamped last 
 summer when our troops were retreating from Charleston. A foraging 
 party of the Dragoons fell in with some Rebel Light Horse ; and Mr. 
 Campbell of the Georgia Dragoons received a slight wound. 
 
 Monday, ijth. The American Volunteers and British Legion were 
 ordered forward twenty-six miles, to secure the passes of Bee creek, 
 Coosawhatchie and TuUyfinny Bridge, which we effected. This day 
 passed Turkey Hill, a pleasant country seat belonging to one Mr. 
 Middleton. We took up our ground at dusk, at Coosawhatchie Bridge, 
 where the Rebels opposed our troops last May and got defeated. A cool, 
 pleasant day for marching. 
 
 Tuesday, 14th. Found several horses, a quantity of furniture. 
 Continental stores and ammunition, hid in a swamp by one John 
 Stafford, a sort of Rebel commissary who lives at Coosawhatchie, and is, 
 
 by the by, a cursed fool, which alone prevents his being a d d rogue. 
 
 About five o'clock in the afternoon we crossed Tullyfinny Bridge, and 
 proceeded about six miles to Mr. McPherson's. Fifty of the militia 
 on horseback had just left this plantation and gone to John McPherson's. 
 A small party of ours pursued them, but could not come up with them, 
 Maj. Cochrane with the Legion were in pursuit of another party 
 of Rebels on another road ; but being mis-piloted, he arrived just before 
 
486 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 break of day in front of our picket. He immediately conjectured we 
 were the party he had been in pursuit of all night. He halted and made 
 a position with an intent to attack as soon as it began to be clearly light ; 
 but the alertness of our sentinels obliged them to come on sooner than 
 they intended. He immediately, on their firing, rushed on the picket; 
 they gave the alarm, but were driven to the house, where our men ready 
 for the attack, expecting it was Rebels, a smart skirmish ensued. The 
 sad mistake was soon discovered, but not before two brave soldiers of 
 the American Volunteers, and one of the Legion were killed, and 
 several on both sides badly wounded. Col. Ferguson got wounded in 
 the arm by a bayonet, Lieut. McPherson, of the Legion, in the arm and 
 hand. 
 
 Wednesday , ijth. Still remained at McPherson's plantation ; for- 
 aging parties get everything necessary for the army. 
 
 Thursday, i6th. Remained at IMcPherson's plantation, living on the 
 fat of the land, the soldiers every side of us roasting turkeys, fowls, 
 pigs, etc., every night in great plenty ; this Mr. McPherson being a great 
 Rebel, and a man of vast property, at present in Charlestown. About 
 thirty Rebels showed themselves this morning, a mile and a half 
 in front of us. A party went out in pursuit of them ; but returned 
 without effecting anything — the jockeys being on horseback easily made 
 off. 
 
 Friday. Still at McPherson's. Three militia men were brought in 
 prisoners by a scouting party of the American Volunteers^ and a 
 number of horses. Received orders to march to-morrow morning. 
 
 Saturday, iStJi. Marched from McPherson's plantation to Salt- 
 ketcher, a Rebel party consisting of eighty mititia, commanded by a 
 Maj. Ladson, placed themselves on the north side of the river to oppose 
 our crossing. They were amused by a company of the Legion returning 
 their fire across the river at the place where the bridge formerly was, 
 whilst the Light Infantry and remainder of the Legion crossed the river 
 below, and came in the rear of them before they were aware of it. Here 
 the bayonet was introduced so effectually that a Capt. Mills, and sixteen 
 privates of the Rebels, could not exist any longer, and of course gave 
 up the cause. Four were badly wounded, and one taken prisoner that 
 luckily escaped the bayonet. Maj. Graham, of the Light Infantry, and 
 Maj. Wright, of the Georgia Loyalists, slightly wounded. The former 
 continued to command his battalion, and the latter continued his march. 
 Two privates of the Light Infantry were also slightly wounded. We 
 remained all night at Ogilvies' plantation, on the side of the river called 
 Indian land. This day's march was very tedious — a disagreeable, rainy, 
 cold day, and through a swamp where the water was from two to three 
 feet deep. 
 
 Sunday, igth. Passed Saltketcher river — where the bridge formerly 
 
APPENDIX. 487 
 
 stood, but has been destroyed since the rebellion — in boats, and swam 
 the horses. The causeway on both sides of the river is overflowed with 
 water from two to three feet deep, at the ferry house, about a quarter of 
 a mile from the river. Dr. Johnson dressed the wounds of IVIaj. Wright 
 and the four Rebels that were bayoneted yesterday. Marched one mile 
 and a half to a tavern kept by Mr. Gibson, who is at present prisoner in 
 Charleston, for not taking up arms when his country so loudly calls for 
 assistance. 
 
 Mojiday, 2oth. The army got in motion, marching about two miles. 
 Received orders to halt, the rear guard being fired on ; it proved to be 
 the York Volunteers, getting the boats on the carriages at the river, were 
 fired on by a skulking party of rascals on the other side of the stream. 
 Three poor lads of the York Volunteers were killed. What damage 
 was done to the Rebels we are not certain. Detained by this and 
 repairing of bridges on the road, we only marched seven miles this day. 
 Took up our ground at a place called Godfrey's savannah. 
 
 Tuesday, list. The army got in motion. Marched to Fish Pond 
 river. Here we were detained to repair the bridge till evening. Before 
 we crossed we moved on about three miles, through a swamp, over an 
 exceeding bad causeway. This day Col. Tarleton, with his dragoons, 
 joined us from Beaufort, where he had been to get horses — his being all 
 lost on the passage from New York. We took up our ground about 
 ten o'clock at night, and remained till ten o'clock next morning. 
 
 Wednesday , 22d. The army got in motion at ten in the morning, 
 and marched as far as Horse Shoe, where we again were detained to 
 repair the bridge. After crossing, continued our march to Jacksonsburgh, 
 a village containing about sixty houses, situated on Pon Pon, or Edisto 
 river. The most of the houses are very good ; the people tolerable well 
 to live ; some large store houses for rice, from which they convey it by 
 water to Charleston market. In short, it is a pleasant little place, and 
 well situated for trade, but the inhabitants are all Rebels — not a man 
 remaining in the town, except two, one of whom was so sick he could 
 not get out of bed, and the other a doctor, who had the name of a friend 
 to Government. The women were treated very tenderly, and with the 
 utmost civility, notwithstanding their husbands were out in arms against 
 us. 
 
 Thursday, 23d. All the army, except the Seventy-first regiment, 
 and greatest part of the baggage, crossed the river in boats and flats, the 
 bridge being destroyed. Col. Tarleton came up with a party of Rebel 
 militia dragoons, soon after crossing the river at Gov. Bee's plantation. 
 He killed ten, and took four prisoners. Gov. Bee was formerly Lieut. 
 Gov. under His Majesty, is now one of the members of Congress, and 
 Lieut. Gov. of South Carolina. 
 
 Friday, 24th. The remainder of the baggage and Seventy-first 
 
488 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 regiment passed Pon Pon river. The army got in motion about one 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and marched about seven miles, where we 
 halted all night. A flag of truce, consisting of a Capt. Saunders, Capt. 
 Wilkinson, one private and a servant, came in at the rear of the army. 
 Just as we halted they were severely reprimanded by Gen. Paterson for 
 their unmihtary conduct. He told them that they were ignorant of the 
 profession they followed ; and in consequence of their behavior he must 
 detain them all night, and, as to their request, it would not be granted, 
 which was likewise very unmilitary, it being to speak with the prisoners 
 and give them some necessaries. The gentry of the flag were led blind- 
 fold to their lodging. This day Col. Ferguson got the rear guard in order 
 to do his King and country justice, by protecting friends, and widows, and 
 destroying Rebel property ; also to collect live stock for the use of the 
 army, all of which we effect as we go, by destroying furniture, breaking 
 windows, etc., taking all their horned cattle, horses, mules, sheep, fowls, 
 etc., and their negroes to drive them. We had a disagreeable night — 
 very heavy shower, with a great deal of heavy thunder and lightning. 
 
 Saturday, 2^th. The army got in motion at reveille beating, and 
 marched to Stono, where was formerly a bridge, called Wallace's 
 Bridge. We took up our ground about three o'clock in the afternoon, 
 where we remained all night. Light Infantry and part of the Dragoons 
 went over the river. 
 
 Sunday, 26th. Consumed the whole day in passing the baggage and 
 live stock over the river, the bridge that formerly stood here being 
 destroyed, and the one just made very bad. We took up our ground as 
 soon as we got over, on a neck of land that runs down between Stono 
 and Rantowle's, only one mile between the two rivers. This day the 
 Commander-in-chief came to us from James Island, which is six miles 
 distant. 
 
 Monday, 2jth. Two companies of Light Infantry, American Volun- 
 teers, and one company of Dragoons, crossed at Rantowle's in scows; 
 the rest of the army crossed yesterday. Col. Hamilton, of the North 
 Carolinians, and Dr. Smith, of the Hospital, proceeding about a mile in 
 front of the army, to Gov. Rutledge's house, were immediately sur- 
 rounded by three hundred Continental Light Horse, and they con- 
 sequently made prisoners. The British Dragoons fell in with them soon 
 after, and had a skirmish ; the Rebels soon gave way, and showed them 
 the road, as is customary for them to do. Qr. IMlaster Sergeant Mcintosh, 
 of the Georgia Dragoons, badly wounded in the face by a broadsword. 
 Several Dragoons of the Legion were wounded. How many of the 
 Rebels got hurt we can't learn ; but they did not keep up the combat 
 long enough for many to receive damage. This morning, Capt. 
 Saunders, that came in with the flag on the 24th, was sent out; his 
 attendant, Capt. Wilkinson, not being mentioned in the body of the 
 
APPENDIX. 489 
 
 flag, is detained as a prisoner of war. We took up our ground on Gov. 
 Rutledge's plantation, about one mile from his house, where we remained 
 all night. 
 
 Tuesday, 28th. The army got in motion about nine o'clock in the 
 morning, and marched to Ashley Ferry, where we met the British and 
 Hessians, Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Yagers, under command of Sir 
 H. Clinton. We continued our march down the river about six miles to 
 Lining's plantation ; it is situated on Ashley river, nearly opposite 
 Charlestown, and commands an extensive view towards the sea. 
 
 Wednesday, 2gth. Sir Henry Clinton, with the British and Hessians, 
 Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Yagers, passed over Ashley river to 
 Charleston Neck, early in the morning. Spent the day in viewing 
 Charleston and found it not a little like New York; for Ashley and 
 Cooper rivers form a bay exactly like East and North river at New York. 
 
 Thursday, ^oth. Incessant firing of small arms on the neck; can- 
 non at short intervals. This firing was at the Commander-in-chief and 
 his family reconnoitring. He forbid the British returning the fire. Lord 
 Cathness, standing by the side of Gen. Clinton, was shot through the 
 body by a musket ball; one Yager killed. 
 
 Friday, Jisi. Engineers' tools, etc., carried over from Lining's 
 Landing, and broke ground without molestation, under direction of Maj. 
 Moncrieff. Rode two miles to see two redoubts, one of which has six, 
 and the other two thirty-two pounders in them, at the mouth of Wapoo- 
 Cut, a river that runs from Stono to Ashley river, and separates from the 
 main land what is called James Island. Those two redoubts are exactly 
 opposite Charleston. 
 
 Saturday, April ist. Some cannon and mortars moved over Ashley 
 river from Lining's Landing. 
 
 Sunday, 2d. Rode down to view our fleet that lay at Stono. 
 
 Monday, jd. Marched to Ashley Ferry to cover the Dragoons of the 
 Legion whilst crossing the river. Marched from this up the river to 
 Henry Middleton's plantation ; passed several famous country seats, 
 one called Drayton's Hall, belonging to William Henry Drayton, 
 deceased, who was a member of Congress, and died at Philadelphia. 
 Constant firing at our works from the Rebels all day. 
 
 Tuesday, 4th. Constant cannonade from the Rebels, both from their 
 batteries and shipping; one of their ships, endeavoring to move up 
 Cooper river, was fired on from our works, and drove back. 
 
 Wednesday, jtk. Constant cannonade from the Rebels at our 
 works on the Neck, in the evening. Our batteries at the mouth 
 of Wapoo-Cut opened, and kept up a warm fire for a few minutes, then 
 the firing ceased on both sides. 
 
 Thursday, 6th. Cannonade from the Rebels all day by intervals. 
 In the evening our batteries opened on the Neck, and at Wapoo-Cut 
 fired all night by intervals. 
 
490 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Friday, yiJi. Cannonade at intervals as usual, 
 
 Saturday, Sth. But little firing from the Rebels. Rainy, disagree- 
 able morning. The Rebels were reinforced with thirteen hundred men 
 last night, commanded by a Gen. Scott. They fired a feu de joie, and 
 rang all the bells in town on the occasion. About four o'clock this 
 afternoon the fleet hove in sight, coming up under full sail with a fresh 
 breeze at south west, and passed Fort Moultrie — the Rebel fort that 
 they boasted of on Sullivan's Island, which no fleet could ever pass. 
 They were but a few minutes passing. What damage is sustained we 
 have not yet learned. The Richmond lost her fore top-mast ; a cutter 
 lay opposite the fort all the time the fleet was passing, with a flag hoisted 
 to point out the channel. A heavy cannonade from the Rebels' 
 batteries, which the shipping returned as they passed with a spirit 
 becoming Britons. 
 
 Sunday, gtli. Admiral Arbuthnot came on shore, and went over to 
 Head-quarters on the Neck. By him we were informed that there were 
 only seven men killed, and fifteen wounded, in passing Sullivan's Island. 
 The shipping damage was so trifling that 'twas not worth mentioning. 
 
 Monday, loth. Nothing extraordinary. Cannonade from our bat- 
 teries during the night to cover the working parties. 
 
 Tuesday, nth. Col. Ferguson came from Head-quarters. Informs 
 us that the town was summoned to surrender to his Britannic Majesty. 
 Answer was returned, that they thought it necessary as well as their duty 
 to defend it to the last extremity, which they meant to do. 
 
 Wednesday, I2th. Received orders to march. The North Caro- 
 linians were ordered to join Col. Ferguson. We left Lining's plantation 
 about seven o'clock in the evening, and marched to .Bacon's Bridge, 
 twenty-two miles, where we arrived at flve o'clock on Thursday morning; 
 very much fatigued. We halted to refresh till seven. Cool weather. 
 
 Thursday, ijth. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning. 
 Marched through a small village called Dorchester. It contains about 
 forty houses and a church. Continued our march to Middleton's plan- 
 tation at Goose creek, about flfteen miles from Bacon's Bridge, and ten 
 from Dorchester. Here we met the Legion about one o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and halted till ten at night. Then, in company with them, 
 got in motion and marched eighteen miles to Monk's Corner, being 
 informed that Col. Washington's, Pulaski's, Bland's, and Horry's Light 
 Horse lay here. We arrived just as day began to appear on Friday 
 morning, and found the above enemy here, in number about four hun- 
 dred, including some militia that arrived the day before, commanded by 
 Gen. Huger. Luckily for them, they were under marching orders, which 
 made them more alert, when the alarm was given, than usual, which 
 alone prevented their being all taken completely by surprise. They 
 made off with great expedition. We pursued, overtook and killed 
 
APPENDIX. 491 
 
 Pulaski's Major Vernier, wounded a French Lieut. Beaulait * and one 
 other officer; about sixty privates were taken, fifteen or twenty of whom 
 were wounded. We had but one man wounded, and he very shghtly. 
 We took thirty wagons, with four horses in each. A number of very 
 fine horses that belonged to their troops were likewise taken, and con- 
 verted to British Light horses. Col. Washington and all their officers 
 made but a narrow escape ; their baggage, letters, and some of their 
 commissions were taken. 
 
 Friday, 14th. Remained at Monk's Corner, collecting the stores, 
 etc. About seven o'clock at night, accidentally a store house caught 
 fire, in which were two casks of powder ; was very much alarmed by the 
 explosion, and all got under arms. This confusion was scarcely over 
 when three ladies came to our camp in great distress : Lady Colleton, 
 Miss Betsy Giles, and Miss Jean Russell. They had been most shock- 
 ingly abused by a plundering villain. Lady Colleton badly cut in the 
 hand by a broadsword, and bruised very much. After my friend, Dr. 
 Johnson, dressed her hand, he, with an officer and twelve men, went to 
 the plantation, about one mile from camp, to protect Mrs. Fayssoux, 
 whom this infamous villain had likewise abused in the same manner. 
 There he found a most accomplished, amiable lady in the greatest 
 distress imaginable. After he took a little blood from her she was more 
 composed, and next morning come to camp to testify against the cursed 
 villain that abused them in this horrid manner. He was secured and 
 sent to Head-quarters for trial. 
 
 Saturday, ijth. The army got in motion about twelve o'clock. My 
 friend, Dr Johnson, and myself had the happiness of escorting the ladies 
 to their plantation. Before we got there we were met by a servant 
 informing us that there were more plunderers in the house. This news 
 so shocked Lady Colleton and Mrs. Fayssoux, who were some distance 
 before us, and the young ladies in a carriage, that I am not able to 
 describe their melancholy situation, which was truly deplorable. After 
 their fright was a little over we passed on to their house ; but the ladies 
 fearing to stay alone, Lady Colleton and Mrs. Fayssoux got into the 
 carriage, Miss Giles behind me, and Miss Russell on a horse, which I 
 led for fear he should make off with my fair one ; they passed on with us 
 four miles to a plantation called Mulberry Broughton, and here we bid 
 adieu to our fair companions with great regret, they thinking themselves 
 out of danger of any insults. We this day countermarched to the 
 twenty-three mile house, and halted all night. 
 
 Sunday, l6th. Got in motion about three o'clock in the morning. 
 
 * Beaulait has been very unfortunate since in America He received seven wounds by 
 a broadsword, in a charge of Campbell's Light Horse, when Charlestown was besieged by 
 Gen. Provost, and two at Monk's Corner, which amounts to nine, four or five of them in 
 the face.— A. A. 
 
492 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 and marched to Strawberry Ferry, a branch of Cooper river. Took up 
 the day in passing the army and baggage over the stream. After 
 crossing, marched four miles to Bono Ferry, anotl>er branch of Cooper 
 river, where we came up with the baggage of the Thirty-third and 
 Sixty-fourth Regiments, and of the Legion. Here we lay all night, as 
 it toolc up the night to get this baggage over the river. A Captain's 
 guard from our detachment was sent over to take charge of a storehouse 
 full of household furniture, brought out of town and deposited at a IVlaj. 
 Butler's for safety — the store was full of very rich furniture of all kinds. 
 
 Monday, lyth. Crossed Bono Ferry and passed on to Miller's 
 Bridge, over -t branch of Wando river, where we took up our ground 
 about nine o'clock in the evening. This day passed St. Thomas' 
 church, where we met the Thirty-third regiment. 
 
 Tuesday, i8th. Began to fortify at the Bridge, and make a block 
 house in order to keep post here with a few men. 
 
 Wednesday, igth. Maj. Ferguson, with fifty of the American 
 Volunteers, and part of the North Carolinians, moved on to join the 
 Thirty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, and the British Legion, which 
 had gone forward to attack a Rebel post at Lempriere's Point. The 
 British were coming back; they had marched up to the fort, but found 
 it so strong that it was imprudent to storm it with so few men. 
 
 Thursday , 20th. Remained at Miller's Bridge, finishing the block 
 house. Col. Tarleton surprised and took nine sloops with goods, stores, 
 etc., and twenty pieces of cannon. 
 
 Friday, 21st. Capt. Ryerson, with forty American Volunteers, a 
 subaltern, and twenty of the Thirty-third, and a subaltern, and twenty 
 of the Sixty-fourth regiments, remained at Miller's Bridge to defend 
 and keep the pass. The remainder of the Thirty-third and Sixty- 
 fourth regiments, American Volunteers, and British Legion, counter- 
 marched twelve miles and took up our ground at St. Thomas' church. 
 
 Saturday, 22d. Took possession of the parish house ; took up and 
 was under the disagreeable neccessity of detaining a lady of the town, 
 on suspicion of her bejng a spy. 
 
 January 2jd. Moved from the house into the woods for the con- 
 venience of shade — very warm weather. 
 
 Monday, 24th. Lord Cornwallis joined us and took command. 
 About ten o'clock in the evening there was the most tremendous 
 cannonade I ever heard, and an incessant fire of musketry. The 
 Rebels sallied out and took eight ^of the Light Infantry prisoners, upon 
 which the whole line got under arms; some in their hurry getting out 
 without putting on their coats, were taken by the others for Rebels, and 
 fired on, which unluckily occasioned warm work for a few minutes. 
 Sixty odd of ours got killed and wounded by our own men. The 
 Rebels were repulsed, and they finding their muskets rather an incum- 
 brance threw thirty odd of them away. 
 
APPENDIX. 493 
 
 Tuesday, 2stk. About eight o'clock in the morning got in motion ; 
 were joined by the Twenty-third regiment and Volunteers of Ireland! 
 We proceeded on, passed over Miller's Bridge and Waputa Bridge, took 
 possession of Waputa meeting house, about seven o'clock in the even- 
 ing, where we halted till two in the morning. 
 
 Wednesday, 26th. At two o'clock in the morning got in motion, and 
 marched seventeen miles to Mount Pleasant, opposite Charleston, where 
 we took possession of the ground, on which the Rebels had one eighteen 
 pounder. Here is a ferry from this to a tcjwn called Hibban's Ferry ; 
 there are very good barracks here if finished, that were begun before the 
 rebellion. Sullivan's Island is about a half a mile distant from the Point. 
 There is a bridge from the Point to the Island with four arches. The 
 barracks were used for a hospital, in which we took some invalids and a 
 doctor. About si.x miles from the Point stands Christ Church. This 
 night I might properly sing, " Content with our hard fate, my boys," 
 on the cold ground where I lay— wrapt up in 'my great coat, with my 
 saddle for a pillow. A blustering cold night. 
 
 Thursday, syth. Got in motion about one o'clock in the morning, 
 and countermarched to Waputa meeting house. Cold north-east wind. 
 
 Friday, 28th. Fortified the small house by the side of the meeting 
 house, at ten o'clock at night. Intelligence being received that the 
 Rebels had left the fort at Lempriere's Point, and gone to Charleston, 
 we got in motion and marched down to discover the fact. We arrived 
 about four in the morning, and found the fort occupied by the Navy, a 
 Lieutenant of the Navy, commanding officer. The Rebels were gone 
 to Charleston. 
 
 Saturday, 2gth. Countermarched to our old grounds at the meeting 
 house. Pleasant weather. 
 
 Sunday, jotk. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning, in 
 company with the York Volunteers, and marched to Lempriere's Point 
 to take post there. We got to our ground about seven o'clock in the 
 evening, where we found four eighteen, two four pounders, and five 
 swivels, that the Rebels left in their fort. A very disagreeable post it is, 
 being nothing but a bank of sand, where, in a windy day, you must 
 keep your eyes shut or have them filled with sand. Here used to be a 
 ferry called Lempriere's Ferry. 
 
 Monday, May ist. Bathed in Wando river. 
 
 Tuesday, 2d. Began to fortify Lempriere's Point. Maj. Ferguson, 
 with a detachment of American Volunteers, marched down to Mount 
 Pleasant, stormed and took possession of a little redoubt, located partly 
 on the main, and partly on the bridge that leads to Fort Moultrie. This 
 cuts off the communication from Sullivan's Island, and keeps them on 
 their proper allowance. The Rebels ran off from the redoubt, though it 
 was very strongly situated, after they fired about a dozen shot. 
 
494 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Wednesday, jd. Still fortifying Lempriere's Point. In the evening 
 began a cannonade on the neck, which continued very heavy all night — 
 an incessant firing of musketry, the cannon chiefly from the Rebels, small 
 arms from us. This night took their hospital ship that lay opposite 
 the town. 
 
 Thursday, 4th. Continued fortifying the Point. Rode from Lem- 
 priere's Point to Mount Pleasant; dined with Capt. Ord, of the Navy. 
 After dinner rode to Hurdle's [Haddrell's?] Point to view the redoubt 
 which Col. Ferguson stormed the second of May, with only sixty men 
 and never was more surprised in my life, for twenty men like the 
 American Volunteers would have defied all Washington's Army. 
 
 Friday, jik. Very windy — in danger of losing one's eyes by the 
 blowing of sand. Cold blustering night. 
 
 Saturday, 6th. Very disagreeable, windy day. Still at Lempriere's. 
 News just received from Lord Cornwallis, that Lieut. Nash and eleven 
 dragoons that were patrolling, were taken by Washington and Horry's 
 Liglit Horse near Santee river. Col. Tarleton was immediately ordered 
 to pursue them. He overtook them at the river ; charged and killed a 
 number, and took a Major and thirty privates. The patrolling party that 
 had been taken were in a boat, rowing across the river. Upon their 
 seeing Col. Tarleton, they immediately seized the guard, threw them 
 overboard, rowed themselves back and joined their regiment again. 
 Col. Washington and Horry took to the river and swam across it. 
 
 Sunday, "jth. Orders to get ready to march with two days' provision, 
 at a minute's notice. Maj. Ferguson had obtained permission to attack 
 Fort Moultrie. He rode forward with four dragoons to reconnoitre- 
 We were to remain at our post till we got orders for marching. The first 
 news we heard was the fort was in possession of the British ; the Rebels 
 had surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Capitulation was as 
 follows : Capt. Hudson of the Navy summoned the fort on Friday, and 
 received for answer: " Tol, lol, de rol, lol : Fort Moultrie will be 
 defended to the last extremity." On Saturday he sent another flag, and 
 demanded a surrender, acquainting Col. Scott that the Lieutenant with 
 the flag would wait a quarter of an hour for an answer. If the fort was 
 not given up, he would immediately storm it, and put all the garrison 
 to the sword. At this Col. Scott changed the tune of his song, begging 
 that there might be a cessation of arms, that the fort would be given up 
 on the following conditions : that the officers both Continental and militia, 
 should march out with the honors of war, and be allowed to wear their 
 side arms ; the officers and soldiers of the militia have paroles to go 
 to their respective homes, and remain peaceably till exchanged ; and 
 the continental soldiers to be treated tenderly. Granted by Capt. 
 Hudson. About eight o'clock Sunday morning. Colonel Scott with his 
 men, about one hundred and twenty, marched out of the fort, piled 
 
APPENDIX. 495 
 
 their arms, Capt. Hudson marched in, toolc possession of Fort Moultrie, 
 the key to Charleston harbor ; which puts it in our power to keep out 
 any forcing enemy that would wish to give the Rebels any assistance. 
 Taken in the fort, fifty barrels of powder, forty-four pieces of cannon, 
 one brass ten inch mortar, three thousand cannon cartridges, five 
 hundred ten inch shells, forty thousand musket cartridges, three month's 
 salt provision, a lot of rice, forty head black cattle, sixty sheep, twenty 
 goats, forty fat hogs, six wagons, two stand of colors, an amazing 
 quantity of lunt ; * and, in short, so many other articles which are 
 
 * Match-cord for firing cannon, 
 necessary in a fort that it would take me a week to set them down. 
 
 Monday, 8th. Six o'cloclc in the morning, Sir Henry Clinton sent in 
 a flag, and demanded the surrender of Charleston. General Lincoln 
 requested cessation of hostilities till eight o'clock — from eight to twelve ; 
 and the truce continued until four o'clock Tuesday evening when Sir 
 Henry Clinton receiving a very insolent request, sent in word that he 
 plainly saw that Gen. Lincoln did not mean to give up the town ; that the 
 firing should commence at eight o'clock in the evening, at which time 
 began a most tremendous cannonade, throwing of carcases and shells 
 into the town, and an incessant fire of musketry all night. 
 
 Wednesday , loth. Firing still continued all day, and very brisk all 
 night. 
 
 Thursday, nth. The town set on fire by a carcase, which burnt 
 several houses. The Rebels sent out a flag soon after ; our firing con- 
 tinued without taking notice of their flag. They showed the second flag, 
 which we accepted. It was begging the terms that had been offered the 
 last truce. Sir Henry Clinton answered them the firing should cease 
 until he could send and consult Admiral Arbuthnot. The terms were 
 granted. 
 
 Friday, J2th. The gates were opened. Gen. Leslie at the head of the 
 British Grenadiers, Seventh, Sixty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, and 
 Hessian Grenadiers marched in, and took possession of Charleston, and 
 soon leveled the thirteen stripes with the dust, and displayed the British 
 standard on their ramparts. Still at Lempriere's. 
 
 Saturday, ijth. Remained at Lempriere's. 
 
 Sunday, 14th. Went to Charleston to view their strong works. Saw 
 the poor Rebel dogs very much chagrined at not being allowed to wear 
 their side arms. 
 
 Monday, Ijth. Magazine blew up — set the town on fire — burnt 
 several houses. Capt. Collins and Lieut. Gordon, of the artillery, Lieut. 
 M'Leod of the Forty-second regiment, and about thirty privates, perished 
 by the explosion. In what way the accident happened is not certain ; 
 'tis supposed by throwing the captured arms into the magazine, one went 
 off, and set fire to the powder. 
 
496 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Tuesday, i6th. The American Volunteers relieved the Navy, and 
 took command of Fort Moultrie. 
 
 Wednesday, fjth. Spent the day in writing letters for New York. 
 Nothing new. 
 
 Thursday, iSth, to Sunday, sist. Lay at Fort Moultrie. Nothing 
 extra. 
 
 Monday, 22d. Received orders for marching — went to Charleston. 
 
 Tuesday, 2jd. About three o'clock in the afternoon returned in a 
 six-oared boat, and had the pleasing view of sixty or seventy large ships 
 coming into the harbor. 
 
 Wednesday, 24th. Lay at Fort Moultrie. 
 
 Thursday, 2jth. The detachment was relieved by British and Hes- 
 sian Grenadiers. The American Volunteers marched up to Mount 
 Pleasant, and crossed over to Charleston. Marched through the town, 
 and took up their ground just in front of the lines. The horses and 
 baggage with myself crossed from Lempriere's Point to the Ship Yard, 
 which is about two miles from the town. 
 
 Friday, 26lh. The following corps got in motion about three o'clock 
 in the morning, under the command of Col. Balfour, of the' Twenty- 
 third regiment, viz — Light Infantry, commanded by Maj. Graham, three 
 companies of the Seventh by Capt. Peacock, American Volunteers by 
 Maj. Ferguson, and the Prince of Wales American Volunteers by Lieut.- 
 Col. Patterson — in number about six hundred. Marched out to the Ten 
 MMe House, and halted. Made bough houses to cover the men from 
 the heat of the sun. Heavy thunder shower. 
 
 Saturday, 2'jfh. Marched at five o'clock in the morning ; passed 
 through a piece of low ground covered with magnolias in full bloom, 
 which emitted a most delicious odor. We took up our ground at a planta- 
 tion about two miles from the Twenty-Three Mile House. 
 
 Sunday, 2Sth. Got in motion at two o'clock in the morning. Marched 
 to Monk's Corner and halted. Dr. Johnson and myself went and dined 
 with Lady Colleton, Miss Russell and Miss Giles, the ladies we protected 
 in their distress when we were here the fourteenth of April. 
 
 Monday, 2gth. Lay encamped in a wood at Monk's Corner. Spent 
 an agreeable afternoon at Lady Colleton's, with Miss Russell and Miss 
 Giles. 
 
 Tuesday, 30th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched to Gen. Moultrie's plantation, at a place called Prussia, where 
 we halted. 
 
 Wednesday, Jist. Got in motion ' at half past four in the morning ; 
 marched to Greenland swamp, and halted. 
 
 Thursday, June ist. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, 
 and marched to Nelson's Ferry, Santee river. By express were informed 
 that Col. Tarleton, Monday, the 2gth, fell in with a body of Rebels. 
 
APPENDIX. 497 
 
 [Buford's corps] forty miles above Camden. He summoned them to 
 surrender— received an insolent answer, charged them, killed one Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel, three Captains, eight Subalterns, one Adjutant, one Quarter- 
 Master, and ninety-nine Sergeants and rank and file. Wounded three 
 Captains, five Subalterns, and one hundred and forty-two rank and file. 
 Made prisoners two Captains, one Subaltern, fifty rank and file. Total 
 killed, wounded and taken prisoners, one Lieutenant-Colonel, eight 
 Captains, fourteen Subalterns, one Adjutant, one Quarter-Master, and 
 two hundred and ninety-one Sergeants, rank and file ; three stand of 
 colors taken, two brass six-pounders, two howitzers, two wagons with 
 ammunition, one artillery forge wagon, fifty-five barrels powder, twenty- 
 six wagons loaded with clothing, camp equipage, musket-cartridges, 
 cartridge-boxes, flints, etc., etc. Killed of the Legion, Lieut. McDonald 
 and Ensign Campbell, serving with the cavalry, two privates of the cav- 
 alry, and one of the Light Infantry. Total, two Subalterns, and three 
 rank and file. Wounded, Lieut. Patterson, seven dragoons, making 
 eight rank and file of the cavalry, and three of the infantry. Total 
 wounded, one Subaltern, and eleven rank and file. 
 
 Friday, 2d. Lay encamped in a pleasant field near Nelson's Ferry. 
 Ordered to be in readiness to march at two o'clock in the morning. 
 
 Saturday, jd. Got in motion two o'clock in the morning. Marched 
 to Campbell's plantation, where we halted in the woods for the conven- 
 ience of shade. This place is seventy-seven miles from Charleston. 
 
 Sunday, 4th. Lay in the woods at Campbell's plantation. Some 
 prize wine shared to the different corps ; very convenient time to drink 
 his Majesty's health. 
 
 Monday, §th. Got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched to Cave Hall, St. Matthew's parish. Just below our camp was 
 a remarkably large cave, about an hundred feet deep. There is a room 
 formed by a rock sixty feet long, and forty wide, with famous grand 
 arches formed by nature. Through the middle runs a beautiful stream 
 of water, vi'hich heads in a fountain at the farther end of the cave. This 
 day twenty militia men came in, and brought the new-fangled Governor 
 of Georgia prisoner. He was sent to Charleston. He had taken pro- 
 tection from Lord Cornwallis as a private man. 
 
 Tuesday, 6th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched thirteeen miles to Col. Thomson's, and halted on the march. 
 Started two bucks ; they ran in amongst the men. One of them got 
 caught. The militia were in from all quarters. 
 
 Wednesday, ytk. Lay encamped at Col. Thomson's plantation ; a 
 field in our rear covered with sensitive plant and passion flower. 
 
 Thursday, 8th. Still at Thomson's plantation. A thunder shower 
 every afternoon. 
 
 Friday, gth. Encamped still at Thomson's plantation ; wrote a 
 letter to Miss . 
 
498 ' ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Saturday, loth. Got in motion and left Tliomson's at twelve o'clock 
 at night, and marched eighteen miles to Beaver creek, where we halted. 
 Maj. Graham, and two flank companies of the Prince of Wales 
 American Volunteers, remained at Thomson's. This day a company 
 of militia came in with their arms. A Henry Meholm, an old man 
 eighty-one years of age, this day rnet us ; he had left home with an 
 intention to go to Charleston, and had walked upwards of an hundred 
 miles when he met us. His errand was to get some kind of assistance. 
 He had been plundered by the Rebels, and stripped of everything. 
 What is remarkable, this old gentleman left at home a child between 
 two and three years old. 
 
 Sunday, nth. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched five miles and halted. 
 
 Monday, 12th. Got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched fourteen miles to Congaree Stores. This day passed a plan- 
 tation where were about four hundred acres of Indian corn growing — 
 the property of one man. 
 
 Tuesday, ijth. Lay at Congaree Stores. Many good friends to 
 Government have suffered much by the Rebels. 
 
 ]Ved}iesday, 14th. Lay at Congaree Stores. Capt. Peacock and the 
 three companies of Royal Fusileers under his command, remain here ; 
 Col. Patterson and his battalion to go to Camden. 
 
 Thursday, Jjth. Got in motion at twelve o'clock at night, and 
 marched twelve miles to Saluda Ferry ; crossed the river and halted. 
 
 Friday, i6th. Got in motion at half after four o'clock in the morning, 
 and marched seven miles to the blacksmith's, and halted. 
 
 Saturday, lyth. Lay still in the field at the blacksmith's, or High 
 Hill creek. 
 
 Sunday, i8th. Got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched fourteen miles to a Capt. Wright's, of Col. Innes' regiment. 
 
 Monday, igth. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched to Cook's place, fourteen miles. This Cook is a Rebel Justice 
 and Captain — a great persecutor of friends to Government. He is 
 ordered down to John's Island, a place pointed out for the reception 
 of such infamous villains. 
 
 Tuesday, 2oth. Got in motion and marched to Davenport's, fourteen 
 miles. He was formerly Captain of militia under Government. He has 
 the name of a Tory from his neighbors ; but many of his actions were 
 doubtful. 
 
 Wednesday , 2ist. Lay encamped at Davenport's, Little river. 
 
 Thursday, 22d. Got in motion at twelve, and marched ten miles to 
 the fording place, Saluda river ; crossed the men and baggage in a scow, 
 and forded the horses ; continued our march six miles to Ninety Six, 
 where we halted. It is a village or country town — contains about twelve 
 
APPENDIX. 499 
 
 dwelling houses, a court-house and a jail, in which are confined about 
 forty Rebels, brought in prisoners by the friends to Government, who 
 have just now got the opportunity, and gladly embrace it, many of them 
 having been obliged before this to hide in swamps to keep from prison 
 themselves. Ninety Six is situated on an eminence, the land cleared for 
 a mile around it, in a flourishing part of the country, supplied with very 
 good water, enjoys a free, open air, and is esteemed a healthy place. 
 Here were condemned seventy-five friends to Government at one court ; 
 five were executed — the others got reprieved. 
 
 Friday, 3jd. Lay in the field at Ninety Six. Some friends came in, 
 four were wounded. The militia had embodied at Tuckasegie, on the 
 South Fork of Catawba river — were attacked by a party of Rebels, under 
 command of Gen. Rutherford. The miltia were scant of ammunition, 
 which obliged them to retreat. They were obliged to swim the river at 
 a mill dam. The Rebels fired on them and killed thirty.* Col. Fergu- 
 son, with forty American Volunteers, pushed with all speed in pursuit 
 of the Rebels. It is seventy miles distance from Ninety Six. The 
 militia are flocking to him from all parts of the country. 
 
 Saturday, 24th. Took quarters in town, opposite the jail, where I 
 have the constant view of the Rebels peeping through the grates, which 
 affords some satisfaction to see them suffer for their folly. Some of 
 them are magistrates ; one the executioner of the five that were hanged 
 here some time in April, 1779. 
 
 Sunday, 2jik, to Tuesday, 2ytk. Spent in cleaning, parade, and in 
 the town. 
 
 Thursday, 2gtk, and Friday, joth. Still at Ninety Six. Nothing 
 extra. 
 
 Saturday, July 1st. Took a ride into the country for exercise. 
 
 Sunday, 2d, 'to Saturday, Sth. Still at Ninety Six. 
 
 Sunday, gth. The American Volunteers moved from Ninety Six at 
 seven o'clock in the evening, under the command of Captain DePeyster, 
 and marched seven miles to Island Ford, of Saluda river, on our way to 
 meet a party of Rebels that were making approaches towards our lines. 
 Dr. Johnson and I being late before we left our old quarters, without any 
 guide, got out of the road ; found our mistake at a mill, three miles from 
 the road we ought to have taken. It turned out to be no great loss, as 
 we have supplied ourselves with a grist of corn for our horses. We 
 came up to the detachment at one o'clock in the morning. Our baggage 
 had not arrived, which put us to the necessity of going to a house to 
 lodge. We found two women, and spent the night, though not to our 
 satisfaction. It afforded some merry scenes with those two modest 
 country women. 
 
 *Col. Moore's defeat at Ramsour's Mill, June 20th. 
 
500 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Monday, loih. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning ; 
 crossed Saluda in a flat ; marched nine miles to a Rebel Col. Williams' 
 plantation, where we halted. Mrs. Williams and the children were at 
 home, and were treated with the utmost civility. Col. Williams is with 
 the Rebels, and is a very violent, persecuting scoundrel. 
 
 Tuesday, nth. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched eight miles to Indian creek, and halted during the heat of the 
 day at one Ryan's, who is a good friend, and suffered much for his 
 loyalty. Got in motion at six o'clock in the evening, and marched eleven 
 miles to Duncan's creek, where we halted at a Widow Brown's. 
 
 Wednesday , 12th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and 
 forded Duncan's creek and Enoree river. Continued marching to Capt. 
 Frost's, at Padget creek, eight miles from the Widow Brown's. This 
 evening met an express with the disagreeable news of a party of ours 
 consisting of seventeen of the Legion, eighteen York Volunteers., and 
 twenty-five militia being defeated at Col. Bratton's, at Fishing creek.* 
 
 Thursday, ijth. Lieut. Hunt of the Legion Cavalry came to our 
 quarters at Capt. Frost's. He was one of the party defeated the twelfth 
 inst. He gave an imperfect account of the affair. Capt. Huck com- 
 manded the party consisting of one subaltern and seventeen dragoons of 
 the Legion, three subalterns and eighteen New York Volunteers, twenty- 
 five militia men. They were sent in pursuit of a Rebel party, and arrived 
 at twelve o'clock, Tuesday night, the nth instant, at Col. Bratton's, at 
 Fishing creek, and were very much fatigued. They thought to rest them- 
 selves. Unfortunately a Rebel party commanded by a Col. Lacey came 
 upon them at four o'clock in the morning of the 12th, who were in amongst 
 them, and had possession of every pass before they where apprised of 
 it — except a road leading towards North Carolina, where Captain Huck, 
 with four dragoons, attempted to make off". Huck got shot through the 
 neck, of which he died. Mr. Hunt, with one dragoon, took a foot path 
 leading to a swamp. The militia he could give no account of. We left 
 Capt. Frost's about six o'clock in the evening ; forded Tyger river, con- 
 tinued our march twelve miles to Sugar creek. Here we found two 
 hundred militia encamped at Woff"ord's old field. Fair Forest, under 
 command of Majors Plummer and Gibbs. The Rebels, we hear, are 
 collecting in force at the Catawba Nation and Broad river. 
 
 Friday, 14th. Lay encamped at Fair Forest. Every hour news from 
 different parts of the country of Rebel parties doing mischief. Light 
 Infantry of Gen. Browne's corps joined us at twelve o'clock at night. 
 
 Saturday, i^th. Went in company with Capt. F. De Peyster, Dr. 
 Johnson, and Lieut. Fletcher, to dine with Col. Fletchall. After dinner 
 went to see his mill, which was a curiosity, having never seen such an one 
 
 *Capt. Hook or Huck defeated that morning. 
 
APPENDIX. 501 
 
 before. The water falls fourteen feet perpendicularly down into a tub, 
 fixed with buckets ; from this tub runs up a shaft through the stone, and 
 turns, as the cog turns, a double-geared mill. Returning to camp were 
 informed that Capt. Dunlap had been obliged to retreat from Prince's 
 Fort. Capt. Dunlap made an attack upon the Rebels; drove them from 
 their ground, took one prisoner, who informed him that the Rebels were 
 four hundred strong. Upon this information Dunlap thought proper to 
 retreat, as his number was only fourteen American Volunteers and sixty 
 militia. We lost two killed, a sergeant and private wounded, and one 
 prisoner. The loss of the Rebels is uncertain — reports are, twenty or 
 thirty killed. Upon this news arriving, Capt. De Peyster ordered the 
 American Volunteers and militia to get in motion to support Dunlap. 
 Capt. Frederick De Peyster, with one hundred militia men, marched 
 twelve miles to McElwain's creek, where they met Dunlap. 
 
 Sunday, i6th. Dunlap with the men under his command marched 
 down to Stephen White's plantation, where the American Volunteers and 
 militia lay. 
 
 Monday, lyth. Lay at White's. The militia, brought in four prisoners, 
 one lad of fifteen years old, badly wounded in the arms. 
 
 Ttcesday, i8th. Still at IVIitchell's creek. This day Col. Ferguson 
 came to us from Nintey Six ; brought news that the Light Infantry were 
 on their march to join us. 
 
 Wednesday , igth. Still at White's plantation, on IMitcheU's creek. 
 Thursday , 20th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and 
 marched six miles to Fair Forest Ford, where we halted and lay all 
 night. 
 
 Friday, 21st. Col. Balfour, with the Light Infantry from Ninety Six, 
 joined us — we still remained at the Ford. 
 
 Saturday, 22d. The Light Infantry, American Volunteers, and three 
 hundred milida, got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening ; made 
 a forced march of twenty-five miles to Lawson's Fork to surprise a 
 party of Rebels, who, we were informed, lay there. We arrived at 
 James Wood's plantation at six o'clock in the morning ; greatly disap- 
 pointed at finding no Rebels here. We were informed they were at 
 Green river — twenty-five miles farther. 
 
 Sunday, 23d. Got in motion at one o'clock in the morning, and 
 countermarched to our old ground, Fair Forest Ford. 
 Monday, 24th. Very much fatigued ; slept all day. 
 Tuesday, 2jth. Col. Balfour with the Light Infantry got in motion 
 at two o'clock in the morning, and marched towards Ninety Six. 
 Wednesday, 26th. Lay at our old ground. Fair Forest. 
 Thursday, 2yth. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning ; 
 forded Fair Forest river ; marched about three miles and took up our 
 ground in the wood. 
 
502 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Friday, 28th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched eight miles to Col. Henderson's plantation, Pacolet river. 
 Henderson is prisoner at Charlestown ; he has a pretty plantation, with 
 near two hundred acres of Indian corn growing. 
 
