BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Henrg W. Sage 1S9X AJm^3 ^/s/MK Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924098487394 THE LOGICAL PROCESS OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT A Theoretical Foundation for Educational Policy from the Standpoint of Sociology BJf JOHN FRANKLIN CROWELL, Ph.D., L.H.D. Sometime Larned Scholar in Philosophy^ Yale University Sofnetinte University Fellow in Sociology^ Columbia University Late President of Trinity College^ North Carolina NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1898 Copyright, iSgS^ BY HENRY HOLT & CO. EOBKRT DRHMMOND, PRIMTKH, NEW YORK. PREFACE. The social process in its logical character is here regarded as the process of the selective survival of types of personality. This process of course takes place under the natural conditions of personal asso- ciation and through the historical tendencies of the social organization. The development of the so- cial population is thus systematically realized by man's membership in typical groups capable of being coordinated in the common pursuit of a more or less conscious social policy. Social policy requires us to recognize two pri- mary factors — the natural conditions and the his- torical conceptions by which aggregates of men in organized association are influenced. The purpose here is to study the conceptual life of social aggre- gates as historically organized in order to arrive at some statement of the logical modes and the forms of their reckoning as communities and peoples. The study of the logical process by which social aggregates are guided in their development at once raises the following questions: I. Is there any class of conceptions by which a IV PREFACE. community conscious of its conditions, its func- tions, its character and aims really reasons out the process of its development ? 2. If there are such conceptions, on what condi- tions natural to human association and in what forms known to human thought may these con- ceptions be regarded as the working standards of the social process ? 3. And if these conditions and operative norms of personal association are determinable, by what axiomatic sequences or scale of convictions known to human history must we conceive of the social population as attaining to the successive stages of its development ? 4. And if such developmental axioms are histor- ically definable, on the assumption of what socio- logical hypothesis can these differentiating axioms and those integrating conditions of natural associa- tion be coordinated so as to give us the funda- mental law of the process of social development ? 5. And, finally, if such a law can be inferred from social phenomena, by what sociological methods must we proceed in order to give to this conclusion the warrant of scientific demonstration and at the same time lay the foundation for a social policy whose complemental aspects are the employment and education of the individual through associa- tion into the solidarity of the ideal ? These questions indicate the attitude entertained for a decade toward sociology in the hope of find- ing there a more satisfactory basis of educational policy. Neither the Positivist idea of humanity as PMFACS.. V the universal aim of education nor the Herbartian conception of the ideal personality as the norm of educational effort seemed to me to have mastered the facts which sociology has been forcing upon our attention. Particularly were they defective in not recognizing sufficiently what sociology had suggested but did not develop, namely, the fact of the self-conscious community and its selective function in fashioning personality in accordance with its own typical standards. On this account it seemed to me that the whole superstructure of educational organization was built too largely with- out foundation in associative reality. To what that is fundamental and ultimate in social thought do the facts lead back ? To what line of policy would we naturally and historically be obliged to conform if we proceed on this basis ? These aspects of the subject engaged my atten- tion first as a graduate student in philosophy in Yale . University, after having made a summer's investigation into the employment of children in American industries (Andover Review, Vol. 4, July, 1885). Subsequently as President of Trinity Col- lege, North Carolina, active relations with college and commonwealth forced upon my attention from another point of view the necessity of reconstruct- ing the theoretical foundations of educational pol- icy in the light of social conditions generally. My part in the conduct of an educational investigation in New York City under the Tenement House Commission of 1894 revealed the municipal aspect of the same general problem. Finally as Fellow of vi PREFACE. Sociology in Columbia University I began to put in shape the conclusions to which this official ex- perience had led me, only again to be interrupted by two professional engagements — a course of lec- tures on Railroad Problems in the graduate depart- ment of Columbia University and two years of teaching economics and sociology in Smith Col- lege, Massachusetts. Both of these engagements, however, materially helped to widen the scope and emphasize the importance of the problem to be solved. This problem in process of solution became two- fold in its character. First, to determine in a the- oretical outline the nature and logical method of the social process; and, secondly, on the founda- tion of these results, to determine the normal edu- cational policy for the community. As it now stands, this volume is offered as one way of work- ing out the first of these problems — that of arriving at such an interpretation of the logical process of social development as will serve for a conceptual outline of social policy in which education may take its normal part in national progress. In a sub- sequent volume on the social principles of educa- tional policy it is my purpose to make concrete ap- plication of these conceptions to actual conditions. But in the present volume it is only intended to lay bare the sociological foundations in the form of abstract conceptions with which a theoretically sound and a normally progressive educational pol- icy must reckon. This basis it is believed is given us in the sociological conceptions, that, between PREFACE. vu the limits of animality and ideality, it is the social process that really educates us by the selective evo- lution of types of personality; that these types of personality begin with the organic and normally prevail by being social, thence through the poten- tially normal or sociological type they tend to reach the ideal; that this progression is attained by the individuation of organic man with the potentially normal type ; that educational policy finds its standard, not solely in the ethical culture of the individual will, nor in the universal ideal of the race, but in the social type of personality that normally tends to prevail at that time and place in the direction of the ideal in which the community finds its solidarity. No bibliography has been added because the sociological writings of Spencer, Ward, Giddings, Mayo-Smith, Patten, Small, Vincent, Ross, Nash and Fairbank, in English, are all available. The bibliography in Giddings' Principles of Sociology is extensive and recent enough as a reference list for the purposes of this volume. On logical method most use has been made of Lotze's Logic translated by Bosanquet, together with Mill's Logic, espe- cially the sixth book, in which we have the first classic attempt after Comte to formulate a logic of the social sciences prior to the evolutionary era of thought beginning with 1859. Within more recent years we are especially indebted to Tarde and Durkheim of France, Simmel of Germany, and Baldwin of Princeton, with others worthy of special mention for positive contributions to sociological viii PREFACE. method. For current discussions I have relied mostly upon two American journals, The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (Philadelphia) and the Journal of Sociol- ogy (Chicago). I am much indebted for helpful suggestion, criti- cism and encouragement to my friend and former teacher. Professor Giddings, of Columbia Univer- sity. J. F. C. New York City, January, 1898. TABLE OF CONTENTS. BOOK I : THE SOCIETARY PROCESS. CHAPTER PAGE I. Introduction : Sociological Theory 3 II. The Developmental Process : A Typological Series .12 III. Social Types 40 IV. Sociological Types 58 BOOK II: THE SOCIOLOGICAL POSTULATES. V. The Social Situation: Typal Integration . . 81 VI. The Social Interests : Typal Differentiation . 95 VII. The Social System : Typal Assimilation . . . 116 VIII. The Social Mind.; Typal Solidarity .... 140 BOOK III : THE SOCIOLOGICAL AXIOMS. IX. Typicality : Sociality and Symbolism .... 163 X. Normality : Conventionality and Property . . 176 XI. Institutionality : Order and Progress . . . 192 XII. Ideality : Religion and Science 210 BOOK IV: THE SOCIOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES. XIII. The Axiomatic Aspects of Selective Survival. 235 XIV. The Selective Survival of Sociological Types. 253 XV. Progress, Its Nature, Methods, and Aims . . 283 XVI. The Theoretical Method of Types 312 ix BOOK 1. THE SOCIETARY PROCESS. THE LOGICAL PROCESS OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. CHAPTER L INTRODUCTION : SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY. This book is a theoretical attempt to introduce orderly arrangement into the study of the phe- nomena of social life by the rigid application of a single logical hypothesis — the selective survival of sociological types. In this fundamental law of the social process the governing principle is found which defines the re- lation of personality to social development. By the application of this principle to the interpreta- tion of personality in relation to nature and to civilization a theoretical foundation is laid for edu- cational policy centering in the type of personality as the product of human association. Before proceeding to make formal analysis of social phenomena it is well to sketch in relief the comprehensive outline of the subject before us. Sociology is both a scientific and a logical body of knowledge. It is scientific in taking account of the concrete social conditions sensibly apprehended by 3 4 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. us. It is logical in abstracting from these concrete conditions those working forms of thought by which theoretical procedure is made possible in any science. Likewise is it natural and historical in its character as knowledge. Sociology in its theoretical aspects, often called social theory, is a pure science of society. A pure science gives ex- pression to the results of comparison exclusively.* Sociological theory, which is properly contrasted with all systematic social sciences, makes compari- sons between the set of facts given us in sensible experience as social beings and the necessary truths or norms of our subjective life regarded as fixed features of the inner life of the race. We thus compare natural aspects of association and historic qualities of social organization. The essential re- sults of this comparison are a third set of rational propositions concerning the social life of man, which it is our business here to elaborate. These rational propositions systematically ar- ranged and illustrated give us the principles which constitute the pure science of society. These prin- ciples are of course abstract, but none the less principles of social reality; and, having as valid a reality as the phenomena from which they are in- ferred, they can be merged into no social science less general than that which gives them birth, without entailing confusion of method and waste- fulness of efifort. But out of sociological princi- ples, properly elaborated from analysis of the phe- * James, Psychology, Vol. II., p. 641. SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY. 5 nomena ol society and synthesis of these funda- mental results, there must necessarily arise that clear-sig^hted grasp of methods and aims in a sys- tematic treatment of thie facts of human associa- tion, which will bring helpfulness to every kindred branch of social research, harmony among all dis- posed to find the truth that in them lies and pre- dictive service of the greatest value to an otherwise haphazard and eclectic social policy of civilized communities. The pure science of society is therefore necessary as a preliminary step to the scientific mastery of the materials of a systematic sociology as well as for the conscious mastery by society of its own destiny. To the pure science of society, or sociological theory, Tarde gave the name of Social Logic — a proper designation so far as sociological theory is the attempt to determine the logical processes especially appropriate for the investigation of social phenomena. Sociology, in its systematic aspects, is directly concerned with the concrete materials of social ex- istence. With the logical methods and aims de- veloped by the study of the conceptual elements of social phenomena as given in theory, the sociol- ogist now proceeds to a systematic analysis, clas- sification and coordination of the facts which enter into association. Hence sociological theory is the logical aspect and systematic sociology is the scien- tific aspect of the subject of sociology. The one furnishes the theoretical method which enables the other to control materials: together they de- velop a sociological science. 6 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. Sociological theory is primarily concerned with four main aspects of its subject. They are respectively associative conceptions, normative axioms, developmental laws and interpretative methods. Otherwise expressed they are I. The Conditioning Forms and the Abiding Relations, under which we group those observable phenomena which belong to the collective experi- ence of personalities in human association. This part of the subject requires an analysis of what is conveniently termed the Societary Process. From this analysis we arrive at the theoretical conditions perceived to be necessary and the theoretical rela- tions conceived to be universal as the structural postulates of the selective survival of types. A social type presumes certain conditions and rela- tions. 2. The Sociological Axioms or functional sanctions which are theoretically normal to both the thought and things of social reality. These axiomatic criteria comprise deductions made from the comparison of the concrete conditions and the conceptual relations peculiar to the societary process. A social type survives by respecting cer- tain social sanctions. 3. The Sociological Laws, or those fundamental principles by which we explain the human relations as social facts persisting under the orderly succes- sion of social events. These laws comprise (i) an hypothetical induction under which the natural conditions and the historical forces recognized in sociological theory are brought into a self-consistent SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY. 7 synthesis; and (2) a series of deductions from this induction corresponding to the estabHshed forms and the active relations of men with one another in the social process. Social types develop by virtue of this reaction resulting from change. 4. The Sociological Method, or modes of soci- ological procedure, by which, in accordance with the laws or principles previously elaborated, we make theoretical preparation for descriptive ex- position, practical investigation, and administra- tive criticism of the course of social Hfe in any or all of its aspects, in their bearing upon the type of per- sonality that normally tends to prevail. Social types are our instrument of logical interpretation. In this purely theoretical enquiry little attempt has been made at illustration of statement. Some degree of familiarity with the data of sociology is taken for granted. But, owing to the commonly confused idea as to what sociology at heart really is concerned with, and fearing lest the reader may at times find difficulty in connecting the more ab- stract phases of this analysis with concrete social fact, certain elemental assumptions, or view-points, as to things essentially social are put in formal statement. It is avowedly assumed, to begin with, that the personal units which compose the collective bodies of men, with which our subject is primarily con- cerned, are each normally endowed with what for want of a better name we must call a social sense. This is the personal capacity, partly instinctive and partly intelligent, by reason of which every person 8 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. in associative existence may be relied upon to ex- ercise certain social preferences, involving recipro- cal relations with his own kind, and of avoiding reciprocal relations with other kinds of beings. 1. The first of these assumptions is that man pre- fers to survive by living in association with a kin- dred type of being. Man is capable of entering into truly conscious community of life with others like himself; he is capable of consciously distin- guishing one kind from other kinds, and from other beings of a different kind.* This we may call the social impulse, or survival by a sort of selective coherence with the service- able objects of associative choice. Up to a certain limit man prefers subjection in association to free- dom in isolation. This primary preference may be called sociality, sociability, fellowship. 2. The next assumption is that, so far as the con- ditions of existence permit, man not only tends to associate himself with those particular types of per- sonality which are like himself in kind, but he re- sists any associative relation which tends to subor- dinate him to an inferior rather than to develop him toward a superior type. Among dififerent types of personality he is capable of distinguishing not only between a tendency toward the superior and subordinate or inferior, but also of utilizing means toward the end deemed superior, and of disengaging himself, in thought if not in fact, from one and of realizing or endeavoring to realize the other type of being. * James, Psychology, Vol. II., pp. 430, 431. SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY. g This personal capacity we may call social intel- ligence, or development by a sort of selective syn- thesis of the means to the ends conceived of as superior. This selective survival of types of personal at- tainment through the agency of synthetic adapta- tion is an equally fundamental social fact. But this aspect of man's social sense is reflective. 3. This fundamental fact of the survival of types by selecting kindred degrees of personal attainment in the social process leads us to the point of view from which it is desired to proceed, namely, that sociology is preeminently concerned with types of personality. The real member of society is con- sciously participating in tendencies among typical groups. Not with social man disassociated from individual man is sociology concerned, but with that only real personality in which the individual and the social are complemental and correspond as the two terms of a fractionally expressed ratio cor- respond. The relative efificiency of these personal beings in keeping up with such groupal tendency determines the social type with which each mem- ber of the community affiliates. In this aspect social man appears as an organic factor. 4. The reciprocal association of persons typically grouped together in social tendencies requires a fourth assumption — that these social tendencies have a capacity to set out before themselves singly and severally more or less conscious ends or aims conceived as normally necessary for their self-reali- 10 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. zation. In this aspect social man evinces a poten- tial capacity. There are, therefore, four forms of coexistence under which social man associates in typical groups with his fellows : Persons may be typically alike, in which case we should have a homogeneous type. Typal community of kind is the simplest ground of coexistence in association. The personal quality is like enough to actualize association. Here we have the factor of Fellowship in society, or the simple impulse to act in concert with some one else. Persons may be typically unlike, in which case we should have heterogeneous types. Typal conflict of kind is the second form of coexistence in associa- tion, resulting in conquest, toleration or extinction as a means of removing the typal contradiction. The typal quality is too unlike voluntarily to per- mit of associative adaptation. Here we have the factor of Struggle in society. Persons may be organically reciprocal, in which case we should have complemental types or com- plementarity of kinds as the ground of coexistent association, such as exists between the sexes. Here we have the factor of Sex in society, and all institutions arising from sex. Persons may be potentially continuous, in which case we should have hereditary types or perpetua- tion of kind as the normal ground of coexistence of kind, such as exists in the relation of parent and offspring. Here we have the factor of Development in society. SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY. n If we accept the facts of fellowship or sociality, struggle, sex and development as the points of view from which to study the social process, then the field at once opens to us the four following propositions : 1. That the types of personality in human asso- ciation give us the logical conceptions which are required to explain the grouping of men as given in the social process. 2. That the elaboration of these types of person- ality is effected by the struggle with the objective factors of natural association on the one hand and with the subjective factors of social organization on the other, enabling us to arrive at those axiomatic judgments which govern the normal tendencies in the development of man in society. 3. That the comparison of these data of types of personality and the axiomatic tendencies enables us tO' give tentative statement at least to the princi- ples which govern the process of social develop- ment — a process which is essentially organic be- cause it constitutes an organized system of recipro- cal functions necessary to live together in society. 4. That the formulation of these principles of development and their application to social policy must be helpful in enabling the community to or- ganize its interests and its efforts in the service of the type that normally tends to prevail in the direc- tion of the social ideal. CHAPTER II. THE DEVELOPMENTAL PROCESS A TYPOLOGICAL SERIES. We enter now upon the proposed analysis of the process of social development to define those necessary and universal conceptions which the scientific interpretation of society requires for its uses. Our analysis is intended to show that this de- velopment has a twofold aspect. First, that the process of association is an object of scientific ob- servation as well as any other part of the cosmic process. The social process, as an objectively known part of the cosmic process, comprises both the physical and the psychical aspects of human association. Association is a fact of nature. Our analysis is also intended to show that the associative activities of man by virtue of his being human are therefore imbued with conscious or in- tuitive qualities of thought, and consequently tend to evolve a corresponding conceptual process pe- culiarly social and definable as such in the course of social development. This conceptual process being the logical phase of the social process in- cludes all conceptions, judgments, laws and logical THE bEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 13 methods of social interpretation. We have, for purposes of distinction, designated this conceptual or logical process by the term, the Sociological Process. These two aspects of the associative de- velopment thus formally set apart are comprehen- sively spoken of as the Societary Process. Our enquiry is concerned synthetically with the judg- ments of the Sociological Process about the Social Process. This distinction by which the Societary Process of development is first differentiated intO' its cosmic aspect and then into its self-conscious aspect is necessitated by our growing insight into the na- ture of associative reality. The more we penetrate into the facts of association — physical and psychi- cal — the more certain are we that there is within the associative movements of men a logical process by regard for whose conceptual norms the develop- ment of the race is realized and by which alone it is possible to be reduced to rational interpretation. Nor is this inconsistent with scientific procedure elsewhere. Every domain of phenomena has a language and a law peculiar to itself, whose normal conceptions are not normal to other spheres of de- velopment. The same is true of the associative aspect of human life. It is neither purely psychi- cal; nor is it purely physical; it is both and yet it is neither in its normal quality which makes the associative to have a law and a life that can be called emphatically its own. The basis of this distinction lies in the fact that the phenomena of association are unique in the 14 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. nature and the method of their development. We have therefore to designate that diiiferentiating mark or quaUty by which the social is to be recog- nized both in the individual and in the race — in the actual social life and in the theoretical thought about that life. This distinguishing quality among all other logi- cal qualities that enter into the experience of the individual and the race is the consciousness of the typical. The type of personality is the all-pervad- ing logical conception on the assumption of whose validity a universal law can be shown to prevail throughout social existence. It_ is the logical quality by which any human being is to be recog- nized as social. It is the key to all forms of asso- ciation. It therefore not only enables us to desig- nate and differentiate the social from all else as a fact to be determined, but it furthermore is the logical form in which we must find the lazv of the development of social man and the systems of rela- tions under which he lives. The type in its objective sense, as a part of the social process, is a representative example of a class or group. We constantly think in this way. It is that conception by which, when one of a kind presents itself, we at once by a process of infer- ence call up the group to which it belongs. We regard such an one as typically at equilibrium with that group. This is the social type — the individual member that stands for a class. It is the norm of imitation, the occasion of reaction, the impulse to cooperate, the incentive to realization. THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 15 The type in its theoretical or sociological sense is a conceptual object potentially normal and logi- cally necessary to the social development of the coherent life of a group of kindred beings. The sociological type is that ejective norm of associa- tion which two or more persons construct out of the qualities which they mutually recognize in each other when they meet. It is not the persons, but a working inference for personal association; it is an ejective self around which they both rally if homogeneous, or for which each fights or flees if heterogeneous. As the potential norm of associa- tive relations, it enables man to reason socially in advance of his experience. In the development of society the sociological type of man or the potentially normal type, as we shall call it, is the principle of suggestion by which all associative activity is guided. The relation of the social type, in equilibrium with the group, to the sociological type, which defines the potentially normal relation of the community to the condition of existence, is that of a series of tentative adjust- ments of the members of a group for survival's sake to a series of potentially more normal equilib- ria. This adjustment of personality to the social type and of the social type to the potentially normal or sociological type is occasioned by the change of circumstances of association. The process of progressive adjustment to typical standards, from the actual to the potential, is the essence of social development. Our analysis therefore shows that this series of l6 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. conceptions, which pervade the social process, takes the form of social types and sociological types, between which there is the most vital and fundamental connection known to social evolution. That connection is called social selection. It is a necessary capacity in the survival of aggregates. It is the selective synthesis which exists as the de- velopmental bond between any social type and its corresponding sociological or theoretically more normal type. Social aggregates select the type that is and that tends to be as the conceptual requisite of continuous survival. This constitutes the gist of the Typological Series — the social type or representative man, the sociological or poten- tially normal man, and the selective relation be- tween them. Does this conception of the developmental pro- cess in human association as an evolution of social types comport with social facts and the theoretical convictions we generally hold about the life of the race ? With this problem before us we turn to the an- alyses of human association. Possibly the most available form under which to think comprehen- sively of the phenomena of association in the pres- ent temper of critical inquiry is that of an evolu- tionary process unfolding from within. The observed behavior of human beings in mutual as- sociation with their kind under cosmic conditions of existence is what may be permanently regarded as the associative process. Is it possible to give this process intelligible interpretation in terms of THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 17 such ideas as growth, development, evolution — ideas which seem tO' be the most helpful instru- ments of expression of the laws of knowable reality now at the service of the progressive portions of mankind ? Will the conception of development of types of social man fit intO' these processes ? The answer here offered to this question is substantially an afifirmative one : Types are logical forms into which the phenomena of social aggregation may be an- alyzed. The prevailing attitudes of men toward such categories of social conduct give the synthetic judgments theoretically normal to the life of so- ciety. These judgments are constantly being re- vised and in their formative state express the trend of social suggestion in the thoughts, feelings and purposes of a people. These tendential judgments are sociological types the selection of which by the typical groups for the sake of survival in associa- tion is the law of societary evolution. By sugges- tive selection society has evolved all the essential forms of social organization. The principles of personal association are but necessary deductions (postulates) of this fundamental law; and the axioms of social development are the successive forms which selective association takes under nec- essary conditions which change with the stages of social evolution. In confirmation of this analysis of the develop- mental process we study the societary process from its two main points of view. First, we examine its actual content by observ- i8 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. ing the persons who enter into its associative composition, singHng them out one from another on the ground of likeness and unHkeness of quality and relationships, following in our thoughts one by one those who seem to us in some substantial and convincing way to represent the rest of the mem- bers similarly characterized. By so doing — and this is the way that practical life proceeds — we should come to regard what is true of a representa- tive example as being true of all persons of that class in like conditions. But an example of a class is a type. In other words, what is habitually ob- served to be true of a representative member of a class or group of Hke kind is, in every-day hfe, logically accepted as predicable of all who are really believed to be included within that group or class of persons similarly conditioned and sustain- ing similar relations. Such a one is confidently re- garded as typical and put under that category until he proves himself to be misplaced. We act, we feel, we think by the constant aid of the typical. It is evident then that any attempt at sociological interpretation which starts from the concrete point of view of the particular social object — the personal member of society — must sooner or later inevitably formulate his social judgments in terms of social types of personality as a logical necessity of ex- perience. Secondly, the other point of view from which the societary process may be analyzed is the con- ceptual — that which primarily concerns itself with finding out and formulating such judgments as are THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 19 held to be universally true of social man. Now that the reflective powers of man are developed to the point of sustained analytic efifort upon sub- jects social, we start from this point of view by re- garding the whole genus of man as the compre- hensive subject of study. Under this procedure our analysis would have to be firstly anthropologi- cal, limited in its scope only by the dififerentia that bar mankind out of the non-human realm of ani- mality; secondly, we should have to mark the dis- tinguishing features physical and psychical of the separate groups of human beings found upon the earth in associative relations, thus discovering that the most enduring classes into which mankind is divisible on the basis of likeness are the several races, examples of which have been diffused over the surface of the globe. Yet no one man has seen one one-hundredth of the beings whom he reasons about most confidently. But whether we consider social man from the anthropological or the ethnological view-points, the mind recording the observations and making the generalizations takes much the same method of keeping in coherent order the content presented to it: the examples critically observed are only a part of the total of the kind under consideration about which general propositions can be valid; but these examples have been so near like others known to exist, and believed to exist if not known by observation, that here too an example or a series of examples has been taken as confidently to repre- sent the great race-groups or the peoples that make 20 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. up the earth's aggregate of population. What has been learned of some of the most representative members of races and peoples of mankind has been taken as substantially true, either by observation of fact or inference therefrom, of races and peoples as a whole. That is to say, the examples of groups of human beings which show the most enduring marks of differentiation and of continuity have been taken as typical of the most complex aggregates among whom they have been observed to belong. So that from the generic point of view our obser- vations of man with a view to reflection Tead us early to the necessity of formulating our ideas in the form of organic types as modes of representing the facts of human existence both known and in- ferred. And whether we study civilizations and culture eras or generic man and ethnical groups, we are logically obliged to bring before our minds the concrete types of human personality which fit into the social fabric among whose remains we have sought for some indication of what the peoples were. Whether we begin with the observation of the experience of two or more members of a com- munity of which we are a part, or with the most comprehensive survey of the organic character of man as a type of animal life, the result seems to be the same — that of resorting to the typical forms of judgments respecting social man to explain his evolution. If this conclusion be tenable, then we have at last found the key to the crux both as to method of analysis and the synthesis of social phenomena. THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 21 These two points of view — the actual and the generic or theoretical — represent two different con- ceptions of critical analysis. The one is that of a natural science, the other that of the philosophy of history. They mark the limits of the develop- mental process. The former concerns itself pri- marily with the actual facts, conditions and or- ganic products of the societary process. It shows us that social development begins with organic types. The latter measures the societary move- ment with respect to its conformity to or departure from an end or goal. It shows us that social de- velopment ends with ideal types. Unless soci- ology is prepared to turn over its tasks to either of these two views of social analysis, it must seek a solvent of this difficulty. According to the view taken in this inquiry, it is neither necessary to re- duce all social phenomena to measurable causes as in physics or chemistry, nor to define for every aspect of social reality its place in the ultimate ends of the societary process, before we dare to formu- late the law of society's life. On the contrary, we effect the reconciliation of both of these analyses if we can but trace the law of the societary move- ment in the selective survival of the social types actually realized and the selective development thereof toward sociological or potentially normal types of personality. The societary process there- fore is neither to be viewed as a purely natural science in the sense of being physical, nor is it a purely mental or moral science in the sense of being a march of mind purposefully directed and 22 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. fully conscious of its ongoing and its ideal ends; but it is a typological process in which types of per- sonality as typically organic beings gradually be- come typically social and develop through the potential type into or toward the ideal. Thus arise four grades of types of personality — the organic, the social, the sociological and the ideal type — from the union of the factors of nature and history in human evolution. The typical is therefore conceived of in associa- tion as the norm of survival and development, valid both to the particular person in society and to the race as a whole. It connects the individual experi- ence and the universal judgments of man under a category in which the selective tendencies of the developmental process find their synthetic expres- sion. The societary process may thus properly be described as a typological series, that being its nor- mal characteristic; in this form, both the concrete and the universal aspects of association find their norm of valuation. In its natural character the developmental process is that complex ongoing of personal life in systematic association which, from the aspect of our every-day experience, reveals to us man's modes of selective survival among his own kind. But, from the point of view of his con- ceptual character as a race, the developmental process exhibits those universal marks which char- acterize humanity in its prolonged effort at select- ive survival of certain qualities of character. But both of these aspects are conjoined under a third THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 23 category — ^the typical, in which the particular and universal aspects of socialization are united under the selective synthesis of progression in the types of personality — organic, social, sociological and ideal — in human association. The individual and the universal in man meet in the typical. More simply expressed the societary process is a process of selection of the means and ends of sur- vival by typical groups of dififerent degrees of de- velopment. Among the essential tendencies at work in the systematic association of human beings the selective evolution of the typical in personality is the only normal quality