"•"'' tJNlVERSlTY. 3 1924 072 598 224 MCTTBl & ^M \k^ .^^S^i^ PftlNTEOINU.S.A. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924072598224 Edition de Luxe THE WORKS OF MATTHEW ARNOLD IN FIFTEEN VOLUMES VOLUME V ON THE STUDY OF CELTIC LITERATURE AND ON TRANSLATING HOMER BY MATTHEW ARNOLD MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited SMITH, ELDER AND COMPANY 1903 "PR Tiis Edition consists of Seven Hundred and Seventy-Jive Copies 4- ON THE STUDY OF CELTIC LITERATURE INTRODUCTION The following remarks on the study of Celtic Literature formed the substance of four lectures given by me last year and the year before in the chair of poetry at Oxford. They were first published in the Cornhill Magazine, and are now reprinted from thence. Again and again, in the course of them, I have marked the very humble scope intended ; which is, not to treat any special branch of scientific Celtic studies (a task for which I am quite incompetent), but to point out the many directions in which the results of those studies offer matter of general interest, and to insist on the benefit we may all derive from knowing the Celt and things Celtic more thoroughly. It was impossible, however, to avoid touching on certain points of ethnology and philology, which can be securely handled only by those who have made these sciences the object of special study. Here the mere literary critic must owe his whole safety to his tact in choosing authorities to follow, and whatever he advances must be understood as advanced with VOL. V vii h INTRODUCTION a sense of the insecurity which, after all, attaches to such a mode of proceeding, and as put forward provisionally, by way of hypothesis rather than of confident assertion. To mark clearly to the reader both this provisional character of much which I advance, and my own sense of it, I have inserted, as a check upon some of the positions adopted in the text, notes and comments with which Lord Strangford has kindly furnished me. Lord Strangford is hardly less distinguished for know- ing ethnology and languages so scientifically than for knowing so much of them ; and his interest, even from the vantage-ground of his scientific knowledge, and after making all due reserves on points of scientific detail, in my treatment, — with merely the resources and point of view of a literary critic at my command, — of such a subject as the study of Celtic Literature, is the most encouraging assurance I could have received that my attempt is not altogether a vain one. Both Lord Strangford and others whose opinion I respect have said that I am unjust in calling Mr. Nash, the acute and learned author of Talk sin, or the Bards and Druids of Britain, a ' Celt-hater.' ' He is a denouncer,' says Lord Strangford in a note on this expression, 'of Celtic extravagance, that is all; he is an anti- Philocelt, a very different thing from an anti- Celt, and quite indispensable in scientific viii INTRODUCTION inquiry. As Philoceltism has hitherto, — hither- to, remember, — meant nothing but uncritical acceptance and irrational admiration of the beloved object's sayings and doings, without reference to truth one way or the other, it is surely in the interest of science to support him in the main. In tracing the workings of old Celtic leaven in poems which embody the Celtic soul of all time in a mediaeval form, I do not see that you come into any necessary opposition with him, for your concern is with the spirit, his with the substance only.' I entirely agree with almost all which Lord Strangford here urges, and indeed, so sincere is my respect for Mr. Nash's critical discernment and learning, and so unhesitating my recognition of the usefulness, in many respects, of the work of demolition performed by him, that in originally designating him as a Celt-hater, I hastened to add, as the reader will see by referring to the passage,^ words of explanation and apology for so calling him. But I thought then, and I think still, that Mr. Nash, in pursuing his work of demolition, too much puts out of sight the positive and con- structive performance for which this work of demolition is to clear the ground. I thought then, and I think still, that in this Celtic con- troversy, as in other controversies, it is most desirable both to believe and to profess that the work of construction is the fruitful and important 1 See p. 28 of the following essay, ix INTRODUCTION work, and that we are demolishing only to prepare for it. Mr. Nash's scepticism seems to me, — in the aspect in which his work, on the whole, shows it, — too absolute, too stationary, too much without a future ; and this tends to make it, for the non-Celtic part of his readers, less fruitful than it otherwise would be, and for his Celtic readers, harsh and repellent. I have therefore suffered my remarks on Mr. Nash still to stand, though with a little modification ; but I hope he will read them by the light of these explanations, and that he will believe my sense of esteem for his work to be a thou- sand times stronger than my sense of difference from it. To lead towards solid ground, where the Celt may with legitimate satisfaction point to traces of the gifts and workings of his race, and where the Englishman may find himself induced to sympathise with that satisfaction and to feel an interest in it, is the design of all the considera- tions urged in the following essay. Kindly taking the will for the deed, a Welshman and an old acquaintance of mine, Mr. Hugh Owen, received my remarks with so much cordiality, that he asked me to come to the Eisteddfod last summer at Chester, and there to read a paper on some topic of Celtic literature or antiquities. In answer to this flattering proposal of Mr. Owen's, I wrote him a letter which appeared at the time in several newspapers, and of which INTRODUCTION the following extract preserves all that is of any importance : — ' My knowledge of Welsh matters is so utterly insignificant that it would be impertinence in me, under any circumstances, to talk about those matters to an assemblage of persons, many of whom have passed their lives in studying them. ' Your gathering acquires more interest every year. Let me venture to say that you have to avoid two dangers in order to work all the good which your friends could desire. You have to avoid the danger of giving offence to practical men by retarding the spread of the English language in the principality. I believe that to preserve and honour the Welsh language and literature is quite compatible with not thwarting or delaying for a single hour the introduction, so undeniably useful, of a knowledge of English among all classes in Wales. You have to avoid, again, the danger of alienating men of science by a blind, partial, and uncritical treatment of your national antiquities. Mr. Stephens's excellent book. The Literature of the Cymry, shows how perfectly Welshmen can avoid this danger if they will. ' When I see the enthusiasm these Eisteddfods can awaken in your whole people, and then think of the tastes, the literature, the amusements, of our own lower and middle class, I am filled with admiration for you. It is a consoling thought, and one which history allows us to entertain, xi INTRODUCTION that nations disinherited of political success may- yet leave their mark on the world's progress, and contribute powerfully to the civilisation of man- kind. We in England have come to that point when the continued advance and greatness of our nation is threatened by one cause, and one cause above all. Far more than by the help- lessness of an aristocracy whose day is fast coming to an end, far more than by the rawness of a lower class whose day is only just beginning, we are imperilled by what I call the " Philis- tinism" of our middle class. On the side of beauty and taste, vulgarity ; on the side of morals and feeling, coarseness ; on the side of mind and spirit, unintelligence, — this is Philistinism. Now, then, is the moment for the greater delicacy and spirituality of the Celtic peoples who are blended with us, if it be but wisely directed, to make itself prized and honoured. In a certain measure the children of Taliesin and Ossian have now an opportunity for re- newing the famous feat of the Greeks, and conquering their conquerors. No service England can render the Celts by giving you a share in her many good qualities, can surpass that which the Celts can at this moment render England, by communicating to us some of theirs.' Now certainly, in that letter, written to a Welshman and on the occasion of a Welsh festival, I enlarged on the merits of the Celtic xii INTRODUCTION spirit and of its works, rather than on their demerits. It would have been offensive and inhuman to do otherwise. When an acquaint- ance asks you to write his father's epitaph, you do not generally seize that opportunity for saying that his father was blind of one eye, and had an unfortunate habit of not paying his tradesmen's bills. But the weak side of Celtism and of its Celtic glorifiers, the danger against which they have to guard, is clearly indicated in that letter ; and in the remarks reprinted in this volume, — remarks which were the original cause of Mr. Owen's writing to me, and must have been fully present to his mind when he read my letter, — the shortcomings both of the Celtic race, and of the Celtic students of its literature and antiquities, are unreservedly marked, and, so far as is necessary, blamed.^ It was, indeed, not my purpose to make blame the chief part of what I said ; for the Celts, like other people, are to be meliorated rather by developing their gifts than by chastising their defects. The wise man, says Spinoza admirably, ' de humana impotentia non nisi puree loqui curabit, at largiter de humana virtute seu potential But so far as condemnation of Celtic failure was needful towards preparing the way for the growth of Celtic virtue, I used condemnation. The Times, however, prefers a shorter and sharper method of dealing with the Celts, and 1 See particularly pp. lo, 1 1, 12, of the following essay. xiii INTRODUCTION in a couple of leading articles, having the Chester Eisteddfod and my letter to Mr. Hugh Owen for their text, it developed with great frankness, and in its usual forcible style, its own views for the amelioration of Wales and its people. Cease to do evil, learn to do good, was the upshot of its exhortations to the Welsh ; by evil, the Times understanding all things Celtic, and by good, all things English. ' The Welsh language is the curse of Wales. Its prevalence, and the ignorance of English have excluded, and even now exclude the Welsh people from the civilisation of their English neighbours. An Eisteddfod is one of the most mischievous and selfish pieces of sentimentalism which could possibly be perpetrated. It is simply a foolish interference with the natural progress of civilisa- tion and prosperity. If it is desirable that the Welsh should talk English, it is monstrous folly to encourage them in a loving fondness for their old language. Not only the energy and power, but the intelligence and music of Europe have come mainly from Teutonic sources, and this glorification of everything Celtic, if it were not pedantry, would be sheer ignorance. The sooner all Welsh specialities disappear from the face of the earth the better.' And I need hardly say that I myself, as so often happens to me at the hands of my own countrymen, was cruelly judged by the Times, and most severely treated. What I said to Mr. xiv INTRODUCTION Owen about the spread of the English language in Wales being quite compatible with preserving and honouring the Welsh language and literature, was tersely set down as ' arrant nonsense,' and I was characterised as ' a sentimentalist who talks nonsense about the children of Taliesin and Ossian, and whose dainty taste requires some- thing more flimsy than the strong sense and sturdy morality of his fellow Englishmen.' As I said before, I am unhappily inured to having these harsh interpretations put by my fellow Englishmen upon what I write, and I no longer cry out about it. And then, too, I have made a study of the Corinthian or leading article style, and know its exigences and that they are no more to be quarrelled with than the law of gravitation. So, for my part, when I read these asperities of the Times, my mind did not dwell very much on my own concern in them ; but what I said to myself, as I put the newspaper down, was this : ' Behold England's difficulty in governing Ireland ! ' I pass by the dauntless assumption that the agricultural peasant whom we in England, with- out Eisteddfods, succeed in developing, is so much finer a product of civilisation than the Welsh peasant, retarded by these ' pieces of sentimentalism.' I will be content to suppose that our 'strong sense and sturdy morality ' are as admirable and as universal as the Times pleases. But even supposing this, I will ask : Did any XV INTRODUCTION one ever hear of strong sense and sturdy morality being thrust down other people's throats in this fashion ? Might not these divine English gifts, and the English language in which they are preached, have a better chance of making their way among the poor Celtic heathen, if the English apostle delivered his message a little more agreeably ? There is nothing like love and admiration for bringing people to a like- ^ ness with what they love and admire ; but the Englishman seems never to dream of employing these influences upon a race he wants to fuse with himself. He employs simply material interests for his work of fusion ; and, beyond these, nothing except scorn and rebuke. Ac- cordingly there is no vital union between him and the races he has annexed ; and while France can truly boast of her 'magnificent unity,' a unity of spirit no less than of name between all the people who compose her, in England the Englishman proper is in union of spirit with no one except other Englishmen proper like himself. His Welsh and Irish fellow-citizens are hardly more amalgamated with him now than they were when Wales and Ireland were first con- quered, and the true unity of even these small islands has yet to be achieved. When these papers of mine on the Celtic genius and literature first appeared in the Cornhill Magazine, they brought me, as was natural, many communica- tions from Welshmen and Irishmen having an xvi INTRODUCTION interest in the subject : and one could not but be painfully struck, in reading these communica- tions, to see how profound a feeling of aversion and severance from the English they in general manifested. Who can be surprised at it, when he observes the strain of the Times in the articles just quoted, and remembers that this is the characteristic strain of the Englishman in com- menting on whatsoever is not himself? And then, with our boundless faith in machinery, we English expect the Welshman as a matter of course to grow attached to us, because we invite him to do business with us, and let him hold any number of public meetings and publish all the newspapers he likes ! When shall we learn that what attaches people to us is the spirit we are of, and not the machinery we employ ? Last year there was a project of holding a Breton Eisteddfod at Quimper in Brittany, and the French Home Secretary, whether wishing to protect the magnificent unity of France from inroads of Bretonism, or fearing lest the design should be used in furtherance of Legitimist in- trigues, or from whatever motive, issued an order which prohibited the meeting. If Mr. Walpole had issued an order prohibiting the Chester Eisteddfod, all the Englishmen from Cornwall to John o' Groat's House would have rushed to the rescue ; and our strong sense and sturdy morality would never have stopped gnashing their teeth and rending their garments till the xvii INTRODUCTION prohibition was rescinded. What a pity our strong sense and sturdy morality fail to perceive that words like those of the Times create a far keener sense of estrangement and dislike than acts like those of the French Minister ! Acts like those of the French Minister are attributed to reasons of State, and the Government is held blamable for them, not the French people. Articles like those of the Times are attributed to the want of sympathy and of sweetness of disposition in the English nature, and the whole English people gets the blame of them. And deservedly ; for from some such ground of want of sympathy and sweetness in the English nature, do articles like those of the Times come, and to some such ground do they make appeal. The sympathetic and social virtues of the French nature, on the other hand, actually repair the breaches made by oppressive deeds of the Government, and create, among populations joined with France as the Welsh and Irish are joined with England, a sense of liking and attachment towards the French people. The French Government may discourage the German language in Alsace and prohibit Eisteddfods in Brittany ; but the 'Journal des Debuts never treats German music and poetry as mischievous lumber, nor tells the Bretons that the sooner all Breton specialities disappear from the face of the earth the better. Accordingly, the Bretons and Alsatians have come to feel themselves a part of xviii INTRODUCTION France, and to feel pride in bearing the French name ; while the Welsh and Irish obstinately refuse to amalgamate with us, and will not admire the Englishman as he admires himself, however much the Times may scold them and rate them, and assure them there is nobody on earth so admirable. And at what a moment does it assure them of this, good heavens ! At a moment when the ice is breaking up in England, and we are all beginning at last to see how much real confusion and insufficiency it covered ; when, whatever may be the merits, — and they are great, — of the Englishman and of his strong sense and sturdy morality, it is growing more and more evident that, if he is to endure and advance, he must transform himself, must add something to his i strong sense and sturdy morality, or at least must give to these excellent gifts of his a new development. My friend, Mr. Goldwin Smith, says, in his eloquent way, that England is the favourite of Heaven. Far be it from me to say that England is not the favourite of Heaven ; but at this moment she reminds me more of what the prophet Isaiah calls, ' a bull in a net.' She has satisfied herself in all departments with clap-trap and routine so long, and she is now so astounded at finding they will not serve her turn any longer ! And this is the moment, when Englishism pure and simple, which with all its fine qualities managed always to make itself xix INTRODUCTION singularly unattractive, is losing that imper- turbable faith in its untransformed self which at any rate made it imposing, — this is the moment when our great organ tells the Celts that everything of theirs not English is ' simply a foolish interference with the natural progress of civilisation and prosperity' ; and poor Talhaiarn, venturing to remonstrate, is commanded ' to drop his outlandish title, and to refuse even to talk Welsh in Wales ! ' But let us leave the dead to bury their dead, and let us who are alive go on unto perfection. Let the Celtic members of this empire consider that they too have to transform themselves ; and though the summons to transform themselves be often conveyed harshly and brutally, and with the cry to root up their wheat as well as their tares, yet that is no reason why the summons should not be followed so far as their tares are concerned. Let them consider that they are inextricably bound up with us, and that, if the suggestions in the following pages have any truth, we English, alien and uncongenial to our Celtic partners as we may have hitherto shown ourselves, have notwithstanding, beyond perhaps any other nation, a thousand latent springs of possible sympathy with them. Let them con- sider that new ideas and forces are stirring in England, that day by day these new ideas and forces gain in power, and that almost every one of them is the friend of the Celt and not his XX INTRODUCTION enemy. And, whether our Celtic partners will consider this or no, at any rate let us ourselves, all of us who are proud of being the ministers of these new ideas, work incessantly to procure for them a wider and more fruitful application ; and to remove the main ground of the Celt's aliena- tion from the Englishman, by substituting, in place of that type of Englishman with whom alone the Celt has too long been familiar, a new type, more intelligent, more gracious, and more humane. XXI ON THE STUDY OF CELTIC LITERATURE They went forth to the war, but they always fell. OSSIAN. The summer before last I spent some weeks at Llandudno, on the Welsh coast. The best lodging-houses at Llandudno look eastward, towards Liverpool ; and from that Saxon hive swarms are incessantly issuing, crossing the bay, and taking possession of the beach and the lodging-houses. Guarded by the Great and Little Orme's Head, and alive with the Saxon invaders from Liverpool, the eastern bay is an attractive point of interest, and many visitors to Llandudno never contemplate anything else. But, putting aside the charm of the Liverpool steamboats, perhaps the view, on this side, a little dissatisfies one after a while ; the horizon wants mystery, the sea wants beauty, the coast wants verdure, and has a too bare austereness and aridity. VOL. v I B ON THE STUDY OF At last one turns round and looks westward. Everything is changed. Over the mouth of the Conway and its sands is the eternal softness and mild light of the west ; the low line of the mystic Anglesey, and the precipitous Penmaen- mawr, and the great group of Carnedd Llewelyn and Carnedd David and their brethren fading away, hill behind hill, in an aerial haze, make the horizon ; between the foot of Penmaenmawr and the bending coast of Anglesey, the sea, a silver stream, disappears one knows not whither. On this side, Wales, — Wales, where the past still lives, where every place has its tradition, every name its poetry, and where the people, the genuine people, still knows this past, this tradition, this poetry, and lives with it, and clings to it ; while, alas, the prosperous Saxon on the other side, the invader from Liverpool and Birkenhead, has long ago forgotten his. And the promontory where Llandudno stands is the very centre of this tradition ; it is Creuddyn, the bloody city, where every stone has its story ; there, opposite its decaying rival, Conway Castle, is Diganwy, not decaying but long since utterly decayed, some crumbling foundations on a crag-top and nothing more; — Diganwy, where Mael-gwyn shut up Elphin, and where Taliesin came to free him. Below, in a fold of the hill, is Llan-rhos, the church of the marsh, where the same Mael-gwyn, a British prince of real history, a bold and licentious chief, the original, it is said, of Arthur's CELTIC LITERATURE Lancelot, shut himself up in the church to avoid the Yellow Plague, and peeped out through a hole in the door, and saw the monster and died. Behind among the woods, is Glod-daeth, the place of feasting, where the bards were entertained ; and farther away, up the valley of the Conway towards Llanrwst, is the Lake of Ceirionydd and Taliesin's grave. Or, again, looking seawards and Anglesey-wards, you have Pen-mon, Seiriol's isle and priory, where Mael-gwyn lies buried ; you have the Sands of Lamentation and Llys Helig, Heilig^s Mansion, a mansion under the waves, a sea-buried palace and realm. Hac ibat Simois ; hie est Sigeia tellus. As I walked up and down, last August year, looking at the waves as they washed this Sigeian land which has never had its Homer, and listening with curiosity to the strange, unfamiliar speech of its old possessors' obscure descendants, — bathing people, vegetable-sellers, and donkey boys, — who were all about me, suddenly I heard, through the stream of unknown Welsh, words, not English, indeed, but still familiar. They came from a French nursery-maid with some children. Pro- foundly ignorant of her relationship, this Gaulish Celt moved among her British cousins, speaking her polite neo- Latin tongue, and full of com- passionate contempt, probably, for the Welsh barbarians and their jargon. What a revolution was here ! How had the star of this daughter of Gomer waxed, while the star of these Cymry, 3 ON THE STUDY OF his sons, had waned ! What a difference of fortune in the two, since the days when, speaking the same language, they left their common dwelling-place in the heart of Asia ; since the Cimmerians of the Euxine came in upon their western kinsmen, the sons of the giant Galates ; since the sisters, Gaul and Britain, cut the mistletoe in their forests, and saw the coming of Caesar ! Blanc, rouge, rocher, champ, eglise, seigneur, — these words, by which the Gallo-Roman Celt now names white, and red, and rock, and field, and church, and lord, are no part of the speech of his true ancestors, they are words he has learnt ; but since he learned them they have had a world-wide success, and we all teach them to our children, and armies speaking them have domineered in every city of that Germany by which the British Celt was broken, and in the train of these armies, Saxon auxiliaries, a humbled contingent, have been fain to follow ; — the poor Welshman still says, in the genuine tongue of his ancestors,^ gwyn, goch, craig, maes, llan, ^ Lord Strangford remarks on this passage : — ' Your Gomer and your Cimmerians are of course only lay figures, to be accepted in the rhetorical and subjective sense. As such I accept them, but I enter a protest against the "genuine tongue of his ancestors." Modern Celtic tongues are to the old Celtic heard by Julius Caesar, broadly speaking, what the modern Romanic tongues are to Caesar's own Latin. Welsh, in fact, is a detritus; a language in the category of modern French, or, to speak less roughly and with a closer approximation, of old Provencal, not in the category of Lithuanian, much less in the category of Basque. By true inductive research, based on an accurate comparison of such forms of Celtic speech, oral and recorded, as we now possess, modern philology 4 CELTIC LITERATURE arglwydd ; but his land is a province, and his history petty, and his Saxon subduers scout his speech as an obstacle to civilisation ; and the echo of all its kindred in other lands is growing every day fainter and more feeble ; gone in Cornwall, going in Brittany and the Scotch Highlands, going, too, in Ireland ; — and there, above all, the badge of the beaten race, the property of the vanquished. But the Celtic genius was just then prepar- ing, in Llandudno, to have its hour of revival. Workmen were busy in putting up a large tent-like wooden building, which attracted the eye of every new-comer, and which my little boys believed (their wish, no doubt, being father to their belief) to be a circus. It turned out, however, to be no circus for Castor and Pollux, but a temple for Apollo and the Muses. It was the place where the Eisteddfod, or Bardic Congress of Wales, was about to be held ; a has, in so far as was possible, succeeded in restoring certain forms of the parent speech, and in so doing has achieved not the least striking of its many triumphs ; for those very forms thus restored have since been verified past all cavil by their actual discovery in the old Gaulish inscriptions recently come to light. The phonesis of Welsh as it stands is modern, not primitive ; its grammar, — the verbs excepted, — is constructed out of the fragments of its earlier forms, and its vocabulary is strongly Romanised, two out of the six words here given being Latin of the Empire. Rightly understood, this enhances the value of modern Celtic instead of depreciating it, because it serves to rectify it. To me it is a wonder that Welsh should have retained so much of its integrity under the iron pressure of four hundred years of Roman dominion. Modern Welsh tenacity and cohesive power under English pressure is nothing compared with what that must have been.' s ON THE STUDY OF meeting which has for its object (I quote the words of its promoters) ' the diffusion of useful knowledge, the eliciting of native talent, and the cherishing of love of home and honourable fame by the cultivation of poetry, music, and art,' My little boys were disappointed ; but I, whose circus days are over, I, who have a professional interest in poetry, and who, also, hating all one-sidedness and oppression, wish nothing better than that the Celtic genius should be able to show itself to the world and to make its voice heard, was delighted. I took my ticket, and waited impatiently for the day of opening. The day came, an unfortunate one ; storms of wind, clouds of dust, an angry, dirty sea. The Saxons who arrived by the Liverpool steamers looked miserable ; even the Welsh who arrived by land, — whether they were discomposed by the bad morning, or by the monstrous and crushing tax which the London and North- Western Railway Company levies on all whom it transports across those four miles of marshy peninsula between Conway and Llandudno, — did not look happy. First we went to the Gorsedd, or preliminary congress for conferring the degree of bard. The Gorsedd was held in the open air, at the windy corner of a street, and the morning was not favourable to open-air solemnities. The Welsh, too, share, it seems to me, with their Saxon invaders, an inaptitude for show and spectacle. Show 6 CELTIC LITERATURE and spectacle are better managed by the Latin race, and those whom it has moulded ; the Welsh, like us, are a little awkward and resource- less in the organisation of a festival. The presiding genius of the mystic circle, in our hideous nineteenth - century costume relieved only by a green scarf, the wind drowning his voice and the dust powdering his whiskers, looked thoroughly wretched : so did the aspirants for bardic honours ; and I believe, after about an hour of it, we all of us, as we stood shivering round the sacred stones, began half to wish for the Druid's sacrificial knife to end our sufferings. But the Druid's knife is gone from his hands ; so we sought the shelter of the Eisteddfod building. The sight inside was not lively. The pre- sident and his supporters mustered strong on the platform. On the floor the one or two front benches were pretty well filled, but their occupants were for the most part Saxons, who came there from curiosity, not from enthusiasm ; and all the middle and back benches, where should have been the true enthusiasts, — the Welsh people, — were nearly empty. The pre- sident, I am sure, showed a national spirit which was admirable. He addressed us Saxons in our own language, and called us ' the English branch of the descendants of the ancient Britons.' We received the compliment with the impassive dul- ness which is the characteristic of our nature ; and the lively Celtic nature, which should 7 ON THE STUDY OF have made up for the dulness of ours, was absent. A lady who sat by me, and who was the wife, I found, of a distinguished bard on the platform, told me, with emotion in her look and voice, how dear were these solemnities to the heart of her people, how deep was the interest which is aroused by them. I believe her, but still the whole performance, on that particular morning, was incurably life- less. The recitation of the prize compositions began : pieces of verse and prose in the Welsh language, an essay on punctuality being, if I remember right, one of them ; a poem on the march of Havelock, another. This went on for some time. Then Dr. Vaughan, — the well- known Nonconformist minister, a Welshman, and a good patriot, — addressed us in English. His speech was a powerful one, and he succeeded, I confess, in sending a faint thrill through our front benches ; but it was the old familiar thrill which we have all of us felt a thousand times in Saxon chapels and meeting-halls, and had nothing bardic about it. I stepped out, and in the street I came across an acquaintance fresh from London and the parliamentary session. In a moment the spell of the Celtic genius was forgotten, the Philistinism of our Saxon nature made itself felt ; and my friend and I walked up and down by the roaring waves, talking not of ovates and bards, and triads and englyns, but of the sewage question, and the glories 8 CELTIC LITERATURE of our local self-government, and the mysterious perfections of the Metropolitan Board of Works. I believe it is admitted, even by the admirers of Eisteddfods in general, that this particular Eisteddfod was not a success. Llandudno, it is said, was not the right place for it. Held in Conway Castle, as a few years ago it was, and its spectators, — an enthusiastic multitude, — filling the grand old ruin, I can imagine it a most impressive and interesting sight, even to a stranger labouring under the terrible disadvantage of being ignorant of the Welsh language. But even seen as I saw it at Llandudno, it had the power to set one thinking. An Eisteddfod is, no doubt, a kind of Olympic meeting ; and that the common people of Wales should care for such a thing, shows something Greek in them, something spiritual, something humane, something (I am afraid one must add) which in the English common people is not to be found. This line of reflection has been followed by the accomplished Bishop of St David's, and by the Saturday Review ; it is just, it is fruitful, and those who pursued it merit our best thanks. But, from peculiar circumstances, the Llandudno meeting was, as I have said, such as not at all to suggest ideas of Olympia, and of a multitude touched by the divine flame, and hanging on the lips of Pindar. It rather suggested the triumph of the prosaic, practical Saxon, and the approaching extinction of an 9 ON THE STUDY OF enthusiasm which he derides as factitious, a literature which he disdains as trash, a language which he detests as a nuisance. I must say I quite share the opinion of my brother Saxons as to the practical inconvenience of perpetuating the speaking of Welsh. It may cause a moment's distress to one's imagination when one hears that the last Cornwall peasant who spoke the old tongue of Cornwall is dead ; but, no doubt, Cornwall is the better for adopting English, for becoming more thoroughly one with the rest of the country. The fusion of all the inhabitants of these islands into one homogeneous, English-speaking whole, the breaking down of barriers between us, the swallowing up of separate provincial nationalities, is a consummation to which the natural course of things irresistibly tends ; it is a necessity of what is called modern civilisation, and modern civilisation is a real, legitimate force ; the change must come, and its accomplishment is a mere affair of time. The sooner the Welsh language disappears as an instrument of the practical, political, social life of Wales, the better ; the better for England, the better for Wales itself Traders and tourists do excellent service by pushing the English wedge farther and farther into the heart of the principality ; Ministers of Education, by hammering it harder and harder into the elementary schools. Nor, perhaps, can one have much sympathy with the literary cultivation lO CELTIC LITERATURE of Welsh as an instrument of living literature ; and in this respect Eisteddfods encourage, I think, a fantastic and mischief-working delusion. For all serious purposes in modern literature (and trifling purposes in it who would care to en- courage ?) the language of a Welshman is and must be English ; if an Eisteddfod author has anything to say about punctuality or about the march of Havelock, he had much better say it in English ; or rather, perhaps, what he has to say on these subjects may as well be said in Welsh, but the moment he has anything of real