 Saturday, 2gth. Got in motion at eight o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched five miles to Thicketty river and halted ; one of the soldiers 
 killed a Continental rattle-snake, with thirteen rattles on. 
 
 Sunday, 30th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning; 
 countermarched twelve miles to Armstrong's creek, Fair Forest. This 
 day came into camp express from Anderson's fort, a Capt. Cook, aged 
 sixty years, who has buried four wives, and now has his fifth on her 
 last legs. 
 
 Monday, 31st. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched ten miles to Mitchell's creek. Fair Forest; a very wet, disagree- 
 able day ; got thoroughly soaked. 
 
 Tuesday, August ist. Lay at Mitchell's creek. Had intelligence 
 that the Rebels had attacked Col. TurnbuU at Rocky Mount, on Sunday 
 the 30th ; but could not learn the particulars. 
 
 Wednesday, 2d. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning ; 
 marched four miles to Tyger river ; forded that stream and continued 
 our march to Capt. Bobo's, and halted. Had intelligence that Col. 
 TurnbuU beat off the Rebels ; Capt. Hulett got wounded in the head. 
 The Rebels were commanded by Gen. Sumter. He sent in a flag, 
 demanding the post — Rocky Mount. Col. TurnbuU sent word that he 
 might come and take it. Sumter endeavored to do so, but was obliged 
 soon to retreat with cdnsiderableloss. Col. TurnbuU took two prisoners, 
 who had previously been in his camp, drew ammunition, and then joined 
 the Rebels, and were heard to say when firing, " take back your ammu- 
 nition again." They were both hanged as a reward for their treachery. 
 
 Thursday, 3d. Lay at Bobo's ; nothing extra. 
 
 Friday, 4th. Still at Bobo's. At six o'clock in the evening moved 
 three-quarters of a mile for advantage of ground. 
 
 Saturday, 3th. Lay in the woods near Bobo's. Had intelligence 
 that Fort Anderson, in which we had a Sergeant of the American Volun- 
 teers, and eighty militia men, was summoned on Sunday the 30th July, 
 and given up in a dastardly manner, without exchanging a single 
 shot.* 
 
 Sunday, 6th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening. Left 
 the heights near Bobo's, upon hearing that the Rebels were collecting in 
 force at Ford's Mills. We made a forced march of sixteen miles in order 
 to surprise them; marched all night; got to our ground. at Jemmie's 
 creek at six o'clock in the morning of the 7th, where we heard the 
 Rebels had moved seven miles to Phillip's Ford. 
 
 *Col. Patrick Moore, commanding, taken by Col. Shelby and others. 
 
APPENDIX. 503 - 
 
 Monday, Jth. Got in motion at seven in the evening, and made 
 another forced march for them ; and fording Jemmie's creek and the 
 South and North branches of Tyger river. Got to the ground the 
 Rebels were encamped on, at four o'clock on Tuesday morning, August 
 eighth. They had intelligence of our move, and were likewise alarmed 
 by the firing of a gun in our ranks ; they sneaked from their ground 
 about half an hour before we arrived. 
 
 Tuesday, Sik. Learning that the Rebel wagons were three miles 
 in front of us at Cedar Springs, Captain Dunlap, with fourteen mounted 
 men, and a hundred and thirty militia, were dispatched to take the 
 wagons. He met three Rebels coming to reconnoitre our camp ; he pur- 
 sued, took two of them — the other escaped, giving the Rebels the alarm. 
 In pursuit of this man, Dunlap and his party rushed into the centre 
 of the Rebel camp, where they lay in ambush, before he was aware 
 of their presence. A skirmish ensued, in which Dunlap got slightly 
 wounded, and had between twenty and thirty killed and wounded — 
 Ensign IVIcFarland and one private taken prisoners. The Rebel loss is 
 uncertain. A Maj. Smith, Capt. Potts, and two privates, were left dead 
 on the field. Col. Clarke, Johnson [Robertson,] and twenty privates 
 were seen wounded. We pursued them five miles to the Iron Works, 
 but were not able to overtake them, they being all mounted. We 
 countermarched five miles to Cedar Springs, and halted to refresh 
 during the heat of the day. At six in the evening, marched and took a 
 height near the ground the Rebels left. 
 
 Wednesday, gth. Lay on the heights ; nothing extra. 
 
 Thursday, loth. Sent the wounded to iVIusgrove's IVIills, Enoree 
 river, to be attended by Dr. Ross. We marched about seven miles to 
 Culbertson's plantation, on Fair Forest. Express arrived from Col. 
 Turnbull at Rocky Mount, with orders to join him. By the express 
 heard that Sumter had attacked Hanging Rock the 6th instant. The 
 North Carolinians were first attacked ; they gave way. Brown's corps 
 came up, but were obliged to give way. The Legion Cavalry came in 
 the Rebels' rear, and soon gained the day. Brown's corps suffered 
 much — three officers killed, and three wounded — an hundred men taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 Friday nth. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning. Marched 
 ten miles to Maj. Gibbs' plantation ; lay all night. 
 
 Saturday, I2th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched seven miles to a Rebel Capt. Stripling's plantation. He has 
 taken protection, and as yet has not broken his promise. A Maj. Ruther- 
 ford* came with a flag; in consequence of his coming in our rear, 
 without giving signal by drum or trumpet, was detained all night, and 
 threatened with imprisonment. 
 
 '■=Maj. Rutherford, a son of Gen. Rutherford, distinguished himself at Ramsour's Mill, 
 and was subsequently killed at Eutaw Springs, 
 
504 ALLAIRE S niARY. 
 
 Sunday, ijth. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched nine miles to Tinker creek. At seven in the evening got in 
 motion and marched five miles to Smith's Mills, on Swifli's creek. Here 
 we lay all night. 
 
 Monday, i^th. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning ; 
 Marched to the Quaker fording place ; forded Tyger river, continued 
 our march to a Rebel Col. James Lisle's plantation. Lisle is in the 
 Rebel service — his family at home. 
 
 Tuesday, ijih. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning. 
 Marched two miles to Lisle's Ford ; forded Broad river — proceeded 
 seven miles to a Mr. Coleman's in Mobleys settlement; halted during 
 the heat of the day. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening ; 
 marched two miles to the camp of the New York Volunteers, where we 
 got intelhgence that Gen. Gates lay within three miles of Camden, with 
 an army of seven thousand men. Col. TurnbuU had orders the twelfth 
 to retreat from Rocky Mount, and act as he saw proper — to get to Cam- 
 den if he could. Sumter appeared with cannon at Rocky Mount, about 
 twelve hours after Col. TurnbuU left it, in order to make a second trial 
 for the post. He found not so harsh a reception as his first attempt. 
 
 Wednesday, i6iJi. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, 
 and marched two miles to Mobley's meeting house for convenience of 
 ground. 
 
 Thursday, lyth. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched six miles to a Rebel Col. Winn's plantation. Winn is at James 
 Island, a prisoner. 
 
 Friday, i8th. Lay at Winn's plantation, waiting news from Camden, 
 having spies out upon every quarter. 
 
 Saturday, igth. Lay at Winn's plantation. An express arrived from 
 Camden with the agreeable news of Lord Cornwallis' attacking and 
 totally defeating Gates' army on the morning of the l6th ; twelve hundred 
 were killed and wounded, left on the field ; and one thousand prisoners, 
 eight brass field pieces taken, being all the Rebels had in the field, 
 several stand of colors, all their ammunition wagons, a hundred and 
 fifty wagons of baggage, provisions, and stores of different kinds. All 
 this with the trifling loss on our side of not more than ten officers killed 
 and wounded, and two or three hundred non-commissioned officers and 
 privates. We received orders to pursue Sumter, he having the only 
 remains of what the Rebels can call a corps in these parts at present. 
 At six o'clock in the evening our wagons were ordered forward that we 
 might pursue Sumter with vigor. At seven we got in motion. That 
 very moment an express arrived from Col. Innes', who was on his way 
 from Ninety Six to join us, informing us that he had been attacked by 
 a body of Rebels at Musgrove's Mills on Enoree river; that himself, and 
 Major Fraser of his regiment, were wounded, as were Capt. Peter Camp- 
 
APPENDIX. 505 
 
 bell, Lieuts. Chew and Camp, of Col. Allen's regiment. He wished for 
 support as many of the militia had left him. This, to our great mortifi- 
 cation, altered the course of our march. At eleven at night, we got 
 in motion ; marched all night ; forded Broad river at sun-rising. 
 
 Sunday, 20th. Proceeded four miles, and took up our ground at 
 Peter's creek, where we lay all day, fatigued with our night'smarch, being 
 eighteen miles. While we lay at Col. Winn's, a Mr. Smith was executed 
 for joining the Rebels after he had taken protection, and been allowed 
 to embody himself with our militia. 
 
 Monday, zist. Got in motion at one o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched six miles to a Rebel Capt. Lipham's on Padget creek. Took 
 up our ground at five o'clock in the morning. This morning was so 
 cold that we were glad to hover round large fires as soon as we halted. 
 About one o'clock a Mr. Duncan came to our camp with the agreeable 
 news that Col.Tarleton, with three companies of the Light Infantry, and 
 the Legion Cavalry, fell in with Sumter about twelve o'clock on Saturday, 
 the nineteenth.* He found them all asleep after the fatigue of two 
 nights' rapid retreat. Their horses were all at pasture. The first alarm 
 was the Light Infantry firing upon them. Col. Tarleton, with his usual 
 success, gained a complete victory over Gen. Sumter ; took two brass 
 field pieces, made tvvfo hundred and fifty prisoners, eight hundred horses, 
 thirty wagons, and retook a hundred of Brown's men that were 
 captured at Hanging Rock. Captain Duncan made his escape from the 
 Rebels during the engagement, he being a prisoner. Got in motion at 
 eleven o'clock in the evening ; marched ten miles to Tyger river ; forded 
 it at break of day. 
 
 Tuesday morning, S2d. Continued our march four miles to 
 Harrison's plantation, on Fair Forest, where we halted. 
 
 Wednesday , 2jd. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched six miles to John Blasingame's plantation, on Sugar creek, 
 where we took up our ground. Col. Ferguson set out for Camden. 
 
 Thursday, 24th. Still lay at Blasingame's, on Sugar creek. 
 
 Friday, 2^th. Still at Blasingame's. 
 
 Saturday, 26th. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning; 
 marched six miles to John Wofford's plantation, on McClure's creek. 
 
 Sunday, 2yth. Lay at McClure's creek; nothing extra. 
 
 Monday, 28th. Got in motion at five o'clock, and marched six miles 
 to Culbertson's plantation, near Fair Forest river. 
 
 Tuesday, 2gth, to Thursday, jist. Lay at Culbertson's; nothing 
 extra. 
 
 Friday, September ist. Still remained at Culbertson's. Maj. Fer- 
 guson joined us again from Camden with the disagreeable news that we 
 
 *It was really the preceding day, Friday, i8th. 
 
506 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 were to be separated from the army, and act on the frontiers with the 
 mihtia. 
 
 Saturday, 2d. Got in motion at eleven o'clock in the morning; 
 forded Fair Forest river, and marched ten miles to the Iron Works, on 
 Lawson's Fork of Pacolet river. Here was a Rebel militia-man that got 
 wounded in the right arm at the skirmish at Cedar Springs, tlie eighth 
 of August. The bone was very much shattered. It was taken off by 
 ' one Frost, a blacksmith, with a shoemaker's knife and carpenter's saw. 
 He stopped the blood with the fungus of the oak, without taking up a 
 blood vessel. 
 
 Sunday, jd. My friend Johnson and I bathed in the stream at the 
 Iron Works. 
 
 Monday, 4th. Got in motion at si.x o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched ten miles to Case's creek, where we halted all night. 
 
 Tuesday, jth. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and 
 marched a mile and a half to Pacolet river, and halted. The fresh was 
 so high we could not ford the river. I took lodging, with my friend 
 Johnson, who was very unwell, at one Coleman's, who is a very warm 
 Tory. His wife and all her children have been stripped of all their 
 clothes, bedding, and other furniture. She was mother of five children 
 in two years, 
 
 Wednesday , 6th. Got in motion at eight o'clock in the morning ; 
 marched six miles to Buck's creek ; dined at one Nelson's. Here was 
 a hearty old man, named William Case, a hurldred and nine years old. 
 He is a native of New England. Talks very strong ; gives some faint 
 description of New England. His memory began to fail seven years 
 past ; he lost his eyesight about eighteen months past ; is otherwise very 
 hale ; walks amazingly spry, and danced a jig. 
 
 Thursday, yth. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning; 
 crossed Buck creek, and the division line of South and North Carolina ; 
 marched six miles farther, and halted. Maj. Ferguson, with about fifty 
 of the American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at 
 six o'clock in the evening, and marched to Gilbert Town in order to sur- 
 prise a party of Rebels that we heaid were there. Capt. DePeyster and 
 I remained on the ground we took in the morning, with the remainder 
 of the American Volunteers and militia. 
 
 Friday, 8th. Got in motion at eight in the morning, and marched 
 six miles to Broad river, and took a height where we halted, and waited 
 orders from Maj. Ferguson. 
 
 Saturday, gth. Remained on the ground ; received intelligence 
 from Maj. Ferguson to keep our post. He was returning to keep a good 
 lookout, as the Georgians were coming towards us. 
 
 Szinday, loth. Col. Ferguson joined us about eleven o'clock at night. 
 
 Monday, nth. Got in motion at four o'clock in the evening; forded 
 
APPENDIX. 507 
 
 Broad river and continued on our march ten miles to one Adair's plan- 
 tation, and halted. 
 
 Tuesday, I2th. Maj. Ferguson, with forty American Volunteers and 
 one hundred militia, got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched fourteen miles through the mountains to the head of Cane creek, 
 in Burke County, in order to surprise a party of Rebels we heard lay 
 there. Unfortunately for vis, they had by some means got intelligence 
 of our coming, in consequence of which, Mr. McDowell, with three 
 hundred infamous villains like himself, thought it highly necessary to 
 remove their quarters. However, we were lucky enough to take a 
 different route from what they expected, and met them on their way, and 
 to appearance one would have thought they meant sincerely to fight us, 
 as they drew up on an eminence for action. On our approach they fired 
 and gave way. We totally routed them, killed one private, wounded a 
 Capt. White, took seventeen prisoners, twelve horses, all their ammu- 
 nition, which was only twenty pounds of powder, after which we 
 marched to their encampment, and found it abandoned by those Con- 
 gress heroes. Our loss was two wounded and one killed. Among the 
 wounded was Capt. Dunlap, who received two slight wounds. After the 
 skirmish we returned to one Allen's to refresh ourselves. We got in 
 motion about four o'clock in the afternoon, and countermarched about 
 six miles to a Rebel Mr. Jones', where we halted all night. 
 
 Wednesday , ijth. Got in motion about eight o'clock in the morn- 
 ing and continued countermarching to a Rebel Col. Walker's plantation 
 where we met Capt. Ryerson and Lieut. Fletcher with the remainder 
 of the American Volunteers and militia. Here we took up our ground, 
 very much fatigued with our enterprise. 
 
 Thursday, 14th. Lay still at Col. Walker's. The poor, deluded 
 people of this Province begin to be sensible of their error, and come 
 in very fast. Maj. Ferguson, with thirty American Volunteers, and three 
 hundred militia, got in motion at six o'clock, and marched to the head 
 of Cane creek, and halted at one Wilson's. 
 
 Friday, ijik. Capt. DePeystcr and I, who remained at Col. 
 Walker's with the rernainder of the American Volunteers and militia, 
 got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and marched twelve miles 
 to one Bowman's, near the head of Cane creek, and halted. This 
 creek is so amazingly crooked that we were obliged to cross it nineteen 
 times in marching four miles. Mrs. Bowman is an exceedingly obliging 
 woman. She had a child about four years old, who had smoked 
 ■ tobacco almost three years. At four o'clock in the afternoon got in 
 motion, and marched a mile and a half to Wilson's, where we joined 
 Maj. Ferguson. At ten o'clock in the evening we got in motion, with 
 the American Volunteers and five hundred militia, leaving Capt. Ryer- 
 son and Lieut. Fletcher, with two hundred militia, to guard the baggage, 
 
508 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 and marched fifteen miles to one John Forsyth's, on the banks of the 
 Catawba, to surprise Col. McDowell. We arrived there about six 
 o'clock in the morning of the i6th. Col. McDowell had left this place 
 the 14th. We countermarched to one Devore's, and halted to refresh 
 ourselves. At three o'clock got in motion ; marched to Pleasant Gar- 
 den Ford, Catawba river ; forded it, and continued our march to one 
 George Cathy's plantation, about a mile and a half from Devore's. 
 Pleasant Garden is a very handsome place. I was surprised to see so 
 beautiful a tract of land in the mountains. This settlement is composed 
 of the most violent Rebels I ever saw, particularly the young ladies. 
 
 Sunday, ijth. Got in motion and marched two miles to Buck's 
 creek, forded it, and continued our march two miles farther to a Rebel 
 Maj. Davidson's plantation, and halted. 
 
 Monday, i8th. Got in motion, countermarched to Buck creek, 
 forded it, and proceeded on five miles to Richey's Ford, on Catawba 
 river, forded it, and marched to a Rebel Alexander Thompson's planta- 
 tion, six miles farther, and halted. 
 
 Tuesday, igth. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched about eleven miles to a Rebel Mr. Hemphill's plantation, and 
 halted. At seven o'clock in the evening, I went about a mile and 
 joined Capt. Ryerson and the militia under his command. 
 
 Wednesday , 2otk. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched a mile and a half to one White's plantation, where we joined 
 Maj. Ferguson again. This day three officers belonging to Cruger and 
 Allen's regiments, joined us from Ninety Six, with fifty militia men. 
 
 Thursday , 21st. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning and 
 marched fourteen miles to a Rebel Samuel Andrew's plantation, and 
 halted. On the march I saw eight wild turkeys. 
 
 Friday, 22d. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning ; marched 
 five miles to Col. Walkers plantation, and halted. 
 
 Saturday, 2jd. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning ; 
 marched three miles to Gilbert Town ; took up our ground on a height 
 about half a mile from the town. This town contains one dwelUng 
 house, one barn, a blacksmith's shop, and some out-houses. 
 
 Sunday, 24th. Five hundred subjects came in, also a number of 
 ladies. Received intelligence from Col. Cruger, that he had marched 
 from Ninety Six to Augusta, to the assistance of Col. Browne, who was 
 besieged by six hundred Rebels, under the command of Col. Clarke. 
 Fortunately for Col. Browne, the Cherokee Indians, for whom he is 
 agent, were coming to Augusta for their yearly presents. They met 
 the Rebels just as they were going into the town, which obliged them 
 to fight. The Rebels being too numerous, and the Indians unacquainted 
 with field fighting, were obliged to make the best of their way to a fort 
 on one flank of the town, where Col. Browne had retired to. He made 
 
APPENDIX. 509 
 
 a very gallant defence for five days, two of which he was without bread 
 or water. On Col. Cruger's approach, the Rebels moved off with their 
 plunder, of which they had a tolerable share. Col. Cruger arrived time 
 enough to retake the cannon which they had taken from Browne, and 
 about thirty prisoners. 
 
 Monday, 2^th, atid Tuesday, 26th. Lay at Gilbert Town ; nothing 
 extra. 
 
 Wednesday, syth. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, 
 and marched three miles to Rucker's Mill, and halted. 
 
 Thursday, 28th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning ; 
 marched seven miles to Mountain creek, forded it, although very difficult, 
 continued on about a mile farther to Twitty's Ford of Broad river, and 
 took up our ground on its banks. At six o'clock in the evening got in 
 motion, forded the river ; marched two miles to McDaniel's Ford of 
 Green river ; forded it, and marched two miles farther ; halted on the 
 road ; lay on our arms till four o'clock the next morning. 
 
 Friday, 2gth. We then, at that early hour, moved on three miles to 
 one James Step's plantation, and halted. This man has been very 
 unfortunate in his family ; his wife, who is a very decent woman, was 
 caught by the Indians about a twelvemonth past. They scalped 
 and tomahawked her several times in the head, treated the infant she 
 had in her arms in a most inhuman and savage manner. They mashed 
 its head in such a manner that its recovery is truly astonishing ; but 
 what this poor, unhappy woman seems most to regret is the loss of her 
 oldest son, whom the savages took, and she now remains in a state of 
 uncertainty, not having heard from him since. 
 
 Saturday, joth. Lay at James Step's with an expectation of inter- 
 cepting Col. Clarke on his return to the mountains ; but he was prudent 
 enough to take another route. 
 
 Sunday, October ist. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, 
 and marched twelve miles to Denard's Ford of Broad river, and took 
 up our old ground where we lay the 8th September. 
 
 Monday, 2d. Got in motion at four o'clock in the afternoon ; forded 
 Broad river ; marched four miles ; formed in line of action and lay on 
 our arms. This night I had nothing but the canopy of heaven to 
 cover me. 
 
 Tuesday, jd. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning ; marched 
 six miles to Camp's Ford of Second Broad river, forded it and con- 
 tinued on six miles to one Armstrong's plantation, on the banks of 
 Sandy Run. Halted to refresh ; at four o'clock got in motion ; forded 
 Sandy Run ; marched seven miles to Buffalo creek ; forded it ; marched 
 a mile farther and halted near one Tate's plantation. John West came 
 in camp, who is a hundred and one years of age ; is amazingly strong 
 in every sense. 
 
510 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 Friday, 6th. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning, and 
 marched sixteen miles to Little King's Jilountain, where we took up 
 our ground. 
 
 Saturday, yth. About two o'clock in the afternoon twenty-five hun- 
 dred Rebels, under the command of Brig.-Gen. Williams, and ten 
 Colonels, attacked us. Maj. Ferguson had eight hundred men. The 
 action continued an hour and five ininutes ; but their numbers enabled 
 them to surround us. The North Carolina regiment seeing this, and 
 numbers being out of ammunition, gave way, which naturally threw the 
 rest of the militia into confusion. Our poor little detachment, which 
 consisted of only seventy men when we marched to the field of action, 
 were all killed and wounded but twenty ; and those brave fellows were 
 soon crowded as close as possible by the militia. Capt. DePeyster, on 
 whom the command devolved, saw it impossible to form six men together; 
 thought it necessary to surrender to save the lives of the brave men who 
 were left. We lost in this action, Maj. Ferguson, of the Seventy-first 
 regiment, a man much attached to his King and country, well informed 
 in the art of war ; he was brave and humane, and an agreeable com- 
 panion ; in short, he was universally esteemed in the army, and I have 
 every reason to regret his unhappy fate. We had eighteen men killed 
 on the spot ; Capt. Ryerson and thirty-two privates wounded of Maj. 
 Ferguson's detachment ; Lieut. McGinnis, of Allen's regiment of 
 Skinner's Brigade, killed. Taken prisoners. Two Captains, four Lieu- 
 tenants, three Ensigns, and one Surgeon, and fifty-four sergeants rank 
 and file, including the mounted men under the command of Lieut. Taylor. 
 Of the militia, one hundred were killed, including officers ; wounded, 
 ninety ; taken prisoners, about six hundred. Our baggage all taken, of 
 course. Rebels lost Brig.-Gen. Williams, one hundred and thirty-five, 
 including officers, killed ; wounded, equal to ours. 
 
 Sunday, 8th. They thought it necessary to move us sixteen miles, 
 to one Waldron's plantation, where they halted. 
 
 Monday, gth. Moved two miles and a half to Bullock creek ; * 
 forded it, and halted on the banks. 
 
 Tuesday, loth. Moved twenty miles and halted in the woods. 
 
 Wednesday, nth. Moved at eight o'clock in the morning ; marched 
 twelve miles to Col. Walker's, and halted, 
 
 Thursday, I2th. Those villains divided our baggage, although they 
 had promised on their word we should have it all. 
 
 Friday, ijth. Moved six miles to Bickerstaff's plantation. In the 
 evening their liberality extended so far as to send five old shirts to nine 
 of us, as a change of linen — other things in like proportion. 
 
 Saturday, 14th. Twelve field officers were chosen to try the militia 
 
 ^ Apparently Boren's creek— Bullock's creek was some fifteen or eighteen miles distant. 
 
APPENDIX. 611 
 
 prisoners — particularly those who had the most influence in the country. 
 They condemed thirty — in the evening they began to execute Lieut.-Col. 
 Mills, Capt. Wilson, Capt. Chitwood, and six others, who unfortunately 
 fell a sacrifice to their infamous mock jury. Mills, Wilson, and Chit- 
 wood died like Romans — the others were reprieved. 
 
 Sunday, ijth. Moved at five o'clock in the morning. Marched 
 all day through the rain — a very disagreeable road. We got to Catawba, 
 and forded it at Island Ford, about ten o'clock at night. Our march 
 was thirty-two miles. All the men were worn out with fatigue and fast- 
 ing — the prisoners having no bread or meat for two days before. We 
 officers were allowed to go to Col. McDowell's, where we lodged com- 
 fortably. About one hundred prisoners made their escape on this 
 march. 
 
 Monday, l6ih. Moved at two o'clock in the afternoon. Marched 
 five miles ; forded the north branch of Catawba and John's river ; 
 halted at a Tory plantation. 
 
 Tuesday, ijth. Moved at eight o'clock in the morning. Marched 
 fifteen miles; halted at Capt. Hatt's plantation. Thiee prisoners 
 attempted to make their escape this night ; two succeeded — the other 
 was shot through the body. 
 
 Wednesday, i8th. About five o'clock in the morning the Rebels 
 executed the man who unfortunately got wounded in attempting to make 
 his escape. We moved at eight o'clock in the morning, and marched 
 eighteen miles to Moravian creek, and halted. 
 
 Tlnirsday, igth. Moved at eight o'clock in the morning; forded 
 Moravian creek, passed by Wilkes Court House, and marched sixteen 
 miles to one Hagwoods' plantation, and halted. 
 
 Friday, 20th. Moved at eleven o'clock in the morning ; marched 
 six miles to Mr. Sale's plantation, and halted. 
 
 Saturday, 21st. Several Tory women brought us butter, milk, 
 honey, and many other necessaries of life. Moved at ten o'clock in 
 the morning, and marched fourteen miles to Mr. Headpeth's plantation, 
 a great Tory, who is at present with Lord Cornwallis. We lodged at 
 Mr. Edward Clinton's, who is likewise vv'ith Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 Sunday, 22d. Moved at ten o'clock in the morning. Obtained 
 liberty to go forward with Col. Shelby to Salem, a town inhabited by 
 Moravians. Rode ten miles, and forded Yadkin river at Shallow Ford. 
 Proceeded on fourteen miles farther to Salem. Went to meeting in the 
 evening; highly entertained with the decency of those people, and with 
 their music. Salem contains about twenty houses, and a place of wor- 
 ship. The people of this town are all mechanics ; those of the other 
 two Moravian settlements are all farmers, and all stanch friends to Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Monday, 2jd. Lay at Salem in the evening. Two Continental 
 
612 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 officers slept at the tavern, on their way to join their army, One Mr. 
 Simons, a Lieutenant of Col. Washington's dragoons, was exceeding 
 polite, pitied our misfortune in falling into the hands of their militia. 
 
 Tuesday, 24th. Moved at ten o'clock in the morning ; marched six 
 miles to the old town called Bethabara. Here we joined the camp 
 again. This town is about as large as the other ; but not so regularly 
 laid out. The inhabitants very kind to all the prisoners. This night 
 Dr. Johnson and 1 were disturbed by a Capt. Campbell, who came into 
 our room, and ordered us up in a most peremptory manner. He wanted 
 our bed. 1 was obliged to go to Col. Campbell, and wake him to get 
 the ruffian turned out of the room ; otherwise he would have murdered 
 us, having his sword drawn, and strutting about with it in a truly 
 cowardly manner. 
 
 Wednesday, 2jih. The men of our detachment, on Capt. DePey- 
 ster passing his word for their good behavior, were permitted to go into 
 houses in the town without a guard. 
 
 Thursday, 26th, to Saturday, 28th. Nothing extra. 
 
 Sunday, 2gth. Col. Cleveland waited on Capt DePeyster and the 
 rest of the officers, and asked us if we, with our men, would come and 
 hear a sermon at ten o'clock. He marched the militia prisoners from 
 their encampment to the town, and halted them ; and sent an officer to 
 our quarters to acquaint us they were waiting for us. We then ordered 
 our men to fall in ; marched to the front of the prisoners ; the whole 
 then proceeded on to a height about half a mile from the town. Here 
 we heard a Presbyterian sermon, truly adapted to their principles and 
 the times ; or, rather, stuffed as full of Republicanism as their camp is 
 of horse thieves. 
 
 Monday, jotk. A number of the inhabitants assembled at Betha- 
 bara to see a poor Tory prisoner executed for a crime of the following 
 nature, viz : A Rebel soldier was passing the guard where the prisoners 
 were confined, and like a brute addressed himself to those poor unhappy 
 people in this style: "Ah, d — n you, you'll all be hanged." This 
 man, with the spirit of a British subject, answered, "Never mind that, 
 it will be your turn next." But Col. Cleveland's goodness extended so 
 far as to reprieve him. 
 
 Tuesday, joth. Rode to Salem in company with Capt. DePeyster, 
 Dr. Johnson and Mr. Supple. This night very cold ; froze ice a quarter 
 of an inch thick — the first this fall. 
 
 Wednesday, November ist. My friend, Dr. Johnson, insulted and 
 beaten by Col. Cleveland for attempting to dress a man whom they had 
 cut on the march. Col. Armstrong relieved Cleveland in the afternoon, 
 and took the command. 
 
 Thursday, 2d. Took a walk with Capt. DePeyster, Dr. Johnson 
 and Mr. Taylor to Bathania, three miles from Bethabara. This town 
 contains about thirty houses ; it is regularly laid out. 
 
APPENDIX. 513 
 
 Friday, jd. Heard by a countryman, who was moving his family 
 over the mountains to Nolachucky, that General Leslie had landed at 
 James river, in Virginia. 
 
 Saturday, ^ih. Dined at a country house. 
 
 Sunday, jih. Set off from Bethabara in company with Lieut. Tay- 
 lor, Lieut. Stevenson, and William Gist, a militia-man, about six o'clock 
 in the evening. We marched fifteen miles to Yadkin river ; forded it, 
 found it very disagreeable. We continued on twenty miles farther to 
 Mr. Miller's plantation, an exceeding good subject. Here we arrived 
 just at daybreak the next morning. 
 
 Monday, 6th. Took up our ground in the bushes, about half a mile 
 from the house. At ten o'clock, we sent Mr. Gist to the house for some 
 victuals. He found Mr. Miller at home, who very readily gave us all 
 the assistance that lay in his power. About two o'clock, he brought 
 us some victuals, which we were very happy to see, being very 
 hungry after our fatiguing march the night before. In conversation, 
 which very naturally run upon the safest way, guides, etc., Mr. Miller 
 told us he knew a militia Capt. Turner, and one or two more subjects, 
 then lying in the bushes, who would be very happy to join Lord Corn- 
 wallis ; and they were also excellent guides. On this we consulted, and 
 thought it prudent to stay all night. Mr. Miller then fetched us a 
 blanket, and immediately set out to find those people. 
 
 Tuesday, ytk. Mr. Miller returned informing us that one of those 
 men would be with us at six o'clock in the evening. We waited till 
 seven, but the man not coming, we thought it prudent to go without 
 him. We set out about half after seven ; marched six miles to one 
 Carpenter's. When we arrived there, Mr. Carpenter advised us to 
 remain there the remainder of the night, and he would go to Mr. Miller, 
 and send him again for the men. We then consulted, and thought it 
 best to stay a day or two — then to proceed on, without a guide. 
 
 Wednesday, 8th. Lay very snug in the bushes. About four o'clock 
 in the afternoon, Mr. Carpenter returned and told us Mr. Miller was 
 gone in search of a guide, and was to return with an answer as soon as 
 possible. Suffered exceedingly with the cold this day. 
 
 Thursday, gth. Heard of the Rebels following us, but they getting 
 false intelligence, returned again, which was much in our favor. In the 
 course of the day, we thought it would be prudent to get the best direc- 
 tions we could, and proceed on, without a guide, rather than remain too 
 long in one place, lest some of those people might be treacherous. We got 
 direction from Mr. Carpenter for sixty miles, and at six o'clock in the eve- 
 ning, set out ; marched thirty miles, and halted in the woods at daybreak. 
 
 Friday, loth. Suffered very much with the cold. At six o'clock in 
 the evening set out again. This night saw the moon in an eclipse, and 
 heard several wolves bark. Passed a Rebel party consisting of twelve 
 or fourteen, who lay about twenty yards from the road by a fire ; but 
 
514 ALLAIRE'S DIARY. 
 
 very fortunately for us, they were all asleep. We marched thirty miles 
 and arrived at Colbert Blair's, just at daybreak. 
 
 Saturday, nth. It began to rain just after we got to Mr. Blair's. 
 Lucky we were indeed. This good man secreted us in his fodder-house, 
 and gave us the best his house afforded. 
 
 Sunday, I2tk. Remained at Mr. Blair's ; a rainy, disagreeable day. 
 
 Monday, ijth. Set out from this good man's fodder-house. He 
 conducted us about three miles to a Mr. F. Rider's, who guided us seven 
 miles farther, over the Brushy Mountains, to Catawba river. Mr. John 
 Murray, who lived on the bank of the river, put us over in a canoe, and 
 conducted us three miles to Mr. Ballou's. This old man was about sixty 
 years of age ; but his love for his King and his subjects induced him to 
 get up, although very late at night, and guided us seven miles to a Mr. 
 Hilterbrine's. On the way the old man informed us he had two sons 
 who lay out in the woods, who were anxious to go to our army, and were 
 also good guides. He also told us of one Williams, that was a good 
 guide, and who would be glad to go with us. We told the old man we 
 should be very happy to have them, as the road began to grow more 
 dangerous, and we quite unacquainted with the way. This poor old 
 man expressed a great deal of anxiety for our safety, and at last told 
 us he would go the next day and endeavor to find them, and send them 
 to us. We arrived at Hilterbrine's about six o'clock in the morning of 
 the 14th. He received us with great caution, lest we should be treach- 
 erous ; but when he found we were British officers he was very kind. 
 
 Wednesday , i^th. Just as we were drinking a dish of coffee, on a 
 rock, after dusk, those three young men came to us on horseback, which 
 made us very happy. We set out immediately, and marched twenty 
 miles over the Brushy Mountains, where there was nothing but Indian 
 paths. Crossed several small rivers. We arrived at one Sheppard's 
 plantation, just at daybreak of the i6th. This poor family were so 
 completely stripped of everything they had, by the Rebels, that they 
 could give us nothing but a hoe cake, and some dried beef, which was 
 but a very indifferent repast for hungry stomachs. At six o'clock in the 
 evening set out ; marched sixteen miles to Camp's Ford of Second 
 Broad river ; forded it, and continued on three and a half miles farther 
 to Island Ford of Main Broad river ; forded it, and marched one mile to 
 Capt. Tovvnsend's plantation. This man received three balls in the 
 action on King's Mountain, and was at home on parole. He was very 
 happy to see us, and gave us the best his house afforded. 
 
 Friday, ly/h. Set out at six o'clock in the evening ; marched twelve 
 miles to a Mr. Morris'. Here we were told that a party of Rebels were 
 directly in our front ; that we had better remain there th?t night, in 
 which time we could send Mr. Williams, who was with us, and well 
 acquainted with that neighborhood, to get a militia Capt. Robins, who 
 
APPENDIX. 515 
 
 lay out in the woods, an4 was going to our army in a day or two. This 
 man was so good a guide that it induced us to stay. 
 
 Saturday, iSth. Lay in the woods ; fared pretty well. 
 
 Sunday, igth. Mr. Williams returned, but without effecting what he 
 went after. We had a council of safety ; found it necessary to proceed 
 on. We got Mr. Murray to guide us to the main road that leads to the 
 Iron Works, which is twelve miles distant. We set out about three 
 o'clock in the afternoon ; took by-paths, and got in the main road just 
 at dusk. We crossed Pacolet river, Lawson's Fork, and Tyger river ; 
 passed a Rebel guard ; marched thirty-seven miles, and arrived at 
 James Duncan's plantation, half an hour before daybreak of the 20th. 
 About ten o'clock Mrs. Duncan rode out to see if she could get any 
 intelligence of our army, and of the Rebel army, that we might shun 
 the latter. Mrs. Duncan returned in less than an hour, with the 
 disagreeable news that the Rebel army was marching within two 
 miles of us, and were going to encamp at Blackstock's, about four miles 
 from us. This news truly discouraged me. About five o'clock in the 
 evening Mr. Duncan came to us with agreeable news — that Col. Tarle- 
 ton was in pursuit of the Rebels. At six o'clock a Mr. Jackson came to 
 us, and informed us he had seen Col. Tarletoil ; he had also heard he 
 had had an action with Sumter, who commanded the Rebels, but did not 
 know the particulars. He advised us to go to his house and stay all 
 night, as we would be perfectly safe there, and the next morning go to 
 Mr. Smith's, where we could hear the particulars of the action, as there 
 were some of the Legion wounded there. We agreed to what the man 
 said ; staid all night at his house, where we were treated very kindly. 
 
 Tuesday, 2ist. Mr. Duncan conducted us to Mr. Smith's, where we 
 found six of the Legion wounded. 
 
 Wednesday, 22d. Set out from Archey Smith's on horseback, which 
 the subjects in that neighborhood supplied us with. They brought us 
 on thirteen miles to one Adair's. Here we dismounted, and those good 
 people returned. We continued thirteen miles to Williams' Fort, which 
 was commanded by Col. Kirkland, who received us very kindly. 
 
 Thursday, 23d. Set out from Col. Kirkland's, who was kind enough 
 to lend us horses as far as Saluda. Left the horses here ; crossed in a 
 scow; walked a mile to Col. Mayson's ; dined; got horses and rode to 
 Ninety Six. Arrived at Capt. John Barbarie's* quarters, about eight 
 o'clock in the evening. 
 
 Friday, 24th. Remained at Ninety Six; nothing extra. 
 
 Saturday, 23th. Set out for Charleston, Where I arrived the 29th 
 of November ; nothing worth notice on the journey. 
 
 *Capt. Barbaric belonged to the New Jersey Volunteers: was captured at Staten 
 Island in 1777; doubtless shared in the siege of Charleston, as he did in the siege of 
 Ninety Six during which he was wounded ; and was again wounded at Eutaw Springs. He 
 received half pay. and settled at St. Johns, New Brunswick, where he became a Colonel 
 of the militia, and a magistrate. He died at Sussex Vale in 1818 at the age of sixty-seven. 
 His son Andrew Barbarie, was a member of the Assembly of that Province. 
 
516 BRITISH A CCO UNTS. 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN BATTLE. 
 
 BRITISH ACCOUNTS. 
 
 [From Scot's Magazine, January, 1781.J 
 
 Charleston, Dec, 27, lySo. 
 
 A gentleman lately come to town has favored us with an account 
 of the base treatment the unfortunate officers and men met with who 
 surrendered prisoners of war, last October, to the Rebel Col. Campbell, 
 in the action of King's Mountain. A small party of the [British] militia 
 returning from foraging, unacquainted with the surrender, happening to 
 fire on the Rebels, the prisoners were immediately threatened with death 
 if the firing should be repeated. 
 
 The morning after the action, the prisoners were marched sixteen 
 miles ; previous to their march, orders were given by Campbell, should 
 tliey be attacked, to fire on and destroy every prisoner. The party kept 
 marching for two days without any kind of provisions. On the third 
 day's march all the baggage of the officers was seized, and shared 
 among the Rebel officers. 
 
 A few days after, a mock court-martial sat for the trial of the militia 
 prisoners ; when, after a short hearing, thirty gentlemen, some of the 
 most respectable characters in that country, had sentence of death 
 passed on them ; and at six o'clock the same day they began to execute. 
 Col. Mills and Capt. Chitwood, of North Carolina, Capt. Wilson, of 
 Ninety Six, and six privates, were first executed. The British officers 
 were compelled to attend at the execution of their brave but unfortunate 
 rnen ; who, with manly firmness, avowed their loyality in their last 
 moments, and with their latest breath expressed their unutterable detes- 
 tation for the Rebels, and their base and infamous proceedings. The 
 remaining twenty-one were reprieved for a time. 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN BATTLE. 
 [From Rivington's Royal Gasette, New York, February 24th, 178 1.] 
 
 Extract from a letter from an officer,* dated Charleston, January 
 30th, 1781. 
 
 This gentleman went from New York with a detachment drawn from 
 the Provincial Brigade, which was commanded by the brave Major 
 Patrick Ferguson. This letter gives the most circumstantial account yet 
 
 *This letter was evidently enough written by Lieut. Allaire, as a comparison with his 
 Diary proves : and the same test shows that the preceding article from Scot's Magazine, 
 was dictated by him. 
 
APPENDIX. 617 
 
 received of the action at King's Mountain, in South Carohna, Oct. seventh. 
 
 I think the last letter I wrote you was from Fort Moultrie, which I 
 left a few days after. We marched to a place called Ninety Six, which 
 is about two hundred miles from Charleston ; we lay there about a fort- 
 night in good quarters, after which we proceeded to the frontiers of South 
 Carohna, and frequently passed the hne into North Carohna, and can 
 say with propriety, that there is not a regiment or detachment of his 
 Majesty's service, that ever went through the fatigues, or suffered so 
 much, as our detachment. 
 
 That you may have some faint idea of our suffering, I shall mention 
 a few particulars. In the first place we were separated from all the 
 army, acting with the militia ; we never lay two nights in one place, 
 frequently making forced marches of twenty and thirty miles in one 
 night ; skirmishing very often ; the greatest part of our time without rum 
 or wheat flour — rum is a very essential article, for in marching ten miles 
 we would often be obliged to ford two or three rivers, which wet the 
 men up to their waists. 
 
 In this disagreeable situation, we remained till the seventh of Octo- 
 ber, when we jvere attacked by two thousand five hundred Rebels, under 
 the command of Gen. Williams. Col. Ferguson had under his com- 
 mand eight hundred militia, and our detachment, which at that time 
 was reduced to an hundred men. The action commenced about two 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and was very severe for upwards of an hour, 
 during which the Rebels were charged and drove back several times, 
 with considerable slaughter. When our detachment charged, for the 
 first time, it fell to my lot to put a Rebel Captain to death, which 1 did 
 most effectually, with one blow of my sword ; the fellow was at least six 
 feet high, but I had rather the advantage, as 1 was mounted on an ele- 
 gant horse, and he on foot. But their numbers enabled them to sur- 
 round us and the North Carolina regiment, which consisted of about 
 three hundred men. Seeing this, and numbers being out of ammuni- 
 tion, which naturally threw the rest of the militia into confusion, our 
 gallant little detachment, which consisted of only seventy men, exclusive 
 of twenty who acted as dragoons, and ten who drove wagons, etc., 
 when we marched to the field of action, were all killed and wounded 
 but twenty, and those brave fellows were soon crowded into an heap by 
 the militia. Capt. DePeyster, on whom the command devolved, seeing 
 it impossible to form six men together, thought it necessary to surrender, 
 to save the lives of the brave men who were left. 
 
 We lost in this action, Maj. Ferguson, of the Seventy-first regiment, 
 a man strongly attached to his King and country, well informed in the art 
 of war, brave, humane, and an agreeable companion — in short, he was 
 universally esteemed in the army, and I have every reason to regret his 
 unhappy fate. We lost eighteen men killed on the spot — Capt. Ryerson 
 
518 BRITISH ACCOUNTS. 
 
 and thirty-two Sergeants and privates wounded, of Maj. Ferguson's 
 detachment. Lieutenant M'Ginnis of Allen's regiment, Skinner's 
 brigade, killed ; taken prisoners, two Captains, four Lieutenants, three 
 Ensigns, one Surgeon, and fifty-four Sergeants and privates, including 
 the wounded, wagoners, etc. The militia killed, one hundred, including 
 officers ; wounded, ninety ; taken prisoners about six hundred ; our 
 baggage all taken, of course. 
 
 The Rebels lost Brig. -Gen. Williams, and one hundred and thirty-five, 
 including officers, killed ; wounded nearly equal to ours. The morning 
 after the action we were marched sixteen miles, previous to which orders 
 were given by the Rebel Col. Campbell (whom the command devolved 
 on) that should they be attacked on their march, they were to fire on, 
 and destroy their prisoners. The party was kept marching two days 
 without any kind of provisions. The officers' baggage, on the third 
 day's march, was all divided among the Rebel officers. 
 
 Shortly after we were marched to Bickerstaff's settlement, where we 
 arrived on the thirteenth. On the fourteenth, a court martial, composed 
 of twelve field officers, was held for the trial of the militia prisoners ; 
 when, after a short hearing, they condemned thirty of the most principal 
 and respectable characters, whom they considered to be most inimical 
 to them, to be executed ; and, at six o'clock in the evening of the same 
 day, executed Col. Mills, Capt. Chitwood, Capt. Wilson, and six pri- 
 vates ; obliging every one of their officers to attend at the death of those 
 brave, but unfortunate Loyalists, who all, with their last breath and 
 blood, held the Rebels and their cause as infamous and base, and as 
 they were turning off, extolled their King and the British Government. 
 