which the testimony of nature and of the history of the associative con- sciousness is willing to respect as the common criterion of social valuation. The following scheme exhibits the societary process from the two' essential aspects of the par- ticular and the universal (A, B) whose reconcilia- tion in the formal expression of a type-developing process is here described. The scheme also ex- hibits roughly the several essential aspects (a, b, c, d) arising out of the two phases of the societary process (A, B), by which in the history of social interpretation it has been sought to make the life of society intelligible. Aai, Aa2, Ab3, Ab4 are the concrete aspects from the point of view of individ- ual behaviour in natural association. In social organization, Bci, Bc2, Bd3 and Bd4 are the conceptual aspects from the universal point of view of the behavior of man as a race, that is, as humanity. Each of these aspects (A, B) appears to 24 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. n •n o 3 n n '-03 n ■o Wl m r. m -^ "- ^ X The Societary Process. C/1 ^ o 'T3> ELd ■13 4^ w to M *. Ol M M ^o „ M s> S^'^Sm KO Inorganic (Chemical Mechanica' SE. "^ o' 3 P 2 3 P o r" 3 — .3" g 2. motiona! entiment elings.) °5 P OC! 3 P • E. P o 3 CfQ O ^ '"'o ,_ ^^ ' , , ^ Universal Aspects of the Social Process (Sociolog- ical) from the Standpoint of Social Organization or Race - consciousness of Typal Categories. Particular Aspects of the Social Process from Stand- point of Personality in NaturalAssociation, orthe Concrete Categories of Typal Coexistence. o p CO o H ■^ o . *n o n TO U) The selective relation" between the Social and the Sociological (or Potentially Nor- mal) Types results in S p- THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 25 be sufficient in itself to explain the societary pro- cess. Both have something of the forces of nature and of the motives that belong to civilization in them; but neither of them has ever been able to justify itself in the sight of the other, as an adequate presentation of the societary process taken in the threefold aspects of its particular or individual, its universal, and its typical development. The theo- retical presentation of the phenomena of society has always found its main difficulty at this juncture. But with the union of the particular and the univer- sal, of the individual and of society under the con- ception of the typical; and with the connection of these differences in degrees of development of the typical by the selective impulse to survive in asso- ciation, we come to the standpoint from which the facts of society can be seen logically arranged in a successive series of types that are naturally and his- torically true to fact. The developmental process has thus far been represented as a grouping of the phenomena of association under a series of typical standards of social organization. Exhibited in this light, we see that what actually goes on in the individual and what tends to find realization in the universal human both find their equilibrium in the logically valid conception, the normal type of personality. This is the fundament- ally sociological conception. The typological pro- cess must be regarded as combining its two essen- tial aspects. The particular and the universal must become one in a truly fundamental process logically 26 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. satisfying the requirements of both natural asso- ciation and the historical movement of humanity toward the universal. The selective evolution of the typically normal adequately takes account of the essential qualities of both processes in the same fundamental principle. The nature of the societary process may be further elucidated by the study of the component factors in each of these aspects of development in order to define the limits of the developmental series. The series begins in organic types and ends in ideal types, but its central feature is the relation of the social type already developed with the po- tentially normal types. If as a naturalist we then consider the develop- ment of society from the aspect of natural associa- tion, we note, first, that on certain physical condi- tions (climate) man as an organic being prevails and propagates his own kind. He develops as food and feelings permit. The social process, for one large portion of mankind and for nearly all of prim- itive mankind no doubt, must have been and is now to be regarded as a natural process — natural in the sense of being largely dominated by forces little higher in the scale of tendencies than that of the superior non-human animals. That is to say, that the major forces in their existence are those em- ployed in satisfying the demands of the animal part of their human nature. These are subsistence and sex. One cannot look long upon the great bulk of mankind, with all its aspirations that differentiate it from the lower animals, and balk this conclusion THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 27 — that for the greater portion of man's career upon the earth and for the greater portion of the persons now ahve upon its face the social process is still predominantly a natural process of organic sur- vival. The weak physical types fail to survive and are eliminated. The strong guide the race. So far, then, as the social process is dominated by natural forces, by" which its tendencies are limited and its types of personality evolved, we cannot go far wrong in saying that the social process is a selective process whose types survive by virtue of their efficiency in providing for the natural requisites of social existence. The social process is rightly re- garded, therefore, from the point of view of nature as a process of the survival of organic types by natural selection of associative relations. Natural selection defines the minimum limit of typal devel- opment in society. The organic type of person- ality is the basis of the typological series. Hence physical culture of the organic type of personality is the natural basis of education. The process of race-development, on the other hand, is a process of selective development towards the ideal type as the maximum limit of development in society. Its secret lies in a subjective solidarity. In this aspect of the societary process we recognize the spiritual motives seeking expression in the course of history. The upper level of the societary process is leavened with the genius of history; on the lower level, the natural forces, in which scien- tific analysis finds its field of operation in the study of the formative forces, make for the survival of 28 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. organic types. Between these two we must look for the series of potentially normal types of person- ality in which the authority of the conceivably at- tainable in selective association gradually becomes less and less devoted to survival and more and more given to development — less and less controlled by natural forces and more and more filled with the conscious spirit of history — until the normal type, as the controlling characteristic of the societary process, is found to be the selective standard func- tioning as the socializing organon of human devel- opment. If ideas rule the world, the idea of the typical rules the social world, and the idea of the potentially attainable rules the progressive portions of the race. Within the limits of the organic type of man and the ideal type of man lies the realm of social devel- opment. We may, from these opposite directions, approach still nearer in defining the typological process. In what typical forms do these two as- pects of our evolution — the organic and the ideal — find their developmental transition? There are certain self-evident relations which characterize social life as known to us. These are the necessary categories which neither let man be a beast nor consent to his being an angel. His life must be typical in order to be social. Natural association imposes four categorical principles upon man as a member of society. We shall call these The Typal Categories of Per- sonal Coexistence, or the typical norms of natural association. THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 29 The social process thus regarded is a personal process. As indicated in the previous chapter these categories normal to personal association are: (i) typal community as seen in fellowship, (2) typal conflict as seen in struggle, (3) typal comple- mentarity as seen in sex, and (4) typal perpetuation as seen in child-growth. To follow a leader, to fight a foe, to woo a woman, to rear a child are the categorical imperatives of human nature. Without these typal categories ruling association society itself must become extinct. And it is only by the authority of these imperatives of nature that nature puts into man's hands the means of development from the organic toward the ideal. This being the case with the concrete social life as we recognize it, we now ask whether, from the side of our universal conceptions of man as human- ity, the type is also the normal concept by which socialization has always proceeded. Here we see the typical in terms of categories of the race-con- sciousness. We shall call these The Typal Categories of Race- Consciousness, or the typical norms of social organ- ization throughout the race. First among the universally valid judgments on the validity of which man lives and moves and has his being among his own kind and not with the beasts of the field like the Babylonian king or like the Cyclopean shepherd of Homeric story, is that of the consciousness of typal kinship. As Maine shows so well, kinship is the basis of ancient society. The presence of this quality in control of conduct 30 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. in all known peoples of the ancient world is the evidence of the conception of the typical as the universal associative quality. This consciousness of kind, defined as that intuitive or instinctive ca- pacity of the human species to identify itself with its own species and to distinguish itself from other species and from other typical groups of its own species, is as essential to sociology as sensation is to psychology.* We may call this the anthropological category of typal quality, or the universal con- sciousness of organic type, because it integrates the generic human type from the non-human by association. Man universally knows himself as walled of¥ from the beast below him. The race punishes corruption of kinds and nature helps heartily thereat. My kind my kingdom is, is not only naturally true but also universally necessary, for the evolution of the race toward the solidarity of the ideal type. The second category of universal validity in our thought of the race is the consciousness of typal con- ditions. The race everywhere reckons with envi- ronment. The type is the norm of adaptation to environment. The consciousness of the necessity of adjustment to changes and of the fact of the existence or non-existence, the fitness or the unfit- ness, the utility or inutility of such adjustment is certainly among the primary data of the develop- mental process of the race. This consciousness of conditions normal to survival includes subjective as well as objective conditions of typal equilibrium. * Giddings, Principles of Sociology, Bk. I., Ch. I., pp. 17-19. THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 31 Without this conscious control over itself in the in- terest of the typical aggregate, communities could not escape elimination. This second category com- mon to man as a race may be called the ethnolog- ical category or the ethnical consciousness of type, because upon it is conditioned the dififerentiation of mankind into ethnic groups. The tribe was the fighting machine in social organization then as class is now. In specific groups this is the tribal con- sciousness. It sets limits to the scope of adaptation to attain to its typal ideal. The third category universal to the race is the consciousness of typal relations. This is the category of social order in organized life. There is in typical groups that consciousness not only of their own typical quality and their conditions but also of their superior or inferior degree of development with respect to other types in the institutional organiza- tions of society. This consciousness of relations of typical groups in the social system is universal and as valid in the process of development of man as it is universal. Hence another sociological category in the race-consciousness is that awareness on the part of a community or a class not only of its own typal standard, to which all of its members are ha- bitually sensitive, but also the consciousness of their being related to other typal standards, such as pre- vail within differentiated classes of the community. To be aware of class-membership is to belong to a type of which one is conscious.* To be conscious * Wines, Genesis of the Social Classes, Charities Review, Apr., 1897. 32 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. of equilibrium with both the class-type and the community-type is the third typal category. This appears in all composite social organizations. We may call this the civic consciousness of type, because it is that quality of the social consciousness which enables a tribalized community to pass into the civilized organization of society. The fourth category of the race-consciousness is consciousness of typal possibilities. This capacity organizes society around its ideals. This datum of the social consciousness is cultural in its quahty and mode of expression. The speculative capacity of the social consciousness normally sets in pros- pective relief before the peoples of all times, types of potential attainment. Potentiality is a quality of humanity. It is evident in human invention, in the rhapsody of the bard, the wisdom of the magi, the foresight of the seer, or the warnings and prom- ises of the prophet or the precepts of the priest. The artist, the idealist and the interpreter of the new truth all reflect it. There are potential norms of realization to which every social process tends, leading the types of life away from the actual to- ward the possible, or seeking to merge the potential into the ideal — the maximum limit of associative development. The representations of this potential quality of the human consciousness is seen in the universal effort to control social tendencies by cul- tural expression — linguistic, moral, intellectual and aesthetic. Each seeks to give fuller expression to human nature in typical forms. In this aspect of the developmental process the community first THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 33 comes to itself — to a social self-consciousness of the potentially normal type as the organon of social action and the seat of social authority. We may therefore call this the potential con- sciousness or the social self-consciousness — ^the categorical imperative of the developmental process — which has become increasingly potent as a factor in the evolution of the more progressive communi- ties of mankind. There are, consequently, four and only four typal categories under which the race-consciousness gives expression to its sociological judgments. They are the organic, the ethnical, the civil and the potential or cultural consciousness of type. There are likewise four and only four typal categories under which personal association expresses its so- cially necessary conditions of existence. These are community, conflict, complementarity and conti- nuity of type. What form therefore must the process of social development inevitably take, if both in its necessary conditions of natural association and also in the uni- versal forms of social organization of the race-con- sciousness the norm of social valuation is the typi- cally social? There would seem to be but one in- ference available, namely, that the developmental process of human association is an evolution of types of personality. Is the process of human association a series of types, actual and potential, necessary and universal? Can these categories be each arranged in a develop- mental series of terms in each term of which a com- 34 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. mon quality persists and in each successive term of which a differentiating mark appears to give it its place in a progressive order of complexity? The answer from these data seems self-evident, that the categories of associative authority have the typical quality as the constant quality demanded of man as a member of society, and that each succes- sive term in this series of categories is characterized by some differentiating property which makes it logically and actually the next term in the series on the ground both of its likeness in quality and its increasing diversity in degree. The same is true of the categories of race-consciousness — they, like the categories of the association of individuals, have all the requisites of a series whose unity is in the typi- cal quality as the secret of social development, and whose increasing complexity is the outcome of the varying conditions under which typal development takes place. The typical guides both the individual and the race in associative choice. Putting these results together diagrammatically in Fig. I we may illustrate the relations of each of the series of categories to the resultant series aris- ing from them. In this third series we have the typically normal forms under which the process of social development appears. The societary process is everywhere pervaded with typal practice. From its lowest form of in- stinctive reaction up through the wide domain in nature, in which consciousness of kind gives us the natural test of sociahty, to the highest type of per- sonality of which social selection is capable, all THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 35 societary phenomena are seemingly capable of satis- factory interpretation in terms of typical qualities and relationships. From the natural or organic type, as a basis of development, we rise to the con- sciousness of the typical as the test in social group- f Consciousness of '*■ ( Typal Potentialities. ( Consciousness of '■ \ Typai Relations. {Consciousness of Typal Conditions. f Consciousness of I Typal Kinds. Communil of Types. Conflict Types. Compleme of Types. it Particular Fig. Aspects of Natural Association I. ing into aggregates. Man is no longer simply an organic object whose relations are defined by in- stinct. As soon as society rises to the level of recognizing the type of personality as a datum of conceptual utility in social selection, the type be- comes itself part of the conscious agency available for the evolution of newer types of personality after a purposeful pattern. Under selection by the purely natural process the type of personality is the 36 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. product mainly of nature's sealed orders; the social consciousness of man is aware of the surviving worth of nature's types, but not as yet equally aware of the developmental value of the typal judg- ment as a subjective principle fashioning the course of society into conformity tO' a consciously per- fected norm. The process of the universal social in history becomes dominant whenever the social consciousness has learned to use its conceptual machinery to penetrate to the hmits of the ideal, as the goal of social attainment. By the action and reaction between the actual types in nature and the ideal in the process of history, the community has learned to poise its social tendencies in natural asso- ciation and the universal tendencies in the social judgment of the race in the same normal process of socialization. Thus the trend of development begins in the organic, proceeds by being typically social and is progressively realizable in the type of personality that normally tends to prevail. Thence it learns to follow the lead of the ideal. Any attempt at the representation of the socie- tary process in any form less fundamental than that of a typological succession is beset with diffi- culties out of which there seems to be no way that does not involve contradictions more serious than those that may be solved. Any attempt at social interpretation must see in the social process con- sidered as natural, that the developmental forces are those taken up with organic reproduction and adjustment of type to the requisites of survival. And, at the same time it must appear that the THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 37 generic motives of history, or the universal process regarded as a race-process, are essentially a striving after conscious realization of an ideal type. With- out uniting these two in one interpretation the student of society is more than apt to miss the meaning of the societary process by seeking the law of social evolution in environment. Nor can we explain association by some particular quality or set of qualities in the individual person or in the race which characterizes the life of the species. Neither the universally ideal, as for example in ethics, nor the organic, as in the individual, is alone adequate. To treat the social process from the point of view of personality in particular as a mechanical, an organic, an emotional or senti- mental, or a reflective process or as any complex of these, as has been done a thousand times, affords us no comprehensive solution of the demand for some sociological organon that will make society understandable. All of these representations are contributions of detail in a comprehensive whole, but are not in themselves anything more than par- tial representations of a greater whole whose center is not revealed. The same is true of those efforts which take into consideration only the generic as- pects of the sociological process, such as the anthro- pological, the ethnological, the institutional and the cultural analyses of society. They are, as Letour- neau frankly recognizes, but necessary approaches toward a complete interpretation of the process of human life. But neither the ideal goal nor the organic genesis is the sole key to the develop- 38 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. mental process. Each marks the Hmit of the soci- etary process, but neither alone gives the law to man's development. That law has to be found in the union of the particular and the universal in the typical. We must know why and how types of men develop in society. It is this feehng after some point of reconciliation between the generic and the specific aspects of the tendencies recognized as germane to human asso- ciation that has led the sociologists to ask and to help to answer the question, What possible form of expression can be found in which both of these characteristic aspects of the societary movement may find their equilibrium? The answer is that the developmental process of human society is a series of typal equilibria between the necessary conditions of personal association and the universal categories of the race-conscious- ness, both of which tendencies find their equilib- rium in the types of personality actual and potential that normally tend to prevail. The law of develop- ment must take the form of a type-producing ten- dency. It is now necessary to explain the functions of these two products of the societary process — the social types and the sociological types. These are really the primary features in the process by which types of personality are evolved. With organic types of personality given us by birth as a natural process, the formative process of creating char- acter by association begins. To associate is to be educated; that is, to be made social by relations THE DEVELOPMENTAL SERIES. 39 with one's kind. But in order to remain social a group must constantly readapt itself to what is normal. What is normal to-day is abnormal to- morrow. Hence the process of keeping the type normal requires it to respect the potential as well as the actual. This makes the social type the subject of a tendency or process from the actual to the potential type. The potentially normal type is the sociological type. It always lies in the direction of the ideal possibilities of the species. CHAPTER III. SOCIAL TYPES. The sources of sociology are nature and history. Nature and history are conceived of as coordinate factors in social evolution, the joint product of which two factors working together in the same process is to be seen in the progressive unfolding of types of personality. It is necessary, therefore, to describe the characteristic features of this proc- ess both from its natural and its historical points of view. Starting from the side of natural society — the social process regarded primarily as a natural proc- ess — we find in the words of a trustworthy author- ity that " most naturalists now regard the type as nothing but that normal which is most perfectly fitted to the environment, and they hold that it is kept true through the extinction of aberrant indi- viduals by selection." * The scientific view of natural processes in the organic world is full of the evidence that, as Ro- manes puts it somewhere, nature cares relatively little for the individual, for the specific member of the genus, and relatively much for the type which * W. K. Brooks, Pop. Sci. Monthly, Feb., 1896, p. 481. 40 SOCIAL TYPES. 41 is best fitted to prevail. Nature puts an immense premium on the preservation of the better type; and better means the more or less social; so that, once having found association of kind by typal equilibrium to be the better way to secure survival, she invests her all in society. The aggregation of organic beings of like organic type produces the social type. The social type therefore becomes not only the method but the measure of social progress. This function is exemplified by the limits it sets to struggle in any established group. Not only in the animal world does progress go hand in hand with the subordination of the individual to social ends; but, in the corresponding progress in the historic world, in the sexual relations, in the family, the tribe, the city, the nation and the race, " Competi- tion and survival of the fittest are never wholly eliminated, but reappear on each new plane to work out the preponderance of the higher, i.e., more integrated and associated type." * " The type," says Martineau, " from a still higher plane of social interpretation, is a permanent standard, a pre-existing and imperishable idea, towards which, as to a model conception, all single births imperfectly strive." f It is this preference in nature as well as in history for the social medium or milieu as a means for the survival of the organic man that gives us those characteristic elements of the most enduring per- ■' * Geddes, Evolution of Sex, pp. 311, 312. \ Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. I., Introd., 1886. 42 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. sistence. From past ages they present themselves to us in the form of existing physical types in the variety of human beings that cover the greater portion of the surface of the earth. Each great cli- matic division of the globe has its native type, the product of nature's processes. Territory and types of mankind have the most intimate relation in the selective process of natural association.* Looked at from its internal organization the social process is broken up into the variety of races in which we actually find them. This ethnical or- ganization gives a still more concise meaning to the typical. Man is not only a type in the animal kingdom, a species of the genus animal, but also a member of racial groups. " The type," says Keane, " stands apart from all general terms in ethnological nomenclature. It is not a race, a tribe or a family, or any concrete division whatsoever; but is rather in the nature of an abstraction, a model or pattern to which all divisions are refer- able. Originally meaning a mould or matrix, or rather a casting from a mould, it is taken as a sum- mary of all the characters assumed to be proper to a given class or group. Thus type becomes the standard by which we measure the relative position of individuals in a group. But in practice no indi- vidual exists, or ever did exist, who is entirely con- formable to any given standard. Hence type neces- sarily resolves itself into a question of averages; individuals possessing most of the characteristics to * W. Z. Ripley, Geography and Sociology, Polit. Sci. Quarterly, Vol. X., No. 4. SOCIAL TYPES. 43 a group are said to be typical members of that group, and even this only in a relative sense. They approximate nearer than other members to the ideal, but none absolutely reach it." * A comparative study of what Ratzel calls the nat- ural races, to find among them the characteristics which would enable us to locate any specimen of mankind, would lead us to look for at least three kinds of typical qualities — the organic, the emo- tional and the reflective. On the basis of these we could form some estimate of the social efficiency of the races as a whole. And this is just what we ob- serve in the study of the groups of mankind from the point of view of social efficiency: dififerent races possess very dififerent combinations both in degree and quality of these typical characteristics. There- fore in the competition among races they prove themselves to have very different degrees of social value. In some, to follow the facts collated by Letourneau,t the relationships are simple, the so- cial feeling sluggish and relatively subordinate to the animal impulses; the capacity to think and act together, to utilize the powers of nature and the attainments of other peoples in social organization is consequently confined to the simpler acts of life. Some, as low as the Fuegian horde in which the children are named after the place in which they are born, exhibit a sociality not much higher than the ant,$ the beaver or the bee. In other types, in * Keane, Ethnology, p. 12. t Letourneau, Sociology, I., Chap. I. i Lubbock, Scientific Lectures, Lect. IV.: On the Habits of Ants. 44 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. which these natural qualities have a more favorable combination for survival by association, the ca- pacity for social organization has enabled them not only to extend their conquest over nature and the so-called natural peoples, but still more signally to tame themselves into that capacity of spirit, that talent for social aggregation and cooperation, which has made them the masters of purposeful policy and the arbiters of the quality of civilization that should prevail. For our purposes it is sufficient to think of racial elements as a class of factors that are present in the constitution of the social type so far as nature has a hand in the process. The place of the races in his- tory is that which the efificiency of the social type determines for them. Owing to the great differ- ences in their social efificiency as compared with other races the different races within themselves have played very different parts in the development of social types. In the black races we look in vain for any of the highly complex forms of social or- ganization as the receptacle and guardian of cul- tured civilization. Here the end of the social or- ganization is primarily that of survival of the natural type with but subordinate regard for development. The selective resources are at their lowest and the variety of social types is naturally Hmited. In the yellow races there is a greater variety of social types developed to a particular plane, and then apparently brought to rest by the restraints of the social organization. It is generally speaking only among the white races that we find social organ- SOCIAL TYPES. 45 ization used systematically as a scaffolding to con- serve the culture of the past, to control the re- sources of nature and to combine the two factors of nature and history in the service of the selective survival of progressive types of personality. While it is to be taken for granted that race is the tap-root of typal quality in social survival, a rough comparison of the different races from the social point of view shows us, as Ward has insisted, that the true order of development in social effi- ciency of man to man is from the non-psychic to the psychic* We come to see that the more efficient social types are the more highly developed psychi- cal types. Mind plays the major role in the devel- opment of human society. The ratio' of the animal to the ideal type determines the progressive unfold- ing of social capacity and so, too, the multiplication of variety of social types of personality. We have therefore to look primarily to those races in which physical or organic types are controlled by the psychic factors of collective life — the emotional and the reflective energies yoked together in type- developing socialization. Where these factors are to be found and measured, there we have material for scientific analysis. These are the greatest socializ- ing forces; the ratio of the physical and the psychi- cal rules social relationships and thus determines the tendencies at work in the production of social types. Only among the more advanced races do we find development of psychical qualities to that degree of fulness which makes possible a theory * Ward, Psychic Factors of Civilization, Ch. XVIII. 46 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. of social valuation based on types of personality. On this account sociological interpretation of val- ues is at once retrospective, introspective, and prospective, by being concerned above all things else with the present tendencies between the or- ganic and the ideal types of social man. Postponing for the present anything but the mere mention of Mill's masterly discussion of so- cial types in the development of the social sciences, in which we have for the first (1843) a substantially sound analysis of the logical quality of the societary process, we now come to note the next great ad- vance upon the ethnological doctrine of social types, in Bagehot's Physics and Politics. With the growth of enlightenment in the popular conscious- ness, the races cease to be regarded as the most concrete form of the societary experiment: the nation takes its place and becomes thereby the area within which the social types come into view as the result of societary activity. The physical and the spiritual or psychical elements mingle by the aid of linguistic instrumentalities and organiz- ing institutions, to the extent of developing in the social consciousness the sense of a superiority of attainment in social type common enough to be within the potential realization of the entire peo- ple. This is the national type of social character. Bagehot formulated this fact in the following proposition which he proceeded to interpret by means of natural selection : " Within every partic- ular nation the type or types of character then and there most attractive tend to prevail; and the most SOCIAL TYPES. 47 attractive, though with exceptions, is what we call the best character." Since the suggestive effort of Bagehot at the analysis of the typical character of the societary products, scattered efforts have been made at its treatment apart from the view which is strictly ethnological. Most inductive analysis has been enumerations of aggregates or kindred groups by the method of statistical inquiry, or still more generally by the analogical method; and much honest effort has been spent upon the problem of defining man's relation to nature, or rather to dis- -covering ' man's place in nature,' as if he were simply to be placed with reference solely to the ani- mal world to be understood sociologically. But all this has not, however, been in vain. It has laid bare the natural aspects of sociological theory : the study of the human organism in its relation to the rest of nature, its organic constitution and its ana- logical relationships to society, its differentiation from the animal world and its divergence into vari- eties of race-types: all these results help us to de- fine the outline of the limits within which the social process as a natural fact really goes on, and leaves us free to raise the question thus narrowed down, as to what the dominant aspect of the social process within these limits really is. If then the social process in the light of the natural history of society teaches us, as it really seems to, that to survive is to be socially typical and to be untypical is to court extinction precisely to that extent; then, we are reasonably safe in concluding that the social 48 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. process, so far as it is natural, is in fact a process iDcnt upon the production and perpetuation of the social types that normally tend to prevail. The study of the lives of people as social aggre- gates affords ample evidence of this. Franklin was a typical American of his time. Types of personal- ity appear conspicuously in the personages upon whom social functions devolve or whom custom has trained to follow a groove generation after generation. The former we see in the diplomat, the latter in the peasant. More obscurely but not less really social types are definable in all groups or classes of like kinds of persons. There is the typical childhood, the typical old age, the typical parent, the typical teacher. Yet the type and the group are to be distinguished. The social type is a set of social qualities or characters belonging to a class as a whole and substantially found in each of its mem- bers. The more perfectly developed members are imitated by the less developed. While the group is variable in its composition and continuity, the type is more constant and continuous. Though the social type is more difficult to define to one's mind, when once defined it has the force of a datum of the scientific consciousness for which there can be no substitute in sociological interpretation. The social type is a logical necessity to the student of society. The typical group is the social group at equilibrium with its environment. The social type is the logical key to those like kinds of persons living together in groups of all degrees of sociabihty. It is the instinctive regard for SOCIAL TYPES. 49 the social type, thus developed in the sense of mem- bership, that determines what sort of social exist- ence lies within one's capacity to enjoy or endure. One's belonging to a social type is the first proof of his tolerability. Sociology has nothing to do with any human being except as he is or has been a member of a collective kind, and being or having been such, it has everything to do with him that in any way gives him a social value. To every kindred group of persons having sys- tematic relations between or among its members there is a typical criterion by which we may unlock the secret of its survival and development. As a matter of fact in our every-day experience we clas- sify the stranger we meet upon the street, if we have been in the habit of taking critical account of faces, forms and manners as well as associations. The trained detectives pigeon-hole suspicious persons with a fatefulness that mystifies most of us; and there is that instinctive insight of women into the typical qualities of men which divines the type of social nature to which they are found to belong. Association is unthinkable without the typical as its mode of valuation. Ampler illustration might be made of the way in which we really group the whole social popula- tion according to the typical qualities which we recognize as characteristic. But it is sufficient to point out that in the main social life is tolerable only with or in vital proximity to our own social type to which by nature or attainment we belong. The size, the composition, the organization and the 50 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. progress or decay of every social aggregate is to be explained by the type in which it finds its co- herence. Assuming that the social type is the logical key to the social process composed of aggregates of whatever kind, the problem to be worked out is to define these social types, show what part they play in the natural and historical processes of social Hfe, and thus reveal their connection with the funda- mental hypothesis of selective survival. We shall have to show how this logical norm of social worth arises, varies, survives through a period and de- velops or dies out, and why all this takes place. To make this clear we shall have to define more fully the relation of the social type to socialization. The actual social process is that process of typal development of personality lying between the phy- sical mechanism of the inorganic world on the one side and the psychical limit of the spiritual world of the social ideal, on the other side. Between these limits lies the path of the evolution of social types. The types of social life are therefore characterized in their nature and development by the characteris- tics of these conditions. The typical members of a family, class, profession or community must be (i) physical in relation with the order of physical nature by which they are conditioned. They must (2) be organic by which successive survival is secured. They must (3) be emotional by which they are im- pelled to those satisfactions which alone meet their desires as social beings and bring them into equilib- SOCIAL TYPES. 