importance to say, anything the world will the least care to hear, he must speak English. Dilettanteism might possibly do much harm here, might mislead and waste and bring to nought a genuine talent. For all modern purposes, I repeat, let us all as soon as possible be one people ; let the Welshman speak English, and, if he is an author, let him write English, So far, I go along with the stream of my brother Saxons ; but here, I imagine, I part company with them. They will have nothing to do with the Welsh language and literature on any terms ; they would gladly make a clean sweep of it from the face of the earth. I, on certain terms, wish to make a great deal more of it than is made now ; and I regard the Welsh literature, — or rather, dropping the distinction between Welsh and Irish, Gaels and Cymris, let me say Celtic literature, — as an object of very ON THE STUDY OF great interest. My brother Saxons have, as is well known, a terrible way with them of wanting to improve everything but themselves off the face of the earth ; I have no such passion for finding nothing but myself everywhere ; I like variety to exist and to show itself to me, and I would not for the world have the lineaments of the Celtic genius lost. But I know my brother Saxons, I know their strength, and I know that the Celtic genius will make nothing of trying to set up barriers against them in the world of fact and brute force, of trying to hold its own against them as a political and social counter-power, as the soul of a hostile nationality. To me there is something mournful (and at this moment, when one sees what is going on in Ireland, how well may one say so !) in hearing a Welshman or an Irishman make pretensions, — natural pre- tensions, I admit, but how hopelessly vain ! — to such a rival self-establishment ; there is something mournful in hearing an Englishman scout them. Strength ! alas it is not strength, strength in the material world, which is wanting to us Saxons ; we have plenty of strength for swallowing up and absorbing as much as we choose ; there is nothing to hinder us from effacing the last poor material remains of that Celtic power which once was everywhere, but has long since, in the race of civilisation, fallen out of sight. We may threaten them with extinction if we will, and may almost say in so threatening them, like 12 CELTIC LITERATURE Caesar in threatening with death the tribune Metellus who closed the treasury doors against him : ' And when I threaten this, young man, to threaten it is more trouble to me than to do it.' It is not in the outward and visible world of material life that the Celtic genius of Wales or Ireland can at this day hope to count for much ; it is in the inward world of thought and^ science. What it has been, what it has done, let it ask us to attend to that, as a matter of science/ and history ; not to what it will be or will do, as a matter of modern politics. It cannot count appreciably now as a material power ; but, perhaps, if it can get itself thoroughly known as an object of science, it may count for a good deal,-/ — far more than we Saxons, most of us, imagine, — as a spiritual power. The bent of our time is towards science, towards knowing things as they are ; so the Celt's claims towards having his genius and its works fairly treated, as objects of scientific in- vestigation, the Saxon can hardly reject, when these claims are urged simply on their own merits, and are not mixed up with extraneous pretensions which jeopardise them. What the French call the science des origines, the science of origins, — a science which is at the bottom of all real knowledge of the actual world, and which is every day growing in interest and importance, — is very incomplete without a thorough critical account of the Celts, and their genius, language, 13 ON THE STUDY OF and literature. This science has still great progress to make, but its progress, made even within the recollection of those of us who are in middle life, has already affected our common notions about the Celtic race ; and this change, too, shows how science, the knowing things as they are, may even have salutary practical con- sequences. I remember, when I was young, I was taught to think of Celt as separated by an impassable gulf from Teuton ; ^ my father, in particular, was never weary of contrasting them ; he insisted much oftener on the separation between us and them than on the separation between us and any other race in the world ; in the same way Lord Lyndhurst, in words long 1 Here again let me have the pleasure of quoting Lord Strang- ford : — ' When the Celtic tongues were first taken in hand at the dawn of comparative philological inquiry, the tendency was, for all practical results, to separate them from the Indo-European aggregate, rather than to unite them with it. The great gulf once fixed between them was narrowed on the surface, but it was greatly and indefinitely deepened. Their vocabulary and some of their grammar was seen at once to be perfectly Indo-European, but they had no case-endings to their nouns, — none at all in Welsh, none that could be understood in Gaelic ; their fhonesis seemed primeval and inexplicable, and nothing could be made out of their pronouns which could not be equally made out of many wholly un-Aryan languages. They were therefore co-ordinated, not with each single Aryan tongue, but with the general complex of Aryan tongues, and were conceived to be anterior to them and apart from them, as it were the strayed vanguard of European colonisation or •conquest from the East. The reason of this misconception was, that their records lay wholly uninvestigated as far as all historical study of the language was concerned, and that nobody troubled himself about the relative age and the development of forms, so .that the philologists were fain to take them as they were put into 14 CELTIC LITERATURE famous, called the Irish, ' aliens in speech, in religion, in blood.' This naturally created a profound sense of estrangement ; it doubled the estrangement which political and religious differences already made between us and the Irish : it seemed to make this estrangement immense, incurable, fatal. It begot a strange reluctance, as any one may see by reading the preface to the great text-book for Welsh poetry, the Myvyrian Archaeology^ published at the be- ginning of this century, to further, nay, allow, — even among quiet, peaceable people like the Welsh, the publication of the documents of their ancient literature, the monuments of the Cymric genius ; such was the sense of repulsion, the their hands by uncritical or perverse native commentators and writers, whose grammars and dictionaries teemed with blunders and downright forgeries. One thing, and one thing alone, led to the truth : the sheer drudgery of thirteen long years spent by Zeuss in the patient investigation of the most ancient Celtic records, in their actual condition, line by line and letter by letter. Then for the first time the foundation of Celtic research was laid ; but the great philologist did not live to see the superstructure which never could have been raised but for him. Prichard was first to indicate the right path, and Bopp, in his monograph of 1839, displayed his incomparable and masterly sagacity as usual, but for want of any trustworthy record of Celtic words and forms to work upon, the truth remained concealed or obscured until the publication of the Grammatka Celtica. Dr. Arnold, a man of the past generation, who made more use of the then uncertain and unfixed doctrines of comparative philology in his historical writings than is done by the present generation in the fullest noonday light of the Vergleichende Grammatik, was thus justified in his view by the philology of the period, to which he merely gave an enlarged historical expression. The prime fallacy then as now, however, was that of antedating the distinction between Gaelic and Cymric Celts.' IS ON THE STUDY OF sense of incompatibility, of radical antagonism, making it seem dangerous to us to let such opposites to ourselves have speech and utterance. Certainly the Jew, — the Jew of ancient times, at least, — then seemed a thousand degrees nearer than the Celt to us. Puritanism had so assimi- lated Bible ideas and phraseology ; names like Ebenezer, and notions like that of hewing Agag in pieces, came so natural to us, that the sense of affinity between the Teutonic and the Hebrew nature was quite strong ; a steady, middle-class Anglo-Saxon much more imagined himself Ehud's cousin than Ossian's. But meanwhile, the pregnant and striking ideas of the ethno- logists about the true natural grouping of the human race, the doctrine of a great Indo- European unity, comprising Hindoos, Persians, Greeks, Latins, Celts, Teutons, Slavonians, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, of a Semitic unity and of a Mongolian unity, separ- ated by profound distinguishing marks from the Indo-European unity and from one another, was slowly acquiring consistency and popularising itself. So strong and real could the sense of sympathy or antipathy, grounded upon real identity or diversity in race, grow in men of culture, that we read of a genuine Teuton, — Wilhelm von Humboldt, finding, even in the sphere of religion, that sphere where the might of Semitism has been so overpowering, the food which most truly suited his spirit in the pro- i6 CELTIC LITERATURE ductions not of the alien Semitic genius, but of the genius of Greece or India, the Teuton's born kinsfolk of the common Indo-European family. 'Towards Semitism he felt himself,' we read, ' far less drawn ' ; he had the conscious- ness of a certain antipathy in the depths of his nature to this, and to its ' absorbing, tyrannous, terrorist religion,' as to the opener, more flexible Indo-European genius, this religion appeared. ' The mere workings of the old man in him ! ' Semitism will readily reply ; and though one can hardly admit this short and easy method of settling the matter, it must be owned that Humboldt's is an extreme case of Indo- Europeanism, useful as letting us see what may be the power of race and primitive constitution, but not likely, in the spiritual sphere, to have many companion cases equalling it. Still, even in this sphere, the tendency is in Humboldt's direction ; the modern spirit tends more and more to establish a sense of native diversity between our European bent and the Semitic bent, and to eliminate, even in our religion, certain elements as purely and excessively Semitic, and therefore, in right, not combinable with our European nature, not assimilable by it. This tendency is now quite visible even among our- selves, and even, as I have said, within the great sphere of the Semitic genius, the sphere of religion ; and for its justification this tendency appeals to science, the science of origins ; it VOL. v 17 c ON THE STUDY OF appeals to this science as teaching us which way our natural affinities and repulsions lie. It appeals to this science, and in part it comes from it ; it is, in considerable part, an indirect practical result from it. In the sphere of politics, too, there has, in the same way, appeared an indirect practical result from this science ; the sense of antipathy to the Irish people, of radical estrangement from them, has visibly abated amongst all th'e better part of us ; the remorse for past ill-treatment of them, the wish to make amends, to do them justice, to fairly unite, if possible, in one people with them, has visibly increased ; hardly a book on Ireland is now published, hardly a debate on Ireland now passes in Parliament, without this appearing. Fanciful as the notion may at first seem, I am inclined to think that the march of science, — science insisting that there is no such original chasm between the Celt and the Saxon as we once popularly imagined, that they are not truly, what Lord Lyndhurst called them, aliens in blood from us, that they are our brothers in the great Indo-European family, has had a share, an appre- ciable share, in producing this changed state of feeling. No doubt, the release from alarm and struggle, the sense of firm possession, solid security, and overwhelming power ; no doubt these, allowing and encouraging humane feelings to spring up in us, have done much ; no doubt a state of fear and danger, Ireland in hostile i8 CELTIC LITERATURE conflict with us, our union violently disturbed, might, while it drove back all humane feelings, make also the old sense of utter estrangement revive. Nevertheless, so long as such a malig- nant revolution of events does not actually come about, so long the new sense of kinship and kindliness lives, works, and gathers strength ; and the longer it so lives and works, the more it makes any such malignant revolution improbable. And this new, 'reconciling sense has, I say, its roots in science. However, on these indirect benefits of science we must not lay too much stress. Only this must be allowed ; it is clear that there are now in operation two influences, both favourable to a more attentive and impartial study of Celtism than it has yet ever received from us. One is the strengthening in us of the feeling of Indo- Europeanism ; the other, the strengthening in us of the scientific sense generally. The first breaks down barriers between us and the Celt, relaxes the estrangement between us ; the second begets the desire to know his case thoroughly, and to be just to it. This is a very different matter from the political and social Celtisatioh of which certain enthusiasts dream ; but it is not to be despised by any one to whom the Celtic genius is dear ; and it is possible, while the other is not. t9 ON THE STUDY OF I To know the Celtic case thoroughly, one must know the Celtic people ; and to know them one must know that by which a people best express themselves, — their literature. Few of us have any notion what a mass of Celtic literature is really yet extant and accessible. One constantly finds even very accomplished people, who fancy that the remains of Welsh and Irish literature are as inconsiderable by their volume, as, in their opinion, they are by their intrinsic merit ; that these remains consist ot a few prose stories, in great part borrowed from the literature of nations more civilised than the Welsh or Irish nation, and of some unintelligible poetry. As to Welsh literature, they have heard, perhaps, of the Black Book of Caermarthen, or of the Ked Book of Hergest, and they imagine that one or two famous manuscript books like these contain the whole matter. They have no notion that, in real truth, to quote the words of one who is no friend to the high pretensions of Welsh literature, but their most formidable impugner, Mr. Nash : — • The Myvyrian manu- scripts alone, now deposited in the British Museum, amount to 47 volumes of poetry, of various sizes, containing about 4700 pieces of poetry, in 16,000 pages, besides about 2000 englynion or epigrammatic stanzas. There are also, in the same collection, 53 volumes of prose, 20 CELTIC LITERATURE in about 15,300 pages, containing a great many curious documents on various subjects. Besides these, which were purchased of the widow of the celebrated Owen Jones, the editor of the Myvyrian Archceology, there are a vast number of collections of Welsh manuscripts in London, and in the libraries of the gentry of the principality.' The Myvyrian Archceology, here spoken of by Mr. Nash, I have already mentioned ; he calls its editor, Owen Jones, celebrated ; he is not so celebrated but that he claims a word, in passing, from a professor of poetry. He was a Denbigh- shire statesman, as we say in the north, born before the middle of last century, in that vale of Myvyr, which has given its name to his archaeology. From his childhood he had that passion for the old treasures of his country's literature, which to this day, as I have said, in the common people of Wales is so remarkable ; these treasures were unprinted, scattered, difficult of access, jealously guarded. ' More than once,' says Edward Lhuyd, who in his Archceologia Britannica, brought out by him in 1707, would gladly have given them to the world, ' more than once I had a promise from the owner, and the promise was afterwards retracted at the instigation of certain persons, pseudo-politicians, as I think, rather than men of letters.' So Owen Jones went up, a young man of nineteen, to London, and got employment in a furrier's shop in Thames Street ; for forty years, with a single object in 21 ON THE STUDY OF view, he worked at his business ; and at the end of that time his object was won. He had risen in his employment till the business had become his own, and he was now a man of considerable means ; but those means had been sought by him for one purpose only, the purpose of his life, the dream of his youth, — the giving permanence and publicity to the treasures of his national literature. Gradually he got manuscript after manuscript transcribed, and at last, in 1801, he jointly with two friends brought out in three large volumes, printed in double columns, his Myvyrian Archeology of Wales. The book is full of imper- fections ; it presented itself to a public which could not judge of its importance, and it brought upon its author in his lifetime more attack than honour. He died not long afterwards, and now he lies buried in All-hallows Church, in London, with his tomb turned towards the east, away from the green vale of Clwyd and the mountains of his native Wales ; but his book is the great repertory of the literature of his nation, the com- parative study of languages and literatures gains every day more followers, and no one of these followers, at home or abroad, touches Welsh literature without paying homage to the Denbigh- shire peasant's name ; if the bard's glory and his own are still matter of moment to him, — si quid mentem mortalia tangunt^ — he may be satisfied. Even the printed stock of early Welsh 22 CELTIC LITERATURE literature is, therefore, considerable, and the manuscript stock of it is very great indeed. Of Irish literature, the stock, printed and manu- script, is truly vast ; the work of cataloguing and describing this has been admirably per- formed by another remarkable man, who died only the other day, Mr. Eugene O'Curry. Obscure Scaliger of a despised literature, he deserves some weightier voice to praise him than the voice of an unlearned bellettristic trifler like me ; he belongs to the race of the giants in literary research and industry, — a race now almost extinct. Without a literary education, and impeded too, it appears, by much trouble of mind and infirmity of body, he has accom- plished such a thorough work of classification and description for the chaotic mass of Irish literature, that the student has now half his labour saved, and needs only to use his materials as Eugene O'Curry hands them to him. It was as a professor in the Catholic University in Dublin that O'Curry gave the lectures in which he has done the student this service ; it is touching to find that these lectures, a splendid tribute of devotion to the Celtic cause, had no hearer more attentive, more sympathising, than a man, himself, too, the champion of a cause more interesting than prosperous, — one of those causes which please noble spirits, but do not please destiny, which have Cato's adherence, but not Heaven's, — Dr. Newman. Eugene O'Curry, 23 ON THE STUDY OF in these lectures of his, taking as his standard the quarto page of Dr. O'Donovan's edition of the Annals of the Four Masters (and this printed monument of one branch of Irish literature occupies by itself, let me say in passing, seven large quarto volumes, containing 4215 pages of closely printed matter), Eugene O'Curry says, that the great vellum manuscript books belong- ing to Trinity College, Dublin, and to the Royal Irish Academy, — books with fascinating titles, the Book of the Dun Cow, the Book of Leinster, the Book of Ballymote, the Speckled Book, the Book of Lecain, the Tellow Book of Lecain, — have, between them, matter enough to fill 1 1 ,400 of these pages ; the other vellum manu- scripts in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, have matter enough to fill 8200 pages more ; and the paper manuscripts of Trinity College, and the Royal Irish Academy together, would fill, he says, 30,000 such pages more. The ancient laws of Ireland, the so-called Brehon laws, which a commission is now publishing, were not as yet completely transcribed when O'Curry wrote ; but what had even then been transcribed was sufficient, he says, to fill nearly 8000 of Dr. O'Donovan's pages. Here are, at any rate, materials enough with a vengeance. These materials fall, of course, into several divisions. The most literary of these divisions, the Tales, consisting of Historic Tales and Imaginative Tales, distributes the contents of its 24 CELTIC LITERATURE Historic Tales as follows : — Battles, voyages, sieges, tragedies, cow-spoils, courtships, adven- tures, land-expeditions, sea-expeditions, banquets, elopements, loves, lake-irruptions, colonisations, visions. Of what a treasure-house of resources for the history of Celtic life and the Celtic genius does that bare list, even by itself, call up the image ! The Annals of the Four Masters give ' the years of foundations and destructions of churches and castles, the obituaries of remark- able persons, the inaugurations of kings, the battles of chiefs, the contests of clans, the ages of bards, abbots, bishops, etc' ^ Through other divisions of this mass of materials, — the books of pedigrees and genealogies, the martyrologies and festologies, such as the Felire of Angus the Culdee, the topographical tracts, such as the Dinnsenchas, — we touch ' the most ancient tra- ditions of the Irish, traditions which were committed to writing at a period when the ancient customs of the people were unbroken.' We touch ' the early history of Ireland, civil and ecclesiastical.' We get ' the origin and history of the countless monuments of Ireland, of the ruined church and tower, the sculptured cross, the holy well, and the commemorative name of almost every townland and parish in the whole island.' We get, in short, 'the most detailed information upon almost every part of ancient 1 Dr. O'Conor in his Catalogue of the Stowe MSS. (quoted by O'Curry), 25 ON THE STUDY OF Gaelic life, a vast quantity of valuable details of life and manners.' ^ And then, besides, to our knowledge of the Celtic genius, Mr. Norris has brought us from Cornwall, M. de la Villemarque from Brittany, contributions, insignificant indeed in quantity, if one compares them with the mass of the Irish materials extant, but far from insignificant in value. We want to know what all this mass of documents really tells us about the Celt. But the mode of dealing with these documents, and with the whole question of Celtic antiquity, has hitherto been most unsatisfactory. Those who have dealt with them, have gone to work, in general, either as warm Celt-lovers or as warm Celt-haters, and not as disinterested students of an important matter of science. One party seems to set out with the determination to find everything in Celtism and its remains ; the other, with the determination to find nothing in them. A simple seeker for truth has a hard time between the two. An illustration or so will make clear what I mean. First let us take the Celt-lovers, who, though they engage one's sympathies more than the Celt-haters, yet, inas- much as assertion is more dangerous than denial, show their weaknesses in a more signal way. A very learned man, the Rev. Edward Davies, published in the early part of this century two 1 O'Curry. 26 CELTIC LITERATURE important books on Celtic antiquity. The second of these books. The Mythology and Rites of the British Druids, contains, with much other interesting matter, the charming story of Taliesin. Bryant's book on mythology was then in vogue, and Bryant, in the fantastical manner so common in those days, found in Greek mythology what he called an arkite idolatry, pointing to Noah's deluge and the ark. Davies, wishing to give dignity to his Celtic mythology, determines to find the arkite idolatry there too, and the style in which he proceeds to do this affords a good specimen of the extravagance which has caused Celtic antiquity to be looked upon with so much suspicion. The story of Taliesin begins thus : — ' In former times there was a man of noble descent in Penllyn. His name was Tegid Voel, and his paternal estate was in the middle of the Lake of Tegid, and his wife was called Ceridwen.' Nothing could well be simpler ; but what Davies finds in this simple opening of Taliesin's story, is prodigious : — ' Let us take a brief view of the proprietor of this estate. Tegid Voel — bald serenity — presents itself at once to our fancy. The painter would find no embarrassment in sketching the portrait of this sedate venerable personage, whose crown is partly stripped of its hoary honours. But of all the gods of antiquity, none could with 27 ON THE STUDY OF propriety sit for this picture excepting Saturn, the acknowledged representative of Noah, and the husband of Rhea, which was but another name for Ceres, the genius of the ark.' And Ceres, the genius of the ark, is of course found in Ceridwen, ' the British Ceres, the arkite goddess who initiates us into the deepest mysteries of the arkite superstition.' Now the story of TaHesin, as it proceeds, exhibits Ceridwen as a sorceress ; and a sorceress, like a goddess, belongs to the world of the supernatural ; but, beyond this, the story itself does not suggest one particle of relationship between Ceridwen and Ceres. All the rest comes out of Davies's fancy, and is established by reasoning of the force of that about * bald serenity.' It is not difficult for the other side, the Celt- haters, to get a triumph over such adversaries as these. Perhaps I ought to ask pardon of Mr. Nash, whose TaHesin it is impossible to read without profit and instruction, for classing him among the Celt-haters : his determined scepticism about Welsh antiquity seems to me, however, to betray a preconceived hostility, a bias taken beforehand, as unmistakable as Mr. Davies's pre- possessions. But Mr. Nash is often very happy in demolishing, for really the Celt-lovers seem often to try to lay themselves open, and to invite demolition. Full of his notions about an arkite idolatry and a Helio-dsemonic worship, Edward 28 CELTIC LITERATURE Davies gives this translation of an old Welsh poem, entitled The Panegyric of Lludd the Great : — ' A song of dark import was composed by the distinguished Ogdoad, who assembled on the day of the moon, and went in open procession. On the day of Mars they allotted wrath to their adversaries ; on the day of Mercury they enjoyed their full pomp ; on the day of Jove they were delivered from the detested usurpers ; on the day of Venus, the day of the great influx, they swam in the blood of men ; ^ on the day of the Sun there truly assemble five ships and five hundred of those who make supplication : O Brithi, O Brithoi ! O son of the compacted wood, the shock overtakes me ; we all attend on Adonai, on the area of Pwmpai.' That looks Helio - dsmonic enough, un- doubtedly ; especially when Davies prints O Brithi, O Brithoi I in Hebrew characters, as being 'vestiges of sacred hymns in the Phoenician language.' But then comes Mr. Nash, and says that the poem is a Middle-Age composition, with nothing Helio-dsmonic about it ; that it is meant to ridicule the monks ; and that O Brithi, O Brithoi / is a mere piece of unintelli- gible jargon in mockery of the chants used by the monks at prayers ; and he gives this counter- translation of the poem : — 1 Here, where Saturday should come, something is wanting in the manuscript. 29 ON THE STUDY OF ' They make harsh songs ; they note eight numbers. On Monday they will be prying about. On Tuesday they separate, angry with their adversaries. On Wednesday they drink, enjoying themselves ostentatiously. On Thurs- day they are in the choir ; their poverty is dis- agreeable. Friday is a day of abundance, the men are swimming in pleasures. On Sunday, certainly, five legions and five hundreds of them, they pray, they make exclamations : O Brithi, Brithoi ! Like wood-cuckoos in noise they will be, every one of the idiots banging on the ground.' As one reads Mr. Nash's explanation and translation after Edward Davies's, one feels that a flood of the broad daylight of common-sense has been suddenly shed over the Panegyric on Lludd the Great, and one is very grateful to Mr. Nash. Or, again, when another Celt-lover, Mr. Herbert, has bewildered us with his fancies, as uncritical as Edward Davies's ; with his neo- Druidism, his Mithriac heresy, his Crist-celi, or man-god of the mysteries ; and, above all, his ape of the sanctuary, ' signifying the mercurial principle, that strange and unexplained disgrace of paganism,' Mr. Nash comes to our assistance, and is most refreshingly rational. To confine ourselves to the ape of the sanctuary only. Mr. Herbert constructs his monster, — to whom, he says, ' great sanctity, together with foul crime, 30 CELTIC LITERATURE deception, and treachery,' is ascribed, — out of four lines of old Welsh poetry, of which he adopts the following translation : — ' Without the ape, without the stall of the cow, without the mundane rampart, the world will become desolate, not requiring the cuckoos to convene the appointed dance over the green.' One is not very clear what all this means, but it has, at any rate, a solemn air about it, which prepares one for the development of its first- named personage, the ape, into the mystical ape of the sanctuary. The cow, too, — says another famous Celt-lover, Dr. Owen, the learned author of the Welsh Dictionary, — the cow {henfon) is the cow of transmigration ; and this also sounds natural enough. But Mr. Nash, who has a keen eye for the piecing which frequently happens in these old fragments, has observed that just here, where the ape of the sanctuary and the cow of transmigration make their appearance, there seems to come a cluster of adages, popular sayings ; and he at once remembers an adage preserved with the word henfon in it, where, as he justly says, ' the cow of transmigration cannot very well have place.' This adage, rendered literally in English, is : ' Whoso owns the old cow, let him go at her tail ' ; and the meaning of it, as a popular saying, is clear and simple enough. With this clue, Mr. Nash examines the whole passage, suggests that heb eppa, ' without the ape,' with which Mr. Herbert begins, in truth belongs to 31 ON THE STUDY OF something going before and is to be translated somewhat differently ; and, in short, that what we really have here is simply these three adages one after another : ' The first share is the full one. PoUteness is natural, says the ape. With- out the cow-stall there would be no dung:-heap.' And one can hardly doubt that Mr. Nash is quite right. Even friends of the Celt, who are perfectly incapable of extravagances of this sort, fall too often into a loose mode of criticism concerning him and the documents of his history, which is unsatisfactory in itself, and also gives an advantage to his many enemies. One of the best and most delightful friends he has ever had, — M. de la Villemarque, — has seen clearly enough that often the alleged antiquity of his documents cannot be proved, that it can be even disproved, and that he must rely on other supports than this to establish what he wants ; yet one finds him saying : ' I open the collection of Welsh bards from the sixth to the tenth century. Taliesin, one of the oldest of them,' . . . and so on. But his adversaries deny that we have really any such thing as a ' collection of Welsh bards from the sixth to the tenth century,' or that a ■• Taliesin, one of the oldest of them,' exists to be quoted in defence of any thesis. Sharon Turner, again, whose Vindication of the Ancient British Poems was prompted, it seems to me, by a critical instinct at bottom sound, is weak and uncritical in details 32 CELTIC LITERATURE like this : ' The strange poem of Taliesin, called the Spoils of Annwn, implies the existence (in the sixth century, he means) of mythological tales about Arthur ; and the frequent allusion of the old Welsh bards to the persons and incidents which we find in the Mabinogion, are further proofs that there must have been such stories in circulation amongst the Welsh.' But the critic has to show, against his adversaries, that the Spoils of Annwn is a real poem of the sixth century, with a real sixth - century poet called Taliesin for its author, before he can use it to prove what Sharon Turner there wishes to prove ; and, in like manner, the high antiquity of persons and incidents that are found in the manuscripts of the Mabinogion, — manuscripts written, like the famous Ked Book of Hergest, in the library of Jesus College at Oxford, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, — is not proved by allusions of the old Welsh bards, until (which is just the question at issue) the pieces containing these allusions are proved themselves to possess a very high antiquity. In the present state of the question as to the early Welsh literature, this sort of reasoning is inconclusive and bewildering, and merely carries us round in a circle. Again, it is worse than inconclusive reasoning, it shows so uncritical a spirit that it begets grave mistrust, when Mr. Williams ab Ithel, employed by the Master of the Rolls to edit the Brut y Tywysogion, the ' Chronicle of the Princes,' says in his intro- voL. V 33 D ON THE STUDY OF duction, in many respects so useful and interesting : ' We may add, on the authority of a scrupulously faithful antiquary, and one that was deeply versed in the traditions of his order — the late lolo Morganwg — that King Arthur in his Institutes of the Round Table introduced the age of the world for events which occurred before Christ, and the year of Christ's nativity for all subsequent events.' Now, putting out of the question lolo Morganwg's character as an antiquary, it is obvious that no one, not Grimm himself, can stand in that way as ' authority ' for King Arthur's having thus regulated chronology by his Institutes of the Round Table, or even for there ever having been any such institutes at all. And finally, greatly as I respect and admire Mr. Eugene O' Curry, unquestionable as is the sagacity, the moderation, which he in general unites with his immense learning, I must say that he, too, like his brother Celt-lovers, sometimes lays him- self dangerously open. For instance, the Royal Irish Academy possesses in its Museum a relic of the greatest value, the Domhnach Airgid, a Latin manuscript of the four gospels. The outer box containing this manuscript is of the fourteenth century, but the manuscript itself, says O'Curry (and no man is better able to judge), is certainly of the sixth. This is all very well. ' But,' O'Curry then goes on, ' I believe no reasonable doubt can exist that the Domhnach Airgid was actually sanctified by the hand of our great 34 CELTIC LITERATURE Apostle.' One has a thrill of excitement at receiving this assurance from such a man as Eugene O 'Curry ; one believes that he is really going to make it clear that St. Patrick did actually sanctify the Domhnach Airgid with his own hands ; and one reads on : — ' As St. Patrick, says an ancient life of St. Mac Carthainn preserved by Colgan in his Acta Sanctorum Hibernia, was on his way from the north, and coming to the place now called Clogher, he was carried over a stream by his strong man, Bishop Mac Carthainn, who, while bearing the Saint, groaned aloud, exclaiming : " Ugh ! Ugh ! " ' " Upon my good word," said the Saint, " it was not usual with you to make that noise." ' " I am now