 On the morning of the fifteenth. Col. 'Campbell had intelligence that 
 Col. Tarleton was approaching him, when he gave orders to his men, 
 that should Col. Tarleton come up with them, they were immediately to 
 fire on Capt. DePeyster and his officers, who were in the front, and 
 then a second volley on the men. During this day's march the men 
 were obliged to give thirty-five Continental dollars for a single ear of 
 Indian corn, and forty for a drink of water, they not being allowed to 
 drink when fording a river ; in short, the whole of the Rebels' conduct 
 from the surrender of the party into their hands is incredible to relate. 
 Several of the militia that were worn out with fatigue, and not being 
 able to keep up, were cut down, and trodden to death in the mire. 
 
 After the party arrived at IVToravian Town, in North Carolina, we 
 officers were ordered in different houses. Dr. Johnson (who lived with 
 me) and myself were turned out of our bed at an unseasonable hour 
 of the night, and threatened with immediate death if we did not make 
 room for some of Campbell's officers ; Dr. Johnson was, after this, 
 knocked down, and treated in the basest manner, for endeavoring to 
 dress a man whom they had cut on the march. The Rebel officers 
 
APPENDIX. 619 
 
 would often go in amongst the prisoners, draw their swords, cut down 
 and wound those whom their wicked and savage minds prompted. 
 
 This is a specimen of Rebel lenity — you may report it without the 
 least equivocation, for upon the word and honor of a gentleman, this 
 description is not equal to their barbarity. This kind of treatment 
 made our time pass away very disagreeably. After we were in Moravian 
 Town about a fortnight, we were told we could not get paroles to return 
 within the British lines ; neither were we to have any till we were 
 moved over the mountains in the back parts of Virginia, where we were 
 to live on hoe cake and milk ; in consequence of this, Capt. Taylor, 
 Lieut. Stevenson and myself, chose rather to trust the hand of fate, 
 and agreeable to our inclinations, set out from Moravian Town the fifth 
 of November, and arrived at the British lines the twentieth. From this 
 town to Ninety Six, which was the first post we arrived at, is three 
 hundred miles ; and from Ninety Six to Charleston, two hundred, so 
 that my route was five hundred miles. The fatigues of this jaunt I 
 shall omit till I see you, although I suffered exceedingly ; but thank God 
 am now in Charleston in good quarters." 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN. 
 
 [From Rivington's New York Royal Gazette, March 2ist, 1781. Copied 
 
 into a London paper, of April, 30th, and into the Charleston 
 
 Royal Gazette of October 27th following.] 
 
 Extract of a letter from an officer taken prisoner at King's Mountain, 
 dated Charleston, S. C, March 4th, 1781 : 
 
 Capt. DePeyster and I* were permitted to come within the Hnes 
 upon paroles, and were made exceedingly happy on our arrival in town, 
 being informed we were exchanged. After our misfortune in losing 
 Maj. Ferguson, the command devolved on Capt. DePeyster; he behaved 
 like a brave, good officer, and disputed the ground as long as it was 
 possible to defend it against four times our number. The action lasted 
 an hour and five minutes, very hot indeed. I must confess I was 
 pleased, though a prisoner, to see their loss superior to ours. It is an 
 agreeable satisfaction to think, that although they got the better of us, 
 
 d n 'em, we made them pay for it. I can assure you, sir, we deserved 
 
 success, although it was not in our power to command it. 
 
 *As Lieuts. Allaire, Taylor, and Stevenson had previously escaped from Bethabara, 
 and arrived in Charleston, the only officers left with Capt. DePeyster were Capt. Ryerson 
 and Lieut Fletcher. It was one of these— most likely Capt. Ryerson-who wrote this 
 letter. 
 
520 PURSUIT— VICTORY. 
 
 COL. WILLIAMS TO GEN. GATES. 
 
 Burke County, Oct. 2d, lySo. 
 
 Sir: I am at present about seventy miles from Salisbury, in the 
 fork of the Catawba, with about four hundred and fifty horsemen, in 
 pursuit of Col. Ferguson. On my crossing the Catawba river, I dis- 
 patched to different quarters for intelligence, and this evening I was 
 favored with this news, which you may depend on : That Col. Clarke, 
 of the State of Georgia, with one hundred riflemen, forced his way from 
 South Carolina to Georgia. On his route thither, being joined by seven 
 hundred men, he proceeded to the town of Augusta, and has taken it 
 with a large quantity of goods ; but not finding it prudent to continue 
 there, he has retreated to the upper parts of South Carolina, in Ninety 
 Six district, and made a stand with eight hundred brave men. 
 
 This moment another of my expresses is arrived from Cols. Mc- 
 Dowell and Shelby ; they were on their march, near Burke Court House, 
 with fifteen hundred brave mountain inen, and Col. Cleveland was within 
 ten miles of them with eight hundred men, and was to form a junction 
 with them this day. I expect to join them to-morrow, in pursuit of Col. 
 Ferguson, and under the direction of heaven, I hope to be able to render 
 your honor a good account of him in a few days. 
 
 I am, &c., 
 
 Maj.-Gen. Gates. JAMES WILLIAMS. 
 
 GEN. W. L. DAVIDSON TO GEN. SUMNER. 
 
 Camp, Rocky River, Oct. loth, lySo. 
 Sir; I have the pleasure of sending you very agreeable intelligence 
 from the West. Ferguson, the great partisan, has miscarried. This we 
 are assured of by Mr. Tate, Brigade Major in Gen. Sumter's late com- 
 mand. The particulars from that gentleman's mouth stand thus : That 
 Cols. Campbell, Cleveland, Shelby, Sevier, Williams, Brandon, Lacey, 
 etc., formed a conjunct body near Gilbert Town, consisting of three 
 thousand. From this body were selected sixteen hundred good horse, 
 who immediately went in pursuit of Col. Ferguson, who was making 
 his way to Charlotte. Our people overtook him well posted on King's 
 Mountain, and on the evening of the seventh inst., at four o'clock, began 
 the attack, which continued forty -seven minutes. Col. Ferguson fell in the 
 action, besides one hundred and fifty of his men ; eight hundred and 
 ten were made prisoners, including the British, one hundred and fifty of 
 prisoners are wounded. Fifteen hundred stand of arms fell into our 
 hands. Col. Ferguson had about fourteen hundred men. Our people 
 surrounded them, and the enemy surrendered. 
 
APPENDIX. 621 
 
 "We lost about twenty men, among whom is Maj. Chronicle, of 
 Lincoln County ; Col. Williams is mortally wounded. The number of 
 our wounded cannot be ascertained. This blow will certainly effect the 
 British very considerably. The Brigade Major who gives this, was 
 in the action. The above is true. I give you joy upon the occasion." 
 
 In forwarding the above to Gen. Gates, Gen. Sumner wrote from 
 Yadkin Ford, eight o'clock in the evening, October loth : "With 
 great satisfaction I inform you of the defeat of Maj. Ferguson, four 
 o'clock on Saturday afternoon. The particulars I inclose you as I 
 received them a few minutes ago." 
 
 GEN. GATES TO GOV. JEFFERSON. 
 
 HiLLSBORO, Oct. 13th, 1780. 
 
 Sir: This instant I received the great and glorious news contained 
 in the enclosed letter from Brig. -Gen. Davidson to Gen. Sumner, who 
 directly dispatched it to me by express. We are now more than even 
 with the enemy. The moment the supplies for the troops arrive from 
 Taylor's Ferry, I shall proceed with the whole to the Yadkin. Gen. 
 Smallwood and Col. Morgan are on their way to that post ; the latter, 
 with the Light Infantry, was yesterday advanced eighteen miles beyond 
 Guilford Court House ; the former, with the cavalry, lay last night 
 thirteen miles on this side that place. I desire your Excellency will 
 dispatch copies of all the letters I now send to the President of Congress. 
 
 GEN. GATES' LETTER OF THANKS FOR KING'S 
 MOUNTAIN VICTORY. 
 
 HiLLSBORO, Oct. I2th, lySo. 
 
 To the officers commanding in the late defeat of Maj. Ferguson: 
 
 Sirs: I received, this morning early, the very agreeable account of 
 your victory over Maj. Ferguson. It gave me, and every friend to 
 liberty, and the United States, infinite satisfaction. 
 
 I thank you, gentlemen, and the brave officers and soldiers under 
 your command, for your and their glorious behavior in that action. The 
 records of the war will transmit your names and theirs to posterity, with 
 the highest honor and applause. I desire you will acquaint them with 
 the sense I entertain of the great service they have done their country. 
 I have, this morning, by a special messenger, transmitted intelligence 
 of it to Congress. 
 
622 OFFICIAL REPORT. 
 
 I am now only anxious about the disposal of the prisoners, as they 
 must be ready to use in exchange for our valuable citizens in the enemy's 
 hands. Send them under proper guards to Fincastle Court House, Vir- 
 ginia. I will desire the Colonel of that County to have a strong pahsade, 
 eighteen feet high out of the ground, instantly set up, within which log 
 huts may be built to cover them. The guard must be without, and the 
 loop-holes eight feet from the ground. Provisions, etc., shall be ordered 
 to be provided for them. 
 
 OFFICIAL REPORT. 
 
 [From the Virginia Gazette, Nov. i8th, and Massachusetts Spy, 
 Nov. 30th, 1780.] 
 
 A state of the proceedings of the Western Army, from the 2jih of Sep- 
 tember, ij8o, to the reduction of Major Ferguson, and 
 the army under his command. 
 
 On receiving intelligence that Major Ferguson had advanced as high 
 up as Gilbert Town, in Rutherford County, and threatened to cross the 
 mountains to the western waters, Col. William Campbell, with four 
 hundred men from Washington County, Virginia, Col. Isaac Shelby, 
 with two hundred and forty from Sullivan County of North Carolina, and 
 Lieut. -Col. John Sevier, with two hundred and forty men, of Washing- 
 ton County, assembled at Watauga, on the 25th of September, where 
 they were joined by Col. Charles McDowell, with one hundred and 
 sixty men from the Counties of Burke and Rutherford, who had fled 
 before the enemy to the western waters. 
 
 We began our march on the 26th, and on the 30th we were joined by 
 Col. Cleveland, on the Catawba river, with three hundred and fifty men, 
 from the Counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having properly 
 a right to command in chief, on the ist of October, we dispatched an 
 express to Maj. Gen. Gates, informing him of our situation, and request- 
 ing him to send a general officer to take the command of the whole. In 
 the meantime Col. Campbell was chosen to act as commandant till such 
 general officer should arrive. We marched to the Cowpens, on Broad 
 river, in South Carolina, where we were joined by Col. James Williams, 
 with four hundred men, on the evening of the 6th of October, who in- 
 formed us, that the enemy lay encamped somewhere near the Cherokee 
 Ford, of Broad river, about thirty miles distant from us. 
 
 By a council of the principal officers, it was then thought advisable to 
 pursue the enemy that night with nine hundred of the .best horsemen^ 
 and leave the weak horses and footmen to follow as fast as possible. We 
 
APPENDIX. 623 
 
 began our march with nine hundred of the best men, about eight o'clock 
 the same evening ; and, marching all night, came up with the enemy 
 about three o'clock p. M. of the 7th, who lay encamped on the top of 
 King's Mountain, twelve miles north of the Cherokee Ford, in the 
 confidence that they could not be forced from so advantageous a post. 
 Previous to the attack, on the march, the following disposition was 
 made : Col. Shelby's regiment formed a column in the center, on the 
 left; Col. Campbell's regiment, another on the right; with part of Col. 
 Cleveland's regiment, headed in front by Major Winston, and Col. 
 Sevier's regiment, formed a large column on the right wing. The other 
 part of Cleveland's regiment, headed by Col. Cleveland himself, and 
 Col. Williams' regiment, composed the left wing. In this order we 
 advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of the enemy before we 
 were discovered. 
 
 Col. Shelby's and Col. Campbell's regiments began the attack, and 
 kept up a fire on the enemy, while the right and left wings were advanc- 
 ing to surround them, which was done in about five minutes, and the 
 fire became general all around. The engagement lasted an hour and 
 five minutes, the greater part of which time, a hfovy and incessant fire 
 was kept up on both sides. Our men in some parts, where the regulars 
 fought, were obliged to give way a small distance, two or three times ; 
 but rallied and returned with additional ardor to the attack. The troops 
 upon the right having gained the summit of the eminence, obliged the 
 enemy to retreat along the top of the ridge to where Col. Cleveland 
 commanded, and were there stopped by his brave men. A flag was 
 immediately hoisted by Capt. DePeyster, the commanding officer 
 (Maj. Ferguson having been killed a little before), for a surrender. Our 
 fire immediately ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms, the 
 greatest part of them charged, and surrendered themselves to us pris- 
 oners at discretion. 
 
 It appears from their own provision returns for that day, found in their 
 camp, that their whole force consisted of eleven hundred and twenty- 
 five men ; out of which they sustained the following loss : Of the regulars, . 
 one Major, one Captain, two Sergeants, and fifteen privates killed ; 
 thirty-five privates wounded, left on the ground, not able to march ; two 
 Captains, four Lieutenants, three Ensigns, one Surgeon, five Sergeants, 
 three Corporals, one Drummer, and forty-nine privates taken prisoners. 
 Loss of the Tories — two Colonels, three Captains, and two hundred and 
 one privates killed ; one Major, and one hundred and twenty-seven 
 privates wounded, and left on the ground, not able to march ; one 
 Colonel, twelve Captains, eleven Lieutenants, two Ensigns, one Quarter- 
 Master, one Adjutant, two Commissaries, eighteen Sergeants, and six 
 hundred privates taken prisoners. Total loss of the enemy, eleven 
 hundred and five men at King's Mountain. 
 
524 SHELB Y'S ACCO UNTS. 
 
 Given under our hands at camp, 
 
 WILLIAM CAMPBELL, 
 ISAAC SHELBY, 
 BENJ. CLEVELAND. 
 The losses on our side were — one Colonel, one Major, one Captain, 
 two Lieutenants, Four Ensigns, nineteen privates killed — total, twenty- 
 eight killed ; one Major, three Captains, three Lieutenants, and fifty-five 
 privates wounded — total, sixty-two wounded. 
 Published by order of Congress', 
 
 CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary. 
 
 COL. ISAAC SHELBY TO HIS FATHER, GEN. EVAN SHELBY. 
 [From the Virginia Gazette, November 4th, 1780.] 
 
 I have herewith the pleasure to acquaint you, that on Saturday, the 
 7th inst., in the afternoon, we came up with Ferguson and his crew, who 
 lay encamped on the top of King's Mountain. The day was wet, and 
 that Providence who always rules and governs all things for the best, so 
 ordered it that we were close around them before we were discovered, 
 and formed in such position, so as to fire on them nearly about the same 
 time, though they heard us in time to form, and stood ready. The battle 
 continued warm for an hour ; the enemy finding themselves so embar- 
 rassed on all sides, surrendered themselves prisoners to us at discretion. 
 
 They had taken post at that place with the confidence that no force 
 could rout them ; the mountain was high, and exceedingly steep, so 
 that their situation gave them greatly the advantage ; indeed, it was 
 almost equal to storming a battery. In most places we could not see 
 them till we were within twenty yards of them. They repelled us three 
 times with charged bayonets ; but being determined to conquer or die, 
 we came up a fourth time, and fairly got possession of the top of the 
 eminence. Our loss I have not exactly collected, as the camp has been 
 in such disorder ; but beheve the killed to be about thirty-five men, and 
 between fifty and sixty wounded. 
 
 A list of the killed, wounded, and prisoners of the British : Killed, 
 Maj. Ferguson, one Captain, two Surgeons, and twenty-six privates. 
 Wounded, one Lieutenant, and twenty-seven privates. Prisoners, one 
 Captain, five Lieutenants, one Surgeon, and fifty privates. 
 
 Tories killed : Two Colonels, two Captains, and one hundred and 
 twenty-five privates. Wounded, one hundred and twenty-five. Prison- 
 ers, one Colonel, one Major, twelve Captains, eleven Lieutenants, two 
 Ensigns, two Adjutants, one Commissary, one Quarter-Master, eighteen 
 Sergeants, and six hundred privates. Total, one thousand and sixteen ; 
 
APPENDIX. 525 
 
 and seventeen baggage wagons, and twelve hundred stand of arms 
 taken. 
 
 Our loss of killed and wounded : Col. Williams, of South Carolina, 
 Capt. Edmondson, and five Lieutenants, of Virginia, and twenty-three 
 privates of the different States. Wounded fifty-four of the different 
 States. 
 
 COL. ISAAC SHELBY TO COL. ARTHUR CAMPBELL. 
 [From the Virginia Argus, October 26th, 1810.] 
 
 North Carolina, Oct. 12th, lySo. 
 
 I have herewith the honor to acquaint you, that on Saturday, the 7th 
 inst., in the afternoon, after a forced march of forty-five miles on that 
 day and the night before, a detachment from our little army of mountain 
 men, of about nine hundred, under command of Col. William Camp- 
 bell, came up with Col. Ferguson, who lay encamped on King's 
 Mountain. 
 
 The forenoon of the day was wet, but we were fortunate enough to 
 come on him undiscovered, and took his pickets. We were soon formed 
 in such order as to attack the enemy on all quarters. The Washington 
 and Sullivan regiments began the attack on the front and left flank — the 
 North Carolina regiments, under Cols. Williams, Sevier, and Cleveland, 
 attacked the rear, and the other flank. The firing in about fifteen 
 minutes, became general, and was kept up with fury on both sides for 
 near an hour. 
 
 On the first onset, the Washington militia attempted rapidly to 
 ascend the mountain ; but were met by the British regulars with fixed 
 bayonets, and forced to retreat. They were soon rallied by their gallant 
 commander and some of his active officers, and, by a constant and well- 
 directed fire of our rifles, we drove them back, in our turn, and reached 
 the summit of the mountain, where the enemy, being closely surrounded, 
 surrendered prisoners at discretion. Their commander, Col. Ferguson, 
 attempted, a little before the close of the action, to make his escape on 
 horseback, but was intercepted by. a few riflemen of the SuUivan regi- 
 ment, and fell dead when forcing his way. 
 
 The post taken by the enemy, gave them confidence that any force 
 the Americans could bring against them, could not defeat them. Truly 
 the situation of the ground gave them greatly the advantage, as the 
 mountain was high, and exceedingly steep in front, and interspersed 
 along the top with craggy cliffs of rocks ; in short, it was almost equal 
 to storming regular works. 
 
526 CAMPBELL'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 The enclosed* list contains an account of the loss of the enemy. 
 Ours is small as to numbers, being about thirty killed, and something 
 over fifty wounded. Among the former are some brave men of our best 
 officers, whose services their countrymen ought long to remember with 
 gratitude. 
 
 COL. WM. CAMPBELL TO COL. ARTHUR CAMPBELL. 
 
 Wilkes County, Camp on Brier Creek, Oct. 20th, ij8o. 
 
 Dear Sir: Ferguson and his party are no more in circumstances to 
 injure the citizens of America. We came up with him in Craven 
 County, South Carolina, posted on a height, called King's Mountain, 
 about twelve miles north of the Cherokee Ford of Broad river, about 
 two o'clock in the evening of the 7th inst., we having marched the 
 whole night before. 
 
 Col. Shelby's regiment and mine began the attack, and sustained the 
 whole fire of the enemy for about ten minutes, while the other troops 
 were forming around the height upon which the enemy were posted. 
 The firing then became general, and as heavy as you can conceive for 
 the number of men. The advantageous situation of the enemy, being 
 the top of a steep ridge, obliged us to expose ourselves exceedingly ; and 
 the dislodging of them was almost equal to driving men from strong 
 breast-works ; though in the end we gained the point of the ridge, where 
 my regiment fought, and drove them along the summit of it nearly to the 
 other end, where Col. Cleveland and his countrymen were. They were 
 driven into a huddle, and the greatest confusion ; the flag for a surrender 
 was immediately hoisted, and as soon as our troops could be notified of 
 it, the firing ceased, and the survivors surrendered themselves prisoners 
 at discretion. 
 
 We fought an hour and five minutes, in which time two hundred and 
 twenty-five of the enemy were killed, and one hundred and thirty 
 wounded; the rest, making about seven hundred regulars and Tories, 
 were taken prisoners. Ferguson was killed near the close of the action. 
 The victory was complete to a wish ; and I think it was won by about 
 seven hundred men, who fought bravely. I have lost several of my 
 brave friends, whose death I much lament. Maj. Edmondson will give 
 you their names, though I must myself mention Capt. Edmondson, his 
 two brothers, and Lieut. Bowen. My regiment has suffered more than 
 any other in the action. Our loss in the field was, altogether, about 
 •thirty killed, and sixty wounded. I must proceed on with the prisoners 
 until I can in some way dispose of them. Probably I may go on to 
 Richmond, in Virginia 
 
 ^^ Not given, but doubtless the same as in the letter to Gen. Evan Shelby, 
 
APPENDIX. 527 
 
 WASHINGTON'S GENERAL ORDER. 
 
 Head-quarters, Totoway, Oct, 2'jih, lySo. 
 
 The General has the pleasure to congratulate the army on an im- 
 portant advantage lately obtained in North Carolina, over a corps 
 of fourteen hundred men, British troops and new levies, commanded by 
 Col. Ferguson. 
 
 The militia of the neighboring Country, under Cols. Williams, Shelby, 
 and others, having assembled to the number of about three thousand 
 men, a detachment of sixteen hundred was sent on horseback to fall in 
 with Ferguson's party, on its march to Charlotte. They came up with the 
 enemy at a place called King's Mountain, advantageously posted, and 
 gave him a total defeat, in which Col. Ferguson, and a hundred and fifty 
 of his men were killed, eighthundred made prisoners, and fifteen hundred 
 stand of arms taken. On our part, the loss was inconsiderable. We have 
 only to regret that the brave Col. Williams is mortally wounded. 
 
 These advantages will, in all probability, have a very happy 
 influence on opertions in that quarter, and are a proof of the spirit and 
 resources of the country.* 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN— A FRAGMENT. 
 By Col. Arthur Campbell. 
 
 Soon after the defeat of the American army under Gen. Gates, the 
 British commander in South Carolina made arrangements to invade 
 North Carolina and Virginia. With this view, he organized a corps of 
 the upland Tories, mostly riflemen, and attached to them two com- 
 panies of his regular troops, giving the command of the whole to Maj. 
 Patrick Ferguson, of the Seventy-first regiment, an intelligent officer, 
 and well calculated for a separate command. The corps on the first 
 outset, amounted to two thousand men. Orders were also sent to the 
 British Indian agents, to excite the Indians to invade the American set- 
 tlements west of the mountains ; and, if practicable, to proceed as far 
 as Chiswell's Lead Mines, and destroy the works and stores at that place. 
 
 The main body, commanded by Cornwallis in person, was to move 
 along the central road, by way of Salisbury, and form a junction with 
 Ferguson before he entered into Virginia. Ferguson's detachment 
 began the operation by marching towards the mountains ; and, on his 
 way, met with a small regiment of North Carolina militia commanded 
 by Charles and Joseph McDowell. They were attacked, and soon dis- 
 persed ; but the Colonel and Major, with a part of the men chose, 
 
 'Whiting's Revolutionary Orders, pp. 123-24. 
 
528 A. CAMPBELL" S STATEMENT. 
 
 rather than submit, to pass over the Apalachian mountains, and take 
 refuge among their Whig brethern on the western waters. They arrived 
 in the settlement on Watauga river, without their families, to the number 
 of about one hundred and fifty men. Their tale was a doleful one, and 
 tended to excite the resentment of the western militia, who of late had 
 become inured to danger by fighting the Indians, and who had an utter 
 detestation of the tyranny of the British Government. 
 
 At this period, early in September, the County Lieutenant of Wash- 
 ington was in Richmond. There he had an interview with the Governor 
 of Virginia, who detailed the circumstances of Gen. Gates' defeat, the 
 measures about to be taken to retrieve the late misfortune, and to expel 
 the enemy from our country ; and that vigorous resistance everywhere 
 would soon put an end to the war. On the return of the County Lieuten- 
 ant, Col. Isaac Shelby, of North Carolina, sent to him a trusty messenger 
 to inform him of the progress of Ferguson, and the retreat of McDowell's 
 corps ; and also to inquire whether it would be prudent to make an effort 
 to enable the exiles to recross the mountains, and return to their own 
 homes. Mr. Adair, the messenger, was told the Governor's sentiments 
 on the subject of Gates' defeat, and the efforts that would soon be 
 made, by order of Congress, to check the progress of the enemy ; and 
 he was also assured, that if the western counties of North Carolina 
 would raise a force to join Col. McDowell's men, that the officers of 
 Washington County would co-operate to aid their friends to return home. 
 
 A consultation was soon had with the field officers, and a resolution 
 agreed on, to order half the militia of Washington County into actual 
 service, under the command of Col. William Campbell. All ranks 
 seemed animated with the same spirit, and the quota was raised and 
 equipped in a few days. An express was sent to Col. Cleveland, of 
 Wilkes County, North Carolina, to let him know what was going on, 
 and to march all the men he could raise, to rendezvous at an appointed 
 place on the east side of the mountains. Cols. Shelby and Sevier acted 
 their part, with like promptitude, in the western counties of North Caro- 
 lina, and the whole met at Col; McDowell's encampment on Watauga. 
 
 On the twenty-eighth [twenty-sixth] of September our little army took 
 up its line of march, and the third day in the evening reached the other 
 side, without any opposition from the enemy. Two days afterwards, 
 Col. Cleveland joined his corps to the main body ; and the day after- 
 wards Col. Williams, with three companies of volunteers from South 
 Carolina. A council of officers was held, and it was agreed that Col. 
 William Campbell, of Virginia, should take command of the whole, 
 and pursue the enemy. Col. Ferguson, after dispersing such parties of 
 the North Carolina militia as were embodied, followed Col. McDowell's 
 men as far as the foot of the great mountains, and after taking some 
 prisoners, and collecting a drove of beeves, he made a hasty retreat to 
 
APPENDIX. 529 
 
 King's Mountain, in order to be nearer the main army, and on account 
 of tlie strong encampment that might be formed on the top of it. Our 
 newly elected commander reviewed his men, and selected all that were 
 fit for service of the mounted infantry, and ordered the footmen to fol- 
 low as they might be able to hold out. 
 
 Those who have been familiar with the principal officers who fought 
 on King's Mountain, and those who fought at Cowpens, will readily pro- 
 nounce that the latter was a mere skirmish compared with the arduous 
 affair on King's Mountain. There our heroes had to act as a forlorn 
 hope — storm the enemy's camp, defended by superior numbers, and 
 disciplined troops. The Virginia regiment alone had more killed than 
 the whole of Gen. Morgan's corps. This proves where the hard fighting 
 was, more than the pompous tale of a partial historian. It was Fergu- 
 son's defeat that was the first link in a grand chain of causes, which 
 finally drew down ruin on the British interests in the Southern States, 
 and finally terminated the war of the Revolution. 
 
 It has been remarked why so small a number of the Americans were 
 killed at King's Mountain, compared with the loss of the enemy. Our 
 officers accounted for it in this way : The Tories occupied much the 
 least space of ground, and of course were more thickly planted than 
 the extended circle of the Americans around them, so that the fire of 
 our men seldom failed doing execution ; besides, when the Virginia 
 regiment reached the summit of the hill, the enemy was crowded, mak- 
 ing their retreat to the other end, without returning a shot; and when 
 they were driven into a huddle by meeting the fire of Col. Williams' 
 division, they received a heavy fire before our troops could be notified 
 of the surrender. 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH AND BATTLE OF KING'S 
 
 MOUNTAIN, 
 
 By an unknown member of Campbell's regiment. 
 
 On hearing of a large body of British and Tories assembled in North 
 Carolina, under the command of Col. Ferguson, and threatening to visit 
 Holston i-iver, on the 22d of September, 1780, two htindred and fifty of 
 the mihtia of Washington County, Virginia, were ordered out under the 
 command of Col. William Campbell ; and rendezvoused on Watauga, 
 where they were joined by three hundred and fifty men from the west- 
 ern part of North Carohna under the command of Col. Sevier and Col. 
 Isaac Shelby, together with a party of one hundred and fifty men, under 
 the command of Col. Charles McDowell, who had been driven over the 
 mountains by Col. Ferguson. While we were yet at the place of rendez- 
 
 34 
 
530 ANONYMOUS STATEMENT. 
 
 vous, Col. Arthur Campbell, believing that there was not a sufficient 
 force to successfully engage with the enemy, ordered out, and came on 
 with two hundred more of the Washington militia, and joined us at 
 Watauga. Col. Arthur Campbell returned home to take care of the 
 frontiers, which were left bare of men, and were in danger of being 
 attacked by the Indians, who were near neighbors. 
 
 A council was held to select a commander, and it was unanimously 
 given to Col. William Campbell. We began our march from Watauga 
 on the 27th * of September, with nine hundred and fifty men. With a 
 very bad road, we were four days in passing the mountains, when we 
 arrived at the settlements of North Carolina ; and the ne.xt day we were 
 joined by Col. Cleveland, from Wilkes County, and Maj. Winston, from 
 Surry, with four hundred men. From there we proceeded on, living 
 mostly on parched corn. We left four hundred footmen belrind, not 
 being able to keep up with the horse, and the fifth [sixth] of October, joined 
 Col. Williams, and some Georgia troops, being about three hundred and 
 fifty. From Col. Williams' camp, we set out about dark, and traveled 
 all that night, expecting to attack the enemy about break of day ; but 
 Col. Ferguson sometime before hearing of our coming, retreated, and 
 took an advantageous position at a place called King's iVIountain, where 
 the enemy thought they were very safely posted, and sent to Cornwallis 
 for a re-inforcement. But Col. Campbell proceeded so precipitately on 
 his march, that we came on them with surprise, on the 7th of October, 
 the sun being about an hour and a half high. 
 
 Col. Campbell ordered Col. Williams and Col. Cleveland to the left, 
 and Col. Shelby for a reserve, and attacked on the right himself, mak- 
 ing the first onset ; but the action soon became general — Col. Williams 
 and Col. Cleveland acting with great bravery on the left. Col. Fergu- 
 son ordered a charge to be made on the Virginia regiment, which forced 
 some of them to retreat a short distance ; but they were rallied again, 
 but the enemy fell so fast that they were obliged to retire to the top of 
 the mountain. Col. Shelby with the reserve came up, and in about half 
 an hour the enemy was surrounded. 
 
 Too much cannot be said in praise of our^rave commander, who ex- 
 erted himself, animating the men to victory. We advanced on the enemy, 
 and broke their lines ; but they were rallied three times by Col. Fergu- 
 son, but to no effect ; our men pressing so close on them on every side, 
 at length that active British officer, losing all hopes of victory, thought 
 with some others to break through our lines and get off; but fell in the 
 attempt, Col. Ferguson having two balls through his body, and one 
 through his head. The enemy then soon surrendered. The action 
 lasted an hour and five minutes. The enemy had about two hundred 
 
 ■■•'The official report, and Ensign Campbell's Diary, state that it was the 26th. 
 
APPENDIX. 531 
 
 and thirty dead on the ground, and a number wounded. We lost some 
 brave officers, and about thirty-five lay dead on the ground. The 
 enemy mostly over-shot us, as we marched up the mountain. It was 
 dark again we got the prisoners under guard. Cornwallis had sent 
 Tarleton with four hundred dragoons to re-inforce Col. Ferguson, but 
 hearing of his retreat, returned. 
 
 COL CAMPBELL'S GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Camp below Gilbert Town, Oct. ii, 17S0. 
 Return of the strength of the different regiments, with the rank and 
 number of the dead and wounded, in the late action, to be imme- 
 diately made out. Two hundred privates, with the proper and necessary 
 number of officers, to mount guard every morning, who, with the field 
 officers of the day, are to march with the front of the army, and when 
 we camp are to take the charge of the prisoners immediately, to detach 
 the necessary pickets and patrols. I must request the officers of all 
 ranks in the army to endeavor to restrain the disorderly manner of 
 slaughtering and disturbing the prisoners. If it cannot be prevented 
 by moderate measures, such effectual punishment shall be executed 
 upon delinquents as will put a stop to it. 
 
 Camp at Col. Walker's, Oct. ij, lySo. 
 
 Parole Newburn. 
 
 The Deputy Quarter-Masters, under the direction of the Quarter- 
 Master General, to dispose of the wounded of their respective regiments, 
 who are not able to march with the army, in the best manner they can, 
 in the vicinity of this place. The Quarter-Masters to call upon the 
 companies to which the wounded belong, for any necessary assistance 
 for their removal. The Adjutants to wait upon the Brigade-Major at six 
 o'clock every day for the orders. The army to march without fail by 
 ten o'clock. 
 
 Camp at , Oct. 14, lySo. 
 
 The many desertions from the army, and consequent felonies com- 
 mitted by those who desert, oblige me once more to insist that proper 
 regimental returns be made every morning, noting down the names of 
 those who desert, that such may hereafter be punished with the justice 
 which their crimes deserve ; and officers commanding regiments are 
 requested not to discharge any of their troops until we can dispose of 
 
532 CAMPBELL'S ORDERS. 
 
 the prisoners to a proper guard. The Quarter-Master General to see 
 the ammunition talcen from the enemy properly issued to the troops who 
 have not yet drawn any of it. The Commissary-General to send small 
 parties before us upon our route to collect provisions; and he is hereby 
 empowered to call upon the commanding officers of the different regi- 
 ments for such parties. It is with anxiety I hear the complaints of the 
 inhabitants on account of the plundering parties who issue out from the 
 camp, and indiscriminately rob both Whig and Tory, leaving our 
 friends, I believe, in a worse situation than the enemy would have done. 
 I hope the officers will exert themselves in suppressing this abominable 
 practice, degrading to the name of soldier, by keeping their soldiers 
 close in camp, and preventing their straggling off upon our marches. 
 
 Camp at Bethabara, Oct. 26, lySo. 
 
 Parole Henry. 
 
 Col. Cleveland to take the command of the guards now here, and 
 of those who may come to camp until I return, and in the meantime to 
 issue such orders as may be necessary. Should I by letter direct the 
 prisoners and troops to move from here, they are to do it, and go to 
 such place as I shall so direct. The officers and soldiers all to lodge in 
 oamp, and to be and remain there from eight o'clock at night, until 
 next morning after guard mounting, under pain of arrest or confine- 
 ment. The officers ordered on guard, to attend strictly to their duty 
 until they are relieved. The Commissary to issue full rations to the 
 prisoners. The regular officers to continue at the place until I return, 
 unless I shall direct them to be removed with the other prisoners. It is 
 hoped no insult or violence unmerited will be offered to them. My wish 
 is that no unnecessary injury be done to the inhabitants of this place or 
 the adjacent country. No liquor to be sold or issued to the troops with- 
 out an order from the commanding officer for the time being. This 
 order respects all retailers of spirituous hquors in or near camp, of which 
 they are to be made acquainted. 
 
 VOTE OF THANKS OF THE VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE 
 TO COLONEL CAMPBELL. 
 
 In the Virginia House of Delegates, Nov. loth, i/So. 
 
 Resolved, nemiiie contradicente, that the thanks of this House be 
 given to Col. Wm. Campbell, of the County of Washington, and to the 
 officers and soldiers of the militia under his command, who spontane- 
 ously equipt themselves, and went forth to the aid of a sister State, suffer- 
 ing distress under the invasion and ravages of the common enemy, and 
 
APPENDIX. 533 
 
 who combined with some detachments of militia from the neighboring 
 States judiciously concerted, and bravely executed, an attack upon a party 
 of the enemy commanded by Maj. Ferguson, consisting of about eleven 
 hundred and forty-five men, British and Tories, strongly posted on 
 King's IVIountain ; when after a severe and bloody conflict of upwards 
 of an hour, the survivors of the enemy were compelled to surrender 
 themselves prisoners of war. And that Col. Campbell be requested to 
 communicate the contents of this resolution to the gallant officers and 
 soldiers who composed his party. 
 
 Ordered, that Mr. Joseph Jones of King George, IVlr. Richard 
 Henry Lee, and Mr. Fleming, be a committee to communicate the fore- 
 going vote of thanks to Col. Campbell. 
 
 Test: JOHN BECKLEY, C. H. D. 
 
 In the Virginia Senate, Nov. i^th, lySo. 
 
 Resolved, nemine confradicetite, that the thanks of this House are 
 justly due to Col. Wm. Campbell, of Washington County, and the brave 
 officers and soldiers under his command, who, with an ardor truly 
 patriotic, in the month of September last, without waiting for the call of 
 Government, voluntarily marched out to oppose the common enemy, at 
 that time making depredations on the frontiers of North Carolina, and 
 on the 7th day of October, by a well-timed, judicious, and spirited 
 attack, with a force inferior to that of Maj. Ferguson, then advan- 
 tageously posted on King's Mountain, with upwards of eleven hundred 
 men, and by perseverance and gallantry rarely to be met with even 
 among veteran troops, totally defeated the whole party ; whereby a for- 
 midable and dangerous scheme of the enemy was effectually frustrated. 
 
 Test : WILL. DREW, C. S. 
 
 COL. HENRY LEE TO COL. CAMPBELL. 
 
 March lyth, lySl. 
 
 I am very happy in informing you that the bravery of your battalion, 
 displayed in the action of the 1 5th, is particularly noticed by the Gen- 
 eral. It is much to be lamented that a failure took place in the line 
 which lost the day, separated us from the main body, and exposed our 
 retreat. I hope your men are safe, and that the scattered will again 
 collect. Be pleased to favor me with a return of your loss, and prepare 
 your men for a second battle. 
 
 I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 HENRY LEE, Jun. 
 
 COL. CAMPBELL. 
 
534 LAJ^A YETTE 'S EULOGY. 
 
 GEN. GREENE TO COL. CAMPBELL, 
 
 Head-quarters, March igth, lySi. 
 
 Sir: — Your faithful services, and the exertions which you made to 
 second the efforts of the Southern army, on the I5th'inst, claim my 
 warmest thanks. It would be ungenerous not to acknowledge my entire 
 approbation of your conduct, and the spirited and manly behavior of 
 the officers and soldiers under you. Sensible of your merit, I feel a 
 pleasure in doing justice to it. Most of the riflemen having gone home, 
 and not having it in my power to make up another command, you have 
 my permission to return home to your friends, and should the emer- 
 gency of the Southern operations require your further exertions, I will 
 advertise you. 
 
 I am, sir, with great esteem, your most humble servant, 
 
 NATH'L. GREENE. 
 
 COL. CAMPBELL. 
 
 LA FAYETTE'S ORDERS. 
 
 August, 2^th, 1^8 1. 
 
 The General has no doubt but that the army will unite with him in 
 regretting Gen. Campbell's death, an officer whose services must have 
 endeared him to every citizen, and in particular to every American 
 soldier. The glory which Gen. Campbell has acquired at the affairs of 
 King's Mountain and Guilford Court House, will do his memory ever- 
 lasting honor, and ensure him an high rank among the defenders 
 of liberty in the American cause. 
 
 The General wishes it had been possible for himself and the officers 
 of the army, to have paid him those honors to which his rank, but par- 
 ticularly his merit, so highly entitle him ; but his great distance from the 
 army, and our present situation, render it impossible. 
 
 The Lieutenant of the County will assemble a corps of militia, and 
 pay military honors to the deceased General. Gen. Stevens is requested 
 to name a deputation of four field officers, who will immediately repair 
 to Rocky Mills, and in the name of the army pay Gen. Campbell their 
 last respects. 
 
 LA FAYETTE, 
 
 Wm. Barber, D. A. G. 
 
APPENDIX. 535 
 
 [Extract from a letter from James Monroe, Governor of Virginia, to 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary from the U. S. 
 to France, dated Richmond, Dec. isth, 1801 :] 
 Sir: You will forgive my troubling you with an object which I do in 
 confidence that you will execute it with pleasure. The late Gen. William 
 Campbell of this State, a very gallant officer of the mihtia, rendered 
 important services to his country in a severe encounter with a detach- 
 ment of the British under the command of Col. Ferguson, on a moun- 
 tain called King's Mountain, in North Carolina, in the year 1780. In 
 that action, in which Gen. Campbell displayed. great gallantry. Col. 
 Ferguson was killed, his party defeated, and by means of it, the first 
 check given to the British in the South, after a series of unfortunate 
 events. In consideration of his services on the occasion, and as a testi- 
 mony of the public acknowledgement of his merit, the General Assem- 
 bly voted him a horse completely caparisoned, and a sword which the 
 Executive was desired to present him with. It remains to provide the 
 sword, which I have to request you will be so kind as to undertake for 
 the Commonwealth. 
 
 DIARY OF MEMORANDUMS. 
 
 [From a small book kept by Ensign Robert Campbell.] 
 
 At the battle of King's Mountain the Americans had thirty killed, and 
 about sixty wounded ; the British two hundred and twenty-five killed, 
 and something less than that number wounded. 
 
 Col. David Campbell, of Campbell's Station, was in Dysart's com- 
 pany at the battle of King's Mountain. Col. Robert Campbell was the 
 Ensign in the same company. 
 
 In the expedition to King's Mountain, Col. Campbell, Col. Shelby, 
 and Col. Sevier rendezvoused at the Sycamore Flats, on Watauga, at the 
 foot of Yellow Mountain, on the 25th of September, 1780. Next day, 
 the 26th, they ascended this mountain, mostly on horseback, and en- 
 camped at night in the gap of the mountain on the opposite side. The 
 ascent over this part of the mountain was not very difficult. There was a 
 road ; but not one on which wagons could pass. No provisions were taken 
 but such as each man could carry in his wallet or saddle-bags. The sides 
 and top of the mountain were covered with snow, shoe-mouth deep. On 
 the top of the mountain there was about one hundred acres of beautiful 
 table land, in which a spring issued, ran through it, and over into the 
 Watauga. Here the troops paraded. On reaching the plane beyond the 
 mountain, they found themselves in a country covered with verdure, anj 
 
536 R. CAMPBELL'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 breathed an atmosphere of summer mildness. The second night— the night 
 of the 27th, they rested at Cathey's plantation. The third day, the 28th, 
 they fell in with Gen. McDowell, and that night held a consultation of the 
 officers. The General was without troops, yet his rank and former services 
 could not easily be overlooked. It was stated in the council, that they 
 needed an experienced officer to command them. Morgan was the man 
 they wanted, and to obviate all difficulties Gen. McDowell offered to be 
 the bearer of their wishes to Gen. Gates. The fourth night, the 29ih, they 
 rested at a rich Tory's, where they obtained abundance of every neces- 
 sary refreshment. On the fifth day, the 30th, they reached the Catawba, 
 and were there joined by Cleveland. Here they dispatched Gen. Mc- 
 Dowell to Gen. Gates. 
 
 On passing near the Cowpens, they heard of a large body of Tories 
 about eight miles distant ; and although the main enterprise was not to 
 be delayed a single moment, a party of eighty volunteers, under Ensign 
 Robert Campbell, was dispatched in pursuit of them during the night. 
 They had, however, removed before the party came to the place, who, 
 after riding all night, came up with the main body next day. On the 
 next night a similar expedition was conducted by Captain Colvill, with no 
 better success, but without causing any delay. 
 
 The battle was fought on Saturday, the 7th day of October, 1780. On 
 the next Saturday, a court martial was held for the trial of the Tories. 
 This is represented in history to have taken place immediately ; but it 
 was the eighth day after the battle. 
 
 COL. ROBERT CAMPBELL'S CERTIFICATE. 
 
 I was an Ensign in Captain Dysart's company, in the battle of 
 King's Mountain. Frequently saw Col. Campbell riding along our lines 
 animating the men. About the middle of the action, Col. Shelby came 
 riding where I was, and ordered me to follow him to a particular position 
 to the right, to attack some of the enemy that were annoying us. We 
 marched after him some distance, when the enemy fired at us. He then 
 ordered me to form on a spur of the mountain in front, and retired. I 
 there kept up a fire on the enemy until they retired to their main body, 
 at which time I saw their flag raised. At this moment Col. Sevier came 
 riding up, and we marched up with him to the line of surrender. I then 
 discovered I was on the opposite side of the enemy from the Virginia 
 regiment to which 1 belonged. I went round immediately in search of 
 my brother. Col. Campbell shook me by the hand, and ordered me to 
 mount one of the enemy's horses, and bring in all the men I could to 
 guard the prisoners, which I did. Col. Camnbell at this time was in his 
 shirt sleeves. 
 
APPENDIX. 637 
 
 [From the Annals of the Army of Tennessee, Oct., 1878. 
 
 MSS. of the Tennessee Historical Society.] 
 
 BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN. 
 
 By Ensign Robert Campbell. 
 
 The following account of the Battle of King's Mountain was found 
 amongst the papers of James Campbell, deceased. It was written by 
 Robert Campbell, an Ensign in Capt. Dysart's company, who, upon 
 Capt. Dysart being wounded early in the action, commanded the com- 
 pany afterward. The scene is not within the limits of our State, but as 
 we were then a portion of the Territory of North Carolina, and as many 
 of our families had relatives engaged in it, I have thought proper to 
 transcribe it, to be filed with the other historical documents of our 
 Society. John R. Eakin. 
 
 Nashville, Tenn., 1848. 
 