51 rium with the kind in which their reciprocal rela- tions reside.* (4) They must be reflective.^ These are all aspects of the actual social process, or socialization, regarded as the type-producing process. Socialization we regard as selective experimenta- tion. The organized aggregates of mankind are forced to feel after the conceivably better solution of the problems that are normal to personal na- ture $ in society. The social type makes socializa- tion selective. Selection is inevitable, conditioned as human society is by a physical situation to which it has to adapt itself and the spiritual ideal with which it is haunted. The method of socialization requires the selective survival of groups by normal adaptation to a social situation. This is the sys- tematic method in the production of efficient types. Among the so-called natural races of mankind the social types thus developed are largely the product of what we may roughly regard as natural forces; that is, selective survival is largely by natural se- lection or typal survival by elimination. Among the peoples known to human history the social type becomes more emphatically a purposeful end of social poHcy, to the extent even of controlling the resources of cultural civilizations.§ That is to say, where the community is aware of the kind * Ward, Psychic Factors: Part I., " Subjective Factors." (Ch. IX.) t Ward, Psychic Factors : Part II., " Objective Factors." j Stephen, Science of Ethics, Ch. II., Sees. 34-42. § Ratzel, The History of Manlcind, Sees. 3-4. Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, V., pp. 202-206. 52 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. or type of character it wishes to realize, selection is mainly social or that of typal development to- ward perfection. The best conceivable attainment — the ideal type — at any period of any people's history or growth is a question of fact, and the types of excellence can only be compared by some standard of social serviceableness.* The central fact to be looked for in our analysis of social conditions is the type of personality resulting therefrom. Educational, industrial and poHtical policies must pass this test of effect on social type. Every such type is an actual solution which the social process presents to scientific thought. Every such solution result- ing from the composite process of socialization takes the form of social types. Every type is what nature and history make him. History feeds the flame of personality on the ever-burning altar of humanity; nature nourishes the bodily form en- dowed with wants. Both pour their resources with varying degrees of fulness into the process of social selection, giving tO' us the progressive creation of social types of all varieties of efficient worth. Within the limits of the organic and the ideal, and with respect to them, the social type is an imitable object. Any typical person who is imi- tated is to that extent a power. As the subject of imitation in the social aggregate in which it is to the manor born, he may sei-ve as an objective ideal often exercising creative control of untold potency over the lives of entire groups, such as the family * Simcox, Natural Law, VII. SOCIAL TYPES. S3 and the school. The social type must not therefore be conceived of as merely the product of a physical or a biological process wrought out by an infinite series of impacts; it is not simply an object cast upon the shores of the social world by the currents of nature and the storms of civilization. Whatever else the types of personality which we recognize in human association alone may prove to be, each of them is at least the center of an educative activity and the source of those selective energies with which men are endowed. The truest social type exhibits energies by which the trend of social evo- lution has been more or less consciously determined at every step. The truly typical personality is the magnet by which the associative capacity of man has been completely differentiated from all else that is known in the world of scientific investigation. It is this socializing genius that requires for man a unique treatment under a category which is pe- culiarly his own. Typical man, whether savagely natural or preeminently historical in his develop- mental estate, has as the distinctive property of his nature that selective secret of survival and develop- ment by which with one hand he exploits the for- mative order of the world about him and with the other lights up his path of progress to the next best estate by the civilizing genius of history within him. He is the criterion of his own kind, class and condition. But his power over his own kind is al- ways measured by the degree to which he is typical. The social type is, furthermore, the norm of social adaptation. Normality is the requisite degree 54 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. of adaptability to conditions of existence at a given time and place. With change in conditions the once normal ceases to be so, except by virtue of selective adaptation to type, by the selection of the next best estate, as the situation in which social survival is more fully normal. A very large propor- tion of every social class lives not by the bread of the earth alone, but by the word of the social type that proceeds from the selective sense that resides in that class. The socially normal type of man is the seat of selected authority more fundamental than any law or institution by which the path of safe existence is hedged about. The type thus ac- tively present, whether in person or in the mind and the method of the group of persons, is the epito- mized content of past and present requisites of sur- vival and the basis of future development. Not only is the type of personality the center around which social groups of kindred natures are organically built up; not only is it the chief factor in normalizing personality in association; but it is evidently an agency of development, in every social group in which the degrees of attainment exhibit dififerentiations that excite men tO' effort. Sociali- zation requires subordination to superior types, as a condition of development. Where adaptation to physical conditions has gone hand in hand with consciousness of superior possibilities of social as- cendency, we have the social type acting as an agency of assimilation of the lower or less developed toward the higher types. The child that aspires to the role of citizenship, the immigrant to whom the SOCIAL fYPM. 55 atmosphere of his adopted people is a stimulus, as well as the colony that steadily converges its ener- gies to the realization of a freer and more forceful type of civic character — these are all alike led by the types of attainment on which each has set its hope. But comprehending them all, as the aegis of their chosen fields of effort, the national type of character causes the variety of types it compre- hends to converge toward an end which has an existence no less real because it is typical of what men tend to be. Uniform laws, uniform conditions and institutions promote this result. The capil- larity of the modern municipality, by which the urban movement of population is called into activ- ity, is a process of social typification. Reaction from the rural type and selection of the urban type as the norm of association is the preeminent fea- ture of this socializing process. Within the city the process of assimilation is largely effected by institutional agencies. The club, school, church, factory, theatre, press, all mould men to type. The same is true especially of the assimilation of the foreigner to the American type of civic character. But in all cases of social assimilation the existing social type acts as a lodestone to the extent to which it has become an attainable norm of adapta- tion, if only in a few given examples to become the object of imitation by others, who learn through it how to be socially normal. Finally, the type of personality must be regarded as a constructive cause of social realization. The truly typical characterized to our minds unifies and 56 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. crystallizes our typical qualities. In this advanced sense the social type becomes creative of effort in the direction of the ideal. The story of the heroic impels the child to organize its fellows for enter- prise. Out of the qualities which characterize men and women of the past we are continually con- structing logically valid types of personality to- wards which we bend our energies and fashion our lives in the faith that the types we hold before us may be incarnated into our better selves. If the artist objectifies for us on canvas or in marble the type of personality we have vaguely outlined to our consciousness, we recognize at once the type which we have striven tO' realize. Thus the artistic ex- pression of the social type is made the means of an effective formation of character — a causal power in social consolidation of those who share in the kinship of the deeper life. The creative types of personality stand highest in the price-current of social valuation. We may sum up the results of this analysis in the following propositions: 1. That the group of personalities similar enough to come under the same social type affords to nature and history an area of characterization by which their specific effects upon persons can be conserved and made part of the social process to be assimilated into the Hfe of the community. 2. That the development of variety of social types arising from this receptivity of the social process depends equally upon the appropriability SOCIAL TYPES. 57 of the psychical and the physical elements by the social organization. 3. That the essential elements of typal worth are (a) adaptation to the ways of nature, (b) ap- propriation of the truth of history and tradition, and (c) selective anticipation of the assimilative tendencies of the social process. 4. That the social value of any particular person has to be practically estimated by conformity to the type of personal efficiency to which his capacities have assigned him in the divided labor of social organization; and secondly, by the capacity to share in the realization of the theoretically normal type of personality to which the life of the com- munity tends as a whole. That is, he must be typi- cally social in his own particular situation and he must share in the realization of the type towards which the social organization tends. In the next chapter we shall see how this tend- ency toward the potentially normal type is realized by the social type, thus making socialization devel- opmental in its character. Thus far it has been groupal, the social type being a representative member of the homogeneous group. CHAPTER IV. SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. A SOCIOLOGICAL type is either a potentially normal type of personality or a theoretically supe- rior type of social organization projected as a goal of practice. It is one of four terms in the typo- logical series: the generic type which is organic, the social type which is an example normal to a group, the sociological type which is a potentially normal type of personality or a type of social organ- ization taken as a standard of equilibrium with a social tendency, and the ideal type in which all the typal tendencies are harmonized in a solidarity in- volving development. The selective connection unites them into a typological series. A social tendency is composed of the members of this series. The sociological type is a complex of potentials. Change compels the social process to move on or die out. Every social type normally constructs for itself at almost every step of its existence a sort of a series of sociological hypotheses on the strength of which it proceeds to normalize itself in the direc- tion of the ideal, in the face of change which has disturbed its temporary equilibrium. The typical mother, father, or social leader always thinks of 58 SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 59 possible needs of life. The contents of past experi- ence are summed up in the social type. The pres- ence of conscious possibilities gives us the poten- tially normal or the sociological type. The social process also reckons with and regards the ideal. Between the actual and the ideal lies the potential. And this is the essence of the social process itself so far as that process tends to be normal. The potency to adaptation to a superior situation is a quality of the typical person and of the com- munity. This assumes that if the social type is true to itself by acting on the basis of past experi- ence (habit, heredity), in adapting itself to new circumstances (suggestion), the individual as well as the social aggregate must surrender itself sub- stantially to the hypothesis which it has formed out of these new potentiahties in order to fulfill the conditions of finding the new equilibrium upon which its survival normally depends. That com- plex of potentialities, to which the social type must attain to survive, is the sociological type. This practice or power of suggestion of the con- ceivable facts which will potentially meet the want of the newly required equilibrium for any social organization or for any leading tendency therein, may be called invention, suggestion, imagination, mental construction, prediction, prophecy, faith or the seeing of visions of the invisible. By whatever name it be known, this constructive anticipation of the normally potential type is real to both logic and to life which science observes; because the process of scientific thinking is none other than this process 6o SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. — the application of past experience to the new conditions that arise, by the projection of the ob- served order of events into the future. The social spirit speculates on what had better be done next. The social process answers this question by giving in the sociological type the next term potentially normal enough to meet the anticipated requisites of survival. Development arises from this very act of realization. The transition from the actual social type to the potentially normal type becomes therefore the log- ically normal tendency of the social process. De- velopment of the community consists in the select- ive connection between the actual and the poten- tially more normal life of the typical groups. The type towards which the social process tends is the sociological type — the theoretically normal type which tends to prevail in response to the im- pulse in social man which impels him to seek to realize the more normal rather than to be content with a less normal condition of existence. The social type is the type actually required for personal survival in any simple social situation; but the soci- ological type is the type toward which the actual social type must tend in order to develop out of the actual into a conceivably superior, that is, toward an ideal social situation. At every step of social development this speculative sense of the socially superior as a realizable social end is present.* We may therefore with strictest accuracy put this series of successive social and sociological types together * Ward, Psychic Factors, Ch. XXXIV. SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 6 1 and regard this phase of the societary process as the essence of the developmental process. The es- sential function of the sociological type is to pro- vide selective continuity of social thought from the actual to the theoretically normal by a series of ad- justments between the social situation that is and the potential social situation that tends to become actual in the direction of the ideal. Hence the soci- ological type is the tendential index foreshadowing, in a vague yet to the trained social sense in an effec- tive way, the tendency and the direction to change in the life of society. The selective continuity, which renders development possible, from one situ- ation to a theoretically better one, involves a series of functional and conditional changes to enable the social type to reach the sociological type. What is loses its right of way to what had better be. This distinction between types social and socio- logical rests on a strictly scientific distinction which comparative sociology has made it necessary to admit into sociological theory. The distinction is that which we make between survival and devel- opment as substantial aspects of human association. Any association in whose poHcy survival controls the end of concourse with one another necessarily evolves social types by natural selection. The method of natural selection is survival by elimina- tion of the non-typical. But any association in which human beings coexist systematically with their kind for purposes of betterment must deal largely with the potential in human nature. That is, every association in which problems of better- 62 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. ment are permitted to be preeminent over the mere matter of survival, will necessarily project mental pictures of possible states of social exist- ence. Compared with the existing states in which survival is simply secured, these are deemed worth while for men in social concert to strive to attain to for themselves and their kind. This potentially better ' commonwealth ' of social existence, is theo- retically the better of the two, just because it is re- garded as containing the very characteristics and conditions which would cause the existing type to pass over into the reahzation of the conceivably superior type of personal existence. This projected type is the sociological type. Its conceptual reahty makes development of social type possible; its ab- sence limits human association to survival. It is a vague thing, but it is fatal to society to be wanting in it. In the natural races of mankind the social type is the criterion of social value, because there survival is practically the whole aim of association and consequently all change is withstood so far as it is possible to do so. That is the only logical policy. Among the civilized races, on the con- trary, development is the principal or at least a prominent thing and the transition from the actual to the potentially superior type of social being by change of conditions more favorable thereto is not only encouraged, but the capacity to serve society in safely effecting these successive transitions in the right direction is the civilized test of socio- logical value. When this conception of the sociological type is SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 63 once grasped the student of society may regard himself as having in hand the speculative concep- tion by which the social mind reasons out its future. No parliamentary discussion ever takes place with- out taking into account the effect of any measure on the type that normally tends to prevail. We must look for it at the point where the separate currents of social effort tend to meet. It is always in advance of us. It gives us the truly scientific standpoint by anticipating the real cause of devel- opment. At the risk, therefore, of being prolix, a more de- tailed definition of the sociological type in its es- sential functions is deemed important. We have thus far spoken mainly of actual social types result- ing from the objective social process. Living to- gether in one place tends to make people more and more alike in type. Such types are those which the practised eye may, after a little deductive experi- ence, see for itself on every page of history, in every living community, under every social relationship and in every one we meet. What is sensibly ob- served is, however, only an individual member of the kindred group — a typical member of an old and well-estabHshed family, a typical representative of the capitalist or of the aristocratic class, a typical American woman, a typical Southern gentleman of the old school, a typical representative of the Hebrew race, or a typical son of green Erin's Isle. The logical reality, the center or core of the aggre- gate of which these are respectively the typical ex- amples, is the social type. The logically real social 64 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. type serves as the commonly conceived standard by which each member is connoted to the group to which he belongs. The social type has its theoretical importance rather in what it does than in what it is. It is the logical symbol of the objectively known aggregate. What it does is this : it serves as the representative unit of comparison by which to guide the mind in the scientific analysis of social phenomena, in the comparison of social movements, in the enumer- ation of social objects and their arrangement into classes and kinds, and finally in the formation of social judgments about people as they are and are to be found. Our description of social types as objective cen- ters of. characterization Jh which the natural forces and the historical motives effecting the evolution of personahty found actual expression in typical characters, was simply intended to make clear to the mind occupied with social thought that the social type is to be regarded as a characteristic member of a group in possession of a given social situation. It failed to make clear to the mind in search of a method of treating the more refractory phenomena of progression, by what conceivable way the once normal product could pass out of any given situation which has now changed and of which it was the exponent, into another conceivably more normal social situation in the ordinary course of socialization. It fell short of furnishing us with an intermediate term between the actual SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 65 and the ideal, towards which social development normally tends. This datum of the social consciousness we find in the sociological type. It is a logical necessity of human evolution. Here as elsewhere we start in our quest from things as they are to find what they tend to be- come. Any existing social types may be regarded as determined by past social tendencies.* And what is true of any one is true of all social tenden- cies which have a type-determining importance in a given social condition of things. We must know the position and the possibilities involved. The problem then is to find, for the right grasp of the societary processes, a guiding standard or progressive point of view going before and giving precision of aim to the tendential forces, so that these various type-developing tendencies may find the focus to which they are capable of converging, lest the creative energies of the movement fail to effect that characterization of types which is its normal function and the typal tendency pervading civilization be lost, as it were, like a stream in the desert. From what we know of socialization we are sure that it cannot be a blind, aimless movement. Neither the course of nature to which society is bound nor the quality of history from which we get its subjective meaning allows us thus to con- ceive of society. Yet we are not scientifically justi- * Paulhan,Xes caract^res, II,, Liv. 11. 66 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. fied in assuming that a teleological authority is thrust into the process of typification from outside of society itself, other than that which comes to existing society from appropriating the contents of past civiHzation and from utilizing with a wiser foresight and firmer control the environing condi- tions of social living. Nevertheless, no society which has come to self-consciousness doubts that this alembic of social experimentation, into which the powers natural and historical pour and out of which new types of social worth come intO' being amongst its people, is presided over by some funda- mental principle under which the actualized types of to-day become part of the goods of history and nature to-morrow, only to be assimilated into the making of the types of the future. The logical form under which we may conceive of the socially becoming must be a tendency-con- trolling criterion capable of giving constructive character to the elements of the developmental process. It must be a hypothetically valid norm towards which the variant aspects of socialization tend in order to enter into the realization of po- tentially truer types of personal worth. Social order moves, whether in progressive or decadent civilizations. Is there any theoretically definable type towards whose focus the concurrent ongoing we call society sends its several active tendencies — industrial, religious, political, aesthetic — for char- acterization? And, if so, how are we to recognize in sociological theory the principle that rules in this interesting nexus of typification? SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 6^ This guiding norm which gives organic character to the complex tendencies of sociaHzation is the sociological type. If, however, the sociological type be the selective criterion in which the variety of social types and tendencies of all grades and de- grees of actual development must find their co- ordination as a requisite of a potentially completer development; to which of these two — the social or the sociological type — are we to look for a working standard of social valuation ? The social type be- ing the practically normal type, at home with the social aggregate, to which its members give adher- ence; and the sociological type being the poten- tially normal type that tends to prevail, we have two essential points of view from which the products of socialization may be estimated: we may judge of the societary process either in terms of the practi- cally normal type of man as we see and know him at his work in the relations of actual life. This is the concrete social man. Or we may measure so- cial value by the extent to which the societary process tends to promote the growth in personality of those more or less purposeful anticipations which the progressive community and developing person- alities consciously or habitually formulate for their own development. This is the potentially superior or sociological man. The reaction of this type upon the aggregate then develops the social organiza- tion. Which of these twO' — the social or the socio- logical man — is entitled to exercise sovereignty over socialization? If we now recur for a moment to the concluding 68 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. summary under the description of the Social Types, it will be seen that these two norms of social worth are not really competing but complemental norms in the same process. The real problem then is not which is the type containing the law of social valu- ation, but how to balance the claims of both which are alike indispensable in the formation of social judgments. Our answer must be found in a more specific presentation of the distinct functions of the sociological type and its relations with the social type — its complement — in socialization. I. TJie Sociological Type is Synthetic: as such it defines the limits of typal survival. Social man has hedged himself in from the forces of nature in which the unrestrained struggle for existence goes on. In this state of existence one of his chief char- acteristics is his susceptibility to suggestion, for the facilitation of which he has developed a great many symbols of communication by which common grounds of conduct are the more readily estab- lished. Centers of social interests are recognized, by reference to which all changes are to be judged. To these interests the typically social man is nor- mally loyal. But the different groups of interest arising within the same community, thus shut out from nature and her selective methods, make it necessary that some degree of differences should be tolerated. But just how much toleration of one type by another is required for survival in the same society is a question of policy peculiar to the social organization. The logical necessity arising out of this situation is a type of social organization which SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 69 tends to adjust itself so as to be generic enough to insure unity of organization and yet allow variety of typal adaptation in the social groups within that organization sufficient to tip the scales of policy in favor of developmental potentialities. This req- uisite of the societary process is found in the socio- logical type — the right and the faith to risk the next best step. This synthetic outcome of the social character- istics and conditions to the mind of social man be- comes a necessity of every relation he enjoys. Imitative suggestion having reached its limits of expansion or rather intension of type, variation from type sets in by way of reaction. But reaction toward what? The conceivably superior, the theo- retically more normal or sociological type. Only a few are thus affected at first, then a few more, then the social lump is leavened. To limit the range of typal reaction the sociological type be- comes the vital necessity of any state of human society. It sums up the possibly better terms on which men may live together. The sociological type thus becomes the theoreti- cally normal standard of social valuation by deter- mining what kinds of actions, relations and interests shall be regarded as compatible with the progres- sive life of the community. It gauges the amount of struggle which may be admitted and it thereby puts limits to the degree of cooperation deemed requisite for the development of the various types of social nature without prejudicing the unity and continuity of civic well-being for which social or- 70 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. ganization exists. A community which so controls and constrains the rivalry among its social types as to lower their level of social efficiency to that of its weaker types of personality, as injudicious charities tend to do, thereby subordinates its more normal to its less normal type, and puts itself in a fair way to become decadent rather than developmental, or at best to be subordinated or absorbed by some com- peting community, the tendency of whose social life is toward a superior type of personality and thus toward a more efficient type of social organi- zation. Wherever this subordination of the socio- logical type, which represents the normal trend of the societary process, is effected by putting an actual social type in its place, whose developmental possibilities are practically exhausted, the result is not a synthesis of social tendencies from the actual through the typically normal toward the ideal, but a recoil from the direction of the ideal resulting in an arrest of development. The whole scheme of social control which Hobbes worked out is exposed to this criticism. An atrophied survival is the inevi- table outcome, because normal development is theoretically impossible. The limitation of strug- gle tends to become extreme. 2. The Sociological Type is Selective: it indicates the logically normal adjustment of all specific tenden- cies of social development within the same social organ- ization. In its synthetic capacity the sociological type serves as an indicator of the area within which unity of type must dominate the group. There struggle was limited. But in its selective capacity SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 71 it must have respect unto the requisites of survival of variant types and conditions of social existence. Here struggle must be organized and equated among classes. Speaking of the well-known facts about animal communities Dr. Arthur Mitchell re- marks that "through the general cooperation they seem to give to the weaker members of the com- munity a better chance of survival than they would have if each individual were battling for itself." Now it is just this purposeful — not instinctive — ca- pacity of selectively projecting or suggesting a system of association with a greater number of bet- ter chances of survival in it, that puts and keeps the civilized societies of men upon the track of develop- ment. But the winning of the potential chance is always at the price of struggle — selective struggle. The roaming horde at some time in the past must have begun to select for itself that set of better chances which led to the better organization o_f its divergent impulses. The brute-communities never body forth any such a complex of attainable chances as are woven together by the social con- sciousness of human societies in the sociological type. So in the modern city and the contemporary nation we have the same normal criterion admit- ting an infinitely greater variety of social tendencies through which provision is made for that multiplic- ity of methods of adaptation to conditions. Thus is made possible an ever-increasing realization of the aims of the component social tendencies. Only the trend must be under the selective control of this governing principle of a potentially normal 72 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. type taken for granted by the competing and co- operating tendencies within the sanction of the social sense. The several tendencies work by socio- logical types as several builders work by architect's plans. All types that develop at all must find their raison d'etre therein. Tendencies that ignore the sociological type, to that extent become abnormal in degree and consequently the social type resulting therefrom is abnormal. The selective relation of the social types, at all times of divergent tenden- cies, to the sociological lies in the line of the nor- mally superior assimilation. Different classes and conditions are unequally prepared to participate in the tendency that leads on to a superior adaptation; but the sociological type none the less indicates the direction in which selection by the actual types to realize the potentially superior type of existence must be exercised. For any social type, therefore, the direction of its development from a given social condition is indicated by finding the minimum and the maximum limits within which any movement toward the sociological type would result in a po- tentially more normal adaptation to the conditions of existence. This gives us the limits and the Hne of development. 3. The Sociological Type is Systematic: it provides the societary process with a principle of superiority and subordination in groupal competition and coopera- tion. This function arises where there are several social types existing at the same time representing different tendencies and yet each is aware of the common conditions on which any tendency may SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 73 develop into attainment of its specific end. Here arises the necessity of coordinating the different so- cial types under such established relations of inter- dependence as to provide a system of superiority and subordination among themselves. Otherwise the competition of types conies into play to such an extent as to result in the possible subversion of so- cial order and the cutting off of all except the most efficient types from survival or development. This conflict, if not arrested by some mutually accept- able system of relationships implying a control in the interest of some sociological type, imperils the dominance of the moral purpose for whose pursuit society has been called into existence and for the sake of which civilization persists. The sociological type furnishes us with this principle of superiority and subordination to which the developmental grades of social types in the same organization have to be coordinated. The higher social functions have to be coordinated with the lower. But among themselves there must be a reciprocal service cen- tering in the sociological type. On their respect- ive planes of typal capacity all have to be assimi- lated to that ruling end — the sociological type of attainment which is potentially within the reach of all types. Otherwise the higher types must have no inducements to development as the lower types despair of self-realization; but the theoretically nor- mal type calls into activity all possible social types which that type of social organization is capable of developing. 4. The Sociological Type is Purposive: it gives ^■4 SOCIAL DBVELOPMMT. purposive character to the societary process. As such it is the focaHzing nexus through which the aims of the great classes of the social population effect the transition from the actual types of attainment to- ward the progressive realization of the social ideals. The feeling of solidarity recognized in the harmon- izing of communities and social classes under a comprehensive self-consistent unity, has in the his- tory of peoples constantly brought them under the sway of some informing impulse, some energizing insight, some controlling consciousness, some con- quering conviction. The psychical capacity of a community, a nation or a class to construct a socio- logical situation into which the half-awakened so- cial forces and aspirations can be directed and therein find the superior sphere of development, is not possible except by the social spirit building for itself some such tentative outlook or conceptual model as the sociological type, from whose height it can see visions of the potentialities of the soci- etary process. The history of prophetic types in the growth of great religions illustrates this. No great typal attainment has ever been achieved by person or people without the use of this intermedi- ating framework by which its possibility was first demonstrated to the minds of men. The synthetic, selective, systematic and purposive projection of types is the sociological key to those otherwise mysterious transitions in which masses of humanity have been lifted out of an old civilization by the irresistible virility of a new power in human his- tory. SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. 