old and infirm," said Bishop Mac Carthainn, " and all my early companions in mission-work you have settled down in their respective churches, while I am still on my travels." ' " Found a church then," said the Saint, " that shall not be too near us (that is to his own Church of Armagh) for familiarity, nor too far from us for intercourse." ' And the Saint then left Bishop Mac Carthainn there, at Clogher, and bestowed the Domhnach Airgid upon him, which had been given to Patrick from heaven, when he was on the sea, coming to Erin.' The legend is full of poetry, full of humour ; 35 ON THE STUDY OF and one can quite appreciate, after reading it, the tact which gave St. Patrick such a prodigious success in organising the primitive church in Ireland ; the new bishop, ' not too near us for familiarity, nor too far from us for intercourse,' is a masterpiece. But how can Eugene O'Curry have imagined that it takes no more than a legend like that, to prove that the particular manuscript now in the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy was once in St. Patrick's pocket ? I insist upon extravagances like these, not in order to throw ridicule upon the Celt-lovers, — on the contrary, I feel a great deal of sympathy with them, — but rather, to make it clear what an immense advantage the Celt -haters, the negative side, have in the controversy about Celtic antiquity ; how much a clear-headed sceptic, like Mr. Nash, may utterly demolish, and, in demolishing, give himself the appearance of having won an entire victory. But an entire victory he has, as I will next proceed to show, by no means won. II I said that a sceptic like Mr. Nash, by demolishing the rubbish of the Celtic antiquaries, might often give himself the appearance of having won a complete victory, but that a complete victory he had, in truth, by no means won. He has cleared much rubbish away, but this is no 36 CELTIC LITERATURE such very difficult feat, and requires mainly common-sense ; to be sure, Welsh archasologists are apt to lose their common -sense, but at moments when they are in possession of it they can do the indispensable, negative part of criti- cism, not, indeed, so briskly or cleverly as Mr, Nash, but still well enough. Edward Davies, for instance, has quite clearly seen that the alleged remains of old Welsh literature are not to be taken for genuine just as they stand : ' Some petty and mendicant minstrel, who only chaunted it as an old song, has tacked on ' (he says of a poem he is discussing) ' these lines, in a style and measure totally different from the preceding verses : " May the Trinity grant us mercy in the day of judgment : a liberal donation, good gentlemen ! " ' There, fifty years before Mr. Nash, is a clearance very like one of Mr. Nash's. But the difficult feat in this matter is the feat of construction ; to determine, when one has cleared away all that is to be cleared away, what is the significance of that which is left ; and here, I confess, I think Mr. Nash and hfs fellow-sceptics, who say that next to nothing is left, and that the significance of whatever is left is next to nothing, dissatisfy the genuine critic even more than Edward Davies and his brother-enthusiasts, who have a sense that something primitive, august, and interesting is there, though they fail to extract it, dissatisfy him. There is a very edify- ing story told by O'Curry of the effect produced 37 ON THE STUDY OF on Moore, the poet, who had undertaken to write the history of Ireland (a task for which he was quite unfit), by the contemplation of an old Irish manuscript. Moore had, without knowing anything about them, spoken slight- ingly of the value to the historian of Ireland of the materials afforded by such manuscripts ; but, says O'Curry : — ' In the year 1839, during one of his last visits to the land of his birth, he, in company with his old and attached friend Dr. Petrie, favoured me with an unexpected visit at the Royal Irish Academy. I was at that period employed on the Ordnance Survey of Ireland, and at the time of his visit happened to have before me on my desk the Books of Ballymote and Lecain, The Speckled Book, The Annals of the Four Masters, and many other ancient books, for historical research and reference. I had never before seen Moore, and after a brief introduction and explanation of the nature of my occupation by Dr. Petrie, and seeing the formidable array of so many dark and time- worn volumes by which I was surrounded, he looked a little disconcerted, but after a while plucked up courage to open the Book of Ballymote and ask what it was. Dr. Petrie and myself then entered into a short explanation of the history and character of the books then present as well as of ancient Gaedhelic documents in general. Moore listened with great attention, alternately scanning the books and myself, and then asked 38 CELTIC LITERATURE me, in a serious tone, if I understood them, and how I had learned to do so. Having satisfied him upon these points, he turned to Dr. Petrie and said : " Petrie, these huge tomes could not have been written by fools or for any foolish purpose. I never knew anything about them before, and I had no right to have undertaken the History of Ireland." ' And from that day Moore, it is said, lost all heart for going on with his History of Ireland^ and it was only the importunity of the publishers which induced him to bring out the remaining volume. Could not have been written by fools, or for any foolish purpose. That is, I am convinced, a true presentiment to have in one's mind when one looks at Irish documents like the Book ofBallymote, or Welsh documents like the Red Book of Hergest. In some respects, at any rate, these documents are what they claim to be, they hold what they pretend to hold, they touch that primitive world of which they profess to be the voice. The true critic is he who can detect this precious and genuine part in them, and employ it for the elucidation of the Celt's genius and history, and for any other fruitful purposes to which it can be applied. Merely to point out the mixture of what is late and spurious in them, is to touch but the fringes of the matter. In reliance upon the discovery of this mixture of what is late and spurious in them, to pooh-pooh them altogether, 39 ON THE STUDY OF to treat them as a heap of rubbish, a mass of Middle-Age forgeries, is to fall into the greatest possible error. Granted that all the manuscripts of Welsh poetry (to take that branch of Celtic literature which has had, in Mr. Nash, the ablest disparager), granted that all such manuscripts that we possess are, with the most insignificant exception, not older than the twelfth century ; granted that the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were a time of great poetical activity in Wales, a time when the medisval literature flourished there, as it flourished in England, France, and other countries ; granted that a great deal of what Welsh enthusiasts have attributed to their great traditional poets of the sixth century belongs to this later epoch, — what then ? Does that get rid of the great traditional poets, the Cynveirdd or old bards, Aneurin, Taliesin, Llywarch Hen, and their compeers, — does that get rid of the great poetical tradition of the sixth century alto- gether ; does it merge the whole literary antiquity of Wales in her mediaeval literary antiquity, or, at least, reduce all other than this to insignificance ? Mr. Nash says it does ; all his efforts are directed to show how much of the so-called sixth-century pieces may be resolved into mediaeval, twelfth- century work ; his grand thesis is that there is nothing primitive and pre-Christian in the extant Welsh literature, no traces of the Druidism and Paganism every one associates with Celtic antiquity ; all this, he says, was extinguished by 40 CELTIC LITERATURE Paulinus in a.d. 59, and never resuscitated. ' At the time the Mabinogion and the Taliesin ballads were composed, no tradition or popular recollec- tion of the Druids or the Druidical mythology existed in Wales. The Welsh bards knew of no older mystery, nor of any mystic creed, unknown to the rest of the Christian world.' And Mr. Nash complains that 'the old opinion that the Welsh poems contain notices of Druid or Pagan superstitions of a remote origin ' should still find promulgators ; what we find in them is only, he says, what was circulating in Wales in the twelfth century, and ' one great mistake in these investiga- tions has been the supposing that the Welsh of the twelfth, or even of the sixth century, were wiser as well as more Pagan than their neighbours.' Why, what a wonderful thing is this ! We have, in the first place, the most weighty and explicit testimony, — Strabo's, Caesar's, Lucan's, — that this race once possessed a special, pro- found, spiritual discipline, that they were, to use Mr. Nash's words, ' wiser than their neighbours.' Lucan's words are singularly clear and strong, and serve well to stand as a landmark in this controversy, in which one is sometimes em- barrassed by hearing authorities quoted on this side or that, when one does not feel sure pre- cisely what they say, how much or how little ; Lucan, addressing those hitherto under the pressure of Rome, but now left by the Roman civil war to their own devices, says : — 41 ON THE STUDY OF ' Ye too, ye bards, who by your praises per- petuate the memory of the fallen brave, without hindrance poured forth your strains. And ye, ye Druids, now that the sword was removed, began once more your barbaric rites and weird solemnities. To you only is given knowledge or ignorance (whichever it be) of the gods and the powers of heaven ; your dwelling is in the lone heart of the forest. From you we learn, that the bourne of man's ghost is not the sense- less grave, not the pale realm of the monarch below ; in another world his spirit survives still ; — death, if your lore be true, is but the passage to enduring life.' There is the testimony of an educated Roman, fifty years after Christ, to the Celtic race being then ' wiser than their neighbours ' ; testimony all the more remarkable because civilised nations, though very prone to ascribe to barbarous people an ideal purity and simplicity of life and manners, are by no means naturally inclined to ascribe to them high attainment in intellectual and spiritual things. And now, along with this testimony of Lucan's, one has to carry in mind Cassar's re- mark, that the Druids, partly from a religious scruple, partly from a desire to discipline the memory of their pupils, committed nothing to writing. Well, then come the crushing defeat of the Celtic race in Britain and the Roman conquest ; but the Celtic race subsisted here still, and any one can see that, while the race 42 CELTIC LITERATURE subsisted, the traditions of a discipline such as that of which Lucan has drawn the picture were not likely to be so very speedily ' extinguished.' The withdrawal of the Romans, the recovered independence of the native race here, the Saxon invasion, the struggle with the Saxons, were just the ground for one of those bursts of energetic national life and self-consciousness which find a voice in a burst of poets and poetry. Accord- ingly, to this time, to the sixth century, the universal Welsh tradition attaches the great group of British poets, Taliesin and his fellows. In the twelfth century there began for Wales, along with another burst of national life, another burst of poetry ; and this burst literary in the stricter sense of the word, — a burst which left, for the first time, written records. It wrote the records of its predecessors, as well as of itself, and therefore Mr. Nash wants to make it the real author of the whole poetry, one may say, of the sixth century as well as its own. No doubt one cannot produce the texts of the poetry of the sixth century ; no doubt we have this only as the twelfth and succeeding centuries wrote it down ; no doubt they mixed and changed it a great deal in writing it down. But, since a continuous stream of testimony shows the enduring existence and influence among the kindred Celts of Wales and Brittany, from the sixth century to the twelfth, of an old national literature, it seems certain that much of this 43 ON THE STUDY OF must be traceable in the documents of the twelfth century, and the interesting thing is to trace it. It cannot be denied that there is such a con- tinuous stream of testimony ; there is Gildas in the sixth century, Nennius in the eighth, the laws of Howel in the tenth ; in the eleventh, twenty or thirty years before the new literary epoch began, we hear of Rhys ap Tudor having ' brought with him from Brittany the system of the Round Table, which at home had become quite forgotten, and he restored it as it is, with regard to minstrels and bards, as it had been at Caerleon-upon-Usk, under the Emperor Arthur, in the time of the sovereignty of the race of the Cymry over the island of Britain and its adjacent islands.' Mr. Nash's own comment on this is : ' We here see the introduction of the Arthurian romance from Brittany, preceding by nearly one generation the revival of music and poetry in North Wales ' ; and yet he does not seem to perceive what a testimony is here to the reality, fulness, and subsistence of that primitive litera- ture about which he is so sceptical. Then in the twelfth century testimony to this primitive literature absolutely abounds ; one can quote none better than that of Giraldus de Barri, or Giraldus Cambrensis, as he is usually called. Giraldus is an excellent authority, who knew well what he was writing about, and he speaks of the Welsh bards and rhapsodists of his time as having in their possession * ancient and 44 CELTIC LITERATURE authentic books ' in the Welsh language. The apparatus of technical terms of poetry, again, and the elaborate poetical organisation which we find both in Wales and Ireland, existing from the very commencement of the mediaeval literary period in each, and to which no other mediaeval literature, so far as I know, shows at its first beginnings anything similar, indicates surely, in these Celtic peoples, the clear and persistent tradition of an older poetical period of great development, and almost irresistibly connects itself in one's mind with the elaborate Druidic discipline which Cassar mentions. But perhaps the best way to get a full sense of the storied antiquity, forming as it were the background to those mediaeval documents which in Mr. Nash's eyes pretty much begin and end with themselves, is to take, almost at random, a passage from such a tale as Kilhwch and Olwen, in the Mabinogion, — that charming collection, for which we owe such a debt of gratitude to Lady Charlotte Guest (to call her still by the name she bore when she made her happy entry into the world of letters), and which she so unkindly suffers to remain out of print. Almost every page of this tale points to traditions and person- ages of the most remote antiquity, and is instinct with the very breath of the primitive world. Search is made for Mabon, the son of Modron, who was taken when three nights old from between his mother and the wall. The seekers 45 ON THE STUDY OF go first to the Ousel of Cilgwri ; the Ousel had lived long enough to peck a smith's anvil down to the size of a nut, but he had never heard of Mabon. ' But there is a race of animals who were formed before me, and I will be your guide to them.' So the Ousel guides them to the Stag of Redynvre. The Stag has seen an oak sapling, in the wood where he lived, grow up to be an oak with a hundred branches, and then slowly decay down to a withered stump, yet he had never heard of Mabon. ' But I will be your guide to the place where there is an animal which was formed before I was ' ; and he guides them to the Owl of Cwm Cawlwyd. ' When first I came hither,' says the Owl, ' the wide valley you see was a wooded glen. And a race of men came and rooted it up. And there grew a second wood ; and this wood is the third. My wings, are they not withered stumps ? ' Yet the Owl, in spite of his great age, had never heard of Mabon ; but he offered to be guide ' to where is the oldest animal in the world, and the one that has travelled most, the Eagle of Gwern Abwy.' The Eagle was so old, that a rock, from the top of which he pecked at the stars every evening, was now not so much as a span high. He knew npthing of Mabon ; but there was a monster Salmon, into whom he once struck his claws in Llyn Llyw, who might, per- haps, tell them something of him. And at last the Salmon of Llyn Llyw told them of Mabon. 46 CELTIC LITERATURE ' With every tide I go along the river upwards, until I come near to the walls of Gloucester, and there have I found such wrong as I never found elsewhere.' And the Salmon took Arthur's messengers on his shoulders up to the wall of the prison in Gloucester, and they delivered Mabon. Nothing could better give that sense of primitive and pre -medieval antiquity which to the observer with any tact for these things is, I think, clearly perceptible in these remains, at whatever time they may have been written ; or better serve to check too absolute an acceptance of Mr. Nash's doctrine, — in some respects very salutary, — ' that the common assumption of such remains of the date of the sixth century, has been made upon very unsatisfactory grounds.' It is true, it has ; it is true, too, that, as he goes on to say, ' writers who claim for produc- tions actually existing only in manuscripts of the twelfth, an origin in the sixth century, are called upon to demonstrate the links of evidence, either internal or external, which bridge over this great intervening period of at least five hundred years.' Then Mr. Nash continues : 'This external evidence is altogether wanting.' Not altogether, as we have seen ; that assertion is a little too strong. But I am content to let it pass, because it is true, that without internal evidence in this matter the external evidence would be of no moment. But when Mr. Nash continues further : ' And the internal evidence 47 ON THE STUDY OF even of the so-called historic poems themselves, is, in some instances at least, opposed to their claims to an origin in the sixth centuryi' and leaves the matter there, and finishes his chapter, I say that is an unsatisfactory turn to give to the matter, and a lame and impotent conclusion to his chapter ; because the one interesting, fruitful question here is, not in what instances the in- ternal evidence opposes the claims of these poems to a sixth-century origin, but in what instances it supports them, and what these sixth-century remains, thus established, signify. So again with the question as to the mytho- logical import of these poems. Mr. Nash seems to me to have dealt with this, too, rather in the spirit of a sturdy enemy of the Celts and their pretensions, — often enough chimerical, — than in the spirit of a disinterested man of science. ' We find in the oldest compositions in the Welsh language no traces,' he says, 'of the Druids, or of a pagan mythology.' He will not hear of there being, for instance, in these compositions, traces of the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, attributed to the Druids in such clear words by Caesar. He is very severe upon a German scholar, long and favourably known in this country, who has already furnished several contributions to our knowledge of the Celtic race, and of whose labours the main fruit has, I believe, not yet been given us, — Mr. Meyer. He is very severe 48 CELTIC LITERATURE upon Mr. Meyer, for finding in one of the poems ascribed to Taliesin, ' a sacrificial hymn addressed to the god Pryd, in his character of god of the Sun.' It is not for me to pronounce for or against this notion of Mr. Meyer's.' I have not the knowledge which is needed in order to make one's suffrage in these matters of any value ; speaking merely as one of the unlearned public, I will confess that allegory seems to me to play, in Mr. Meyer's theories, a somewhat excessive part ; Arthur and his Twelve (.?) Knights of the Round Table signifying solely the year with its twelve months ; Percival and the Miller signifying solely steel and the grindstone ; Stonehenge and the Gododin put to purely calendarial purposes ; the Nibelungen, the Maha- bharata, and the Iliad, finally following the fate of the Gododin; all this appears to me, I will confess, a little prematurely grasped, a little unsubstantial. But that any one who knows the set of modern mythological science towards astronomical and solar myths, a set which has already justified itself in many respects so victoriously, and which is so irresistible that one can hardly now look up at the sun without having the sensations of a moth ; — that any one who knows this should find in the Welsh remains no traces of mythology is quite astounding. Why, the heroes and heroines of the old Cymric world are all in the sky VOL. v 49 ^ ON THE STUDY OF as well as in Welsh story ; Arthur is the Great Bear, his harp is the constellation Lyra ; Cassiopeia's chair is Llys Don, Don's Court ; the daughter of Don was Arianrod, and the Northern Crown is Caer Arianrod ; Gwydion was Don's son, and the Milky Way is Caer Gwydion. With Gwydion is Math, the son of Mathonwy, the ' man of illusion and phantasy ' ; and the moment one goes below the surface, — almost before one goes below the surface, — all is illusion and phantasy, double-meaning, and far-reaching mythological import, in the world which all these personages inhabit. What are the three hundred ravens of Owen, and the nine sorceresses of Peredur, and the dogs of Annwn the Welsh Hades, and the birds of Rhiannon, whose song was so sweet that warriors remained spell-bound for eighty years together listening to them ? What is the Avanc, the water-monster, of whom every lake-side in Wales, and her proverbial speech, and her music, to this day preserve the tradition ? What is Gwyn the son of Nudd, king of fairie, the ruler of the Tylwyth Teg, or family of beauty, who till the day of doom fights on every first day of May, — the great feast of the sun among the Celtic peoples, — with Gwythyr, for the fair Cordelia, the daughter of Lear .? What is the wonderful mare of Teirnyon, which on the night of every first of May foaled, and no one ever knew what became of the colt ? Who is the mystic Arawn, 50 CELTIC LITERATURE the king of Annwn, who changed semblance for a year with Pwyll, prince of Dyved, and reigned in his place ? These are no mediaeval personages ; they belong to an older, pagan, mythological world. The very first thing that strikes one, in reading the Mabinogion, is how evidently the medieval story-teller is pillaging an antiquity of which he does not fully possess the secret ; he is like a peasant building his hut on the site of Halicarnassus or Ephesus ; he builds, but what he. builds is full of materials of which he knows not the history, or knows by a glimmering tradition merely ; — stones ' not of this building,' but of an older architecture, greater, cunninger, more majestical. In the medieval stories of no Latin or Teutonic people does this strike one as in those of the Welsh. Kilhwch, in the story, already quoted, of Kilhwch and Olwen, asks help at the hand of Arthur's warriors ; a list of these warriors is given, which fills I know not how many pages of Lady Charlotte Guest's book ; this list is a perfect treasure-house of mysterious ruins : — 'Teithi Hen, the son of Gwynham — (his domains were swallowed up by the sea, and he himself hardly escaped, and he came to Arthur, and his knife had this peculiarity, that from the time that he came there no haft would ever remain upon it, and owing to this a sickness came over him, and he pined away during the remainder of his life, and of this he died) . SI ON THE STUDY OF ' Drem, the son of Dremidyd — (when the gnat arose in the morning with the sun, Drem could see it from Gelli Wic in Cornwall, as far off as Pen Blathaon in North Britain). ' Kynyr Keinvarvawc — (when he was told he had a son born, he said to his wife : Damsel, if thy son be mine, his heart will be always cold, and there will be no warmth in his hands).' How evident, again, is the slightness of the narrator's hold upon the Twrch-Trwyth and his strange story ! How manifest the mixture of known and unknown, shadowy and clear, of different layers and orders of tradition jumbled together, in the story of Bran the Blessed, a story whose personages touch a comparatively late and historic time. Bran invades Ireland, to avenge one of ' the three unhappy blows of this island,' the daily striking of Branwen by her husband Matholwch, King of Ireland. Bran is mortally wounded by a poisoned dart, and only seven men of Britain, ' the Island of the Mighty,' escape, among them Taliesin : — * And Bran commanded them that they should cut off his head. And take you my head, said he, and bear it even unto the White Mount in London, and bury it there with the face towards France. And a long time will you be upon the road. In Harlech you will be feasting seven years, the birds of Rhiannon singing unto you the while. And all that time the head will be to you as pleasant company as it ever was when 52 CELTIC LITERATURE on my body. And at Gwales in Penvro you will be fourscore years, and you may remain there, and the head with you uncorrupted, until you open the door that looks towards Aber Henvelen and towards Cornwall. And after you have opened that door, there you may no longer tarry ; set forth then to London to bury the head, and go straight forward. ' So they cut off his head, and those seven went forward therewith. And Branwen was the eighth with them, and they came to land at Aber Alaw in Anglesey, and they sate down to rest. And Branwen looked towards Ireland and towards the Island of the Mighty, to see if she could descry them. " Alas," said she, " woe is me that I was ever born ; two islands have been destroyed because of me." Then she uttered a loud groan, and there broke her heart. And they made her a four-sided grave, and buried her upon the banks of the Alaw. ' Then they went to Harlech, and sate down to feast and to drink there ; and there came three birds and began singing, and all the songs they had ever heard were harsh compared thereto ; and at this feast they continued seven years. Then they went to Gwales in Penvro, and there they found a fair and regal spot overlooking the ocean, and a spacious hall was therein. And they went into the hall, and two of its doors were open, but the third door was closed, that which looked towards Cornwall. " See yonder," said 53 ON THE STUDY OF Manawyddan, " is the door that we maynot open." And that night they regaled themselves, and were joyful. And there they remained fourscore years, nor did they think they had ever spent a time more joyous and mirthful. And they were not more weary than when first they came, neither did they, any of them, know the time they had been there. And it was as pleasant to them having the head with them as if Bran had been with them himself. ' But one day said Heilyn, the son of Gwyn : " Evil betide me if I do not open the door to know if that is true which is said concerning it." So he opened the door and looked towards Cornwall and Aber Henvelen. And when they had looked, they were as conscious of all the evils they had ever sustained, and of all the friends and companions they had lost, and of all the misery that had befallen them, as if all had happened in that very spot ; and especially of the fate of their lord. And because of their perturbation they could not rest, but journeyed forth with the head towards London. And they buried the head in the White Mount.' Arthur afterwards, in his pride and self- confidence, disinterred the head, and this was one of ' the three unhappy disclosures of the island of Britain.' There is evidently mixed here, with the newer legend, a detritus, as the geologists would say, of something far older ; and the secret of 54 CELTIC LITERATURE Wales and its genius is not truly reached until- this detritus, instead of being called recent because it is found in contact with what is recent, is disengaged, and is made to tell its own story. But when we show him things of this kind in the Welsh remains, Mr. Nash has an answer for us, ' Oh,' he says, ' all this is merely a machinery of necromancers and magic, such as has probably been possessed by all people in all ages, more or less abundantly. How similar are the creations of the human mind in times and places the most remote ! We see in this similarity only an evidence of the existence of a common stock of ideas, variously developed according to the formative pressure of external circumstances. The materials of these tales are not peculiar to the Welsh.' And then Mr. Nash points out, with much learning and in- genuity, how certain incidents of these tales have their counterparts in Irish, in Scandinavian, in Oriental romance. He says, fairly enough, that the assertions of Taliesin, in the famous Hanes Taliesin, or History of Taliesin, that he was present with Noah in the Ark, at the Tower of Babel, and with Alexander of Macedon, 'we may ascribe to the poetic fancy of the Christian priest of the thirteenth century, who brought this romance into its present form. We may compare these statements of the universal pres- ence of the wonder-working magician with those of the gleeman who recites the Anglo-Saxon 55 ON THE STUDY OF metrical tale called the Traveller's Song.' No doubt lands the most distant can be shown to have a common property in many marvellous stories. This is one of the most interesting discoveries of modern science ; but modern science is equally interested in knowing how the genius of each people has differentiated, so to speak, this common property of theirs ; in tracking out, in each case, that special ' variety of development ' which, to use Mr. Nash's own words, 'the formative pressure of external circumstances ' has occasioned ; and not the formative pressure from without only, but also the formative pressure from within. It is this which he who deals with the Welsh remains in a philosophic spirit wants to know. Where is the force, for scientific purposes, of telling us that certain incidents by which Welsh poetry has been supposed to indicate a surviving tradi- tion of the doctrine of transmigration, are found in Irish poetry also, when Irish poetry has, like Welsh, its roots in that Celtism which is said to have held this doctrine of transmigration so strongly ? Where is even the great force, for scientific purposes, of proving, if it were possible to prove, that the extant remains of Welsh poetry contain not one plain declaration of Druidical, Pagan, pre-Christian doctrine, if one has in the extant remains of Breton poetry such texts as this from the prophecy of Gwenchlan : ' Three times must we all die, before we come 56 CELTIC LITERATURE to our final repose ' ? or as the cry of the eagles, in the same poem, of fierce thirst for Christian blood, a cry in which the poet evidently gives vent to his own hatred ? since the solidarity, to use that convenient French word, of Breton and Welsh poetry is so complete, that the ideas of the one may be almost certainly assumed not to have been wanting to those of the other. The question is, when Taliesin says, in the Battle of the Trees : ' I have been in many shapes before I attained a congenial form. I have been a narrow blade of a sword, I have been a drop in the air, I have been a shining star, I have been a word in a book, I have been a book in the beginning, I have been a light in a lantern a year and a half, I have been a bridge for passing over three- score rivers ; I have journeyed as an eagle, I have been a boat on the sea, I have been a director in battle, I have been a sword in the hand, I have been a shield in fight, I have been the string of a harp, I have been enchanted for a year in the foam of water. There is nothing in which I have not been,' — the question is, have these 'statements of the universal presence of the wonder-working magician ' nothing which distinguishes them from ' similar creations of the human mind in times and places the most remote ' ; have they not an inwardness, a severity ' of form, a solemnity of tone, which indicates the still reverberating echo of a profound doctrine and discipline, such as was Druidism ? Suppose . 57 ON THE STUDY OF we compare Taliesin, as Mr. Nash invites us, with the gleeman of the Anglo-Saxon Traveller s Song. Take the specimen of this song which Mr. Nash himself quotes : ' I have been with the Israelites and with the Essyringi, with the Hebrews and with the Indians and with the Egyptians ; I have been with the Medes and with the Persians and with the Myrgings.' It is very well to parallel with this extract Taliesin's : ' I carried the banner before Alex- ander ; I was in Canaan when Absalom was slain ; I was on the horse's crupper of Elias and Enoch ; I was on the high cross of the merciful son of God ; I was the chief overseer at the building of the tower of Nimrod ; I was with my King in the manger of the ass ; I supported Moses through the waters of Jordan ; I have been in the buttery in the land of the Trinity ; it is not known what is the nature of its meat and its fish.' It is very well to say that these assertions ' we may fairly ascribe to the poetic fancy of a Christian priest of the thirteenth century.' Certainly we may ; the last of Taliesin's asser- tions more especially ; though one must remark at the same time that the Welshman shows much more fire and imagination than the Anglo- Saxon. But Taliesin adds, after his : ' I was in Canaan when Absalom was slain,' ' I was in the hall of Don before Gwydion was born ' ; he adds, after : ' I was chief overseer at the building of the tower of Nimrod,' ' / have been three times 58 CELTIC LITERATURE resident in the castle of Arianrod' ; he adds, after : ' I was at the cross with Mary Magdalene,' ' / obtained my inspiration from the cauldron of Ceridwen.