 In the fall of the year 1780, when the American cause wore a very 
 gloomy aspect in the Southern States, Cols. Arthur and William Camp- 
 bell, hearing of the advance of Colonel Ferguson along the mountains 
 in the State of North Carolina, and that the Whigs were retreating 
 before him, unable to make any effectual resistance, formed a plan to 
 intercept him, and communicated it to the commanding officers of Sulli- 
 van and Washington Counties, in the State of North CaroUna. They 
 readily agreed to co-operate in any expedition against Col. Ferguson. 
 Col. Arthur Campbell immediately ordered the militia of Washington 
 Co., Virginia, amounting to near four hundred, to make ready to march 
 under command of Col. Wm. Campbell, who was known to be an enter- 
 prising and active officer. Cols. Shelby and Sevier raised a party of 
 three hundred, joined him on his march, and moved with forced marches 
 toward Col. Ferguson. At the same time Cols. Williams, Cleveland, 
 Lacey, and Brandon, of the States of North and South Carolina, each 
 conducted a small party toward the same point, amounting to near three 
 hundred. Col. Ferguson had notice of their approach by a deserter that 
 left the army on the Yellow Mountain, and immediately commenced his 
 march for Charlotte, dispatching at the same time different messengers 
 to Lord Cornwallis with information of his danger. These messengers 
 being intercepted on their way, no movement was made to favor his 
 retreat. 
 
 These several corps of American volunteers, amounting to near one 
 thousand men, met at Gilbert Town, and the officers unanimously chose 
 Colonel Campbell to the command. About seven hundred choice riflemen 
 mounted their horses for the purpose of following the retreating army. 
 The balance being chiefly footmen, were left to follow on and come up 
 as soon as they could. The pursuit was too rapid to render an escape 
 
538 R. CAMPBELL'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 practicable. Ferguson, finding that he must inevitably be over-taken, 
 chose his ground, and waited for the attack on King's Mountain. On the 
 yth of October, in the afternoon, after a forced march of forty-five 
 miles on that day and the night before, the volunteers came up with him. 
 The forenoon of the day was wet, but they were fortunate enough to 
 come on him undiscovered, and took his pickets, they not having it in 
 their power to give an alarm. They were soon formed in such order as 
 to attack the enemy on all sides. The Washington and Sullivan regi- 
 ments were formed in the front and on the right flank ; the North and 
 South Carolina troops, under Cols. Williams, Sevier, Cleveland, Lacey, 
 and Brandon, on the left. The two armies being in full view, the center 
 of the one nearly opposite the center of the other — the British main 
 guard posted nearly half way down the mountain — the commanding 
 officer gave the word of command to raise the Indian war-whoop and 
 charge. In a moment, King's Mountain resounded with their shouts, and 
 on the first fire the guard retreated, leaving some of their men to crim- 
 son the earth. The British beat to arms, and immediately formed on 
 the top of the mountain, behind a chain of rocks that appeared impreg- 
 nable, and had their wagons drawn up on their flanlc across the end of 
 the mountain, by which they made a strong breast-work. 
 
 Thus concealed, the American army advanced to the charge. In ten 
 or fifteen minutes the wings came round, and the action became general. 
 The enemy annoyed our troops very much from their advantageous 
 position. Col. Shelby, being previously ordered to reconnoitre their 
 position, observing th^ir situation, and what a destructive fire was kept 
 up from behind those rocks, ordered Robert Campbell, one of the officers 
 of the Virginia Line, to move to the right with a small company to en- 
 deavor to dislodge them, and lead them on nearly to the ground to 
 which he had ordered them, under fire of the enemy's lines and within 
 forty steps of the same ; but discovering that our men were repulsed 
 on the other side of the mountain, he gave orders to advance, and post 
 themselves opposite to the rocks, and near to the enemy, and then re- 
 turned to assist in bringing up the men in order, who had been charged 
 with the bayonet. These orders were punctually obeyed, and they kept 
 up such a galling fire as to compel Ferguson to order a company of reg- 
 ulars to face them, with a view to cover his men that were posted behind 
 the rocks. At this time, a considerable fire was drawn to this side of the 
 mountain by the repulse of those on the other, and the Loyalists not 
 being permitted to leave their posts. This scene was not of long dura- 
 tion, for it was the brave Virginia volunteers, and those under Col. 
 Shelby, on their attempting rapidly to ascend the mountain, that were 
 charged with the bayonet. They obstinately stood until some of them 
 were thrust through the body, and having nothing but their rifles by 
 which to defend themselves, they were forced to retreat. They were 
 
APPENDIX. 639 
 
 soon rallied by their gallant commanders, Campbell, Shelby and other 
 brave officers, and by a constant and well-directed fire of their rifles, 
 drove them back in their turn, strewing the face of the mountain with 
 their assailants, and kept advancing until they drove them from some of 
 their posts. 
 
 Ferguson being heavily pressed on all sides, ordered Capt. DePeyster 
 to reinforce some of the extreme posts with a full company of British regu- 
 lars. He marched, but to his astonishment when he arrived at the place 
 of destination, he had almost no men, being exposed in that short dis- 
 tance to the constant fire of their rifles. He then ordered his cavalry to 
 mount, but to no purpose. As quick as they were mounted, they were 
 taken down by some bold marksmen. Being driven to desperation by 
 such a scene of misfortune. Col. Ferguson endeavored to make his 
 escape, and, with two Colonels of the Loyalists, mounted his horse, and 
 charged on that part of the line which was defended by the party who 
 had been ordered round the mountain by Col. Shelbv, it appearing too 
 weak to resist them. But as soon as he got to the line he fell, and the 
 other two officers, attempting to retreat, soon shared the same fate. It 
 was about this time that Col. Campbell advanced in front of his men, 
 and climbed over a steep rock close by the enemy's lines, to get a view 
 of their situation, and saw they were retreating from behind the rocks 
 that were near to him. As soon as Capt. DePeyster observed that Col. 
 Ferguson was killed, he raised a flag and called for quarters. It was 
 soon taken out of his hand by one of the officers on horseback, and 
 raised so high that it could be seen by our line, and the firing immedi- 
 ately ceased. The Loyalists, at the time of their surrender, were driven 
 into a crowd, and being closely surrounded, they could not have made 
 any further resistance. 
 
 In this sharp action, one hundred and fifty of Col. Ferguson's party 
 were killed, and something over that number were wounded. Eight 
 hundred and ten, of whom one hundred were British regulars, surren- 
 dered themselves prisoners, and one thousand five hundred stand of 
 arms were taken. The loss of the American army on this occasion 
 amounted to thirty killed, and something over fifty wounded, among 
 whom were a number of brave officers. Col. Williams, who has been so 
 much lamented, was shot through the body, near the close of the action, 
 in making an attempt to charge upon Ferguson. He lived long enough 
 to hear of the surrender of the British army. He then said, " I die con- 
 tented, since we have gained the victory," and expired. 
 
 The third night after the action, the officers of the Carolinas com- 
 plained to Col. Campbell, that there were among the prisoners a number 
 who had, previous to the action on King's Mountain, committed cool 
 and deliberate murder, and other enormities alike atrocious, and re- 
 quested him to order a court-martial to examine into the matter. They 
 
540 SHELB Y'S STA TEMENT. 
 
 stated that if they should escape, they were exasperated, and they feared 
 they would commit other enormities worse than they had formerly done. 
 Col. Campbell complied, and ordered a court-martial immediately to sit, 
 composed of the Field Officers and Captains, who were ordered to inquire 
 into the complaints which had been made. The court was conducted 
 orderly, and witnesses were called and examined in each case. The con- 
 sequence was that there were thirty-two condemned. Out of these, nine 
 who were thought the most dangerous, and who had committed the most 
 atrocious crimes, were executed. The others were pardoned by the com- 
 manding officer. One of the crimes proven against a Captain that was 
 executed was, that he had called at the house of a Whig, and inquired if 
 he was at home, and being informed by his son, a small boy, that he 
 was not, he immediately drew out his pistol and shot him. The officers 
 on the occasion acted from an honorable motive to do the greatest good 
 in their power for the public service, and to check those enormities so 
 frequently committed in the States of North and South Carolina at that 
 time, their distress being almost unequaled in the annals of the Ameri- 
 can Revolution. 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN— BY COL. ISAAC SHELBY. 
 
 In 1815, and again in 1819, Gen. Martin D. Hardin, of Kentucky, had 
 conversations with Governor Shelby with special reference tb the battles of 
 Musgrove's Mill, and King's Mountain, which he carefully noted down at the 
 time ; and which his son, the late Hon. John J. Hardin, of Illinois, communi- 
 cated to the American Review, for December, 1848. That part relative to 
 King's Mountain is as follows : 
 
 In the early part of the year 1780, Col. Shelby was appointed Colonel 
 of Sullivan County in North Carolina, with the authority of County 
 Lieutenant. Col. Sevier held the same command in Washington 
 County, North Carolina. These Counties are situated west of the Alle- 
 ghany mountains, and now constitute a part of Tennessee. Col. William 
 Campbell, at the same time, commanded a regiment in Washington 
 County, Virginia, but was not the County Lieutenant. After the defeat 
 of Gen. Gates, at Camden, on the i6th of August, 1780, the patriots were 
 very much dispirited. Many who resided in the eastern portions of North 
 and South Carolina, sought safety and hberty in the mountains of North 
 Carolina and Virginia, amidst the hardy, patriotic mountaineers of those 
 districts. 
 
 In September, 1780, Maj. Ferguson, who was one of the best and 
 most enterprising of the British officers in America, had succeeded in 
 raising a large body of Tories, who, with his own corps of regulars, con- 
 
APPENDIX. 641 
 
 stituted an efifective force of eleven hundred and twenty-five men. 
 With a view of cutting off Col. Clarke, of Georgia, who had recently 
 made a demonstration against Augusta, which was then in the hands of 
 the British, Ferguson had marched near the Blue Ridge, and had taken 
 post at Gilbert Town, which is situated but a few miles from the moun- 
 tains. Whilst there he discharged a patriot, who had been taken 
 prisoner, on his parole, and directed him to tell Col. Shelby, (who had 
 become obnoxious to the British and Tories from the affair at Musgrove's 
 Mill,) that if Shelby did not surrender, he (Ferguson) would come over 
 the mountains, and put him to death, and burn his whole County. 
 
 It required no further taunt to rouse the patriotic indignation of Col. 
 Shelby. He determined to make an effort to raise a force, in connec- 
 tion with other officers which should surprise and defeat Ferguson. 
 With this object in view, he went to a horse-race near where Jones- 
 borough has since been built, to see Sevier and others. Shelby and 
 Sevier there resolved, that if Col. Campbell would join them, they would 
 raise all the force they could, and attack Ferguson ; and if this was not 
 practicable they would co-operate with any corps of the army of the 
 United States with which they might meet. If they failed, and the 
 country was over-run and subdued by the British, they would then take 
 water, and go down to the Spaniards in Louisiana. 
 
 Col. Campbell was notified of their determination, and a place of 
 rendezvous appointed in the mountains, east of Jonesborough. At the 
 time appointed, September 25th, Campbell joined them, and their united 
 force numbered about one thousand mounted riflemen. They crossed 
 the mountains on the 27th, in a ravine ; and fell in, accidentally, with 
 Col. Cleveland, of North Carolina, who had under his command about 
 four hundred men. 
 
 The force having been raised by officers of equal rank, and being 
 without any higher officer entitled to command the whole corps, there 
 was a general want of arrangement and organization. It was then deter- 
 mined, that a board of officers should convene each night, and decide 
 on the plan of operations for the next day ; and further, that one of the 
 officers should see those orders executed as officer of the day, until they 
 should otherwise conclude. Shelby proposed that Col. Campbell should 
 act as officer of the day. Campbell took him aside, and requested Shelby 
 to withdraw his name, and consent to serve himself. Shelby replied that 
 he was himself the youngest Colonel present from his State, that he had 
 served during that year under several of the officers who were present, 
 and who might take offence if he commanded ; that Gen. McDowell, who 
 was with them, was too slow an officer for his views of the enterprise in 
 which they were engaged, and added that as he ranked Campbell, yet as 
 Campbell was the only officer from Virginia, if he (Shelby) pressed his 
 appointment, no one would object. Col. Campbell felt the force of 
 
5 42 SHELB Y'S STA TEMENT. 
 
 this reasoning, and consented to serve, and was appointed to the com- 
 mand as officer of the day. 
 
 The force of the detachment was still considered insufficient to attack 
 Ferguson, as his strength was not known. It was agreed that an express 
 be sent to invite Gen. Morgan or Gen. Davidson to take the command. 
 Gen. McDowell tendered his services for this purpose, and started on his 
 mission. Before proceeding far, he fell in with Col. WiUiams, of South 
 Carolina, who was at the head of from two to three hundred refugees. 
 Gen. McDowell advised them where the patriot force was encamped. 
 They joined the army, and thus made a muster-roll of about sixteen 
 hundred men. 
 
 The board of officers determined to march upon Ferguson. In the 
 meantime, two or three of their men had deserted after their first ren- 
 dezvous, and had gone to Ferguson, and advised him of the intended 
 attack. The army marched to Gilbert Town, and found that Ferguson 
 had left it several days before, having taken the route towards Fort 
 Ninety Six. 
 
 Finding that Ferguson was retreating, and learning what was his real 
 strength, it was determined on Thursday night, the 5th of October, to 
 make a desperate effort to overtake him before he should reach any 
 British post, or receive any further reinforcements. Accordingly they 
 selected all who had good horses, who numbered about nine hundred 
 and ten, and started the next morning in pursuit of Ferguson, as soon as 
 they could see. 
 
 Ferguson, after marching a short distance towards Ninety Six, had 
 filedofifto the left towards Lord Cornwallis. His pursuers never stopped 
 until late in the afternoon, when they reached the Cowpens. They there 
 halted, shot down some beeves, ate their suppers, and fed their horses. 
 This done, the line of march was resumed, and continued through the 
 whole night, amidst an excessively hard rain. In the morning, Shelby 
 ascertained that Campbell had taken a wrong road in the night, and had 
 separated from him. Men were posted off in all directions, and Camp- 
 bell's corps found, and put in the right road. They then crossed Broad 
 river, and continued their pursuit until twelve o'clock of the 7th of 
 October. The rain continued to fall so heavily that Campbell, Sevief 
 and Cleveland concluded to halt, and rode up to Shelby to inform him 
 
 of their determination. Shelby replied, "By , I will not stop until 
 
 night, if I follow Ferguson into CornwaUis' lines." Without replying, the 
 other Colonels turned off to their respective commands, and continued 
 the march. They had proceeded but a mile, when they learned that 
 Ferguson was only seven miles from them at King's Mountain. 
 
 Ferguson, finding he could not elude the rapid pursuit of the mounted 
 mountaineers, had marched to King's Mountain, which he considered a 
 strong post, and which he had reached the night previous. The mountain 
 
APPENDIX. 543 
 
 or ridge, was a quarter of a mile long, and so confident was Ferguson in 
 the strength of his position, that he declared, "the Almighty could not 
 drive him from it." 
 
 When the patriots came near the mountain they halted, tied all their 
 loose baggage to their saddles, fastened their horses, and left them under 
 charge of a few men, and then prepared for an immediate attack. About 
 three o'clock the patriot force was led to the attack in four columns — 
 Col. Campbell commanded the right centre column. Col. Shelby the 
 left centre, Col. Sevier the right flank column, and Col. Cleveland 
 the left flank. As they came to the foot of the mountain, the right centre 
 and right flank columns deployed to the right, and the left centre and 
 left flank columns to the left, and thus surrounding the mountain they 
 marched up, commencing the action on all sides. 
 
 Ferguson did all that an officer could do under the circumstances. 
 His men too fought bravely. But his position, which he thought impreg- 
 nable against any force the patriots could raise, was really a disadvantage 
 to him. The summit was bare, whilst the sides of the mountain were 
 covered with trees. Ferguson's men were drawn up in close column on 
 the summit, and thus presented fair marks for the mountaineers, who 
 approached them under cover of the trees. As either column would 
 approach the summit, Ferguson would order a charge with fixed bayonet, 
 which was always successful, for the riflemen retreated before the charg- 
 ing column slowly, still firing as they retired. When Ferguson's men 
 returned to regain their position on the mountain, the patriots would 
 again rally and pursue them. In one of these charges, Shelby's column 
 was considerably broken ; he rode back and rallied his men, and when 
 the enemy retired to the summit, he pressed on his men and reached 
 the summit whilst Ferguson was directing a charge against Cleveland. 
 
 Col. Sevier reached the summit about the same time with Shelby. 
 They united and drove back the enemy to one end of the ridge. Cleve- 
 land's and Campbell's columns were still pressing forward, and firing as 
 they came up. The slaughter of the enemy was great, and it was evident 
 that further resistance would be unavailing ; still Ferguson's proud heart 
 could not think of surrender. He swore "he never would yield to such 
 a d — d banditti," and rushed out from his men, sword in hand, and cut 
 iway until he broke his sword, and was shot down. His men, seeing 
 dieir leader fall, immediately surrendered. The British loss in killed and 
 prisoners was eleven hundred and five. Ferguson's morning report 
 showed a force of eleven hundred and twenty-five. A more total defeat 
 was not pracdcable. Our loss was about forty killed. Amongst them 
 we had to mourn the death of Col. WiUiams, a most gallant and efficient 
 ofiicer. The battle lasted one hour. 
 
 The victors encamped on the mountain that night, and the next morn- 
 incr took up their line of march for the mountains under a bright sun, the 
 
544 SHELB Y'S STA TEMENT. 
 
 first they had seen for many days. They made the prisoners carry their 
 own arms, as they could not have carried them in any other way. 
 Amongst the prisoners, Shelby found some officers who had fought under 
 him a few weeks previously at Musgrove's Mill. They said they had been 
 compelled to join Ferguson, and when they had been examined, and their 
 account found to be correct, they were well treated. 
 
 Owing to the number of wounded, and the destitution of the army of 
 all conveyances, they traveled slowly, and in one week had only 
 marched about forty miles. When they reached Gilbert Town, a week 
 after the battle, they were informed by a paroled officer, that he had seen 
 eleven patriots hung at Ninety Six a few days before, for being Rebels. 
 Similar cruel and unjustifiable acts had been committed before. In 
 the opinion of the patriots, it required retaliatory measures to put a stop 
 to these atrocities. A copy of the law of North Carolina was obtained, 
 which authorized two magistrates to summon a jury, and forthwith to try, 
 and if found guilty, to execute persons who had violated its precepts. 
 Under this law, thirty-six men were tried, and found guilty of breaking 
 open houses, killing the men, and turning the women and children out 
 of doors, and burning the houses. The trial was concluded late at night. 
 The execution of the law was as summary as the trial. Three men were 
 hung at a time, until nine were hung. Three more were tied ready to 
 be swung off. Shelby interfered, and proposed to stop it. The other 
 officers agreed, and the three men who supposed they had seen their 
 last hour, were untied. One of them said to Shelby, "You have saved 
 my life, and I will tell you a secret. Tarleton will be here in the 
 morning. A woman has brought the news." 
 
 It was then two o'clock at night, but no time was to be lost ; the camp 
 was instantly aroused, everything packed up, the wounded sent into 
 secret hiding places in the mountains, and the line of march taken up. 
 
 The next day it rained incessantly, but the army continued its march 
 without stopping, until they crossed the Catawba at two o'clock the suc- 
 ceeding night. The river was breast high when they crossed it. The 
 weary troops bivouacked on its banks, and the next morning it had risen 
 so much as to be past fording. This obstacle being such as to prevent 
 all pursuit, they leisurely retired with their prisoners. As an evidence 
 of the hardships undergone by these brave and hardy patriots, Col. 
 Shelby says, that he ate nothing from Saturday morning until after they 
 encamped Sunday night at two o'clock, A. M. 
 
 The information given Shelby by the condemned prisoners, turned 
 out to have been substantially correct. Lord Cornwallis had detached 
 Tarleton to pursue and attack the patriots, and to rescue the prisoners. 
 Soon after Tarleton was dispatched, the former took an old Whig pris- 
 oner, and examined him. He told the prisoner he could not learn who 
 had defeated Ferguson. The old man told him. Cornwallis then 
 
APPENDIX. 545 
 
 inquired the force of the patriots. He told him it was three thousand 
 riflemen. Cornwallis asked where they were gone. He rephed, they 
 were bearing down on him. Whether this was told under the belief 
 that it was true, or told as a ruse de giicrre, it answered a very 
 excellent purpose. Lords Cornwallis and Rawdon immediately con- 
 sulted together, beat to arms, struck their tents, burnt some extra cloth- 
 ing, and retreated to the south side of Broad river in confusion. At the 
 same time, a messenger was sent to recall Tarleton, who was overtaken 
 after he had proceeded eighteen miles, and who immediately returned 
 to Cornwallis' camp. 
 
 At the time Shelby and his co-patriots raised their force, Cornwallis, 
 supposing he would meet no further serious resistance in North or 
 South Carolina, had projected the invasion of Virginia in three columns. 
 He was to advance in the centre, a second detachment was to march on 
 his right, and Ferguson was to command the left wing. The time for 
 the invasion was fixed, officers were out through the country collecting 
 the Tories, and a few days more would have made them very strong. 
 The defeat of Ferguson prevented this invasion, and so intimidated the 
 Tories, that most of them declined joining the British, generally prefer- 
 ring to make a profession of faith to King George rather than take up 
 arms in his behalf. 
 
 At the time the nine hundred and ten men were selected to pursue 
 Ferguson, they were informed that there were six hundred Tories em- 
 bodied near them, and it was suggested that they should be attacked. 
 Shelby opposed this, saying that if they turned after any other object 
 they would lose Ferguson. 
 
 After the battle at King's Mountain, this force, like all other partisan 
 bodies called out for a particular emergency, was difficult to be kept em- 
 bodied. The men one after another returned home, so that when they 
 reached the Catawba there were not more men than prisoners. 
 
 It is impossible for those who have not lived in its midst, to conceive 
 of the exasperation which prevails in a civil war. The execution, there- 
 fore, of the nine Tories at Gilbert Town, will by many persons be con- 
 sidered an act of retaliation unnecessarily cruel. It was believed by 
 those who were on the ground, to be both necessary and proper, for the 
 purpose of putting a stop to the execution of the patriots in the Carolinas 
 by the Tories and British. The event proved the justice of the expec- 
 tation of the patriots. The execution of the Tories did stop the execu- 
 tion of the Whigs. And it may be remarked of this cruel and lamenta- 
 ble mode of retaliation, that whatever excuses and pretences the Tories 
 may have had for their atrocities, the British officers, who often ordered 
 the execution of Whigs, had none. Their training to arms and mihtary 
 education, should have prevented them from violating the rules of civ- 
 ihzed warfare in so essential a point. 
 
546 GRAHAM'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 Those patriots who desired to continue in the service after the battle 
 at King's Mountain, especially the refugees, wished to be formed into a 
 corps and to be under the command of Gen. Morgan. To effect this 
 Col. Shelby went to head-quarters and saw Morgan, who said they were 
 just the men he wanted. Gen. Gates consented, and the Board of War 
 of North Carolina ordered out these militia, who marched up and joined 
 Morgan; most of them were with him the next campaign, and proved 
 the stuff they were made of at the nobly-won battle of the Cowpens. 
 
 BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNT AN.— BY GEN. JOSEPH GRAHAM. * 
 
 After the defeat of Gen. Gates and the army under his command, on 
 the l6th of August, 1780, and the defeat of Gen. Sumter, two days after- 
 wards, near Rocky Mount, by Col. Tarleton, the South was almost entirely 
 abandoned to the eneiTiy. Most of the troops, both officers and men, 
 who had escaped from Gates' defeat, passed through Charlotte, N. C, 
 where most of the militia of Mecklenburg County, were assembled in 
 consequence of the alarm. The regular troops chiefly passed on to 
 Hillsboro', where Gen. Gates finally established his head-quarters. 
 William L. Davidson, who had served as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
 regulars in the Northern army, was appointed Brigadier-General of the 
 militia in the Salisbury District, in the place of Gen. Rutherford, who 
 was taken prisoner at Gates' defeat. He formed a brigade, and 
 encamped on McAlpin's creek, about eight miles below Charlotte, and 
 in the course of two or three weeks was reinforced by Gen. Sumner, a 
 Continental officer, but having no regulars to command, he took com- 
 mand of the militia from the counties of Guilford, Caswell, Orange, &c. 
 
 After Gates' defeat, the attention of Lord Cornwallis was chiefly 
 occupied with burying the dead, taking care of the wounded, and for- 
 warding, under suitable guards, the great number of prisoners he had 
 taken, to the city of Charleston, and regulating the civil government he 
 was establishing in South Carolina, and examining the state of the posts 
 occupied by his troops on the Congaree, Ninety Six and Augusta. By the 
 1st of September, he had his arrangements made, and detached Col. 
 Ferguson over the Wateree with only one hundred and ten regulars, 
 under the command of Capt. DePeyster, and about the same number of 
 Tories, but with an ample supply of arms and other military stores. His 
 
 *Gen. Graham was in the hospital at the time the battle was fought, and gained his 
 knowledge of the action from those who participated in it. He subsequently visited the 
 battle ground with a son of one of the officers. He errs as to the position occupied by Col. 
 Shelby, which, according to his own statement, was on the left center, or north-west side 
 of the mountain. The number executed is over-stated This paper first appeared in the 
 Southern Literary Messenger, for September, 1845 , and was afterwards copied into Foote's 
 Sketches of North Carolina, and the North Carolina University Magazine for April, 1856. 
 
APPENDIX. 547 
 
 movements were at first rapid, endeavoring to intercept the retreat of a 
 party of mountain men, who were harassing the upper settlement of 
 Tories in South Carohna. FaiUng in this, he afterwards moved slowly, 
 and frequently halted to collect all the Tories he could persuade to join 
 him. He passed Broad river, and before the last of September en- 
 camped at a place ca:lled Gilbert Town, within a short distance of where 
 the thriving village of Rutherfordton now stands. 
 
 His forces had increased to upwards of one thousand men. On his 
 march to this place, he had furnished arms to such of his new recruits 
 as were without them. The greater part of them had rifles, but to a part 
 of them he had them to fix a large knife they usually carried, made small 
 enough at the butt end for two inches or more of the handle to slip into 
 the muzzle of the rifle, so that it might be occasionally used as a bayonet. 
 
 Although Col. Ferguson failed to overtake the detachment of moun- 
 tain men alluded to, he took two of them prisoners, who had become 
 separated from their comrades. In a day or two, he paroled them, and en- 
 joined them to inform the officers on the western waters, that if they did 
 not desist from their opposition to the British arms, and take protection, 
 under his standard, that he would march his army over the moun- 
 tains, hang their leaders, and lay the country waste with fire and sword. 
 
 Col. Charles IMcDowell, of Burke County, on the approach of Fergu- 
 son with so large a force, had gone over the mountains to obtain assistance, 
 and was in consulation with Col. John Sevier and Col. Isaac Shelby what 
 plan should be pursued, when the two paroled men spoken of arrived, 
 and dehvered their message from Col. Ferguson. 
 
 It was decided that each of them should use his best efforts to raise 
 all the men that could be enhsted, and thatlheir forces when collected, 
 should meet on the Watauga, on the 25th of September. It was also 
 agreed, that Col. Shelby should give intelligence of their movements to 
 Col. WiUiam Campbell of the adjoining County of Washingion, in Vir- 
 gina, with the hope that he would raise what force he could, and cooperate 
 with them. 
 
 They met on the Watauga the day appointed, and passed the moun- 
 tain on the 30th of Sept., where they were joined by Col. Benjamin 
 Cleveland and Maj. Joseph Winston, from Wilkes and Surry Counties. 
 
 On examining their forces, they were found to number as follows : 
 
 From Washington County, Virginia, under Col. W. Campbell, 400 
 
 From Sullivan County, North Carolina, under Col. Isaac Shelby, 240 
 
 From Washington, North Carolina, under Col. John Sevier, 240 
 
 From Burke and Rutherford Counties, N. C, under Col. Charles 
 
 McDowell, ^ . ., ^ ^ V A r y 
 
 From Wilkes and Surry Counties, North Carohna, under Col. 
 
 Benj. Cleveland and Major Joseph Winston, 35° 
 
 Total, 1,390 
 
548 GRAHAM'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 Col. Ferguson having accurate intelligence of the force collecting 
 against him, early on the fourth of October, ordered his men to march, 
 and remained half an hour after they had started writing a dispatch to Lord 
 Cornwalhs, no doubt informing him of his situation, and soliciting aid. 
 The letter was committed to the care of the noted Abraham CoUins, 
 (since of counterfeit memory,) and another person, by the name of Ouin, 
 with injunctions to deliver it as soon as possible. They set out, and 
 attempted to pass the direct road to Charlotte, but having to .pass 
 through some Whig settlements, they were suspected and pursued, and 
 being compelled to secrete themselves by day, and travel by night, they 
 did not reach Charlotte until the morning of the 7th of October (the 
 day of the battle). Col. Ferguson encamped the first night at the 
 noted place called the Cowpens, about twenty miles from Gilbert Town. 
 On the 5th of October, he crossed Broad River at what is now called 
 Deer's Ferry, sixteen miles. On the 6th he marched up the Ridge Road, 
 between the waters of King's and Buffalo creeks, until he came to 
 the fork turning to the right, across King's creek, and through a gap of 
 the mountain towards Yorkville, about fourteen miles. Then he en- 
 camped on the summit of that part of the mountain to the right of the 
 road, where he remained until he was attacked on the 7th. 
 
 When the troops from the different Counties met, at the head of the 
 Catawba river, the commanding officers met, and finding that they 
 were all of equal grade, and no general officer to command, it was 
 decided that Col. Charles McDowell should go to Head-Quarters, sup- 
 posed to be between Charlotte and Salisbury, to obtain Gen. Sumner or 
 Gen. Davidson to take the command. In the meantime, it was agreed 
 that Col. William Campbell, who had the largest regiment, should take 
 the command until the arrival of a general officer, who was to act 
 according to the advice of the Colonels commanding, and that Maj. Joseph 
 McDowell should take the command of the Burke and Rutherford regi- 
 ment, until the return of Col. McDowell. 
 
 Shortly after these measures were adopted, intelligence was received 
 that Col. Ferguson had left Gilbert Town, and it was decided that they 
 would march after him, by that place, and on their way received evidence 
 that it was his design to evade an engagement with them. On the 
 evening of the 6th [4th] of October, the Colonels in council unanimously 
 resolved, that they would select all the men and horses fit for service, and 
 immediately pursue Ferguson until they should overtake him, leaving 
 such as were not ableto^go, to come after as fast as they could. The 
 next evening the selection was made, and nine hundred and ten men, 
 including officers, were marched before, leaving the others to follow. 
 
 They came to the Cowpens, where Ferguson had camped on the 
 night of the 4th, and there met Col. Williams, of South Carolina, with 
 near four hundred men, and about sixty from Lincoln County, who had 
 
APPENDIX. 649 
 
 joined them on their march, under Col. Hambright and Maj. Chronicle 
 After drawing rations of beef, the whole proceeded on, a little before 
 sunset, taking Ferguson's trail towards Deer's Ferry, on Broad river. 
 Night coming on, and being very dark, their pilot got out of the right 
 way, and for some time they were lost ; but before daylight they reached 
 near to the ferry, and by direction of the officers, the pilot led them to the 
 Cherokee ford, about, a mile and a half below, as it was not known but 
 thetenemy might be in possession of the eastern bank of the river. It 
 was on the morning of the 7th before sunrise, when they crossed the 
 river, and marched about two miles to the place where Ferguson had 
 encamped on the night of the 5th. 
 
 There they halted a short time, and took such breakfast as their wal- 
 lets and saddle-bags could afford. The day was showery, and they were 
 obliged to use their blankets, and their great coats, to protect their arms 
 from wet. They passed on a dozen miles without seeing any person ; 
 at length, they met a lad, in an old field, by the name of Fonderin, about 
 twelve or fourteen years of age, who had a brother and other relations in 
 Ferguson's camp, and who was directly from it — within less than three 
 miles. A halt was ordered, and the Colonels met in consultation. 
 Several persons knew the ground well on which the enemy was encamped, 
 agreeable to the information given by the boy of their position. The 
 plan of battle was immediately settled, that the force should be 
 nearly equally divided, and one-half would take to the right, cross over 
 and occupy the south-east side of the mountain, and that the other 
 should advance to the north-west side, and that each division would 
 move forward until they formed a junction, when all should face to 
 the front, and press upon the enemy up the sides of the mountain. 
 Orders were given to prepare for battle, by laying aside every incum- 
 brance, examining well their arms, and guarding against alarm. The 
 orders were speedily obeyed, and they moved forward over King's 
 creek, and up a branch and ravine, and between two rocky knobs, 
 which, when they had passed, the top of the mountain and the enemy's 
 camp upon it, were in full view, about one hundred poles in front. Here 
 they halted, and tied their horses, leaving the necessary guard with them. 
 It was now three o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 The enemy's camp was to the right of the road, seventy or eighty 
 poles in length, and on the summit of the mountain, which at this place 
 runs nearly north-east and south-west, the shadow of the timber at half- 
 past one P. M., ranges with it. The troops were led on in the following 
 order: — To the right, Maj. Winston, Col. Sevier, Col. Campbell, Col. 
 Shelby and Major McDowell— To the left. Col. Hambright, Col. Cleve- 
 land, and Col. WiUiams, of South Carohna. 
 
 Each division moved off steadily to the place assigned it in the order 
 of battle. Some of the regiments suffered much under the galling fire 
 
550 GRAHAM'S A CCO UNT. 
 
 of the enemy, before they were in a position to engage in the action. 
 Some complaints began to be uttered, tJiat it woidd never do to be shot 
 down without returning the fire. Col. Shelby replied — "press onto your 
 places, and then your fire will not be lost." 
 
 The men led by Shelby and IVIcDowell were soon closely engaged, 
 and the contest from the first was very severe. Williams and Cleveland 
 were soon in their places, and with the utmost energy engaged the foe. 
 Ferguson finding that the end of his line was giving away, ordered for- 
 ward his regulars and riflemen with bayonets, and made a furious 
 charge upon Shelby and McDowell, charging down the mountain some 
 two hundred yards. A united and destructive fire soon compelled him 
 to order his party back to the top of the mountain to ward off the deadly 
 attack from Col. Williams. Ferguson again charged with fury down 
 the mountain. When Shelby's men saw this, they raised the cry, "come 
 on, men, the enemy is retreating." They rallied by the time Ferguson 
 returned from the charge against the South Carolinans, and renewed 
 their fire with great resolution. Ferguson again charged upon Shelby, 
 but not so far as before. Col. WiUiams' men, in turn, called out, "the 
 enemy is retreating, come on, men !" 
 
 At this stage of the action, Hambright ^nd Winston had met, and a 
 brisk fire was poured upon Ferguson's men all around the mountain. 
 As he would advance towards Campbell, Sevier, Winston, and Ham- 
 bright, he was pursued by Shelby, McDowell, Williams and Clevelan,d. 
 When he would turn his forces against the latter, the former would press 
 on in pursuit. Thus he struggled on, making, charges and retreats, but 
 his left was rapidly losing ground. His men were rapidly falling before 
 the skillful aim, and unbending courage, of the Whigs. Even after being 
 wounded, he fought on with courage. He made every effort that could 
 be done by a brave and skillful officer, according to his position. At 
 length he was shot dead, and his whole command driven up into a 
 group of sixty yards in length, and not forty in width. 
 
 The British officer, Capt. DePeyster, who took the command, ordered 
 a white flag to be raised, in token of surrender, but the bearer was in- 
 stantly shot down. He soon had another raised, and called out for 
 quarter. Col. Shelby demanded, if they surrendered, why they did not 
 throw down their arms ? This was instantly done. But still the firing 
 was continued, until Shelby and Sevier went inside the lines, and or- 
 dered the men to cease. Some who kept it up, would call out, "give 
 them Buford's play"— alluding to Col. Buford's defeat by Tarleton, 
 where no quarters were given. A guard was placed over the prisoners, 
 and all remained on the mountain during the night. 
 
 The party which led the left wing under Col. Hambright, suffered 
 very much, having to pass very difficult ground to reach their place of 
 destination, and within eighty yards of the enemy's marksmen. Col. 
 
APPENDIX. 551 
 
 Hambright was wounded, and Maj. Chronicle was killed. Col. Wil- 
 liams, of South Carolina, a brave and efficient officer, was also killed. 
 The loss of the Whigs was not exactly ascertained, but believed to be 
 about thirty killed, and fifty wounded. The enemy had about one hun- 
 dred and fifty killed, and all the rest takeii prisoners. On the morning 
 of the 8th [14th], a court-martial was held, several of the prisoners who 
 were found guilty of murder, and other high crimes, were sentenced to 
 be hanged. About twenty [nine only] were executed. 
 
 [From Wheeler's History of North Carolina?^ 
 
 [An account of the Battle of King' s Mountain, prepared by Gen. 
 
 William Lenoir for Judge A. D. Murphy's intended 
 
 History of North Carolina.] 
 
 Having lately seen in the State Gazette, a publication of Mr. Walker's 
 circular letter, in which there is a very imperfect statement of the battle 
 at King's Mountain, brings to my recollection your request for a true 
 account thereof; and having previously observed, that in all the histories 
 of the Revolutionary war that I have seen, the accounts of that battle are 
 very erroneous, induces me to attempt to fulfill your desire on that sub- 
 ject, by giving you as perfect an account of that transaction from my 
 own knowledge, as my memory at so distant a period will enable me to 
 do. 
 
 When a report was circulated that a detachment of the British army 
 had advanced through the State of South Carolina, and a part of North 
 Carolina, as far as Cane creek, where a strong party of them were 
 repulsed by the neighboring militia, chiefly of Burke County, under the 
 command of Col. Chas. McDowell, and Maj. J. McDowell, the active 
 Whigs of the western part of North Carolina, and some from the near 
 part of Virginia, like patriots at a moment's notice, without any call from 
 the Government, turned out and concentrated in Burke County, without 
 any aid from public stores, of clothing, arms, ammunition, or any article 
 of camp equipage, not having a single tent or baggage wagon amongst 
 them, and advanced to Green river, near the southern limit of Ruther- 
 ford County, where they received some further but imperfect information 
 of the progress of the aforesaid detachment of the British army, com- 
 manded by the celebrated Col. Ferguson, who was said to be progressing 
 through the country in various directions, committing great ravages and 
 depredations. 
 
 A council was held by the principal officers of the Whigs ; the result 
 of which was, that, on presumption that, through the medium of the 
 
552 LENOIR 'S STA TEMENT. 
 
 Tories, Col. Ferguson had daily information of the advancement of the 
 Whigs, and was so on the alert, that men on foot would not be able to 
 overtake him, therefore orders were given for as many as had, or could 
 procure, horses, to go in advance as mounted infantry, there not being a 
 single dragoon in the Whig army. Whereupon, about five or six 
 hundred were prepared and marched off about sunrise on the 6th 
 day of October, 1780, leaving the footmen, about one thousand five hun- 
 dred in number, encamped on Green river, under the command of Maj. 
 Joseph Herndon. The advance party of mounted infantry being joined 
 by Col. Williams, with a few South Carolina militia, in the evening 
 arrived at a place called the Cowpens, in South Carolina, where two 
 beeves were killed, and orders given for the men to cook and eat as 
 quick as possible ; but marching orders were given before those that were 
 indolent had prepared anything to eat ; and they marched all night (being 
 dark and rainy), and crossed Broad river the next morning, where an 
 attack was expected. But not finding the enemy, the detachment almost 
 exhausted by fatigue, hunger, cold and wet, and, for want of sleep, 
 pursued their march a few miles, when they met two men from Col. 
 Ferguson's camp, who gave some account of his situation. Then being 
 revived by the hopes of gaining the desired object, the officers held a 
 short consultation — -sitting on their horses — in which it was concluded 
 that said detachment should be formed into four columns ; two of the 
 columns should march on each side of the road, as silently as they could, 
 and that they should govern their march by the view of each other ; Col. 
 Winston was placed at the head of the right hand column ; Col. Cleve- 
 land at the head of the left ; and Cols. Shelby and Sevier at the heads of 
 the two middle columns; and as Col. Campbell had come the greatest 
 distance, and from the State of Virginia, he was complimented with the 
 command of the whole detachment. 
 
 When they had marched in that order about a mile. Col. Winston, 
 by a steep hill, had got so far separated from the other columns as to be 
 out of sight or hearing of them, when some men rode in sight and di- 
 rected him to dismount, and march up the hill, which was immediately 
 done, with an expectation of meeting the enemy on the hill ; but before 
 his men had advanced two hundred paces from their horses, they were 
 again hailed, and directed to mount their horses and push on, and that 
 the enemy was a mile ahead. On which they ran with great precipitation 
 down to their horses, mounted them, and rode like fox hunters, as fast as 
 their horses could run, through rough woods, crossing branches and 
 ridges without any person that had any knowledge of the woods to direct 
 or guide them. They happened to fall in upon the left of the enemy, 
 the place of their destination. At this very moment the firing began on 
 the other parts of the lines, when all dismounted under the fire of the 
 enemy, and the right and left hand columns surrounded them as quick 
 
APPENDIX. 553 
 
 as possible. In the meantime, the enemy charged bayonets on the two 
 middle columns, who being armed with rifles; and not a single bayonet 
 amongst them, were twice obliged to retreat a small distance ; but they 
 wheeled again with increased vigor, and fought bravely. The enemy 
 being surrounded, their left wing began to retreat, by drawing up in 
 closer order towards their right. At length they hoisted a flag and sur- 
 rendered themselves prisoners of war ; not a single man of them escaped 
 that was in camp at the commencement of the battle. 
 
 After the arms and prisoners were secured, some men were appointed 
 to number the dead. They reported two hundred and fifty of the 
 enemy ; and thirty-two of the Whigs. There were not near so many of 
 the enemy wounded as were of the Whigs, about forty of whom after- 
 wards died of their wounds. The total number of the Whigs in the 
 battle was between six and seven hundred ; and the number of the 
 enemy, agreeable to their daily returns, was eleven hundred and eighty- 
 seven. The Whigs camped on the battle-ground, and marched off with 
 their prisoners the next day ; and, having no other way to secure the 
 arms taken, compelled the prisoners to carry them, a great number of 
 them having to carry two guns each. About sunset we met the footmen 
 they had left at Green river, who had provided a plenty ■ of rations, &c. 
 The Whigs who had fought the battle were almost famished. 
 
 A few days afterwards, in Rutherford County, the principal officers 
 held a court-martial over some of the most audacious and murderous 
 Tories, and selected thirty-two as victims for destruction ; and commenced 
 hanging three at a time until they hung nine, and respited the rest. 
 
 Col. Ferguson had placed himself on the top of King's Mountain 
 the morning before the battle ; in a boasting manner he had proclaimed 
 that here was King's Mountain, and that he was the King of that Mount- 
 ain, supposing it to be a very advantageous position for him ; but it proved 
 the reverse, from the manner he was attacked and surrounded. His ele- 
 vated situation secured the Whigs from the danger of their own fire from 
 the opposite side, and he, being surrounded, when his men sheltered them- 
 selves on one side, they were exposed to danger on the other. Col. 
 Ferguson had seven or eight bullets shot through him, and fell some 
 time before the battle was over. The number of the Whigs was so inferior, 
 that Col. Ferguson, or his successor in command, might have easily re- 
 treated with very inconsiderable loss; if they had known the number 
 and situation of the Whigs, no doubt but they would have retreated in- 
 stead of surrendering. 
 
 It appears that under the auspices of the same Divine Power that so 
 advantageously conducted the right hand column of the Whigs to the 
 battle at King's Mountain, from that period good fortune seemed to pre- 
 ponderate in every direction in favor of the common cause of liberty— 
 except the single instance of Gen. Gates, who was [previously] defeated 
 
554 LEN OIR'S STA TEMENT. 
 
 by his own imprudence ; for although the British army kept the battle- 
 ground at Guilford Court-House, it appears to be given up on both sides, 
 that the Americans had the best of that battle, and disabled their enemy. 
 And to contrast the situation of the Whigs after the battle of King's 
 Mountain, with what inevitably would have been their situation in case 
 Ferguson's army had gained as complete a victory over the Whigs, as 
 the Whigs had done over them, it must appear that said battle was the 
 most decisive, the most gloriously fought, and although few in number, 
 was of the greatest importance of any one battle that ever was fought in 
 America. * * * * 
 
 I was Captain of a company of footmen, and left them at Green 
 river, except six of them, who procured horses and went with us. I 
 went as a common soldier, and did not pretend to take command of 
 those that belonged to my company; neither did I join any other com- 
 pany ; but fell in immediately behind Col. Winston, in front of the right 
 hand column, which enables me to give a more particular account of 
 the progress of that part of our army than any other. Before the battle. 
 Adjutant Jesse Franklin, now Governor of North Carolina, Capt. Robt. 
 Cleveland, and myself, agreed to stand together and support each other ; 
 but at the commencement of the battle, enthusiastic zeal caused us all to 
 separate. Each being anxious to effect the grand object, no one ap- 
 peared to regard his own personal safety. As to my own part, from 
 where we dismounted, instead of going on to surround, I advanced the 
 nearest way towards the enemy, under a heavy fire, until I got within 
 about thirty paces. Before they began to give ground, being among 
 strangers, I noticed one particular instance of bravery. On hearing a 
 man within six feet behind me fall, I looked around, and at that instant 
 another soldier jumped at him saying. "Give me your shot-bag, old fel- 
 low !" his own ammunition being exhausted. The gallant patriot gave 
 him, with his dying, hand his ammunition. Aboutthat time, I received a 
 slight wound in my side, and another in my left arm ; and, after that, 
 a bullet went through my hair about where it was tied, and my clothes 
 were cut in several places. From the account I have given of the battle, 
 it will be understood that it was fought on our side by militia alone. By 
 that victory, many militia officers procured swords who could not possi- 
 bly get any before ; neither was it possible to procure a good supply of 
 ammunition. 
 
 [From the American Pioneer, Feb. 1843.] 
 
 BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN. 
 
 By Benjamin Sharp. 
 