75 The preceding chapters will permit of the follow- ing summary of the nature, the limits, the method and the conditions of realization of the process of social development. The nature of the process of social development is fundamentally typical both in the individual and the aggregate. In the objective course of social events regarded as part of the cosmic process and called The Social Process of natural association, and in the conceptual course of social reasoning in the race-consciousness, called The Sociological Process of social organization, we have found two related series or successions of controlling norms by which the particular and the universal aspects of human association are coordinated under a com- mon typological series as the ruling conceptions in the course of social development. The scope of this process of typological develop- ment lies between the minimum limits of the or- ganic types of personality, whose survival is condi- tioned upon the inorganic order of nature, and the maximum limits of typal potentialities as set by the conscious apprehension of the race-ideals as types of social solidarity. Personal force and social or- ganization create the type through, association. Within these limits there arise what are on the whole the leading conceptions in sociological sci- ence — namely, the social types which govern the life of the groupal aggregates; and, secondly, the social tendencies whose origin is in the actual social types as centers of social aggregation. These ten- dencies seek their self-realization by the impulse •jd SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. toward potentially more normal types and by the control of the sociological conceptions in the di- rection of the ideal. The whole social organization is therefore under the immediate guidance of the potentially normal type of personality in which each social tendency conceivably finds its solidar- ity. The method of finding the tendential equilib- rium both for typical personality and for the social tendency, as well as for the community composed of such tendencies is a process of selection. The equilibrium of personality is to be found in the so- cial group to whose typical standard his personal capacity enables him to conform. The equilibrium of the social tendency in turn is to be found by the adjustment of that tendency to the functions of the social organization it is capable of performing and at the same time by adjustment to the convictions of the community. The community itself is only at equilibrium in the recognition of the type of per- sonality toward which its organized activities normally tend to prevail. The function of the so- ciological type in selection is therefore that of guid- ing the social tendencies to self-normalization in keeping at once with both the natural requisites of personal survival in association and with the con- ceptual demands of the race-convictions as revealed in the prevailing degree of culture. The typal equi- librium of the community is found by the selection of that potentially normal type of personality in which the convictions of the community and the conditions of its natural existence tend to balance SOCIOLOGICAL TYPES. -j-j themselves in social policy. This is true of House- hold, of class, of village, of city, and of nation, to all of which the process of typal selection is the con- structive principle of social development. The conditions under which this process of social development is made possible are to be found by a study of association in its essential connections with and dependence upon nature, and by an equally necessary study of the sociological concepts whose content is given in human history. From the rela- tion of the process to nature we get the conditions under which the successive types of personality in the developmental series are evolved. From history we get the categories of the social consciousne-ss. By the union of the two — the conditions in nature and the content of history — we are enabled to com- bine both the static conditions and the dynamic tendencies of social man into a single develop- mental process — the evolution of organic man through successive stages of typal equilibria toward the ideal type of personal realization attainable only in associative life through purposeful organization. BOOK II. THE SOCIOLOGICAL POSTULATES. CHAPTER V. THE SOCIAL situation: typal integration. Functionally defined, the sociological type proved to be that reasoned datum of the social con- sciousness through whose control was effected the unification of the conditions of individual life with the universal tendencies expressed in the convic- tions of history. The process of human association therefore re- quires us to define these necessary conditions and the universal tendencies out of whose juncture this typal resultant arises in all the range of develop- ment between the organic and the ideal. Logically stated, the problem is to define the Sociological Postulates of the evolution of types of personality. 1. What are the necessary conditions in actual association for the development of objective types of personality? What conforming conditions must a member of society observe for the production of this result? 2. What are the universal tendencies or abiding relations of personality to the community for devel- opment by sociological types of personality? What normal connections must govern social organiza- 81 82 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tion in the forms of the social class, the family, the community, the nation, in order to reach this result of development among its members by being true to the typical ? These necessary conditions to which the social aggregate must conform, as also must the indi- vidual, are the postulates of typal development. They are (i) The Social Situation, (2) The Social Interests, (3) The Social System and (4) The So- cial Mind. These are the logical conditions with- out which we can give no formal explanation of social development. The corresponding universal tendencies to be postulated for typal development, are (i) Typal In- tegration, (2) Typal Differentiation, (3) Typal As- similation and (4) Typal Solidarity. Without these we cannot explain the processes involved in social organization. Within each of these conditions the principle corresponding thereto prevails. The social situa- tion integrates, the social interests differentiate, the social system assimilates and the social mind consolidates. The selective survival of social man is by the method of development from the actual toward the potentially normal type of personality, but always by virtue of such tendency as the con- ditions require. Typal integration is the subordination of person- ality to the social type in any given social situation or simple social state. The societary process is a process in which the social causes — natural forces and psychical motives — impel the members of the THE SOCIAL Situation. 83 community to typal survival and development, or typal succession from the less to the conceivably more favorable situation. In order to proceed with a strictly scientific analysis of this process we shall have to define to our minds a simple situation, or condition of things, or ' state of society ' as Mill calls it.* Within this situation social causes may be conceived of as operating upon personality in as- sociation; from this causal area for the time being all other influences must be regarded as excluded on the assumption of their relatively insignificant part in the moulding of the personal organism into the typical member. Such a formal situation we designate the Social Situation. We have then also to picture to ourselves the requisites of that transitional movement by which any social type of character or of organization, as already realized in a given situation, passes over into a more highly developed type of personality or organization between the actual and the ideal, through the selective synthesis of the sociological type. The social situation is the starting-point of a social tendency. The answer given is substantially as follows: Typal progression or socialization takes place by the logical process of constructing, out of the con- tents of the psychical experience of society aided by the knowledge and the use of the factors of nat- ural environment, a conceivably more normal social situation into which the social type known to our * Mill, Logic, Bk. VI., Ch. X., § 2, 84 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. observation is theoretically capable of entering. This projected social state is the logical reality nec- essary for the realization of the sociological type. Within this process conceived of as a series of social states, situations or types of attainment occupied by typical groups of persons in and upon whom the causal factors of associative Hfe play, we must look for the stages in the evolution of social man. According to this view the process of develop- mental typification is to be looked upon as a series of coordinations of the individual and the universal in successive types social and sociological. The co- ordination occurs in the social aggrega.tes wherein the animal and the ideal are integrated in the typi- cal. This gives us the social type in any given so- cial situation. The sociological type the social sense contrives and constructs as a potential habitat for the social type to enter into successively, and towards which the social forces and motives impel the group or some of its members to proceed. The potentially superior or sociological situation in each case of transition deeply intersects the actual or social situation. The transition is effected by the social type as rapidly and as certainly as it is capa- ble of selectively appropriating the normalizing elements of objective nature and the idealizing ele- ments of spiritual history. This is the essence of the social tendency — the selective transition from the social to the sociological type. The social situation, concretely defined in terms of social causation, is the area of typal characteriza- tion within which the product of the societary proc- THE SOCIAL SITUATION. 85 ess is a substantially homogeneous type of person- ality. This is the case in the family, in particular. This area of characterization has to be marked off in theory as it is in fact from the cosmic process of which it is none the less a part; so that the causal factors peculiar to the societary movement may be the more readily recognized in the definition of the social situation and the series of social situations which make up the social tendency. This is clearly stated by Professor Huxley: "Men in society," he says, " are undoubtedly subject to the cosmic process. As among other animals, multiplication goes on without cessation, and involves severe com- petition for the means of support. The struggle for existence tends to eliminate those less fitted to adapt themselves to the circumstances of their ex- istence. The strongest, the most self-assertive, tend to tread down the weaker. But the influence of the cosmic process on the evolution of society is the greater the more rudimentary its civilization. Social progress means a checking of the cosmic process at every step and the substitution for it, of another which may be called the ethical process; the end of which is not the survival of those who may happen to be the fittest in the respect of the whole of the conditions which obtain but of those who are ethically the best." * The same authority continues, " Society differs from nature in having a definite moral object; whence it comes about that the course shaped by the ethical man — the member * Evolution and Ethics, p. 81. 86 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. of society or citizen — necessarily seems counter to that which the non-ethical man — the primitive sav- age or man as a mere member of the animal king- dom — tends to adopt. The latter fights out the struggle for existence to the bitter end, Hke any other animal; the former devotes his best energies to the object of setting limits to the struggle." * On the side toward nature and nature's methods of survival the social situation is delimited by the systematic association of personalities in domestic, municipal, national and other groups, within which the prevailing efifort entailed by the cosmic relation- ship is to discount conflict by which the social type has become integrated and differentiated and to put a premium on cooperative characterization of per- sonality in conformity with one of several varieties of homogeneous social types. The rate and the ex- tent of this process of typal characterization depend very largely on the relative importance which the prevailing type of personality in command of the social situation puts upon the procreative functions of personality and the productive control of natural resources; if the energies of personality be too pro- creative for the survival of the social type out of the productive resources at command, the process of desocialization begins within the social situation and the very end of social organization tends to be defeated by creating the conditions of strug- gle within the limits of society formed for the pur- pose of putting limits to the struggle. The level * Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, p. 203. THE SOCIAL SITUATION. 87 of the social type drops in the scale of the race-con- sciousness. It is an alternative between fewer and better men, or more and worse men as a matter of social policy. Desocialization may take the form of the conflict of classes, each of which occupies a social situation of its own, primarily of its own making. Or it may be effected by the systematic repression of the af- fective motives* of which legalized infanticide was the primitive and ancient method, and irresponsible systems of providing for foundlings a modern ex- pedient. The typal potentialities of a given social situation are therefore directly conditioned on the existing ratio of procreative to the productive en- ergies of the community. If the present time and place — the social situation — are such as to exhaust the resources of a class to preserve its equilibrium with its environment there is no adequate propor- tion of effort available for anticipating or realizing a potentially more normal situation among com- peting classes. Hence the possibilities of a class depend upon the ratio of the social type to the sociological type, between which the units of social efficiency are distributed, in any social situation or any community made up of any number of typical groups. And what is true of the community is equally true of any particular type in that commu- nity. Any particular type of personality with re- spect to whose energies the procreative claims out- bid the productive claims, tends thereby to neutral- * Letourneau, Sociology, Vol. I., Bk. III., Ch. V. 88 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. ize the advantages of association against nature. As the quantity grows the quality dechnes beyond a definite limit. This introduces the cult of strug- gle — homeopathically it may be, but no less surely — whose effect and process is the relatively more general individualization of the membership of so- ciety. This typological ratio is one of the chief social factors in the formation and maintenance of social classes. The defensive effort is akin to that of the whole society against nature. Social classes above the lowest retain the advantage of an ac- quired social situation, occupied by a homogeneous type, by limiting the excessive spread of the com- petitive cult to the social classes in which it had its procreative origin. Hence there are as many typal areas of characterization as there are social levels of homogeneous class-life or of standards of asso- ciative tastes and tolerance. So much for the social situation as it is related to nature. On the side of the social situation to- ward which history tends, on the other hand, and in which personality receives progressive character- ization, there arises another and counterpoising tendency — the opposite of desocialization by con- flict. In any social situation in which the type of personality represents the superiority of the pro- ductive over the procreative powers, there the tend- ency is decidedly to socialize the type of personality in the direction of the sociological type by which the cult of concord is maintainable. Classes are assimilated toward a superior type of social organ- ization. In spite of all that has been written by THE SOCIAL SITUATION. gg way of gainsaying the essential conceptions of the Malthusian analysis of the social process, it remains true tendentially at least for any given social situa- tion, that ior that situation these two typal tenden- cies — the socialization of the individual toward su- periority of type and the individualization of so- ciety to the extent of irresponsibility to type — may be so related to each other in point of relative sub- ordination of the socializing to the individualizing tendency as to force the whole social situation held by a once superior type down to the level of ineffi- ciency where the type is dealt with by the method of natural selection, that is, survival by elimination of the inefficient types. The control of the tend- ency to typal integration in the simple social situa- tion requires the subordination of personality to the type of personality best fitted to prevail. And the ratio of the procreative to the productive claims upon the existing social type in command of a so- cial situation determines which of these two ten- dencies shall be given priority of social control, the organic or the ideal.* Sociological policy would of course seek to keep the eyes of the self-conscious group steadily set toward the theoretically normal situation to which the social type through the soci- * By procreative claims I mean of course that requisition which the reproduction of the species makes upon the ener- gies of social capacity ; by productive claims I mean not simply economic goods but also aesthetic creations, moral, legal and all other social services by which society improves its chances for survival and development of the types of life it represents. 90 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. ological type is deemed reasonably capable of suc- ceeding. The tendency to typal integration within the same social situation becomes the primary feature of association, by this analysis of the societary proc- ess. The social tendency is that typal succession of situations social and sociological by which when men are sufficiently integrated to work together in the social organization each type may seek the ends that seem best. The key to the social situation is the type of personality which normally prevails therein; and the type of personahty which prevails, and is in actual possession of the situation, together with the sociological type potentially realizable by the social type, gives us the two necessary data to determine the social tendency peculiar to any social class or condition. We get the locus of the process within the social situation by determining two facts: the social type as it is and the sociolog- ical type — the potentially normal type which the developing type tends to become. Each of these has its separate coordinates in the necessary condi- tions and the universal relations accounting for its reahzation. We must judge of a family, a class or a people by what it normally seeks to attain to as well as by what it actually is. The direction is vital. The social situation, considered as one of the theoretically necessary forms of the social process in scientific analysis, within which the social type finds itself tenanted, has three essential aspects or characterizing factors. Our analysis reveals (i) the type of personality in which the social aggregate THE SOCIAL SITUATION. 91 finds its unity or integrity; (2) the conditions of existence to which the social type must normalize itself in order to survive in the given situation; arid (3) the sociological type, in which the social type of personality and the conceivably more normal con- ditions of existence tend to find their potentially more perfect equilibrium. The most simple exam- ple of the social situation as a sphere of typal de- velopment is the family,* in the course of its natural growth. Its business is the integration of members to a homogeneous type. This being the nature of the social situation, what is its law or principle according to which typal in- tegration goes on? We have a product here — the social type. How does the individual ever become typical and thus tend toward the universal ? If each necessary form of social activity has a corre- spondingly universal relation from which to regard the process, then we shall have to look in each nec- essary form of social order for a corresponding type-developing principle coordinating these as- pects. The social situation, the social interests, the social system and the social mind have each a law of its own. The sociological law, or, as we prefer to call it, the sociological principle, dominating the social sit- uation in the developmental process is called the Principle of Typal Integration, and may be stated as follows : In every simple social situation the princi- ple governing typal integration requires that the * The Politics of Aristotle, Bk. I., Chs. I.-III. (Welldon). 92 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. individual member of the social aggregate shall be subordinated to the type of personality which tends toward the maximum equilibrium of personality with the conditions of existence. That is, the normal family, class, community or nation is one which tends toward the potentially more normal type of attainment of which the social aggregate is capable. The principle of typal integration by subordina- tion of personality to the homogeneous type which the social sense deems worthy of survival, is one of the fundamental principles of social reasoning. For this there is no lack of confirmation in the facts of social existence. The best illustration of the prin- ciple in practice is to be found in the study of prim- itive tribal life, the functions of the family in social evolution, and the fortunes of the several social classes. Under these conditions it is more natural because easier to conform to a homogeneous type. The few who resist the natural inertia suffer punish- ment or social pressure to conform. For the pur- pose of participation in this process men originally must have remained in society after type-control- ling maternity lost power over its offspring. For this end man stays in society. And, when once within the social situation which secures for him survival by imitation of organic type to which he is capable of conforming as the price of his life, it is impossible but that contact, tolerance, communica- tion and cooperation should develop and diffuse a sense of a typical criterion in which the social ag- gregate finds its logical equilibrium. The tendency THE SOCIAL SITUATION. 93 in personality to regard this typical center of social equilibrium as the essential of survival, is the sub- jective process of typification. The principle of typal subordination in the interest of homogeneity is the principle governing the social process within the social situation. It is no less developmental than necessary for survival, since it disciplines the individual organism into cooperation with the moral standard called the social type. By far the largest proportion of the phenomena of early societies which relate to genealogical or- ganization of society can be explained satisfactorily only on the assumption that the social type was the actual and the sociological type the potentially nor- mal law of these communities. With them, in the early stages of social development unity of type overshadowed all else. The machinery of religion was utilized to maintain that as the requisite of sur- vival. Systems of consanguinity changed from matriarchal to patriarchal or reverted from one to the other in obedience to the requisites of typal survival by more normal adaptation to that ten- dency which gave increased potency of typal conti- nuity. While this homogeneity of type was the primary social aim, typal integration was the su- preme tendency to which personality had to yield himself. In the complex structure of modern society a member may owe allegiance to several social situa- tions at the same time. A child owes primary alle- giance to domestic authority and his survival and development depend on his conformity to the type 94 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. it represents. Similarly the youth owes allegiance to the school as the situation in which he finds a transitional equilibrium. Likewise, the adult owes allegiance to the interests of his class in which his equilibrium lies. Finally, all owe allegiance to the type which the national organization of society seeks to realize for its members. But there is no confusion in typal allegiance, because these forms are successive and complemental. CHAPTER VI. SOCIAL interests: typal differentiation. The developmental process presents another phenomenon which cannot be explained on the as- sumption of a society within which homogeneity of type is the transcendent fact and in which therefore the prevailing causal relation of personality to the community is typal integration. The phenomenon in question is the existence of variety of types and divergent tendencies which somehow manage to disturb the simple social state in which the homogeneous type prevailed. This fact is observable in any complex community out- side of the normal family of civilized life or the tribal life of savagery, though it is also present in subordinate phases there. On what formal conditions can their appearance in the social process be explained ? What neces- sity drove society to this result ? We must assume that in the place of a homogeneity of type as the requisite of survival there has arisen a variety of social interests. These divided the population against itself and each personality according to its ratio of personal efificiency follows the bent of inter- ests in the effort to attain to social equilibrium. 95 96 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. These centers of social interests become new cen- ters of integration. The transition from the homo- geneous to the heterogeneous types calls for a po- tentially more normal type of social organization. The dominant causal relation of personality to the community is now that of typal differentiation. Typal differentiation is the reaction within the so- cial aggregate of a tendency whose object is the substitution of an adaptive variety of types for a traditional homogeneity of type. This first stage of socialization required such re- lations of the social population to one another as to cause the energies of the people to be primarily occupied with the development of a sovereign sense of membership. All other impulses and inclina- tions within the social organism were systematically subordinated to this overmastering spirit of the highly socialized community. This lasted as long as fellowship was the main want of the community. The early life of the race, and the communistic communities to some extent even now, have to look to the socializing of the individual. Life is the cornerstone of liberty in society. Consequently unity of social type by conformity thereto extends continuously through long ages, tyrannizing over the whole archaic organization.* The farther back we go, or the farther apart we go from the social types of modern achievement, the more dominant becomes the dictum of conformity to unity of type in the minutest and in the most comprehensive as- * Hearn, The Aryan Household, Introduction, pp. 4-9. THB SOCIAL INTERESTS. 9^7 pects of association. Changes in social organiza- tion, such as had to be made, were made in the interest real or fictitious of survival by conservation of social type. The same is true of the basal rela- tions of society at all times — integration of type is fundamental. The second aspect of the developing process ap- pears when the reaction of personality from con- formity sets in as a divergent tendency seeking social survival not by conservation of type but rather by deviation from type. A new norm of social relationship has to be provided. At this juncture in the process the problem is to make intelligible the rise of variety in social types; and the social process has to be tested by its capacity to produce effective varieties of types of personality and of social organization in any given time and place. After a few more words of definition we shall see that the nature and constitution of person- ality is such, in its relation to what we call social interests, that both the natural and the historical factors in human nature conspire to develop specific centers of social interests within the social situation, and that in connection with these interests specific types of personality tend to arise and a complex type of social organization arises therewith. The appearance of specific types of personality in the social situation calls into prominence a cor- respondingly distinct principle of development. In the simple social situation, the equilibrium between the actual member and the conditions of existence is theoretically expressed in the tendency to the 98 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. integration of all to the same type. But here there was only one type to take into consideration. Sub- ordination to this single type which tended nor- mally to prevail was the simple requisite of survival and integration was the principle of development of the whole community in its earliest stages. When, however, homogeneity of type begins to give place to heterogeneity of type the simple com- munity becomes differentiated into several kinds of social interests or social centers, and each social interest tends to become the normal home of a homogeneous class. Then the equilibrium of each kindred group of members with its specific condi- tions, and of all competing groups constituting the now complex social organization, become matters of analytical determination. Social groups have to reckon with a type of personality and a type of so- cial organization. That type of personality which held the situation under homogeneous conditions we shall call the traditional type. The new types of a more specific character we shall call the adaptive types because adaptation to new conditions is a necessity of association. We shall see that both of these classes conform to principles which their con- ditions of living require. The American-born workman adheres to traditional standards; the foreign-born faces new conditions without that traditional bias in adaptation to change. It is thus seen why the traditional type keeps on its course of conformity to the past as its guiding principle in both practice and precept. The new or divergent types seek survival not by the line of higher in- THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. 99 tegration directly but by the method of normaliza- tion on the basis of social interests. This differen- tiation of variety of interests out of the common general interests of the community has become a more or less highly developed fact of the develop- ing society. So that the next step in our analysis of the sqcietary process requires us to show how the rise of variety of social interests affects the developing process and to state the sociological principle which is brought into prominence through this change. How does this new feature or ten- dency affect the type of personality that normally tends to prevail ? ' Social interests ' is a none too satisfactory term with which to denote those common considerations which everywhere have part in causing ' birds of a feather to flock together ' and act in concert with reference to the rest of the community. Nature makes no two men over exactly the same pattern and no two persons are situated in exactly the same set of circumstances. The rise of social interests comes with the apprehension of a special stake in the social organization, on the part of a typical group of persons. Our kindred, our class, our community and its estimation of us are social inter- ests, of each of which the individual is the coefficient. How are social interests developed and estab- lished ? They are developed by integration of kin- dred characters and established by differentiation from common interests. That is, the aggregate comes to center around a type of personality to which it more readily conforms than to the tradi- lOO SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tional type of personality. There tend thus to arise secondary areas of integration within the commu- nity of complex interests. The secondary areas of integration are the domains of the various social interests. Social utility or efficiency secures their separate existences. The social interests may therefore be defined as those groups of goods which bind the individual to the social organization for survival and by which different degrees of typal capacity are simultaneously developed among the members of the same social system. Each degree of development finds its home with social interests in which its normal equilibrium with the requisites of survival is more nearly realized than with any other interests. The connection of personality with this or that social interest, is the outcome of what each personality has, what he is, and what his wants are. Personality has become what he is by conformity to traditional type; this factor plus his impelling desires are the two terms indicating to us what he tends to become. The use of what he has deter- mines his developmental tendency. When these tendencies to satisfy desires have become estab- lished in what we might call vested interests such as property or personal relations accredited by social sanction expressed or implied, we may then say that social interests have become established as fea- tures of the now differentiated activities of the community. Social interests are therefore to the social process simply conventionalized systems or organs of satisfying personal wants, but wants THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. loi which personality only by living in society has found normal methods of satisfying. Social inter- ests are functional phases of the more general social process. Their governing principle of develop- ment is that of the differentiation by the substitu- tion of specific variety of activities for a generic form of activity. Each sphere of interests tends to perfect its peculiar type of character. Professor Baldwin, from a somewhat different point of view, has worked out a similar conclusion : " In our search for a definition of the ' interests ' of the individual, in relation to his social environ- ment, we find a certain outcome. His wants are a function of the social situation as a whole. The social influences which are working in upon him are po- tent to modify his wants, no less than are the innate tendencies of his personal nature to issue in such wants. The character which he shows actively at any time is due to these two factors in union. One of them is no more himself than the other. He is the outcome of " habit " and " suggestion," as psychology would say in its desire to ex- press everything in single words. Social sugges- tion is the sum of the social influences which he takes in and incorporates in himself when he is in the receptive, imitative attitude to the alter; habit is the body of formed material, already cast in the mould of a self, which he brings up for self-asser- tion and aggression, when he stands at the other pole of the relation to the alter, and exhibits him- self as a bully, a tyrant or at least a master of his own conduct. Of course, heredity or "endowment" 102 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. is on this side. And the social unit of desires as far as the individual is taken as the measure of it, in any society, is the individual's relatively fixed con- duct, considered as reflecting the current social mode of life." * What is here affirmed of the individual's social interests becomes a tendency in the case of an ag- gregate of such persons. In this respect suggestion is a factor of dififerentiation just as invention is. The set ways of self-assertion of such an aggregate become the traditional bonds by which change of type is prevented in contrast with the adaptive ten- dency toward typal differentiation. In the latter social suggestion and in the former personal habit are the dominating factors. In the impulse to dif- ferentiation social suggestion indicates the course of activity; personal habit marks a limit to varia- tion and so becomes a primary factor in the social process. The place of the problem of typal variation in the growth of the community may be thus de- scribed. The two great problems of social man are (i) respect for the limits of conformity to tradi- tional type, and (2) a more normal adaptation to the changes in the immediate conditions of exist- ence, to which certain stimuli arouses us,t resulting in differentiation of a potentially more normal type. The first of these problems — conformity to type by subordination of the individual — is wrought out * The Monist, Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 351-352. f Ward, Dynamic Sociology, Vol. II., p. 128. THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. 103 by instinctive, intuitive, imitative and customary regard for the type of person recognized as entitled to control in the family, the class, the community and the nation. The principle under which this problem of typal evolution is wrought out is the subordination of all divergent tendencies to the undisputed supremacy of a single disposition to run no unnecessary risks in social relations. The second of these problems — that of survival by adaptation which results in differentiation of varieties of types — may be stated as follows : Given a social situation in which the hitherto homoge- neous type of population is breaking up into diver- gent tendencies by reason of the rise of different social interests; what is the process and the princi- ple by which the different degrees of personal ca- pacity, representing the variety of social interests, come to find their equilibrium ? What are the req- uisites of a more normal adjustment to the specific social situations ? How does each new variety of type, which the differentiation of social interests — the division of social labor — calls into existence, adapt itself to the requirements of self-preservation while it is unfolding its capacities, without subvert- ing the authority of the homogeneous type in which the whole community must still find its social equi- librium ? The answer is that the social interests are functions of the social system or organization. Social interests in which types of character are shapen may be personal (courtship, wedlock), eco- nomic (trade or profession), political (party, pol- icy), or they may be ideal (convictions, aspirations). I04 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. The community puts metes and bounds to their pursuit, but regards their function as indispensable to growth. This growth involves divergence from the homogeneous type, adjustment with the social interests in which personal adaptivity finds its grade of equihbrium, and finally reintegration with the new type of social organization of the community. Once any divergent tendencies to adaptive efforts at more complete normalization have arisen, as when a family or a class breaks up, the features of the process here considered are the re-grouping of the once homogeneous aggregate into several different groups of interest, on the basis of homo- geneous grades of personal efificiency. The social interests are the situation in which these respective grades of efificiency find their more normal equilib- rium. This equilibrium of the members of the com- munity with their normal interests will have been fully worked out only when the respective interests shall have evolved the types of personality con- stantly taken as representative of such interests. Men must know to what type they belong before the integration of interests becomes organic. But this part of the process, by which the differentiation of the population into groups is effected, is simply integration on a smaller scale than that within the simple social situation. But the social functions have multiplied with the change in structure. Each specific area occupied with any particular social in- terest becomes a new field of personal development within which the principle of subordination to type is the ruling impulse. By this process social inter- THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. 105 ests are made organic parts of the social system. Burke says, with even more than his usual perspic- uity, "To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the first principle, the germ, as it were, of public affection."