^ And finally, after the medieval touch of the visit to the buttery in the land of the Trinity, he goes off at score : ' I have been instructed in the whole system of the universe ; I shall be till the day of judgment on the face of the earth. I have been in an uneasy chair above Caer Sidin, and the whirling round without motion between three elements. Is it not the wonder of the world that cannot be discovered ? ' And so he ends the poem. But here is the Celtic, the essential part of the poem : it is here that the ' formative pressure ' has been really in operation ; and here surely is paganism and mythology enoiigh, which the Christian priest of the thirteenth century can have had nothing to do with. It is unscientific, no doubt, to interpret this part as Edward Davies and Mr. Herbert do ; but it is unscientific also to get rid of it as Mr. Nash does. Wales and the Welsh genius are not to be known without this part ; and the true critic is he who can best disengage its real significance. I say, then, what we want is to know the / Celt and his genius ; not to exalt him or to abase him, but to know him. And for this a disinterested, positive, and constructive criticism is needed. Neither his friends nor his enemies have yet given us much of this. His friends 59 ON THE STUDY OF have given us materials for criticism, and for these wc ought to be grateful ; his enemies have given us negative criticism, and for this, too, up to a certain point, we may be grateful ; but the criticism we really want neither of them has yet given us. Philology, however, that science which in our time has had so many successes, has not been abandoned by her good fortune in touching the Celt ; philology has brought, almost for the first time in their lives, the Celt and sound criticism together. The Celtic grammar of Zeuss, whose death is so grievous a loss to science, offers a splendid specimen of that patient, disinterested way of treating objects of knowledge, which is the best and most attrac- tive characteristic of Germany. Zeuss proceeds neither as a Celt -lover nor as a Celt -hater ; not the slightest trace of a wish to glorify Teutonism or to abase Celtism, appears in his book. The only desire apparent there, is the desire to know his object, the language of the Celtic peoples, as it really is. In this he stands as a model to Celtic students ; and it has been given to him, as a reward for his sound method, to establish certain points which are henceforth cardinal points, landmarks, in all the discussion of Celtic matters, and which no one had so established before. People talked at random of Celtic writings of this or that age ; Zeuss has definitely fixed the age of what we actually 60 CELTIC LITERATURE have of these writings. To take the Cymric group of languages : our earliest Cornish docu- ment is a vocabulary of the thirteenth century ; our earliest Breton document is a short descrip- tion of an estate in a deed of the ninth century ; our earliest Welsh documents are Welsh glosses of the eighth century to Eutychus, the gram- marian, and Ovid's Art of Love, and the verses found by Edward Lhuyd in the Juvencus manu- script at Cambridge. The mention of this Juvencus fragment, by the bye, suggests the difference there is between an interested and a disinterested critical habit. Mr. Nash deals with this fragment ; but, in spite of all his great acuteness and learning, because he has a bias, because he does not bring to these matters the disinterested spirit they need, he is capable of getting rid, quite unwarrantably, of a par- ticular word in the fragment which does not suit him ; his dealing with the verses is an advocate's dealing, not a critic's. Of this sort of thing Zeuss is incapable. The test which Zeuss used for establish- ing the age of these documents is a scientific test, the test of orthography and of declensional and syntactical forms. These matters are far out of my province, but what is clear, sound, and simple, has a natural attraction for us all, and one feels a pleasure in repeating it. It is the grand sign of age, Zeuss says, in Welsh and Irish words, when what the grammarians call 6i ON THE STUDY OF the ' destitutio tenuium ' has not yet taken place ; when the sharp consonants have not yet been changed into flat,/ or t into b or d; when, for instance, map, a son, has not yet become mab ; coet, a wood, coed ; ocef, a harrow, oged. This is a clear, scientific test to apply, and a test of which the accuracy can be verified ; I do not say that Zeuss was the first person who knew this test or applied it, but I say that he is the first person who in dealing with Celtic matters has invariably proceeded by means of this and similar scientific tests ; the first person, there- fore, the body of whose work has a scientific, stable character ; and so he stands as a model to all Celtic inquirers. His influence has already been most happy ; and as I have enlarged on a certain failure in criticism of Eugene O'Curry's, — whose business, after all, was the description and classification of materials rather than criticism, — let me show, by another example from Eugene O'Curry, this good influence of Zeuss upon Celtic studies. Eugene O'Curry wants to establish that com- positions of an older date than the twelfth century existed in Ireland in the twelfth cen- tury, and thus he proceeds. He takes one of the great extant Irish manuscripts, the heabhar na K TJidhre ; or Book of the Dun Cow. The compiler of this book was, he says, a certain Maelmuiri, a member of the religious house of Cluainmacnois. This he establishes from a 62 CELTIC LITERATURE passage in the manuscript itself : ' This is a trial of his pen here, by Maelmuiri, son of the son of Conn na m'Bocht.' The date of Maelmuiri he establishes from a passage in the Annals of the Four Masters, under the year i io6 : ' Maelmuiri, son of the son of Conn na m'Bocht, was killed in the middle of the great stone church of Cluainmacnois, by a party of robbers.' Thus he gets the date of the Book of the Dun Cow. This book contains an elegy on the death of St. Columb. Now, even before 1106, the language of this elegy was so old as to require a gloss to make it intelligible, for it is accom- panied by a gloss written between the lines. This gloss quotes, for the explanation of obsolete words, a number of more ancient compositions ; and these compositions, therefore, must, at the beginning of the twelfth century, have been still in existence. Nothing can be sounder ; every step is proved, and fairly proved, as one goes along. O'Curry thus affords a good specimen of the sane mode of proceeding so much wanted in Celtic researches, and so little practised by Edward Davies and his brethren ; and to found this sane method, Zeuss, by the example he sets in his own department of philology, has mainly contributed. Science's reconciling power, too, on which I have already touched, philology, in her Celtic researches, again and again illustrates. Races and languages have been absurdly joined, and 63 ON THE STUDY OF unity has been often rashly assumed at stages where one was far, very far, from having yet really reached unity. Science has and will long have to be a divider and a separatist, breaking arbitrary and fanciful connections, and dissipat- ing dreams of a premature and impossible unity. Still, science, — true science, — recognises in the bottom of her soul a law of ultimate fusion, of conciliation. To reach this, but to reach it legitimately, she tends. She draws, for instance, towards the same idea which fills her elder and diviner sister, poetry, — the idea of the substantial unity of man ; though she draws towards it by roads of her own. But continually she is showing us affinity where we imagined there was isolation. What schoolboy of us has not rummaged his Greek dictionary in vain for a satisfactory account of that old name for the Peloponnese, the Apian Land? and within the limits of Greek itself there is none. But the Scythian name for earth, * apia,' watery, water-issued, meaning first isle and then land — this name, which we find in ' avia,' Scandinawi?, and in * ey ' for Alderney, not only explains the Apian Land of Sophocles for us, but points the way to a whole world of relation- ships of which we knew nothing. The Scythians themselves again, — obscure, far-separated Mon- golian people as they used to appear to us, — when we find that they are essentially Teutonic and Indo-European, their very name the same word as the common Latin word ' scutum,' the 64 CELTIC LITERATURE shielded people, what a surprise they p.v& us ! And then, before we have recovered from this surprise we learn that the name of their father and god, Targitavus, carries us I know not how much further into familiar company. This divinity. Shining with the targe, the Greek Hercules, the Sun, contains \r\ the second half of his name, tavus, ' shining,' a wonderful cement to hold times and nations together. Tavus, ' shining,' from ' tava ' — in Sanscrit, as well as Scythian, * to burn ' or * shine,' — is Divus, dies, Zeus, 0eo?, Deva, and I know not how much more ; and Taviti, the bright and burnt, fire, the place of fire, the hearth, the centre of the family, becomes the family itself, just as our word family, the Liatinjizmi/ia, is from thymele, the sacred centre of fire. The hearth comes to mean home. Then from home it comes to mean the group of homes, the tribe ; from the tribe the entire nation ; and in this sense of nation or people, the word appears in Gothic, Norse, Celtic, and Persian, as well as in Scythian ; the Theuthisks, Deutschen, Tudesques, are the men of one theuth, nation, or people ; and of this our name Germans itself is, perhaps, only the Roman translation, meaning the men of one germ or stock. The Celtic divinity, Teutates, has his name from the Celtic teuta, people ; taviti, fire, appearing here in its secondary and derived sense of people, just as it does in its own Scythian language in Targi- tavus's second name, Tavitvarus, Teutaros, the VOL. V 65 F ON THE STUDY OF protector of the people. Another Celtic divinity, the Hesus of Lucan, finds his brother in the Gaisos, the sword, symbolising the god of battles of the Teutonic Scythians.^ And after philology has thus related to each other the Celt and the Teuton, she takes another branch of the Indo- European family, the Sclaves, and shows us them as having the same name with the German Suevi, the solar people ; the common ground here, too, being that grand point of union, the sun, fire. So, also, we find Mr. Meyer, whose Celtic studies I just now mentioned, harping again and again 1 See Les Scythes les Ancetres des Peuples Germaniques et Slaves, par F. G. Bergmann, professeur k la faculty des Lettres de Stras- bourg : Colmar, 1858. But Professor Bergmann's etymologies are often, says Lord Strangford, ' false lights, held by an uncertain hand.' And Lord Strangford continues : — 'The Apian land certainly meant the watery land, Meer-umschlungen, among the pre-Hellenic Greeks, just as the same land is called Morea by the modern post-Hellenic or Romaic Greeks from more, the name for the sea in the Slavonic vernacular of its inhabitants during the heart of the Middle Ages. But it is only connected by a remote and secondary affinity, if connected at all, with the avia of Scandinavia, assuming that to be the true German word for water, which, if it had come down to us in Gothic, would have been avi, genitive aujos, and not a mere Latinised termination. Scythian is surely a negative rather than a positive term, much like our Indian, or the Turanian of modern ethnologists, used to comprehend nomads and barbarians of all sorts and races north and east of the Black and Caspian seas. It is un- safe to connect their name with anything as yet ; it is quite as likely that it refers to the bow and arrow as to the shield, and is connected with our word to shoot, sceotan, skiutan, Lithuanian sxau-ti. Some of the Scythian peoples may have been Anarian, Allophylic, Mon- golian ; some were demonstrably Aryan, and not only that, but Iranian as well, as is best shown in a memoir read before the Berlin Academy this last year ; the evidence having been first indicated in the rough by SchafFarik the Slavonic antiquary. Coins, glosses, proper names, and inscriptions prove it. Targitaos (not -tavus) and 66 CELTIC LITERATURE on the connection even in Europe, if you go back far enough, between Celt and German. So, after all we have heard, and truly heard of the diversity between all things Semitic and all things Indo- European, there is now an Italian philologist at work upon the relationship between Sanscrit and Hebrew. Both in small and great things, philology, dealing with Celtic matters, has exemplified this tending of science towards unity. Who has not been puzzled by the relation of the Scots with Ireland — that vetus et major Scotia, as Colgan calls the rest is guess-work or wrong. Herodotus's Ta/Strt for the goddess Vesta is not connected with the root div whence DSvas, Deus, etc., but the root tap, in Latin tep (of tepere, tepefacere), Slavonic tepl, topi (for tep or top), in modern Persian tab. Thymele refers to the hearth as the place of smoke [dvta, thu5,fumui), hxxt. familia denotes household from famulus for fagmulus, the root fag being equated with the Sansk. bhaj, servira. Lucan's Hesus or Esus may fairly be compared with the Welsh Hu Gadarn by legitimate process, but no letter-change can justify his connection with Gaisos, the spear, not the sword, Virgil's gusum, A.S. gar, our verb to gore, retained in its outer form in ^/jr-fish. For Theuthisks, lege Thiudisks, from thiuda, populus ; in old high German Diutisk, Diotisk, popularis, vulgaris, the country vernacular as distinguished from the cultivated Latin ; hence the word Dutch, Deutsch. With our ancestors the'od stood for nation generally and gethe'ode for any speech. Our diet in the political sense is the same word, but borrowed from our German cousins, not inherited from our fathers. The modern Celtic form is the Irish tuath, in ancient LCeltic it must have been teuta, touta, of which we actually have the adjective toutius in the Gaulish inscription of Nismes. In Oscan we have it as turta, tuta, its adjective being handed down in Livy's meddix tuticus, the mayor or chief magistrate of the tuta. In the Umbrian inscriptions it is tota. In Lithuanian tauta, the country opposed to the town, and in old Prussian tauta, the country generally, en Prusiskan tautan, im Land zu Preussen.' 67 ON THE STUDY OF it ? Who does not feel what pleasure Zcuss brings us when he suggests that Gael, the name for the Irish Celt, and Scot, are at bottom the same word, both having their origin in a word meaning "wind, and both signifying the violent stormy people?^ Who does not feel his mind agreeably cleared about our friends the Fenians, when he learns that the root of their name,y^«, * white,' appears in the hero Fingal ; in Gwynned, the Welsh name for North Wales ; in the Roman Venedotia ; in Vannes in Brittany ; in Venice ? The very name of Ireland, some say, comes from the famous Sanscrit word Arya, the land of the Aryans, or noble men ; although the weight of opinion seems to be in favour of con- necting it rather with another Sanscrit word, avara, occidental, the western land or isle of the west.'' But, at any rate, who that has been brought up to think the Celts utter aliens from us and our culture, can come without a start of sympathy upon such words as heol (sol), or buaist (fuisti) ? or upon such a sentence as this, ' Peris 1 Lord Strangford observes here : — ' The original forms of Gael should be mentioned — Gaedil, Goidil : in modern Gaelic ortho- graphy Gaoidheal where the dh is not realised in pronunciation. There is nothing impossible in the connection of the root of this with that of Scot, j^the / of the latter be merely prosthetic. But the whole thing is in nubibus, and given as a guess only.' ' ' The name of Erin,' says Lord Strangford, ' is treated at length in a masterly note by Whitley Stokes in the first series of Max Mailer's lectures (4th ed.) p. 255, where its earliest tangible form is shown to have been Iverio. Pictet's connection with Arya is quite baseless.' 68 CELTIC LITERATURE Duw dui funnaun ' (' God prepared two foun- tains ') ? Or when Mr. Whitley Stokes, one of the very ablest scholars formed in Zeuss's school, a born philologist, — he now occupies, alas ! a post under the Government of India, instead of a chair of philology at home, and makes one think mournfully of Montesquieu's saying, that had he been an Englishman he should never have produced his great work, but have caught the contagion of practical life, and devoted himself to what is called * rising in the world,' — when Mr. Whitley Stokes, in his edition of Cormac's Glossary, holds up the Irish word traith, the sea, and makes us remark that, though the names Triton, Amphitrite, and those of correspond- ing Indian and Zend divinities, point to the meaning sea, yet it is only Irish which actually supplies the vocable, how delightfully that brings Ireland into the Indo-European concert ! What a wholesome buffet it gives to Lord Lynd- hurst's alienation doctrines ! To go a little farther. Of the two great Celtic divisions of language, the Gaelic and the Cymric, the Gaelic, say the philologists, is more related to the younger, more synthetic, group of languages, Sanscrit, Greek, Zend, Latin, and Teutonic ; the Cymric to the older, more analytic Turanian group. Of the more synthetic Aryan group, again, Zend and Teutonic are, in their turn, looser and more analytic than Sanscrit and Greek, more in sympathy with the Turanian 69 ON THE STUDY OF group and with Celtic. What possibilities of affinity and influence are here hinted at ; what lines of inquiry, worth exploring, at any rate, suggest themselves to one's mind. By the forms of its language a nation expresses its very self Our language is the loosest, the most analytic, of all European languages. And we, then, what are we ? what is England ? I will not answer, A vast obscure Cymric basis with a vast visible Teutonic superstructure ; but I will say that that answer sometimes suggests itself, at any rate, — sometimes knocks at our mind's door for admission ; and we begin to cast about and see whether it is to be let in. But the forms of its language are not our only key to a people ; what it says in its language, its literature, is the great key, and we must get back to literature. The literature of the Celtic peoples has not yet had its Zeuss, and greatly it wants him. We need a Zeuss to apply to Celtic literature, to all its vexed questions of dates, authenticity, and significance, the criticism, the sane method, the disinterested endeavour to get at the real facts, which Zeuss has shown in dealing with Celtic language. Science is good in itself, and therefore Celtic literature, — the Celt-haters having failed to prove it a bubble, — Celtic literature is interesting, merely as an object of knowledge. But it reinforces and re- doubles our interest in Celtic literature if we find that here, too, science exercises the reconciling, 70 CELTIC LITERATURE the uniting influence of which I have said so much ; if we find here, more than anywhere else, traces of kinship, and the most essential sort of kinship, spiritual kinship, between us and the Celt, of which we had never dreamed. I settle nothing, and can settle nothing ; I have not the special knowledge needed for that. I have no pretension to do more than to try and awaken interest ; to seize on hints, to point out indications, which, to any one with a feeling for literature, suggest themselves ; to stimulate other inquirers. I must surely be without the bias which has so often rendered Welsh and Irish students extravagant ; why, my very name expresses that peculiar Semitico-Saxon mixture which makes the typical Englishman ; I can have no ends to serve in finding in Celtic literature more than is there. What is there, is for me the only question. Ill We have seen how philology carries us towards ideas of affinity of race which are new to us. But it is evident that this affinity, even if proved, can be no very potent affair, unless it goes beyond the stage at which we have hitherto observed it. Affinity between races still, so to speak, in their mother's womb, counts for some- thing, indeed, but cannot count for very much. 71 ON THE STUDY OF So long as Celt and Teuton are in their embryo rudimentary state, or, at least, no such great while out of their cradle, still engaged in their wanderings, changes of place and struggle for development, so long as they have not yet crystallised into solid nations, they may touch and mix in passing, and yet very little come of it. It is when the embryo has grown and solidified into a distinct nation, into the Gaul or German of history, when it has finally acquired the characters which make the Gaul of history what he is, the German of history what he is, that contact and mixture are important, and may leave a long train of effects ; for Celt and Teuton by this time have their formed, marked, national, ineffaceable qualities to oppose or to communicate. The contact of the German of the Continent with the Celt was in the pre- historic times, and the definite German type, as we know it, was fixed later, and from the time when it became fixed was not influenced by the Celtic type. But here in our country, in his- toric times, long after the Celtic embryo had crystallised into the Celt proper, long after the Germanic embryo had crystallised into the German proper, there was an important contact between the two peoples ; the Saxons invaded the Britons and settled themselves in the Britons' country. Well, then, here was a contact which one might expect would leave its traces ; if the Saxons got the upper hand, as we all know they 72 CELTIC LITERATURE did, and made our country be England and us be English, there must yet, one would think, be some trace of the Saxon having met the Briton ; there must be some Celtic vein or other running through us. Many people say there is nothing at all of the kind, absolutely nothing ; the Saturday Review treats these matters of ethnology with great power and learning, and the Saturday Review says we are ' a nation into which a Norman element, like a much smaller Celtic element, was so completely absorbed that it is vain to seek after Norman or Celtic elements in any modern Englishman.' And the other day at Zurich I read a long essay on English litera- ture by one of the professors there, in which the writer observed, as a remarkable thing, that while other countries conquered by the Germans, — France, for instance, and Italy, — had ousted all German influence from their genius and literature, there were two countries, not origin- ally Germanic, but conquered by the Germans, England and German Switzerland, of which the genius and the literature were purely and un- mixedly German ; and this he laid down as a position which nobody would dream of challenging. I say it is strange that this should be so, and we in particular have reason for inquiring whether it really is so ; because though, as I have said, even as a matter of science the Gelt has a claim to be known, and we have an interest 73 ON THE STUDY OF in knowing him, yet this interest is wonderfully enhanced if we find him to have actually a part in us. The question is to be tried by external and by internal evidence ; the language and the physical type of our race afford certain data for trying it, and other data are afforded by our literature, genius, and spiritual production generally. Data of this second kind belong to the province of the literary critic ; data of the first kind to the province of the philologist and of the physiologist. The province of the philologist and of the physiologist is not mine ; but this whole question as to the mixture of Celt with Saxon in us has been so little explored, people have been so prone to settle it off-hand according to their prepossessions, that even on the philological and physiological side of it I must say a few words in passing. Surely it must strike with surprise any one who thinks of it, to find that without any immense inpouring of a whole people, that by mere expeditions of invaders having to come over the sea, and in no greater numbers than the Saxons, so far as we can make out, actually came, the old occupants of this island, the Celtic Britons, should have been completely annihilated, or even so completely absorbed that it is vain to seek after Celtic elements in the existing English race. Of deliberate wholesale exter- mination of the Celtic race, all of them who could not fly to Wales or Scotland, we hear 74 CELTIC LITERATURE nothing ; and without some such extermination one would suppose that a great mass of them must have remained in the country, their lot the obscure and, so to speak, underground lot of a subject race, but yet insensibly getting mixed with their conquerors, and their blood entering into the composition of a new people, in which the stock of the conquerors counts for most, but the stock of the conquered, too, counts for something. How little the triumph of the conqueror's laws, manners, and language, proves the extinction of the old race, we may see by looking at France ; Gaul was Latinised in lan- guage, manners, and laws, and yet her people remained essentially Celtic. The Germanisation of Britain went far deeper than the Latinisation of France, and not only laws, manners, and language, but the main current of the blood, became Germanic ; but how, without some process of radical extirpation, of which, as I say, there is no evidence, can there have failed to subsist in Britain, as in Gaul, a Celtic current too ? The indications of this in our language have never yet been thoroughly searched out ; the Celtic names of places prove nothing, of course, as to the point here in question ; they come from the prehistoric times, the times before the nations, Germanic or Celtic, had crystallised, and they are everywhere, as the impetuous Celt was formerly everywhere, — in the Alps, the Apennines, the Cevennes, the 75 ON THE STUDY OF Rhine, the Po, as well as in the Thames, the Humber, Cumberland, London. But it is said that the words of Celtic origin for things having to do with every-day peaceful life, — the life of a settled nation, — words like basket (to take an instance which all the world knows) form a much larger body in our language than is commonly supposed ; it is said that a number of our raciest, most idiomatic, popular words — for example, bam, kick, whop, twaddle, fudge, hitch, muggy, — are Celtic. These assertions require to be carefully examined, and it by no means follows that because an English word is found in Celtic, therefore we get it from thence ; but they have not yet had the attention which, as illustrating through language this matter of the subsistence and intermingling in our nation of a Celtic part, they merit. Nor have the physiological data which illustrate this matter had much more attention from us in England. But in France, a physician, half English by blood though a Frenchman by home and language. Monsieur W. F. Edwards, brother to Monsieur Milne-Edwards, the well- known zoologist, published in 1839 a letter to Monsieur Amedee Thierry with this title : Ties Caracteres Physiologiques des Races Humaines con- sideris dans leurs Rapports avec I'Histoire. The letter attracted great attention on the Continent ; it fills not much more than a hundred pages, and they are a hundred pages which well deserve 76 CELTIC LITERATURE reading and re-reading. Monsieur Thierry in his Histoire des Gaulois had divided the popula- tion of Gaul into certain groups, and the object of Monsieur Edwards was to try this division by physiology. Groups of men have, he says, their physical type which distinguishes them, as well as their language ; the traces of this physical type endure as the traces of language endure, and physiology is enabled to verify history by them. Accordingly, he determines the physical type of each of the two great Celtic families, the Gaels and the Cymris, who are said to have been dis- tributed in a certain order through Gaul, and then he tracks these types in the population of France at the present day, and so verifies the alleged original order of distribution. In doing this, he makes excursions into neighbouring countries where the Gaels and the Cymris have been, and he declares that in England he finds abundant traces of the physical type which he has established as the Cymric, still subsisting in our population, and having descended from the old British possessors of our soil before the Saxon conquest. But if we are to believe the current English opinion, says Monsieur Edwards, the stock of these old British possessors is clean gone. On this opinion he makes the following comment : — ' In the territory occupied by the Saxons, the Britons were no longer an independent nation, nor even a people with any civil existence at all. 71 ON THE STUDY OF For history, therefore, they were dead, above all for history as it was then written ; but they had not perished ; they still lived on, and undoubtedly in such numbers as the remains of a great nation, in spite of its disasters, might •" still be expected to keep. That the Britons were destroyed or expelled from England, properly so called, is, as I have said, a popular opinion in that country. It is founded on the exaggeration of the writers of history ; but in these very writers, when we come to look closely at what they say, we find the confession that the remains of this people were reduced to a state of strict servitude. Attached to the soil, they will have shared in that emancipation which during the course of the Middle Ages gradually restored to political life the mass of the population in the countries of Western Europe ; recovering by slow degrees their rights without resuming their name, and rising gradually with the rise of industry, they will have got spread through all ranks of society. The gradualness of this move- ment, and the obscurity which enwrapped its beginnings, allowed the contempt of the con- queror and the shame of the conquered to become fixed feelings ; and so it turns out, that an Englishman who now thinks himself sprung from the Saxons or the Normans, is often in ^_ reality the descendant of the Britons.' So physiology, as well as language, incomplete though the application of their tests to this 78 CELTIC LITERATURE matter has hitherto been, may lead us to hesitate before accepting the round assertion that it is vain to search for Celtic elements in any modern Englishman. But it is not only by the tests of physiology and language that we can try this matter. As there are for physiology physical marks, such as the square head of the German, the round head of the Gael, the oval head of the Cymri, which determine the type of a people, so for criticism there are spiritual marks which determine the type, and make us speak of the Greek genius, the Teutonic genius, the Celtic genius, and so on. Here is another test at our service ; and this test, too, has never yet been thoroughly employed. Foreign critics have indeed occasionally hazarded the idea that in English poetry there is a Celtic element trace- able ; and Mr. Morley, in his very readable as well as very useful book on the English writers before Chaucer, has a sentence which struck my attention when I read it, because it expresses an opinion which I, too, have long held. Mr. Morley says : — * The main current of English literature cannot be disconnected from the lively Celtic wit in which it has one of its sources. The Celts do not form an utterly distinct part of our mixed population. But for early, frequent, and various contact with the race that in its half-barbarous days invented Ossian's dialogues with St, Patrick, and that quickened afterwards the Northmen's blood in 79 ON THE STUDY OF France, Germanic England would not have produced a Shakspeare.' But there Mr. Morley leaves the matter. He indicates this Celtic element and influence, but he does not show us, — it did not come within the scope of his work to show us, — how this influence has declared itself. Unlike the physiological test, or the linguistic test, this literary, spiritual test is one which I may perhaps be allowed to try my hand at applying. I say that there is a Celtic element in the English nature, as well as a Germanic element, and that this element manifests itself in our spirit and literature. But before I try to point out how it manifests itself, it may be as well to get a clear notion of what we mean by a Celtic element, a Germanic element ; what characters, that is, determine for us the Celtic genius, the Germanic genius, as we commonly conceive the two. IV Let me repeat what I have often said of the characteristics which mark the English spirit, the English genius. This spirit, this genius, judged, to be sure, rather from a friend's than an enemy's point of view, yet judged on the whole fairly, is characterised, I have repeatedly said, by energy with honesty. Take away some of the energy which comes to us, as I believe, in part from Celtic and Roman sources ; instead of 80 CELTIC LITERATURE energy, say rather steadiness ; and you, have the Germanic genius : steadiness with honesty. It is evident how nearly the two characterisations approach one another ; and yet they leave, as Mre shall see, a great deal of room for differ- ence. Steadiness with honesty ; the danger for a national spirit thus composed is the humdrum, the plain and ugly, the ignoble : in a word, das Gemeine, die Gemeinheit, that curse of Germany, against which Goethe was all his life fighting. The excellence of a national spirit thus composed is freedom from whim, flightiness, perverseness ; patient fidelity to Nature, — in a word, science, — leading it at last, though slowly, and not by the most brilliant road, out of the bondage of the humdrum and common, into the better life. The universal dead-level of plainness and home- liness, the lack of all beauty and distinction in form and feature, the slowness and clumsiness of the language, the eternal beer, sausages, and bad tobacco, the blank commonness everywhere, pressing at last like a weight on the spirits of the traveller in Northern Germany, and making him impatient to be gone, — this is the weak side ; the industry, the well-doing, the patient steady elaboration of things, the idea of science governing all departments of human activity, — this is the strong side ; and through this side of her genius, Germany has already obtained excellent results, and is destined, we may depend upon it, however her pedantry, her slowness, her VOL. v 8 1 G ON THE STUDY OF fumbling, her ineffectiveness, her bad govern- ment, may at times make us cry out, to an immense development.^ For diilness, the creeping Saxons^ — says an old Irish poem, assigning the characteristics for which different nations are celebrated : — For acuteness and valour, the Greeks, For excessive pride, the Romans, For dulness, the creeping Saxons ; For beauty and amorousness, the Gaedhils. We have seen in what sense, and with what explanation, this characterisation of the German may be allowed to stand ; now let us come to the beautiful and amorous Gaedhil. Or rather, let us find a definition which may suit both branches of the Celtic family, the Cymri as well as the Gael. It is clear that special circumstances may have developed some one side in the national character of Cymri or Gael, Welshman or Irish- man, so that the observer's notice shall be readily caught by this side, and yet it may be impossible to adopt it as characteristic of the Celtic nature generally. For instance, in his beautiful essay on the poetry of the Celtic races, M. Renan, with his eyes fixed on the Bretons and the Welsh, is struck with the timidity, the shyness, the delicacy of the Celtic nature, its preference for a retired life, its embarrassment at having to deal with the great world. He talks of the douce * It is to be remembered that the above was written before the recent war between Prussia and Austria. 