 As well as I can remember, some time in August, in the year 1780, 
 
APPENDIX. 555 
 
 Col. McDowell, of North Carolina, with three or four hundred men, iled 
 over the mountains to the settlements of Holston and Watauga, to evade 
 the pursuit of a British officer by the name of Ferguson, who had the 
 command of a large detachment of British and Tories. Our militia 
 speedily embodied, all mounted on horses— the Virginians under the 
 command of Col. William Campbell, and the two western counties of 
 North CaroHna, now Tennessee, under Cols. Isaac Shelby and John 
 Sevier; and as soon as they joined IVIcDowell, he re-crossed the moun- 
 tains, and formed a junction with Col. Cleveland, with a fine regiment 
 of North Carolina militia. We were now fifteen or eighteen hundred 
 strong, and considered ourselves equal in numbers, or at least a match 
 for the enemy, and eager to bring them to battle; but Col. McDowell, 
 who had the command, appeared to think otherwise, for although Fer- 
 guson had retreated on our crossing the mountains, he kept us marching 
 and counter-marching, for eight or ten days without advancing a step 
 towards our object. At length a council of the field-officers was con- 
 vened, and it was said in camp, how true 1 will not pretend to say, that 
 he refused in council to proceed without a general officer to command 
 the army, and to get rid of hira, the council deputed him to Gen. Greene, 
 at Head-Quarters, to procure a General. Be this as it may, as soon as 
 the council rose. Col. McDowell left the camp, and we saw no more of 
 him during the expedition. 
 
 As soon as he was fairly gone, the council re-assembled, and ap- 
 pointed Col. William Campbell our commander, and within one hour 
 after, we were on our horses and in full pursuit of the enemy. The 
 British still continued to retreat, and after hard marching for some time, 
 we found our progress much retarded by our footmen and weak horses 
 that were not able to sustain the duty. It was then resolved to leave the 
 footmen and weak horses under the command of Capt. William Neil, of 
 Virginia, with instructions to follow as fast as his detachment could bear. 
 Thus disencumbered, we gained fast upon the enemy. I think on the 
 7th [6th] day of October, in the afternoon, we halted at a place called 
 the Cowpens, in South Carolina, fed our horses, and ate a hasty meal 
 of such provisions as we had procured, and, by dark mounted our 
 horses, and after marching all niglit, crossed Broad river by the dawn of 
 day; and although it rained considerably in the morning, we never 
 halted to refresh ourselves or horses. AlDout twelve o'clock it cleared 
 off witli a fine cool breeze. We were joined that day [really, the night 
 before] by Col. Williams, of South Carolina, with several hundred men ; 
 and in the afternoon fell in with three men who informed us that they 
 were just from the British camp, that they were poked on the top of 
 King's Mountain, and that there was a picket-guard on the road not far 
 ahead of us. These men were detained lest they should find means to 
 inform the enemy of our approach, and Col. Shelby, with a select party, 
 
656 SHA RP'S NA RRA TIVE. 
 
 undertook to surprise and take the picket ; this he accomphshed without 
 firing a gun or giving the least alarm, and it was hailed by the army 
 as a good omen. 
 
 We then moved on, and as we approached the mountain, the roll of 
 the British drum informed us that we had something to do. No doubt 
 the British commander thought his position a strong one ; but our plan 
 of attack was such as to make it the worst for him he could have chosen. 
 The end of the mountain to our left descended gradually to a branch ; 
 in front of us the ascent was rather abrupt, and to the right was a low 
 gap through which the road passed. The different regiments were 
 directed by guides to the ground they were to occupy, so as to surround 
 the eminence on which the British were encamped ; Campbell's on the 
 right, along the road; Shelby's next, to the left of him; Sevier's next, 
 and so on, till last the left of Cleveland's to join the right of Campbell's, 
 on the other side of the mountain, at the road. 
 
 Thus the British Major found himself attacked on all sides at once, 
 and so situated as to receive a galling fire from all parts of our lines 
 without doing any injury to ourselves. From this difSculty, he attempted 
 to relieve himself at the point of the bayonet, but failed in three suc- 
 cessive charges. Cleveland, who had the farthest to go, being bothered 
 in some swampy ground, did not occupy his position in the line till late 
 in the engagement. A few men, drawn from the right of Campbell's 
 regiment, occupied this vacancy ; this the British commander discovered, 
 and here he made his last powerful effort to force his way through and 
 make his escape; but at that instant Cleveland's regiment came up in 
 gallant style; the Colonel, himself, coming by the very spot I occupied, 
 at which time his horse had received two wounds, and he was obliged to 
 dismount. Although fat and unweildy, he advanced on foot with signal 
 bravery ; but was soon re-mounted by one of his officers, who brought 
 him another horse. This threw the British and Tories into complete 
 disorder, and Ferguson seeing that all was lost, determined not to sur- 
 vive the disgrace ; he broke his sword, and spurred his horse into the 
 thickest of our ranks, and fell covered with wounds, and shortly after 
 his whole army surrendered at discretion. The action lasted about one 
 hour, and for most of the time was fierce and bloody. 
 
 I cannot clearly recollect the statement of our loss, given at the time, 
 but my impression now is that it was two hundred and twenty-five 
 killed, and about as many or a few more wounded; the loss of the 
 enemy must have been much greater. The return of the prisoners taken 
 was eleven hundred and thirty-three, about fifteen hundred stand of 
 arms, several baggage wagons, and all their camp equipage fell into 
 our hands. The battle closed not far from sundown, so that we had to 
 encamp on the ground, with the dead and wounded, and pass the night 
 among groans and lamentations. 
 
• APPENDIX. 557 
 
 The next day, as soon as we could bury our dead, and provide litters 
 to carry our wounded, we marched off to regain the upper country for 
 fear of being intercepted by a detachment from the army of Lord Corn- 
 wallis, for we were partly behind his quarters, between him and the 
 British garrison of Ninety Six. A British surgeon, with some assistants, 
 were left to attend their wounded ; but the wounded Tories were un- 
 provided for, and their dead left for their bones to bleach upon the 
 mountain. That afternoon we met Capt. Neil coming on with his de- 
 tachment, and encamped for the night on a large deserted Tory plan- 
 tation, where was a sweet potato patch sufficiently large to supply the 
 whole army. This was most fortunate, for not one in fifty of us had 
 tasted food for the last two days and nights, that is, since we left the 
 Cowpens. Here, the next morning, we buried Col. Williams, who had 
 died of his wounds on the march the day before. We still proceeded 
 towards the mountains as fast as our prisoners could bear. 
 
 When we had gained a position, where we thought ourselves secure 
 from a pursuit, the army halted for a day, and a court was detailed to 
 inquire into various complaints against certain Tories for murders, rob- 
 beries, house-burnings, &c. The court found upwards of forty of them 
 guilty of the crimes charged upon them, and sentenced them to hang; 
 and nine of the most atrocious offenders were executed that night by 
 fire-light, the rest were reprieved by the commanding officer. 
 
 We set off early next morning, and shortly after the rain began to 
 fall in torrents, and continued the whole day, but, instead of halting, we 
 rather mended our pace in order to cross the Catawba river before it 
 should rise and intercept us ; this we effected late in the night, and 
 halted by a large plantation, when Major McDowell — brother of the 
 Colonel, and who commanded his brother's regiment the whole route, 
 and was a brave and efficient officer — rode along the lines, and informed 
 us that the plantation belonged to him, and kindly invited us to take 
 rails from his fences, and make fires to warm and dry us. I suppose 
 every one felt grateful for this generous offer, for it was rather cold, 
 being the last of October, and every one, from the Commander-in-Chief to 
 the meanest private, was as wet as if he had just been dragged through 
 the Catawba river. We rested here one day, and then proceeded, by 
 easy marches, to the heads of the Yadkin river, where we were reheved 
 by the militia of the country, and permitted to return home, which those 
 of us who had not fallen in battle or died of wounds, effected some 
 time in November. 
 
 During the whole of this expedition, except a few days at the outset, 
 I neither tasted bread nor salt, and this was the case with neariy every 
 man ; when we could get meat, which was but seldom, we had to roast 
 and eat it without either: sometimes we got a few potatoes, but out 
 standing and principal rations were ears of corn, scorched in the fire 
 
558 NARRATOR'S VERSION. 
 
 or eaten raw. Such was the price paid by the men of the Revolution 
 for our Independence. 
 
 Here I might conclude, but I cannot forbear offering a small tribute 
 to the memory of our commanding officers. Col. Williams, fell; Cleve- 
 land, I have already spoken of; Sevier, I did not see in the battle, but 
 his bravery was well attested ; three times my eye fell upon our gallant 
 commander, [Campbell] calm and collected, encouraging the men, and 
 assuring them of victory. At the close of the action, when the British 
 were loudly calling for quarters, but uncertain whether they would be 
 granted, I saw the intrepid Shelby rush his horse within fifteen paces of 
 their lines, and commanded them to lay down their arms, and they 
 should have quarters. Some would call this an imprudent act, but it 
 showed the daring bravery of the man. I am led to believe that three 
 braver men, and purer patriots, never trod the soil of freedom, than 
 Campbell, Shelby and Sevier. 
 
 ["Narrator" in Ketttucky Reporter, July 25th, 1812.] 
 
 Col. Shelby, in concert with Col. John Sevier, meditated and carried 
 into execution the expedition against Ferguson, who, thinking himself 
 secure, had permitted some of his Tories to go home. By forced 
 marches, with nine hundred and ten men, they attacked Ferguson on 
 King's Mountain, and killed and took eleven hundred and five men. 
 The honor of the enterprise has been given Col. Campbell most unde- 
 servedly. There were six officers along who were entitled to command 
 Col. Campbell by their rank ; and Col. Shelby who was one of those six, 
 deserves the nation's thanks for the manner in which he conducted him- 
 self at that critical juncture. In the camp, everything was confused for 
 want of a commanding officer. Those who were entitled to command 
 were very unpopular, and I am well informed that had it been left to an 
 election, Shelby would have been elected ; but he was not the eldest 
 officer, and he was aware, that should he contend for the command, the 
 jealousy and offended pride of the others might defeat the expedition. He 
 had more at heart the interest of his darling, country than the promotion ; 
 and to do away all jealousy among equals, he himself proposed a meeting 
 be held for the purpose of an arrangement, that they should jointly every 
 evening provide an order for the government of camp, and that Col. 
 Campbell should be the officer of the day to see that complied with. 
 
 This affair being arranged, the army moved on and made a forced 
 march, as it was all important to them to overtake Ferguson before the 
 disbanded Tories could rendezvous and join him. From Friday morn- 
 ing until Saturday evening the little host of soldiers scarcely tarried a 
 moment, and late on that evening coming up with the enemy, the at- 
 
APPENDIX. 659 
 
 tack was commenced. Col. Campbell was not in this action except in 
 the first onset. To Shelby the enemy surrendered — Shelby was the 
 first man who spolce to them — was the first man among them, and the 
 fire on the opposite side of the mountain did not cease, as they did not 
 know of the surrender, until Shelby, who, was actually among the Brit- 
 ish, oijdered them to sit down. The American fire instantly ceased, and 
 was succeeded by the huzzas of triumph. Campbell, hearing them, 
 came up about twenty minutes afterward, and observed to Shelby, 
 "that he could not account for his own conduct in the latter part of the 
 action." 
 
 COL. SHELBY'S LETTERS TO GOV. SEVIER. 
 
 July 1st, 1822, Col. G. W. Sevier, caused to be published in the 
 Nashville Gazette four letters written by Col. Shelby to his father. 
 Gov. Sevier, three of which, in part, touched upon King's Mountain and 
 Col. Campbell. Those parts follow : 
 
 The Legislature of Virginia, shortly after the defeat of Ferguson, 
 upon King's Mountain, in 1780, voted an elegant horse and sword to be 
 presented to Col. WiUiam Campbell, as a testimony of approbation 
 which his country bore towards him on account of the part that he had 
 taken in that memorable affair. The horse was delivered to him ; but 
 owing to neglect, or some other cause, the sword was not presented to 
 him before he died. I am lately informed that the friends of Col. 
 Campbell, not long since, have made application to the Legislature of 
 that State for the sword — that they voted the sum of one thousand, five 
 hundred crowns for the purchase of the most elegant sword that could 
 be procured in France ; and through our Minister in Paris, a most superb 
 sword was obtained, which was presented by the Government of Virginia 
 to young John Preston *, the grandson of Col. Campbell, as an honorable 
 reward due to the memory of his ancestor. 
 
 Now, sir, what did Campbell merit more than you or I did? It is 
 _ fact well known, and for which he apologized to me the day after the 
 action that he was not within less than one quarter of a mile of the ene- 
 my at the time they surrendered to you and myself. But I do not mean 
 to detract from the honors of the dead, yet it is a fact I have told to 
 many, both before and since his death.— January ist, 1810. 
 
 At the time I wrote to you on this subject, I had but just heard of the 
 fine sword given by the State of Virginia to a descendant of the late Col. 
 Campbell and for a moment I felt a degree of indignation and resent- 
 ment that my country had attributed the achievement of the victory on 
 King's Mountain to a man who had little share in the action, and it 
 
 Wm. C. Preston was probably the person referred to. 
 
 a 
 
560 SHELB Y'S PAMPHLE T. 
 
 determined me to address a letter to you on the occasion. * * * it 
 may be fairly stated, that the great body of the men that crossed the 
 mountains on that expedition, were raised and embodied by your and my 
 own united exertions. It was an enterprise undertaken from pure and 
 patriotic motives, without the aid of the Govenment — at a time that tried 
 the souls of men. It was, in its consequences, the salvation of North 
 Carolina, inasmuch as it obliged Lord Cornwallis to retreat out of the 
 State with the whole British army, and he could not advance until he 
 was reinforced from New York. Besides, in the great scale of our na- 
 tional affairs, it was the very first perceivable ei'ent that gave a favora- 
 ble turn to the American Revolution. — February 24th, 1810. 
 
 I shall be elected Governor by a majority of at least ten thousand 
 votes. Among other falsehoods that were circulated against me, it was 
 said that I was not in the action at King's iVIountain ; and by some, that 
 I was only a Lieutenant, or some inferior officer, on that expedition, and 
 this story had gained some credit among better informed people. The 
 object of this letter is, to request you to be so obliging as to state to me, 
 in a letter, as early as convenient, the station in which I commanded on 
 the expedition against Ferguson. You know that the expedition was 
 concerted by you and myself, and that it took some address to induce 
 Campbell and his men to join us. That in the action, I was in the heat 
 of the battle. I well recollect being once very near you as we went up 
 the mountain early in the action ; I saw you animating the men to vic- 
 tory, and feel persuaded you saw me also ; I was on horseback, near 
 you, using the same exertions. And you must also recollect, that I was 
 almost the first — and, 1 believe, the very first — officer that you met at 
 the surrender of the enemy. Your first words to me at the surrender 
 were — "By G — d, they have burnt off your hair." You must still recol- 
 lect that circumstance, that my hair on the left side was very much 
 scorched — this happened just before the surrender, when both parties 
 were almost promiscuously mingled together. — August 12th, 1812, 
 
 [gov. SHELBY'S PAMPHLET.] 
 
 BATTLE OF KING'S IVIOUNTAIN. 
 
 To the Public. 
 
 During the last year, Mr. Wm. C. Preston, a grandson of the late 
 Col. Wm. Campbell, made a publication in the newspapers, under his 
 signature, and headed "Colonel Campbell and Governor Shelby." 
 The professed object of this address, was to claim for his ancestor, as 
 commander of the American forces at the battle of King's Mountain 
 the chief honors of that victory, and to controvert some statements rela- 
 
APPENDIX. ■ 561 
 
 tive to that subject, made in some of my private letters to the late Gov. 
 Sevier, of Tennessee, which letters came to the knowledge of the 
 world, and of Mr. Preston, by the inadvertent publication of them by 
 the son of Gov. Sevier, after the death of his father. In the course of 
 his address, Mr. Preston has thought proper to question my veracity,— 
 to deny the statements made in those letters, and to impute to me the 
 most dishonorable motives and purposes. 
 
 I paused and hesitated long as to the course I ought to pursue. 
 Conscious of my integrity, I felt a proud confidence, that my reputation 
 could not be affected by the proofs and animadversions of Mr. Preston— 
 that it was placed above the reach of calumny and all attempts to 
 dishonor it. But the labored efforts that have been used, to give the 
 most extensive circulation and the most permanent effect to the publi- 
 cation of Mr. Preston, have determined me to reply to it, least by my 
 silence I might be considered as acquiescing in the justice of his asser- 
 tions and imputations. 
 
 It is with the most sincere and heartfelt regret that I undertake the 
 task ; because in the course of my defence it will be necessary for me 
 to speak of circumstances, which I had rather have seen consigned to 
 oblivion — circumstances calculated, in some degree, to effect the fame of 
 Col. Campbell ; and perhaps to wound the feelings of many of his 
 numerous and most respectable relatives and connections. But the 
 unexpected publication of my private letters to an old friend, and the 
 attack consequently made on me by Mr. Preston, compel me to defend 
 myself; and painful and invidious as the task may be, I owe it to 
 myself, to my posterity and my country, to perform it. I could have 
 wished most earnestly to have been spared this development, but cir- 
 cumstances seem not to permit it. 
 
 If, in the course of this investigation, facts should be disclosed, in- 
 jurious to the fame of Col. Campbell, let it be remembered that I have 
 been forced into it by imperious necessity. Sacred as the memory of 
 Col. Campbell may be, it will be recollected, that I also have a 
 character and reputation which are dear to me, and which it is one of my 
 highest duties to maintain and defend. The history of my life has 
 never before been stained by an imputation of falsehood and dishonor. 
 I am now in my seventy-third year, and almost the only object of 
 wordly ambition that remains between me and the grave, is, that my mem- 
 ory may descend untarnished to my posterity and to my country — that 
 country which has appreciated my services, perhaps too highly, and with 
 a bountiful and generous hand heaped upon me rewards and honors far 
 beyond my poor deserving. But how must she blush at my name, and 
 the recollection of those honors which her mistaken gratitude has con- 
 fered upon me, if I am guilty of the falsehood and defamation, with 
 which Mr. Preston has charged me! I am not guilty, my countrymen, 
 
662 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 and before any other tribunal than yours, I would have scorned to reply 
 to the unworthy accusations with which I am assailed. 
 
 To render the subject more intelligible and clear, and to show the 
 grounds upon which I have made the statements contained in my 
 private letters, 1 shall attempt to give some account of the battle of 
 King's Mountain, and the circumstances which led to it. 
 
 Upon the defeat of Gen. Gates and the American army at the battle 
 of Camden, on the l6th of August, 1780, the Southern States were 
 almost entirely abandoned to the enemy. The intelligence of that dis- 
 astrous affair, and the defeat of Gen. Sumter which soon followed, spread 
 universal consternation and alarm. All the bodies of militia that were 
 in arms through the country, were compelled to fly before the enemy. 
 Some of these detachments (part of which I commanded) fled towards 
 the mountains, and were hotly pursued by Major Ferguson, of the British 
 army, with a strong force. Failing in the attempt to intercept their 
 retreat, he took post at Gilbert Town. At that place he paroled a 
 prisoner, (one Samuel Philips, a distant connection of mine,) and in- 
 structed him to inforiTi the officers on the Western waters, that if they 
 did not desist from their opposition to the Britisli arms, and take 
 protection under his standard, he would march his army over the 
 mountains, hang their leaders, and lay their country waste with fire and 
 sword. Philips lived near my residence, and came directly to me 
 with this intelligence. I then commanded the militia of Sullivan County, 
 North Carolina. In a few days I went fifty or sixty miles to see Col. 
 Sevier, who was the efficient commander of Washington County, North 
 Carolina, to inform him of the message I had received, and to concert 
 with him measures for our defence. After some consultation, we de- 
 termined to march with all the men we could raise, and attempt to 
 surprise Ferguson, by attacking him in his camp, or at any rate before 
 he was prepared for us. We accordingly appointed a time and place of 
 rendezvous. It was known to us that some two or three hundred of the 
 militia who had been under the command of Col. McDowell, and were 
 driven by the success of the enemy from the lower country, were then 
 on the Western waters, and mostly in the County of Washington, North 
 Carolina. I saw some of their officers before we parted ; Col. Sevier 
 engaged to give notice to these refugees, and to bring them into our 
 measure. On my part, I undertook to procure the aid and co-operation 
 of Col. Wm. Campbell, of Washington County, Virginia, and the men 
 of that County, if practicable. 
 
 Having made the arrangements with Sevier, I returned home im- 
 mediately, and devoted myself to all the necessary operations for our 
 intended enterprise. I wrote to Col. Campbell, informing him what 
 Sevier and I had agreed on, and urged him to join us with all the men 
 he could raise. This letter I sent express to him at his own house, forty 
 
APPENDIX. 563 
 
 miles distant, by my brother, Moses Siielby. Col. Campbell wrote me 
 for answer, that he had determined to raise what men he could, and 
 march down by Flower-Gap, to the Southern borders of Virginia, to 
 oppose Lord Cornwallis when he approached that State ;— that he still 
 preferred this course to the one proposed by Sevier and myself, and 
 therefore declined agreeing- to meet us. Of this I notified Col. Sevier by 
 an express on the ne.xt day, and immediately issued an order calling upon 
 all the militia of the County to hold themselves in readiiless to march 
 at the time appointed, I felt, however, some disappointment at the reply 
 of Col. Campbell. The Cherokee towns were not more than eighty or 
 one hundred miles from the frontiers of my County, and we had re- 
 ceived information that these Indians were preparing a formidable 
 attack upon us in the course of a few weeks; I was, therefore, unwilling 
 that we should take away the whole disposable force of our Counties at 
 such a time ; and without the aid of the militia under Col. Campbell's 
 command, I feared that we could not otherwise have a sufficient force to 
 meet Ferguson. I therefore wrote a second letter to Col. Campbell, and 
 sent the same messenger back with it immediately, to whom I commu- 
 nicated at large our view and intentions, and directed him to urge them 
 on Col. Campbell. This letter and messenger produced the desired 
 effect, and Campbell wrote me that he would meet us at the time and 
 place appointed. If Mr. Preston and his relations have been as careful 
 of these letters, as they have been of some others, and will publish them, 
 they will prove the correctness of this statement. 
 
 It surely cannot detract from the merits of Col. Campbell, that this 
 expedition was not set on foot by him, but by others. He lived in Vir- 
 ginia, in a state of comparative security, and was preparing to aid his 
 own State when she should be invaded. Vii^e lived in North Carolina, a 
 great part of which State was prostrate before the British arms. We 
 were nearer to the enemy, and we were threatened. We, therefore, deter- 
 mined to anticipate the invasion and vengeance meditated against us, 
 and to strike the first blow. To do this effectually, we asked for and re- 
 ceived the aid of the nearest County in a neighboring State. This was 
 surely the natural and ordinary course of things. The 25th day of Sep- 
 tember, 1780, at Watauga, where the time and place appointed for our 
 rendezvous. Col. Sevier had succeeded in engaging in our enterprise. 
 Col. Charles McDowell and many of the refugees before mentioned— and 
 when assembled our forces were as follows : Col. William Campbell with 
 four hundred men from Washington County, Virginia ; Col. John Sevier 
 with two hundred and forty men from Washington County, North 
 Carolina; Col. Charles McDowell with one hundred and sixty men from 
 the Counties of Burke and Rutherford, who had fled before the enemy 
 to the Western waters ; and two hundred and forty men from Sullivan 
 County, North Carolina, under my command. On the next day, the 
 
56i SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 26th of the month, we began our inarch, crossed the mountains, and, on 
 the 30th, were joined by Col. Benjamin Cleveland with three hundred 
 and fifty men from the Counties of Wilkes and Surry, North Carolina. 
 The little disorders and irregularities which began to prevail among 
 our undisciplined troops, created much uneasiness in the commanding 
 officers — the Colonels commanding regiments. We met in the evening, 
 and consulted about our future operations. It was resolved to send to 
 Head-Quarters for a general officer to command us ; and that, in the mean- 
 time, we should meet in council every day to determine on the measures to 
 be pursued, and appoint one of our own body to put them in execution. I 
 was not satisfied with this course, as I thought it calculated to produce 
 delay, when expedition and dispatch were all important to us. We were 
 then in sixteen or eighteen miles of Gilbert Town, where we 
 supposed Ferguson to be. I suggested these things to the 
 council, and then observed to the officers, that we were all North 
 Carolinians except Col. Campbell, who was from Virginia ; that I knew 
 him to be a man of good sense, and warmly attached to the cause of his 
 country ; that he commanded the largest regiment ; and that if they con- 
 curred with me, we would, until a general officer should arrive from 
 Head-Quarters, appoint him to command us, and march immediately 
 against the enemy. To this proposition some one or two said, "agreed." 
 No written minute or record was made of it. I made the proposition to 
 silence the expectations" of Col. McDowell to command us — he being the 
 commanding officer of the district we were then in, and had commanded 
 the armies of militia assembled in that quarter all the summer before 
 against the same enemy. He was a brave and patriotic man, but we 
 considered him too far advanced in life, and too inactive, for the command 
 of such an enterprise as we were then Engaged in. I was sure he would 
 not serve under a younger officer from his own State, and hoped that his 
 feelings would in some degree be saved by the appointment of Col. 
 Campbell. In this way, and upon my suggestion, was Col. Camp- 
 bell raised to the command, a?id not on account of any superior military 
 talents or experience he was supposed to possess. He had no previous 
 acquaintance with any of the Colonels except myself, nor had he at that 
 time acquired any experience or distinction in war, that we knew of. 
 Col. McDowell, who had the good of his country more at heart than any 
 title of command, submitted to what was done ; but observed, that as he 
 could not be permitted to command, he would be the messen- 
 ger to go to Head-Quarters for the general officer. He accordingly 
 started immediately, leaving his men under his brother, Maj. Joseph 
 McDowell, and Col. Campbell assumed the chief command. He was, 
 however, .to be regulated and directed by the determinations of the 
 Colonels, who were to meet in council every day. 
 
 On the morning after the appointment of Col. Campbell, we pro- 
 
APPENDIX. 565 
 
 ceeded towards Gilbert Town, but found that Ferguson, apprised of our 
 approach, had left there a few days before. On the next night, it was 
 determined, in the council of ofiacers, to pursue him unremittingly, with 
 as many of our troops as could be well armed apd well mounted, leav- 
 ing the weak horses and footmen to follow on as fast as they could. We 
 accordingly started about light the next morning, with nine hundred and 
 ten men, thus selected. Continuing diligently our pursuit all.ithat day, 
 we were joined at the Cowpens, on the 6th, by Col. James Williams, of 
 South Carolina, and several field officers, with about four hundred men. 
 Learning from him the situation and distance of the enemy, we traveled 
 all that night, and the next day, through heavy rains, and came up with 
 them about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 7th of October. They 
 were encamped on an eminence called King's Mountain, extending 
 from east to west, which on its summit was about five or six hundred 
 yards long, and sixty or seventy broad. Our men were formed for bat- 
 tle as stated in the report of the action made out and signed by some 
 of the officers, and lately published by Mr. Preston. This report, how- 
 ever, omits to mention, that the men who had belonged to Col. McDow- 
 ell's command, which had been considerably augmented on the march, 
 formed a part of the right wing under Sevier. Col. Campbell's regi- 
 ment and my own, composed the centre — his on the right, and mine on 
 the left. The right wing or column, was led by Col. Sevier and Maj. 
 Winston ; the left by Cols. Cleveland and Williams ; and each of these 
 wings was about as strong as Campbell's regiment and mine united. 
 Our plan was to surround the mountain and attack the enemy on all 
 sides. 
 
 In this order, and with this view, we marched immediately to the as- 
 sault. The attack was commenced by the two centre columns, which 
 attempted to ascend at the eastern end of the mountain. The battle 
 here became furious and bloody, and many that belonged to Sevier's 
 column were drawn into the action at this point, to sustain their com- 
 rades. In the course of the battle we were repeatedly repulsed by the 
 enemy, and driven down the rriountain. In this succession of repulses 
 and attacks, and in giving succour to the points hardest pressed, much dis- 
 order took place in our ranks; the men of my column, of Campbell's 
 column, and great part of Sevier's, were mingled together in the confusion 
 of the battle. Towards the latter part of the action, the enemy made a fierce 
 and gallant charge upon us, from the eastern summit of the mountain, 
 and drove us near to the foot of it. The retreat was so rapid that there 
 wds great danger of its becoming a rout. While I was attempting to 
 rally the men, at the distance of about two hundred yards from where the 
 scene of action had been, I looked down the mountain, and saw Col. 
 Campbell, sitting on his bald-face black horse, about two hundred yards 
 further off, apparently looking right at me. He was in the same trim — 
 
666 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 with his coat off — that he had put himself in to fight the battle. I stop- 
 ped my horse, and raised myself up in my stirrups, to show him that I 
 saw him. He did not move while I looked at him. 
 
 Our men were soon rallied and turned back upon the enemy, who in 
 a few minutes after w^ again came into close action with them, gave 
 way. We gained the eastern summit of the mountain and drove those 
 who had been opposed to us along the top of it, until they were forced 
 down the ■Z£'«?j/^r;z ^^i/ about one hundred yards, in a crowd, to where 
 the other part of their line had been contending with Cleveland and 
 Williams, who were maintaining their ground below them. It was here 
 that Ferguson, the British commander, was killed — and a white flag 
 was soon after hoisted by the enemy, in token of surrender. They were 
 ordered to throw down their arms ; which they did, and surrendered 
 themselves prisoners at discretion. It was some time before a complete 
 cessation of the firing, on our part, could be effected. Our men, who had 
 been scattered in the battle, were continually coming up, and continued 
 to fire, without comprehending in the heat of the moment, what had 
 happened ; and some, who had heard that at Buford's defeat the British 
 had refused quarters to many who asked it, were willing to follow that 
 bad example. Owing to these causes, the ignorance of some, and the 
 disposition of others to retaliate, it required some time, and some exer- 
 tion on the part of the officers, to put an entire stop to the firing. After 
 the surrender of the enemy, our men gave spontaneously three loud 
 and long shouts. 
 
 It was not till fifteen or twenty minutes after the enemy hoisted the 
 flag of surrender, nor until some miJiutes after the shouts of our men had 
 annoiaiced the victory, that I saw Col. Campbell, on the west point of the 
 mountain, with his light colored coat buttoned around him, coming down 
 on foot, with three others, (all of whom I knew) to where the prisoners 
 were. He came directly to me, and stood by my side; and after ashort 
 space ordered the prisoners to sit down. He then proposed a second 
 cheer, which though joined in by many, was neither so general nor so 
 loud as the first. 
 
 Before Col. Campbell came up, the flag of the enemy, and the sword 
 of their commanding officer, DePeyster, had been received, not by me, 
 but by my brother, Maj. Evan Shelby. 
 
 About ten o'clock on the day after the battle, I was standing alone, 
 about forty yards south of the spot where Col. Campbell came to me 
 after the surrender, enjoying the warmth of the sun (for I had been very 
 wet the day before, and was exposed to the cold dew of the mountain all 
 night) when I saw Col. Campbell leave the line of guards that sur- 
 rounded the prisoners, and walked slowly towards me with his sword un- 
 der his arm, till he came near touching me. He then, in a lower tone 
 of voice than usual, and with a shght smile on his countenance, made 
 
APPENDIX. 667 
 
 the following expression : "Sir, I can not account for my conduct in the 
 latter part of the action . ' ' 
 
 An enterprise so daring, and a victory so complete, were supposed to 
 entitle the officers who had conducted and achieved them, to some testi- 
 monials of their country's approbation. The Legislature of Virginia 
 voted to Col. Campbell a horse, sword and pistols ; and tire Legislature 
 of North Carolina, at their next session, were pleased to distinguish the 
 services of Col. Sevier, myself and others, by voting to each of us a sword. 
 
 Such is the history of the battle of King's Mountain, and of the inci- 
 dents connected with it, so far as they relate to the present controversy. 
 Of those circumstances which relate to Col. Campbell personally, and 
 which might have a tendency to diminish his reputation, I have seldom 
 spoken, except in confidence, or to those who were previously acquainted 
 with them. I am sure that I may say, with perfect truth, that I have 
 never spoken of them in a spirit of detraction. 
 
 I have long ceased to be a citizen of North Carolina. The swords 
 voted by her had never yet been presented, although years had passed 
 away. Of the one which was voted to me, I had for a long time rarely 
 thought, until about the year 1810, when the prospects of approaching 
 hostilities with Great Britain naturally roused in me ancient feelings, 
 and recollections of our Revolutionary war ; and when also I learned 
 from a relation of Mr. Preston, that the State of Virginia had given to 
 him, as the representative of Col. Campbell, the elegant sword which 
 had been voted to the latter for his services at the battle of King's Moun- 
 tain. These circumstances, and the reflections to which they gave rise, 
 did produce some feelings of emulation and solicitude, and a sense that 
 equal justice had not been done to all who participated in that memorable 
 achievement. 
 
 In this state of mind, my letters bearing date in 1810, were addressed 
 to my old friend and fellow soldier, Col. Sevier. The object of them 
 was to concert with him the means of reminding North Carohna of her 
 ancient promise, and of obtaining those swords which thirty years be- 
 fore had been voted to us, as the honorable memorials of our good con- 
 duct, and our country's approbation. In the course of this correspond- 
 ence, after mentioning the magnanimous example which Virginia had 
 given to Carolina by the honors conferred on the memory of Col. 
 Campbell, I ventured to make some comparison of the services of 
 Sevier and myself with those of Col. Campbell. I stated in substance 
 that the enterprise which resulted in the batde at King's Mountain, was 
 not set on foot by Col. Campbell, but by Sevier and myself, and that 
 some address was necessary to induce him to unite with us. That the 
 greater part of the men who crossed the mountains on that occasion may 
 be fairly said to have been embodied by Sevier and myself; that Col. 
 Campbell was not present in the latter part of the action, nor when the 
 
568 SHELB Y'S PA MPHLE T. 
 
 enemy surrendered, nor for some minutes after ; and that on the next 
 day he apologized to me for his conduct. 
 
 These statements are all true within my own knowledge. They are 
 more particularly explained and illustrated in the narrative which I 
 have given above of the battle, and the circumstances which led to it. 
 But Mr. Preston has denied them — has impeached my veracity, and im- 
 puted to me the vilest and most dishonorable motives. It is yet in my 
 power to establish the truth of these statements by the most respectable 
 and unquestionable testimony. They are verified by the letters of Col. 
 Sevier, written in reply to mine ; by the statements of Gen. Thos. 
 Kennedy, Col. John Sawyers, James Cooper, Henry Blevins, John Long, 
 Major William Delaney, Col. Matthew Willoughby, Col. John Sharp, 
 Wilham King, Esq., Geo. Morrison, Jacob Isely, Jacob Bealer, Joseph 
 Bealer, John Peters, Major Christopher Taylor, Rev. Felix Earnest, 
 William Willoughby, Robert Elder, the affidavit of Col. Moses Shelby, 
 and a multitude of others that might be added. All of whom either 
 participated in the battle of King's Mountain, or speak from long tradi- 
 tion, and the information of those who did, and who are now no more. 
 
 In Col. Sevier's letter to me of the 17th of January, 1810, he says, " It 
 is true that Col. Campbell was not within one-quarter of a mile when 
 the enemy surrendered to yourself and me." In another letter of the 
 27th of August, 1812, when speaking of the battle of King's Mountain, 
 he says, "It is well known you were in the heat of the action. I 
 frequently saw you animating your men to victory; at the surrender, you 
 were the first field officer I recollect to have seen. I have no doubt you 
 must recollect Col. Campbell was some considerable distance from that 
 place, at that time, and that you and myself spoke on that subject the 
 same evening. I perfectly recollect on my seeing you at the close of 
 the action, that I swore by G-d they had burnt off your hair, for it was 
 much burnt on one side. It is well known by some hundreds in 
 Tennessee, that you were Colonel on that campaign, and that we were 
 the only persons who set on foot the expedition, and had considerable 
 trouble to get Campbell to join us." 
 
 Gen. Kennedy (who belonged on that day to Sevier's column) states 
 that he was a Captain in the batde of King's Mountain, and fought on 
 the eastwardly quarter of it, where Campbell's regiment was also en- 
 gaged — that he saw me frequently, but does " not recollect to have seen 
 Col. Campbell during the action," &c. In his statement he further 
 says, "I was within sixty or seventy yards of the enemy when they 
 raised the flag, and was close in with them in a minute or two afterwards, 
 and I well recollect to have seen Col. Shelby there one of the first men 
 I met with. I remember to have heard several persons inquire for Col. 
 Campbell before he came up, which was, I think, about fifteen minutes 
 after the surrender. I also recollect to have heard it talked of in the 
 
APPENDIX. 569 
 
 army, after the action and for many years after when in conversation 
 with men who were in that battle, that Col. Campbell was not at the 
 surrender for some time after the enemy had laid down their arms. 
 
 Col. John Sawyers, than whom there is no man more entitled to 
 credit, as certified by the most respectable and distinguished gendemen 
 of Tennessee — states, that " Isaac Shelby, late Governor of Kentucky, 
 held the command of Colonel at the battle of King's Mountain— that I 
 was a Captain in his regiment, and know that he first planned the ex- 
 pedition with John Sevier," &c. " He (Shelby) was also among the 
 first at the surrender. I saw him and Col. Sevier when the enemy laid 
 down their arms, but did not see Col. Campbell for some time afterwards. 
 I also state, that Maj. Evan Shelby, brother of Isaac, and not Isaac 
 Shelby, Sevier, or Campbell, as I have heard that some now state, 
 received the flag and sword. I also state, that from this circumstance I 
 was led to think of Col. Campbell at the time, looked for him among 
 the officers, and do believe that if he had been there I should have seen 
 him, and that he did not come up for fifteen or twenty minutes after the 
 enemy had laid down their arms, and been placed under guard. I also 
 know, that it was the general talk at the time, and I have frequently 
 since heard it spoken of by men who were in the action, as an indis- 
 putable fact, that he was not in the latter part of the action, nor at the sur- 
 render. I also recollect distinctly to have heard it said amongst the 
 officers before we left the mountain, as well as on the way home, and 
 since, that Campbell himself admitted it, and in a private conversation 
 with Col. Shelby, on the mauntain, had said he could not account for it. 
 I remember to have intended to ask Col. Shelby, if this was so, but it 
 has so happened that I have never mentioned this subject to him, nor 
 he to me." 
 
 Maj. William Delaney states, that " I was an Orderly Sergeant in 
 in the action of King's Mountain ; that I was with Col. Shelby, and rode 
 with him while placing a guard round the enemy after the surrender — 
 that I did not see Col. Campbell in the latter part of theacdon, nor at the 
 surrender, for some minutes afterwards, and that I heard this spoken of 
 at the time, as well as since. It is also my behef, from what I under- 
 stood at the time, (although I did not see it myself) that it was Maj. 
 Evan Shelby, and neither of the four Colonels, that received the sword 
 from the Bridsh officer in command." 
 
 Col. Moses Shelby states, upon oath, that he was twice wounded in 
 the acdon on King's Mountain — that he was assisted down to a branch 
 some small distance from the foot of the mountain on the east end, and 
 that he saw Col. Campbell there sitting on his black horse ; this was 
 about the middle of the acdon, and he knows "that Col. Campbell did 
 not leave that place until the battle was over, or until the firing had 
 ceased." 
 
570 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 Jacob Dealer states, that he was in Capt. Pemberton's company in 
 the battle of King's Mountain, " and amongst the very first at the place 
 of surrender.'' The commander asked for our General, and gave his 
 sword first to Maj. Evan Shelby, who kept it until Col. Campbell came 
 up, which was twenty minutes, and I think longer, afterwards. From 
 the discourse which I heard between Col. Shelby and the Dritish officers, 
 1 know that Campbell was not there, and that it was that length of time 
 before he came up." 
 
 Joseph Bealer certifies, that' " I was at the surrender with my brother 
 (Jacob Bealer) at his side, and saw and heard what he has stated in the 
 above certificate, and know them to be true, and have always spoken 
 of them, and heard tliem spoken of, by those who were there, in 
 this way." 
 
 John Peters also states, that he "was in Capt. Pemberton's company 
 with Jacob and Joseph Bealer, and amongst the. first at the surrender. 
 That I know of my own knowledge, that what Jacob Bealer has stated 
 in his certificate, is true — that the enemy surrendered, and that there was 
 a ring made round them fifteen or twenty minutes before I looked up 
 and saw Col. Campbell coming with two or three others down the 
 mountain — that is what I have always heard, and never heard it con- 
 tradicted." 
 
 The statements of the other individuals who are above named, tend 
 to confirm the same facts. 
 
 Witlr respect to the certificates published by Mr. Preston, I shall 
 leave the public to compare them with the facts I have stated, and form 
 their own judgment. I will only observe, however, that John McCuUoch 
 is the only one of those whose statements have been published, that I 
 have had an opportunity of communicating with, and he has certified 
 that he never signed the certificate published as his. The statement 
 which he there makes, 'that he saw Col. Campbell, at the enemy's 
 markee,' &c. is very unimportant and proves nothing. That 'markee' 
 was at the east end of the mountain and five or six hundred yards from 
 where the enemy surrendered. 
 
 The testimonials which I have now exhibited will satisfy the world that 
 the statements contained in my letters are true. 
 
 I deeply and sincerely regret the necessity that has been cast upon me 
 of discussing, in defence of my own character, a subject so delicate and so 
 invidious. It is a controversy that I have not sought ; it is one that I 
 would have avoided, if any alternative had been left me. My letters 
 to Col. Sevier were written in all the confidence of a private corres- 
 pondence with an old friend. I question not the motives that influenced 
 his son to publish them after the death of his father. But certainly it 
 was an event altogether unexpected by me. The circumstances under 
 which those letters were written, the person to whom addressed, and 
 
APPENDIX. 571 
 
 their private and confidential character must convince the world that I 
 did not write them for the purpose of defaming the memory of Col. 
 Campbell, or with any design of giving an invidious publicity to the un- 
 pleasant truths which they contain. And if to have spoken the truth 
 requires an apology— if one be due either to the living or the dead, the 
 circumstances of this case amply furnish it ; and ought to have mitigated 
 the violence and injustice with which Mr. Preston has assailed me. I 
 do not say this to deprecate the wrath or censure of any one ;— for I am 
 conscious of no impropriety, and I fear no consequences. 
 
 Mr. Preston states, that I have charged Col. Campbell with cowar- 
 dice. I have made no such charge. I have stated facts only, and cow- 
 ardice is the inference or construction which he chooses to make. The 
 facts stated, I know to be true ; but yet I do not believe that Col. Camp- 
 bell was a coward. I believe that in the commencement, and the first 
 part of the action, he acted bravely, and that his subsequent conduct 
 was the effect of some unaccountable panic, to which the bravest men 
 ar£ subject. Such, at least, are the sentiments which I have indulged 
 and cherished ; and these combined with my regard for Col. Campbell, 
 and his relatives and connections, will not only furnish a ready answer 
 to the question so exultingly asked by Mr. Preston, why I did not long 
 ago denounce his ancestor to the world as a coward and paltroon.' — but 
 will also account for my long and habitual silence on the subject. They 
 will account, too, when taken in conjunction with Col. Campbell's good 
 conduct during a part of the action, for the expressions which Mr. 
 Preston has quoted as used by me in the autograph, letter to which he 
 alludes. I can only say that I have no recollection of that letter. I 
 pretend not, however, to doubt its existence, since it is affirmed by Mr. 
 Preston, and it having ever been my wish to shield the memory of Col. 
 Campbell from reproach. 
 
 As to the document of "curious character," (the report of the battle, 
 &c., signed by the officers) to which Mr. Preston so triumphantly refers as 
 furnishing contradictions to the statements contained in my letters ; it 
 may be remarked, that it was not drawn up on King's Mountain, nor 
 until some days after we had left it — that it is nothing more than a brief 
 and hurried account, in general terms, of the expedition and the battle, 
 drawn up to authenticate the intelligence of our victory, and give tone 
 to pubUc report. This document, inaccurate and indefinite as it is in 
 some particulars, furnishes none of those contradictions which Mr. 
 Preston has supposed to exist. 
 
 To make out one of those supposed contradictions, he quotes that 
 part of it which states, "The troops upon the right having gained the 
 summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the top of 
 the ridge to where Col. Cleveland commanded, and were there stopped by 
 his brave men ; — a flag was hoisted" &c. Having interpolated, in par- 
 
572 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 enthesis, after the woi'd, "right," in the above quotation, the words 
 "Col. Campbell's division," Mr. Preston, exclaims, "thus it is given 
 under Col. Shelby's own hand in 1780, that the enemy was routed by 
 the division commanded by Col. Campbell in person." The document 
 authorizes no such conclusion, and it is only rendered plausible from the 
 interpolation which he has made. The truth is, as I have before stated 
 it, that a great part of the column commanded by Sevier, owing to the 
 heavy fire in front of the two centre columns was drawn into the action 
 on the east end of the mountain, and became mingled and blended with 
 them during the remainder of the action. This fact is proved by the 
 certificates of Messrs. Kennedy, Taylor and Earnest, who belonged to 
 Sevier's column on that day. 
 