* The process of typal variation may be repre- sented as a differentiating development from the generic type of social man through the identifica- tion of personality with social interests whose ten- dency is toward the ideal type of social man. Let OY, OX represent the limits of the social sit- uation, OY being the line on which the several grades of homogeneous personal efficiency in con- formity to type are measured; and OX the line on which adaptive efficiency is measured, being the point at which all members of the social situation conforming to the traditional type are equally in possession of the generic qualities of social man. Let / represent the ideal extent of typal attainment. What would be the differentiating process from the generic or homogeneous type at 0, in the effort of personality to realize a conceivably more normal or sociological type of attainment in the direction of/? It v/ould depend upon the constitution of person- ality. That portion of the members of the social population having a relatively highratioof adaptive efficiency would take the line OtI ; that portion having a relatively low ratio of adaptive efficiency would take the line Ot^I ; and that portion having [ * Quoted from Stephen, Science of Ethics, p. 191. io6 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. these two factors of personal constitution in about equivalent quantities would take the line OtJ. These three groups of relatively homogeneous membership based upon conformative capacity as % T Fig. 2. compared with adaptive efficiency would, before typal variation on the basis of social interests be- gan, be represented respectively by the positions T, T^, Tz representing degrees of homogeneous typal quality. After the differentiating process begins, where would each group of relatively homogeneous mem- bers find its typal equilibrium in connection with its pursuit of its own social interests ? Some- where between the generic social man and the ideal social man /, that is, at the point of realization of the sociological type at which the social quali- ties (typicality) are at equilibrium with the specific social capacities (adaptivity) which each group of social interests requires of the type normally at THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. 107 equilibrium therein. That is, at t^, h and t. These are the points at which the new types tend to ap- pear in obedience to the principle of typal integra- tion by subordination of the individual member to the interests of the class to which he belongs. If any group of social interests, for example t, should degenerate in typal efficiency to the level of OX it would place its members on the very margin of the social situation in momentary peril of becoming food for natural selection. To be truly typical is to live out one's personal capacity in efificient identifi- cation with that group of social interests which will admit of one's being equally loyal to the demands of the organic and the ideal social man. Society really reasons by social interests as soon as any group of interests becomes conscious of the differentiated functions which that group of inter- ests must be relied upon to perform in that type of social organization. Variation from type has its seat in personality and its relation to the social interests. Why con- formity dominates the social process so long, and why variation comes so late in the history of hu- man association, can only be fully understood in practice by the study of the facts of anthropology and ethnology. But whether we consider the changes of primitive and non-progressive peoples, or are concerned with the analysis of the contempo- rary processes of social differentiation, there is re- quired a correct conception of the sociological function of personality to explain the principle of survival by variation. io8 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. I. The principle of differentiation is a process of substitution of a different type of personal unit as a measure of social value. The substitution of indi- viduality for sociality as a superior means of social survival in changing conditions is a constant fact in social history. The release of the slave, the emancipation of the serf, the enlarged free- dom of childhood and womanhood, all modify the nature of the personal unit by enlarging the individuality of each member. Personality is to be regarded as having in its constitution two effective elements which occupy its energies, namely, social- ity and individuality. They are Hke the two kinds of matter in the brain, each performing a specific function in the service of survival, yet both com- plemental and delicately coordinated in their con- stitution. Sociality is the capacity for typal integra- tion with other persons; it is the element in person- ality which provides for adherence to type; it is the quality without which the captive in war would be put to death rather than be enslaved by his con- querors. He who has it is a socius; he who is with- out it is a hostis. Individuality is the adaptive capacity in the social efficiency of personality. While the element of so- ciality in any meml^er of a group goes toward guar- anteeing conformity to type, the element of individ- uality in personal constitution on the other hand determines the point in the process of typification at which the members of the requisite constitution will react; and why they do so is self-evident — be- cause individuality has outgrown sociality to such THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. 109 an extent as to impel them to substitute the one for the other in order to survive in relations with their fellow-beings. This reaction is the parting of the ways in the social process at which unity of type is obliged to resist or to share with variety of type as a requisite of selective survival. A process of sub- stitution begins. The ancient, and still more the primitive and pre- historic polity, found social value primarily in so- ciality. The one thing needful was survival by loyalty to a single type. But when it came to be seen that individuality served indirectly, though not quite so inevitably, towards social survival of the aggregate, then this relatively unmarketable personal capacity became a source of surplus re- sources available for increasing the security of the community. The appearance of private property or personal estate illustrates this.* The limits of sociality under favorable conditions in any social situation were necessarily restricted, from the in- ability to hold in unity of social action a large mass of homogeneous members. But the reaction of personality from typal conformity, after being in- tegrated thereto to the extent of its sociality and beyond, left available to the community all the re- sources of the undeveloped individuality. Person- ality is under the selective control of the socio- logical type to which differentiating interests impel it to aspire. It seeks a conceivably more normal satisfaction by adaptation to conditions * The Politics of Aristotle, Bk. I., Chs. IV.-V. IIO SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. more consistent with its interests and desires than conformity to a single social type requires. The community has lost nothing directly; the individual member has gained something directly, and through him the chances of sui'vival are greatly enhanced for the whole social population. A new avenue of personal rivalry has been opened for human devel- opment. Life is no longer simply fellowship, but now includes conflict as a mode of development of man. This change in the constitution of personality, in which society favors the individualization of its members, has the effect of substituting the indirect social qualities of personality for the direct social qualities in social valuation, and thus causing di- versity of interests to arise in the community. There is room for more men because of this diversi- fication of activities. Hence differentiation can go one step farther. 2. Differentiation of social interests insures the substitution of the adaptive variety of types of per- sonality for the traditional unity of types. Personality is so constituted as to require a scope of action which permits its adjustment to the changing conditions of existence. When these changes are so great as to affect the social aggre- gate to the extent of re-distributing the population in new relations to the national life, for example, we have the gradual elimination of the traditional types and the introduction of the types of efficiency which have been able to survive and effect their realizations under new conditions. The Industrial THE SOCIAL WTERESTS. m Evolution in England disposed of the traditional type of ' country gentlemen '; the results of the civil war in the United States had the same effect upon the corresponding type in the South. Any such disappearance is proof of ineffective adaptivity to the changed social conditions; any surviving suc- cessor is for that reason, sociologically considered, the more effective type. Every trade, profession, industry or pursuit of a sufficiently extended his- tory illustrates this process of the traditional type of personality representing that interest giving place to a new type effective enough to prevail in the changed conditions which successfully caused the older type to disappear altogether. 3. Social differentiation insures the substitution of potential typal tendencies representing comple- mental social interests in the place of actual tenden- cies involving conflicting social interests. The most convenient illustration of this aspect of the principle of typal variation by the removal of the contradictory elements from the societary process by the substitution of complemental ten- dencies, is exhibited in the history of the relation of the church and state. Here the civic and the re- ligious types represent permanent interests of so- ciety; these interests may embody such tendencies as to furnish the community with conflicting types, such as result in the division of the community against itself. But the potentially normal types resulting therefrom are not contradictory but com- plemental. The policy of adjustment of one set of type-producing social interests with another is one 112 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. which belongs to the analysis of the function and form of the social order. But wherever such con- flicts for the control of the social process arise there must be some want of adjustment on the part of existing social types with the conditions of exist- ence and the possibilities of development. While the interests of property, for example, oc- casion typal departure, the really causal factors in this process of differentiation are to be looked for in the subjective sense of contradiction. The logical incompatibility in the common consciousness lies between the social interests in substantial control of the given state of society and the sociological type insisting that superior interests shall prevail and asserting for personahty the right to a com- pleter self-realization in a potentially more normal group of social interests. This attitude lies at the root of the social question. The tendency to sub- stitution of a variety of potentially more normal types for the existing type exhibits the principle according to which the youth of a community, for example, congested with incipient tendencies to variation from type, really distributes itself through the selective agency of social interests and, when thus distributed on the basis of the ratio of personal efficiency, the respective centers of social interests become thereby the seats of characterization of cor- respondingly specific types of personality. Mem- bers having an equivalent ratio of these two per- sonal elements of social efficiency (sociality and in- dividuahty) constitute in the re-distribution the rel- atively homogeneous elements or groups of social THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. "3 interests which crystallize around more normal cen- ters of aggregation in the population now undergo- ing reconstruction. Consequently we should look to these groups, likewise, for that degree of equilib- rium which is capable of utilizing to the maximum the resources of personality. Hence differentiation of types increases the sum-total of the efhciency of the community. This formal principle is universally valid in the social process within the conditions given and is capable of verification by appeal to the facts of the behavior of the aggregates which throw light on the causes and conditions of social departures from type. It is sufficient here to refer to the history and nature of the migratory movements of man, of the part which social fictions play in the evolutions of social life,* of the revolt of social classes and their established interests, of the differentiation of indus- tries, ideas, institutions and ideals, all of which re- veal the sociological principle of the differentiation of the type of personality through the agency of social interests whose growth reconstructs the so- cial organization. It seems obvious that beyond a definite limit of homogeneous typification in development of per- sonality, as a member of a community, the diver- gence of the ratios of personal efficiency among the membership sets in motion differentiating ten- dencies of more or less variety in degree of develop- ment. Otherwise extinction or repression of social * Lalor'S Cyclopaedia, " Fictions." Maine, Ancient Law, pp. 20-30. 114 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. variety is inevitable. Normally, however, under circumstances of divergence of type, personality has to seek adjustment to that particular tendency in which his particular degree of personal efficiency — individual and social — -finds its equilibrium. Among all possible tendencies that may arise, only those can hope to survive which are called out by the organic functions of the differentiating activi- ties of the community. In each organic tendency the membership must be substantially at equilib- rium both with the conditions of existence and the conviction of the community. And the commu- nity itself can attain to progressive equilibrium only by such differentiation of functional tendencies as will enable it to utilize the various ratios of effi- ciency in its population for its own adjustment to the requisites of survival. Without differentiation of social interests the conditions of development in the homogeneous people would be wanting. By the differentiation of the social population into groups on the basis of functional efficiency, devel- opment not only in quality but in degree of attain- ment of personality is effected. Through the selec- tive function of groups of social interests the type of social organization is invented or elaborated by which the various functional tendencies are coordi- nated into a coherent community; the agricultural population is differentiated into the industrial and agrarian types. Thence the commercial arises, giv- ing new content to the social mind by outside com- munication. But every change in the types of per- sonality that make up the community has been THE SOCIAL INTERESTS. "5 effected through this general process of differen- tiating a previous group into complemental groups of interests. While the same order is not always observed in the evolution of a people the differen- tiation is always .from simple to complex interests. The organization of these interests calls into being the social system. Differentiation of types that are contradictory may prevent the organization of a sys- tematic development. Complemental types make the social system all the stronger. Hence the in- tolerance of ideas that contradict the ideal interests of organized communities. Persecution has fre- quently been the best social policy. In education we have constantly to rule out contradictory fac- tors to prevent premature or opposing tendencies in development. Differentiation regardless of nor- mality of type must invariably be perverse. The countless varieties of voluntary associations are so many modes of defining, enjoying and preserv- ing' the social interests in which certain types of men and women are in their normal social CHAPTER VII. THE SOCIAL system: TYPAL ASSIMILATION. We have hitherto regarded social interests as static conditions moulding the type of personal character. But they are with equal accuracy to be regarded as dynamic. As such they become social tendencies. Among the necessary logical forms or concep- tions by which man is guided and controlled in his social reasoning, two have thus far been defined which enter primarily into the question of 'social survival. By the first of these — the Social Situation — the requisites of survival were definitely set down as conformity to traditional type. By the second of these conceptions — the Social Interests — there arose, on the basis of a securely established degree of development by generations of efficient confor- mity, an impellant effort at personal re-adaptation, by seeking superior satisfaction of individual de- sires in groups of kindred levels of social interests. Within a fixed social system each divergent mem- ber identifies himself with that group to which birth and capacity lead him. From these condi- tions tendencies arise which call into play another necessary conception with which the social conduct Il6 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 117 of man has rationally to reckon. This is the ten- dency to differentiation of type-developing inter- ests. The systematic relating of the several ten- dencies within the social process has to be effected. The now complex experiment has to be confined within recognized limits or lose its unity. This logical factor is the Social System, the best exam- ple of which is nationality or what Holland defines as a people* — a natural social unit far surpassing the State in its antiquity. The normal function of the social system is the assimilation of organic so- cial tendencies into reciprocal relationships requi- site for social development of the people as a whole.f Under the assimilating relationships personality is free within the social tendency to which he be- longs, but each tendency within which he is deni- zened is amenable to the type toward which the social population tends for individuation of its aspi- rations. Those ideals are the ultimate tests of the social system as a means of development of man. Social assimilation is the individuation of social tendencies toward superiority in social organiza- tion. It has been seen that integration by subordi- nation to type and differentiation of variety of type by adaptation to controlling social interests brought into play what seemed to be two com- peting sets of values, the traditional types of per- sonaHty and the adaptive types of personality. Dur- ing the period or process of the development of * T. E. Holland, Jurisprudence, p. 40. t Giddings, Principles of Sociology, Bk. II., Chs. III.-IV. Ii8 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. the adaptive types out of potential into effectual value in the social situation, the traditional type served as a historic basis for the process of substi- tution of the adaptive types. The necessity of seek- ing and finding a more complete social equihbrium was entailed upon the societary process by change of conditions of life. This was effected by social selection bringing the divergent degrees of past experience into adjustment with present conditions under a new type of social organization. Now however the problem arises of finding the reciprocal relationships between these two classes of tendencies, traditional and adaptive, the one of which conforms to the principle of integration by subordination and the other to that of differenti- ation by substitution. The structural agency by which this is actually done in the social process is the social system or that organization of institu- tional relationships by composition of the organic social functions under a comprehensive social con- stitution. The social principle governing the proc- ess uniting the divergent tendencies in the evolu- tion of the theoretically more normal type is Typal Assimilation. Typal assimilation defines the recip- rocal relations of the organic tendencies in the type of constitution in control of the developmental process. The social system of assimilation has to deal with tendencies. It is the third stage in the process of the evolution of social man. Every simple situa- tion, every social interest or tendency must take this process into account. In this aspect of the THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. ug process the social order rises to supreme impor- tance, as the means of systematizing the natural tendencies in the direction of an ideal development. The chief subjective factor in this development is the growth of the social consciousness by which the societary process has exercised over it a system- atic control. This control involves the selection by society of the tendencies normal to both organic and socially ideal man. The result of this syste- matic control in the interests of superiority is the assimilation of the several social types which social interests develop into a potentially normal type of character. This is the fundamental meaning in the fact of nationality which works by the light of a potentially normal type. Industry and education adjust themselves to and react upon it. We appeal to our future possibilities as peoples as well as to our present powers in the effort to control social tendencies in the direction of a desired type of na- tional character. The societary process is known to us as an or- derly process. Whether we regard society as an organic or a super-organic object, it is in either case an organization of personalities existing under the form of functional tendencies. It is conse- quently a relating of social types within such a com- plex of static and dynamic relationships as to com- bine the phenomena of stability and change in the same associative system. Under this system human society secures the life of both unity and variety of social types in its composition. It secures unity of type within the social situation; it secures variety of 120 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. type by the existence of specific social interests. The problem arising- out of this is: By what means does the social process secure that orderly compo- sition of the differentiated variety of interests, ten- dencies and types, while still resting upon its or- ganic basis of typal unity and while these interests, tendencies and types each and all seek to find de- velopment within the systematic order of the com- munity? How, too, shall we coordinate the past and the present in the effort to realize the possibili- ties of the future benefits of association? From the natural point of view this is evidently a problem of coordinating actual social aggregates under some as yet unrealized but potentially ob- tainable type of social order. Having secured unity of type and variety of type as the orderly basis for further developments, the problem still remains that of the assimilation of the whole toward a con- ceivably superior system of social development. Considered as a historic process social assimila- tion presents a problem of social individuation by absorption of foreign or as yet non-typical elements into the social composition. It is the mingling of races, peoples and blood in a newer type. In the analysis of these mingling elements we must look for the historical forces of development. These two aspects of the same societary process — the natural and the historical — find their coordi- nation in the social system. The function of social system in assimilation is twofold: It serves to pre- serve the existing social types within it by limiting conflict, and simultaneously to guide differentiating THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 121 tendencies toward this conceivably superior type of social attainment toward which the social popu- lation tends. Social tendencies not susceptible to orderly guidance are either eliminated or re- strained; at any rate, tendencies hostile to harmo- nious social assimilation of types neutralize to that extent the efficiency of the social system as an in- strument of individuation. But tendencies which respect the ends of the social system are such as combine in their composition the loyalty to the existing type — which the social situation as a whole requires — with the devotion to the social freedom of development which social interests stimulate us to enjoy. Such a tendency is an orderly succession of social interests, seeking self-realisation by transi- tional stages of development from the socially act- ual in the direction of the socially ideal by the guidance of the theoretically more normal type .of organization in the social system. Assimilation is from the actual, through the vivid appreciation of the typically attainable, toward the ideal. How does the social process impress upon per- sons and interests, upon tendencies and types the logical reality of the typically attainable as a norm of reckoning in social realization? If we may glance at the natural process of typal individuation, working apart from history, we see that this process is one in which types are elabo- rated by elimination, unmothered by a kindly con- trol of a sympathetic social order. As Stephen puts it, " We learn from the theory of evolution that as the individual organism is composed of mutually 122 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. dependent parts, and that its existence involves the maintenance of a certain equilibrium, so each or- ganism supports itself as a part in a more general equilibrium, and that its constitution depends at every moment upon a system of adaptation to the whole system of the world. And this may be ex- pressed by saying that every animal represents the solution of a problem as well as a set of data for a new problem. ... A new state of things slowly substitutes itself for the old, but in such a way that each species is continuous with the preceding, and has been slowly remoulded by an incessant series of unconscious experiments conducted under the constant condition that failure means extirpation. Hence, though we cannot say that either the end or the conditions are absolutely constant, and though any full statement would have to be unend- ingly complex in consequence, the whole process is describable as a slow elaboration of types." * In its systematic aspect, regarded as a historical process, the assimilating process stands for the or- ganized systemization of social interests and aims within which this elaboration of types of character and constitution takes place. Race, nation, classes and family embody these features of organic struc- ture in the building of the social system. It is not simply a way of regarding one another nor is it a mechanical structure. We may say that it repre- sents the more stable relations and the more endur- ing attributes of systematic association. The social * Leslie Stephen, Science of Ethics, Ch. II., pp. 79-81. THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 123 system is composed of a variety of states of society which tend to lose sight of the unity of social inter- ests. It utiHzes these as organs of assimilation. Hence it is in the most generic sense institutional in its nature and method. It is by institutions that the logical reality of the conceivably attainable is impressed on us. Organized into the social system they con- stitute the most comprehensive selective agency which social man can utilize in the service of the natural relationships that arise among his kind, in the effort at preservation or in striving after a con- sciously higher type of individuation. In short, a society has aims which it entertains; it has desires which dominate its constitution — desires and aims that are, up to a certain level, substantially common to all of its members, and beyond this aims and de- sires as diverse as the development of its member- ship will permit. The social system defines the con- ditions upon which these aims, these enduring rela- tions, the persistent attributes of social man, may find expression in associative development. The Social System is the institutional organization of the functional tendencies of society for the assimilation of actual varieties toward a potentially superior type of character and constitution. " The first necessity of societies," says Letourneau,* " is that they shall en- dure, and they can only do so on the condition of providing satisfaction for primordial needs, which are the condition of life itself, and which impera- tively dominate and regulate great social institu- * Letourneau, The Evolution of Marriage, p. 2 124 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tions." Such as these are the institution of prop- erty, the institution of marriage, the institution of government, and the institution of worship. All of these emphasize the typically attainable. All of these organs of the social system arise from the ex- istence of certain preponderant forces to which man in society is ever seeking to give a conceivably more satisfying expression. And any systematic form of social expression has its corresponding type of personality towards which portions of the popu- lation are normally assimilated. We may put this same truth, descriptive of the social organization, in another way by saying, as many sociologists do, that the social structure is the counterpart of the social functions. The greater the development of the primordial social functions of a people— the sense of fellowship, the economic powers, the political wants and religious life — the more complex and comprehensive must be the so- cial system to which survival and development have required man to give institutional durability. By this means society at first naturally and, with its developmental advance, purposefully makes sys- tematic provision for the reciprocal coordination of these social activities which it is necessary to take into account in the maintenance of a structural or- der for the realization of constructive aims and ideals of which the community is becoming increas- ingly conscious. The growth of the social consciousness is a fact of social history. How it grows in grasp of the so- cial process may now be seen. The social con- THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 125 sciousness is the seat of control in the institutional organization of the social system. Its instruments of control are institutions and ideas. In practically all social history we find a more or less complex system of institutions surviving as instruments of attainment. As fast as history becomes purposeful the social system is ruled by ideas. Institutions become the selective agency for the conservation of actual goods, and ideas the instruments of the realization of superior ones. To the social con- sciousness the social system is a system of habits of association comprising a set of relations, properties, purposes and practices which persist by virtue of some degree of common appreciation of the con- ception of membership therein; and this apprecia- tion is of such a kind as to impel others to desire to enjoy or attain to, what some of its members have come to enjoy. All social unrest has its root in the social consciousness or diffused sense of a type of attainment from which men are debarred but to which all are potentially entitled within a given social order. Communities and peoples rea- son constantly on this scale. The apprehension of social ends of this character and the utilization of the social order for their realization is practically exemplified in the cultural poHcies of the modern states. The study of the social aims of modern societies reveals the most extensive play of the principle of assimilation towards a potential type of person- ahty in a superior type of social system as the re- moter goal of their existence. Social emancipa- 126 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tions of all kinds are an answer to this faith. Such actual aims may have their root in tradition, in the conviction of duty lurking in a social remnant, or in a popular faith in the ' manifest destiny ' of a people to attain to a superior type of life and man- hood; or it may originate in the conscious neces- sity of assimilating heterogeneous types of social character into a homogeneous type of civic effi- ciency, as in the earlier and later growths of the conception of citizenship in the United States. The purposeful use of the social order in striving after a superior type of national character may also arise from antipathy between rival national sentiments, as in the case of France and Germany; or it may arise by the imposition of one social order upon another, whereby the superior type substitutes a more efficient type of control as in the Enghsh con- quest of India. In all such cases the social system is consciously made use of as the instrument of assimilation of the elements of population into a more efficient social system. But while the social system may be efficient and though the work of development is done through the use of institutions we must not forget that the logical goal of the developmental process at this stage is individuation of the potentially superior type of personality and not the social organization. Chief among the aims and ends of the social organ- ization are those great departments of life, the poli- tical, whose object according to Aristotle is the su- preme associative good, the religious, the industrial and the esthetic or cultural aims, all of which are, so THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 127 to speak, institutionalized for the express purpose of embodying their several elements in the individua- tion of a potentially superior type of personality. Individuation is the product of the assimilative union of two or more tendencies in the production of a superior type — of the traditional type embody- ing past experience with the dififerential which adaptive variations to new conditions develops. It is integration, on the grandest scale yet possible, of all organizable elements of national life and is one step nearer to the ideal of the community than the social conditions permitted when social interests controlled the community each in its own behalf. The social system of institutions tends to be- come static, and to find the equilibrium for the social process by quiet repression. This is either due to the dearth of ideating energies in the assimi- lative purposes of society or the hardening of the institutional habit to the extent of suspending the developmental process. In either case, the conser- vation of the established relations among existing interests becomes the burden of social endeavor rather than the development of the community to- ward a higher type of living. This type of char- acter choosing between settled interests and social visions while in the control of the social order through institutional agencies of individuation may well be called the assimilative or institutional type of personality. It alone determines whether the social process shall proceed by evolution or revolution, or whether development shall perish altogether by 128 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. ceasing to assimilate the resources of society to- ward the ideal as the goal of association. To this end of individuation every institution contributes an essential element. If not, it is a burden to the assimilating process, to that extent. That is a false view of the social process, as well as of social life and policy, which encourages the es- chewing of any of the elements of social worth that round out the symmetry of life. The political, re- ligious, industrial or sesthetic elements are to some extent lacking in all classes. The ignoring or un- dervaluing of any of these in the scientific analysis or in the constructive synthesis of popular policy is evidence of defective coordination of institutions in any social system. The function of institutions in the social process is to get the elements of social efficiency individuated in the type of personality potentially realizable in the given social conditions. The progressively normal type of personality is the central aim of institutional effort. The problem with which we started will now be readily solvable. The traditional and the adaptive types of personality, representing two main tend- encies in the societary process, become more and more complemental and less and less contradictory as the societary process becomes more fully aware of the potential aims comprising the social policy. Neither of these types alone could hold the social system to its true aim. But both stand for two complemental factors in social evolution. The tra- ditional type emphasizes the conceptual content of history in its deepest sense. The adaptive type in- THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 129 sists upon the social system's meeting the demands of nature upon man in society. Culture and voca- tion here contend for the control of the social pol- icy. This is evident in every system of education, which seeks to individuate into character the ele- ments of culture historical and natural. It is the business of institutions to bring into appropriable form the constructive elements required to produce the type of personality, which shall find its develop- ment in the social order of life that tends to be. Taking the social types that are present, the prin- ciple of typal assimilation requires that, with the elements of power which nature and history can give to personality, the selective services of social institutions must be consecrated to the realization of that individuation most directly in line with the ideal. By the institutions of society we bridge the gap between the actual and the ideal types. While therefore the social system seems from its more objective aspects to be an arena of contending tendencies not meant to make for peace, in reality, however, it is far truer that the social order in which the social consciousness has come to itself finds its equilibrium not within itself but above itself in the sociological type of personal attainment toward which man is really bending his efforts in normal Hfe. A remoter but superior social aim removes the contradiction of the traditional and the adaptive tendencies into the future. But development is thereby made possible once more. The potentially normal type is the peculiar trust of the institutional agencies by which the aims of 130 SOCIAL Development. the societary process are worked over and wrought into unity for presentation to the social conscious- ness. These institutions interpret the remoter type to the social population; and the response from any tendency or social interest in the direction of superiority depends largely (i) on the social situa- tion with which one is customarily at home, (2) the social interests which engage his endeavors and de- termine the conditions of his development, and (3) the social institutions with which he appropriates the resources of nature and civilization. These three points more than any other determine a man's i-elation to the sociological type and thus decide the question of superiority and subordination as a prin- ciple of the social process in all ages and conditions of human association. The social process is the friend of that aristocracy which utilizes the social system for the purpose of the individuation of the whole social population in the direction of the ideal. Institutional agencies, under the selective con- trol of the consciously directed social system, con- serve the types of personality which each organic tendency has integrated and differentiated. By the institutions of law and of worship, of labor and of recreation, the social process assimilates the particu- lar classes and conditions toward that potential type in which the social system tends to find its equilib- rium. The individuation of the potential with 'the actual type gives us the superior social type. After the superior type of personality has become the more or less conscious norm of social guidance to developmental tendencies, survival is after all a THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 131 somewhat secondary consideration. Then men must develop in order to survive in society. Such development could not take place without the as- similating services of separate institutions each of which is actively engaged in appropriating its pe- culiar portion of the content of nature and history to the service of superiority of type toward which the movements of society tend. All institutional specialization which increases the capacity of as- similation is in the interest of a higher level of effi- ciency of personality. Every new institution, as every new profession which has normally arisen to perform an organic social function, that is, to utilize conditions for the end of higher creations, must enable each member to appropriate a larger net portion of the resources of society for his own de- velopment. The augmentation of life, says Spencer, is the general function which all professional insti- tutions serve.