82 CELTIC LITERATURE petite race naturellement chretienne, his race Jiere et timide, a Fexterieur gauche et embarrassee. But it is evident that this description, however well it may do for the Cymri, will never do for the Gael, never do for the typical Irishman of Donnybrook fair. Again, M. Renan's injinie delicatesse de sentiment qui caracterise la race Celtique, how little that accords with the popular concep- tion of an Irishman who wants to borrow money ! Sentiment is, however, the word which marks where the Celtic races really touch and are one ; sentimental, if the Celtic nature is to be characterised by a single term, is the best term to take. An organisation quick to feel impres- sions, and feeling them very strongly ; a lively personality therefore, keenly sensitive to joy and to sorrow ; this is the main point. If the downs of life too much outnumber the ups, this tem- perament, just because it is so quickly and nearly conscious of all impressions, may no doubt be seen shy and wounded ; it may be seen in wistful^ regret, it may be seen in passionate, penetrating melancholy ; but its essence is to aspire ardently after life, light, and emotion, to be expansive, adventurous, and gay. Our word gay, it is said,j is itself Celtic. It is not from gaudium, but from the Celtic ^^z^ir, to laugh ; ^ and the impressionable 1 The etymology is Monsieur Henri Martin's, but Lord Strang- ford says : — ' Whatever gai may be, it is assuredly not Celtic. Is there any authority for this word gair, to laugh, or rather " laughter," beyond O'Reilly? O'Reilly is no authority at all except in so far as tested and passed by the new school. It is hard to give up 83 ON THE STUDY OF Celt, soon up and soon down, is the more down because it is so his nature to be up — to be sociable, hospitable, eloquent, admired, figuring away brilliantly. He loves bright colours, he easily becomes audacious, overcrowing, full of fanfaronade. The German, say the physiologists, has the larger volume of intestines (and who that has ever seen a German at a table-d'h6te will not readily believe this?), the Frenchman has the more developed organs of respiration. That is just the expansive, eager Celtic nature ; the head in the air, snuffing and snorting ; a proud look and a high stomach, as the Psalmist says, but without any such settled savage temper as the Psalmist seems to impute by those words. For good and for bad, the Celtic genius is more airy and unsubstantial, goes less near the ground, than the German. The Celt is often called sensual ; but it is not so much the vulgar satisfactions of sense that attract him as emotion and excitement ; he is truly, as I began by saying, sentimental. Sentimental, — always ready to react against the despotism of fact; that is the description a great friend ^ of the Celt gives of him ; and it is not a bad description of the sentimental tempera- ment ; it lets us into the secret of its dangers gavisus. But Diez, chief authority in Romanic matters, is content to accept Muratori's reference to an old High-German gahi, modern j'dht, sharp, quick, sudden, brisk, and so to the sense of lively, animated, high in spirits.' ^ Monsieur Henri Martin, whose chapters on the Celts, in his Hiittire de France, are full of information and interest. 84 CELTIC LITERATURE and of its habitual want of success. Balance, measure, and patience, these are the eternal conditions, even supposing the happiest tempera- ment to start with, of high success ; and balance, measure, and patience are just what the Celt has never had. Even in the world of spiritual creation, he has never, in spite of his admirable gifts of quick perception and warm emotion, succeeded perfectly, because he never has had steadiness, patience, sanity enough to comply with the conditions under which alone can expression be perfectly given to the finest perceptions and emotions. The Greek has the same perceptive, emotional temperament as the Celt ; but he adds to this temperament the sense of measure ; hence his admirable success in the plastic arts, in which the Celtic genius, with its chafing against the despotism of fact, its perpetual straining after mere emotion, has accomplished nothing. In the comparatively petty art of ornamentation, in rings, brooches, crosiers, relic-cases, and so on, he has done just enough to show his delicacy of taste, his happy temperament ; but the grand difficulties of painting and sculpture, the prolonged dealings of spirit with matter, he has never had patience for. Take the more spiritual arts of music and poetry. All that emotion alone can do in music the Celt has done ; the very soul of emotion breathes in the Scotch and Irish airs ; but with all this power of musical feeling, 85 ON THE STUDY OF what has the Celt, so eager for emotion that he has not patience for science, effected in music, to be compared with what the less emotional German, steadily developing his musi- cal feeling with the science of a Sebastian Bach or a Beethoven, has effected ? In poetry, again, — poetry which the Celt has so passionately, so nobly loved ; poetry where emotion counts for so much, but where reason, too, reason, measure, sanity, also count for so much, — the Celt has shown genius, indeed, splendid genius ; but even here his faults have clung to him, and hindered him from producing great works, such as other nations with a genius for poetry, — the Greeks, say, or the Italians, — have produced. The Celt has not produced great poetical works, he has only produced poetry with an air of greatness in- vesting it all, and sometimes giving, moreover, to short pieces, or to passages, lines, and snatches of long pieces, singular beauty and power. And yet he loved poetry so much that he grudged no pains to it ; but the true art, the architectonice which shapes great works, such as the Agamemnon or the Divine Comedy, comes only after a steady, deep-searching survey, a firm conception of the facts of human life, which the Celt has not patience for. So he runs off into technic, where he employs the utmost elaboration, and attains astonishing skill ; but in the contents of his poetry you have only so much interpretation of the world as the first dash of a quick, 86 CELTIC LITERATURE strong perception, and then sentiment, infinite sentiment, can bring you. Here, too, his want of sanity and steadfastness has kept the Celt back from the highest success. j If his rebellion against fact has thus lamed the Celt even in spiritual work, how much more must it have lamed him in the world of business and politics ! The skilful and resolute appliance of means to ends which is needed both to make progress in material civilisation, and also to form powerful states, is just what the Celt has least turn for. He is sensual, as I have said, or at least sensuous ; loves bright colours, company, and pleasure ; and here he is like the Greek and Latin races ; but compare the talent the Greek and Latin (or Latinised) races have shown for gratifying their senses, for procuring an outward life, rich, luxurious, splendid, with the Celt's failure to reach any material civilisation sound and satisfying, and not out at elbows, poor, slovenly, and half- barbarous. The sensuousness of the Greek made Sybaris and Corinth, the sensuousness of the Latin made Rome and Baias, the sensuousness of the Latinised Frenchman makes Paris ; the sensuousness of the Celt proper has made Ireland. Even in his ideal heroic times, his gay and sensuous nature cannot carry him, in the appliances of his favourite life of sociability and pleasure, beyond the gross and creeping Saxon whom he despises ; the regent Breas, we are 87 ON THE STUDY OF told in the Battle of Moytura of the Fomorians^ became unpopular because 'the knives of his people were not greased at his table, nor did their breath smell of ale at the banquet.' In its grossness and barbarousness is not that Saxon, as Saxon as it can be ? just what the Latinised Norman, sensuous and sociable like the Celt, but with the talent to make this bent of his serve to a practical embellishment of his mode of living, found so disgusting in the Saxon. '^ And as in material civilisation he has been ineffectual, so has the Celt been ineffectual in politics. This colossal, impetuous, adventurous wanderer, the Titan of the early world, who in primitive times fills so large a place on earth's scene, dwindles and dwindles as history goes on, and at last is shrunk to what we now see him. For ages and ages the world has been constantly slipping, ever more and more, out of the Celt's grasp. 'They went forth to the war,' Ossian j_says most truly, ' hut they always fell.' And yet, if one sets about constituting an ideal genius, what a great deal of the Celt does one find oneself drawn to put into it ! Of an ideal genius one does not want the elements, any of them, to be in a state of weakness ; on the contrary, one wants all of them to be in the highest state of power ; but with a law of measure, of harmony, presiding over the whole. So the sensibility of the Celt, if everything else were not sacrificed to it, is a beautiful and 88 CELTIC LITERATURE admirable force. For sensibility, the power of quick and strong perception and emotion, is one of the very prime constituents of genius, perhaps its most positive constituent ; it is to the soul what good senses are to the body, the grand natural condition of successful activity. Sensi- bility gives genius its materials ; one cannot have too much of it, if one can but keep its master and not be its slave. Do not let us wish that the Celt had had less sensibility, but that he had been more master of it. Even as it is, if his sensibility has been a source of weakness to ,-• him, it has been a source of power too, and a source of happiness. Some people have found in the Celtic nature and its sensibility the main root out of which chivalry and romance and the glorification of a feminine ideal spring ; this is a great question, with which I cannot deal here. Let me notice in passing, however, that there is, in truth, a Celtic air about the extravagance of chivalry, its reaction against the despotism of ^ fact, its straining human nature further than it will stand. But putting all this question of chivalry and its origin on one side, no doubt the sensibility of the Celtic nature, its nervous exaltation, have something feminine in them, and the Celt is thus peculiarly disposed to feel the spell of the feminine idiosyncrasy ; he has an affinity to it ; he is not far from its secret. Again, his sensibility gives him a peculiarly near and intimate feeling of nature and the life 89 ON THE STUDY OF of nature ; here, too, he seems in a special way attracted by the secret before him, the secret of natural beauty and natural magic, and to be close to it, to half- divine it. In the productions of the Celtic genius, nothing, perhaps, is so interest- ing as the evidences of this power : I shall have occasion to give specimens of them by and by. The same sensibility made the Celts full of reverence and enthusiasm for genius, learning, and the things of the mind ; to be a bard^ freed a man, — that is a characteristic stroke of this generous and ennobling ardour of theirs, which no race has ever shown more strongly. Even the extravagance and exaggeration of the sentimental Celtic nature has often something romantic and attractive about it, something which has a sort of smack of misdirected "good. The Celt, undisciplinable, anarchical, and turbulent by nature, but out of affection and admiration giving himself body and soul to some leader, that is not a promising political tempera- ment, it is just the opposite of the Anglo-Saxon temperament, disciplinable and steadily obedient within certain limits, but retaining an inalien- able part of freedom and self-dependence ; but it is a temperament for which one has a kind of sympathy notwithstanding. And very often, for the gay defiant reaction against fact of the lively Celtic nature one has more than sympathy ; one feels, in spite of the extravagance, in spite of good sense disapproving, magnetised and exhilarated 90 CELTIC LITERATURE by it? The Gauls had a rule inflicting a fine on every warrior who, when he appeared on parade, was found to stick out too much in front, — to be corpulent, in short. Such a rule is surely the maddest article of war ever framed, and to people to whom nature has assigned a large volume of intestines, must appear, no doubt, horrible ; but yet has it not an audacious, sparkling, immaterial manner with it, which lifts one out of routine, and sets one's spirits in a glow ? All tendencies of human nature are in them- selves vital and profitable ; when they are blamed, they are only to be blamed relatively, not absolutely. This holds true of the Saxon's phlegm as well as of the Celt's sentiment. Out of the steady humdrum habit of the creeping Saxon, as the Celt calls him, — out of his way of going near the ground, — has come, no doubt, Philistinism, that plant of essentially Germanic growth, flourishing with its genuine marks only in the German fatherland. Great Britain and her colonies, and the United States of America ; but what a soul of goodness there is in Philistinism itself! and this soul of goodness I, who am often supposed to be Philistinism's mortal enemy merely because I do not wish it to have things all its own way, cherish as much as anybody. This steady-going habit leads at last, as I have said, up to science, up to the comprehension and interpretation of the world. With us in Great 91 ON THE STUDY OF Britain, it is true, it does not seem to lead so far as that ; it is in Germany, where the habit is more unmixed, that it can lead to science. Here with us it seems at a certain point to meet with a conflicting force, which checks it and prevents its pushing on to science ; but before reaching this point what conquests has it not won ! and all the more, perhaps, for stopping short at this point, for spending its exertions within a bounded field, the field of plain sense, of direct practical utility. How it has augmented the comforts and conveniences of life for us ! Doors that open, windows that shut, locks that turn, razors that shave, coats that wear, watches that go, and a thousand more such good things, are the invention of the Philistines. Here, then, if commingling there is in our race, are two very unlike elements to commingle ; the steady-going Saxon temperament and the sentimental Celtic temperament. But before we go on to try and verify, in our life and literature, the alleged fact of this commingling, we have yet another element to take into account, the Norman element. The critic in the Saturday Review, whom I have already quoted, says that in looking for traces of Normanism in our national genius, as in looking for traces of Celtism in it, we do but lose our labour ; he says, indeed, that there went to the original making of our nation a very great deal more of a Norman element than of a Celtic element, but 92 CELTIC LITERATURE he asserts that both elements have now so completely disappeared, that it is vain to look for any trace of either of them in the modern Englishman. But this sort of assertion I do not like to admit without trying it a little. I want, therefore, to get some plain notion of the Norman habit and genius, as I have sought to get some plain notion of the Saxon and Celtic. Some people will say that the Normans are Teutonic, and that therefore the distinguishing characters of the German genius must be those of their genius also ; but the matter cannot be settled in this speedy fashion. No doubt the basis of the Norman race is Teutonic ; but the governing point in the history of the Norman race, — so far, at least, as we English have to do with it, — is not its Teutonic origin, but its Latin civilisation. The French people have, as I have already remarked, an undoubtedly Celtic basis, yet so decisive in its effect upon a nation's habit and character can be the contact with a stronger civilisation, that Gaul, without changing the basis of her blood, became, for all practical intents and purposes, a Latin country, France and not Ireland, through the Roman conquest. Latinism conquered Celtism in her, as it also con- quered the Germanism imported by the Frankish and other invasions ; Celtism is, however, I need not say, everywhere -manifest still in the French nation ; even Germanism is distinctly traceable in it, as any one who attentively compares 93 ON THE STUDY OF the French with other Latin races will see. No one can look carefully at the French troops in Rome, amongst the Italian population, and not perceive this trace of Germanism ; I do not mean in the Alsatian soldiers only, but in the soldiers of genuine France. But the governing character of France, as a power in the world, is Latin ; such was the force of Greek and Roman civilisation upon a race whose whole mass re- mained Celtic, and where the Celtic language still lingered on, they say, among the common people, for some five or six centuries after the Roman conquest. But the Normans in Ncustria lost their old Teutonic language in a wonder- fully short time ; when they conquered England they were already Latinised ; with them were a number of Frenchmen by race, men from Anjou and Poitou, so they brought into England more non-Teutonic blood, besides what they had them- selves got by intermarriage, than is commonly supposed ; the great point, however, is, that by civilisation this vigorous race, when it took possession of England, was Latin. These Normans, who in Neustria had lost their old Teutonic tongue so rapidly, kept in England their new Latin tongue for some three centuries. It was Edward the Third's reign before English came to be used in law-pleadings and spoken at court. Why this difference ? Both in Neustria and in England the Normans were a handful ; but in Neustria, as Teutons, 94 CELTIC LITERATURE they were in contact with a more advanced civilisation than their own ; in England, as Latins, with a less advanced. The Latinised Normans in England had the sense for fact, which the Celts had not ; and the love of strenuousness, clearness, and rapidity, the high Latin spirit, which the Saxons had not. They hated the slowness and dulness of the creeping Saxon ; it offended their clear, strenuous talent for affairs, as it offended the Celt's quick and delicate perception. The Normans had the Roman talent for affairs, the Roman decisiveness in emergencies. They have been called prosaic, but this is not a right word for them ; they were neither sentimental, nor, strictly speaking, poetical. They had more sense for rhetoric than for poetry, like the Romans ; but, like the Romans, they had too high a spirit not to like a noble intellectual stimulus of some kind, and thus they were carried out of the region of the merely prosaic. Their foible, — the bad excess of their characterising quality of strenuousness, — was not a prosaic flatness, it was hardness and insolence. I have been obliged to fetch a very wide circuit, but at last I have got what I went to seek. I have got a rough, butj I hope, clear notion of these three forces, the Germanic genius, the Celtic genius, the Norman genius. The Germanic genius has steadiness as its main basis, with commonness and humdrum for its defect, 95 ON THE STUDY OF fidelity to nature for its excellence. The Celtic genius, sentiment as its main basis, with love of ^ beauty, charm, and spirituality for its excellence, inefFectualness and self-will for its defect. The Norman genius, talent for affairs as its main basis, with strenuousness and clear rapidity for its excellence, hardness and insolence for its defect. And now to try and trace these in the composite English genius. V To begin with what is more external. If we are so wholly Anglo-Saxon and Germanic as people say, how comes it that the habits and gait of the German language are so exceedingly un- like ours ? Why while the Times talks in this fashion : ' At noon a long line of carriages extended from Pall Mall to the Peers' entrance of the Palace of Westminster,' does the Cologne Gazette talk in this other fashion : ' Nachdem die Vorbereitungen zu dem auf dem Giirzenich- Saale zu Ehren der Abgeordneten Statt finden sollenden Bankette bereits vollstandig getroffen worden waren, fand heute vormittag auf polizei- liche Anordnung die Schliessung sammtlicher Zugange zum GUrzenich Statt ' ? ^ Surely the * The above is really a sentence taken from the Cologne Gazette. Lord Strangford's comment here is as follows ; — ' Modern Ger- manism, in a general estimate of Germanism, should not be taken, absolutely and necessarily, as the constant, whereof we are the variant. The Low Dutch of Holland, anyhow, are indisputably as 96 CELTIC LITERATURE mental habit of people who express their thoughts in so very different a manner, the one rapid, the other slow, the one plain, the other embarrassed, the one trailing, the other striding, cannot be essentially the same. The English language, strange compound as it is, with its want of in- flections, and with all the difficulties which this want of inflections brings upon it, has yet made itself capable of being, in good hands, a business instrument as ready, direct, and clear, as French or Latin. Again : perhaps no nation, after the Greeks and Romans, has so clearly felt in what true rhetoric, rhetoric of the best kind, consists, and reached so high a pitch of excellence in this, as the English. Our sense for rhetoric has in some ways done harm to us in our cultivation of literature, harm to us, still more, in our cultiva- tion of science ; but in the true sphere of rhetoric, in public speaking, this sense has given us orators whom I do think we may, without fear of being contradicted and accused of blind national vanity, assert to have inherited the great Greek and genuine Dutch as the High Dutch of Germany' Proper. But do they write sentences like this one, — informe, ingens, cui lumen ademptum ? If not, the question must be asked, not how we have come to deviate, but how the Germans have come to deviate. Our modern English prose in plain matters is often all just the same as the prose of King Alfred and the Chronicle. Ohthere's North Sea Voyage and Wulfstan's Baltic Voyage is the sort of thing which is sent in every day, one may say, to the Geographical or Ethnological Society, in the whole style and turn of phrase and thought.' The mass of a stock must supply our data for judging the stock. But see, moreover, what I have said at p. 99. VOL. w 97 H ON THE STUDY OF Roman oratorical tradition more than the orators of any other country. Strafford, Bolingbroke, the two Pitts, Fox, — to cite no other names, — I imagine few will dispute that these call up the notion of an oratory, in kind, in extent, in power, coming nearer than any other body of modern oratory to the oratory of Greece and Rome. And the affinity of spirit in our best public life and greatest public men to those of Rome, has often struck observers, foreign as well as English. Now, not only have the Germans shown no eminent aptitude for rhetoric such as the English have shown, — that was not to be expected, since our public life has done so much to develop an aptitude of this kind, and the public life of the Germans has done so little, — but they seem in a singular degree devoid of any aptitude at all for rhetoric. Take a speech from the throne in Prussia, and compare it with a speech from the throne in England. Assuredly it is not in speeches from the throne that English rhetoric or any rhetoric shows its best side ; — they are often cavilled at, often justly cavilled at ; — no wonder, for this form of composition is beset with very trying difficulties. But what is to be remarked is this ; — a speech from the throne falls essentially within the sphere of rhetoric, it is one's sense of rhetoric which has to fix its tone and style, so as to keep a certain note always sounding in it ; in an English speech from the throne, whatever its faults, this rhetorical note is 98 CELTIC LITERATURE always struck and kept to ; in a Prussian speech from the throne, never. An English speech from the throne is rhetoric ; a Prussian speech is half talk, — heavy talk, — and half effusion. This is one instance, it may be said ; true, but in one instance of this kind the presence or the absence of an aptitude for rhetoric is decisively shown. Well, then, why am I not to say that we English get our rhetorical sense from the Norman element in us, — our turn for this strenuous, direct, high- spirited talent of oratory, from the influence of the strenuous, direct, high-spirited Normans? Modes of life, institutions, government, and other such causes, are sufficient, I shall be told, to account for English oratory. Modes of life, institutions, government, climate, and so forth, — let me say it once for all, — will further or hinder the development of an aptitude, but they will not by themselves create the aptitude or explain it. On the other hand, a people's habit and complexion of nature go far to determine its modes of life, institutions, and government, and even to prescribe the limits within which the influences of climate shall tell upon it. However, it is not my intention, in these remarks, to lay it down for certain that this or that part of our powers, shortcomings, and behaviour, is due to a Celtic, German, or Norman element in us. To establish this I should need much wider limits, and a knowledge, too, far beyond what I possess ; all I purpose 99 ON THE STUDY OF is to point out certain correspondences, not yet, perhaps, sufficiently observed and attended to, which seem to lead towards certain con- clusions. The following up the inquiry till full proof is reached, — or perhaps, full disproof, — is what I want to suggest to more competent persons. Premising this, I now go on to a second matter, somewhat more delicate and inward than that with which I began. Every one knows how well the Greek and Latin races, with their direct sense for the visible, palpable world, have succeeded in the plastic arts. The sheer German races, too, with their honest love of fact, and their steady pursuit of it, — their fidelity to nature, in short, — have attained a high degree of success in these arts ; few people will deny that Albert Dizrer and Rubens, for example, are to be called masters in painting, and in the high kind of painting. ^The Celtic races, on the other hand, have shown a singular inaptitude for the plastic arts ; the abstract, severe character of the Druidical religion, its dealing with the eye of the mind rather than the eye of the body, its having no elaborate temples and beautiful idols, all point this way from the first ; its sentiment cannot satisfy itself, cannot even find a resting-place for itself, in colour and form ; it presses on to the impalpable, the ideal. The forest of trees and the forest of rocks, not hewn timber and carved stones, suit its aspirations for something not to 100 CELTIC LITERATURE be bounded or expressed. With this tendency, the Celtic races have, as I remarked before, been necessarily almost impotent in the higher branches of the plastic arts. Ireland, that has produced so many powerful spirits, has pro- duced no great sculptors or painters.j Cross into England. The inaptitude for the plastic art strikingly diminishes, as soon as the German, not the Celtic element, preponderates in the race. And yet in England, too, in the English race, there is something which seems to prevent our reaching real mastership in the plastic arts, as the more unmixed German races have reached it. Reynolds and Turner are painters of genius, who can doubt it ? but take a European jury, the only competent jury in these cases, and see if you can get a verdict giving them the rank of masters, as this rank is given to Raphael and Correggio, or to Albert Diirer and Rubens. And observe in what points our English pair succeed, and in what they fall short. They fall short in architectonice, in the highest power of composition, by which painting accomplishes the very uttermost which it is given to painting to accomplish ; the highest sort of composition, the highest application of the art of painting, they either do not attempt, or they fail in it. Their defect, therefore, is on the side of art, of plastic art. And they succeed in magic, in beauty, in gra:ce, in expressing almost the in- expressible : here is the charm of Reynolds's lOI ON THE STUDY OF children and Turner's seas; the impulse to express the inexpressible carries Turner so far, that at last it carries him away, and even long before he is quite carried away, even in works that are justly extolled, one can see the stamp- mark, as the French say, of insanity. The excellence, therefore, the ' success, is on the side of spirit. Does not this look as if a Celtic stream met the main German current in us, and gave it a somewhat different course from that which it takes naturally ? We have Germanism enough in us, enough patient love for fact and matter, to be led to attempt the plastic arts, and we make much more way in them than the pure Celtic races make ; but at a certain point our Celtism comes in, with its love of emotion, sentiment, the inexpressible, and gives our best painters a bias. And the point at which it comes in is just that critical point where the flowering of art into its perfection commences ; we have plenty of painters who never reach this point at all, but remain always mere journey- men, in bondage to matter ; but those who do reach it, instead of going on to the true consum- mation of the masters in painting, are a little overbalanced by soul and feeling, work too directly for these, and so do not get out of their art all that may be got out of it. The same modification of our Germanism by another force which seems Celtic, is visible in our religion. Here, too, we may trace a 102 CELTIC LITERATURE gradation between Celt, Englishman, and German, the difference which distinguishes Englishman from German appearing attributable to a Celtic element in us. Germany is the land of exegesis, England is the land of Puritanism. The religion of Wales is more emotional and sentimental than English Puritanism ; Romanism has indeed given way to Calvinism among the Welsh, — the one superstition has supplanted the other, — but the Celtic sentiment which made the Welsh such devout Catholics, remains, and gives unction to their Methodism ; theirs is not the contro- versial, rationalistic, intellectual side of Protes- tantism, but the devout, emotional, religious side. Among the Germans, Protestantism has been carried on into rationalism and science. The English hold a middle place between the Germans and the Welsh ; their religion has the exterior forms and apparatus of a rationalism, so far their Germanic nature carries them ; but long before they get to science, their feeling, their Celtic element catches them, and turns their religion all towards piety and unction. So English Protestantism has the outside appear- ance of an intellectual system, and the inside reality of an emotional system : this gives it its tenacity and force, for what is held with the ardent attachment of feeling is believed to have at the same time the scientific proof of reason. The English Puritan, therefore (and Puritanism is the characteristic form of English Protestantism), 103 ON THE STUDY OF stands between the German Protestant and the Celtic Methodist ; his real affinity indeed, at present, being rather with his Welsh kinsman, if kinsman he may be called, than with his German. Sometimes one is left in doubt from whence the check and limit to Germanism in us proceeds, whether from a Celtic source or from a Norman source. Of the true steady-going German nature the bane is, as I remarked, flat commonness ; there seems no end to its capacity for platitude ; it has neither the quick perception of the Celt to save it from platitude, nor the strenuousness of the Norman ; it is only raised gradually out of it by science, but it jogs through almost interminable platitudes first. The English nature is not raised to science, but something in us, whether Celtic or Norman, seems to set a bound to our advance in platitude, to make us either shy of platitude or impatient of it. I open an English reading- book for children, and I find these two characteristic stories in it, one of them of English growth, the other of German. Take the English story first : — ' A little boy accompanied his elder sister while she busied herself with the labours of the farm, asking questions at every step, and learning the lessons of life without being aware of it. ' " Why, dear Jane," he said, " do you scatter good grain on the ground ; would it not be 104 CELTIC LITERATURE better to make good bread of it than to throw it to the greedy chickens ? " * " In time," replied Jane, " the chickens will grow big, and each of them will fetch money at the market. One must think on the end to be attained without counting trouble, and learn to wait." ' Perceiving a colt, which looked eagerly at him, the little boy cried out : "Jane, why is the colt not in the fields with the labourers helping to draw the carts ? " ' " The colt is young," replied Jane, " and he must lie idle till he gets the necessary strength ; one must not sacrifice the future to the present."' The reader will say that is most mean and trivial stuff, the vulgar English nature in full force ; just such food as the Philistine would naturally provide for his young. He will say he can see the boy fed upon it growing up to be like his father, to be all for business, to despise culture, to go through his dull days, and to die without having ever lived. That may be so ; but now take the German story (one of Krummacher's), and see the difference : — ' There lived at the court of King Herod a rich man who was the king's chamberlain. He clothed himself in purple and fine linen, and fared like the king himself. ' Once a friend of his youth, whom he had not seen for many years, came from a distant land to pay him a visit. Then the chamberlain los ON THE STUDY OF invited all his friends and made a feast in honour of the stranger. ' The tables were covered with choice food placed on dishes of gold and silver, and the finest wines of all kinds. The rich man sate at the head of the table, glad to do the honours to his friend who was seated at his right hand. So they ate and drank, and were merry. ' Then the stranger said to the chamberlain of King Herod : " Riches and splendour like thine are nowhere to be found in my country." And he praised his greatness, and called him happy above all men on earth. ' Well, the rich man took an apple from a golden vessel. The apple was large, and red, and pleasant to the eye. Then said he : " Behold, this apple hath rested on gold, and its form is very beautiful." And he presented it to the stranger, the friend of his youth. The stranger cut the apple in two ; and behold, in the middle of it there was a worm ! 'Then the stranger looked at the chamberlain ; and the chamberlain bent his eyes on the ground, and sighed.' There it ends. Now I say, one sees there an abyss of platitude open, and the German nature swimming calmly about in it, which seems in some way or other to have its entry screened off for the English nature. The English story leads with a direct issue into practical life : a narrow and dry practical life, certainly, but yet enough 1 06 CELTIC LITERATURE to supply a plain motive for the story ; the German story leads simply nowhere except into pathos. Shall we say that the Norman talent for affairs saves us here, or the Celtic perceptive instinct ? one of them it must be, surely. The Norman turn seems most germane to the matter here immediately in hand ; on the other hand, the Celtic turn, or some degree of it, some degree of its quick perceptive instinct, seems necessary to account for the full difference between the German nature and ours. Even in Germans of genius or talent the want of quick light tact, of instinctive perception of the impropriety or impossibility of certain things, is singularly remarkable. Herr Gervinus's prodigious discovery about Handel being an Englishman and Shakspeare a German, the incredible mare's-nest Goethe finds in looking for the origin of Byron's Manfred, — these are things from which no deliberate care or reflec- tion can save a man ; only an instinct can save him from them, an instinct that they are ab- surd ; who can imagine Charles Lamb making Herr Gervinus's blunder, or Shakspeare making Goethe's ? but from the sheer German nature this intuitive tact seems something so alien, that even genius fails to give it. And yet just what constitutes special power and genius in a man seems often to be his blending with the basis of his national temperament, some additional gift or grace not proper to that temperament ; Shakspeare's greatness is thus in his blending 107 ON THE STUDY OF and openness and flexibility of spirit, not English, with the English basis ; Addison's, in his blending a moderation and delicacy, not English, with the English basis ; Burke's, in his blending a largeness of view and richness of thought, not English, with the English basis. In Germany itself, in the same way, the greatness of their great Frederic lies in his blending a rapidity and clearness, not German, with the German basis ; the greatness of Goethe in his blending a love of form, nobility, and dignity, the grand style, — with the German basis. But the quick, sure, in- stinctive perception of the incongruous and absurd not even genius seems to give in Germany; at least, I can think of only one German of genius, Lessing (for Heine was a Jew, and the Jewish temperament is quite another thing from the German), who shows it in an eminent degree. If we attend closely to the terms by which foreigners seek to hit off the impression which we and the Germans make upon them, we shall detect in these terms a difference which makes, I think, in favour of the notion I am pro- pounding. Nations in hitting off one another's characters are apt, we all know, to seize the unflattering side rather than the flattering ; the mass of mankind always do this, and indeed they really see what is novel, and not their own, in a disfiguring light. Thus we ourselves, for instance, popularly say ' the phlegmatic Dutch- man ' rather than 'the sensible Dutchman,' or 1 08 CELTIC LITERATURE ' the grimacing Frenchman ' rather than ' the polite Frenchman.' Therefore neither we nor the Germans should exactly accept the descrip- tion strangers give of us, but it is enough for my purpose that strangers, in characterising us with a certain shade of difference, do at any rate make it clear that there appears this shade of difference, though the character itself, which they give us both, may be a caricature rather than a faithful picture of us. Now it is to be noticed that those sharp observers, the French, — who have a double turn for sharp observation, for they have both the quick perception of the Celt, and the Latin's gift for coming plump upon the fact, — it is to be noticed, I say, that the French put a curious distinction in their popular, depreciating, we will hope inadequate, way of hitting off us and the Germans. While they talk of the ' betise allemande,' they talk of the '■ gaucherie anglaise'; while they talk of the ' Allemand balourd^ they talk of the ' Anglais empStre'; while they call the German ^ niais,' they call the Englishman '• milancolique.