 "This venerable memoir" is also supposed by Mr. Preston, to furnish 
 "a contradiction in direct terms" to that part of one of my letters to Col. 
 Sevier, where I state "that it may be fairly said, that the great body of 
 the men who crossed the mountains on that expedition, were raised and 
 embodied by your and my own united exertions." There is in reality no 
 contradiction. It is true, as stated in that "memoir," that Col. Camp- 
 bell brought with him four hundred men from Washington County, Va., 
 and that Sevier's regiment and mine consisted of only two hundred and 
 forty men each. But when it shall be recollected, as I have before 
 related, how this expedition was set on foot, how by the exertions of 
 Sevier and myself, the refugees were assembled, and brought to unite 
 with us, and how the co-operation of Col. Campbell was obtained, 1 
 think that I am fully justified in having stated to Sevier, "that it may be 
 fairly said, that most of the men who crossed the mountains," &c., were 
 embodied by our exertions ; or, at least, that I shall be relieved from that 
 direct contradiction which Mr. Preston supposes must entirely destroy 
 my credibility. 
 
 As to the propriety of Mr. Preston's remarks in relation to the news- 
 paper publication of 1812, in which I am represented as being "conspic- 
 uous through the thin veil of a fictitious signature," I refer the reader to 
 a letter addressed to me on that subject by the late Col. Jno. B. Campbell, 
 and my reply to it, which I am credibly informed was forwarded to Mr. 
 Preston. I there state, that those circumstances relating to Col. Camp- 
 bell are true, and that they were known to his immediate relatives and 
 friends — yet that I had no participation whatever, in giving publicity to 
 them, but had endeavored to suppress their circulation. Why I was not 
 then assailed, and why it has been preferred to wait the lapse of so many 
 years, until I am brought to the very margin of the tomb, and hundreds 
 of the then living witnesses have been "gathered home" to their fathers,'' 
 the public will judge. 
 
 Before I conclude, permit me to ask what reasonable motive or in- 
 ducement I could have had to fabricate falsehoods for the purpose of 
 
APPENDIX. 673 
 
 defaming Col. Campbell? Has my reputation been built up by pulling 
 down that of others? Or has it been plundered from the graves 
 of the dead ? Let my country answer these questions — that country 
 which has given me all that I have of name or reputation. 
 
 I think I have a right to be considered, at least, a witness of fair 
 character, one who has some claims upon the confidence of his country- 
 men, and who is entitled to be heard without prejudice, although it is his 
 painful duty to speak thus publicly and plainly of the dead. History, 
 however, deals with the dead ; and this is a subject of history. And al- 
 though my reluctance at the task, is certainly increased by the circum- 
 stance that Col. Campbell is no more ; yet it is very probable that I feel 
 myself more privileged to speak on this subject, than would be conso- 
 nant with Mr. Preston's ideas of the sanctity and reverence due to his 
 deceased ancestor ; for 1 was a contemporary of that ancestor, and I 
 shall soon lie down beside him in the grave. My career is run. I feel 
 as though I were almost as nearly connected with the dead as the living; 
 and standing thus beside my grave, and between two worlds, I solemnly 
 declare, that the facts I have stated, in relation to the conduct of Col. 
 Campbell in the battle of King's Mountain, are true. 
 
 I lament the occasion that has rendered it necessary for me to make 
 this avowal, and to treat of this unpleasant and invidious subject. I now 
 take my final leave of it. 1 am animated by no spirit of controversy. I 
 have no fears for my reputation, the hardy growth of many years. I 
 can listen undisturbed to the animadversions of Mr. Preston, and noth- 
 ing shall ever provoke me to engage further in this contest. 
 
 April, 1823. ISAAC SHELBY. 
 
 (DPCUMENTS.) 
 
 (No. I.) [Col, John B. Campbell's Letter.] 
 
 " Hopkinsville,3oth July, 1812. 
 Sir :— I have seen in the Reporter of the 25th inst., a publication 
 signed "Narrator," which has treated the character of my deceased 
 uncle. Gen. William Campbell, with great injustice. So far as this pub- 
 lication, and others of the same character, have tended to promote your 
 election to the Chief Magistracy of the State, they have met my hearty 
 concurrence ; no man has felt more solicitious than myself for your suc- 
 cess ; but when the bounds of truth are transcended, and the character of 
 a deceased relative, long since in the silent tomb, basely traduced, and 
 his name unnecessarily lugged into this contest in a manner calculated 
 to dislaurel him, although the scope of the pubhcation may have been 
 intended to promote the cause I approve, I cannot rest patiently without 
 
574 SHELB V S PAMPHLE T. 
 
 endeavoring to have the ungenerous statements in this pubhcation con- 
 tradicted. The most prominent of which are, that " Col. Campbell was 
 not in this action except on the first onset;" and that he came up about 
 twenty minutes after the enemy had surrendered, and observed to you, 
 " that he could not account for his own conduct in the latter part of the 
 action ;" thereby insinuating that he had cowardly skulked out of danger 
 after the commencement of the action, and remained in his snug retreat 
 until danger ceased to exist. I cannot for a moment, sir, entertain 
 the belief, that you would give any countenance to a statement calculated 
 to wound the reputation of Gen. Wm. Campbell, and I am persuaded 
 that " Narrator" who seems to have undertaken to be your biographer, 
 must have derived his information from some other source, but if from 
 you, must have misunderstood you. That Gen. Campbell acted a con- 
 spicuous part in the affair of King's Mountain, all his fellow soldiers 
 with whom I have ever conversed, most unequivocally assert ; and the 
 Legislature of Virginia as an evidence of their approbation of his distin- 
 guised gallantry on the occasion, thanked him through the medium of a 
 committee, presented him with a fine horse elegantly caparisoned, a 
 sword and pistols. That youself and Col. Sevier acted your parts with 
 bravery is universally admitted ; but that the whole merit of the affair is 
 to be ascribed to you, to the exclusion of others, is going further than 
 history warrants, or fellow soldiers have asserted. 
 
 The great respect I have always entertained for you, from the char- 
 acter my friends gave me of you, and that increased by the small 
 acquaintance I cultivated last summer, forbids my believing that you had 
 any knowledge of this publication previous to its appearance. It will, 
 therefore, give me great pleasure, and no doubt all the friends of Gen. 
 Campbell, if you would correct the misrepresentations of " Narrator," 
 and, through the same medium, place my deceased friend's conduct in its 
 proper point of view. I have written to Col. Francis Preston on the 
 subject, and expect from him certificates from persons who served 
 under Gen. Campbell, which I wish not to have occasion to use. I am. 
 Sir, very respectfully, 
 
 Your Obedient Servant, 
 
 JOHN B. CAMPBELL. 
 
 (No. 2.) [Answer to the above letter.] 
 
 "August 14th, 18 12. 
 "Sir : — By last Saturday's mail I received your favor of the 30th ult. 
 relative to a publication which appeared in the Reporter of 25th of last 
 month. 
 
 I assure you, Sir, that that publication appeared without my knowledge 
 or approbation, and that I felt as much surprise and regret upon reading it 
 as could have been felt by you or any one else. I knew not, and am still 
 
APPENDIX. hlb 
 
 unacquainted with "Narrator;" but immediately on seeing that piece I 
 wrote to the two printers in Frankfort, and the editors of the Globe in 
 Danville, expressing my disapprobation of that production, and requesting 
 them not to re-pubhsh it in either of their papers. 
 
 Col.-WiUiam Campbell (for he was not a General at King's IVIoun- 
 tain) deserved great credit for the manner in which the action was 
 brought on, and for his conduct through great part of it. He was doubt- 
 less a brave man, but the boldest may at some luckless moment be 
 confounded ; this, in my opinion, does not detract from his former or 
 subsequent renown. But it is as true as that Heaven and Earth exist, 
 that he was not iii the latter part of the action, and that he did apologize 
 to me for it before we left the mountain, and spoke once or twice to me 
 on the subject upon our retreat. 
 
 I have rarely mentioned this circumstance, except in confidence, to his 
 friends ; among this description was old Col. Preston, and your own 
 father, who had heard something said on the occasion, and conversed 
 with me upon it, about the latter end of the year 1781. I would not for 
 the universe detract from the merits of a brother officer long since in the 
 silent tomb, for whose memory I have ever felt a high respect and 
 esteem, and sincerely regret the appearance of that unguarded production, 
 and would say everything consistent with truth to remove the unpleasant 
 sensations which it may have occasioned. Perhaps you attach more 
 importance to that anonymous publication than it deserves. If, however, 
 you should choose to make any comments upon it, unless they go to 
 impeach my veracity or honor, they shall pass without my notice. But 
 I shall regret it extremely, if you should so notice that unauthorized 
 production, as to compel me to express the foregoing sentiments, or 
 exhibit a document in my hands respecting that delicate subject. I 
 should be glad of an interview with you. Will anything lead you to 
 Frankfort? If, it should, be so good as to drop me a line. 
 With great respect, I am, Sir, your Obedient Servant, 
 
 ISAAC SHELBY. 
 
 (No. 3.) LCol. Sevier to Gov. Shelby, Jan. 17th, 1810 ;] 
 " It is true, that Col. Campbell was not within one quarter of a mile 
 when the enemy surrendered to yourself and me. Without detracting from 
 the merits of Col. Campbell, there were other officers in the battle of 
 King's IVIountain, that merited as much notice from their country as 
 himself. 
 
 (No. 4.) [Col. Sevier to Gov. Shelby, Aug. 27th, 1812 :] 
 " It is well known you were in the heat of the action. I frequently 
 saw you animating your men to victory. At the surrender, you were the 
 first field officer I recollect to have seen. I have no doubt you must 
 
576 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 recollect Col. Campbell was some considerable distance from 
 that place, at that time, and that you and myself spoke on that 
 subject the same evening. I perfectly recollect on seeing you at the 
 
 close of the action, that I swore by they had burnt off your hair, for 
 
 it was much burnt on one side. It is well known by some hundreds in 
 Tennessee, that you were Colonel on that campaign, and that we were the 
 only persons who set on foot the expedition, and had considerable trouble 
 to get Campbell to join us." 
 
 (No. 5.) [Gen. Thomas Kennedy, of Garrard County, Ky., Nov., 25th, 
 
 1822:] 
 I commanded a company of volunteers in the battle of King's IVIoun- 
 tain, on the 7th of October, 1780, and I fought in Maj. McDowell's 
 battalion on the eastwardly quarter of the mountain. I do not recollect 
 seeing Col. Campbell during the action ; he might have been engaged 
 too far off from me. But I well recollect to have seen and heard Col. 
 Shelby, at different times, animating and encouraging the men, before 
 they were compelled to retreat ; and when the enemy charged and drove 
 us rapidly down to the foot of the mountain, I saw Col. Shelby using 
 great exertions to rally the men, and I believe it was owing to his efforts 
 principally, that they were rallied, and turned back upon the 
 enemy, when the firing again commenced most furiously for about ten 
 minutes. The enemy then began to give way in their turn, but continued 
 ^ scattering fire upon us, until they retreated near to the west end of the 
 mountain, (which was from four to six hundred yards) where they sur- 
 rendered. I was within sixty to seventy yards of the enemy when they 
 raised the flag, and was close in with them in a minute or two afterwards, 
 and I well recollect to have seen Col. Shelby there one of the first men 
 I met with. I remember to have heard several persons enquire for Col. 
 Campbell before he came up, which was, I think, about 15 minutes after 
 the surrender. I also recollect to have heard it talked of in the army 
 after the action, and for many years after when in conversation with 
 men who were in the battle, that Col. Campbell was not at the surrender 
 for some time after the enemy had laid down their arms." 
 
 (No. 6.) [Col. John Sawyers, of Knox Co., Tenn., Feb. l6th, 1823, 
 
 certifies :] 
 That Isaac Shelby, late Governor of Kentucky, held the command 
 of Colonel at the battle of King's Mountain — that I was a captain in his 
 regiment, and know that he first planned the expedition with John 
 Sevier, who then held a similar commission — that said Shelby went 
 courageously into the action — was the commander who rallied the Sulli- 
 van troops when broken — that I saw him, and received directions from 
 him frequently on the mountain, in the heatof the action,. and heard him 
 
APPENDIX. h'l'J 
 
 animating his men to victory. He was also amongst the first at the sur- 
 render. I saw him and Col. Sevier when the enemy laid down their 
 arms, but did not see Col. Campbell for some minutes afterwards. I also 
 state, that Maj. Evan Shelby, brother of Isaac, and not Isaac Shelby, 
 Sevier, or Campbell, as I have heard that some now state, received the 
 flag and sword. I also state, that from this circumstance 1 was led to 
 think of Campbell at the time, looked for him amongst the other officers, 
 and do believe that if he had been there I should have seen him; and 
 that he did not come up for fifteen or twenty minutes after the enemy 
 had laid down their arms, and been placed under guard. 1 also know, 
 that it was the general talk at the time, and I have frequently since 
 heard it spoken of by men who were in the action, as an indisputable 
 fact, that he was not in the latter part of the action, or at the surrender. I 
 also recollect distinctly to have heard it said amongst the ofScers before 
 we left the mountain, as well as on the way home, and since, that 
 Campbell himself admitted it, and in a private conversation with Col. 
 Shelby, on the mountain, had said that he could not account for it. I 
 remember to have intended to ask Col. Shelby if this was so, but it has 
 so happened that I have never since named this subject to him, nor he 
 to me. 
 
 (No. 7.) [James Cooper, of Hawkins Co., Tenn., Feb. i8th, 1823, 
 
 certifies :] 
 
 That in the section of country in which I live, I have heard it 
 generally spoken of by the soldiers who were in the battle of King's Moun- 
 tain, that Col. Campbell did not act as bravely on that occasion as he 
 did on some others; that it was a well-known fact, that he did not make 
 his appearance at the place of surrender until after the enemy had been 
 taken from their arms, and placed under guard — that this is the way in 
 which I have always heard my neighbors, James Campbell, John Long 
 and several others speak of this matter. 
 
 (No. 8.) [The statement of Col. IVIoses Shelby made upon oath.] 
 
 I, IVIoses Shelby, do state, that I was in the battle against the British 
 and Tories upon King's IVlountain, on the 7th day of October, 1780, 
 in Col. Isaac Shelby's regiment. That I received two wounds in that 
 action ; by the last wound, through my thigh near my body, I was 
 rendered unable to walk, or to stand without help, and was assisted 
 down to a branch, some small distance from the foot of the Mountain, 
 at the east end— at which place I saw Col. "William Campbell, (our 
 commander) sitting on his black horse. I knew him perfectly, as I was 
 well acquainted with him. This was about the middle of the action, 
 and I do know, that Col. Campbell did not leave that place until the 
 battle was over, or until the firing had ceased. All this is true, and 
 within my own knowledge. Given under my hand at New Madrid, 
 this 2d dav of November, A. D. 1822. MOSES SHELBY. 
 
578 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 (No. 9.) [Henry Blevins, of Hawkins Co., East Tenn., Feb. I8th, 1823, 
 
 certifies :] 
 That I was a private in Capt. Elliott's company, in Shelby,'s 
 regiment, at King's Mountain — I was not in the action, but in 
 the rear guard with the baggage — I know, however, that it was the 
 general tallc in the army on the next day, that Col. Campbell was not 
 in the action, after they were first beaten back down the mountain, and 
 that he himself admitted it, and said that he could not tell how it hap- 
 pened — I recollect to have heard him told of it once, by Gen. Sevier. 
 The way in which this took place was this — there were about thirty 
 Tories condemned to be hanged ; nine only were executed. They were 
 executed three at a time, near to Sevier's tent ; while it was going on, 
 Campbell came up, and demanded in an angry manner, why they did 
 not hang all these damned rascals at once ? Sevier laughed and re- 
 plied, " Why, Colonel, if we had all been as much in earnest in the 
 action, I think we should have killed more, and had fewer of them to 
 hang." I also heard it thrown up to him by two men who were 
 wounded, WilUam Cox and Moses Shelby. I heard Sevier say, at 
 different times afterwards, that if he had acted as Campbell did in the 
 action, he would not have blamed his men to have killed him. It has 
 been the general talk amongst those whom I have heard speak on this 
 subject at different times since, that Campbell did not act with his usual 
 bravery on that occasion. 
 
 (No. 10.) [John Long, of Hawkins Qo., Tenn., Feb. ic,th, 1823, 
 certifies :] 
 
 That I was a soldier in Shelby's regiment at the battle of King's 
 Mountain, that I know that Col. Shelby went bravely into the 
 action, and that it was his influence that rallied our troops when broken 
 — that I saw him at the surrender, and know that he first stopped the 
 firing on the enemy, declaring that as they had surrendered, they ought 
 not to be fired on, which some were "disposed to do, who were crying out 
 " Buford's playy wishing to retaliate for their conduct on a former 
 occasion. I also state, that I did not see Col. Campbell either in the latter 
 part of the action nor at the surrender, and that it was the common talk 
 in the army, and among the men coming home, and frequently since, 
 that he was in neither. I also recollect to have heard it laughed about 
 afterwards, that Col. Sevier had told Campbell that if we all had been 
 as brave in the action as about the hanging of the Tories, that we should 
 not have had'SO many of them to hang. I have heard it said ever 
 since by those who were in the action, that Campbell was not in the 
 latter part of the action, and had not acted as bravely on that day as it 
 is said he had done on other occasions. 
 
APPENDIX. 679 
 
 (No. II.) [Maj. William Delaney, of Sullivan Co., Tenn., Feb. 21st, 
 1823, certifies :] 
 That I was an Orderly Sergeant in the action of King's Mountain 
 —that I know that Isaac Shelby distinguished himself on that 
 occasion, and that it was generally said by those whom 1 heard speak of 
 it at the time, that he was entitled to more credit than any other officer 
 at the Mountain — that I was with him, and rode with him, while placing 
 a guard round the enemy after the surrender — that I did not see Col. 
 Campbell in the latter part of the action, nor at the surrender, for some 
 minutes afterwards, and that I heard this spoken of at the time, as well 
 as since. It is also my belief, from what I understood at the time, 
 (though I did not see it myself) that it was Maj. Evan Shelby, and 
 neither of the four Colonels, that received the sword from the British 
 officer in command." ****** 
 
 (No. 12.) [Col. John Sharp, of Sullivan Co., Tenn., Feb. 21st, 1823, 
 
 certifies :] 
 That I was an Ensign in Capt. Pembertons' company, in the 
 battle of King's Mountain, and that I was in the front /zne when the 
 enemy surrendered — that Col. Shelby was the first man I heard order 
 the enemy to lay down their arms, after they began to cry for quarters ; 
 he damned them, if they wanted quarters, why they did not lay down 
 their arms. I also state, that I did not see Col. Campbell until some 
 minutes afterwards, though I never heard him charged with cowardice 
 on that account, and do not pretend to say he did not do his duty. 
 All I can say is, that I did not see him at that time. 
 
 (No. 13.) [George Morrison, of Sullivan Co., Tenn., Feb. 20th, 1823, 
 
 certifies :] 
 That I have often heard my father, Peter Morrison and my 
 father-in-law Jonathan Wood, who were both in the battle of King's 
 Mountain, but since dead, state, that Col. Campbell was not in the latter 
 part of the action, nor at the surrender for some time after the enemy had 
 laid down their arms. 
 
 (No. 14.) [Jacob Isely, of Sullivan Co., Tenn., Feb. 19th, 1823, certifies :] 
 That though I was not in the action of King's Mountain, I 
 have ever since lived in the neighborhood of a number of men who 
 were there, and have always heard it said by them, that Col. Campbell 
 was not in the latter part of the battle — that he went bravely into the 
 action, but after the men were beaten back, had staid down at a branch 
 with the wounded men, until the firing had ceased. I also state, that I 
 have often heard old Martin Roler, who was in the action, laugh about 
 what Sevier had said to Campbell, when Campbell wanted all the Tories 
 
580 SHELBY'S PAMPHLET. 
 
 hung, that if we had all been as brave in the action, there would have 
 been fewer to hang. Moses Shelby and John Fagon, two of the men 
 who were wounded, often stated after their return in my presence, and 
 that of many others, that they saw Col. Campbell at the branch from the 
 middle of the action until after the surrender. I have also heard 
 Thomas Elliott and Martin Roler both say often, that Moses Shelby had 
 stated it to his face. 
 
 (No. 14.) [William King, Esq., of Sullivan Co., Tenn.,. Feb. 21st, 
 1823, certifies ;] 
 
 That I have been a resident in this County for about forty 
 years past — that though I was not in the battle of King's Mountain, yet 
 I have very often in early times heard our men who were there, con- 
 verse on this subject, and state, that Col. Campbell was not in the latter 
 part of the action nor at the surrender to receive the sword from the 
 British Commandant. I also declare that I never heard it either from 
 Col. Shelby or from any of his family connections. 
 
 (No. 15.) [Jacob Bealer, of Sullivan Co., Tenn., Feb. 23d, 1823, 
 certifies:] 
 
 That I was in Capt. Pemberton's company, and was amongst 
 the very first at the place of surrender — that when the enemy cried out 
 for quarters, I heard Col. Shelby curse them, and ask, if they wanted 
 quarters, why did they not lay down their arms. The commander 
 asked for our general, and gave his sword first to Maj. Evan Shelby, 
 who kept it until Col. Campbell came up, which was twenty minutes, 
 and I think longer, afterwards. From the discourse which I heard 
 between Col. Shelby and the British officer, I know that Campbell was 
 not there, and that it was that length of time before he came up. 
 
 (No. i6.) [Joseph Bealer certifies Feb. 23d, 1823:] 
 That I was at the surrender with my brother (Jacob Bealer) at his 
 side, and saw and heard what he has stated in the above certificate, and 
 know them to be true, and have always spoken of them, and heard 
 them spoken of by those who were there, in this way. 
 
 (No. 17.) [John Peters, of Sullivan Co., Tenn., Feb. 23d, 1823, 
 certifies :] 
 
 That I was in Capt. Pemberton's company with Jacob and 
 Joseph Bealer, and amongst the first at the surrender — that I know of 
 my own knowledge, that what Jacob Bealer has stated in his certificate, 
 is true — that the enemy surrendered, and there was a ring made round 
 them fifteen or twenty minutes before I looked up and saw Col. Camp- 
 bell coming, with two or three others, down the mountain — this is what I 
 have always heard, and never heard it contradicted. 
 
APPENDIX. 581 
 
 (No. l8.) [Major Christopher Taylor, of Washington Co., Tenn., Feb. 
 25th, 1823, certifies:] 
 That I was a Captain in the battle of King's Mountain, and 
 saw Col. Campbell twice in the heat of the action, before we were last 
 beaten down the mountain — but that I did not see him in the latter 
 part of the action, or at the surrender for some minutes afterwards. 
 After the enemy were placed in a ring, and a guard four men deep 
 placed around them, I saw him come up close to the place where 1 
 stood, and an opening was made for him to go amongst them — ^before 
 this, one of the Shelby's, and I think Evan, had received the flag, 
 the first one having heen shot down, and I saw him ride round, or 
 nearly round, the enemy, telling our men that they had given up, 
 and endeavor in that way to stop the firing. 1 have always believed 
 that Colonels Shelby and Sevier acted with distinguished bravery on that 
 occasion. 
 
 (No. 19.) [Rev. Felix Earnest, of Green Co., Tenn., Feb. 28th, 1823, 
 
 certifies:] 
 That I was in Sevier's regiment, Capt. William's company, at the 
 battle of King's Mountain — that 1 was at the surrender, and saw the 
 enemy stacking their arms, and a guard placed around them, but 
 that I did not see Col. Campbell at the place of surrender, for some 
 minutes afterwards. 
 
 (No. 20.) [William Willoughby, of Lincoln Co., Ky., March 17th, 1823, 
 
 certifies :] 
 That I was a Lieutenant in Capt. Beattie's company, and Col. 
 Campbell's regiment, in the battle of King's Mountain. It has al- 
 ways been my opinion, that Col. Isaac Shelby and Col. John Sevier 
 deserved as much honor from their country on that occasion as any 
 other officers on the mountain — that I saw Col. Shelby often animating 
 our men during the action. I did not see Col. Campbell after the com- 
 mencement of the action, nor at the surrender, until the enemy were in 
 the act of stacking their arms. I have always ur\derstood, that Col. 
 Shelby received the sword from the. British commander ; and I also state 
 (although I don't know it of my own knowledge) that it was a report 
 thirty or forty years ago, that Col. Campbell was not present at the 
 surrender, to receive the sword from the British commander. 
 
 (No. 21.) [Robert Elder, April 2d, 1823, certifies:] 
 
 That I was a volunteer of the regiment commanded by Col. 
 
 William Campbell, in the action, fought upon King's Mountain, on the 
 
 seventh day of October, in the year 1780, and do hereby declare, that I 
 
 never saw Col. Campbell on the field of battle after the first onset of the 
 
5S2 CAMPBELL VINDICATED. 
 
 action, until the surrender of the enemy. I also declare, that I often 
 saw Col. Isaac Shelby endeavoring to animate our men, and particularly 
 at the time of the battle when the enemy charged our lines, and drove 
 us down the mountain, from one hundred and fifty to two hundred 
 yards, or upwards. I both saw and heard Col. Shelby make great ex- 
 ertions to rally our men, which he finally effected, and turned them back 
 upon the enemy, and drove them in their turn until they surrendered. 
 
 (No. 22.) [John McCulloch, of Washington Co., Va., certifies:] 
 That though I was applied to by the friends of the late Col. 
 Campbell, to know what I could state in relation to the battle of King's 
 Mountain, I never did subscribe to the certificate which I am told has 
 been published in my name ; nor have I ever seen it, either in writing 
 or in print, and cannot therefore say whether it states the truth or not. 
 I saw Col. Campbell at the enemy's markee, how far it was from there 
 to the place of the surrender, or whether the enemy or some of them 
 might not then be surrendering, I cannot state. 
 
 (No. 23.) [Gen'l. James Winchester, of Tennessee, in a letter to 
 
 Thomas Smith, Esq., dated February last, says, in relation to 
 
 Mr. Preston's, publication:] 
 
 " I perfectly recollect in the year 1785, when I first came to this 
 
 country, that a number of respectable men, among whom were the 
 
 Bledsoes, well acquainted with the affair of King's Mountain, did not 
 
 hesitate to say, that Sevier and Shelby had a fair claim to the honors of 
 
 that day ; that Campbell was some distance from the place of action, &c." 
 
 REJOINDERS TO GOVERNOR SHELBY. 
 
 The papers properly coming under this head are too lengthy for in- 
 sertion. The first, by Wm. C. Preston, Colonel Campbell's grandson, 
 was addressed, June twentieth, 1813, to the Editor of the Kentucky Re- 
 porter, in vindication of his ancestor from the charge of cowardice at 
 King's Mountain, made in that paper by "Narrator.'' Mr. Preston 
 again came forward in defence of Colonel Campbell, repelling the same 
 charge made in Governor Shelby's letters to Governor Sevier, adducing 
 several statements of King's Mountain survivors, disproving the accusa- 
 tion ; and citing Governor Shelby's letter of October, 1780, to Colonel 
 Arthur Campbell, and the official report of the battle, signed by Shelby, 
 as conflicting with his recent letters to Governor Sevier, and animad- 
 verting upon the motives which could have prompted Governor Shelby 
 to engage in the work of detracting from the merits of the dead. 
 
 On the appearance of Governor Shelby's pamphlet publication, in 
 1823, Wm. C. Preston replied, May tenth, in that year, in the Colum- 
 bia, S. C. Telescope, making a manly defence. His father, General 
 
APPENDIX. 583 
 
 Francis Preston, at the same time, made a reply in the Abingdon, Va., 
 Gazette, bringing forward an explanatory certificate of John McCuUoch, 
 stating, in effect, that he had forgotten having made his first certificate 
 when he was induced to give one to Governor Shelby's agent, denying 
 that he had ever made any statement. He also introduced Colonel 
 Matthew Willoughby's affidavit, stating that he was in Campbell's regi- 
 ment, on the King's Mountain campaign, and he never heard a word 
 uttered at that time derogatory of Colonel Campbell's "great bravery 
 and good conduct" in the battle ; adding that "the statement of Moses 
 Shelby would not, perhaps, be credited, from the character he bore 
 about the time and after the battle, as he, with others, was engaged in 
 plundering, in the Carohnas, both Whigs and Tories, and running the 
 property so plundered to this side of the mountains.'' 
 
 General John Campbell, then a member of the Virginia Council of 
 State, made a vigorous reply to Governor Shelby, in the Richmond En- 
 quirer, June twenty-fourth, 1823, discussing the points in controversy, 
 refuting the charge of cowardice, and Shelby's error in supposing he 
 saw Colonel Campbell, during the heat of the battle, two hundred yards 
 away, sittmg on his bald-fa';ed black horse — citing the fact that it was 
 Campbell's servant, John Broddy, who rode the black horse on that oc- 
 casion. 
 
 The principal certificates adduced by the Messrs. Preston, and Gen- 
 eral John Campbell, follow in their order : 
 
 Col. Wm. Edmondson, the Major of Campbell's regiment, in his cer- 
 tificate, in 1813, states : Campbell was made the chief commander of the 
 King's Mountain Expedition, not by any pre-concert, or as a matter of 
 conciliation towards the older Colonels, but by a caucus of field officers ; 
 and, as well as he could recollect, the whole of the suffrages were given 
 to Colonel Campbell. It was generally understood after the battle, that 
 Colonel Campbell had performed his duty with great judgment and de- 
 termined bravery. I was acquainted with Colonel Campbell for a num- 
 ber of years, and always found him, and ever believed him, to be a man 
 of dauntless intrepidity. 
 
 David.J3eattie, of Campbell's men, in 1813, states: I saw Col. 
 Campbell, in the hottest of the engagement, riding along the hnes, en- 
 couraging and exhorting the men, and directly under the enemy's fire. 
 He continually rode along the lines, marshalling and leading on the 
 men until his horse became fatigued, when he dismounted, and com- 
 manded on foot until the close of the action. When the flag was raised, 
 the British surviving commander and suite came near to the spot where 
 I and several others were standing, and inquired — "where is your com- 
 mander ?" Either I, or one of those standing with me, pointed to Col. 
 Campbell, and observed that he was our commander ; when the British 
 officer immediately advanced towards him, holding his sword by the 
 
584 CAMPBELL VLNDICATED. 
 
 point, and delivered it to him. After the engagement, I heard many of 
 the men express their admiration of the courage of Col. Campbell. I 
 saw him repeatedly during the battle in those places where it raged most 
 violently. 
 
 James Crow, of the Virginia regiment, states, in 1813: When 
 charged, we ran down the mountain a small distance, not more than 
 twenty or thirty paces. I saw Col. Campbell not far from us. As the 
 enemy turned we turned. * * * When the British flag was 
 raised, I was in less than the length of my gun of Col. Campbell, when we 
 closed round the enemy. DePeyster, the British commander, was sitting 
 on a grey beast, and addressed Col. Campbell, referring to the firing 
 after the flag was raised : "Col. Campbell, it was damned unfair," and 
 repeated the words a second time. The Colonel made him no reply, 
 but ordered him to dismount. * * * 
 
 Maj. James Snodgrass, of Campbell's men, states : I frequently 
 saw Col. Campbell, during the engagement, in the most dangerous and 
 exposed situations, and am convmced that he could not have left the 
 lines for any length of time. I saw him immediately after the surren- 
 der, and before the enemy had entirely ceased firing, coming from 
 amongst the enemy's troops, with several swords in his hands. 
 
 Capl. James Keys, of Campbell's regiment, states : When the ene- 
 my raised a flag, and called for quarter, I heard a British officer inquire 
 for Col. Campbell, who being pointed out to him, he advanced and 
 tendered his sword, which Col. Campbell declined. The firing had 
 not yet ceased, and I heard the British officer remonstrate with Col. 
 Campbell against the conduct of his soldiers. 
 
 John McCuUoch, of Campbell's men, in 1813, states: I did not see 
 Col. Campbell at the commencement of the action ; but after the regi- 
 ment had driven the enemy, and had reached the top of the mountain, 
 I recollect perfectly to have seen him, and the spot where he was — I saw 
 him nigh one of the enemy's markees on foot, his horse having given 
 out — he was pressing on with all the speed he could towards the enemy 
 — a few minutes before their surrender. 
 
 Gen. George Rutledge, of Shelby's regiment, in 181 3, states ; I saw 
 Col. Campbell at the commencement of the engagement, and then 
 towards the last of the action, when we had driven the British into 
 small bounds, and surrounded them — when Campbell's and Shelby's 
 regiments had got intermixed. I well recollect to have seen Campbell 
 acting with distinguished bravery. He was on horseback, stripped to his 
 shirt sleeves, and his shirt collar open. He was very hoarse. The 
 enemy raised the flag — it disappeared, when it was instantly raised again. 
 They did not yet cease firing. Campbell lushed through amongst 
 us, calling out — "cease firing" waving his sword downwards — "for 
 God's sake, cease firing!" He met DePeyster with the flag. I saw 
 
APPENDIX. 585 
 
 DePeyster present the handle of his sword to Campbell, and he re- 
 ceived it. I saw several men fall on both sides, after the flag was raised. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson writes from Monticello, to Gen. Francis Preston, 
 November tenth, 1822 : Your favor gives me the first information I 
 had ever received, that the laurels which Col. Campbell so honorably 
 won in the battle of King's Mountain had ever been brought into 
 question by any one. To him has ever been ascribed so much of the 
 success of that brilliant action as the valor and conduct of an able com- 
 mander might justly claim. * * * I remember well the deep and 
 grateful impression made on the mind of every one by thS.t memorable 
 victory. It was the joyful annunciation of that turn of the tide of 
 success which termmated the Revolutionary war with the seal of our 
 independence. The slighting expression complained of, as hazarded by 
 the venerable Shelby, might seem inexcusable in a younger man ; but 
 he was then old, and I can assure you, dear sir, from mortifying ex- 
 perience, that the lapses of memory, and the forgetfulness incident to 
 old age, are innocent subjects of compassion more than of blame. The 
 descendents of Col. Campbell may rest their heads quietly on the pillow 
 of his renown. History has consecrated, and will forever preserve it in 
 the faithful annals of a grateful country.* 
 
 Henry Dickenson, of Campbell's regiment. May, 1823, states: The 
 enemy charged upon us with their bayonets, and we retreated down the 
 mountain, when I saw Col. Campbell on foot pursuing his men in a 
 quick gait, calling upon them to halt, which they soon did, and came 
 back, and he with them began to fight again. We advanced within 
 thirty or forty yards of the enemy, who made a firm stand for some 
 time ; but after awhile broke and retreated upon the mountain where 
 they halted again a few minutes ; but on our advancing and firing, they 
 continued their retreat to the wagons, and halted behind them, which 
 were on the summit of the mountain, from which we soon drove them 
 down to the end of the mountain, where I suppose they were met by the 
 troops sent around to that quarter, for it was immediately called out by 
 some men just before me, that the enemy had raised the flag. I stepped 
 back a few paces, and called to Col. Campbell, that the enemy had 
 raised the flag. Frequendy during the battle I saw him exposed. He 
 directed me to go \yith him. We went to the line of surrender, where 
 we met the British officers, with their swords in their hands, holding 
 them about the middle, with the hilt down, and Col. Campbell put his 
 hand out to receive them, when the officers drew back, apparently as if 
 they did not intend to deliver the swords to him— supposing, as I pre- 
 sume, from his dress, that he was not the commander, as he had no coat 
 on, and his collar was open. Seeing his countenance alter, I was 
 
 * The original of this letter is preserved by Robert M. Hughes, Esq., Norfolk, Va. 
 
586 CAMPBELL VINDICATED. 
 
 apprehensive he would use some violence, which they might return. I 
 took my gun from ray shoulder, at the same time mentioning that this 
 was our commander. The officers then bowed to Col. Campbell, and 
 delivered their swords to him, which he placed under his arm, as well as 
 I remember, and turned around, directing them to follow him, which 
 they did. I never heard any charge or insinuation of Campbell's want 
 of bravery, or leaving his men during the action, until the unfortunate 
 controversy which I see in the papers, and which I lament, as I do 
 know Campbell was a brave man, having seen him frequently in the 
 battle, rallying his men on the retreat, and encouraging and urging 
 them on the advance, sometimes before them, and sometimes amongst 
 them. I particularly noticed Campbell, as he was our commander, and 
 I was well acquainted with him. Col. Shelby must be mistaken — I hope 
 unintentionably so, in stating that he saw Col. Campbell, when our 
 troops retreated down the mountain, two hundred yards from them, for 
 at that time I saw Col Campbell on foot exerting himself to rally the 
 men. I saw Samuel Newell, a little before we got to the wagons, on 
 horse-back, his thigh very bloody from the wound he had received, en- 
 couraging the men to advance — 1 thought him a brave soldier. He was 
 a man of the strictest veracity, and of very correct deportment. I was 
 not much acquainted with Moses Shelby ; he appeared to be a loose, 
 rattling character.* 
 
 John Craig, of Campbell's men, states: As we dismounted near the 
 foot of the mountain, I saw Col. Campbell riding along the line, to take 
 the head, and as he passed he said, " Here they are, my brave boys, 
 shout like hell, and fight like devils ! " He was then in advance of his 
 men. We obeyed his orders, and rushed rapidly up the mountain. We 
 were driven down — rallied, returned, and drove the enemy. They 
 hoisted their flags in token of surrender. Here I saw Col. Campbell on 
 foot, in his shirt sleeves, receive the sword from the surviving and com- 
 manding officer of the British army. After the victory was complete, 
 and the sword delivered to Campbell, I remember he being present, as 
 well as sundry other officers and men, they all joined in three loud 
 cheers. I was with Campbell at Whitzell's Mills, where we were much 
 cut to pieces, but he acted with his usual courage. f 
 
 Col. John Witherspoon, of Cleveland's regiment, states : When the 
 battle commenced, I saw Col. Campbell engaged bravely animating his 
 men, and watching and defending every point that seemed necessary. 
 
 * Judge Peter Johnston certifies to the veracity and integrity of Henry Dickenson, clerk 
 of Russell County court, and has formerly heard him relate the particulars of the action, 
 corresponding precisely with those here detailed. 
 
 t Craig's relation of binding up Lieut. Edmonson's wound is omitted. In a subsequent 
 statement, Mr. Craig adds, that the reason the Americans left King's Mountain in such 
 haste was, that a report came that Tarleton was in pursuit, and would rescue the prisoners. 
 
APPENDIX. 587 
 
 * * When we were driven down the hill, I saw Col. Campbell, with 
 other officers, animating and rallying his men ; and I saw him again 
 when the enemy surrendered ; he was then attending, with the rest of 
 the officers, to the security of the prisoners. 
 
 Col. Benjamin Sharp, of Campbell's men, states : During the heat 
 of the action, I saw Col. Campbell three times, ride backwards and for- 
 wards m advance of our lines, in the space between us and the enemy, 
 with his sword in his hand, and, as well as I could understand him, ex- 
 claimed, " Boys, remember your liberty ! " 
 
 William Edmondson, of Campbell's regiment, states : Whilst giving 
 way before the bayonet. Col. Campbell was gallantly rallying the men ; 
 at the foot of the mountain he brought them to order, and they again 
 advanced upon the enemy. They were again driven back a small dis- 
 tance, and rallied a second, and then a third time — the last time we 
 succeeded. 
 
 Joseph Phillips of Cleveland's men, states : Campbell's regiment 
 acted instantly after the advanced guard flanked off, and was fighting 
 for some considerable time before Cleveland's command could render 
 him any aid. That part of the mountain which Campbell's men were 
 compelled to ascend, was the most craggy, rough, steep and difficult 
 part of it. His men made the attack under a heavy fire of the enemy. 
 Cleveland's command were compelled to ride along the foot of the 
 mountain, three or four hundred yards before they dismounted, and 
 pressed up towards the enemy. The surrender commenced as soon 
 as they reached the top. Encamped that night on the battle ground, 
 marching the next day at ten or twelve o'clock. Col. Campbell remain- 
 ing behind to bury the dead, joining the army that night. 
 
 Col. David Campbell, of the Virginia regiment, states: I saw Col. 
 William Campbell on horseback at the time the battle commenced, rid- 
 ing along the lines, encouraging the men. When driven down the 
 mountain. Major Edmondson endeavored to rally the men ; but did not 
 succeed, until Col. Campbell came along the lines, calling to the men to 
 "halt, and return, my brave fellows, and you will drive the enemy imme- 
 diately;" and, it appeared, as soon as they heard his voice they halted, 
 returned, renewed the attack, and drove the enemy along the mountain, 
 from behind rocks, and their wagons, until Ferguson was slain, and they 
 surrendered. I saw Col. Campbell there, on foot, engaged in securing 
 the prisoners. About this time, I observed Capt. DePeyster inquire for 
 the commanding officer. Col. Campbell, who was but a litde distance 
 from him, was pointed out to him ; he stepped forward, and dehvered 
 his sword. I was not more than twenty feet from DePeyster. 
 
 Gen. William Russell, Lieutenant, commanding Neal's company, of 
 Campbell's regiment, states : I saw Col. Campbell go into the action on 
 horse-back. We were forced back, but rallied and engaged again. 
 
588 CAMPBELL VINDICATED. 
 
 About half way between the place where we ascended the mountain and 
 the enemy's wagons, I saw Col. Campbell in his shirt sleeves passing 
 our line, encouraging the men in a loud and animating tone of voice. 
 When the enemy were surrendering, I saw him coming from amongst 
 them with two swords in his hand. I was intimately acquainted with 
 him. 
 
 William Snodgrass, of Campbell's men, after giving an account how 
 he and Edward Smith were sent by Col. Campbell, early on the morn- 
 ing after the battle to meet and turn the footmen up Broad river, and 
 how the dead were buried, states : On the top of the mountain, there 
 were but a few steps between us and the enemy in the battle. Capt. 
 DePeyster, the senior British officer, after Ferguson fell, surrendered 
 his sword to Col. Campbell. Our men were sent home as soon as we 
 were out of the reach of Tarleton's Light Horse. 
 
 Col. Samuel Newell, of the Virginia men, in April, 1823, states : Was 
 wounded in the attack on the guard — the first of the fighting. As I 
 turned back, after being wounded. Col. Campbell passed me engaged 
 in forming his regiment. I got a horse and rode back to the Unes. The 
 regiment advanced — was charged by the British with the bayonet, and 
 broke — retreating farther than was necessary, across the intervening val- 
 ley, to the top of tlie next rise, where I met them. I saw Col. Campbell and 
 Maj. Edmondson about half the distance between their own men and 
 the enemy, calling on their men to halt, which they did, and advanced 
 a second time to the charge. They had two partial checks afterwards — 
 only partial, as the men learned not to dread the bayonets as at first. 
 The last charge the regiment made was the longest and warmest — last- 
 ing twenty minutes, as stated by the British Surgeon who held his watch. 
 I do not believe the regiment was more than thirty feet* from the 
 British line. In the very midst of this storm, I saw Col. Campbell at the 
 head of his regiment, and so much advanced in front as to be in danger 
 from the fire of his own men. As well as I can recollect, his encourag- 
 ing words were — "Come on — come on, my brave fellows, another gun — 
 another gun will do it--d--n them, we must have them out of this." 
 This I saw, and this 1 heard. Col. Campbell was at this time on foot, 
 his horse having given out. 
 
 Visited Maj. Lewis, his brothers, and Capt. Smith, all of Cleveland 
 regiment, and all wounded, when billeted in Burke County ; when in a 
 conversation on the battle, Maj. Lewis said : "Boys, I believe you all 
 did your duty, and deserve well for it, but let me tell you, had it not 
 been for Campbell and his Virginians, I'll be d — d if Ferguson would 
 not have been on that mountain yet, had he chosen to stay there." 
 
 In May following. Col. Newell further states : I saw Col, Campbell 
 
 ' Gov. Campbell, adds, in explanation, that this is a slip of the pen — it should be yards. 
 
APPENDIX. 689 
 
 leading his men the moment the British broke ; and what infatuation 
 could then induce Col. Campbell to turn his back, and run from his own 
 victorious troops, and a defeated enemy ? It is inconceivable — incredible 
 — impossible ! I have ever believed that not more than one-half of our 
 regiment, that is two hundred, were in the battle — the rest being left 
 behind. Thirty-five of the killed and wounded were of our regiment, 
 thirteen of whom were commissioned officers ; and no regiment or corps 
 gained the summit of the hill until the Virginia regiment opened the 
 way for them. Col. Shelby and his brother state, that they knew Col. 
 Campbell, [whom they thought they saw in the distance, shirking duty 
 and danger] by his black bald-faced horse. The fact is. Col. Campbell 
 did not ride a black bald-faced horse that day ; but a pretty large bay 
 horse — not bald-faced, that was in thin order, and broken down by pre- 
 vious fatigue, giving out early in the action. At the moment alluded to, 
 as the time of Col. Campbell's [supposed] delinquency, he was not on 
 horse-back, but on his feet, encouraging and animating his men to 
 victory, uttering words already stated: * 
 
 Maj. James Snodgrass, of Campbell's men, in April, 1823, states : 
 Frequently saw Col. Campbell during the engagement in the most dan- 
 gerous and exposed situations, part of the time on horse-back, and part 
 of the time on foot. The horse which Col. Campbell rode, when this 
 affiant saw him, was a bay. Having seen Col. Campbell frequently 
 during the action, and in different positions, I am convinced that he 
 could not have left the hues for any length of time. I saw him immedi- 
 ately after the surrender, and before the firing had entirely ceased, com- 
 ing from amongst the enemy, with several swords in his hands, and 
 some of the British officers following him, within a few steps of this 
 affiant. At that time, he never heard any intimation that Col. Campbell 
 did not perform his duty gallantly at King's Mountain, or anywhere 
 else. Instead of being considered cowardly, he was always thought to 
 be too rash. It was the report of the country, after King's Mountain 
 battie, that Moses Shelby was engaged in plundering indiscriminately 
 both Tories and Whigs, and kept very bad company. 
 