* And what is true in a general sense of the professional institutions is true in a special sense of every other class of social institutions into which Spencer elaborates his analysis of the soci- etary process. They all serve the purpose of a po- tentially superior attainment for personality in the social system which has devised and developed them into use. This ' division of social labor,' as Durkheim calls it; this diflferentiation or specializa- tion of institutions into ceremonial, political, eccle- siastical, industrial and professional, as Spencer classifies them, and this ' grouping of inventions ' s* Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Vol. III., p. 180. 132 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. into institutional agencies, as Tarde defines the so- cietary process, all have a common meaning at bottom in the appropriation and the reincarnation of the social resources, personal, natural and his- torical, in the typically superior personality. Possibly all aristocracies have their origin in this very utilization of the social resources in the Inter- est of the superior type of personality by control of the institutional machinery of the social order. So far aristocratic history is a normal process in social evolution but it is prone to make the class-type the ultimate or ideal type. Arnold classifies aristocra- cies as aristocracies of blood, aristocracies of con- quest or of colonies, and a third form arising from these two forms. Each of these may and at times ac- tually does control the social order in its own rather than in the interest of the type in which the social process normally tends to find its equilibrium. But this does not invalidate the principle of superiority of type, as the law of social assimilation; for if aris- tocratic classes utilized their control to bring the several tendencies in the social system to a higher consciousness of the potentially normal type, the whole social population would normally tend like- wise to be individuated. Where aristocratic con- trol has cut off the ascendant efforts of other social interests and forced other tendencies than those of blood, and of conquests, back upon themselves, there we have the fatal perversion of the normal purpose of the social system. The ascendant as- similation of all social types toward a superior individuation is arrested by severing reciprocal THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 133 relations of rights and duties among classes. " The guilt of all aristocracies has consisted not so much in their acquisition of power as in their perseverance in retaining it; so that what was innocent or even reasonable at the beginning, has become in later times atrocious injustice, as if a parent in his dotage should claim the same author- ity over his son in the vigor of manhood, which formerly in the maturity of his own faculties he had exercised naturally and profitably over the infancy of his child." * The principle of assimilation toward superiority in ancient society is nowhere accredited with com- prehensive application to all classes; it is almost everywhere marked by the arrest of the develop- ment of the lower types from entering into sym- pathy with the higher types. Typal solidarity be- comes impossible. In marked contrast with this is the modern policy of loyalty to the lowly, on thg part of the rest of the community, a poHcy in which the claims to ascendency of type are recognized in theory and avowedly acknowledged in practice as the grounds on which the social system justifies its existence.f The principle of helpfulness finds its more comprehensive expression among those mod- ern peoples in whose social purpose the cultural content of civilization is systematically devoted to the development of more effective types of social worth. National efficiency requires that the type * Thos. Arnold, Miscellaneous Works : The Social Progress of States, p. 312. f Fowie, The Poor Laws, Ch. I. 134 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. of personality be nourished with all available means to realize the ends which the common consciousness controlling the social effort considers itself entitled to attain to. Modern nationality is, however, ap- parently, with few exceptions, prone to make the social system the test of social worth rather than the potentially normal type of personality by which the institutional mechanism of society can alone be ef- fectively utilized.* The ancient city-state inclined to find the criterion of worth in the single superior social type with little provision for ascendency from below. The civic consciousness was as yet too slightly developed. After attaining to superiority for one class, that class allied itself with that pre- dominant set of social interests or so controlled the social institutions as to shut out the many whom they believed to be hopelessly beyond the reach of development into ' the good life,' f or incapable of the enjoyment of it if it were given to them. This principle of the assimilation of the elements of social valuation into a superior individuation, by means of the institutions which belong to the social organization, is in the progressive portion of man- kind endangered from two peculiar sources by the ascendency of which the process of assimilation may be arrested. The first danger lies in there be- ing a disproportionate increase in the size of the social claims of the class devoted to the operation of the institutional mechanism by which the re- sources of nature and the experience of history are * Ingram, History of Political Economy, Ch. VII. ; f The Politics of Aristotle, Bk. VI., Chs. I., VII., XI. THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 135 organized for the evolution of man. The other danger consists in the rise of an aristocracy of vul- garity — a fatal check to the ascendent potentialities of individuation. This latter tendency is conspicu- ously jealous of the superior type of personality in the community and therefore as intolerant as it dare be. But such intolerance may nevertheless only indicate that the superior types, which are in a measure the creation of the social forces and forms of the social order, exist by virtue of the evasion of responsibilities to the less developed types of personality between which two levels of attainment there is closer interdependence required if assimila- tion is to take place. Consequently all authorita- tive types have to be valued by the use to which the controlling social authorities put the institutional agencies — whether the assimilation of the people toward the normal individuation of type is accom- plished by leveling the life of the multitude upward through the creation of a keener consciousness of the attainable type of life, or by leveling those mas- ter spirits downward which live for and in the ideal. The system of social institutions performs the selec- tive functions of appropriating universal convic- tions developed in social experience and then dif- fuses this content of the race-consciousness to the organic interests constituting the social system. Thus the requisites of adaptation to conditions of survival on the part of any portion of a people are balanced with the demands of unity of all classes in a potentially superior individuation of character. The fatal disease is the lack of faith in the capacity 136 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. of some portion or some types of the population to appropriate the resources of nature and history for the realization of the potential type. This is a char- acteristic blunder of government toward inferior types of people. The strategic blunder is the selec- tion of actual types rather than the potential types as the organon of association. Institutions are tools of social realization. The social population is unequally gifted with consciousness of its possi- bilities. The social class that administers the social system for any other end than that of the develop- ment of every social condition into conscious ap- prehension of that reciprocity of interests whose equihbrium is in the potentially attainable type, is committing that blunder. The tactical blunder of social development is the substitution of reform of objective conditions and relations for a well-poised developmental policy and purpose. Typal develop- ment not reform is the only normal law of social evolution. Reform is painful reaction against ab- normal adjustment of men to conditions; develop- ment is progressive action in the direction of the potentially attainable. The function of a system of a social institution is not so much the reforma- tion of actual conditions as it is the formation of social tendencies in harmony with potentially nor- mal types of personality. To keep the social popu- lation in the current of conquest of nature and of civilization is the end of the social system. Where conflict and rivalry rule between social orders, the assimilation of the social tendencies into superior individuation is quickened by the awaken- THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 137 ing of fresh forces in the popular Hfe. The pres- ence of a hostile neighbor transforms a people from a looser to a more compact type of organization; the shepherd people becomes military in its consti- tution; but the occasion being past, the military be- comes industrial if the energies awakened can be potentialized, and the industrial becomes cultural.* Such transformations elaborate the potential type of individuation corresponding to the resources of the social population and the possibilities of the natural situation. In each successive stage the so- ciological type into which the expanding genius of a people finds realization becomes a more and more complex and universal individuation. The type in ascendency at successive stages emphasizes, in its tendency to individuation, the qualities of subordination or integration; then of differentia- tion and, following upon these, the superiority of type which assimilation enables the social system to attain to. Assimilation requires the organization of numbers with regard to their possibilities. Personality has, under the most general condi- tions prevailing within the social order, a threefold adjustment to make by finding three dififerent sets of equilibria to which to adjust itself in the social organization. These equilibria are (i) subordina- tion to the type naturally assumed as the basis of the further development, (2) adjustment to the changing conditions which confront all social inter- ests, and (3) assimilation with that individuating * Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Vol. I., § 263, 138 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tendency which is strong enough to re-combine order and change into a type of commanding supe- riority over conditions. Thus presented the socio- logical principle of assimilation governing the so- cial order may be formulated as follows: Within the same social system that institutional type of social attainment normally tends to become ascendent whose quality is generic enough to evoke developmental effort on the part of the traditional types, attractive enough to be deemed worth realiz- ing by the adaptive types, and remote enough to limit collateral conflicts among competing tenden- cies seeking a higher equilibrium. But it must not be so remote as to weaken the consciousness of sympathetic interdependence among the leading social types upon the conceivably superior type of individuation. In other words, the social organiza- tion must be so adjusted to the aims recognized as superior in the social process as to give the ascend- ency to that tendency which most completely co- ordinates all other systematic tendencies in itself in the work of assimilation. But it must exploit none in the interest of any aim except the assimila- tion of the social population as a whole, in all toler- able degrees of development, toward the poten- tially normal type in which all organic interests tend to find their equilibrium. This view regards the social system as the frame- work of an experiment leading to the discovery and realization of every enjoyment normal to social man. It is social organization for the sake of man, not man for the sake of social organization, that THE SOCIAL SYSTEM. 139 needs to be urged in social practice. It is a means to an end, which end is a progressive type of person- aHty. That end can be achieved only by the sub- ordination of the social system to the sovereignty of the social mind. CHAPTER VIII. THE SOCIAL mind: TYPAL SOLIDARITY. The fourth logical conception which must nec- essarily be taken for granted for the realization of the potentialities of the social process is the Social Mind. The reciprocal relations of classes, conditions and functions which the social system contains are largely impressed upon the social interests from without. This is effected by the institutional pres- sure exercised by the dominant majority or in the competition of dominant interests, controlling the social order through one form of authority or another. Thus systematic assimilation is not al- ways, and possibly not generally, a purely voluntary process of associative evolution. It is nearly al- ways the result of several opposing tendencies com- ing to a compromise. But it is still a necessary condition of development, and, when development has been suspended, of survival. The conscious- ness, among the ruling tendencies, of active or latent qualities or conditions incompatible with the po- tential type which the social system normally tends to individuate is the characteristic antinomy of this aspect of social evolution. 140 THE SOCIAL MIND. 141 How can this the last sociological antinomy be dissolved ? The logical conception of the social mind meets this requisite. The external or institu- tional control of the tendency to individuation in- evitably reaches its limits and gives way to a sub- jective solidarity of voluntarily associated groups of activities. The community coheres finally by consciousness of typal solidarity. This sense of solidarity among men lodges with each tendency an appreciation of those organic functions of the social order for which that tendency is normally fitted, and of which it is of course the most capable master. The consciousness of the community's convictions — the social mind as the actively orga- nizing condition of association — so reacts upon each as to consolidate all tendencies into a complex but a concordant equilibrium among themselves in progressive ascendency toward the potentially at- tainable ideal. Under such conditions conflict is ultimately unnecessary as a developmental factor. The increasing consciousness of the ideal becomes the developmental lodestone. The striving toward the ideal removes the contradiction. The essential relation by which each typal ten- dency is governed in its conduct toward every other tendency, class or condition, is that of mem- bership in a social solidarity. The conditions of the development of all such tendencies under the po- tentially normal type from the institutional to the ideal stage of development are alone found in the social mind governing these active groups by the law of typal solidarity. 142 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. To Professor Giddings is apparently due the credit of first using in a systematic analysis of social phenomena the term " the social mind," * as one of the products of association which in turn becomes a structural factor of formative efficiency in its re- action upon personality. As originally defined by him the social mind meant that " common con- sciousness of associated men " which gives a com- munity organic character — a consciousness of its own quality of unity — and is in its more generic sense true also of the race. Later it is more con- cretely defined as " a convenient name for a concert of the feeling, the thought, and the will of associ- ated individuals." f Intermediate between these two conceptions lies that which defines the social mind as neither so concrete nor so generic as the others, but regards it as a resultant of the union of " the mental and moral elements of society," giving us a derivative or secondary product of associative evolution. J The nearest approach to this seems to have been made on the part of those earlier writers who sought to define the popular feeling or national sentiments as the coherent quality of associative consciousness. This class of writers, among them Mill and SchafHe,§ are primarily analytic in their * Outlines of Lectures on Sociology, §§ 50-53. Columbia College Lectures, 1891. f Theory of Socialization, p. 25. New York, 1897. X Giddings, Principles of Sociology, Bk. II., Ch. II., p. 132. New York, 1896. § SchafBe, Bau und Leben, I., Vierter Haupt. THE SOCIAL MIND. 143 results and define the synthesis of the collective consciousness in universal or generic terms, appli- cable as a rule only to the larger forms of associa- tive organization. The difificulty of defining the conceptual organon of the collective life in a single synthesis which is neither given in terms of the individual conscious- ness nor in universal terms applicable to all kinds of association, is by no means slight. Ward compre- hends the results of his analysis in the synthetic term " the mind," comprising the -feelings as the dynamic and the intellect or intuitional form as the directive or structural aspect of the sociaHzing mind — the main factor in associative evolution.* Patten's analysis of the conceptual content is gath- ered under the categories of knowledge and belief as a kind of " collective conviction." f In another still more concrete form we have Nash's historical elaboration of the synthesis of the collective life of personalities tmder " the social conscience." J " The real unity of each group consists in the com- mon mental Hfe which it gradually acquires."§ " All individuals in society are arranged about cen- ters of authority, which are related to each other, in a series of progressive subordination."! It would seem that this attempt to find a satis- * Psychic Factors, p. 3. Boston, 1893. t Theory of Social Forces, Chs. III.,V. Philadelphia, 1896. t Nash, Genesis of the Social Conscience. New York, 1897. § Fairbank, Introduction to Sociology, p. 85. New York, ;896. II Small and Vincent, Introduction to the Study of Society, p. 330. New York, 1894. 144 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. factory expression under which to connote the most comprehensive sohdarity, which any associa- tion is conscious of as its own, is provided in " the social mind." Every integrated aggregate and only such an aggregate of persons, has a mind of its own. And the really essential thing in the defini- tion of that mind is the fact of integration of which the community is aware. The social mind is here used as that integration of social experience common to the differentiated typal cults and convictions which have become or- ganized into the settled attitudes of the associative consciousness. The different degrees of subjective development in the classes of a people or a com- munity exhibit a common set of feelings and beliefs which comprise the undebatable decisions or choices of its life. These are part of the accretions out of the past. Once integrated, they give struc- tural form to the flow of human feelings and thus control the emotions in the interests of reflective action. That is, they are selective, positively and negatively, in respect to the type that is actually or potentially normal to this organization of the social judgment. The social mind is definable therefore as that structural organization of the con- ceptions of past experience and present dispositions of any typically integrated community by which the community is enabled to exercise conscious control over its organic typal tendencies and to select the systematic order and the potential ends of its development. The social mind is the typal consciousness of any integrated community of persons. THE SOCIAL MIND. 145 The social mind is a necessary form of organic unity and continuity of the process of selective de- velopment. Without postulating its reality we can- not logically account for the solidarity of other- wise conflicting interests nor for the continuous belief the community entertains in potential reali- zations of the universal ideal. The continuous unity of the social consciousness lies in the selective con- nection which unites the two poles of the develop- mental process — the actual social types to which conduct practically conforms for survival and the potential type to which the progressive community beHeves itself entitled to develop. The social mind combines present interests with possible opportu- nities. There are therefore from the standpoint of per- sonality as many aspects of the social mind as there are integrated communities having a typal consciousness of their own. In the_simple social situation the typal consciousness insists upon con- formity to type by which association was made largely a personal reproduction of outward acts or inward attitudes — a mechanical method of survival to which personality yields itself of necessity. Per- sons are here more Hke monads hugging with a sort of chemical polarity the single type which the com- munity enunciates. Such often is membership in the family. In the complex social situation of dif- ferentiated tendencies each tendency is an integra- tion of like ratios of personal efficiency around a single social interest. Each organic social tendency has therefore a social mind of its own as soon as it 146 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. has an integrated typal consciousness of equilibrium within itself and with the larger community with- out. This is the case with the three or four great social classes and of any other derivative classes.* In the compound social situation, such as the mod- ern state, in which these tendential integrations are coordinated reciprocally into a social system, we have a still more comprehensive typal conscious- ness in the popular conviction. More comprehen- sive is the concert of Christian nations. This is the most comprehensive form of the actual social mind. The potential social mind appears in the form of the consciousness of the social ideal — -the perfect type of social attainment on the part of the mem- bers of the community. Not only from the side of personal connection with the community in all its forms but also from the standpoint of the race-consciousness of typal control the social mind is strictly necessary in the effort to determine the ends of human development in society. The quality of the social mind in any thoroughly integrated community of kinship is categorical, that is, it is typical in what it requires of personality in its relations with other personalities. It drives the Mormon beyond the fold of civilization, because he insists upon associative relations which the social mind has long since eliminated from its list of selec- tive integrations, but it keeps the expelled commu- nity intact. This intolerance of the untypical is some- * Wines, Charities Review, April, 1897, pp. i-2. THE SOCIAL MIND. 147 thing just as real as the sanctions under which the traditionally typical survives and develops. Both are aspects of the selective function of the social mind in its effort to keep personality and the ten- dencies of the community in line with the type that normally tends to prevail. In this aspect of the so- cial mind it admits of no argument. Within the social circle in which community of type is estab- lished the least that the social mind requires of any one is to conform to the type then and there exist- ing. The most that it can require is that he develop with the community, at the rate at which its more progressive tendencies move toward the ideal type. The attitude of the social mind is critical toward all that is differentiated from it in typal community, but tolerant to all that is typically common with it. We know how any proposal from outside of a com- munity, a class or a country strikes the thoughts and feelings of a people. Diplomacy is the art of not arousing the social mind. Each aspect of the social mind weighs the proposal with regard to its effect upon its conditions of survival and develop- ment, that is, its actual and potential capacity to maintain or strengthen its typal equilibrium. It is so of every piece of legislation, every political plat- form and in fact of every proposed or possible change in circumstances which brings new factors into the problem of social selection of conditions of existence. The method of the social mind is constructive through the assimilation of the differential ele- ments of social value, which the several tendencies 148 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. produce, with the social type to which the commu- nity is practically integrated. What is integrated and what is differentiated is thus selectively indi- viduated by the social process under the control of the typal consciousness. But such individuation of the integral type common to the whole commu- nity with the differential elements of typal value can only be effected through the projection of a poten- tial type in which both factors find their realization and by the capacity of the social mind to control the typal tendencies to that remoter end. The control of the typal tendencies of all degrees of development with reference to some remoter end is effected in the case of more or less integrated communities of great differentiating fertility, by means of social ideals. Social ideals are the creative forces in the social mind and with the desires con- stitute the strongest motive forces in human evolu- tion. The ultimate motive of the social mind is creative, through the reactionary effect of social ideals upon the social process of development. It is this re- flex effect of the ideal of the social consciousness upon the several tendencies of the community and upon the community as a whole that reveals the relation of typal solidarity. The social ideal repre- sents to the social consciousness the maximum po- tentiality of the social process. No experience in human association is more real than the conscious- ness of the impossibility of attaining to a given achievement under given conditions of existence. THE SOCIAL MIND. 149 Under such conditions the performance of certain functions is out of the question. The principle of typal superiority laid emphasis on functional effi- ciency as a sine qua non of typal attainment. If that efficiency be confessedly deficient attainment is impossible. As fast as this condition of things becomes general the social order, if not permitted to react, begins to number the days of its own sur- vival. This reaction from the actual situation nor- mally takes the direction of the ideal. The social consciousness enlarges the scope of the experiment, discounts the actual, puts a premium valuation upon the possibly perfect and makes up its mind to try again under more favorable circumstances. The social ideal is the most perfect set of conditions which man dares to propose for himself. It is ideal because it contains the essential characteristics of what he can conceive of as belonging to the perfect character of its kind. " To this insight into possi- bilities," says a noted authority, " there loom up uses and adaptations, transformations and combina- tions in a long series stretching into the infinite behind each finite real thing. The bodily eyes see the real object, but cannot see the infinite trails; for they are invisible except to the inward eyes of the mind. What we call directive power on the part of man, his combining and organizing power, all rests on this power to see beyond the real things before the senses to the ideal possibilities invisible to the brute. The more clearly man sees these ideals, the more perfectly he can construct for him- I50 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. self another set of conditions than those in which he finds himself." * The characteristic of the social ideal consists in the pre-eminent emphasis which it puts upon some single principle according to which all tendential values within the social order as a whole are to be unified in a supreme good. The community like children outgrows its clothes. The simple social situation of the family order of life rises in the course of a generation to a condition in which the subordination of personality to the parental author- ity there in force proves inadequate. The social interests, such as property and power, while once necessary to satisfy the varying tastes and impulses of men have to yield to the outside authority of a superior type of social life as soon as the domestic ideal is outgrown and property fails to satisfy per- sonality. But the realization of that result exhibits the limitation under which ideal ends admitted of attainment in the social system. Assimilation pre- pares us for the vision of the ideal. We now come to recognize that these social ends institutionalized as the valid ends of social tenden- cies, as the objective ends of social effort after an escape from subordination to superiority of type by alliance with social interests, are only tempo- rarily or tentatively capable of guiding the societary process in the pathway of human realization. The tendency on the part of all institutional systems is sooner or later to regard these agencies as social *W. T. Harris, Education, Vol. XII., No. 4, p. 204. THE SOCIAL MIND. igl ends in themselves and to sacrifice the types of per- sonality to this monopolization of social method. History itself is full of illustration of governmental institutions sacrificing the social type to an exag- gerated sense of its own function in the social proc- ess; the same is true of ecclesiastical institutions as the guardians of the moral codes of the people; not less in any sense is the history of industrial in- stitutions replete with the tragedy of cultural aspi- rations, and even cultural institutions have a record of forgetting " the rock from which they were hewn " by separating themselves from the sympa- thetic effort involved in the solution of the prob- lems of the common people. It is natural that in- stitutional agencies should magnify their social jurisdictions; and it is historically evident that they do so. But whenever the social consciousness ar- rives at the point of discovering the logical incom- patibility between the normal type of attainment to which it conceives itself entitled on the one hand and the institutional system comprising the social order on the other, then the realization of social solidarity has to be removed from the realm of the institutional or methodical to the ideal as the only form of social authority under which integration, differentiation, and individuation are capable of finding scope for development. The social order is too objective, 'too rigid, too systematic to give to all conditions of people that fluidity of self-expres- sion which enables them to find their fullest devel- opment. Under given conditions the social system is weighed and found wanting as the controlling 152 SOCIAL DEVBLOPMMT. instrument of typal evolution. Thence the appeal is to the ideal: the question arises, under what con- ceivable conditions could typal evolution find its most perfect expression in the social process ? The task is the construction and diffusion of the most serviceable social ideal within the apprehension of all social classes. In the long-established commu- nity of differentiated interests ideals are often new- born traditions of better days. The relation of typal solidarity is that of recip- rocal consciousness, on the part of the several social classes, of the social ideal as the potential goal of their development. The solidarity sought for is rarely secured without pressure but is never real- ized by pressure of organization alone. It is real- ized by mutuality of obligation to an ideal en- deavor. Art helps to give current expression to that appreciation of the social ideal which is neces- sary in the social mind before action in that direc- tion consciously takes place. But the capacity to respond in action is equally necessary to solidarity. And this prevents the sociality of a social ideal from overshadowing the individuality of man even in the ideal type of personality. Hence the eflfect of ideals upon the community is both integrating and indi- viduating. A conclusion of Marshall on the in- tegrating effects of art emphasizes the former proc- ess. " The art instinct deals with the attraction of others to ourselves, unconsciously indeed, but none the less certainly for all that; in fact, it deals with the overthrow of isolation and with the growth of sociality and sympathy. And, although I can- THE SOCIAL MlNh. I53 not agree with Guyau that the production of sym- pathy towards life is the end of artistic endeavor, I think we may surely say that the function of art in the development of man is social consolida- tion." * But solidarity is equally an individuating process. Each of the three typal tendencies — the traditional, the adaptive and the institutional — has constructed ideals and sought to impose its own ideal on all other tendencies. " There is a force at work throughout creation," says Carpenter, refer- ring to Lamark's theory of Exfoliation, " ever urg- ing each type onward into new and newer forms. This force appears first in consciousness in the form of desire. Within each shape of life sleep wants without number, from the lowest and simplest to the most complex and ideal. As each new desire or ideal is evolved, it brings the creature into con- flict with its surroundings, then, gaining its satis- faction, externalizes itself in the structure of the creature, and leaves the way open for the birth of a new ideal." f The chief service of the social mind in furnishing creative ideals lies therefore in the fact that it fur- nishes us with tentative standards by which to dis- cover and remove the inharmonious elements of contradiction from among the typal tendencies of the social process. The social population suscep- tible to its impress, conscious of its reality and re- sponsive to its beckonings raises harmony of typal * A. R. Marshall, Aesthetic Principles, pp. 81-2, including note p. 82. f Edward Carpenter, Civilization, pp. 52-53. 154 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tendencies to the dignity of a first principle in social evolution. Calvin's struggle in Geneva, and Crom- well's struggle with the CavaHer conception of so- cial system were efforts to reduce to harmony all social tendencies by the imposition of a particular social ideal. But the individuation of this superior type toward which the societary process presum- ably tends must regulate its rate and method of procedure by the absence or presence of incongru- ous qualities in the community with respect to the social ideal. One social tendency in the same social order must not seek ideal realizations too remote for the appreciation of other tendencies. The har- monization of these tendencies in the same com- manding efifort must rest on the social sense of the nobility and the l:)eauty of freely belonging to and having a responsible part in the movement towards the ideal. This is the essence of solidarity. In the foregoing analysis we have followed two coordinate lines of inquiry relative to the phenom- ena of human association. First, we have considered personality in objective association with his kind. This continuous proce- dure we have designated the social process and have represented it as comprising four necessary conditions within which social types appear to us to have their being. These conditions are the social situation within which integrity of type is se- cured, the social interests within which the differen- tiated variety of types arises, the social system by which the too complex variety of typal tendencies is brought into coordination, and finally the social THE SOCIAL MIND. 155 mind within which the social motives find progres- sive harmonization in the social ideals for the other- wise discordcint tendencies of the social organiza- tion. Secondly, we have considered personal associa- tion as presenting to us a sociological process — a process in terms of what man in association nor- mally tends to become on the basis of the actual. These theoretical tendencies we have sought to formulate in such a way as to give expression to the universal tendencies in human association. Hence we designate them the Typal Principles. The four typal principles are typal integration, typal differen- tiation, typal assimilation and typal solidarity. Each of these four principles expresses a uni- versal relation or causal connection between per- sonality and the social process and between any integrated group or tendency and the community as a whole. These principles are therefore the causal relations which sociology, like every other body of knowledge, finds it necessary to formulate. For example, the principle of typal integration gives us the causal principle controlHng the social process within the simple social situation (family) where personality subordinates itself or is subordi- nated to the type that tends to prevail, because such subordination is the natural mode of survival. The principle of typal differentiation appears when the social situation is broken up by differen- tiated social interests (classes), requiring that the specific types be substituted for the single type as the requisite of survival by conformity to changed 156 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. conditions. This adjustment of personality to the social process is a self-evident requisite. The principle of typal assimilation defines the re- lation between the social tendencies, in which per- sonality is at equilibrium, when that social order has become conscious of the potential type of per- sonality whose realization its institutional agencies tend to accomplish. The principle of solidarity gives us the causal connection between the self-conscious classes, in- terests or tendencies in social organization and the social ideal (humanity, the kingdom of God, Uto- pias). The common experience of every type which has become conscious of its essential rela- tions and rank in the social order suggests that the social order is not sufficiently swayed by any au- thority which can unify its several tendential aims. Social action becomes wasteful, inharmonious, in- capable of evoking the social forces to its support.* For the sake of social efficiency these neutralizing contradictions must be removed. A self-conscious community finds itself projecting a social existence ' wherein dwelleth righteousness.' The conception of a sociological state — a theoretically normal state — ^with conditions in which personality may find the fullest possible expression of physical, ethical, eco- nomic and aesthetic potentialities, not only furnishes the social mind with a final canon of constructive criticism of the actual but evokes those impellant emotions which bring out the elements of leader- * Ward, Psychic Factors of Civilization, Ch. XVI. THE SOCIAL MIND. IS7 ship and loyalty in the social population. So far as this grasp of the ideal potentialities is diffused through the community it tends to unify all types upon the goal of attainment subjectively regarded as realizable. The intensity of interest in the end minimizes the differences of objective rank and condition with which social order was hampered and which the impulsion aroused by the harmoniz- ing ideal enables the typal tendencies to surmount. The focusing of the social feelings upon the ideal tends to make all alike — to minimize class differ- ences before a superior or rather a supreme end. This alikeness consists in being potentially inte- grated under the same transcendent ideal type of personal ascendency over conditions.