^ The difference between the epithets balourd and empetri exactly gives the difference in character I wish to seize ; balourd means heavy and dull, empetre means hampered and embarrassed. This points to a certain mixture and strife of elements in the Englishman ; to the clashing of a Celtic quickness of perception with a Germanic instinct for going steadily along close to the ground. 109 ON THE STUDY OF The Celt, as we have seen, has not at all, in spite of his quick perception, the Latin talent for dealing with the fact, dexterously managing it, and making himself master of it ; Latin or Latinised people have felt contempt for him on this account, have treated him as a poor creature, just as the German, who arrives at fact in a different way from the Latins, but who arrives at it, has treated him. The couplet of Chrestien of Troyes about the Welsh — Gallois sont tous, par nature. Plus fous que betes en pature — is well known, and expresses the genuine verdict of the Latin mind on the Celts. But the per- ceptive instinct of the Celt feels and anticipates, though he has that in him which cuts him off from command of the world of fact ; he sees what is wanting to him well enough ; his mere eye is not less sharp, nay, it is sharper, than the Latin's. He is a quick genius, checkmated for want of strenuousness or else patience. The German has not the Latin's sharp precise glance on the world of fact, and dexterous behaviour in it ; he fumbles with it much and long, but his honesty and patience give him the rule of it in the long run, — a surer rule, some of us think, than the Latin gets ; — still, his behaviour in it is not quick and dexterous. The English- man, in so far as he is German, — and he is mainly German, — proceeds in the steady- no CELTIC LITERATURE going German fashion ; if he were all German he would proceed thus for ever without self- consciousness or embarrassment ; but, in so far as he is Celtic, he has snatches of quick instinct ^ which often make him feel he is fumbling, show him visions of an easier, more dexterous behaviour, disconcert him and fill him with misgiving. No"^ people, therefore, are so shy, so self-conscious, so embarrassed as the English, because two natures are mixed in them, and natures which pull them such different ways. The Germanic part, indeed, triumphs in us, we are a Germanic people ; but not so wholly as to exclude hauntings of Celtism, which clash with our Germanism, producing, as I believe, our humour^ neither German nor Celtic, and so affect us that we strike people as odd and singular, not to be referred to any known type, and like nothing but ourselves.j ' Nearly every Englishman,' says an excellent and by no means unfriendly observer, George Sand, ' nearly every Englishman, however good-looking he may be, has always something singular about him which easily comes to seem comic ; — a sort of typical awkwardness {gaucherie ty pique) in his looks or appearance, which hardly ever wears out.' I say this strangeness is accounted for by the English nature being mixed as we have seen, while the Latin nature is all of a piece, and so is the German nature, and the Celtic nature. It is impossible to go very fast when the III ON THE STUDY OF matter with which one has to deal, besides being new and little explored, is also by its nature so subtle, eluding one's grasp unless one handles it with all possible delicacy and care. It is in our poetry that the Celtic part in us has left its trace clearest, and in our poetry I must follow it before I have done. VI If I were asked where English poetry got these three things, its turn for style, its turn for melancholy, and its turn for natural magic, for catching and rendering the charm of nature in a wonderfully near and vivid way, — I should answer, with some doubt, that it got much of its turn for style from a Celtic source ; with less doubt, that it got much of its melancholy from a Celtic source ; with no doubt at all, that from a Celtic source it got nearly all its natural magic. Any German with penetration and tact in matters of literary criticism will own that the principal deficiency of German poetry is in style ; that for style, in the highest sense, it shows but little feeling. Take the eminent masters of style, the poets who best give the idea of what the peculiar power which lies in style is, — Pindar, Virgil, Dante, Milton . An example of the peculiar effect which these poets produce, you can hardly give from German poetry. Examples enough you I 12 CELTIC LITERATURE can give from German poetry of the eiFect pro- duced by genius, thought, and feeling expressing thernselves in clear language, simple language, passionate language, eloquent language, with harmony and melody ; but not of the peculiar effect exercised by eminent power of style. Every reader of Dante can at once call to mind what the peculiar effect I mean is ; I spoke of it in my lectures on translating Homer, and there I took an example of it from Dante, who perhaps manifests it more eminently than any other poet. But from Milton, too, one may take examples of it abundantly ; compare this from Milton : — nor sometimes forget Those other two equal with me in fate. So were I equall'd with them in renown, Blind Thamyris and blind Maeonides — with this from Goethe : — Es bildet ein Talent sich in der Stille, Sich ein Character in dem Strom der Welt. Nothing can be better in its way than the style in which Goethe there presents his thought, but it is the style of prose as much as of poetry ; it is lucid, harmonious, earnest, eloquent, but it has not received that peculiar kneading, heighten- ing, and recasting which is observable in the style of the passage from Milton, — a style which seems to have for its cause a certain pressure of emotion, and an ever-surging, yet bridled, VOL. V 113 I ON THE STUDY OF excitement in the poet, giving a special intensity to his way of delivering himself. In poetical races and epochs this turn for style is peculiarly observable ; and perhaps it is only on condition of having this somewhat heightened and diffi- cult manner, so different from the plain manner of prose, that poetry gets the privilege of being loosed, at its best moments, into that perfectly simple, limpid style, which is the supreme style of all, but the simplicity of which is still not the simplicity of prose. The simplicity of Menander's style is the simplicity of prose, and is the same kind of simplicity as that which Goethe's style, in the passage I have quoted, exhibits ; but Menander does not belong to a great poetical moment, he comes too late for it ; it is the simple passages in poets like Pindar or Dante which are perfect, being masterpieces of poetical simplicity. One may say the same of the simple passages in Shakspeare ; they are perfect, their simplicity being a poetical simplicity. They are the golden, easeful, crowning moments of a manner which is always pitched in another key from that of prose, a manner changed and heightened ; the Eliza- bethan style, regnant in most of our dramatic poetry to this day, is mainly the continuation of this manner of Shakspeare's. It was a manner much more turbid and strewn with blemishes than the manner of Pindar, Dante, or Milton ; often it was detestable ; but it owed its existence to Shakspeare's instinctive impulse towards style 114 CELTIC LITERATURE in poetry, to his native sense of the necessity for it ; and without the basis of style everywhere, faulty though it may in some places be, we should not have had the beauty of expression, unsurpassable for effectiveness and charm, which is reached in Shakspeare's best passages. The turn for style is perceptible all through English poetry, proving, to my mind, the genuine poetical gift of the race ; this turn imparts to our poetry a stamp of high distinction, and sometimes it doubles the force of a poet not by nature of the very highest order, such as Gray, and raises him to a rank beyond what his natural richness and power seem to promise. Goethe, with his fine critical perception, saw clearly enough both the power of style in itself, and the lack of style in the literature of his own country ; and perhaps if we regard him solely as a German, not as a European, his great work was that he laboured all his life to impart style into German literature, and firmly to establish it there. Hence the immense importance to him of the world of classical art, and of the productions of Greek or Latin genius, where style so eminently manifests its power. Had he found in the German genius and literature an element of style existing by nature and ready to his hand, half his work, one may say, would have been saved him, and he might have done much more in poetry. But as it was, he had to try and create, out of his own powers, a style for German poetry, as well as to IIS ON THE STUDY OF provide contents for this style to carry ; and thus his labour as a poet was doubled. It is to be observed that power of style, in the sense in which I am here speaking of style, is something quite different from the power of idiomatic, simple, nervous, racy expression, such as the expression of healthy, robust natures so often is, such as Luther's was in a striking degree. Style, in my sense of the word, is a peculiar recasting and heightening, under a certain con- dition of spiritual excitement, of what a man has to say, in such a manner as to add dignity and distinction to it ; and dignity and distinction are not terms which suit many acts or words of Luther. Deeply touched with the Gemeinheit which is the bane of his nation, as he is at the same time a grand example of the honesty which is his nation's excellence, he can seldom even show himself brave, resolute, and truthful, with- out showing a strong dash of coarseness and commonness all the while ; the right definition of Luther, as of our own Bunyan, is that he is a Philistine of genius. So Luther's sincere idiomatic German, — such language is this : ' Hilf lieber Gott, wie manchen Jammer habe ich gesehen, dass der gemeine Mann doch so gar nichts weiss von der christlichen Lehre ! ' — no more proves a power of style in German litera- ture, than Cobbett's sinewy idiomatic English proves it in English literature. Power of style, properly so called, as manifested in masters of ii6 CELTIC LITERATURE style like Dante or Milton in poetry, Cicero, Bossuet or Bolingbroke in prose, is something quite different, and has, as I have said, for its characteristic effect, this : to add dignity and distinction. Style, then, the Germans are singularly with- out, and it is strange that the power of style should show itself so strongly as it does in the Icelandic poetry, if the Scandinavians are such genuine Teutons as is commonly supposed. Fauriel used to talk of the Scandinavian Teutons and the German Teutons, as if they were two divisions of the same people, and the common notion about" them, no doubt, is very much this. Since the war in Schleswig-Holstein, however, all one's German friends are exceedingly anxious to insist on the difference of nature between themselves and the Scandinavians ; when one ex- presses surprise that the German sense of nation- ality should be so deeply affronted by the rule over Germans, not of Latins or Celts, but of brother Teutons or next door to it, a German will give you I know not how long a catalogue of the radical points of unlikeness, in genius and disposition, between himself and a Dane. This emboldens me to remark that there is a fire, a sense of style^ a distinction, in Icelandic poetry, which German poetry has not. Icelandic poetry, too, shows a powerful and developed technic ; and I wish to throw out, for examination by those who are competent to sift the matter, 117 ON THE STUDY OF the suggestion that this power of style and de- velopment of technic in the Norse poetry seems to point towards an early Celtic influence or intermixture. It is curious that Zeuss, in his grammar, quotes a text which gives countenance to this notion ; as late as the ninth century, he says, there were Irish Celts in Iceland ; and the text he quotes to show this, is as follows : — * In 870 A.D., when the Norwegians came to Iceland, there were Christians there, who departed, and left behind them Irish books, bells, and other things ; from whence it may be inferred that these Christians were Irish.' I speak, and ought to speak, with the utmost diffidence on all these questions of ethnology ; but I must say that when I read this text in Zeuss, I caught eagerly at the clue it seemed to offer ; for I had been hearing the Nibelungen read and commented on in German schools (German schools have the good habit of reading and commenting on German poetry, as we read and comment on Homer and Virgil, but do not read and comment on Chaucer and Shakspeare), and it struck me how the fatal humdrum and want of style of the Germans had marred their way of telling this magnificent tradition of the Nibelungen^ and taken half its grandeur and power out of it ; while in the Icelandic poems which deal with this tradition, its grandeur and power are much more fully visible, and everywhere in the poetry of the Edda there is a force of style and a distinction 118 CELTIC LITERATURE as unlike as possible to the want of both in the German Nibelungen} At the same time the Scandinavians have a realism, as it is called, in their genius, which abundantly proves their relationship with the Germans ; any one whom Mr. Dasent's delightful books have made ac- quainted with the prose tales of the Norsemen, will be struck with the stamp of a Teutonic nature in them ; but the Norse poetry seems to have something which from Teutonic sources alone it could not have derived ; which the Germans have not, and which the Celts have. This something is style, and the Celts certainly have it in a wonderful measure. Style is the most striking quality of their poetry. Celtic poetry seems to make up to itself for being unable to master the world and give an adequate interpretation of it, by throwing all its force into style, by bending language at any rate to its will, 1 Lord Strangford's note on this is : — ' The Irish monks whose bells and books were found in Iceland could not have contributed anything to the old Norse spirit, for they had perished before the first Norsemen had set foot on the island. The form of the old Norse poetry known to us as Icelandic, from the accident of its preservation in that island alone, is surely Pan-Teutonic from old times ; the art and method of its strictly literary cultivation must have been much influenced by the contemporary Old-English national poetry, with which the Norsemen were in constant contact ; and its larger, freer, and wilder spirit must have been owing to their freer and wilder life, to say nothing of their roused and warring paganism. They could never have known any Celts save when living in embryo with other Teutons.' Very likely Lord Strangford is right, but the proposition with which he begins is at variance with what the text quoted by Zeuss alleges. 119 ON THE STUDY OF and expressing the ideas it has with unsurpassable intensity, elevation, and effect. It has all through it a sort of intoxication of style, — a Pindarism, to use a word formed from the name of the poet, on whom, above all other poets, the power of style seems to have exercised an inspiring and intoxicating effect ; and not in its great poets only, in Taliesin, or Llywarch Hen, or Ossian, does the Celtic genius show this Pindarism, but in all its productions : — The grave of March is this, and this the grave of Gwythyr ; Here is the grave of Gwgawn Gleddyfreidd ; But unknown is the grave of Arthur. That comes from the Welsh Memorials of the Graves of the Warriors, and if we compare it with the familiar memorial inscriptions of an English churchyard (for we English have so much Germanism in us that our productions offer abundant examples of German want of style as well as of its opposite) : — Afflictions sore long time I bore. Physicians were in vain. Till God did please Death should me seize And ease me of my pain — if, I say, we compare the Welsh memorial lines with the English, which in their Gemeinheit of style are truly Germanic, we shall get a clear sense of what that Celtic talent for style I have been speaking of is. Or take this epitaph of an Irish Celt, Angus the Culdee, whose Filiri, or festology, I have 120 CELTIC LITERATURE already mentioned ; — a festology in which, at the end of the eighth or beginning of the ninth century, he collected from ' the countless hosts of the illuminated books of Erin' (to use his own words) the festivals of the Irish saints, his poem having a stanza for every day in the year. The epitaph on Angus, who died at Cluain Eidhncch, in Queen's County, runs thus : — Angus in the assembly of Heaven, Here are his tomb and his bed ; It is from hence he went to death. In the Friday, to holy Heaven. It was in Cluain Eidhnech he was rear'd ; It was in Cluain Eidhnech he was buried j In Cluain Eidhnech, of many crosses. He first read his psalms. That is by no eminent hand ; and yet a Greek epitaph could not show a finer perception of what constitutes propriety and felicity of style in compositions of this nature. Take the well- known Welsh prophecy about the fate of the Britons : — Their Lord they will praise, Their speech they will keep. Their land they will lose. Except wild Wales. To however late an epoch that prophecy be- longs, what a feeling for style, at any rate, it manifests ! And the same thing may be said of the famous Welsh triads. We may put aside all the vexed questions as to their greater or less 121 ON THE STUDY OF antiquity, and still what important witness they bear to the genius for literary style of the people who produced them ! Now we English undoubtedly exhibit very often the want of sense for style of our German kinsmen. The churchyard lines I just now quoted afford an instance of it ; but the whole branch of our literature, — and a very popular branch it is, our hymnology, — to which those lines are to be referred, is one continued instance of it. Our German kinsmen and we are the great people for hymns. The Germans are very proud of their hymns, and we are very proud of ours ; but it is hard to say which of the two, the German hymn-book or ours, has least poetical worth in itself, or does least to prove genuine poetical power in the people producing it. I have not a word to say against Sir Roundell Palmer's choice and arrangement of materials for his Book of Praise ; I am content to put them on a level (and that is giving them the highest possible rank) with Mr. Palgrave's choice and arrangement of materials for his Golden Treasury ; but yet no sound critic can doubt that, so far as poetry is concerned, while the Golden Treasury is a monument of a nation's strength, the Book of Praise is a monument of a nation's weakness. Only the German race, with its want of quick instinctive tact, of delicate, sure perception, could have invented the hymn as the Germans and we have it ; and our non-German turn for 122 CELTIC LITERATURE style, — style, of which the very essence is a certain happy fineness and truth of poetical perception, — could not but desert us when our German nature carried us into a kind of com- position which can please only when the per- ception is somewhat blunt. Scarcely any one of us ever judges our hymns fairly, because works of this kind have two sides, — their side for religion and their side for poetry. Everything which has helped a man in his religious life, everything which associates itself in his mind with the growth of that life, is beautiful and venerable to him ; in this way, productions of little or no poetical value, like the German hymns and ours, may come to be regarded as very precious. Their worth in this sense, as means by which we have been edified, I do not for a moment hold cheap ; but there is an edification proper to all our stages of develop- ment, the highest as well as the lowest, and it is for man to press on towards the highest stages of his development, with the certainty that for those stages, too, means of edification will not be found wanting. Now certainly it is a higher state of development when our fineness of per- ception is keen than when it is blunt. And if, — whereas the Semitic genius placed its highest spiritual life in the religious sentiment, and made that the basis of its poetry, — the Indo- European genius places its highest spiritual life in the imaginative reason, and makes that the 123 ON THE STUDY OF basis of its poetry, we are none the better for wanting the perception to discern a natural law, which is, after all, like every natural law, irre- sistible ; we are none the better for trying to make ourselves Semitic, when Nature has made us Indo-European, and to shift the basis of our poetry. We may mean well ; all manner of good may happen to us on the road we go ; but we are not on our real right road, the road we must in the end follow. That is why, when our hymns betray a false tendency by losing a power which ac- companies the poetical work of our race on our other more suitable lines, the indication thus given is of great value and instructiveness for us. One of our main gifts for poetry deserts us in our hymns, and so gives us a hint as to the one true basis for the spiritual work of an Indo- European people, which the Germans, who have not this particular gift of ours, do not and cannot get in this way, though they may get it in others. It is worth noticing that the master- pieces of the spiritual work of Indo-Europeans, taking the pure religious sentiment, and not the imaginative reason, for their basis, are works like the Imitation, the Dies Irce, the Stabat Mater, — works clothing themselves in the Middle-Age Latin, the genuine native voice of no Indo- European nation. The perfection of their kind, but that kind not perfectly legitimate, they take a language not perfectly legitimate ; as if to 124 CELTIC LITERATURE show, that when mankind's Semitic age is once passed, the age which produced the great in- comparable monuments of the pure religious sentiment, the books of Job and Isaiah, the Psalms, — works truly to be called inspired, because the same divine power which worked in those who produced them works no longer, — as if to show us, that, after this primitive age, we Indo-Europeans must feel these works with- out attempting to remake them ; and that our poetry, if it tries to make itself simply the organ of the religious sentiment, leaves the true course, and must conceal this by not speaking a living language. The moment it speaks a living language, and still makes itself the organ of the religious sentiment only, as in the German and English hymns, it betrays weakness ; — the weakness of all false tendency. But if, by attending to the Germanism in us English and to its works, one has come to doubt whether we, too, are not thorough Germans by genius and with the German deadness to style, one has only to repeat to oneself a line of Milton, — a poet intoxicated with the passion for style as much as Taliesin or Pindar, — to see that we have another side to our genius beside the German one. Whence do we get it ? The Normans may have brought in among us the Latin sense for rhetoric and style, — for, indeed, this sense goes naturally with a high spirit and a strenuousness like theirs, — but the sense for style 125 ON THE STUDY OF which English poetry shows is something finer than we could well have got from a people so positive and so little poetical as the Normans ; and it seems to me we may much more plausibly derive it from a root of the poetical Celtic nature in us. Its chord of penetrating passion and melan- choly, again, its Titanism as we see it in Byron, — what other European poetry possesses that like the English, and where do we get it from ? The Celts, with their vehement reaction against the despotism of fact, with their sensuous nature, their manifold striving, their adverse destiny, their immense calamities, the Celts are the prime authors of this vein of piercing regret and passion, — of this Titanism in poetry. A famous book, Macpherson's Ossian, carried in the last century this vein like a flood of lava through Europe. I am not going to criticise Mac- pherson's Ossian here. Make the part of what is forged, modern, tawdry, spurious, in the book, as large as you please ; strip Scotland, if you like, of every feather of borrowed plumes which on the strength of Macpherson's Ossian she may have stolen from that vetus et major Scotia, the true home of the Ossianic poetry, Ireland ; I make no objection. But there will still be left in the book a residue with the very soul of the Celtic genius in it, and which has the proud distinction of having brought this soul of the Celtic genius into contact with the genius of the 126 CELTIC LITERATURE nations of modern Europe, and enriched all our poetry by it. Woody Morven, and echoing Sora, and Selma with its silent halls ! — ^we all owe them a debt of gratitude, and when we are unjust enough to forget it, may the Muse forget us ! Choose any one of the better passages in Macpherson's Ossian and you can see even at this time of day what an apparition of newness and power such a strain must have been to the eighteenth century : — ' I have seen the walls of Balclutha, but they were desolate. The fox looked out from the windows, the rank grass of the wall waved round her head. Raise the song of mourning, O bards, over the land of strangers. They have but fallen before us, for one day we must fall. Why dost thou build the hall, son of the winged days ? Thou lookest from thy towers to-day ; yet a few years, and the blast of the desert comes ; it howls in thy empty court, and whistles round thy half- worn shield. Let the blast of the desert come ! we shall be renowned in our day.' All Europe felt the power of that melancholy ; but what I wish to point out is, that no nation of Europe so caught in its poetry the passion- ate penetrating accent of the Celtic genius, its strain of Titanism, as the English. Goethe, like Napoleon, felt the spell of Ossian very power- fully, and he quotes a long passage from him in his Werther, But what is there Celtic, turbulent, and Titanic about the German Werther, that 127 ON THE STUDY OF amiable, cultivated, and melancholy young man, having jfor his sorrow and suicide the perfectly definite motive that Lotte cannot be his ? Faust, again, has nothing unaccountable, defiant, and Titanic in him ; his knowledge does not bring him the satisfaction he expected from it, and meanwhile he finds himself poor and growing old, and baulked of the palpable enjoyment of life ; and here is the motive for Faust's dis- content. In the most energetic and impetuous of Goethe's creations, — his Prometheus, — it is not Celtic self-will and passion, it is rather the Germanic sense of justice and reason, which revolts against the despotism of Zeus. The German Sehnsucht itself is a wistful, soft, tear- ful longing, rather than a struggling, fierce, passionate one. But the Celtic melancholy is struggling, fierce, passionate ; to catch its note, listen to Llywarch Hen in old age, addressing his crutch : — O my crutch ! is it not autumn, when the fern is red, the water-flag yellow ? Have I not hated that which I love ? O my crutch ! is it not winter-time now, when men talk together after that they have drunken ? Is not the side of my bed left desolate ? O my crutch ! is it not spring, when the cuckoo passes through the air, when the foam sparkles on the sea ? The young maidens no longer love me. O my crutch ! is it not the first day of May ? The furrows, are they not shining ; the young corn, is it not springing ? Ah ! the sight of thy handle makes me wroth. O my crutch ! stand straight, thou wilt support me the better ; it is very long since I was Llywarch. 128 CELTIC LITERATURE Behold old age, which makes sport of me, from the hair of my head to my teeth, to my eyes, which women loved. The four things I have all my life most hated fall upon me together, — coughing and old age, sickness and sorrow. I am old, I am alone, shapeliness and warmth are gone from me ; the couch of honour shall be no more mine ; I am miserable, I am bent on my crutch. How evil was the lot allotted to Llywarch, the night when he was brought forth ! sorrows without end, and no deliverance from his burden. There is the Titanism of the Celt, his passion- ate, turbulent, indomitable reaction against the despotism of fact ; and of whom does it remind us so much as of Byron .? The fire which on my bosom preys Is lone as some volcanic isle ; No torch is kindled at its blaze ; A funeral pile ! Or, again : — Count o'er the joys thine hours have seen, Count o'er thy days from anguish free, And know, whatever thou hast been, 'Tis something better not to be. One has only to let one's memory begin to fetch passages from Byron striking the same note as that passage from Llywarch Hen, and she will not soon stop. And all Byron's heroes, not so much in collision with outward things, as breaking on some rock of revolt and misery in the depths of their own nature ; Manfred, self-consumed, fighting blindly and passionately with I know not what, having nothing of the VOL. V 129 K ON THE STUDY OF consistent development and intelligible motive of Faust, — Manfred, Lara, Cain, what are they but Titanic ? Where in European poetry are we to find this Celtic passion of revolt so warm- breathing, puissant, and sincere ; except perhaps in the creation of a yet greater poet than Byron, but an English poet, too, like Byron, — in the Satan of Milton ? What though the field be lost ? All is not lost J the unconquerable will. And study of revenge, immortal hate. And courage never to submit or yield, And what is else not to be overcome. There, surely, speaks a genius to whose com- position the Celtic fibre was not wholly a stranger ! And as, after noting the Celtic Pindarism or power of style present in our poetry, we noted the German flatness coming in in our hymns, and found here a proof of our compositeness of nature ; so, after noting the Celtic Titanism or power of rebellious passion in our poetry, we may also note the Germanic patience and reason- ableness in it, and get in this way a second proof how mixed a spirit we have. After Llywarch Hen's — How evil was the lot allotted to Llywarch, the night when he was brought forth — after Byron's — Count o'er the joys thine hours have seen — 130 CELTIC LITERATURE take this of Southey's, in answer to the question whether he would like to have his youth over again : — Do I regret the past ? Would I live o'er again The morning hours of life ? Nay, William, nay, not so ! Praise be to God vy6vTe aiel 8rj iJxX,\oip,ev dyqpti} r dOavdrta te iacTiO'd , ovTe K€V avrhi ivt irpiaroKri /toj(ot/iHji',^ 1 These are the words on which Lord Granville ' dwelled with particular emphasis.' 169 ON TRANSLATING HOMER ovTt Kt ere oreAAot/ti /i^xT/v es KvStdvupav' vvv 8' — e/iirijs yap Kijpes If^eoroo-tv Oavdroio avpiai, as ovk eoTi vyea> fSporhv ov8 viraXv^ai — lOfUV. His Lordship repeated the last word several times with a calm and determinate resignation ; and, after a serious pause of some minutes, he desired to hear the Treaty read, to which he listened with great attention, and recovered spirits enough to declare the approbation of a dying statesman (I use his own words) " on the most glorious war, and most honourable peace, this nation ever saw." ' ^ I quote this story, first, because it is interesting as exhibiting the English aristocracy at its very height of culture, lofty spirit, and greatness, towards the middle of the last century. I quote it, secondly, because it seems to me to illustrate Goethe's saying which I mentioned, that our life, in Homer's view of it, represents a conflict and a hell ; and it brings out, too, what there is tonic and fortifying in this doctrine. I quote it, lastly, because it shows that the passage is just one of those in translating which Pope will be at his best, a passage of strong emotion and oratorical movement, not of simple narrative or description. Pope translates the passage thus : — Could all our care elude the gloomy grave Which claims no less the fearful than the brave, 1 Robert Wood, Eisay on the Original Ginius and Writings of Homer, London, 1775, p. vii. 170 ON TRANSLATING HOMER For lust of feme I should not vainly dare In fighting fields, nor urge thy soul to war : But since, alas ! ignoble age must come, Disease, and death's inexorable doom ; The life which others pay, let us bestow. And give to fame what we to nature owe. Nothing could better exhibit Pope's prodigious talent, and nothing, too, could be better in its own way. But, as Bentley said, " You must not call it Homer.' One feels that Homer's thought has passed through a literary and rhetorical crucible, and come out highly intellectualised ; come out in a form which strongly impresses us, indeed, but which no longer impresses us in the same way as when it was uttered by Homer. The antithesis of the last two lines — The life which others pay, let us bestow. And give to feme what we to nature owe — is excellent, and is just suited to Pope's heroic couplet ; but neither the antithesis itself, nor the couplet which conveys it, is suited to the feeling or to the movement of the Homeric toiiev. A literary and intellectualised language is, however, in its own way well suited to grand matters ; and Pope, with a language of this kind and his own admirable talent, comes off well enough as long as he has passion, or oratory, or a great crisis to deal with. Even here, as I have been pointing out, he does not render Homer ; but he and his style are in themselves strong. It is when he comes to level passages, passages 171 ON TRANSLATING HOMER of narrative or description, that he and his style are sorely tried, and prove themselves weak. A perfectly plain direct style can of course convey the simplest matter as naturally as the grandest ; indeed, it must be harder for it, one would say, to convey a grand matter worthily and nobly, than to convey a common matter, as alone such a matter should be conveyed, plainly and simply. But the style of Rasselas is incomparably better fitted to describe a sage philosophising than a soldier lighting his camp-fire. The style of Pope is not the style of Rasselas ; but it is equally a literary style, equally unfitted to describe a simple matter with the plain natural- ness of Homer, Every one knows the passage at the end of the eighth book of the Iliad, where the fires of the Trojan encampment are likened to the stars. It is very far from my wish to hold Pope up to ridicule, so I shall not quote the commencement of the passage, which in the original is of great and celebrated beauty, and in translating which Pope has been singularly and notoriously fortu- nate. But the latter part of the passage, where Homer leaves the stars, and comes to the Trojan fires, treats of the plainest, most matter-of-fact subject possible, and deals with this, as Homer always deals with every subject, in the plainest and most straightforward style. 