 Col. Thomas Maxwell, of Shelby's regiment, states: When the 
 attack was made on the main picket guard, / saw Col. Campbell on a 
 bay horse, in his shirt sleeves. He had principally rode this horse on 
 the march. I knew both of his horses well. The action commenced at 
 the most eastern end of the spur of the mountain where Campbell com- 
 manded. Campbell's and Shelby's men contended with the British 
 regulars directed in person by Ferguson, for some time before Cleveland 
 and Sevier's men got into action. Capt. Shelby's company, to which I 
 
 * In a third statement, August 4tli, 1823, Col. Newell gives an account of the officers of 
 Campbell's regiment, naming the killed and wounded, so far as he could do so-which facts 
 have been incorporated into the text of this work. 
 
590 CAMPBELL VINDICATED. 
 
 belonged, was twice repulsed by the British regulars ; were rallied, and 
 renewed the fight, driving the enemy to the top of the mountain, where 
 we were joined by Col. Campbell's main body, and forced our foes along 
 the summit to their wagons and tents. By this time Cleveland's and 
 Sevier's columns were in action. About three mi-nutes after Furguson 
 was killed, 1 saw Col. Campbell — he was then on foot. The enemy 
 then very quickly hoisted their first flag, and commenced surrendering 
 in every direction. 
 
 Andrew Evins, of Campbell's men in May, 1823, states: I saw 
 Col. Campbell at the close of the battle, and at the surrender; for when 
 I went to fire at the enemy, Campbell threw up my gun, and said, 
 "Evins, for God's sake don't shoot — it is murder to kill them now, for 
 they have raised the flag ;" and so passed on round the prisoners, and 
 was on foot. He rode a bay horse in the battle ; but his horse gave out, 
 and he took it 071 foot. 
 
 Benjamin White, of the Virginia regiment, in May, 1823, states : Col. 
 Campbell rode a bay horse. I saw him receive the sword from the Brit- 
 ish Captain — I think his name was DePeyster, and heard Col. Campbell 
 order the flag to be received, and I believe it was Evan Shelby that 
 received it. I saw Col. Campbell very frequently during the whole 
 action encouraging his men, and feel confident he was not absent from 
 his men one moment during the whole battle. I was in the battles of 
 Point Pleasant, Princeton, Brandywine, Germantown, and others, and in 
 all these battles I never saw a braver man than Col. Wm. Campbell, 
 according to my judgment. 
 
 WiUiam Moore, of Campbell's men, in June, 1823, states: Just 
 before the action commenced, Col. Campbell came riding along the lines , 
 on a bay or sorrel horse, as well as I remember — it was not his black 
 horse, I am confident — and told us to prime our guns afresh, and pre- 
 pare for action. We commenced the action, and I saw him on the same 
 horse in his shirt sleeves, with I think, a handkerchief tied about his 
 head. At the close of the action — when 1 was just shot down, having 
 my thigh broken — I saw him waving his sword downward, and calling 
 to his men to cease firing, that the enemy had surrendered. He was 
 still in his shirt sleeves. I not only saw him act bravely on that day, but 
 also two or three weeks previously with the Tories on New river. 
 
 Israel Hayter, of Campbell's regiment, in November, 1822, and June, 
 1823, states : From the commencement of the battle until near its close, 
 when he was wounded, and the enemy had hoisted one white flag, he saw 
 Col. Campbell frequently ; and he was during the whole time busily en- 
 gaged in encouraging his men, and leading them on up the mountain. 
 His regiment twice gave way, and retreated some distance. CoL 
 Campbell rallied them each time, and brought them again into action in 
 the most gallant manner ; and his whole conduct, as far as affiant saw 
 
APPENDIX. 591 
 
 or heard, was that of a brave and good officer. Affiant further well 
 recollects, that Col. Campbell rode a bay horse in the action, and that 
 his servant rode a black horse or a dark brown. 
 
 Capt. James Keys, of Campbell's men, in June, 1823, states : When 
 the action was about to commence, he saw Col. Campbell give his rifle 
 to his servant man, who, as well as this affiant recollects, was then on « 
 black horse ; and he well recollects, that Col. Campbell rode a bay horse 
 in the action. 
 
 William Anderson, of Campbell's regiment ; Joseph Phillips, of 
 Cleveland's men ; Jacob Norris, James Pearce, and Gideon Harrison, 
 of Sevier's regiment, also furnished statements that it was his bay horse 
 — not his bald-faced black — that Col. Campbell rode in the earlier part of 
 the action. 
 
 KING'S MOUNTAIN BALLADS. 
 
 Ferguson's defeat — 1780. * 
 
 Come all you good people, I pray you draw near, 
 A tragical story you quickly shall hear 
 Of Whigs and of Tories, how they bred a great strife, 
 When they chased old Ferguson out of his life. 
 
 Brave Colonel Williams from Hillsboro' came, 
 The South Carolinians flocked to him amain. 
 Four hundred and fifty, a jolly brisk crew. 
 After old Ferguson we then did pursue. 
 
 We march'd to the Cowpens — brave Campbell was there, 
 And Shelby, and Cleveland, and Colonel Sevier, 
 Taking the lead of their bold mountaineers, 
 Brave Indian fighters, devoid of all fears. 
 
 They were men of renown — like lions so bold. 
 Like lions undaunted, ne'er to be controU'd, 
 They were bent on the game they had in their eye. 
 Determined to take it — to conquer or die. 
 
 We march'd from the Cowpens that very same night. 
 Sometimes we were wrong — sometimes we were right. 
 Our heart's being run in true Liberty's mQld, 
 We regarded not hunger, wet, weary nor cold. 
 
 * SnatchesoC this rude ballad have, from time to time, been published. It has been 
 preserved, in its entirety by Dr. J. H. Logan, who found it among the old papers of Robert 
 Long, a Revolutionary soldier, of Laurens County, South Carolina. The writer's name is 
 pot known. 
 
392 A'lXG 'S MO UNTAIN BALLADS. 
 
 Early next morning we came to the ford, 
 Cherokee was its name — and "Buford" * the word, 
 We march'd thro' the river, with courage so free, 
 Expecting the foemen we might quickly see. 
 
 Like eagles a hungry in search of their prey. 
 
 We chas'd the old fox the best part of the day. 
 
 At length on King's Mountain the old rogue we found, 
 
 And we, like bold heroes, his camp did surround. 
 
 The drums they did beat, and the guns they did rattle, 
 Our enemies stood us a very smart battle. 
 Like lightning the flashes, like thunder the noise. 
 Such was the onset of our bold mountain boys. 
 
 The battle did last the best part of an hour. 
 The guns they did roar — ^the bullets did shower. 
 With an oath in our hearts to conquer the field. 
 We rush'd on the Tories — resolv'd they should yield. 
 
 We laid old Ferguson dead on the ground. 
 Four hundred and fifty dead Tories lay round — 
 Making a large escort, if not quite so wise. 
 To guide him to his chosen abode in the skies. 
 
 Brave Colonel Williams, and twenty -five more 
 Of our brave heroes lay roll'd in their gore, 
 With sorrow their bodies we laid in the clay, 
 In hopes that to heaven their souls took their way. 
 
 We shouted the victory that we did obtain, 
 Our voices were heard seven miles on the plain, 
 Liberty shall stand — and the Tories shall fall. 
 Here's an end to my song, so God bless you all ! 
 
 king's mountain— 1 78o.f 
 
 'Twas on a pleasant mountain the Tory heathens lay, 
 
 With a doughty Major at their head, one Ferguson, they say, 
 
 Cornwallis had detach'd him a thieving for to go, 
 
 And catch the Carolina men, or lay the Rebels low. 
 
 The scamp had rang'd the country in search of Royal aid. 
 
 And with his owls perch'd on high, he taught them all his trade. 
 
 But, ah ! that fatal morning, when Shelby brave drew near, 
 'Tis certainly a warning that Government should hear. 
 
 ':' "Buford" was the countersign that day. 
 
 f This ballad, written shortly after the action, was published on a small sheet the fol* 
 lowing year, and is included in Frank Moore's Songs and Ballads of the American 
 Revolution 
 
APPENDIX. 593 
 
 And Campbell brave, and Cleveland, and Colonel John Sevier, 
 Each with a band of gallant men to Ferguson appear. 
 
 Just as the sim was setting behind the western hills, 
 
 Just then our trusty rifles sent a dose of leaden- pills ; 
 
 Up — up the steep together brave Williams led his troop. 
 
 And join'd by Winston, bold and true, disturb'd the Tory coop. 
 
 The Royal slaves — the Royal owls, flew high on every hand, 
 But soon they settled — gave a howl, and quarter'd to Cleveland ; 
 I would not tell the number of Tories slain that day, 
 But surely it is certain that none did run away. 
 
 For all that were a living were happy to give up. 
 
 So let us make thanksgiving, and pass the bright tin cup ; 
 
 To all our brave regiment, let's toast 'em for their health. 
 
 And may our glorious country have joy, and peace, and wealth. 
 
 SUPPOSED LOYALIST SONG.— By Gen. J. W. DePeyster. 
 
 They caught us on a mountain bald, 'twas no place for a stand. 
 For woods and thickets, dense and close, the summit did command. 
 But those who led us on that day, of 'Crackers' had no fear, 
 And when we charg'd the varments ran — did quicl-cly disappear. 
 
 But vain was pluck, and vain each charge, for from each tree there 
 A deadly rifle bullet, and a little spurt of flame ; [came. 
 
 The men who fired we could not see — they pick'd us off like game. 
 To call such work fair fighting seems a misuse of the name. 
 
 So ev'ry shot told one by one, till of the reg'lar few, 
 Most lay stark dead, just where they fell, like beasts in a battue. 
 Then the militia cried 'enough,' and loud for quarter bawl'd, 
 And huddled in a bunch, and whipp'd, upon that mountain bald. 
 
 Alas ! alas ! our Gen'ral fell, quite early in the fight. 
 Eight bullets in him— each enough to kill a man outright. 
 Our second he got plump'd also, and then the game was up. 
 When fell the 'Bull-dog' Ferguson, and next the Bull-dog's pup. 
 
 D n 'em, we kill'd as many ' Rebs' as they had kiU'd of us. 
 
 But then as pris'ners we were bound, some suffer'd ten times worse. 
 And some had better far been shot than stripp'd, starv'd, and froze. 
 And see those hung, our comrades dear, a struttin' in their clothes. 
 
 C^'Two interesting King's Mountain ballads, written by modern American poets, 
 have appeared in //ar/^r'j j1/.<i-<i2'»'-one by William Gilmore Simms, in October, i860; 
 the other by Paul H. Hayne, in November, 1880. 
 
 38 THE END. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abney, Long Sam, mentioned, 310-11 
 
 Adair, John, mentioned, 173, 174, 528 
 
 Adams, Mrs. M. V., mentioned, . 5 
 
 Alexander, Wm., cited, . . 349 
 
 Allaire, Lieut. Anthony, sketch of, 480 
 
 cited, 74, 81, 89, 97, 99, 102, 149 
 
 203, 207, 208, 250, 279, 280, 281, 284 
 
 293, 297, 299,300,321, 324, 325, 328 
 
 334. 340. 344. 346, 347. 35°, 354 
 
 355. 483- 
 
 Allaire's Diary, . . 484 515 
 
 Allaire, newspaper accounts, . 516 19 
 
 Allegiance, taking oath, . 147 
 
 Allen, CoL Richard, noticed, 462 
 
 Alhs, W. H., cited, . . 5, 179 
 
 Almon's, Remembrattcer, cited, . 39 
 
 44, 61, 122, 192, 200, 208 
 
 American Archives, cited, . 381 
 
 American Pioneer, cited, . . 229 
 
 246, 274, 283. 308, 322 
 
 American Review, cAtA., 120, 122, 169 
 
 188, 189, 194,211,215, 224,228,235 
 
 252, 274, 317, 319, 327, 339, 343, 344 
 
 347- 
 American Revolution, causes, . 17 
 American Volunteers, 61, 62, 237,480 
 
 484, 485.486, 492. 493. 496. 499' SOI 
 
 506, 507. 
 Anderson, Fort, taken, 84, 86, 89, 502 
 Anderson, Col. Rob't, mentioned, 452 
 Anderson, Wm., cited, . 268, 591 
 Andre, John, mentioned, . 37-39 
 Andrew's American War, cited, 53, 299 
 Annual Register, cited, . S^. 53 
 Armand's Corps, mentioned, . 41 
 Armstrong, Col. Martin, mentioned, 
 
 354. 359. 388, 512 
 Ashe, Gen. John, defeated, . 19 
 Ashby, Captain, mentioned, . 200 
 
 Atkinson's Casket, cited, . 387, 402 
 Augusta County, Va., Ms. 
 
 records, cited, . . . 380 
 
 Augusta, Georgia, besieged, . igg 
 
 200, 295-96, 341, 508, 520 
 
 Avery, Col. Isaac T., cited, . 149 
 
 151, 156 
 Back Water Men, mentioned, 204 
 
 206, 208, 210, 212, 217, 236, 274 
 Baker, John, mentioned, . 442 
 Bald Place of Yellow Mountain, 177 
 Baldwin, Isaac, noticed, . 341-42 
 Balfour, Col. Nisbet, mentioned, 141 
 142, 373, 496, 501 
 Ballads of King's Mountain, . 591-93 
 Ballendine, Col. Hamilton, a myth, 22 
 Ballew, Richard, cited, 149, 334, 340 
 Bancroft, George, cited, . 4, 34 
 61, 252, 326, 336, 375, 376, 393, 467 
 Banner, Hon. John, mentioned, . 5 
 Banning, Benoni, wounded, . 304 
 Barbarie, Capt. John, noticed, . 515 
 Barber and Howe's New Jersey, 
 
 cited, . . . . 6r, 157 
 Barry, Andrew, mentioned, . 365 67 
 Barton, Capt. John, noticed, . 459-60 
 Bates, Bloody Bill, mentioned, . 242 
 Battles of Revolution, cited, . 39, 322 
 Baylor, Col. George, surprised, . 57 
 Bealer, Jacob, cited, . 570, 580 
 Bealer, Joseph, cited, . 570, 580 
 Beason, Solomon, mentioned, 230 
 Beatson's Memoirs, cited, 38, 39, 55 
 Beattie, Capt. David, noticed, 251 
 
 404, 405, 581 
 Beattie, David, cited, . 287, 583 
 Beattie, Ensign John, noticed, 248 
 
 304. 405 
 Beattie, William, noticed, . 405 
 
596 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Beaulait, Lieutenant, wounded, 491 
 Beene, Capt. Jesse, mentioned, 424 
 Beene, Robert, Watauga rifleman, 108 
 Bentalou's Reply to Joluison, cited, 6r 
 Bentley, Hon. John A., mentioned, 5 
 Bernard, Gen. Simon, cited, 289 
 
 Beverly, Capt. John, mentioned, 449 
 Bibby, John, mentioned. . 340 
 
 Bickerstatf s Old Fields, . 328 
 
 Bicknell, Thomas, killed, . 261, 304 
 Big Bear, Cherokee Chief, . 430 
 Biggerstaff, Capt. A.," noticed, 343,483 
 Biggerstaff, Ben. cited, . . 354 
 Bi.shop, cured of laziness, . 450 
 Blackburn, Lieut. Wm., killed, 304 
 Blackstock's, battle at, 74, 102, 468, 515 
 Blair, James, mentioned, 149, 180, 181 
 Blalock, Maj. S. G., cited, . 184 
 Blanton, James, cited, . . 354 
 Blasingames, noted Whigs, . 76, 505 
 Blevins, Henry, cited, . 326, 578 
 Bobo, Hon. Simpson, cited, 5, 95, 470 
 Bond, Jesse, mentioned, . 429 
 
 Boone, Dan'l, mentioned, . 184 
 295-96. 406, 427, 429, 438 
 Boone and the Pioneers of Ken- 
 tucky, work on, designed, . 6 
 Border Forays and Adventures, 
 
 work on, designed . . 6 
 
 Boren's or Bowen's river, . 323, 510 
 
 Botta's History, cited, . . 34 
 
 Bouchelle, T. S , mentioned, . 5 
 
 Bowen, Charles, cited, . . 256 
 
 262-63, 281, 436 
 
 Bowen, Lieut. Reese, noticed, 256-57 
 
 262, 304, 406, 526 
 
 Bowen, Capt. Wm., mentioned, 406 
 
 Bowman, Captain, killed, . 24 
 
 Bowyer, Col. John, captured, 396-97 
 
 Boyd, Colonel, killed, . . 298 
 
 Boyd, John, killed, . . 302, 322 
 
 Bradley, Dr. A. Q., cited, . 5 
 
 128, 222, 275, 326 
 
 Bradley, Wm., mentioned, . 303 
 
 Brady and his Scouts, work on, 
 
 designed, .... 6 
 
 I Brandon, Christopher, cited, . 129 
 
 131, 286 
 
 Brandon, Col. Thomas, sketch of, 469 
 
 470; noticed, 3, 76, 104, no, 119 
 
 129, 132, 142, 143, i65, 191, 217 
 
 244, 269, 285, 286, 326, 336, 362 
 
 520, 537, 538. 
 
 Brandywine battle, . . 51-55 
 
 Branson, Eli, mentioned, . 388 
 
 Brant, the Mohawk Chief, work 
 
 on, designed, ... 6 
 
 Breazeale, cited, . ' . 88, 122 
 Brier Creek Defeat, . . 435 
 
 Bright's or Avery's Place, men- 
 tioned, . . . 177., 178 
 British Annual Register, cited, 51, 53 
 Brock, R. A., cited, . . 5, 378 
 Broddy, John, mentioned, 267-6S, 583 
 Brown, Capt. Gabriel, mentioned, 468 
 Brown, Col. H. A., cited, 5, 249, 460 
 Brown, Maj. Jacob, noticed, . 424 
 Brown, J., Tory, mentioned,436-37, 438 
 Brown Capt. John, noticed, . 460 
 Brown, John, killed, . . 303 
 Brown, Plundering Sam, Tory 
 
 freebooter, 134-39. 241. V-T < 388 
 
 Browne, Col. Thomas, mentioned, 141, 
 
 200, 373, S08, 509 
 
 Bryan, Col. Sam., mentioned, 77 
 
 78, 141, 216,435,455 
 
 Buford, Col. Abraham, defeated, 41 
 
 45, 139, 282, 496-97 
 
 Bullen, Wm., wounded, . 304 
 
 Burgin, A., cited, . . 5, 184 
 
 Burgin, Maj. Ben., cited, . 151 
 
 Burgin, D., cited, ... 5 
 
 Burke, John, killed, . . 145-46 
 
 Burk's Hist. Virginia, cited, 288 
 
 296. 359 
 Bynum, Hon. J. G., mentioned, 178 
 
 216 
 
 Bynum, Hon. W. P., cited, , 5, 
 
 203, 206, 216, 354, 359 
 
 Bynum, Rev. W. S., mentioned, 5, 198 
 
 Byrd, Col. Wm., expedition, . 402 
 
 403, 418 
 
INDEX. 
 
 597 
 
 Caldwell, Wm., mentioned, . 258 
 Callahan, Lieut. Joel, mentioned, 424 
 Callaway, Hon. Elijah, cited, . 5 
 186, 221, 287, 290, 389 
 Callaway, Dr. James, mentioned, 5 
 Callaway, Joseph, mentioned, 441 
 Callaway, Mrs. P. E., mentioned, 5 
 Callaway, Richard, mentioned, 438 
 439, 441, 443 
 Callaway, Thomas, mentioned, 438 
 Callaway, William, mentioned, 441 
 
 442, 443 
 Cameron. Alex., mentioned, 83, 108 
 Camp, Lieutenant, mentioned, 108 
 
 109, 505 
 
 Campbell, Col. Arthur, mentioned, 172 
 
 173, 174, 17s, 215, 338, 379, 380 
 
 381, 383, 389, 390, 391, 396, 398 
 
 399, 400, 402, 527-29, 530, 537. 
 
 Campbell, Capt. Chas., noticed, 379-80 
 
 Campbell, Col. , David, of Tenn., 251 
 
 255-57, 287, 587 
 
 Campbell, Ex-Gov. David, cited, 5 
 
 175, 178, 245. 247, 268, 275, 305 
 
 334. 338, 343. 378, 379. 387. 390 
 
 399, 402, 588. 
 Campbell's Hist, of Va., cited, 389 
 Campbell, Gen. John, cited, 268, 583 
 Campbell, CoL John B., cited, 572-75 
 Campbell, Capt. Peter, mentioned, 106 
 108, 109, 114, 504 
 Campbell, Col. Richard, noticed, 410 
 Campbell, Ensign Robert, cited, 177 
 
 178, 179, 181, 221, 223, 243, 253-54 
 
 255, 268, 275-76, 277, 281, 332, 333 
 
 354. 336. 343. 4°9. 410- 
 Campbell, Ensign Robert, King's 
 
 Mountain accounts, . 535-4° 
 
 Campbell, Robert, captured, . 198 
 Campbell, Ex-Gov. Wm. B., men- 
 tioned, ..... 5 
 Campbell, Gen. William, sketch of, 
 378-402 ; early life, 378-80 ; Dun- 
 more's war, 380; engages in Revo- 
 lution, 381-83 ; marriage, 383; ser- 
 vices in civil llfo, 383-84, 387 ; hang- 
 
 ing of Hopkins, 384-87 ; New river 
 expedition, 371, 387-88; King's 
 Mountain campaign, 3, 171-76 ; 
 King's Mountain, the march, 176- 
 95 ; chosen commander, 187-90, 
 522, 541-42, 548, 555, 564; council, 
 195-96; pursuing the enemy, 214- 
 35; strength of regiment, 214-15; 
 Holston men, 3-4, 242-43 ; battle 
 array, 243-48 ; battle-ground craggy, 
 250; heroic conduct, 251, 255-57; 
 Tarleton's approach, 266-67, 288, 
 290. 316. 320, 322, 345-46, 367-68, 
 516, 518, 544-45; Bald Face, mis- 
 take, 267-68, 388-89, 583, 589-91 ; 
 reconnoitering, 268, 539, desperate 
 charge, 272 ; final charge, 277-78 ; 
 British flag displayed, 283 ; firing on 
 Tories, 283-86 ; huzzas for liberty, 
 284 ; an unhappy event, 284-85, 389- 
 90; receiving swords, 286-87; losses, 
 304-305 ; orders, 320, 326, 328, 329, 
 531-32 ; kindness to Tories, 326, 
 351, 352, 512, 531-32; respect for 
 the dead, 322 ; denounces plunder- 
 ing, 329-30, 532 ; execution of 
 Tories, 330-45, 391, 510-11, 539-40, 
 544, 545, 551 ; official report, 352, 
 522-24 ; visit to Gen. Gates, 352 ; 
 disposition of prisoners, 350, 352, 
 357-60; visit to Gov. Jefferson, 358; 
 good words to victors, 374-76, 521- 
 22 ; disaster to the British, 376-77 ; 
 presage of independence, 377; Cher- 
 okee expedition, 390-91 ; Whitzell's 
 Mills and Guilford, 391-95, 533-34; 
 chosen Brig.-General, 395 ; serves 
 under LaFayette, 395-97 ; death and 
 character, 397-402, 404, 534, 535 ; 
 variously mentioned, 520-592; cited, 
 302, 388, 394, 526. 
 
 Candler, Maj. Wm., noticed, 207 
 
 214, 227, 244, 341, 469 
 
 Cane Creek fight, . . 147-48 
 189, 198-99, 507, 528, 551 
 
 Garden, Maj. John, mentioned, . 141 
 
598 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Caroliniati, T/w, cited, . . 313 
 Carr, Capt. Patrick, noticed, 124-25 
 
 340-41 
 Carrington's Battles of the Revo- 
 lution, cited, ... 39, 322 
 Carson, Col. John, noticed, . 170 
 
 197, 198 
 Carson, Hon. Sam P., mentioned, 150 
 Carson, Mrs. Sam P., cited, . 473 
 Carter, Col. John, mentioned, 83, 170 
 Carter, Hon.Wm. B., cited, 5, 178, 179 
 Caruthers, Lieut. Andrew, noticed, 424 
 Caruther's Old North State, cited, 287 
 Caswell, Gen. Richard, mentioned, 41 
 116, 141, 413 
 Cedar Spring, derivation of name, 74 
 Cedar Spring, British attack on 
 
 Thomas, 73-75, 79,80,83, 99, loi, 120 
 Cedar Spring, Dunlap's attack, 89-102, 
 120, 503, 506 
 Cedar Spring, plat of locality, . 91 
 Chambers and Crawford, desert- 
 ers, . . . 177-78, 199, 335 
 Chambers, Mrs. Mary A., cited, 5, 179 
 Charleston, S. C, 1776, British 
 
 repulse, 20 
 
 Charleston, S. C, 1779, Provost's 
 
 invasion, . . - . 491 
 Charleston, S. C, 1780, siege of, 20-47 
 
 484-96 
 Charleston Courier, cited, . 277 
 Cherokee Outbreak, 382-83, 433-34 
 Cherokees, mentioned, . . 415 
 429-30, 451, 452 
 Chew, Lieut. Wm., mentioned, 108 
 
 109, 505 
 
 Childers, John, wounded, . 304 
 
 Chittim, John, wounded, . 258, 303 
 
 Chitwood, Capt. James, Tory, 340 
 
 344-45, 511, 516, 518 
 
 Christian, Col. Gilbert, mentioned, 417 
 
 Christian, Col. Wm., mentioned, 380 
 
 382, 410, 420 
 
 Chronicle, Maj. Wm., noticed, 3 
 
 214, 219, 225, 231-32, 257, 278, 323 
 
 477, 521, 549, 551. 
 
 Cilley, Mr. & Mrs. C. A., men- 
 tioned, . . . 5, 179, 261 
 Civil Warfare, its bitterness, 123 
 
 138-39, 14041, 330, 371-74 
 Claiborne, Col. H. L., mentioned, 5 
 Clarke, Col. Elijah, services, 78, 83 
 85, 89-102, 103-22, 141-44, 162-64 
 168, 187, 199-201, 203, 206, 207 
 213, 214, 238, 295-96, 341, 503-506 
 508, 509, 520, 541. 
 Clark, Col. George Rogers, services, 19 
 Clark, Col. George Rogers, Life 
 
 and Campaign, designed, . 6 
 Clark's Fork of Bullock's Creek, 211 
 Clark, Capt. John, of Georgia, 93, 98 
 Clark, John, of Tenn., cited, . 88 
 Clarke, Col. Thomas, mentioned, 23 
 Clary, Col. Daniel, noticed, . 106, 
 109, 143, 294 
 Cleveland, Col. Ben., sketch 0^425-54; 
 New river expedition, 388, 435 ; 
 mentioned, 3, 119, 173, 175, 180, 183, 
 184, 189, 520; speech in council, 
 195; mentioned, 196, 204, 214; in 
 battle array, 243-48, 436 ; speech to 
 his men, 248-49; adventure, 261-63; 
 mentioned, 278, 308, 349, 352-54, 512, 
 520-92; losses, 304; Tory execu- 
 tions, 330-45, 391, 438, 510-n, 
 539-40, 544, 545, 551 ; vindicates 
 Campbell, 389. 
 Cleveland, Gen. B., mentioned, 5, 458 
 Cleveland, Jeremiah, cited, 5, i86 
 Cleveland, Capt. John, mentioned, 458 
 Cleveland, Hon. John B., men- 
 tioned 5 
 
 Cleveland, Lieutenant Larkin, 
 
 wounded . . 185, 186, 458 
 Cleveland, Capt. Robert, noticed, 441 
 442, 443. 445, 458, 554 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, siege of 
 
 Charleston, . . . 20-47 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, on King's 
 
 Mountain 377 
 
 Cloud, Hon. J. M., mentioned, . 5 
 Clough, Maj. Alex., killed, . 57 
 
INDEX. 
 
 599 
 
 Clowney, Samuel, adventure, 126-28 
 Clowney, Hon.W. K., mentioned, 128 
 Cloyd, Maj. Joseph, mentioned, 392 
 Cochran, John L., mentioned, . 5 
 Cochrane, Maj. Charles, men- 
 tioned, . . 62-64, 484. 485 
 Cocke, William, noticed, . 88 
 
 Colleton, Lady, mentioned, 66, 491,496 
 Collins, Abram, mentioned, . 202 
 363-64, 548 
 Colwnbian Magazine, cited, . 290 
 Colvill, Capt. Andrew, noticed, 223 
 247, 405, 536 
 Congaree Stores, mentioned, . 498 
 Congress, Joiirjiah, cited, . 358 
 
 374. 390 
 Congress, Library of, mentioned, 4 
 Continental yoicrnal, cited, . 158 
 Conyers, Maj. James, mentioned, 65 
 Cooper, James, cited, . . 577 
 Cooper, James Fenimore, cited, 53, 54 
 Cornwallis, Lord Charles, men- 
 tioned 22, 46, 47, 68, 71, 120, 140 
 144, 171, 200, 276, 340, 363-74 
 
 376-77. 391-95. 545- 
 Corry, James, killed, . . 304 
 Cowpens, derivation of name, 223 
 Cowpens, battle, 285-86, 529, 547 
 
 Cox, Wm., wounded, . 304, 578 
 Coyle, or Cowles, Tory, men- 
 tioned, . . . 436-37. 438 
 Craig, John, cited, . . 247 
 
 251, 284, 320, 392, 586 
 Craig, Capt. Robert, noticed, 405 
 
 Crawford and Chambers, desert- 
 ers, . . 177-78, 199. 335 
 Crawford, D. R., cited, . 5, 69 
 Crawford, G. W., cited, . 5, 179 
 Crider's Fort, mentioned, . 185 
 Crockett, Col. Walter, mentioned, 387 
 Croghan, Maj. Wm., mentioned, 23 
 cited, . 23, 24-26, 28, 29, 32, 33 
 Cromwell, Life ajid Adventiires 
 
 of, noticed, . . 425-26, 427 
 
 Crow, James, cited, . . 234 
 
 250, 272, 278, 283, 584 
 
 Cruger, Lieut.-Col. J. H., men- 
 tioned, 113, 115, 116, 140, 199, 200 
 
 203. 377. 508. 509- 
 Culbertson, Josiah, . . 91 
 
 92, 93, 107, io8, 136-39, 252-53 
 Cummings, Rev. Charles, 342, 381 
 Cunningham, Col. Robert, men- 
 tioned, ... 72, 143, 294 
 Cunningham, Wm., the Bloody 
 
 Scout, ... 83, 242, 468 
 Cusack, Adam, hung by British, 373 
 Cutbirth, Ben., mentioned, 438, 441 
 Cutbirth, Daniel, mentioned, . 440 
 Daniel, Hon. John W., mentioned, 4 
 Darby, Hon. John F., cited, 234, 235 
 Daxcy, Joel, cited, . . . 164 
 Davenport, Martin, mentioned, 333 
 Davenport, Col. Wm., noticed, 333-34 
 
 340. 473 
 Davidson, Bon. and Wm., men- 
 tioned, . . . 150, 508 
 Davidson, Geo. F., mentioned, 5 
 Davidson, Mrs., mentioned, 198, 508 
 Davidson, Gen. W. L., men- 
 tioned, 189, 193, 2r6, 227, 296, 455 
 520-21, 542. 
 Davie, Col. W. R., mentioned, 207, 369 
 Davis, Oroondates, cited, . 121 
 Dawson's Battles, cited, 39, 122, 393 
 Day's Penn. Hist. Coil's, cited, 53 
 DeBosen, Lieut. -CoL, killed, 58-59 
 Deckard rifles, noticed . . 175 
 Defiance, Fort, mentioned, 185, 334 
 DeKalb, Gen. John, mentioned, 41, 43 
 DeLancey, Maj. John P., men- 
 tioned, .... 53-54 
 Delaney, Maj. Wm., cited, 569, 579 
 Denard's Ford, locality, 203, 206, 509 
 DePeyster, Capt. Abraham, sketch 
 of, 479; noticed, 88, 106, 113 
 117, 247, 256, 257, 273, 274, 276 
 280, 281, 183, 286, 297, 327, 346 
 360, 499, 500, 501, 506, 507, 510 
 512, 517-19,523, 539, 546, 550, 566 
 584, 585, 587, 588, 590; the "Bull 
 Dog's pup," 593. 
 
600 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 DePeyster, Gen. J. W., cited, . 5, 
 
 51, 237, 274, 284, 289, 29s, 340, 593 
 
 DeTernay, Chevalier, mentioned, 43 
 
 44 
 Devoe, Thomas F., cited, . 158 
 Dickenson, Henry, cited, . 278 
 287, 585-86 
 Diclcerson, M. O., cited, . . 5 
 149, 160, i6i, 345 
 Dickey, Andrew and David, men- 
 tioned, . 145, 154, 332, 280 
 Dickson, Maj. Joseph, noticed, . 85 
 
 257. 477 
 Dickson, Misses Mary and Myra 
 
 A., cited, .... 473 
 Dillard, Maj. James, noticed, 369, 468 
 Dillard, Mrs. Mary, adventure, 74 
 
 102, 468 
 Dixon, Dr. B. F., mentioned, . 5 
 Doak, Rev. Samuel, mentioned 176 
 Dobson, Dr., mentioned, . 349 
 Donelson, Col. John, mentioned. 415 
 Doss, John, killed by Tories, . 447 
 Dryden, Nathaniel, killed, . 304 
 Duff, David, killed, . . 302 
 Duncan, Jesse, mentioned. 437-41 
 Dunlap, Maj. James, mentioned, 76; 
 at Earle's Ford, 80-83, '20, 501 . 
 Cedar Spring affair, 89, 102, 238, 503; 
 mentioned, 88, 129, 136, 144, 199, 
 204, 238; wounded, 149, 155, 156; 
 sketch of, 1 56-64. 
 Dunmore's expedition, men- 
 tioned, . . . 380, 412 
 Dunmore dislodged from Gwyn's 
 
 Island, .... 382 
 
 DuPortail, Gen. Lebegue, . 29, 36 
 Dysart, Capt. James, noticed, . 304 
 
 384. 404 
 Dysart, John B., cited, . . 387 
 Earle, Baylis, noticed, . 83, 203 
 Earle's Ford, fight there, . 80-83 
 
 120, 501 
 Earnest, Rev. FeUx, cited, 572, 581 
 Edmondson, Andrew, killed, 304 
 
 Edmondson, Andrew J., cited. . 408 
 
 Edmondson, John, Samuel and 
 
 Wm., mentioned, . . 305 
 Edmondson, Lieut. Robert, Sen., 
 
 killed, . . 248, 304, 407 
 
 Edmondson, Lieut. Robert, Jr., 
 
 wounded, 251, 253, 407, 408, 586 
 Edmondson, Capt. Wm., killed, 255-56 
 304, 405, 525, 526 
 Edmondson, Maj. Wm., noticed, 250 
 305, 3S1, 402-404, 583. 587, 588 
 Edmondson, Wm. cited. . 587 
 Elder, Robert, cited, . . 581 
 EUet, Mrs. Elizabeth, cited, . 87 
 102, 245, 275, 473 
 Elliott, Capt. James, noticed, 417, 578 
 Espey, Capt. Samuel, noticed, 100 
 102, 157, 303,478 
 Estill, Hon. Ben., cited, . 402, 404 
 Eutaw Spring's battle, . . 410 
 Evans, Philip, noticed, . 185 
 Evins, Andrew, cited, 268, 283, 590 
 Ewin, Hugh, mentioned, . 365-67 
 Exaggeration in military opera- 
 tions 301 
 
 Fagon, John, wounded, . 304, 580 
 
 Fair Forest Settlement, . . 76, 90 
 
 Fanning, David, mentioned, 72, 106 
 
 113, 117, 122, 135, 139, 242, 294, 481 
 
 Fayssoux, Mrs. Dr., mentioned, 66, 491 
 
 Fear, Capt. Edmund, mentioned, 474 
 
 Ferguson, Dr. Adam, cited, 52-53 
 
 211, 278, 287, 295, 321 
 
 Ferguson, Col. Geo. A., mentioned, 5 
 
 Ferguson, Col. Patrick, sketch, 48-67, 
 
 479 ; birth and early services, 48-49 ; 
 
 rifle skill, 50-52 ; at Brandywine, 
 
 52-55 ; Monmouth, 55 ; Little Egg 
 
 Harbor, 55-57, 60-61 ; attacks Pu- ' 
 
 laski, 58-60; Charleston expedition, 
 
 61; wounded, 62-63, 486; Monk's 
 
 Corner affair, 25, 63-66, 490-91; 
 
 noble conduct, 66-67 ; captures 
 
 Haddrell's Point, 67, 493-94; goes 
 
 to Ninety Six, 3, 68-72, 496-99; traits 
 
 of character, 73, 75 ; goes to Fair 
 
 Forest, 76-79, 88; Thickctty taken. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 601 
 
 89; Cedar Springs, 94, 96; men- 
 tioned, 115, n6, 117, 129, 136,484, 
 487, 488, 490, 492, 493, 494, 496, 531 ; 
 Inspector General, 142 ; visits Cam- 
 den, 505 ; goes to North Carolina, 
 144, 147, 363, 506; Cane Creek 
 fight, 147-48, 198-99. 507. 528, 551 ; 
 Mrs. Lytle, 151-53; sense of justice, 
 198; returns to Gilbert Town, 
 198 ; retreat, 199-200 ; Collins and 
 Quinn's mission, 202-203, 54^ ; fur- 
 ther retreat, 202 ; appeal for aid, 204 ; 
 failure of messengers, 202, 363-64, 
 548 ; incident, 204-.->o5 ; dispatch to 
 Cornwallis, 207 ; on King's Moun- 
 tain, 209, 216-17 ; his force, 237-38 ; 
 his whistles, 246, 254, 277, 291 ; 
 desperation, 273-75; attempted flight, 
 274-76, 525, 530, 539; his death, 275- 
 77, 280-81, 510; not killed outright, 
 290-91; his conduct, 287-90 ; burial, 
 290-91, 321, 322; British, accounts, 
 510, 516-19; his great disaster, 376- 
 "jj ; his mistresses, 292 ; souvenirs, 
 286, 291, 307-308; memoirs of, 2H ; 
 variously mentioned, 520-93. 
 Fire hunting, described, . 427-28 
 Fisher, Frederick, wounded, 304 
 
 Fletchall, Col. Thomas, mentioned, 
 
 72, 481, 500 
 Fletcher, Lieut. Duncan, men- 
 tioned, 480-81, 500, 507, 519 
 Flint Hill, mentioned, . . 189 
 194, 216, 219, 224, 225 
 Floyd, Andrew, cited, . 192, 194 
 Fondren, Mathew, mentioned, 323 
 Foote's North Carolina, cited, 247, 
 
 268, 290 
 Foote's Virginia, . . 378 
 
 Forney, Abram, cited, . 259, 335 
 
 Frankhn, Adj't Jesse, noticed, 287 
 
 458-59. 554 
 
 Franklin, Shadrach, cited, 5, 186 
 
 Franklin, Wyhe, mentioned, . 5 
 
 Fraser, Major, mentioned, . 106 
 
 108, 109, 116, 504 
 
 Gage brothers, Tories, escape of, 325 
 Gage, Col. R. J., cited, . . 270 
 Garlington, Gen. A. G., cited, 5, 69 
 Gates, Gen. Horatio, mentioned, 3 
 116, 141, 352, 357, 358, 359, 372 
 374 521-22 ; Ms. papers, cited, 359, 
 Giljbs, Maj. Zachariah, mentioned, 
 
 143, 209, 223, 290, 294, 360, 500, 503 
 Gilbert Town, mentioned, . 195 
 Gilbert, Wm., mentioned, . 159 
 Giles, Wm., wounded, . 269, 302 
 Gilkey, John, cited, . 5, 333, 340 
 Gilkey, Dr. John IT., mentioned, 5 
 Gilkey, Walter, Tory, 332-33, 340 
 Gillam, R. C, cited, . 214, 259 
 Gilleland, wounded, . 275, 303 
 Gillespie, Captain, mentioned, 159-61 
 Gillespie, David, mentioned, 183, 184 
 Gillespie, Henry, mentioned, i8i 
 
 Gillespie, Thomas, mentioned, in 
 Gilmer, Enoch, mentioned, 225-26 
 
 228-31 
 Gilmer, William, wounded, 257, 303 
 Gist, Nathaniel, killed, . 304 
 
 Gist, Capt. Wm., noticed, 355-56 
 
 483. 513 
 Givens, James, cited, . . 397 
 Goforth, Preston, andbrothers, 302, 314 
 Goodloe, Hon. D. R., mentioned, 5 
 Gordon, Charles, noticed, . 261 
 
 304. 334 
 Gordon, Rev. Z. H., cited, 5, 261 
 
 Graham, Gen. Joseph, cited, . 169 
 197, 202, 227, 228, 233, 235, 247 
 27, 282, 283, 369, 457, 546-51- 
 Graham, Maj. J., S. C, Loyalist, 71 
 Graham, Gen. Sam., cited, . 280 
 Graham, Col. Wm., sketch of, 476 
 at Cedar Springs, 89,97,99, 100, 102 
 his fort attacked, 145-46 ; men- 
 tioned, 149, 193, 232, 280. 
 Gray, James, noticed, 316-17, 327 
 
 Gray, J. L., cited, . . 217 
 
 316, 317, 319, 327, 341 
 Green, Capt. Wm., noticed, 153 
 
 353-54, 482-83 
 
602 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, men- 
 tioned, 45, 139, 360, 393, 395, 413 
 437 ; discusses retaliation, 371-74 
 opinion of mountaineers, 374 
 Guilford battle, 391-95. . 413, 437 
 Greer, Alexander, noticed, . 95 
 230, 232, 298 
 Greer, Ben., noticed, . 441, 442 
 Grimes, Captain, Tory, . 340 
 
 Gunn, a Tory, . . . 341 
 
 Gwin, James, Sr., mentioned, 445 
 
 Hackett, Dr. R. F., mentioned, 5 
 
 Hackett, W. T., mentioned, 5 
 
 Hambright, Lt.-Col. Frederick, 
 sketch of, 476-77 ; noticed, 3, 193 
 214-15, 232, 233, 234, 244, 257, 273 
 
 278, 303. 549. 550- 
 Hamilton, Maj. John, Tory, . 143 
 
 294, 488 
 Hammond, Dr. A. L., cited, 5, 272, 277 
 Hammond, Col. LeRoy, mentioned, 47 
 Hammond, Col. Sam'l, sketch of, 467 ; 
 
 statements tampered with, 102, 122; 
 
 at Musgrove's Mills, 104, 119; with 
 
 Col. Williams, 191-92, 244, 269 ; at 
 
 King's Mountain, 3, 271-72. 
 Hammond's Store, fight, . 298 
 
 Hampton, Col. Andrew, sketch of, 
 
 474-75 ; noticed, 80, 81, 87, 119, 156 
 
 170, 204, 265. 
 Hampton, Adam, James J. and 
 
 Jonathan, Jr., cited, 5, 81, 156, 160 
 
 161, 292, 354. 
 Hampton, Capt. Edward, noticed, 
 
 82, 83, 137, 214, 238 
 Hampton Family, killed, . 83 
 
 Hampton, Jonathan, Sr., noticed, 
 
 153-56, 160, 161, 197 
 Hampton, Col. Henry, mentioned, 83 
 
 168 
 Hampton, Preston, mentioned 83 
 
 Hampton, Col. Richard, mentioned, 83 
 Hampton, Col. Wade, mentioned, 83 
 
 99 
 Handley, Capt. Samuel, men- 
 tioned, .... 279 
 
 Hanger, Col. George, cited, . 50 
 61, 63, 69, 72, 321, 369-70 
 Hanging Rock battle, . 141, 503 
 Haralson, Maj. Herndon, cited, 393 
 Hardin, Abraham, cited, . . 5 
 
 233. 273. 313. 322, 324. 344 
 Harper, Hon. J. C, cited, . 5 
 
 179, 185, 261, 334, 340, 473 
 Harrington, Col. Wm. Henry, 
 
 mentioned, .... 23 
 Harrison, Bill, a Tory, . 447-48 
 
 Harrison, Gideon, cited, . 268, 591 
 Howsey, Captain, Tory, . 109 
 
 Hawthorn, Col. James, noticed, . 3 
 244, 464-65 
 Hayes, Col. Jos., noticed. 266, 467-68 
 Hayne, Col. Isaac, mentioned, . 47 
 Hayne, James, cited, . . 396 
 Hayne, Paul H., mentioned, 4, 593 
 Haynesworth, Bill, mentioned, 87 
 
 Hayter, Israel, cited, 268, 304, 590-91 
 Hemphill, Capt. Thomas, men- 
 tioned, . . . 150, 508 
 Henderson, W. A., cited, . 326 
 Henderson, Col. Wm., mentioned, 28 
 
 502 
 Henigar, Henry, killed, . . 304 
 Henry, Moses, mortally wounded, 302 
 
 319-20 
 Henry, Patrick, mentioned, . 381 
 
 383. 387. 395. 454 
 
 Henry, Robert, cited, . . 119 
 
 122, 150, 198, 214, 224, 226, 228, 232 
 
 257-59. 279-80, 284, 292, 303, 365-67 
 
 473- 
 Herndon, Col. Ben., noticed, 119 
 
 444. 449. 456. 457 
 Herndon, Maj. Joseph, noticed, 222 
 
 461-62 
 Hewlett, Capt. Thos., wounded, 502 
 Hickman, Thomas, cited, . 392 
 Hightower, Wm., mentioned, 429, 430 
 Hildeburn, Charles R., cited, 5, 164 
 Hill, J. R., mentioned,, . . 5 
 Hill, Adj't Thos. D., Jr., men- 
 tioned .... 143, 294 
 
INDEX. 
 