* If only one member of the community succeeds in doing what others may desire but know not how to achieve, that one becomes the new center of social integra- tion with the ideal as thus incipiently realized. The iirst realized ideal is solidarity with leadership (prowess) ; this is the physical element of the social ideal — the might which is the basis of right to rule among one's fellows. The next aspect of the social ideal to emerge in the societary process is the sol- idarity of personality with invisible powers — the reverence that results in the obligation of religion and morality, resulting too in the expansion of tfie area of integration so as to admit of variety in unity toward the ideal. The third ideal element is the utilitarian, which utilizes the realized ideals of so- * Nash, Genesis of the Social Conscience, p. 3. 158 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. cial discipline and duty to conquer present natural and social conditions in the interest of the future type of personality; as when society seeks to bend conditions to meet the requirements of the national ideal. Here the ideal social order tends to become the instrument of the realization of the perfect type of personality. Finally, the fourth element of the ideal social order is that of the solidarity of person- ality with the race in whose welfare lies the ultimate influence controlling his conduct. Here the ideal relationships bring all social beings into a single solidarity in which each personality is at perfect equilibrium potentially with the entire human kind.* This is the goal of the societary process; but the realization of the cosmopolitan ideal to any extent in any social state or situation by any part of mankind must either serve as the point of diffu- sion for a wider basis of typal integration under the control of the ideal unto which other portions of mankind not yet so fully developed would find themselves drawn; or, in default of such diffusive energy in the ideal, there must result that which, in the case of the city-state of the Greeks, Aristotle called stasis — that deadly exclusion of other social interests from fellowship with the ideal by those into whose control the social order had fallen and in whose interest it was primarily engineered. Thus the developmental process goes on beginning with the organic, as yet undifferentiated and unassimi- lated, and through these stages ending with the * Cf. Giddings, Theory of Socialization, LII., and LXIII. THE SOCIAL MIND. 159 ideal, only to make the actualized ideal the inte- grating center and the potential basis for a new social situation, thence differentiating into new interests and assimilating into a new social order the tenden- cies that harmonize in the solidarity of a still re- moter ideal. And the guiding genius of this evolu- tion is the selective impulse of social being. The necessary conditions and the universal rela- tions, by which the developmental process of selec- 4. Typal Solidarity. 3. Typal Assimilation. z. Typal Differentiation. Typal Integration. Universal Relations "^ of Selective Survival Sociological Types. Fig. 3. tive survival can be conceived of and the life of human association brought into theoretical consist- ency, have now been systematically outlined by the analysis of the societary process. l6o SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. The logical conceptions requisite for this presen- tation of the twofold aspects of this process — the concrete aspect of natural association and the the- oretical aspect of social organization — are logi- cally grouped in Fig. 3. BOOK III. THE SOCIOLOGICAL AXIOMS. CHAPTER IX. typicality: sociality and symbolism. In the analysis of the societary process regarded from the standpoint of natural association we have shown on what necessary conditions and according to what universal principles human beings become social and develop typical qualities, how social types survive and are developed by functional tendencies of society, according to the law of selective survival of sociological types. We now wish to show from the standpoint of social organization by what synthetic judgments personality, the social tendencies, and the commu- nity are guided in the selection of the means of so- cial reaHzation. These synthetic judgments are known as the Sociological Axioms. By them we see how it is and by what stages it is that the devel- opmental process passes from the organic types to the ideal types. We see what part of the actual content of the community's resources is to be util- ized. We have defined for us the qualities, the con- ditions, the relations, and the possibilities with which social evolution has to reckon. Society is organized 163 l64 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. in accordance with a certain series of judgments which are the axioms of its development. The sociological axioms are typicality, normal- ity, institutionality and ideality. This is the normal and logically necessary order of their evolution and their validity. Each axiom has its subjective and its objective aspect by which the type in relation therewith adjusts itself to these two realms of real- ity. The point of departure having been defined, from which we may proceed to take account of the socio- logical axioms, it is necessary to note that these axioms, while they are to serve as logical inter- connections between the objective and the subjec- tive aspects of the social process, are therefore the successive points of view to be followed in theoreti- cal interpretation of social phenomena. The first quality required for social survival is the logical quality of typicality, the subjective aspect of which is sociality and the objective aspect symbol- ism. To belong to no type is to be a member of no associative unit and therefore to lack the requi- site of survival or of development. To be untypical is to be out of equilibrium with the natural forces and the spiritual motives which find their equilib- rium in social types. Nordau defines degeneration as " a morbid devi- ation from an original type," including in his clas- sification, as the most notable examples, criminals, prostitutes, anarchists, lunatics. This negative defi- nition implies the essential truth in our analysis of the social process, namely, that the normally typi- TYPICALITY. 165 cal is the essentially social, and that the abnormal types of personality are essentially wanting in the universally valid quality of sociality. Of course criminals cooperate, prostitutes are social, anar- chists contrive together, lunatics are alike in setting at naught the assumed laws of reason; but never- theless, an examination of any of these classes re- veals the basis of our judgment respecting these abnormal types, namely, that the normally social or the typical quality is the test of fitness to survive as free members of society. Persons of kindred qual- ities congregate according to the degree of devel- opment of these integrating qualities. Typicality is that social quality or that criterion of the organizing process which is least subject to change in the midst of changing conditions and relations. Changes in the social nature are changes of growth, changes of structure and changes of function. Childhood is full of changes of growth. The stamp which nature puts upon the individual organism insures that each portion of the animal world shall bring forth only of its own kind. Only the type that is reproduced after its own kind has anything like fair chances of survival. Sexual se- lection secures this result by the most persistent tyranny of the sexual impulses. But the direction of survival lies in the line of imitation of the typical, however the sense of the typical may impress itself upon the growing child. The waking conscious- ness of the child regards, we are told, the mother as part of itself. Certainly the psychic states of the mother are impressed upon the child in its pre-natal i66 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. existence. Growth differentiates the child into a separate personality; but wherever we begin to recognize its existence and wherever we may find its growth to end, the essential element that has made it social throughout its whole career consists primarily in its being typical. The changes of childhood serve only to reveal the more fully this consciousness of kinship with its own type of being. Typicality as a sociological criterion involves more than a relation with a permanent object of a like kind. " A living being," says Clifford, " must always contain within itself the history not merely of its own existence but of all its ancestors." This guarantees unity of the physical or organic type. No amount of growth will outgrow the typical. But there is a step, a change in relationship between persons of like kinds which develops personality by separating it from other individuals and giving it the highest degree of typicality peculiar to or- ganic descent. That change separates typicality into sociality and symbolism, and it consists in the " differentiation from surrounding minds which is the growth of individuaUty; and closer correspond- ence with them, wider sympathies, more perfect understanding of others. These, you will instantly admit," says Clifford, " are precisely the twin char- acteristics of a man of genius. He is clearly distinct from the people that surround him, that is how you recognize him; but then this very distinction must be such as to bind him still closer to them, extend and intensify his sympathies, make him want their wants, rejoice over their joys, be cast down by TYPICALITY. 167 their sorrows." * As iron sharpeneth iron, so soul sharpeneth soul; and the sharper the wit of man becomes the more human, the more humane, the more social in spirit he is normally obliged to be- come. All the changes of growth, of structure and of function to which personality in society is subject only render him the more susceptible to the inte- grating unity with the type within the zone of whose influence he lives. Typicality has thus these two normal aspects — sociality and symbolism. Nature's mode of perpet- uating type is by the selective survival of the or- ganic capacities required in association. But man bears within him those qualities in potential state with the advent into this life which must of neces- sity find modes of expression. These modes are what we call symbohsm. If we were to write the one fundamental axiom over the portals of this hu- man life of ours, for one just brought into it, it would be: Live the typical life of the community that harbors you by balancing membership and in- dividuality. This sense of communion with one's kind, the sense of membership, is one of the first discoveries personaHty makes. To this fact of kin- dred coexistence we give the name of sociality. But the expression of the psychical results of this asso- ciative situation, that is, of this sense of member- ship, in such form as to make one's kind aware of this sense, requires all varieties of symbolic forms. * W. K. Clifford, Lectures and Essays, Vol. I., p. 100. London, 1879. 1 68 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. The totem, the ornamental garb, the official insig- nia, the religious symbols are of this kind. Social- ity plus symbolism makes social organization real- izable. No one is typically social in fact until his sense of membership has developed and then found appropriate forms of expression. Written or spoken language is only one form of such utter- ance. That form of expression may take any form from the clinging embrace of the child and mother to the systems of thought that science and religion utilize to bring personality into touch through so- ciety with the true and the infinite with which nor- mal society is livingly linked. These two aspects of typicality must be kept dis- tinct. Subjectively viewed, typicality is habitual performance of the social functions of the type prev- alent in the social situation. It is the subjective standard which we see followed in the acts and modes of life exhibited in the imitative movement of offspring in association with their parents; of the young in the imitation of their elders; of the mem- bers of a group in conformity to an efficient type already realized. It is even more remotely appar- ent in those instinctive actions and reactions which lie back of the strictly imitative expressions of self- activity. Nature's first object-lesson in law is sur- vival by instinctive and imitative conformity to type. We may call this organic sociality, because this relationship of survival by organic accordance with type is the simplest and the most general req- uisite of the coexistence of animal organisms from protozoon life up through the animal world ending TYPICALITY. 169 with the highest order of social beings in man. Our acts, thoughts and feelings must be organized on that basis. It is the vital principle of social existence. In this aspect it is the fundamental physiological relationship of sentient being having any regard for coexistent relations with its kind. To be sub- jectively typical includes not only the conscious- ness of sentient beings of a like type requiring of it certain functional activities, but also the capacity of distinguishing a type like its own from one un- like its own whose functional activities it systemat- ically avoids. The typical Jew could have no deal- ings with the typical Samaritan. In this sense typi- cality means that every creature shall live out the creed of its own kind, by being socially susceptible to the requirements of its type. How far this susceptibility which we call sociality goes back of the human life, the natural historian of the social sense must be left to trace. Cuvier has among his writings an interesting chapter on the subject. Espinas and others have more fully de- scribed the extent of our knowledge of the sub-hu- man sociahty. Later still is Topinard's study of organic man as a member of society.* We know that man begins his life with the social sense as an organic datum. For the sociologist's purpose it is enough to point out that typicality, in these two aspects of sociality and symbolism, is fundamental as the criterion of social existence on the plane of humanity. If proof were desired of man's natural * The Monist, 1897. 170 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. sociality, and the necessity of its taking the form of symbohsm for expression as a means of develop- ment, we might quote some of this accumulating evidence of the natural history of sympathy. Of this Professor Shaler says, " In the progress of so- cial development we can, in a general way at least, trace the stages of development from the more pri- mal conditions of the altruistic motives, to the more developed form in which they now find a place in the mind of the more cultivated men." And again, " These three forms of the altruistic motive, namely, the sympathy with the fellow-man, the sympathy with nature, and the sympathy with the infinite, have very different degrees of intensity, and are otherwise divisible from each other, in many ways. Sympathy with the fellow-man is the most intense of the three. It is the simplest form of the motive; it may exist with less admixture of related motives than the other divisions of altruis- tic impulses. It is the most universal among men, and the most frequently active in any mind." * The logic of sympathy is part of the mechanism of social order. It is this experiential content welling up in per- sonality for expression in appreciable form that makes symbolism an inevitable product of social man within the pale of typicality. The social being is sympathetic in a normal state of fellowship, and to be sympathetic is to be endowed with energies needing direction. The commonest forms of ex- * The Interpretation of Nature, Ch. II, TYPICALITY. 171 pression give such direction as is necessary for liv- ing with one another in society. Hence symbolism is fundamentally linguistic. The community must, like every other embodiment of experience known to us, have its forms of speech, or what Tarde calls its ' grammar.' Into these forms nature and civili- zation pour their resources as fast as man in society makes it possible for his fellows to appropriate them. The typical quality may find expression in the building of a cathedral or temple, in the crea- tion of an epic or in the ravages of conquest. The social process therefore develops in person- ality a sense of membership with those that are typical^ — a consciousness of belonging to a recog- nized class, group or cult in which one has a sub- stantial stake. The problem of giving understand- able expression to these real and implied relation- ships is, however, a problem of the organization of social life itself. The study of social groups shows us the natural conditions of living together; social organization shows us the working concep- tions. The symbolizing process is the process of making the concepts of social value available for communion with those with whom one has come into conscious appreciation of kinship. The two processes are distinct aspects of the societary proc- ess, in theory as well as in fact. When Sir Henry Sumner Maine asserts the fact that kin- ship is the basis of ancient society he takes emphatic account of the social process when the people are in close affinity with nature; that is, of a society whose sociality still retains the primitive 172 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. limitations of expression. Social life hugged the shores of nature throughout antiquity. But wher- ever the greater facility of symbolic expression opened the way for the conceptual expression of social feeling there the bond of human association tends to become not so much that of organic kin- ship but rather one of subjective communion with one's kind by means of symbohsm such as would satisfy the cravings of consciousness for expression. That satisfaction comes whenever sociality and symbolism find coordinate expression in the same social tendency. This requires of social man that he find his equilibrium of type by objective unity with nature as well as by subjective unity with civilization. Then must membership in society be organically safe and ideally free. Sociality and symbolism are the warp and woof of the societary process into whose texture is woven the typical pattern normal to the life of the times. The forces of sociality and the forms of symbolic expression weave all varieties of social experience into this unifying fabric. The triumphs and the disappoint- ments, the sorrows and the joys, the exaltations and the humiliations of spirit of a people or any considerable portion thereof, become an inextrica- ble part of the tone and temper of the type. The key to the social history or career of every people and every personality therein has to be found in terms of the type that normally tends to prevail. It becomes evident from the foregoing analysis that the sociological axiom of typicality serves a twofold purpose in social evolution. These are: TYPICALITY. 173 First, that of coordinating the community to the structural conditions and the functional attainments requisite for normal conformity to type in the social process. Typicality gives in its functional quality of sociality and its structural forms of self-expression in symbolism, the two needed factors for the selec- tive survival of the normal type of personality. In the school-life of the child, with a single social type in ascendant control, this process is most active. Fellowship and forms of expression for one's ac- tivity are basal axioms in development. Secondly, the sociological axiom serves as a norm of gradation of members imthin the com- munity. Development begins with gradation of attainment. Grades of typal attainment depend on the ratio of social to symbolic or individual effi- ciency in expression of natural capacity. One of high sociality and low symbolizing efficiency or vice versa tends to take a quite diflferent rank in the community from that taken by a person in whom the two elements of efficiency are at equilibrium. But the question as to which of the three were the more valuable type depends on the question of what the requisites of survival are in the community taken as a whole, at a given time and place. This twofold character of the sociological axiom as a means (i) of survival for the community and (2) for the development of personalities taken one by one in that community, may be illustrated by Fig. 4- Let YOX represent the area of a social situation the objective basis of which is OX and the subjec- 174 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. tive aspect of which is OY. Then the normal line of typal development or survival will be Ot — Typi- cality, the two respective factors of which are YO, Sociality, and Yt (OX), Symbolism. From this it appears that the development of the type goes forward in the community as fast as sociality and symbolism can find their equilibrium in the inte- gration of personality, t. This assumes that the sub- jective and the objective requisites of typal evolu- \ Symbojism / •CIV \/ ^ i. ' \ > c "3 u •a 3 u c ■ •a u ■a tf> L Typicality. Normality. Institutionality. j Ideality. ! a — • 2 « 3-0 Physical Sciences. Organic Sciences. Psychology. Philosophy. f^^sthetics.* Economics. Politics. Ethics. and its uses as aflfected by custom and convention- ality; (3) the polity as given in the relations of superiority and subordination; (4) the ethical or- ganization of conduct with respect to the ideal of character. This being the logical outline of the method of types, what lines of inquiry must be followed to give scientific character and historical content to * iEsthetics is not by any means a satisfactory term to use in designating the 'science of our likes and our dislikes' which really determine our primary social relations. THE THEORETICAL METHOD OF TYPES. 329 this mode of determining the nature of the process of social development ? In the first place we must look in the direction of the relation of the social aggregate to nature to find the integrating conditions which fashion the developmental movement. What is the nature of the methods by which the coexistent conditions are best revealed to one seeking for a solution of the relation of nature to human socialization ? Secondly, we must look in the direction of the historical forces — of the axiomatic relation of the aggregate — to history in its organized aspects to find the differentiating sequences by which the de- velopmental movement is influenced. What is the nature of the methods by which the differentials in typal evolution are given concrete content ? The methods of defining the natural conditions of development of types are those of the physical, the organic, the psychological, and the philosophi- cal sciences. These specific methods, on which the method of types relies, correspond with the points of view from which the part of personality in the social process must be investigated; the descriptive method being peculiarly fitted to present the phe- nomena of the social situation within which typal integration is the characteristic process and per- sistency of type the condition of survival; the naturalistic method being best adapted to make exposition of the phenomena of competing social interests during the rise of which resistance to uni- formity of type and the normalizing conquest of 330 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. nature is the primary requisite of survival ; the psy- chological method being indispensable to define for us the governing relations which control the social aggregate when it enters into and develops within the social order by the assimilation of its tenden- cies under the conditions of institutional life; and the philosophical method being finally necessary to formulate for us the phenomena of ideality among which the characteristic process is social consolidation. Each method, therefore, makes a specific contribution to the truly comprehensive method, but none of them is capable either of inter- preting the social process as a whole or of com- pletely interpreting its own social meaning apart from its synthesis in the process of development. The practical value of. any theoretical method of inquiry into social phenomena depends on the ex- tent to which it contributes to a wise social policy. The ultimate test of any social policy is the type of personality which it tends to produce. The social process is known by its typical fruits actual and potential. The sociological method, therefore, is preeminently concerned with the determination of the type — actual or potential — and the condition- ing and the causal factors which enter into the process by which these types are or tend to be evolved. If this relation of these four classes of methods to the sociological method of types be conceded as logically and scientifically compatible, then it must be admitted that the way has been pointed out here by which one more portion of the whole field of THE THEORETICAL METHOD OF TYPES. 331 knowledge can be intelligently used in the service of the social life. By so doing, the social situation of any type of persons, the social interests of all distinct groups or classes, the social order in which all interests and types are reciprocally established in a social system, and the social ideal by which the consolidation of the whole objective life is devel- oped into equilibrium with the social mind in mas- tery of the social situation — all these appear each in its own place and doing its own part in the evolu- tion of a progressive policy of typal attainment. In their practical results, as well as in their logical re- lations, these methods give scientific content to the formal conditions of development. This will be evident from the following account of actual methods. The descriptive method in sociology finds its best exponent in the writings of Spencer, in which the data, the inductions, the relations and the in- stitutions of the social order are presented. The method is that of the physical sciences in the analy- sis of processes. The principle governing that method in this case is not historical but compara- tive, but yet not comparative in the sense in which writers on jurisprudence use the method. In juris- tic literature we have the comparative study of kindred institutions and jural relations in dififerent communities of the same kind; in Spencer's expo- sition of social phenomena we have a comparative study of analogous relations existing among com- munities of different kinds, in the efifort to illustrate the universality of the principle of evolution from 332 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT, the simple to the complex in social orders. Social types in Spencer's system of classification are types of social organization — not types of personality.* But no one can study his most direct contribution to method, without realizing that the underlying idea in The Study of Sociology is consistent with that of the type of personality which normally tends to prevail. f The naturalistic method is a method of system- atic description from the naturalist's point of view; from this method of organic interpretation has been derived the following aids: (i) The organic con- ception of society, (2) the idea of the equilibrium, between personality and its environment and of the social aggregate with its environment, (3) the sol- idarity of nature and civilization in the cosmic proc- ess of evolution, and (4) the recognition of the typi- cal as the criterion of evolutional value (Romanes). This method defines social interests most success- fully. The psychological method marks a reaction from the naturalistic or analogical methods. Its material contributions to sociological method have been equally illustrious. They comprise, (i) the promi- nence of the subjective factors in social life (Ward), (2) the insistence that personality in conscious as- sociation with its kind is the core of sociological interest (Giddings), (3) the formulation of psycho- logical laws in social life (Tarde, Baldwin), (4) the * Principles of Sociology, Vol. I,, Part II., Ch. X, t Chap, iii., pp. 52-3. .THE THEORETICAL METHOD OF TYPES. 333 service of sociology in the educational development of types of national character (Guyau, Fouillee). The philosophical method often identifies soci- ology with the philosophy of history (Barth),* though the two are distinct — the quest of sociology being that of the typical groups in fact and tend- ency and that of the philosophy of history the ideal, as part of the content which enters into the social process. From the philosophical method applied to the interpretation of social phenomena we have (i) the determination of the social ideals which characterize the social process (Mackenzie), and (2) the definition of the function of intellect (Draper), and of religion (Kidd, Nash) in human progress. The method of types presumes and underlies the other methods and can only be applied after the other methods have been sufficiently employed to bring the sociological data to light from which se- lection is to be made in the study of any particular problem. Without the descriptive method the quality of typicality could not be adequately grasped; without the naturalistic method the adap- tive or normalizing efficiency of the social type as an organic tendency must lack the requisite degree of exactness; without the psychological method the social motives can never be given their right value in the analysis of the social process; and with- out the philosophical method the potency of ideal convictions as conditioning factors in social evolu- tion must remain to be determined by the personal * Die Philosophic der Geschichte als Sociologie, A, § 3. Leipzig, 1897. 334 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. equation of the investigator himself. But with the typical procedure we insist (i) upon the selection of only the typical as the subject of investigation, (2) upon the determination of the conditions of its existence or environment as a controlling factor in typal tendency, (3) upon the reciprocal relations which any typal tendency holds in institutional life, and (4) upon the goal of life toward which the type in question tends. By this procedure the es- sentials are made the subject of analysis and syn- thesis and the problem is cleared, from the start, of unessentials. Whether a science of sociology can be developed as a science depends very much upon one's concep- tion of terms. But, whatever meaning may be given, it is at least certain that we can think scien- tifically in social interpretation by the aid of this method. " By scientific thought," it is properly said, " we mean the application of past experience to new circumstances by means of an observed order of events." Here there are three conceptions requisite for scientific procedure : (i) past experi- ence, (2) new conditions or changes, (3) an ob- served order of events. To these terms correspond, in the method of types, (i) the actual social type which is the epitomized result of the social experi- ence and the method of whose determination has been pointed out; (2) the potential situation within which by typal adjustment to changes the social type tends normally to find its equilibrium, and (3) the selective relation between the actual and the potential type, giving us the observed order of THE THEORETICAL METHOD OP TYPES. 335 events according to which the social process must be guided. This selective connection may appear in typal subordination, typal substitution, typal as- similation, or of typal solidarity as the leading phases in the estabHshed order of events, but the selective continuity between the actual and the po- tential is the essential assumption that runs through all social thought in the efifort to deal scientifically with changed or changing conditions of existence. " When the Roman jurists applied their experience of Roman citizens to dealings between citizens and aliens, showing by the difference of their actions that they regarded the circumstances as essentially different, they laid the foundation of that great structure which has guided the social progress of Europe. That procedure was an instance of strictly scientific thought. When a poet finds that he has to move a strange new world which his predeces- sors have not moved ; when nevertheless he catches fire from their flashes, arms from their armory, sus- tentation from their footprints, the procedure by which he applies old experience to new circum- stances is nothing greater or less than scientific thought. When the moralist, studying the condi- tions of society and the ideas of right and wrong which have come down to us from a time when war was the normal state of man and success in war the only chance of survival, evolves from the conditions and ideas which must accompany a time of peace, when the comradeship of equals is the condition of national success; the process by which he does this is scientific thought and nothing else. . . . 336 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. The truth which it arrives at is not that which we can ideally contemplate without error, but that which we can act upon without fear; and you can- not fail to see that scientific thought is not an ac- companiment or condition of human progress, but human progress itself." * We have thus defined for us the general outline of the method of types. We have seen that its general method is essentially that of scientific thought. When we proceed by this method in so- cial study we do substantially though less precisely what the worker and thinker in the exacter sciences do when they study other fields of past experience in connection with future possibilities to bring both under the synthesis of a universal law. We get for the method of types a measurable de- gree of definiteness by studying the social process from the side of those natural conditions of per- sonal association in which the integration of types goes on first in the simplest unitary scope of asso- ciation, then in the separate fields of interests, then in the area of the social system and finally in the domain of the social mind. There remains now the task of finding for the differentiating axioms of the social process that historical content which social organization gives us. For this we have to define the social organization with respect to those fields of scientific thought by which the human mind has sought to organize its associative energies under conceptions peculiar to history. Logically regarded, history is a series of verified * Clifford, Lectures and Addresses, pp. 155, J56, 157. THE THEORETICAL METHOD OP TYPES. 337 axioms respecting the differentiation of social ag- gregates from the actual to the potential in the development of social types. In its inner character its process of differentiation from event to event is indicated in the sociological axioms of typicality, normality, institutionality and ideality. But, for the historical motives which these imply we have to refer to those well-known divisions of knowledge in which man has analyzed the processes and prod- ucts of social organization. And the method of types accepts these results by the methods which each division has found most convenient for its own purposes. The master motives resulting in the growth and development of social organization are aesthetic and domestic, economic, political and ethical, including the religious motives. By the study of the correspond- ing sciences we get at the real forces which form the content of the sociological axioms. To give definiteness to the method of types we must make each of these special social sciences as much the subject of study as we should the sciences of natural conditions of personal association. Just as far as these sciences are developed, so far can the method of types go in its effort to show the typical products by the relations which man in association has to nature and history. From these two points of view the method of types must always proceed, if it would utilize the results and understand the pri- mary factors that universally figure in the evolu- tion of types of personality — organic, social, socio- logical, and ideal. The sciences which treat of so- 338 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. cial man as related to nature furnish us with the conditions on which development in society is nec- essary. The sciences which treat of historical forces of social organization show us under the pressure of what social purposes and powers the fact of social development becomes a reality. The definition of the joint product of the natural condi- tions and the historical causes as individuated into one result — the types of personality — is the task of this method of interpretation of society. It is only by such definition as will show the bearing of natural and historical factors on the type of personality that tends to prevail that we can ever give any of the sciences their proportionate valuation in edu- cational policy. Esthetics, regarded from the standpoint of the observer impressed with the attractiveness of ob- jects having some kinship with himself, includes the facts of fellowship or community. We are fond of what attracts us by qualities we believe it con- tains in common with us or as complemental to ours. It is this quality in human beings that lies at the basis of sociality — the selective sense of what is agreeable to us in others. It is also this quality that makes domestic organization. To like others is to find that others have awakened in us the zesthetic sense of the typical. ^Esthetics from the artist's standpoint deals with the attempt to give expression to the ideal type of social feeling in per- sonality; but from the standpoint of the impressed observer it is an attempt to give expression to the organic type of personality by physical acts of asso- THE THEORETICAL METHOD OF TYPES. 339 ciation resulting in habitual relationships.* The one is particular and the other universal in the form of expression which it gives to the aesthetic impulse and ideal in social consolidation. But while sesthet- - ics in this more common sense of sensuous soci- ality enables us to define the typical social individ- ual, and while in its artistic sense it serves to em- body to our senses a representation of the ideal, still it cannot adequately explain the intermediate stages of the typal evolution between the organic and the ideal. For explanation of the social type normal to en- vironment we must go to economics and biology. For the explanation of the organized tendencies of society we need to have recourse to politics and to psychology. But politics as the science of the State is not inclusive enough to furnish us with the scope of survey which the sociological point of view requires. As the science of public policy, perma- nently expressed in the political constitution of the social population, its principles and practices co- ordinate all forms of social system such as the do- mestic order, the social classes and the numerous communities under the sovereign aims of the State; but politics does not give sufficient insight to the sources of the social organization as we find it in voluntary associations nor to the natural conditions of human association in time and place to make its point of view the exclusive standpoint of sociology. * Marshall, Principles of Esthetics, pp. 1-8, and Ch. III., especially pp. 81-3. See also Guyau, Non-Religion of the Future: A Sociological .Study, Introduction, II. 340 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. Sociology insists on using a more universal cate- gory of social coordination than the State. The rise of organizing ideals in the social minds of peo- ples of mutually exclusive States leaves no option to the sociologist in the effort to find a standpoint potentially more comprehensive and more cosmo- politan than that of the political state. Ethics alone remains to offer its point of view for comprehensive interpretation of society consid- ered from the twofold or coordinated aspects of natural association and historic social organization. Here again we see that there are ethical as there were economic, political and aesthetic considerations pervading the whole of social life, but there are natural strata of associative relations into which the ideal of the social type has not struck its roots deep enough to serve as the sole law of its interpretation. The function of the ethical is to individuate the so- cial ideal by constraining the tendencies toward the solidarity which it represents to the social con- sciousness — the typally organized thought and feeling of the social population. The ideal is far too universal a form of expression to account for the association of two strange children on the street, for the equilibrium of social classes in social interests and for the balancing of tendencies in a politically organized social system. But its point of view does enable us to rightly interpret all subjective relations of personality which have arisen to the rank of the social ideal. This true standpoint of sociology we deem to be that of the type of personality which normally tends THE THEORETICAL METHOD OP TYPES. 