'So many in number, between the ships and the streams of Xanthus, shone forth in front of Troy the fires 172 ON TRANSLATING HOMER kindled by the Trojans. There were kindled a thousand fires in the plain ; and by each one there sat fifty men in the light of the blazing fire. And the horses, munching white barley and rye, and standing by the chariots, waited for the bright-throned Morning.' ^ In Pope's translation, this plain story becomes the following : — So many flames before proud Ilion blaze, And brighten glimmering Xanthus with their rays ; The long reflections of the distant fires Gleam on the walls, and tremble on the spires. A thousand piles the dusky horrors gild. And shoot a shady lustre o'er the field. P'uU fifty guards each flaming pile attend. Whose umbered arms, by fits, thick flashes send ; Loud neigh the coursers o'er their heaps of corn, And ardent warriors wait the rising morn. It is for passages of this sort, which, after all, form the bulk of a narrative poem, that Pope's style is so bad. In elevated passages he is powerful, as Homer is powerful, though not in the same way ; but in plain narrative, where Homer is still powerful and delightful. Pope, by the inherent fault of his style, is ineffective and out of taste. Wordsworth says somewhere, that wherever Virgil seems to have composed ' with his eye on the object,' Dryden fails to render him. JHomer invariably composes ' with his eye on the oBject,' whether the object be a moral or a material one : Pope composes with his eye on ^ Iliad, viii. 560. ON TRANSLATING HOMER his style, into which he translates his object, whatever it is. That, therefore, which Homer conveys to us immediately. Pope conveys to us through a medium. He aims at turning Homer's sentiments pointedly and rhetorically ; at investing Homer's description with ornament and dignity. A sentiment may be changed by being put into a pointed and oratorical form, yet may still be very effective in that form ; but a description, the moment it takes its eyes off that which it is to describe, and begins to think of ornamenting itself, is worthlessj Therefore, I say, the translator of Homer should penetrate himself with a sense of the plainness and directness of Homer's style ; of the simplicity with which Homer's thought is evolved and expressed. He has Pope's fate before his eyes, to show him what a divorce may be created even between the most gifted trans- lator and Homer by an artificial evolution of thought and a literary cast of style. Chapman's style is not artificial and literary like Pope's, nor his movement elaborate and self-retarding like the Miltonic movement of Cowper. He is plain-spoken, fresh, vigorous, and, to a certain degree, rapid ; and all these are Homeric qualities. I cannot say that I think the movement of his fourteen-syllable line, which has been so much commended, Homeric ; but on this point I shall have more to say by and by, when I come to speak of Mr. Newman's metrical 174 ON TRANSLATING HOMER exploits. But it is not distinctly anti-Homeric, like the movement of Milton's blank verse ; and it has a rapidity of its own. Chapman's diction, too, is generally good, that is, appropriate to Homer ; above all, the syntactical character of his style is appropriate. With these meri^ts, what prevents his translation from being a satisfactory version of Homer ? Is it merely the want of literal faithfulness to his original, imposed upon him, it is said, by the exigences of rhyme ? Has this celebrated version, which has so many advantages, no other and deeper defect than that ? Its author is a poet, and a poet, too, of the Elizabethan age ; the golden age of English literature as it is called, and on the whole truly called ; for, whatever be the defects of Elizabethan literature (and they are great), we have no development of our literature to com- pare with it for vigour and richness. This age, too, showed what it could do in translating, by producing a masterpiece, its version of the Bible. Chapman's translation has often been praised as eminently Homeric. Keats's fine sonnet in its honour every one knows ; but Keats could not read the original, and therefore could not really judge the translation. Coleridge, in praising Chapman's version, says at the same time, ' It will give you small idea of Homer.' But the grave authority of Mr. Hallam pro- nounces this translation to be ' often exceedingly Homeric ' ; and its latest editor boldly declares I7S ON TRANSLATING HOMER that by what, with a deplorable style, he calls ' his own innative Homeric genius,' Chapman ' has thoroughly identified himself with Homer'; and that 'we pardon him even for his digres- sions, for they are such as we feel Homer himself would have written.' I confess that I can never read twenty lines of Chapman's version without recurring to Bentley's cry, ' This is not Homer ! ' and that from a deeper cause than any unfaithfulness occasioned by the fetters of rhyme. I said that there were four things which eminently distinguished Homer, and with a sense of which Homer's translator should pene- trate himself as fully as possible. One of these four things was, the plainness and directness of Homer's ideas. I have just been speaking of the plainness and directness of his style ; but the plainness and directness of the contents of his style, of his ideas themselves, is not less remarkable. But as eminently as Homer is plain, so eminently is the Elizabethan literature in general, and Chapman in particular, fanciful. Steeped in humours and fantasticality up to its very lips, the Elizabethan age, newly arrived at the free use of the human faculties after their long term of bondage, and delighting to exercise them freely, suffers from its own extravagance in this first exercise of them, can hardly bring itself to see an object quietly or to describe it temperately. Happily, in the translation of the 176 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Bible, the sacred character- of their original inspired the translators with such respect that they did not dare to give the rein to their own fancies in dealing with it. But, in dealing with works of profane literature, in dealing with poetical works above all, which highly stimu- lated them, one may say that the minds of the Elizabethan translators were too active ; that they could not forbear importing so much of their own, and this of a most peculiar and Elizabethan character, into their original, that they effaced the character of the original itself. Take merely the opening pages to Chap- man's translation, the introductory verses, and the dedications. You will find : — An Anagram of the name of our Dread Prince, My most gracious and sacred Maecenas, Henry, Prince of Wales, Our Sunn, Heyr, Peace, Life, — Henry, son of James the First, to whom the work is dedicated. Then comes an address. To the sacred Fountain of Princes, Sole Empress of Beauty and Virtue, Anne, Queen Of England, etc. All the Middle Age, with its grotesqueness, its conceits, its irrationality, is still in these opening pages ; they by themselves are sufficient to indicate to us what a gulf divides Chapman from the 'clearest-souled' of poets, from Homer; almost as great a gulf as that which divides VOL. V 177 N ON TRANSLATING HOMER him from Voltaire. Pope has been sneered at for saying that Chapman writes 'somewhat as one might imagine Homer himself to have 'written before he arrived at years of discretion.' But the remark is excellent : Homer expresses himself like a man of adult reason. Chapman like a man whose reason has not yet cleared itself. For instance, if Homer had had to say of a poet, that he hoped his merit was now about to be fully established in the opinion of good judges, he was as incapable of saying this as Chapman says it, — ' Though truth in her very nakedness sits in so deep a pit, that from Gades to Aurora, and Ganges, few eyes can sound her, I hope yet those few here will so discover and confirm that the date being out of her darkness in this morning of our poet, he shall now gird his temples with the sun,* — I say, Homer was as incapable of saying this in that manner, as Voltaire himself would have been. Homer, indeed, has actually an affinity with Voltaire in the unrivalled clearness and straight- forwardness of his thinking ; in the way in which he keeps to one thought at a time, and puts that thought forth in its complete natural plainness, instead of being led away from it by some fancy striking him in connection with it, and being beguiled to wander off with this fancy till his original thought, in its natural reality, knows him no more. What could better show us how gifted a race was this Greek 178 ON TRANSLATING HOMER race ? The same member of it has not only the power of profoundly touching that natural heart of humanity which it is Voltaire's weakness that he cannot reach, but can also address the understanding with all Voltaire's admirable simplicity and rationality. My limits will not allow me to do more than shortly illustrate, from Chapman's version of the Iliad, what I mean when I speak of this vital difference between Homer and an Elizabethan poet in the quality of their thought ; between the plain simplicity of the thought of the one, and the curious complexity of the thought of the other. As in Pope's case, I carefully abstain from choosing passages for the express purpose of making Chapman appear ridiculous ; Chap- man, like Pope, merits in himself all respect, though he too, like Pope, fails to render Homer. In that tonic speech of Sarpedon, of which I have said so much. Homer, you may remember, has : — «i li\v yap TTokefiov Trepl TovSe vy6vre aUl &ri iJxX.\oifJi,€v dyrjpio t dOavano re itraard , — if indeed, but once this battle avoided, We were for ever to live virithout growing old and immortal. Chapman cannot be satisfied with this, but must add a fancy to it : — if keeping back Would keep back age from us, and death, and that we might not wrack In this life's human sea at all; 179 ON TRANSLATING HOMER and so on. Again ; in another passage which I have before quoted, where Zeus says to the horses of Peleus, T( cr&i So/Mv ILriXfji avaKTt dvrjTif ; iifieis 8 (crrbv dyrjput t ddavaru rt'^ Why gave wc you to royal Peleus, to a mortal? but ye are without old age, and immortal. Chapman sophisticates this into : — Why gave we you t' a mortal king, when immortality And incapacity of age so dignifies your states? Again ; in the speech of Achilles to his horses, where Achilles, according to Homer, says simply, 'Take heed that ye bring your master safe back to the host of the Danaans, in some other sort than the last time, when the battle is ended,' Chapman sophisticates this into : — When with bloody for this day's fast observed^ revenge shall yield Our heart satiety^ bring us off. In Hector's famous speech, again, at his parting from Andromache, Homer makes him say : ' Nor does my own heart so bid me ' (to keep safe behind the walls), 'since I have learned to be staunch always, and to fight among the fore- most of the Trojans, busy on behalf of my father's great glory, and my own.'* In Chap- man's hands this becomes : — The spirit I first did breathe Did never teach me that ; much less, since the contempt of death 1 J Had, xvii. 443. * Iliad, vi. 444. 180 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Was settled in me, and my mind knew what a worthy was. Whose office is to lead in fight, and give no danger pass Without improvement. In this fire must Hector's trial shine : Here must his country, father, friends, be in him made divine. You see how ingeniously Homer's'plain thought is tormented, as the French would say, here. Homer goes on : ' For well I know this in my mind and in my heart, the day will be, when sacred Troy shall perish ' : — «ro-eTat ^fiap, or av ttot oX-dXy 'lAtos tp^. Chapman makes this : — And such a stormy day shall come, in mind and soul I know. When sacred Troy shall shed her towers, for tears of overthrow. I might go on for ever, but I could not give you a better illustration than this last, of what I mean by saying that the Elizabethan poet fails to render Homer because he cannot forbear to interpose a play of thought between his object and its expression. Chapman translates his object into Elizabethan, as Pope translates it into the Augustan of Queen Anne ; both convey it to us through a medium. Homer, on the other hand, sees his object and conveys it to us immediately. And yet, in spite of this perfect plainness and directness of Homer's style, in spite of this perfect plainness and directness of his ideas, he is eminently noble ; he works as entirely in the grand style, he is as grandiose, as Phidias, or Dante, or Michael Angelo. This is what makes his translators despair. 'To give relief,' says i8i ON TRANSLATING HOMER Cowper, ' to prosaic subjects ' (such as dressing, eating, drinking, harnessing, travelling, going to bed), that is to treat such subjects nobly, in the grand style, 'without seeming unreasonably tumid, is extremely difficult.' It is difficult, but Homer has done it. Homer is precisely the incomparable poet he is, because he has done it. His translator must not be tumid, must not be artificial, must not be literary ; true : but then also he must not be commonplace, must not be ignoble. I have shown you how translators of Homer fail by wanting rapidity, by wanting simplicity of style, by wanting plainness of thought : in a second lecture I will show you how a translator fails by wanting nobility. II I must repeat what I said in beginning, that the translator of Homer ought steadily to keep in mind where lies the real test of the success of his translation, what judges he is to try to satisfy. He is to try to satisfy scholars, because scholars alone have the means of really judging him. A scholar may be a pedant, it is true, and then his judgment will be worthless ; but a scholar may also have poetical feeling, and then he can judge him truly ; whereas all the poetical feeling in the world will not enable a man who is not a scholar to judge him truly. For the 182 ON TRANSLATING HOMER translator is to reproduce Homer, and the scholar alone has the means of knowing that Homer who is to be reproduced. He knows him but imperfectly, for he is separated from him by time, race, and language ; but he alone knows him at all. Yet people speak as if there were two real tribunals in this matter, — the scholar's tribunal, and that of the general public. They speak as if the scholar's judgment was one thing, and the general public's judgment another ; both with their shortcomings, both with their liability to error ; but both to be regarded by the translator. The translator who makes verbal literalness his chief care ' will,' says a writer in the National Review whom I have already quoted, ' be appreciated by the scholar accustomed to test a translation rigidly by comparison with the original, to look perhaps with excessive care to finish in detail rather than boldness and general effect, and find pardon even for a version that seems bare and bold, so it be scholastic and faithful. But, if the scholar in judging a translation looks to detail rather than to general effect, he judges it pedantically and ill. The appeal, however, lies not from the pedantic scholar to the general public, which can only like or dislike Chapman's version, or Pope's, or Mr. Newman's, but cannot judge them ; it lies from the pedantic scholar to the scholar who is not pedantic, who knows that Homer is Homer by his general effect, and not 183 ON TRANSLATING HOMER by his single words, and who demands but one thing in a translation, — that it shall, as nearly as possible, reproduce for him the general effect of Homer. This, then, remains the one proper aim of the translator : to reproduce on the intelligent scholar, as nearly as possible, the general effect of Homer. Except so far as he reproduces this, he loses his labour, even though he may make a spirited Iliad of his own, like Pope, or translate Homer's Iliad word for word, like Mr. Newman. If his proper aim were to stimulate in any manner possible the general public, he might be right in following Pope's example ; if his proper aim were to help schoolboys to construe Homer, he might be right in following Mr. Newman's. But it is not : his proper aim is, I repeat it yet once more, to reproduce on the intelligent scholar, as nearly as he can, the general effect of Homer. When, therefore, Cowper says, ' My chief boast is that I have adhered closely to my original ' ; when Mr. Newman says, ' My aim is to retain every peculiarity of the original, to be faithful, exactly as is the case with the draughts- man of the Elgin marbles ' ; their real judge only replies : ' It may be so : reproduce then upon us, reproduce the effect of Homer, as a good copy reproduces the effect of the Elgin marbles.' When, again, Mr. Newman tells us that ' by an exhaustive process of argument and experiment * he has found a metre which is at once the metre of ' the modern Greek epic,' and a metre * like 184 ON TRANSLATING HOMER in moral genius ' to Homer's metre, his judge has still but the same answer for him : ' It may be so ; reproduce then on our ear something of the effect produced by the movement of Homer.' But what is the general effect which Homer produces on Mr. Newman himself? because, when we know this, we shall know whether he and his judges are agreed at the outset, whether we may expect him, if he can reproduce the effect he feels, if his hand does not betray him in the execution, to satisfy his judges and to succeed. If, however, Mr. Newman's impression from Homer is something quite different from that of his judges, then it can hardly be expected that any amount of labour or talent will enable him to reproduce for them their Homer. Mr. Newman does not leave us in doubt as to the general effect which Homer makes upon him. As I have told you what is the general effect which Homer makes upon me, — that of a most rapidly moving poet, that of a poet most plain and direct in his style, that of a poet most plain and direct in his ideas, that of a poet eminently noble, — so Mr. Newman tells us his general impression of Homer. pHomer's style,' he says, 'is dire c t, popula r, ^rcibl^ quaint, flowing, gar ruYousJl Agam : omer rises^'and' sinKs with his subject, is rosaic when it is tame, is low when it is mean.T '^ 185 ON TRANSLATING HOMER I lay my finger on four words in these two sentences of Mr. Newman, and I say that the man who could apply those words to Homer can never render Homer truly. The four words are these : quaint, garrulous, prosaic, low. Search the English language for a word which does not apply to Homer, and you could not fix on a better than quaint, unless perhaps you fixed on one of the other three. Again ; ' to translate Homer suitably,' says Mr. Newman, ' we need a diction sufficiently antiquated to obtain pardon of the reader for its frequent homeliness.' ' I am concerned,' he says again, ' with the artistic problem of attaining a plausible aspect of moderate antiquity, while remaining easily intelligible.' And again, he speaks of 'the more antiquated style suited to this subject.' Quaint ! antiquated ! — but to whom ? Sir Thomas Browne is quaint, and the diction of Chaucer is antiquated : does Mr. Newman suppose that Homer seemed quaint to Sophocles, when he read him, as Sir Thomas Browne seems quaint to us, when we read him ? or that Homer's diction seemed antiquated to Sophocles, as Chaucer's diction seems antiquated to us ? But we cannot really know, I confess, how Homer seemed to Sophocles : well then, to those who can tell us how he seems to them, to the living scholar, to our only present witness on this matter, — does Homer make on the Provost of Eton, when he reads him, the im- i86 ON TRANSLATING HOMER pression of a poet quaint and antiquated ? does he make this impression on Professor Thompson, or Professor Jowett ? When Shakspeare says, ' The princes orgulous^ meaning ' the proud princes,' we say, ' This is antiquated ' ; when he says of the Trojan gates, that they With massy staples And corresponsive and fulfilling bolts Sperr up the sons of Troy, we say, 'This is both quaint and antiquated.' But does Homer ever compose in a language which produces on the scholar at all the same impression as this language which I have quoted from Shakspeare ? Never once. Shakspeare is quaint and antiquated in the lines which I have just quoted ; but Shakspeare — need I say it ? — can compose, when he likes, when he is at his best, in a language perfectly simple, perfectly intelligible ; in a language which, in spite of the two centuries and a half which part its author from us, stops us or surprises us as little as the language of a contemporary. And Homer has not Shakspeare's variations : Homer always composes as Shakspeare composes at his best ; Homer is always simple and in- telligible, as Shakspeare is often ; Homer is never quaint and antiquated, as Shakspeare is sometimes. When Mr. Newman says that Homer is garrulous, he seems, perhaps, to depart less 187 ON TRANSLATING HOMER widely from the common opinion than when he calls him quaint ; for is there not Horace's authority for asserting that * the good Homer sometimes nods,' bonus dormitat Homerus ? and a great many people have come, from the currency of this well-known criticism, to represent Homer to themselves as a diffuse old man, with the full-stocked mind, but also with the occasional slips and weaknesses of old age. Horace has said better things than his ' bonus dormitat Homerus ' ; but he never meant by this, as I need not remind any one who knows the passage, that Homer was garrulous, or any- thing of the kind. Instead, however, of either discussing what Horace meant, or discussing Homer's garrulity as a general question, I prefer to bring to my mind some style which is garrulous, and to ask myself, to ask you, whether anything at all of the impression made by that style is ever made by the style of Homer. The mediasval romancers, for instance, are garrulous ; the following, to take out of a thousand instances the first which comes to hand, is in a garrulous manner. It is from the romance of Richard Cceur de Lion. Of my tale be not a-wondered ! The French says he slew an hundred (Whereof is made this English saw) Or he rested him any thraw. Him followed many an English knight That eagerly holp him for to fight, — l88 ON TRANSLATING HOMER and so on. Now the manner of that composition I call garrulous ; every one will feel it to be garrulous ; every one will understand what is meant when it is called garrulous. Then I ask the scholar, — does Homer's manner ever make upon you, I do not say, the same im- pression of its garrulity as that passage, but does it make, ever for one moment, an impression in the slightest way resembling, in the remotest degree akin to, the impression made by that passage of the mediaeval poet ? I have no fear of the answer. I follow the same method with Mr. Newman's two other epithets, prosaic and low. ' Homer rises and sinks with his subject,' says Mr. Newman ; • is prosaic when it is tame, is low when it is mean.' First I say. Homer is never, in any sense, to be with truth called prosaic ; he is never to be called low. He does not rise and sink with his subject ; on the contrary, his manner invests his subject, whatever his subject be, with nobleness. Then I look for an author of whom it may with truth be said, that he ' rises and sinks with his subject, is prosaic when it is tame, is low when it is mean.' Defoe is eminently such an author ; of Defoe's manner it may with perfect precision be said, that it follows his matter ; his lifelike composition takes its character from the facts which it conveys, not from the nobleness of the composer. In Moll Flanders and Colonel Jack, Defoe is i8g ON TRANSLATING HOMER undoubtedly prosaic when his subject is tame, low when his subject is mean. Does Homer's manner in the Iliad, I ask the scholar, ever make upon him an impression at all like the impression made by Defoe's manner in Moll Flanders and Colonel Jackf Does it not, on the contrary, leave him with an impression of nobleness, even when it deals with Thersites or with Irus ? Well then. Homer is neither quaint, nor garrulous, nor prosaic, nor mean : and Mr. Newman, in seeing him so, sees him differently from those who are to judge Mr. Newman's rendering of him. By pointing out how a wrong conception of Homer affects Mr. New- man's translation, I hope to place in still clearer light those four cardinal truths which I pronounce essential for him who would have a right con- ception of Homer ; that Homer is rapid, that he is plain and direct in word and style, that he is plain and direct in his ideas, and that he is noble. Mr. Newman says that in fixing on a style for suitably rendering Homer, as he conceives him, he 'alights on the delicate line which separates the quaint from the grotesque.' ' I ought to be quaint,' he says, ' I ought not to be grotesque.' This is a most unfortunate sentence. Mr. Newman is grotesque, which he himself says he ought not to be ; and he ought not to be quaint, which he himself says he ought to be. ' No two persons will agree,' says Mr. 190 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Newman, ' as to where the quaint ends and the grotesque begins ' ; and perhaps this is true. But, in order to avoid all ambiguity in the use of the two words, it is enough to say, that most persons would call an expression which produced on them a very strong sense of its incongruity, and which violently surprised them, grotesque ; and an expression, which produced on them a slighter sense of its incongruity, and which more gently surprised them, quaint. Using the two words in this manner, I say, that when Mr. Newman translates Helen's words to Hector in the sixth book, AaE/o kix£io, Kwhs KaKOft.rixdvov, oK/ouoeo-OT/s,^ — O, brother thou of me, who am a mischief-working vixen, A numbing horror, — he is grotesque ; that is, he expresses himself in a manner which produces on us a very strong sense of its incongruity, and which violently surprises us. I say, again, that when Mr. Newman translates the common line, Tijv S* ^/xetySer eireira fieyai KopvdaloXos Ektu/), — Great Hector of the motley helm then spake to her re- sponsive, — or the common expression ivKv/jfuSei 'Aj^atot, ' dapper-greaved Achaians,' he is quaint ; that is, he expresses himself in a manner which produces on us a slighter sense of incongruity, and which 1 J/iaJ, vi. 344.. 191 ON TRANSLATING HOMER more gently surprises us. But violent and gentle surprise are alike far from the scholar's spirit when he reads in Homer kwo^ KaKOfia}j(avov, or, KopvdaloXoi "ISiKTiop, or, ii)Kvi]/ii,Sei 'A^otot. These expressions no more seem odd to him than the simplest expressions in English. He is not more checked by any feeling of strangeness, strong or weak, when he reads them, than when he reads in an English book ' the painted savage,' or, 'the phlegmatic Dutchman.' Mr. Newman's renderings of them must, therefore, be wrong expressions in a translation of Homer, because they excite in the scholar, their only competent judge, a feeling quite alien to that excited in him by what they profess to render. Mr. Newman, by expressions of this kind, is false to his original in two ways. He is false to him inasmuch as he is ignoble ; for a noble air, and a grotesque air, the air of the address, Aatp c/Mio, Kvvhi KaKOfi-q^avov, OKpvo&TOTji, — and the air of the address, O, brother thou of me, who am a mischief-working vixen, A numbing horror, — are just contrary the one to the other : and he is false to him inasmuch as he is odd ; for an odd diction like Mr. Newman's, and a perfectly plain natural diction like Homer's, — ' dapper-greavcd Achaians' and eO/wjj/xtSe? 'Axaiol, — are also just contrary the one to the other. Where, indeed, 192 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Mr. Newman got his diction, with whom he can have lived, what can be his test of antiquity and rarity for words, are questions which I ask myself with bewilderment. He has prefixed to his translation a list of what he calls ' the more antiquated or rarer words ' which he has used. In this list appear, on the one hand, such words as doughty, g^i^ly, lusty, noisome, ravin, which are familiar, one would think, to all the world ; on the other hand, such words as bragly, meaning, Mr. Newman tells us, ' proudly fine ' ; bulkin, 'a calf ; plump, 'a mass' ; and so on. 'I am concerned,' says Mr. Newman, ' with the artistic problem of attaining a plausible aspect of moder- ate antiquity, while remaining easily intelligible.' But it seems to me that lusty is not antiquated : and that bragly is not a word readily understood. That this word, indeed, and bulkin, may have * a plausible aspect of moderate antiquity,' I admit ; but that they are ' easily intelligible,' I deny. Mr, Newman's syntax has, I say it with pleasure, a much more Homeric cast than his vocabulary ; his syntax, the mode in which his thought is evolved, although not the actual words in which it is expressed, seems to me right in its general character, and the best feature of his version. It is not artificial or rhetorical like Cowper's syntax or Pope's : it is simple, direct, and natural, and so far it is like Homer's. It fails, however, just where, from the inherent VOL, V 193 o ON TRANSLATING HOMER fault of Mr. Newman's conception of Homer, one might expect it to fail, — it fails in nobleness. It presents the thought in a way which is some- thing more than unconstrained, — over-familiar ; something more than easy, — free and easy. In this respect it is like the movement of Mr. Newman's version, like his rhythm, for this, too, fails, in spite of some good qualities, by not being noble enough ; this, while it avoids the faults of being slow and elaborate, falls into a fault in the opposite direction, and is slip-shod. Homer presents his thought naturally ; but when Mr. Newman has — A thousand fires along the plain, / say^ that night were burning, — he presents his thought familiarly ; in a style which may be the genuine style of ballad-poetry, but which is not the style of Homer. Homer moves freely ; but when Mr. Newman has — Infatuate ! O that thou wert lord to some other army,^ — he gives himself too much freedom ; he leaves us too much to do for his rhythm ourselves, instead of giving to us a rhythm like Homer's, 1 From the reproachful answer of Ulysses to Agamemnon, who had proposed an abandonment of their expedition. This is one of the ' tonic ' passages of the Iliad, so I quote it : — ' Ah, unworthy king, some other inglorious army Should'st thou command, not rule over us, whose portion for ever Zeus hath made it, from youth right up to age, to be winding Skeins of grievous wars, till every soul of us perish.' Iliad, xiv. 84. 194 ON TRANSLATING HOMER easy indeed, but mastering our ear with a fulness of power which is irresistible. I said that a certain style might be the genuine style of ballad-poetry, but yet not the style of Homer. The analogy of the ballad is ever present to Mr. Newman's thoughts in considering Homer ; and perhaps nothing has more caused his faults than this analogy, — this popular, but, it is time to say, this erroneous analogy. ' The moral qualities of Homer's style,' says Mr. Newman, ' being like to those of the English ballad, we need a metre of the same genius. Only those metres, which by the very possession of these qualities are liable to degenerate into doggerel, are suitable to reproduce the ancient epic' 'The style of Homer,' he says, in a passage which I have before quoted, ' is direct, popular, forcible, quaint, flowing, garrulous : in all these respects it is similar to the old English ballad.' Mr. Newman, I need not say, is by no means alone in this opinion. ' The most really and truly Homeric of all the creations of the English muse is,' says Mr. Newman's critic in the National Review, ' the ballad-poetry of ancient times ; and the association between metre and subject is one that it would be true wisdom to preserve.' ' It is confessed,' says Chapman's last editor, Mr. Hooper, 'that the fourteen-syllable verse' (that is, a ballad-verse) 'is peculiarly fitting for Homeric translation.' And the editor of Dr. Maginn's clever and popular Homeric 195 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Ballads assumes it as one of his author's greatest and most undisputable merits, that he was ' the first who consciously realised to himself the truth that Greek ballads can be really represented in English only by a similar measure.' This proposition that Homer's poetry is ballad- poetry, analogous to the well-known ballad-poetry of the English and other nations, has a certain small portion of truth in it, and at one time probably served a useful purpose, when it was employed to discredit the artificial and literary manner in which Pope and his school rendered Homer. But it has been so extravagantly over- used, the mistake which it was useful in combat- ing has so entirely lost the public favour, that it is now much more important to insist on the large part of error contained in it, than to extol its small part of truth. It is time to say plainly that, whatever the admirers of our old ballads may think, the supreme form of epic poetry, the genuine Homeric mould, is not the form of the Ballad of Lord Bateman. I have myself shown the broad difference between Milton's manner and Homer's ; but, after a course of Mr. Newman and Dr. Maginn, I turn round in desperation upon them and upon the balladists who have misled them, and I exclaim : ' Compared with you, Milton is Homer's double ; there is, what- ever you may think, ten thousand times more of the real strain of Homer in — 196 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Blind Thamyris, and blind Maeonides, And Tiresias, and Phineus, prophets old, — than in — Now Christ thee save, thou proud porter. Now Christ thee save and see,i — or in — While the tinker did dine, he had plenty of wine.