 603 
 
 Hill, Col. Wm., cited, . . 114 
 122, 166, 167, 168, 191, 192, 193, 211 
 217-21, 222, 226, 228, 234, 277, 464 
 Hinson, Saul, anecdote, . .117 
 Hobbs, Augustine, Tory, . 340 
 Holland, Maj. James, mentioned, 161 
 Holloway, Charles, mentioned, 136-38 
 Holston, early exploration, . 379 
 Holston, Intelligencer, cited, 268 
 
 Holston, settlers, character, 242-43 
 
 381-82 
 Hopkins, Francis, Tory, 384-87 
 
 Horse-Shoe Robinson, referred to, 126 
 Horton, a Tory, mentioned, . 216 
 Huck, Capt. Christian, defeat, . 500 
 Huger, Gen. Isaac, mentioned, 40 
 41, 47. 63-65, 490 
 Hughes, Capt. Joseph, noticed, 122 
 
 129. 131-33. 277. 285-86 
 Hughes, Robert M., mentioned, 5S5 
 Hulett, [Hewlett,] Capt. Thos., 
 
 wounded, .... 502 
 Hunter, Dr. C. L., cited, . . 5 
 
 76, 122, 223, 225, 233, 258, 260, 268, 
 
 272, 313. 320, 322, 336, 473. 
 Husband, Col. Vezey, mentioned, 276 
 
 294, 482 
 
 Hyce, Leonard, wounded, . 304 
 
 Inman, Capt. Shadrack, killed, 107 
 
 > 109, no, 121 
 
 Innes, Lieut. -Col. Alex., mentioned, 71 
 
 80, 106, 108, 109, 114, 116, 120, 121, 
 
 136, 210, 484, 498, 504. 
 Iseley, Jacob, cited, . 326, 579 
 
 Jackson, Maj. James, mentioned, 341 
 
 473 
 
 Jackson, Nancy, adventure, . 87 
 
 Jackson, Capt. Wm., mentioned, 460 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, cited, 358, 585 
 
 Johnson, Lewis, cited, . 5, 294 
 
 Johnson, Lieut. Samuel, noticed, 260 
 
 291, 304, 460-61, 462 
 
 Johnson, Dr. Uzal, noticed, . 277 
 
 297, 303, 306, 307, 351, 354,481, 487 
 
 491, 496, 499, 506, 512, 518. 
 
 Johnston, Captain, of Georgia, 214 
 
 Johnston, Capt. James, noticed, 85 
 86, 257, 577-78 
 Johnston, Gen. J, E., and Hon. 
 
 J. W., mentioned, . . 257 
 Johnston, Capt. Levi, mentioned, 483 
 Johnston, Judge Peter, mentioned, 257 
 
 586 
 Johnston, Col. Wm., mentioned, 5 
 Jones, Hon. Ham. C, cited, . 448 
 Jones, Col. John, mentioned, 78-81 
 
 83, 120 
 Judd, John and Rowland, men- 
 tioned, .... 249 
 Kelley, Rev. Dr. D. C, mentioned, 5 
 
 223 
 Kennedy, Hon. J. P., Horse-Shoe 
 
 Robinson, cited, . . . 126 
 
 Kennedy, Gen. Thomas, noticed, 148 
 
 149, 278-79, 473-74. 568, 572, 576 
 
 Kennedy, Wm., noticed, . 129-33 
 
 Kenton and his Adventures, work 
 
 on, designed 6 
 
 Kentucky, early exploration, 429-30 
 Kerr, Capt. James, mentioned, 106 
 
 113, 114 
 Kerr, Joseph, mentioned . 76 
 
 224-25, 299 
 Kettle Creek fight, referred to, 298 
 Keys, James, cited, . . 268 
 
 287, 288, 584, 591 
 Krlgore, Charles, wounded, . 304 
 Kincannon, Lieut. Andrew, no- 
 ticed, .... 286, 409 
 Kincannon, Dr. A. N., cited, 5, 287 
 King's American Regiment, . 237 
 King's Mountain Ballads, . 591-93 
 King's Mountain, origin of name, 209 ; 
 origin of expedition, 118, 149; gath- 
 ering of clans, 16S, 170-76, 191-94; 
 the march, 176; deserters, 177-78, 199 
 335. 537; crossing mountains, 178-80; 
 Cleveland and Winston, 180, 183 
 184-86; the council, 186-90; appeals 
 to the men, 195-96 ; Ferguson's re- 
 treat, 198-209 ; the Pinnacle, 206 ; 
 horsemen selected, 221-22, 537, 54S 
 
604 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 552, 255 ; reach Cowpens, 223-24 ; 
 Whig force, 214-15, 227; British 
 force, 237-38 ; traits of mountaineers, 
 3-4, 242-43 ; battle array, 243-48 
 Winston's detour, 245, 552-53 ; out- 
 posts attacked, 246-48; Ferguson's 
 whistle, 246, 254, 277, 291 ; Cleve- 
 land's speech, 248-49 ; Tories, char- 
 acter of, 238-42, 294; Allaire's 
 exploit, 249, 517 ; Campbell's good 
 conduct, 251, 255-57 ; Shelby's 
 heroism, 252 ; Ferguson's position, 
 252; Josiah Culbertson, 252-53; 
 Moses Shelby, 253 ; Ensign Camp- 
 bell, 252-54; Lacey's men, 254; 
 Captain Edmondson, 255-56; Reese 
 Bowen, 256-57 ; Robert Henry, 
 257-591 Twitty and Forney, 259; 
 Cleveland's men, 260 ; Lieut. John- 
 son, 260 ; Charles Gordon, 261 ; 
 David Witherspoon, 261 ; Cleve- 
 land's adventure, 261-63; McDow- 
 ell's men, 265, 554; Sevier's men, 
 266; Cleveland anecdote, 267; Camp- 
 bell's Bald Face, 267-68, 388-89; 
 fear of Tarleton, 266-67, 2S8, 290 
 316, 320, 322, 367-68; Williams' men, 
 268 ; Giles and Young, 269 ; death 
 of Williams, 270, 276-77, 284-85 ; 
 Hammond's charge, 271 ; premoni- 
 tion, 271-72; desperate charge, 
 272 Shelby's battle-cry, 272 ; Fer- 
 guson's desperation, 273-75, white 
 flags raised, 273, 276, 281 ; Fer- 
 guson attempts flight, 274-76 ; Fer- 
 guson's fall, 275-77, 280-81, 510; 
 Williams vs. Ferguson, 276-77 ; last 
 Whig charge, 277-78; British charges, 
 278- 79; enemy over-shot, 279, 531 ; 
 firing after surrender, 281-86 ; an 
 unhappy event, 284-85, 389-90 ; the 
 surrender, 286-S7 ; unfit battle- 
 ground, 289-90 ; Ferguson not killed 
 outright, 290-91 ; Ferguson's burial, 
 291-92; Ferguson's mistresses, 292 ; 
 speculations, 290; Whig endurance. 
 
 292-93; strength of Loyalists, 293-94; 
 surprise of British leaders, 294-95 ; 
 error of McKenzie, 295-96 ; length 
 of battle, 296-97 ; British strength 
 and losses, 297-301 ; exaggerations, 
 301; Whig losses, 302-307; no Whig 
 surgeons, 306 ; destitution, 307 
 souvenirs, 307-308 ; dying and dead, 
 308-309 ; Long Sam Abney, 310-12 ; 
 Drury Mathis, 313; Thos. MuUen- 
 eaux, 313-14; sharp-shooters, 314 
 Goforths and others, 314-15 ; Logan 
 brothers, 315 ; dyingTory, 316 ; Sab- 
 bath morning, 316; wagons burned, 
 horse-litters made, 316; Gray and 
 Tory friend, 316-17 ; Tories impress 
 Whigs, 310, 317 ; a termagant lib- 
 erated, 317 ; prisoners pack arms, 
 318-19 ; spoils of victory, 319; story 
 of Mrs. Henry, 319-20 ; return 
 march — burial, 320-22 ; Campbell's 
 order, 320 ; Williams' burial, 323-24 
 camp at Fondrin's, 323 ; footmen 
 rejoin the army, 323 ; escape of 
 prisoners, 325 ; cruelty to Tories, 
 326; Campbell's kindness, 326, 351 
 352, 512, 531-32; anecdote, 326-27 ; 
 tardy marching, 324, 327 ; destitution 
 of food, 327-28, 346-47 ; plundering 
 denounced, 329-30, 532 ; execution 
 of Tories, 330-45, 391, 510-11, 539-40 
 544, 545, 551 ; fear of Tarleton, 345- 
 46, 516, 518, 544-45; hard march, 
 345-46 ; Mrs. McDowell, 347-48 ; 
 Major McDowell, 347-48 ; care of 
 wounded, 328, 344, 349 ; further es- 
 cape of prisoners, 355-56, 359; dis- 
 position of prisoners, 350, 352 357-60; 
 Bob Powell, 351; British accounts, 
 510, 516-19; Tate's account, 520-21 
 Shelbys accounts, 524-26, 540-46 
 559-73 ; Wm. Campbell's account, 
 526; Ar. Campbell's account, 527-29; 
 unknown account 529-31; Graham's 
 account, 546-51 ; Lenoir's account, 
 551-54; Sharp's account, 554-58 
 
INDEX. 
 
 605 
 
 official report, 352 ; Campbell's 
 orders, 352, 531, 532 ; new troubles, 
 352-53 ; Green and Langum's es- 
 cape, 353-54; singular incident, 
 360-63 ; good words for victors, 
 374-76. 527. 532-33 ; disaster to 
 British, 376-77 ; presage of indepen- 
 dence, 377 ; last of Campbell's men , 
 405 ; last survivor, 259 ; famous vic- 
 tory, 3 ; monument, 4 ; celebration, 
 1815, 4, 322; celebration, 1855, 4, 
 256, 263 ; celebration, 18S0, 4. 
 King, Col. Richard, mentioned, 143 
 King, William, cited, . 287, 580 
 Kirkland, Col. Moses, mentioned, 143 
 
 294, 515 
 Knox, David, mentioned, . . (>1 
 Knoxville treaty, of 1791, . 415 
 Kusack, Adam, mentioned, . 373 
 Kusick, of Sevier's men, men- 
 tioned, . . . . 275 
 Lacey, Col. Wm., sketch of, 463-64 
 mentioned, 3, 166, 168, 192, 193 
 207, 214-15, 219-22, 243-44, 249-50 
 254, 278, 279, 349, 500, 520, 537, 538 
 La Fayette, Gen., services, 395-98 
 Lafferty, Lieutenant, Tory, . 340 
 Laird, James, mortally wounded, 304 
 Lane, Lieut. Isaac, mentioned, 424 
 Lang, John, cited, . . 326 
 Langum, Thomas, escapes, 353-54 
 Lankford, Thomas, mentioned, 215 
 Lasefield, Jo., a Tory, . . 458 
 Lee, Col. Henry, cited, . 252 
 287, 296, 360, 374, 393, 394, 395, 533 
 Lee, Major, Tory, mentioned, 154 
 155, 294, 483 
 Lee, Gen, R. E., cited, . 360 
 Ledbetter, Capt. George, 359, 475-76 
 Legare, Mrs. Thos., mentioned, 39-40 
 Lenoir, Gen. Wm., sketch of, 459 
 noticed, 149, 211, 221, 228,234,261 
 265, 266, 397, 304. 319. 324. 334. 
 
 389- 
 Lenoir, Capt. Wm. W., noticed, 5 
 
 334. 340. 433. 442. 448, 450. 551-54- 
 
 Lewis, Gen. Andrew, mentioned, 380 
 
 382 
 Lewis. Lieut. James M., noticed, 261 
 304, 457-58. 588 
 Lewis, Capt. Joel, noticed, . 247 
 260, 261, 304, 457-58, 461, 5S8 
 Lewis, Maj. Micajah, noticed, 247 
 
 261, 304, 388,389, 456-58, 58S 
 Lewis, Col. Walter, cited, . 402 
 Lillington, Gen. Alexander, men- 
 tioned, . . . 41, 476 
 Lincoln, Gen. Ben., mentioned, 21-41 
 Lindsay, James, mentioned, . 312 
 Linville, Wm., mentioned, . 183-S4 
 Linville River, origin of name 183 
 Little Egg Harbor Expedition, 55-61 
 Logan, the Mingo Chief, . 391 
 Logan, Dr. John H., cited, . 5 
 102, 122, 126, 128, 214, 277, 292, 313 
 314, 322, 591. 
 Logan, Col. J. R., cited, . . 5 
 194, 202, 203, 233, 234, 267, 290, 292 
 
 313. 315. 322. 323. 324. 343.~ 354- 
 Logan, Joseph, John and Thos. 315 
 Logan, Wm., noticed, 233, 290, 315 
 Long, Col. A. B., cited, 149, 199, 265 
 Long, John, cited, . 282, 578 
 
 Long, Robert, mentioned, . 591 
 Lossing's Field Book, cited . 39 
 
 61, 102, 122, 157,289, 352, 375, 293 
 
 473- 
 Love, Col. Robert, cited, . 388 
 
 Love, Gen. Thomas, cited, 352, 473 
 Lowry, W. G. G., cited, . 5, 305 
 Lyles, Col. James, mentioned, 75, 504 
 Lyon, Humberson, killed, . 304 
 Lytle, Capt. Thomas, mentioned, 150 
 
 151. 153 
 Lytle, Mrs. Thomas, story of, 151-53 
 Mahoney, Michael, killed, . 303 
 Marion, Gen. Francis, mentioned, 
 
 41, 45, 47. 143. 189 
 
 Martin, Daniel D., cited, . 343 
 
 Martin, Col. John, noticed, 215-16 
 
 Martin, Gen. Joseph, mentioned, 170 
 
 39°. 415. 421. 420 
 
606 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Martin, Capt. Samuel, noticed, 86 
 
 257. 303. 478 
 
 Martin, Col. \Vm., cited, . 5 
 
 189, 389. 390 
 
 Mathis, Drury, mentioned, . 313 
 
 Mattocks, Capt. John, killed, 031 
 
 257, 322, 479 
 
 Maxwell, Col. George, noticed, 418 
 
 Maxwell, Thomas, mentioned, 268 
 
 2S8, 334, 589-90 
 
 Mayson, Col. Jas., mentioned, 47, 515 
 
 McBee, Silas, cited, . . 4 
 
 88, 224, 22S, 229, 230, 275, 279, 307 
 
 320, 323, 324, 332, 333, 340. 
 
 McCafferty, Wm., mentioned, 368-69 
 
 McCall, Maj. James, mentioned, 85 
 
 104, 119, 162-64 
 
 McCall, Wm. A., cited, . . 5 
 
 178, 179, 180, 183, 184, 210, 234 
 
 McCuUoch, John, cited, . 570 
 
 582, 583, 584 
 
 McCuUoch, Lieut. Thomas, noticed, 
 
 304, 406 
 McDowell, Col. Chas. mentioned, 
 ^6, 78, 80-84, 86-88, 89-102, 103-22 
 136, 141-42, 143, 144, 168, 170, 172 
 173. 147-48, 150. 153. 180, 183, 184 
 186-89, '94, 204, 413. 471. 473. 508 
 511, 520-65. 
 McDowell, Mrs. Ellen, mentioned, 306 
 ;\IcDowell, Harvey H., Sr., cited, 473 
 McDowell, Col. H. H., mentioned, 5 
 McDowell, Hunting John, men- 
 tioned, . . 150, 471, 473 
 McDowell, Gen. Joseph, shetch of, 
 471-73 ; of Quaker Meadows, 3, 80 
 92, 104, 119, 148, 150, 169, 184, 185 
 189, 195-96, 198, 203, 211, 214-15, 
 224, 226, 228, 232, 265, 278, 333, 334, 
 J46, 347-48, 349, 471-73. 546, 520-65. 
 McDowell, Capt. Joseph, of Pleas- 
 ant Garden, . . 307, 472-73 
 McDowell, Hon. Joseph J., cited, 
 
 5. 473 
 McDowell, Margaret men- 
 tioned, . . 347-48, 472-473 
 
 McDowell, Miss N. M., cited, . 5 
 
 161, 307 
 
 McDowell, Col. Silas, cited, . 5 
 
 151, 153, 156, 160 
 
 McElhaney, Wm., mentioned, 137 
 
 McFadden, Alexander, cited, . 88 
 
 100, 102 
 McFall, Arthur, mentioned, . 183 
 
 210, 334 
 McFall, John, mentioned, 333-34. 34° 
 McGinnis, Lieut. John, mentioned, 255 
 300, 481, 510, 518 
 Mcintosh, Gen. Lachlan, men- 
 tioned, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 32, 40, 402 
 412. 
 Mcjunkin, Mrs. Jane, adventure, 87 
 Mcjunkin, Maj. Joseph, mentioned, 74 
 75, 104, 119, 122, 129, 131, 143 
 McLean, Mrs. Clara Dargan, men- 
 tioned 4 
 
 McLean, Dr. Wm., mentioned, 322 
 Means, Gen. J. K., cited, . 128 
 Mecklenburg- and its Actors, work 
 
 on, designed, .... 6 
 Meredith, Capt. Wm., noticed, 460 
 Miles, Maj. Charles, mentioned, 166 
 Military operations exaggerated, 301 
 Miller, Andrew, captured, 204, 206 
 Miller, James, mentioned, . 154 
 Miller, Capt. James, noticed, 475-76 
 Miller, Hon. J. W. T., cited, . 5 
 146, 203, 292, 313 
 Miller, Robert, wounded, . 302 
 Mills, Col. Ambrose, sketch of, 481-82 
 noticed, 80, 142, 293, 332, 335, 340 
 
 345,373, 511. 516. 518. 
 Mills, Maj. William, noticed, . 482 
 Mills, Col. Wm. Henry, noticed, 373 
 Mobley's settlement, mentioned, 43 
 
 504 
 Mofifett, Capt. George, mentioned, 454 
 
 472 
 Moffett, Col. John, noticed, . 4^5 
 Monk's Corner, affair, 25, 63-66,490-91 
 Moore, George H., LL.D., cited 5, 211 
 Moore, Col. James, mentioned, 433 
 
INDEX. 
 
 607 
 
 Moore, Col. John, loyalist, . 77 
 78, 182, 290, 293-94, 298-99, 360 
 474- 
 
 Moore, Dr. M. A., cited, . . 5 
 128, 213, 219, 249-50, 255, 268, 308 
 313- 
 
 Moore, Capt. Patrick, loyalist, 85-87, 
 210, 298, 502 
 
 Moore, Capt. Sam., mentioned. in 
 
 Moore. Samuel, of York 
 
 Co., S. C 273 
 
 Moore, Wm., noticed, . . 268 
 284, 304-305, S90 
 
 Morgan, Gen. Daniel, mentioned, 185 
 189, 286, 395, 521, 536, 542, 546 
 
 Morganton, N. C, named, . 185 
 
 Mullineaux, Thomas, men- 
 tioned 313-14 
 
 Murphy, Patrick, wounded, . 303 
 
 Musgrove, Beaks, noticed, 124-25 
 
 Musgrove, Maj. Edward, noticed, 123 
 
 125-26 
 
 Musgrove, Mary and Susan, no- 
 ticed, .... 124-26 
 
 Musgrove's Mill, affair, . 104-22 
 
 504-5 
 
 Musick, Lewis, mentioned, 204, 206 
 
 Myddelton, Col.C. S., mentioned, 168 
 
 "Narrator," cited, . . 558-59 
 
 573. 574. 575. 583 
 Neal, Capt. Wm., mentioned, 222 
 
 405, 555. 557 
 Negroes join the British, . 42 
 
 Negroes seized and sold. . 43 
 
 Negroes at King's Mountain, 267 
 
 Nelson, Anson, mentioned, . 5 
 Nelson, Gen. Thomas, mentioned, 386 
 Newell, Col. Samuel, noticed, 248 
 
 250, 251, 268, 278, 304, 349, 387, 408 
 409, 587, 588-89. 
 Newland, Dr. J. C, cited, 5, 179 
 
 New Jersey Volunteers, men- 
 tioned, . . . 237, 481 
 New York Volunteers, . . 479 
 484, 487. 493. 500. 504 
 Neville, Jesse, cited, . . 83 
 
 ' Nichols, Capt. Bill, Tory . 446 
 Ninety Six, Fort, mentioned, 213 
 
 Ninham, Stockbridge Chief, 158, 159 
 Norris, Jacob, cited, . 268, 591 
 North Carohna, in Revolution, 338 
 
 371.374 
 Oates, Capt. Edward, loyalist, 340 
 Old Fields, noticed, . . 437-41 
 Old Fort, mentioned, . . 151 
 Old Iron Works, WofTord's, 85, 90 
 
 Paine, Thomas, cited, . . 294 
 Parsons, Mrs. Lewis E., cited, 5, 348 
 Patterson, Arthur, Sr., killed, 302 
 
 312-13 
 Patterson, Arthur, Jr., mentioned, 312 
 
 343 
 Patterson, Thomas and Wm., 
 
 mentioned, . . . 312, 343 
 Patterson, Arthur, cited, . . 290 
 
 Patterson, E. A., cited, . . 343 
 Patton, Capt. Matthew, cited, 182 
 
 Patton, Robert, mentioned, . 150 
 Pearce, James, cited, . 268, 591 
 Pearis, Capt. Richard, mentioned, 72 
 Pearson, Mrs. R. M., cited, 5, 307 
 
 Pemberton, Capt. John, men- 
 tioned, . 418, 570, 579, 580 
 Percy, Rev. Dr., mentioned, 39, 40 
 Perdita, mentioned, . . 71 
 Perry, Ex-Gov. B. F., cited, . 5 
 83, 102, 139, 452 
 Peters, John, cited, . 570, 580 
 Phillips, James, killed, . . 304 
 Phillips, Lieut.-Col. John, loyalist, 143 
 
 294 
 PhiUips, Samuel, mentioned, 169 
 
 Phillips, Joseph, cited, . . 268 
 320, 587, 591 
 Pickens, Gen. Andrew, mentioned, 43 
 47,72, 162, 163, 164, 298, 452, 473 
 Pickens and the Battle of Cow- 
 pens, work on, designed, . 6 
 Pilot Mountain, mentioned, . 198 
 Plummer, Maj. Daniel, loyalist, 143 
 154. 155. 276, 294,483, 500 
 Polk, Col. Wm., mentioned, 479 
 
60S 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ponder, John, mentioned, . 233 
 Pool, J. T., mentioned, . . 5 
 Porter, Maj. James, noticed, 302, 475 
 Porter, Robert, mentioned, . 475 
 Porter, \Vm., mentione'd, 354, 475 
 
 Porterfield, Lieut.-Col. Charles, 
 
 mentioned, . . . 41 
 
 Postell, Maj. John, mentioned, 47 
 
 Potts, Capt. John, killed, 97, 503 
 
 Powell, Bob, Tory desperado, 351 
 
 Powell, Elias, noticed, . 291, 308 
 Preston, Gen. Francis, cited, 583, 585 
 Preston, Gen. John S., cited, . 4 
 5, 256, 263, 326, 328, 330 352, 398 
 Preston, Col. Thos. L., cited, 5, 398 
 Preston, Hon. Wm.C, cited, . 5 
 
 ^75. 393. 395. 398. 559. 560-73 
 582-83. 
 
 Preston, Col. Wm. mentioned, 735 
 358, 381, 392, 412, 575 
 
 Price, Capt. Thomas, mentioned, A24 
 
 Prince's Fort, mentioned, . 80-83 
 
 l2'o, 501 
 
 Prince of Wales, American Vol- 
 unteers, . . . 496, 497 
 
 Prisoners, King's Mountain, . 350 
 
 352, 357-60 
 
 Purvis, Maj. John, mentioned, 47 
 
 Quakers generally Tories, . 239 
 
 Quaker Meadows, 180, 183-84, 347-48 
 
 Queen's Rangers, . 156-58,164,237 
 
 Quinn, Peter, mentioned, . 202 
 
 224, 363-64, 548 
 
 Rabb, Wm., killed, . 302, 322 
 
 Ramsey, Dr. J. G. M., cited, . 5 
 
 88, 89, 102, 120, 122, 144, 170, 174 
 
 176, 177, 178, 179, 189, 199, 204, 223 
 
 227, 255, 256, 273, 275, 277, 286, 289 
 
 316, 319, 332, 334, 340, 352, 473. 
 
 Ramsour's Mill fight, 298, 435, 499 
 
 Rawdon, Lord, mentioned, . 141 
 
 295, 299, 346, 373, 376 
 
 Read, Nathan, a Tory, . . 388 
 
 Rector, Mrs. Sallie, mentioned, 5 
 
 Redd, Maj. John, cited, . . 427 
 
 Reep, Adam, mentioned, . 146 
 
 Reeves and Goss, Tories, . 444 
 Reinhardt, W. M., cited, . 5, 147 
 Retaliation threatened by Corn- 
 
 wallis, .... 371-74 
 Revolutionary War, causes, . 17 
 Revolutionary War, progress, 17-20 
 Revolutionary, War, sanguinary 
 
 character, 123, 138-39, 140-41, 200 
 Reynolds, Lieut. Elisha, noticed, 462 
 Reynolds, James, E., mentioned 5 
 Rice, Edward, mentioned. . 429 
 Riddle, Col. James, a Tory, men- 
 tioned, .... 437 
 Riddle, Capt. Wm., a Tory, no- 
 ticed, . . 437-44, 446, 461 
 Poach, Mrs. Edward, cited, 5, 131 
 Roberts, Colonel, Tory, . 433 
 Roberts, John H., cited, . 298 
 Roberts, Mrs. Margaret, cited, 323 
 Robertson, Maj. Charles, noticed, 84 
 87, 97, 118, 119, 421, 503 
 Robertson, Thomas, adventure, 265 
 Robertson, Wm., wounded, . 265 
 266, 302, 554 
 Robinson, J. DeLancey, cited, 5, 299 
 Robinson, Maj. Joseph, loyalist, 72 
 Robinson, Lieut. Wm. noticed, 424 
 Rockwell, Rev. E. F., cited, . 5 
 
 139. 315 
 Rocky Mount attacked, 141, 502 
 
 Roebuck, Col. Benj., noticed, 193 
 
 269, 470 
 Ross, Captain, rescued, 437, 443 
 
 Ross, Dr. George, mentioned, 117, 503 
 Rusk, Gen. Thos. J., mentioned, 453 
 Russell, Lieut. George, mentioned, 424 
 Russell, Gen. Wm. Sr., mentioned, 398 
 Russell, Col. Wm. Jr., noticed, 287 
 406-7, 587-88 
 Rutherford, Gen. Griffith, men- 
 tioned, . . . 216, 433-34 
 Rutherford, Henry, cited, . 473 
 Rutherford, Maj. James, men- 
 tioned, . . ■ • 503 
 Rutledge, Gen. George, cited, 283 
 287, 418, 584 
 
INDEX. 
 
 609 
 
 Rutledge, Gov. John, mentioned, 21 
 14. 30.41. 114. 122, 165 166, 168 
 336. 338. 
 
 Ryerson, Capt. Sam., sketch of, 479-80 
 mentioned, 280, 281, 286-87, 297 
 300, 321, 360, 492, 507, 509, 510 
 
 517. 519- 
 Saunders, Tory, of Cowpens, 223-24 
 Savannah, Americans repulsed, 19, 21 
 Sawyers, Cpl. John, noticed, 286 
 
 418, 569, 576-77 
 Sage, Rev. James H., cited, . 5 
 
 75. 76. n, 82, 87, 88, 95, 96, loi, 102 
 
 115, 122, 239-42, 270, 293, 360-63. 
 Scotch Tories of Cross Creek, 432-33 
 Scott, Lieut.-Col. Wm., noticed, 34, 494 
 Sevier, Col. G. W., cited, . . 5 
 267, 27s, 282, 335 
 Sevier, Maj. James, cited, . 4 
 
 122, 159, 162, 174, 211, 221, 276, 279 
 
 303. 335. 414- 
 
 Sevier, Col. John, sketch of, 418-22 ; 
 
 noticed, 84, 144, 170,413-14, 520-92 ; 
 
 King's Mountain, 3, 170-76, 214-15 
 
 243-44, 266, 279, 280, 282, 286, 335 ; 
 
 421, 520-92; letters to Shelby, 568 
 
 575-76; Cherokee expeditions, 390 
 
 241-22 ; Lecture on, cited, 326. 
 
 Sevier, Joseph, mentioned, . 282 
 
 Sevier, Capt. Robert, noticed, 170 
 
 266, 182, 303, 423 
 
 Sevier, Col. Val., noticed, 104,423 
 
 Shannon, Capt. Rob't, mentioned, 306 
 
 Sharp, Maj. Ben., cited, . . 4 
 
 229, 232, 246, 248, 262, 274, 278 
 
 282, 308, 322, 323, 324, 334, 343, 
 
 345, 347, 473 ; King's Mountain 
 
 statements, 554-58, 587- 
 
 Sharp, John, cited, . . 579 
 
 Sharp, Wm. noticed, 129-31, 133, 269 
 
 Shelby, Gen. Evan, Sr., 188, 411, 419 
 
 Shelby, Maj. Evan, Jr., noticed, 281 
 
 286, 416-17, 566, 569, 570, 577, 579, 
 
 580,581, 590. 
 
 Shelby, Col. Isaac, sketch of, 411-16; 
 
 Thicketty Fort, 84, 87-89, 413; Cedar 
 
 Spring, 89-102, 120, 238, 413, 503 
 506 ; Musgrove's Mill, 103-122, 413 
 504-506; mentioned, 118, 141, 142 
 143, 144, 149,. 511; King's 
 Mountain, 3, 168, 17096, 204, 214-15 
 243-48, 252, 253, 272, 275, 277-78 
 280-83, 286, 291, 304, 307-8, 330-45 
 352, 413, 520-92 ; King's Mountain 
 statements, 524-28, 540-46, 559-73; 
 cited, 88, 98, 99, 102, 114, 120, 121 
 
 122, 169, 178, 188, 189, 194, 210, 211 
 
 215, 223, 227, 228, 235, 251, 252, 274 
 280, 281, 282, 316, 317, 318, 319, 327 
 
 339. 342, 344, 346. 347. 414, 473- 
 Shelby, Capt. Moses noticed, 171; 
 
 253. 304. 417. 569. 577. 578, 580, 583 
 
 589. 
 Shelby, Maj. Thomas H., cited, 5 
 
 122, 253, 275, 291 
 Sheppard, Col. Wm., noticed, " 446 
 Shipp, Thomas, cited, . . 215 
 Sigman, Capt. John, mentioned, 474 
 Simcoe, Col. J. G., cited, 157, 158 
 
 Simms, Wm. Gilmore, cited, , 26 
 34, 37, 62, 102, 131, 277, 593 
 Singleton, Col. Rich'd, noticed, 81, 475 
 Siske, Daniel, killed, . 261, 304 
 Skeggs, John, wounded, . 304 
 
 Smart, John, Sr., killed, . . 302 
 Smart, John, Jr., noticed, . 302 
 
 Smith, Maj. Burwell, killed, . 96 
 
 97 503. 
 
 Smith, D. M., cited, . . 198 
 
 Smith, Edward, mentioned, 318,588 
 
 Smith, Linnaeus, cited, . . 358 
 
 Smith, Capt. Minor, noticed, . 261 
 
 304, 460, 588 
 
 Smith, Capt. Wm., noticed, . 87 
 
 99, 100, loi, 102 
 
 Smith, Wm., of Tenn., cited, 88 
 
 93, 100, 102, 108 
 
 Smythe, Gen., Alex., cited, 299, 342 
 
 Snodgrass, Maj. James, cited, . 4 
 
 268, 287, 584, 588 
 
 Snodgrass, Wm., cited, . . 318, 
 
 320, 322, 324, 588 
 
610 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 South Carolina, Revolutionary events, 
 Attack on Charleston in 1776, 20 ; 
 troops at Savannah, 21 ; Provost's 
 invasion, 1779, 49' \ British inva- 
 sion, 1780, 20, 47, 484-86; Buford's 
 defeat, 41, 45, 46, 139, 282, 496-97 ; 
 Ramsour's affair, 298 ; Huck's de- 
 feat, 500 ; Cedar Spring, first attack, 
 73-75. 79. 80, 83, 99, 101, 120; 
 Earle's Ford, 80-83, 120, 501 ; Cedar 
 Spring, second affair, 89-102, 120 
 238, 503; Rocky Mount, 141, 502; 
 Thicketty Fort, 84, 86-89, 502; Hang- 
 ing Rock, 141, 503; Carey's Fort, 
 141 ; Gate's defeat, 141, 504; Mus- 
 grove's Mill, 103-122, 504, 505 ; 
 Sumter's surprise, 116, 141, 504, 505; 
 King's Mountain, 168-352, 510; 
 Cornwallis' retreat, 363-71 ; Fish 
 Dam Ford, 464; Blackstock's, 74, 
 102, 468, 515; Hammond's Store, 
 298 ; Cowpens, 285-86, 529, 547 ; 
 Sumter's Rounds, 465 ; Dunlap's 
 defeat, 162-64; Biggin and Quinby, 
 464 ; Eutaw, 402 ; Fairlawn captured, 
 413-14; Incident, 416-17. 
 Sparks, Jared, cited, . . . 141 
 Spelts, John, cited, ... 4 
 184, 189, 190, 196, 211, 221, 227, 284 
 291. 307. 308, 320, 328, 340, 342, 351 
 388, 473- 
 Spencer, Samuel, mentioned, . 338 
 Starritt, Benjamin, cited, . 267 
 276, 325, 328, 334, 335, 342, 393 
 Stedman, mentioned, . . 137,215 
 Steele, Wm., killed, . . 303 
 Steen, Col. James, noticed, . . 104 
 no, 119, 469-70 
 Stevenson, Lieut. Wm. Loyalist, 200 
 355-56, 480, 513, 519 
 Stinson, Capt. James, mentioned, 424 
 Stringer, Reuben, mentioned, 430-32 
 Sullivan, Gen. John, mentioned, 20 
 Sumter, Henry, mentioned, . 185 
 Sumter, Gen. Thomas, mentioned, 41 [ 
 43, 45, 47; Huck's defeat, 500; | 
 
 joined by Clarke, 85 ; detaches 
 Clarke, 87; Rocky Mount, 141, 502 
 504; Hanging Rock, 141, 503 ; re- 
 appears at Rocky Mount, 504 ; sur- 
 prised, 3, 116, 141, 439, 504, 505; 
 mentioned, 136, 137, 143, 189, 254; 
 Williams' scheme, 165-68, 192, 221 ; 
 Blackstock's — Mrs. Dillard, 74, 102 
 468, 515; the Rounds, 465. 
 
 Sumter and his Men, work on, 
 designed, .... 6 
 
 Swain, Hon. D. L., cited, . 198 
 
 Tarleton, Col. Banastre, mentioned, 41 
 45. 46. 64. 139. 282, 487, 494, 496-97 
 505, 516, 518, 544-45 ; a sensualist, 
 67.71.330; attempted relief of Fer- 
 guson, 363-64, 367-68 ; hangs a 
 Whig, 373; cited, 34, 38, 39, 63, 65. 
 67, 69, 139 141, 208, 213, 237, 281 
 291, 296, 299, 320, 321, 365, 369, 393 
 
 Tate, Maj. George, noticed, . 214 
 215, 296, 465, 520, 521 
 
 Tate, Col. S. McDowell, cited, . 5 
 
 149. 179 
 Taylor, Capt. Christopher, noticed, 178 
 
 284, 423-24. 572. 581 
 Taylor, Lieut. John, noticed, . 76 
 
 276, 300,355-56,480, 510, 513, 519 
 Taylor, Col. Thomas, mentioned, 168 
 Tecumseh, the Shawance Leader, 
 
 work on, designed, . . 6 
 
 Thicketty Fort, taken, 84, 86-89, 99, 502 
 Thomas, Mrs. Jane, heroism, 73, 74 
 Thomas, Col. John, Sr., mentioned, 47 
 73, 127, 128, 136 
 Thomas, Col. John, Jr;, mentioned, 
 
 73-75. 79. 80, 83, 99, loi, 143, 168 
 Thomson, Peter G., mentioned, . { 
 Thompson, Absolom, cited, . 164 
 Thompson, Capt. James, cited, 83, 473 
 Thompson, Capt. John, mentioned, 468 
 Thompson, Richard, cited, . 115 
 Tinsley, Golding, noticed, 110,111 
 Tipton, Maj. Jonathan, noticed, 423 
 Toms, Mrs. Jane, cited, . . 206 
 Toney, Berry, mentioned, . . 441 
 
INDEX. 
 
 611 
 
 Tories, adventures with, Johnston's, 
 85, 86; Jane Mcjunkin's, 86, 87; 
 Nancy Jackson's, 87 ; Paddy Carr's, 
 124-25 ; Clowney's, 156-28 ; Ken- 
 nedy's, 129-32 ; Hughes', 132-33 ; 
 Sharp's, 133; Woods', 133-34; Cul- 
 bertson's, 136-38 ; Graham and 
 Twitty's, 145-46 ; Reep's, 146 ; Gil- 
 mer's, 225-26, 228-31 ; Carr, the Tory 
 killer, 341; singular incident, 360-63; 
 classified, 338-42 ; Paine's view, 294; 
 some neutrals, 365-67 ; hung at 
 King's Mountain, 330-45, 391 ; re- 
 taliation threatened 371-74; ill us- 
 age of, by British, 370-71 ; sanguin- 
 ary warfare, 123, 138-39, 140-41,200 
 Tory or Loyalist leaders — see Bald- 
 win, Bates, Bibby, Biggerstaff, Boyd, 
 Branson, Brown, Browne, Chit- 
 wood, Clary, Coyle, or Cowles, 
 Robert and William Cunningham, 
 Fanning, Fletchall, Eraser, Gibbs, 
 Gilkey, Gist, Grimes, Gunn, Hamil- 
 ton, Harrison, Hawsey, Hill, Hobbs, 
 Hopkins, Horton, Innes, Lasefield, 
 Lee, McFall, Mills, Moore, Nichols, 
 Gates, Pearis, Plummer, Riddle, 
 Roberts, Townsend, Waters, Wells, 
 Wilson, and Wright. 
 Townsend, Captain, a Tory, 483, 514 
 Trigg, Mrs. Mary A., mentioned, 5 
 Tuckasegie Ford, mentioned, 192 
 
 Turner, Lieut.-Col. W. T., men- 
 tioned, . . . 143, 294 
 Turmbull, Col. George, men- 
 tioned, 141,373,484,502,503,504 
 Twiggs, Col. John, mentioned, 341 
 Twitchell, A. H., cited, 5, 95, 97, 102 
 Twitty, Anthony, incident, 204-206 
 Twitty's Ford, mentioned, . 203 
 Twitty, Sam, cited, . . 203 
 Twitty, Susan, heroism, . 145-46 
 Twitty, Dr. T. B., cited, . 5 
 146, 149, 161, 203, 206, 222 
 Twitty, William, noticed, 145-46, 259 
 Twitty, Wm. L., cited, . . 5 
 
 146, 149, 161, 194, 198, 199, 203, 206 
 259, 265, 266, 302, 314, 317, 333, 340 
 
 345. 354- 
 Vance, Capt. David, sketch of, 474 
 cited, 104, 119, 150, 198, 203, 211 
 214, 224, 226, 228, 232, 252, 473. 
 Vance, Maj. I. K., cited, . 69 
 
 Vance, Thomas D., cited, . 5, 179 
 Verner, Major, killed, 65-66, 490-91 
 Walker, Felix, mentioned, , 326 
 Walker, Col. John, noticed, 325-26 
 
 507 
 Walker, N. F., cited, 5, 93, 100, 102 
 Walker, Samuel R., cited, . 326 
 Walker, Dr. Thomas, mentioned, 379 
 
 380 
 Walker, Wm. cited, . . 149 
 Wallace, A. D. K., cited, 5, 149, 203 
 Wallace, Hon. Daniel, cited, 131 
 132, 133, 269, 286 
 Walters, Abagail, mentioned, /) /]/) 
 Walters, a Whig youth, . 440 
 Warfield, Mrs. Elizabeth W., men- 
 tioned 5 
 
 Washington, Gen. George, men- 
 tioned, . 22, 27, 51-55, 374, 527 
 Washington, James H. R., cited, 271 
 Washington, Mrs. J. H. R., cited, 271 
 Washington, Col. Wm., men- 
 tioned, . 41, 63, 286, 298, 490 
 Watauga Fort attacked, . 420 
 
 Waters, Capt. a Tory, . . 298 
 Waters, Margaret Musgrove, 
 
 cited, 126 
 
 Waters, Capt. P. M., cited, . 126 
 Watkins, John F., mentioned, 5 
 Watson, Maj. Patrick, noticed, 476 
 Watson, Wm., cited, . . 198 
 Watson, Wm., killed, . . 302 
 Watts, Col. James W., cited, . 69 
 Wayne, Gen. Anthony, men- 
 tioned 396 
 
 Webb, Maj. T. S. cited, . . 179 
 Webster, Col. James, mentioned, 66 
 Weir, Capt. John, noticed, . 306 
 Weir, Col. Samuel, noticed, . 424 
 
612 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wells, A. J., cited, . . 94, 134 
 Wells, Zach, mentioned, . 439 
 440, 443, 445-46. 
 Wemyss, Col. James, mentioned, 373 
 Western Monthly Magazine, cited, 88 
 
 122 
 
 Wetzel, Lewis, mentioned, . 50 
 
 Wheeler, Col. J. H., cited, . . 5 
 
 76, 102, 188, 203, 204, 228, 265, 266 
 
 268, 275, 436, 359, 473, 551. 
 
 Whelchel, Dr. John, cited, . 182 
 
 192, 277, 2go 
 
 White, Col. A. W., mentioned, . 41 
 
 White, Ben, mentioned, . 268, 590 
 
 White, Hon. Hugh L., mentioned, 5 
 
 422 
 White, Capt. Isaac, and Lieut. 
 
 James, noticed, 478 
 
 White, Capt. Joseph, mentioned, 149 
 199, 257, 474 
 White, Sprague, mentioned, . 5 
 White, Wm., cited, . 290, 349 
 
 Whitford, alias Rousselet, Capt. 
 
 J. R. cited, ... 77, 393 
 Whitson, J. C, cited, . . 5, 184 
 Whitson, Mrs. R. C, mentioned, 5 
 Whitzell's Mills, affair, . 391-93 
 Wiley, C. H., cited, . . 179 
 
 Wilfong,'Maj. Geo., mentioned, 436-37 
 Wilkinson's Memoirs, cited, . 314 
 Williams, Fort, mentioned, 69, 515 
 Williams, Col. James, sketch of, 465-67, 
 mentioned, 43, 69 ; Musgrove's 
 Mill, 104-122 ; mentioned, 141 
 143, 144, 165-68, 191, 192, 214-15 
 217-18, 221, 226, 234, 500, 520-92; 
 letter to Gates, 520 ; King's Moun- 
 tain, 3, 243-44, 268, 270, 276, 277 
 278, 279, 284-85, 297, 299, 307 
 323-24 ; his sons killed, 468. 
 WiUiams, Col. Joseph, noticed, 216, 433 
 Williams, Col. O. H., mentioned 392 
 Williams, Capt. Samuel, men- 
 tioned, . . . 424,' 581 
 Williamson, Gen. Andrew, men- 
 tioned, . 40, 43, 47, 72, 463 
 
 Willoughby, Mathew, cited, . 583 
 Willoughby, Lieut. Wm., cited, 581 
 Wilson, Captain, Loyalist, 340 
 
 511, 516, 518 
 Wilson, Col. George, cited, . 5 
 95, 102, 122, 230, 232, 247, 275, 414 
 Winchester, Gen. James, cited, 583 
 Winn, Col. Richard, mentioned, 168 
 
 504 
 Winsmith, Hon. John, cited, 76, 
 
 100, 102 
 
 Winston, Maj. Joseph, sketch of, 
 
 454-56; mentioned, 3, 119, 183, 184 
 
 214-15, 234, 245, 279, 349, 413, 434 
 
 523. 547, 549. 550. 552-53. 554- 
 Winterbotham's America, cited, 380 
 Wisconsin Historical Society, men- 
 tioned, .... 4 
 Witherspoon, David, noticed, 261 
 308, 444, 461 
 Witherspoon, Col. J. H., cited, 5 
 
 261, 308 
 
 Witherspoon, John, noticed, . 444 
 
 461,586-87 
 
 Withrow, Capt. James, noticed, 199 
 
 266, 475 
 Wofford, Capt. Joseph, mentioned, 99 
 Wofford, Col. Wm., noticed, 181-83 
 Wofford, Gen. W. S., mentioned, 5 
 Wood, Col. James, mentioned, 379 
 Wood, Capt. Samuel, noticed, 474 
 Woodfin, Miss Anna M., cited, 5, 307 
 Woodfin, Hon. N. W., cited, . 473 
 Woodford, Gen. Wm., mentioned, 
 
 23, 28, 40 
 Woods, killed by Tories, . 133-34 
 Worth, John L., cited, . . 5, 287 
 Wright, Gideon and Hezekiah, 
 
 mentioned, . . . 433 
 Wright, Maj. James, Georgia 
 
 Tory, .... 486 
 
 Yates, Jesse, mentioned, . . 5 
 
 Young, Robert, shoots Ferguson, 275 
 
 Young, Maj. Thomas, cited, . 129 
 
 222, 246, 269-70, 277, 293, 308, 328 
 
 342.