341 to prevail in the direction of the ideal. In this point of view we bring together the results of the foregoing study of the social process both from the side of natural association and of social organi- zation. If we compare these results we shall see that the method of types exhibits four distinct as- pects from which social development must be con- sidered. It has the aspect of an organic type, of a type normal to conditions, of a type as coordinated with a social tendency, and of a type consoHdated with the ideal of the social process. From the sciences called inorganic and the sci- ence of aesthetics we have the physical conditions and the subjective qualities of the organic type which determines the question of community of kind. In these we must look for that logically per- sistent quality which the sociological point of view requires. That quality is the typically human. The scientifically measurable degree of adaptation which biology and economics give enables us to deter- mine the second step in the standpoint of sociology as that of the socially normal. Psychology and poli- tics enable us to define for sociology its third essen- tial standpoint. From them the consciously recip- rocal interdependence of functional tendencies is shown, and the third point of view of sociology is that of the tendentially organic. By philosophy and ethics we disclose to the social apprehension the fourth point of view of sociology to be that of the potentially ideal, in which the possibilities of devel- opment are harmoniously imaged in the solidarity of the tendencies normal to social conditions of 342 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. survival under which all known types of human be- ings appear. In the typically human we have the organic type of personality; in the socially normal, the social type adapted to conditions of survival; in the tendentially organic, the developmental tend- encies of types, or the sociological type; and in the potentially ideal the ideal possibilities of social soli- darity. Hence this standpoint of the organic type of personality that normally tends to prevail in the direction of the ideal type comprehends under these categories all the phenomena of human association. I. The sociological point of view is primarily con- cerned with the typically human. This involves all that we call anthropological, ethnological, together with what we include in the terms civilization and culture. In these generic aspects sociology is re- quired to look upon man as that associated portion of the animal world, which is made up of personal beings and to which in the totality of the genus we give the name humanity. We are concerned with this fact of a genus integrated with its own kind and differentiated from other kinds of the animal world. The typically human involves what is ethnolog- ical. Ethnology treats of anthropological species — of the specific races into which on physical and psychical grounds the race as genus is found to be differentiated. As these facts of racial traits are data which enter fundamentally into the shaping of the course of social evolution of human types at every step of history we must include this survey of ethnical man in the sociological survey, lest we THE THEORETICAL METHOD OF TYPES. 343 fail to understand one of the strongest of forces in the development of types of social man. Only indirectly and in an introductory way has the subject of human sociology anything to do with sub-human association. Comparative sociology must take into account all forms of association among organic beings from the coral colony up to the ideal congregation of the immortals. But for sociology considered as bent upon the service of social policy of human communities, the human is quite sufficient as a field of research. Human so- ciology is concerned with all that is human but only after the individuals have become, or as they are found in the form of, typically integrated ag- gregates upon whose general tendencies the com- munity has learned to count as upon a group that has come to some degree of self-consciousness. This excludes the sub-human and the non-typical. Of course no human being is organically non-typi- cal, though we may have survivals and types which appear " before the times are ripe " which we can- not readily classify because we do not value the factors. Yet they are typically human. 2. The sociological point of view is that of the socially normal. From the standpoint of sociology there is no absolute criterion of social normality. But all normality is relative to the conditions of as- sociation and organization in the community. We have different levels one above the other or differ- ent areas of social normality among classes, com- munities, peoples or races. One who is normal to a certain social status may be abnormal to another 344 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. social status in the same organized community. To be normal is in general to be at equilibrium with one's general environment. To be socially normal is to be at equilibrium with one's social environ- ment; and to be at equilibrium with one's social environment is to be differentiated out of a general adjustment to environment into that typal tend- ency in which one's personal constitution entitles him to find his equilibrium; that is, the balancing of his ratio of individual and social units of personal efficiency with the social tendency in which there is an equivalent ratio in the demands which the natural conditions and the social organization make upon its members. 3. The sociological point of view is that of the tendentially organic. We have in the evolution of types of personality to remember that personality is tenanted in a typal tendency always normally operating in the direction of the potential type. But no such tendency lives wholly unto itself; every tendency is organic in the sense of being recipro- cally coordinated with other functional tendencies which go to make up the social organization. These differentiated functions duly coordinated make a set of tendencies by which society secures survival by division of necessary social labor, and attains to development by conserving the tenden- cies in the direction of the ends which the social mind requires all to conform to, and by permitting all typal tendencies, on condition of this organic conformity, to differentiate themselves as far as the THE THEORETICAL METHOD OF TYPES. 345 typal conviction of the social organization will allow. Within each tendency required for the order and progress of the social organization numerous spe- cific tendencies arise. But all tendencies are never- theless axiomatic in their origin and aim. They integrate, they differentiate, they assimilate, they idealize types of personality. In the study of typal tendencies we must be sure of the organic function of the social organization and be able to measure the degree of differentiation and assimilation. 4. The standpoint of sociology is also that of the potentially ideal. It is a fatal mistake to think that the potentially ideal is not an object of associa- tive effort in social policy. The normal tendency in the evolution of personality Hes in the direction of the ideal, but for most men it is not the goal of the tendency or tendencies in the development of society. The potentially ideal is the ideal which arises from the development of a high degree of sympathetic solidarity in the possible achievements of a people. Social organization of tendencies in a developmental process is only a necessary method of progressing toward the possible ideal in which society believes. By realizing the ideally possible the sociological type becomes the ideal type of the social mind in which real solidarity resides. The development of man as a member of society depends on the development of these four points of view in social life and policy. And these aspects will be developed as rapidly as the natural condi- tions of human association and the causal forces of 346 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. social organization can be systematically coordi- nated in the evolution of types of character. The following diagram represents this coordina- tion in mere outline. On this basis educational 'Ethics. Politics. Economics. .Aesthetics. c- 1 ■si 11 o < o -"1 Fig. i6. values can be reformulated. Social policy must take into account (i) the facts or conditions of nat- ural association, (2) the forces that belong to social organization, and (3) the coordination of these fac- tors in the individuation of the type of character that normally tends to prevail toward the ideal. The social process being a type-developing process, educational policy must organize knowledge and its uses to that supreme end. INDEX. Adaptation, organisms elabo- rated by, 122; selective sur- vival by normal, 244, 245; principle of normal, 251. Adaptive process, guarantees specific types, 224. Adaptive types, described, 98; variety and unity, iio-ii; and traditional assimilated, 128; tendency of, 227. Adjustment, of interests in social policy, iii; of person- ality to tendency, 114; two- fold, demanded by science, 228. Aggregates, selection by, 16; social type governs, 75-6; logical equilibrium of, 92; effected by change in per- sonality, no; co-ordinated under potential type, 120. Analysis, of social phenom- ena, 6; two conceptions of social, 21; the Malthusian, 89. Art, its function is social con- solidation, 152; relation to religion and science, 217. Aristocracy, utilizes social system for superiority of type, 130; Arnold's classifi- cation of, 132; perverts so- cial system by exclusion, 132; of vulgarity and insti- tutional classes, 135. Aristotle, on -the family, 91; on property, log; on gov- ernment, 134. Assimilation, of foreign to American type, 55; Ch. VII., 116; of organic tendencies, 117; the principle of, 118; social consciousness con- trols, 119; in systematic de- velopment, 120; toward the ideal, I2i; toward potential type, 125-26; arrested by aristocracies, 132; endan- gered from two sources, 134; by institutions, 135, 196; requires organization of numbers, 137; not always voluntary, 140; sociological principle of, 138; typal, de- fined, 156; selective survival by, 246; institutional, 247; principle of, 251; process of, 258. Association, the type the product of, 3; natural, and social organization, 4, 24; logical conditions of, Chs. V.-VIII., 315; sciences con- ditioning natural, 346. Attainment, an aspect of in- stitutionality, 199; depends on status, 202. Axiomatic, judgments, related to development, 11; differ- ential, 268-70. Axioms, sociological, Chs. IX.-XII.; as logical means 347 348 INDEX. of social realization, 163; of ideality, Ch. XII., 210, 215; ideal elements in evolution, 213; are modes of typal evolution, 217; of institu- tionality, 227; of develop- ment. Fig. 8, 230; summa- rized, 232; their services, 236; centers of selection, 241. Bagehot, W., theory of na- tional types, 46-7. Baldwin, J. Mark, on social interests, loi; on psychology of social life, 332. Brinton, D. G., on ideals in history, 311. Brooks, W. K., on the type, 40. Burgess, J. W. , on the na- tional ideal, 311. Burke, on first principles of public affection, 105. Caird, Edw., on selective ca- pacity, 276. Capacity, law of progress in, 45; in idealization, 212; the selective, how evolved, 238; for higher life, 276. Carey, H. C, on the social nature, 237. Carpenter, Edw., on desire as productive of ideal types, 153; on property as it affects personality, 195. Categories, of personal coex- istence, 28-9; of race-con- sciousness, 29-30, Character, higher types rise through institutions, 193; national types of, 317. Characterization, tlie area of, in social situation, 85; the tendency of history toward progressive, 88; typal, de- pends on ratio of energies, 89; centers of , in social in- terests, 112. Church, moulds the social type, 55; opens spiritual fountains, 203; a temporary constitution, 249. City-state, subordinated social process to single class-type, 134- Civilization, content devoted to typal development, 133; founded on property, 195; gives ideal limits of selec- tion, 273 ; fundamentally sympathetic, 273. Clifford, W. K., on character- istics of genius, 166; on con- ditions of mental develop- ment, 183; on scientific thought, 334-36- Coexistence, typal categories of, 10, 25; and sequence in law, 254. Communication, develops ho- mogeneity of type, 92 ; causes convergence of indi- vidual ideas, 215. Community, a category of per- sonal association, 29; gains by growth of individuality, 105-8; divided against itself, III; finds equilibrium how, 114; increasingly conscious, 124; reasons in social unrest, 125; coheres by conscious- ness of typal solidarity, 141; tends to unify types in ideal, 157; how to determine its tendency, 325-29. Competing tendencies, the source of social energy, 220; in assimilation, 246. Corapleraental, tendencies dis- place competing, iii; types strengthen social system, 115; survival by, tendencies, 248. Comte, program of education and employment, 226; on re- lation of theory and practice in sociology, 313. Conflict, a typal category, 10; limited by conception of sociological type, 68-70; in INDEX. 349 social situation, 85-6; social system limits, 120; awakens iresh forces, 136; ultimately unnecessary for progress, 141; a stage in evolution of property, l8i; a method of progress, 287. Conformity to type the princi- ple of the social situation, Ch. v., 81; controlled primi- tive society, 96-7; why en- dured so long, 107. Consanguinity, systems of, change for survival of types, 93- Conscience, the third stage of stewardship of property, 181; the social, repressed by ceremonies, 203; a method of progress, 302. Consciousness, universal as- pects of social, in race, 29-32; civic, 32; datum of the social, 65; categories of , come from history, 77; civic and re- ligious, complemental, in; civic, in ancient city-state, 134; of attainable type in multitude, 135; of incom- patible qualities in commu- nity, 141; of typal solidarity, 141; of convictions reacts on tendencies, 141; of ideal, the developmental lodestone, 141; the typal, 144; the social, unites actual and potential types, 145; of impossible conditions evokes ideals, 148-9; discovers contradic- tions, 151; typal, 208-10, 211-14; of the ideal suggests two lines of realization, 225; of capacity for development, the basis of modern life, 276. Constitution, of personality, ratio of individual and social elements in, 9; effective ele- ments in, 108; changed by property, no. Contact, co-operation and tol- erance promote integrity of type, 92. Contract, a stage of property relations, 181; method of progress, 299, 304. Contradiction, sense of, causes differentiation, 112; remov- ed to future in social sys- tem, 129; removed by striv- ing after ideal, 141; social efficiency requires removal °fi 153. 156; absence of, in theory, 260. Control, of tendencies by so- cial consciousness, 119; seat of, in social consciousness, 125; instruments of, in insti- tutions and ideas, 125; of property based on social efBciency, 181. Conventionality, Ch. X., 176; the first tax on society, 179; checks national growth, 184; an aim of progress, 293. Convictions, collective form of, 143; of community, in sociological axioms, 250. Co-ordination, of social activi- ties by institutions, 124; of interests, 193; of elements, 206 ; the fundamental, in education, 346. Cosmic, process, checked by social progress, 85; order, the ideal of science to ra- tionalize, 228. Criticism, canon of, in concep- tion of potentialities, 156-7. Cult, of conflict, 88; of con- cord, 88; conventionality, 180 ; of professions, 292. Darwin, C, and Wallace, A. R., 317. Democracy, tendency toward traditional ideal, 218- ig. Desocialization, occasions, 83- 6 ; opposite of characteriza- tion, 83-6 ; of personability 184-6. Determination, of organic 350 INDEX. types, 278 ; of social types, groups, tendencies, 315. Development, of social popu- lation, iii ; the logical pro- cess of, vi ; by selective syn- thesis, 9 ; the essence of, 15; law of, 38-9 ; controlled by psychical factors, 45; con- sists in, 60; differs from sur- vival, 61; is fundamentally typical, 75; logical postu- lates of, 82; depends on con- formity to type, 93; function of social system in, 117; is necessary for survival, 131; by growth of property in personal powers, 181-2; by constant selection, 258; the law of human, 283. Developmental process, Ch. II., 12; two aspects of, 13; a progressive adjustment to typical standards, 15, 26-27; scheme of its aspects, 24; a series of typal equilibria, 38; scope of, 75; postulates of, 81-2; a co-ordinating series, 84; a co-ordination of the individual and universal, 84; the goal of the, 126; ar- rested by aristocracies, 134- 5; axiomatic stages of, 163; graphically represented. Fig. 8, 229-30. Differential, required in for- mulation of laws, 255; be- tween actual and potential types, 258; selection of, for equilibriam, 258; in law of development, 259; the axio- matic, 268-70. See Fig. 9, 269. Differentiation, by typical quality, 14; the principle of social interests, Ch. VI., 95; of heterogeneity of types, 98; a process of substitution, 107-11; of population by ratios of efficiency, 108; in- creases community's effi- ciency, 113; groups popula- tion on basis of functional efficiency, 114; regardless of normal type, is perverse, 115; typal, defined, 155. Divinity, a personal factor in social evolution, 229; co-or- dinate with Humanity, 229. Durkheim, E., on division of social labor, 131; on ruling forces in environment, 263. Education, in national prog- ress, vi; systems of, indi- viduate elements of culture, 120-23; culture and vocation in, 129; in Comte's program, 226. Educational policy, the social principles of, vi ; its standard neither individual nor uni- versal, viii; the theoretical foundation for, 3; must or- ganize knowledge to what end, 346. Efficiency, of different races, 43; units of distributed, 87; ratio of personal, 105-6; typal, 107; institutional, 204-5. Elimination, mode of keeping type true to environment, 85; elaboration of types by, 105-6; of traditional type, iio-ii; mode of individua- tion, 121-2. Emancipation, preliminary to assimilation, 125-6; achieve- ments of, 283. Ennui, and suicide due to institutional ^estrangement, 199-200. Equilibrium, of personality, of tendencies and of com- munity, 76; of groups of social interests, 106; of typal tendencies by social or- ganization, 118; how found by each member, 174-5; be- tween conventional and con- structive forces, 185; in so- ciological ideal, 217; of INDEX. 351 moral and natural orders, 218; how disturbed, 231; how to find the normal, 250; the center of typal integra- tion, 265. See Figs. 8 (230), 10 (281) , and 16 (346). Espinas, on animal sociality, 169. Ethics, professional, 292; in individuation of types, 328, 346; standpoint of, 340. Evolution, continuous substi- tution, 122; an elaboration of types, 122; social, requires co-ordination of interests, 203-4; of personality, 272; the secret of the social, 285; of types depends on what, 345-6. Faith, in typal normality, 275-6. Family, an area of typal char- acterization, 85; direction of development is vital, 90; the basal organization of the social system, 194; enlarged service, 203; how evolved, 305; its selective function, 308-9. Forces, social, organized in institutions, 124 ; subjec- tive, expressed in symbols, 211. Fouill^e, on national educa- tion, 333. Fowle, on grounds of social order, 133. Freedom, in personal develop- ment, 182; favors variety of type, 187. Function, of the social situa- tion, 101; of social interests, 114; the normal, of social system, 117; of social sys- tem, twofold, 120; varies with complexity of social system, 124; of institutions, 128, 198, 205; of professional institutions, 131; of the ideal of superiority, 122-4; of tliG state determined by the po- tential type, 311. Geddes, P., associated type, 41. Gentile system, broken up by property, 195-9. Giddings, vii, viii; on con- sciousness of kind, 30; on social composition and con- stitution, 117; on social mind, 142; on kinds of ideals, 158; 332. Government, based on prop- erty, 195-6. Groups, the typical, iii, 10; distinguished from the type, 48; an area of characteriza- tion, 56; how formed, 103- 7; of efficiency, 105-6; re- ciprocation of, 190; of popu- lations, 186-9; differentiation of, Fig. 6, 186. Guyau, on art and social sym- pathy, 153; on science and religion, 214; on education, 333- Habit, social, how formed, 180. Harris, W. T., on ideals, 149. Hearn, "Aryan Household," 96. Heterogeneity, of types, 97 % how arise from homogene- ous, 103. Hibben, on the problems of a science, 253; on Mill, 316. History, one source of soci- ology, with nature, 49 ; as related to personality, 52 ; socializing genius of, 53 ; tendency to appeal to ideal, 210; is sympathetic, 210; the aim of, 248-9 ; source of ideas, 279-80. Hobbes, Thomas, conception of society not developmental, 70. Holland, "definition" of a people, 117. 352 INDEX. Humanity, the conception of, axiomatic, 217-20. Huxley, T. H., purposeful character of civilization, 51; on cosmic process, 85. Hypothesis, in formulation of laws, 255; the fundamental, in sociology, 259-60 ; of se- lective survival, 3, 323. Hypothetical types, in social organization, 266. Ideals, the ultimate test of social systems, 117; the po- tentially attainable, 141; em- phasize single principle, 150; the goal of development, 211; in typical objects, 212 ; ele- ments of, 212-13 ; communi- cation converges, 215; quality of the social, 216; types of attainable life, 217; naturalis- tic intensifies inequality, 223; institutional, co - ordinate, 224 ; of science, 226 ; re- ligious, and scientific, 228 ; as causative forces in his- tory, 311. Ideality, aspects of, Ch. XII., 210 ; the judgment-seat of social systems, 210; discom- fit at loss of, 212; synthesizes tendencies, 213 ; anticipates progressive individuation, 214; must respect social fact, 216; a principle of survival, 242; in method, 320. Illusions, defined by Sully, 215-16. Imitation, of parent, 178; sur- vival by typal, 243; is qualita- tive, 245; the principle of, 250. Individuation, aspect of as- similation, 120; a process of elaboration, 121 ; product of interests and aims, 126; de- fined, 127; selective survival by ideal, 248 ; principle of the ideal, 252; selective, the mark of progression, 277 ; scheme for study of, 328. Institutional, type of char- acter, 127; habit, 127; effort, 128 ; pressure, 140; control, 141; systems, 150; standard, 197; tendencies, 211-14; as- similation, 246. Institutionality, an axiom of development, Ch. XII., 192; co-ordinates tendencies or in- terests, 193 ; defines limits, 197, ig8; is orderly and pro- gressive, 199; a principle of selective survival, 242 ; in method, 320. Institutions, function of, 123, 128, 129, 196-7 ; bridge the actual and the ideal, 129; interpret potential types to the social population, 130; tools of realization, 136; Ch. XI., 192 ; co-operative and competitive, 193; of govern- ment, 196 ; are sociological clearing-houses, 200; multi- plication of, 202; product of social nature, 204 ; the test of, 204; of social order, 246; of social progress, 247. Integration, Ch. V., 81 ; de- fined, 82, 155 ; principle of, 92, 222. Interpretation, types of per- sonality, the logical instru- ment of, 8; requires logical conceptions, 12; sociological, 46; is axiomatic, 164; the method of, 315-16; the Mal- thusian, 324. James, W., on a pure science, 4; on sociability, 8. Kant, E., on equilibrium of moral and natural, 208-10. Keane, on the term " type " in ethnology, 42-3. Kidd, B., on religion, 333. Kingdom of God, a social ideal, 156, 227. Kinship, a typal category, 29- 30; basis of ancient society, INDEX. 353 171 ; develops symbolism, 172; of typal quality, 218. Law, is institutionalized cus- tom or habit, 206 ; logical and scientific, 253-4; defini- tion of, 254 ; hypothetical, 254 ; social development, 258-9; a universal, 261. Letourneau, on facts of race, 43; on affective motives, 87; on social necessities, 123. Logical, contradiction, H2 ; forms, 116; the social system is, 117; conception of social sciences, 318. Loyalty, to type, 109; to the lowly, 133 ; in the social population, 157. Lotze, on logical method, vii; on meanings of law, 254. Lubbock, J., on sociality of ants, 43, Mackenzie, J. S., on subjuga- tion of nature, 289; on ideals, 333- Maine, H. S., on legal fictions, 113 ; on kinship, 171 ; on property and convention- ality, 176. Malthusian, analysis, 89 ; in- terpretation, 324. Marriage, an institution of social needs, 123-4. Marshall, A. R., on art and social consolidation, 152-3. Martensen, on the aim of his- tory, 248-9. Martineau, J., the type, a per- manent standard, 41. Method, of scientific ideal, 228; and aims of progress, 284- 92 ; of types, Ch. XVI., 312-46. Mill, J. S., on theory of types, 46; "state of society," 83; on the logic of social sciences, 316-18. Mind, role in social develop- ment, 45, 283. Mitchell, A., co-operation of animals, 71. Morality, natural basis in nor- mality, 177. Nash, H. S., on social effect of ideals, 157; on idea of personality, 182; on religion in progress, 333. Nation, older than state, 117; must select or degenerate, 269. National efiiciency, requires nourishment of type, 133-4. Nationality, modern, exalts social system, 134. Natural selection, 273-5; and the social consciousness, 279. Nature, association, a fact of, 12; a source of sociology, 40; nourisher of social man, 52; effect of property on man's relation with, 195-6; elim- inates useless types and ten- dencies, 210; gives organic limits to selection, 273. Nordau, on degenerate types, 164. Normal, adaptation, 251. Normality, the second logical axiom, Ch. X., 176; a cri- terion of adaptation, 186; its requirements, 189-90, 278; in method, 320. Order, in social evolution, 115; aspect of institutionality , Ch. XI., 192. Organic, types, 26, 27, 35, 275, 278, 338; tendencies, 114, 117. 344- Organization, social, iii, 24, 67-70; personality in, 75; connections of, 81-2; of liife, 226; sciences of, 346. Organon, the type is, in human development, 28; potentially normal type is, 33; as soci- ological type, 37; of social life, 276. 354 INDEX. Paulhan, on social tendencies, 65. People, a natural social unit, 117; assimilated by institu- tions, 135. Personality, fashioned by self- conscious community, v; re- lation to nature and civiliza- tion, 3; the type of, a norm of association, 14; as related to history, 52; procreative functions of, 89; subjected to type, g2; relation to social interests, 97, 100-102; con- stitution of, 108; under con- trol of potential type, log; in social organization, 137; in objective association, 154; a creative individuality, 182; type of, determined how, 318-19. Policy, a conscious social, ill; the foundation for social, iv; educational, 3, 346; the type the test of, 52; sociological is prospective, 8g; cultural, in modern states, 125; unites tendencies, 128 ; require- ments of social, 346. Postulates, the sociological, Chs. V.-VIII., 81; 259-60; 290. Potential state, projection of, assumed, 257-8. See Fig. 16, 346. Potentiality, 32, 35, 38, 6g ; typal, 75; 87; 205; 257-8; of ideal, 341. Potentially normal type, the sociological organon, 33; lies in direction of the ideal, 39; the sociological type, 58, 59; guides social organization and social type, 90; the trust of institutional agencies, 129; gives social process an equilibrium, 130; how dis- tinguished, 268; guides prog- ress, 289; determined, 320. Progress, place of education in national, vi; social, sub- stitutes ethical for cosmic process, 85; an aspect of in- stitutionality, Ch. XL, 192; individuation of attainment, 200, 298; Ch. XV., 283; from generic to specific, 284; is axiomatic, 284; is typical, 284; is normal, 290; is insti- tutional, 296; is ideal, 301. Progressive types, in white races, 45; the end of the social system, 136. Property, private, develops in- dividuality, log ; occasions typal departure, 112; influ- ence on personality, 180 ; and conventionality. Fig. 5, 181 ; in Western society, 194-5; civilization founded on, 195; institution of pri- vate, 206; see Fig. 8, 230. Races, place in history, 43; social efficiency of, 43-5; ad- vanced, in sociological inter- pretation, 45-6; natural, 43, 51. Ratio, personality a fraction- ally expressed, g; of animal to ideal types, 45; of procre- ative to productive claims, 89; of social to sociological type, 87; of efficiency. Fig. 2, 105-6; of social to sym- bolic, 173; see Fig. 4, 174; see Fig. 6, 187; of social to individual units, 175; of effi- ciency, 190; of competitive and co-operative functions, ig4 ; of axiomatic factors. Fig. 8, 230 ; in aspects of selective survival, 250-52 ; in law of selective survival, 282. Ratzel, on natural races, 43, 51- Reciprocality, of groups, igo- 91; the institutional element, 213. Reform, differs from develop- ment, 136. INDEX. 355 Religion, systems used to per- petuate types, 93; as soci- ological aspect of ideality, Ch. XII., 210; its essential relation, 227; and science, 228-g; conservative, 231. Rhythmic, movement, 231 ; course of social process, 282. Ripley, Vy. Z., "Geography and Sociology," 42. Romanes, G. J., on nature's care of types, 40; on per- petuation of types, 275. Rousseau, J. J., a prophet of the potential, 276. Royce, J., on ideal organiza- tion of life, 225. SchafHe, A., on social mind, 142. Science, aspect of ideality, Ch. XII., 210; goal of, 226; of conformity to types, 236 ; two problems of, 253 ; of social organization, 336-46. Scientific thought, defined, 271-2. Selection, social, 16, 179; ex- perimental, 51; survival by natural, 51; method of natu- ral, 89; guides evolution of types, 159; sexual, 178, 279; of normal differential, 258-9; Chs. XIII.-XIV., 235. Selective, the sociological type is, 70; the ideal of science is, 226; calculation, 268; antici- pation, 271 ; capacity, 276, 278; instruments of society, 308-11. Selective survival, logical hy- pothesis of, 3 ; by elimina- tion, 51; method of, 182; nature's method of, 167; Chs. XIII., 235; by imitation, 243; by normal adaptation, 244; by assimilation, 246; by in- dividuation, 248; the law of, Ch. XIV., 253; limits of, 272-3. Series, a typological, Ch. II., 12; of types, 33; terms in the logical, 58; of co-ordinations, 84; the social process, an in- dividuating, 235; of groups, of situations, of differentials, 256. Sex, complementarity of, 10; a differential element, 177. Sexual selection, in reproduc- tion of kind, 165; both social and natural, 279. Shaler, N. S., on altruistic motives, 170. Simcox, E., on social service- ableness, 52. Small and Vincent, on social authority, 143. Social, logic, 5; sanctions, 6; impulse, 8; man, 8-10; intel- ligence, 9 ; policy, iii, 11, 128; causes, 32; work, 50, 57; valuation, 56-60; the, ques- tion, 112; unrest, 125; feel- ings, 157; choices, 210; prog- ress, 273, 283; class, 309- 10. Social consciousness, catego- ries of, 77 ; a datum of, 81 ; the controlling factor in de- velopment, 119 ; selects ten- dencies, 119 ; growth of, a fact of history, 124 ; seat of institutional control, 124-5 ; comes to itself, 129 ; dis- closes incompatibility, 151 ; guides society, 216 ; enrich- ment of, 248 ; affected by science and religion, 249 ; its evolution, 283. Social ideal, direction of, 11 ; conditions of attainment, 49 ; the naturalistic, 123 ; nature of, 148 ; Harris, W. T, , on the, 149 ; most ser- viceable, 152 ; classes of, 157-8. Social interests, Ch. VI., 95 ; defined and developed, 99 ; in the social system, 103 ; society reasons by, 107 ; seats of characterization, 356 INDEX. 112 ; organs of assimilation, H7 ; in sociological method, 319- Social mind, a sociological postulate, 82 ; Ch. VIII., 140 ; Giddings' definitions of, 142 ; combines actual and potential, 145 ; what it re- quires, 147 ; four aspects of, 146-48 ; typal definition of, 144 ; selects, 259 ; in socio- logical method, 319. Social order, systematizes ten- dencies, 119 ; is sympa- thetic, 121 ; utilized to what end, 125-6 ; controlled by class, 132 ; a common dis- position, 200. Social organization, type of, 58 ; elaborated with inter- ests, 114 ; aims and ends of, 126 ; exists for man, 139 ; standpoints of, 163 ; the framework of, 198 ; axio- matic qualities in, 163, 319- 20 ; motives in, 337 ; in typal evolution, 345-6. Social population, is grouped by types, 49 ; divided by in- terests, 95-6 ; social system effects, 120-1 ; is tenden- tially organized, 205-9 ; is sympathetic, 210 ; selective efficiency varies in, 282. Social process, its logical char- acter, iii ; is developmental series, Ch. 11., 12 ; natural and conceptual, 24 ; selects organic types, 27 ; postu- lated aspects of, 82 ; graphi- cally outlined, 159, Fig. 3 ; selective nature of, 224, Ch. XIII., 235, Ch. XIV.. 253 ; progressive aspects, Ch, XV., 283 ; the rhythmic course of, 281-2. Social selection, by commu- nity, 238 ; defined, 241 ; 274 ; individuates organic types, 277-80 ; by the family, 308- 9 ; by the class, 309-10 ; by the social system, 310 ; by the ideal, 311. Social situation, Ch. V., 81 ; area of integration, 84 ; de- limited, 86 ; restrains con- flict, 88 ; integration con- trols, 90 ; essential aspects of, 90-91 ; center of alle- giance, 93-4 ; an integrating condition, 328. Social system, Ch. VII., n6 ; co-ordinates typal tenden- cies, 117 ; a logical norm of reciprocation, 117 ; promotes superiority of types, 118 ; instrument of individuation, 120 ; defined, 123 ; its goal, 126 ; static tendency of, 127 ; its equilibrium, 129 ; its policy, 136 ; subordinated to social mind, 139 ; found wanting, 151 ; in method of types, 319. Social types, iii, 3, 6-11 ; Fig. I, 35 ; in the social process, 39 ; Ch. III., 40 ; differ from sociological, 59, 60, 61 ; law of development, 86. Sociality, capacity for integra- tion, 108 ; in primitive polity, 109 ; its limits, 109 ; Ch. IX., 163 ; in degenerates, 165 ; a sense of membership, 167 ; and symbolism, 168 ; sym- pathetic, 170 ; function of, 173-5 I 's imitativity, 244. Socialization, is type-develop- ing, 45 ; experimental, 51 ; requires subordination, 54 ; the sociological type in, 67 ; is constructive, 83 ; two as- pects of, 89 ; first stage, 96 ; second stage, 97. Societary process, Chs. I.-IV. ; is developmental, 12-13 i nat- ural and conceptual, 17- 19 ; is typological, 22 ; is union of nature and history, 22 ; a selective synthesis of individual and universal, 23 ; a scheme of, 24 ; per- INDEX. 357 vaded by typal practice, 34 ; categorical aspects of, Fig. I.. 35. 36-39- Society, an organization of persons, iig ; property in Western, 194-5 ; a moral unit, 239-40. Sociological, axioms, 6, Chs. IX.-XII., 163-232 ; laws, 6, Ch. XIV., 253; principles, 6, 82, 138, Ch. XIII., 235 ; method, 7, Ch. XVI., 312 ; types, Ch. IV., 58, Fig. 3, 159, Ch. XIV., 253. Sociological theory, Ch. I., 3 ; aspects of, 6 ; Mill's contri- bution to, 46, 316-17 ; Bage- hot's views of, 46 ; natural aspects of, 47. Sociological types, Ch. IV., 58 ; a datum of social con- sciousness, 65 ; a focus of tendencies, 65 ; organizes socialization, 67 ; synthetic, 58 ; selective norm, 70 ; con- trols tendencies, 72 ; pur- posive, 73—4 ; unifies indi- vidual conditions and uni- versal tendencies, 81 ; a projected state, 84 ; im- poverished by convention- alities, 185 ; a potential ensemble, 256 ; law of select- ive survival, Ch. XIV., 253 ; the deepest function of social experience, 267. Sociology, attitude toward, iv ; aspects of, 3-4 ; systematic, 5; chief concern of , 7, 9 ; sources of, 40 ; theory and practice of, 313 ; Mill's view of. 317 ; the standpoints of, 340-45. Socius, Baldwin's account of, loi ; 108 ; subordinates the individual, 185. Solidarity, Ch. VIII., 140; of voluntary groups, 140 ; the sense of, 141 ; of tendencies, 141 ; typal, defined, 156 ; and social mind, 214 ; and naturalistic ideal, 223-4 > ideal of, 225. Sovereignty, of social mind, 139 ; established by insti- tutions, 193. Spencer, H., on augmentation of life, 131 ; on nature of progress, 284 ; on religion, 303 ; on method, 331-32. Stasis, Aristotle on, 158. State, and nation, 117; the modern, 146; how realized, 306; establishment of, 310J in sociological theory, 339- 40. Status, a stage of development, l8i; a method of normaliza- tion, 292. Stephen, L., on types, 51, 122. Struggle, a mode of develop- ment, 10; limits of, 86; con- ditions of, 87-8; cult of, 88; see conflict, 287. St. Simonism, scheme of social organization, 226. Subjection of nature, 289. Subordination of individual to type, 92; and superiority, 130; a method of progress, 286. Sub-social, product. Fig. 10, 280; tendencies, 280-82. Substitution, in differentia- tion, 108— 11; a method of progress, 291. Sully, on illusions, 215. Superiority, of type, 130; ideal of, 224. Survival, differs from develop- ment, 62; how effected, 103, Symbolism, an aspect of typi- cality, Ch. IX., 163, 167; lan- guage, a form of, i58. Sympathy, three forms of nat- ural, 170. Tarde, G., on social logic, 5; on inventions, 131-2; on so- ciality, 244; on sociological laws, 332. Tendencies, are potential, 9- 358 INDEX. lo; four governing postu- lates, 82; essence of the so- cial, 84; to integration, 8g; how determined, 90; civil and religious, in; distribute population, 112; utilize ratios of efficiency, 114; arise from interests, 116; related under social system, 117; eliminated when, 121; a succession of interests, 121; harmonized hy sense of solidarity, 156; how co-ordinated, 172; tradi- tional, 217; of development, 283; the determination of, in sociological method, 315- 328. Topinard, on social man, 169. Traditional, types, 98; dis- placed by adaptive, no; and adaptive, 118-19; ideal, 219; logical fallacy of, 220; scien- tific fallacy of, 221; function of, 221-23. Typal, categories, 10, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32; selection, 77; tenden- cies, 82, 322-5; variation, 105; solidarity, 141; conscious- ness, 145, 201-202, 211-14; principles, 155; imitation, 250; devolution and extinc- tion, 272; development. Fig. 10, 281; individuation, 328. Type, naturalist's view of, 40; ethnological, 42; a model conception, 44; an imitable object, 52; norm of adapta- tion, 53; in assimilation, 54; creative, 55; varieties of, 56; norm of incarnation, 57; log- ical symbol, 65. Types of personality, a product of association, 3; a selective concept, 35; progressive un- folding of, 40; racial, 44; national, 46; rules social aggregate, 92; traditional, adaptive, 98; institutional, 127; ideal, 157-8; individua- tion of, 248, 273, 318, 319, 320, 328. Types, organic, 153, 168, 222, 265, 274-5, 278, 341; social, 6, 8, 10, II, 17, 21, 35, 37,39, Ch. III., 40, 50, 51, 315, 337; sociological, 3, 15, 35, 39, Ch. IV., 58, 59,60, 62,63, 65, 159. Ch. XIV., 253, 261, 321, 330; ideal, 27, 35, 45, 105; 223, 253, 301, 305, 322, 345. Typical, a social quality, 14; norm of survival and devel- opment, 22; unites individ- ual and universal, 23; in group of interest, 104. Typicality, Ch. IX., 163; 165- 8, 172, 242, 320. Typically attainable, a norm of reckoning, 121; institu- tions emphasize, 124. Tribal consciousness, 31, 326. Ultra-social, product. Fig. 10, 280; tendencies, 280-282. Value, of type, 57; Fig. 4, 174, 175; Fig. 6, 187-8; Fig. 12, 319-22; increments of social, 273- Variation, of type, Ch. VI. 95, 97; by social interests, 104- 5; depends on personal con- stitution, 105-7; limits of, 1 12-15; naturalistic ideal guarantees, 223; by normal adaptation, 244-5. Voluntary associations, devel- op social interests, 115; rem- edy defects in institutions, 202. Ward, on development, 47; on psychic factors, 45; on the mind in association, 143, 332, Wealth, growth of, disinte- grated ancient society, 195. Wines, F. H., on social types and classes, 31,