^ For Homer is not only rapid in movement, simple in style, plain in language, natural in thought ; he is also, and above all, noble. I have advised the translator not to go into the vexed question of Homer's identity. Yet I will just remind him that the grand argument — or rather, not argument, for the matter aiFords no data for arguing, but the grand source from which con- viction, as we read the Iliad, keeps pressing in upon us, that there is one poet of the Iliad, one Homer — is precisely this nobleness of the poet, this grand manner ; we feel that the analogy drawn from other joint compositions does not hold good here, because those works do not bear, like the Iliad, the magic stamp of a master ; and the moment you have anything less than a master- work, the co-operation or consolidation of several poets becomes possible, for talent is not un- common ; the moment you have much less than a masterwork, they become easy, for mediocrity is everywhere. I can imagine fifty Bradies 1 From the ballad of King Estmere, in Percy's Reliques «/" Ancient English Poetry, i. 69 (edit, of 1 767). * Reliques, i. 241. 197 ON TRANSLATING HOMER joined with as many Tates to make the New Version of the Psalms. I can imagine several poets having contributed to any one of the old English ballads in Percy's collection. I can imagine several poets, possessing, like Chapman, the Elizabethan vigour and the Elizabethan mannerism, united with Chapman to produce his version of the Iliad. I can imagine several poets, with the literary knack of the twelfth century, united to produce the Nibelungen hay in the form in which we have it, — a work which the Germans, in their joy at discovering a national epic of their own, have rated vastly higher than it deserves. And lastly, though Mr. Newman's translation of Homer bears the strong mark of his own idiosyncrasy, yet I can imagine Mr. Newman and a school of adepts trained by him in his art of poetry, jointly producing that work, so that Aristarchus himself should have difficulty in pronouncing which line was the master's, and which a pupil's. But I cannot imagine several poets, or one poet, joined with Dante in the com- position of his Inferno^ though many poets have taken for their subject a descent into Hell. Many artists, again, have represented Moses ; but there is only one Moses of Michael Angelo. So the insurmountable obstacle to believing the Iliad a consolidated work of several poets is this : that the work of great masters is unique ; and the Iliad has a great master's genuine stamp, and that stamp is the grand style. 198 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Poets who cannot work in the grand style instinctively seek a style in which their com- parative inferiority may feel itself at ease, a manner which may be, so to speak, indulgent to their inequalities. The ballad-style offers to an epic poet, quite unable to fill the canvas of Homer, or Dante, or Milton, a canvas which he is capable of filling. The ballad-measure is quite able to give due effect to the vigour and spirit which its employer, when at his very best, may be able to exhibit ; and, when he is not at his best, when he is a little trivial, or a little dull, it will not betray him, it will not bring out his weaknesses into broad relief This is a convenience ; but it is a convenience which the ballad-style purchases by resigning all pre- tensions to the highest, to the grand manner. It is true of its movement, as it is not true of Homer's, that it is ' liable to degenerate into doggerel.' It is true of its ' moral qualities,' as it is not true of Homer's, that ' quaintness ' and ' garrulity ' are among them. It is true of its employers, as it is not true of Homer, that they ' rise and sink with their subject, are prosaic when it is tame, are low when it is mean.' For this reason the ballad-style and the ballad-measure are eminently ///appropriate to render Homer. Homer's manner and movement are always both noble and powerful : the ballad manner and movement are often either jaunty and smart, so not noble ; or jog-trot and humdrum, so not powerful. 199 ON TRANSLATING HOMER The Nibelungen Lay affords a good illustration of the qualities of the ballad-manner. Based on grand traditions, which had found expression in a grand lyric poetry, the German epic poem of the Nibelungen Lay, though it is interesting, and though it has good passages, is itself anything rather than a grand poem. It is a poem of which the composer is, to speak the truth, a very ordinary mortal, and often, therefore, like other ordinary mortals, very prosy. It is in a measure which eminently adapts itself to this commonplace personality of its composer, which has much the movement of the well-known measures of Tate and Brady, and can jog on, for hundreds of lines at a time, with a level ease which reminds one of Sheridan's saying that easy writing may be often such hard reading. But, instead of occupying myself with the Nibelungen Lay, I prefer to look at the ballad- style as directly applied to Homer, in Chapman's version and Mr. Newman's, and in the Ilomerk Ballads of Dr. Maginn. First I take Chapman. I have already shown that Chapman's conceits are un-Homeric, and that his rhyme is un-Homeric; I will now show how his manner and movement are un- Homeric. Chapman's diction, I have said, is generally good ; but it must be called good with this reserve, that, though it has Homer's plain- ness and directness, it often offends him who knows Homer, by wanting Homer's nobleness. 200 ON TRANSLATING HOMER In a passage which I have already quoted, the address of Zeus to the horses of Achilles, where Homer has — a SeiAio, Ti (Tfjitoi 80/X6V llrjkTJ'i avaKTi dvrjTvy6vTi — than Mr. Newman's lines. And now, why are Mr. Newman's lines faulty ? They are faulty, first, because, as a matter of diction, the expres- sions ' O gentle friend,' ' eld,' ' in sooth,' ' liefly,' ' advance,' ' man-ennobling,' ' sith,' ' any-gait,' and ' sly of foot,' are all bad ; some of them worse than others, but all bad : that is, they all of them as here used excite in the scholar, their sole judge, — excite, I will boldly affirm, in Pro- fessor Thompson or Professor Jowett, — a feeling totally different from that excited in them by the words of Homer which these expressions 206 ON TRANSLATING HOMER profess to render. The lines are faulty, secondly, because, as a matter of rhythm, any and every line among them has to the ear of the same judges (I affirm it with equal boldness) a move- ment as unlike Homer's movement in the corresponding line as the single words are unlike Homer's words. ovre xe o-e ariXXoi/ju tiayjt)v e? KvSidveipav, — ' Nor liefly thee would I advance to man-ennobling battle' ; — for whose ears do those two rhythms produce impressions of, to use Mr. Newman's own words, ' similar moral genius ' ? I will by no means make search in Mr, Newman's version for passages likely to raise a laugh ; that search, alas ! would be far too easy. I will quote but one other passage from him, and that a passage where the diction is com- paratively inoffensive, in order that disapproval of the words may not unfairly heighten dis- approval of the rhythm. The end of the nineteenth book, the answer of Achilles to his horse Xanthus, Mr. Newman gives thus : — ' Chestnut ! why bodest death to me ? from thee this was not needed. Myself right surely know also, that 't is my doom to perish, From mother and from father dear apart, in Troy ; but never Pause will I make of war, until the Trojans be glutted.' He spake, and yelling, held afront the single- hoofed horses. Here Mr. Newman calls Xanthus Chestnut, indeed, as he calls Balius Spotted, and Podarga Spry-foot; which is as if a Frenchman were to call Miss Nightingale Mdlle. Rossignol, or Mr. 207 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Bright M. Clair. And several other expressions, too, — ' yelling,' ' held afront,' ' single-hoofed,' — leave, to say the very least, much to be desired. Still, for Mr. Newman, the diction of this passage is pure. All the more clearly appears the profound vice of a rhythm, which, with comparatively few faults of words, can leave a sense of such incurable alienation from Homer's manner as, ' Myself right surely know also that 'tis my doom to perish,' — compared with the 60 vv Toi olBa Kal avrov, o fwi fiopo^ ivOdS' oXAadai of Homer. But so deeply seated is the difference between the ballad- manner and Homer's, that even a man of the highest powers, even a man of the greatest vigour of spirit and of true genius, — the Coryphaeus of balladists, Sir Walter Scott, — fails with a manner of this kind to produce an effect at all like the effect of Homer. ' I am not so rash,' declares Mr. Newman, ' as to say that if freedom be given to rhyme as in Walter Scott's poetry,' — Walter Scott, * by far the most Homeric of our poets,' as in another place he calls him, — * a genius may not arise who will translate Homer into the melodies of Marmion.' ' The truly classical and the truly romantic,' says Dr. Maginn, 'are one; the moss- trooping Nestor reappears in the moss-trooping heroes of Percy's Reliques ' ; and a description by Scott, which he quotes, he calls ' graphic, and therefore Homeric' He forgets our fourth axiom, — 208 ON TRANSLATING HOMER that Homer is not only graphic ; he is also noble, and has the grand style. Human nature under like circumstances is probably in all ages much the same ; and so far it may be said that ■• the truly classical and the truly romantic are one ' ; but it is of little use to tell us this, because we know the human nature of other ages only through the representations of them which have come down to us, and the classical and the romantic modes of representation are so far from being ' one,' that they remain eternally distinct, and have created for us a separation between the two worlds which they respectively represent. Therefore to call Nestor the ' moss- trooping Nestor ' is absurd, because, though Nestor may possibly have been much the same sort of man as many a moss-trooper, he has yet come to us through a mode of representation so unlike that of Percy's Reliques, that, instead of * reappearing in the moss-trooping heroes ' of these poems, he exists in our imagination as something utterly unlike them, and as belonging to another world. So the Greeks in Shakspeare's Troilus and Cressida are no longer the Greeks whom we have known in Homer, because they come to us through a mode of representation of the romantic world. But I must not forget Scott. I suppose that when Scott is in what may be called full ballad swing, no one will hesi- tate to pronounce his manner neither Homeric VOL. v 209 p ON TRANSLATING HOMER nor the grand manner. When he says, for instance, I do not rhyme to that dull elf Who cannot image to himself,^ and so on, any scholar will feel that this is not Homer's manner. But let us take Scott's poetry at its best ; and when it is at its best, it is undoubtedly very good indeed : — Tunstall lies dead upon the field, His life-blood stains the spotless shield ; Edmund is down, — my life is reft, — The Admiral alone is left. Let Stanley charge with spur of fire, — With Chester charge, and Lancashire, Full upon Scotland's central host. Or victory and England's lost.^ That is, no doubt, as vigorous as possible, as spirited as possible ; it is exceedingly fine poetry. And still I say, it is not in the grand manner, and therefore it is not like Homer's poetry. Now, how shall I make him who doubts this feel that I say true ; that these lines of Scott are essentially neither in Homer's style nor in the grand style ? I may point out to him that the movement of Scott's lines, while it is rapid, is also at the same time what the French call saccade, its rapidity is 'jerky'; whereas Homer's rapidity is a flowing rapidity. But this is something external and material ; it is but the outward and visible sign of an inward and * Marmion, canto vi. 38. ' Marmion, canto vi. 29. 210 ON TRANSLATING HOMER spiritual diversity. I may discuss what, in the abstract, constitutes the grand style ; but that sort of general discussion never much helps our judgment of particular instances. I may say that the presence or absence of the grand style can only be spiritually discerned ; and this is true, but to plead this looks like evading the difficulty. My best way is to take eminent specimens of the grand style, and to put them side by side with this of Scott. For example, when Homer says : — aAAa, c/i/A,os, 6dve koi (Tv' thj 6Xv(j>vpeai ovrtoi j ■ Kardave Koi HdrpoKkos, oirep irko iroWhv d/jxiviov,^ that is in the grand style. When Virgil says : — Disce, puer, virtutem ex me verutnque laborem, Fortunatn ex aliis,^ that is in the grand style. When Dante says : — Lascio lo fele, et vo pei dolci potni Promessi a me per lo verace Duca ; Ma fino al centro pria convien ch' io tomi,* ^ ' Be content, good friend, die also thou ! why lamentest thou thyself on this wise ? Patroclus, too, died, who was a far better than thou.' — I/iad, xxi. io6. 2 ' From me, young man, learn nobleness of soul and true effort : learn success from others.' — ^neid, xii. 435. * 'I leave the gall of bitterness, and I go for the apples of sweetness promised unto me by my faithful Guide ; but far as the centre it behoves me first to fall.' — Hell, xvi. 61. 21 1 ON TRANSLATING HOMER that is in the grand style. When Milton says : — His form had yet not lost All her original brightness, nor appeared Less than archangel ruined, and the excess Of glory obscured,^ that, finally, is in the grand style. Now let any one, after repeating to himself these four passages, repeat again the passage of Scott, and he will perceive that there is something in style which the four first have in common, and which the last is without ; and this something is precisely the grand manner. It is no disrespect to Scott to say that he does not attain to this manner in his poetry ; to say so, is merely to say that he is not among the five or six supreme poets of the world. Among these he is not ; but, being a man of far greater powers than the ballad-poets, he has tried to give to their instrument a compass and an elevation which it does not naturally possess, in order to enable him to come nearer to the effect of the instrument used by the great epic poets, — an instrument which he felt he could not truly use, — and in this attempt he has but imperfectly succeeded. The poetic style of Scott is — (it becomes necessary to say so when it is proposed to 'translate Homer into the melodies oiMarmion') — it is, tried by the highest standards, a bastard epic style ; and that is why, out of his own powerful hands, it has had so little success. * Paradise Lost, i. 591. 212 ON TRANSLATING HOMER It is a less natural, and therefore a less good style, _ than the original ballad -style ; while it shares with the ballad -style the inherent incapacity of rising into the grand style, of adequately rendering Homer. Scott is certainly at his best in his battles. Of Homer you could not say this ; he is not better in his battles than else- where ; but even between the battle-pieces of the two there exists all the difference which there is between an able work and a masterpiece. Tunstall lies dead upon the field, His life-blood stains the spotless shield : Edmund is down, — my life is reft, — The Admiral alone is left. — ' For not in the hands of Diomede the son of Tydeus rages the spear, to ward off destruction from the JDanaans ; neither as yet have I heard the voice of the son of Atreus, shouting out of his hated mouth ; but the voice of Hector the slayer of men bursts round me, as he cheers on the Trojans ; and they with their yellings fill all the plain, overcoming the Achaians in the battle.' — I protest that, to my feeling. Homer's per- formance, even through that pale and far-off shadow of a prose translation, still has a hundred times more of the grand manner about it, than the original poetry of Scott. Well, then, the ballad-manner and the ballad- measure, whether in the hands of the old ballad poets, or arranged by Chapman, or arranged by Mr. Newman, or, even, arranged by Sir Walter 213 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Scott, cannot worthily render Homer. And for one reason : Homer is plain, so are they ; Homer is natural, so are they ; Homer is spirited, so are they ; but Homer is sustainedly noble, and they are not. Homer and they are both of them natural, and therefore touching and stirring ; but the grand style, which is Homer's, is something more than touching and stirring ; it can form the character, it is edifying. The old English balladist may stir Sir Philip Sidney's heart like a trumpet, and this is much : but Homer, but the few artists in the grand style, can do more ; they can refine the raw natural man, they can trans- mute him. So it is not without cause that I say, and say again, to the translator of Homer : ' Never for a moment suffer yourself to forget our fourth fundamental proposition. Homer is noble.' For it is seen how large a share this nobleness has ia producing that general effect of his, which it is the main business of a translator to reproduce. I shall have to try your patience yet once more upon this subject, and then my task will be completed. I have shown what the four axioms respecting Homer which I have laid down, exclude, what they bid a translator not to do ; I have still to show what they supply, what positive help they can give to the translator in his work. I will even, with their aid, myself try my fortune with some of those passages of Homer which I have already noticed ; not 214 ON TRANSLATING HOMER indeed with any confidence that I more than others can succeed in adequately rendering Homer, but in the hope of satisfying competent judges, in the hope of making it clear to the future translator, that I at any rate follow a right method, and that, in coming short, I come short from weakness of execution, not from original vice of design. This is why I have so long occupied myself with Mr. Newman's version ; that, apart from all faults of execution, his original design was wrong, and that he has done us the good service of declaring that design in its naked wrongness. [To bad practice he has prefixed the bad theory^hich made the practice bad ; he has given us a false theory in his preface, and he has exemplified the bad effects of that false theory in his translation^ It is because his starting-point is so bad thatne runs so badly ; and to save others from taking so false a starting- point, may be to save them from running so futile a course. Mr. Newman, indeed, says in his preface, that if any one dislikes his translation, ' he has his easy remedy ; to keep aloof from it.' But Mr. Newman is a writer of considerable and deserved reputation ; he is also a Professor of the University of London, an institution which by its position and by its merits acquires every year greater importance. It would be a very grave thing if the authority of so eminent a Professor led his students to misconceive entirely the chief work 2IS ON TRANSLATING HOMER of the Greek world ; that work which, whatever the other works of classical antiquity have to give us, gives it more abundantly than they all. The eccentricity too, the arbitrariness, of which Mr. Newman's conception of Homer offers so signal an example, are not a peculiar failing of Mr. Newman's own ; in varying degrees they are the great defect of English intellect, the great blemish of English literature. Our literature of the eighteenth century, the literature of the school of Dryden, Addison, Pope, Johnson, is a long reaction against this eccentricity, this arbitrariness ; that reaction perished by its own faults, and its enemies are left once more masters of the field. It is much more likely that any new English version of Homer will have Mr. Newman's faults than Pope's. Our present literature, which is very far, certainly, from having the spirit and power of Elizabethan genius, yet has in its own way these faults, eccentricity and arbitrariness, quite as much as the Elizabethan literature ever had. They are the cause that, while upon none, perhaps, of the modern literatures has so great' a sum of force been expended as upon the English literature, at the present hour this literature, regarded not as an object of mere literary interest but as a living intellectual instrument, ranks only third in European effect and importance among the literatures of Europe ; it ranks after the litera- tures of France and Germany. Of these two 216 ON TRANSLATING HOMER literatures, as of the intellect of Europe in general, the main effort, for now many years, has been a critical effort ; the endeavour, in all branches of knowledge, theology, philosophy, history, art, science, — to see the object as in itself it really is. But, owing to the presence in English literature of this eccentric and arbitrary spirit, owing to the strong tendency of English writers to bring to the consideration of their object some individual fancy, almost the last thing for which one would come to English literature is just that very thing which now Europe most desires — criticism. It is useful to notice any signal manifestation of those faults, which thus limit and impair the action of our literature. And therefore I have pointed out how widely, in translating Homer, a man even of real ability and learning may go astray, unless he brings to the study of this clearest of poets one quality in which our English authors, with all their great gifts, are apt to be somewhat wanting — simple lucidity of mind. Ill Homer is rapid in his movement. Homer is plain in his words and style. Homer is simple in his ideas. Homer is noble in his manner. Cowper renders him ill because he is slow in his 217 ON TRANSLATING HOMER movement, and elaborate in his style ; Pope renders him ill because he is artificial both in his style and in his words ; Chapman renders him ill because he is fantastic in his ideas ; Mr. Newman renders him ill because he is odd in his words and ignoble in his manner. All four translators diverge from their original at other points besides those named ; but it is at the points thus named that their divergence is greatest. For instance, Cowper's diction is not as Homer's diction, nor his nobleness as Homer's nobleness ; but it is in movement and grammatical style that he is most unlike Homer. Pope's rapidity is not of the same sort as Homer's rapidity, nor are his plainness of ideas and his nobleness as Homer's plainness of ideas and nobleness : but it is in the artificial character of his style and diction that he is most unlike Homer. Chapman's movement, words, style, and manner, are often far enough from resembling Homer's movement, words, style, and manner ; but it is the fantasticality of his ideas which puts him farthest from resembling Homer. Mr. Newman's movement, grammatical style, and ideas, are a thousand times in strong contrast with Homer's ; still it is by the oddness of his diction and the ignobleness of his manner that he contrasts with Homer the most violently. Therefore the translator must not say to himself : ' Cowper is noble. Pope is rapid. Chapman has a good diction, Mr. Newman has a good cast of sentence ; I will avoid Cowper's 3l8 ON TRANSLATING HOMER slowness, Pope's artificiality, Chapman's conceits, Mr. Newman's oddity ; I will take Cowper's dignified manner. Pope's impetuous movement, Chapman's vocabulary, Mr. Newman's syntax, and so make a perfect translation of Homer.' Undoubtedly in certain points the versions of Chapman, Cowper, Pope, and Mr. Newman, all of them have merit ; some of them very high merit, others a lower merit ; but even in these points they have none of them precisely the same kind of merit as Homer, and therefore the new translator, even if he can imitate them in their good points, will still not satisfy his judge, the scholar, who asks him for Homer and Homer's kind of merit, or, at least, for as much of them as it is possible to give. So the translator really has no good model before him for any part of his work, and has to invent everything for himself. He is to be rapid in movement, plain in speech, simple in thought, and noble ; and homo he is to be either rapid, or plain, or simple, or noble, no one yet has shown him. I shall try to-day to establish some practical suggestions which may help the translator of Homer's poetry to comply with the four grand requirements which we make of him. His version is to be rapid ; and of course, to make a man's poetry rapid, as to make it noble, nothing can serve him so much as to have, in his own nature, rapidity and nobleness. // is the spirit that quickeneth ; and no one will so well 219 ON TRANSLATING HOMER render Homer's swift-flowing movement as he who has himself something of the swift-moving spirit of Homer. Yet even this is not quite enough. Pope certainly had a quick and darting spirit, as he had, also, real nobleness ; yet Pope does not render the movement of Homer. To render this the translator must have, besides his natural qualifications, an appropriate metre. I have sufficiently shown why I think all forms of our ballad-metre unsuited to Homer. It seems to me to be beyond question that, for epic poetry, only three metres can seriously claim to be accounted capable of the grand style. Two of these will at once occur to every one, — the ten-syllable, or so-called heroic, couplet, and blank verse. I do not add to these the Spenserian stanza, although Dr. Maginn, whose metrical eccentri- cities I have already criticised, pronounces this stanza the one right measure for a translation of Homer. It is enough to observe, that if Pope's couplet, with the simple system of correspond- ences that its rhymes introduce, changes the movement of Homer, in which no such corre- spondences are found, and is therefore a bad measure for a translator of Homer to employ, Spenser's stanza, with its far more intricate system of correspondences, must change Homer's movement far more profoundly, and must there- fore be for the translator a far worse measure than the couplet of Pope. Yet I will say, at the same time, that the verse of Spenser is more fluid, 220 ON TRANSLATING HOMER slips more easily and quickly along, than the verse of almost any other English poet. By this the northern wagoner had set His seven-fold team behind the steadfast star That was in ocean waves yet never wet, But firm is fixt, and sendeth light from far To all that in the wide deep wandering are.^ One cannot but feel that English verse has not often moved with the fluidity and sweet ease of these lines. It is possible that it may have been this quality of Spenser's poetry which made Dr. Maginn think that the stanza of The Faery Queen must be a good measure for rendering Homer. This it is not : Spenser's verse is fluid and rapid, no doubt, but there are more ways than one of being fluid and rapid, and Homer is fluid and rapid in quite another way than Spenser. Spenser's manner is no more Homeric than is the manner of the one modern inheritor of Spenser's beautiful gift, — ^the poet, who evidently caught from Spenser his sweet and easy-slipping move- ment, and who has exquisitely employed it ; a Spenserian genius, nay, a genius by natural endowment richer probably than even Spenser ; that light which shines so unexpected and without fellow in our century, an Elizabethan born too late, the early lost and admirably gifted Keats. I say then that there are really but three metres, — the ten-syllable couplet, blank verse, and a third metre which I will not yet name, 1 The Faery Queen, canto ii. stanza i. 221 ON TRANSLATING HOMER but which is neither the Spenserian stanza nor any form of ballad-verse, — between which, as vehicles for Homer's poetry, the translator has to make his choice. Every one will at once remember a thousand passages in which both the ten -syllable couplet and blank verse prove themselves to have nobleness. Undoubtedly the movement and manner of this, — Still raise for good the supplicating voice, But leave to Heaven the measure and the choice, — are noble. Undoubtedly, the movement and manner of this, — High on a throne of royal state, which far Outshone the wealth of Ormus and of Ind, — are noble also. But the first is in a rhymed metre ; and the unfitness of a rhymed metre for rendering Homer I have already shown. I will observe, too, that the fine couplet which I have quoted comes out of a satire, a didactic poem ; and that it is in didactic poetry that the ten-syllable couplet has most successfully essayed the grand style. In narrative poetry this metre has succeeded best when it essayed a sensibly lower style, the style of Chaucer, for instance ; whose narrative manner, though a very good and sound manner, is certainly neither the grand manner nor the manner of Homer. The rhymed ten-syllable couplet being thus excluded, blank verse offers itself for the translator's use. The first kind of blank verse 222 ON TRANSLATING HOMER which naturally occurs to us is the blank verse of Milton, which has been employed, with more or less modification, by Mr. Gary in translating Dante, by Gowper, and by Mr. Wright in translating Homer. How noble this metre is in Milton's hands, how completely it shows itself capable of the grand, nay, of the grandest, style, I need not say. To this metre, as used in the Paradise Lost, our country owes the glory of having produced one of the only two poetical works in the grand style which are to be found in the modern languages ; the Divine Comedy of Dante is the other. England and Italy here stand alone ; Spain, France, and Germany have produced great poets, but neither Galderon, nor Gorneille, nor Schiller, nor even Goethe, has produced a body of poetry in the true grand style, in the sense in which the style of the body of Homer's poetry, or Pindar's, or Sophocles's, is grand. But Dante has, and so has Milton ; and in this respect Milton possesses a distinction which even Shakspeare, undoubtedly the supreme poetical power in our literature, does not share with him. Not a tragedy of Shakspeare but contains passages in the worst of all styles, the affected style ; and the grand style, although it may be harsh, or obscure, or cumbrous, or over- laboured, is never affected. In spite, therefore, of objections which may justly be urged against the plan and treatment of the Paradise Lost, in spite of its possessing, certainly, a far less 223 ON TRANSLATING HOMER enthralling force of interest to attract and to carry forward the reader than the Iliad or the Divine Comedy, it fully deserves, it can never lose, its immense reputation ; for, like the Iliad and the Divine Comedy, nay, in some respects to a higher degree than either of them, it is in the grand style. But the grandeur of Milton is one thing, and the grandeur of Homer is another. Homer's movement, I have said again and again, is a flow- ing, a rapid movement ; Milton's, on the other hand, is a laboured, a self-retarding movement. In each case, the movement, the metrical cast, corresponds with the mode of evolution of the thought, with the syntactical cast, and is indeed determined by it. Milton charges himself so full with thought, imagination, knowledge, that his style will hardly contain them. He is too full- stored to show us in much detail one conception, one piece of knowledge ; he just shows it to us in a pregnant allusive way, and then he presses on to another ; and all this fulness, this pressure, this condensation, this self-constraint, enters into his movement, and makes it what it is, — noble, but difficult and austere. Homer is quite dif- ferent ; he says a thing, and says it to the end, and then begins another, while Milton is trying to press a thousand things into one. So that whereas, in reading Milton, you never lose the sense of laborious and condensed fulness, in read- ing Homer you never lose the sense of flowing 224 ON TRANSLATING HOMER and abounding ease. With Milton line runs into line, and all is straitly bound together : with Homer line runs off from line, and all hurries away onward. Homer begins, Mfiviv aeiSe ®ed, — at the second word announcing the proposed action : Milton begins : — Of man's first disobedience, and the fruit Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste Brought death into the world, and all our woe, With loss of Eden, till one greater Man Restore us, and regain the blissful seat. Sing, heavenly muse. *■ So chary of a sentence is he, so resolute not to let it escape him till he has crowded into it all he can, that it is not till the thirty-ninth word in the sentence that he will give us the key to it, the word of action, the verb. Milton says : — O for that warning voice, which he, who saw The Apocalypse, heard cry in heaven aloud. He is not satisfied, unless he can tell us, all in one sentence, and without permitting himself to actually mention the name, that the man who heard the warning voice was the same man who saw the Apocalypse. Homer would have said, ' O for that warning voice, which JoAn heard,' — and if it had suited him to say that John also saw the Apocalypse, he would have given us that in another sentence. The effect of this allusive and compressed manner of Milton is, I need not say, often very powerful; and it is an effect which other great poets have often VOL. v 225 Q ON TRANSLATING HOMER sought to obtain much in the same way : Dante is full of it, Horace is full of it ; but wherever it exists, it is always an un-Homeric effect. ' The losses of the heavens,' says Horace, ' fresh moons speedily repair ; we, when we have gone down where the pious iEneas, where the rich Tullus and Ancus are, — pulvis et umbra sumus.' ^ He never actually says where we go to ; he only indicates it by saying that it is that place where iEneas, Tullus, and Ancus are. But Homer, when he has to speak of going down to the grave, says, definitely, e? 'HXvo-tov irehLov . . . oddvaToi ire/jr^ova-iv,^ — ' The immortals shall send thee to the Filysian plain ' ; and it is not till after he has definitely said this, that he adds, that it is there that the abode of departed worthies is placed : odt ^av6oirwv comes to the reader as something perfectly natural, while Mr. New- man's ' voice-dividing mortals ' comes to him as something perfectly unnatural. Well then, as it is Homer's general effect which we are to reproduce, it is to be false to Homer to be so verbally faithful to him as that we lose this effect : and by the English translator Homer's double epithets must be, in many places, re- nounced altogether ; in all places where they are rendered, rendered by equivalents which come naturally. Instead of rendering ©en ravvTreirXe by Mr. Newman's 'Thetis trailing -robed,' which brings to one's mind long petticoats sweeping a dirty pavement, the translator must render the Greek by English words which come as naturally to us as Milton's words when he says, ' Let gorgeous Tragedy With sceptred pall come sweeping by.' Instead of rendering /xavvxa^ "ir-jTov; by Chapman's ' one-hoofed steeds,' or Mr. Newman's ' single-hoofed horses,' he must speak of horses in a way which surprises us as little as Shakspeare surprises us when he says, ' Gallop apace, you fiery -footed steeds.' Instead of rendering fiektrjBia 6v/mv by ' life as honey pleasant,' he must characterise life with the simple pathos of Gray's ' warm precincts of the cheerful day.' Instead of converting -n-oiov a-e eVo? lr, — an improper share of the reader's attention is necessarily diverted to this ancillary word, to this word which Homer never intended should receive so much notice ; and a total effect quite different from Homer's is thus produced. There- fore Mr. Newman, though he does not purposely import, like Chapman, conceits of his own into the I/iad, does actually import them ; for the result of his singular diction is to raise ideas, and odd ideas, not raised by the corresponding diction in Homer ; and Chapman himself does no more. Cowper says : ' I have cautiously avoided all terms of new invention, with an abundance of which persons of more ingenuity than judgment have not enriched our language but encumbered it' ; and this criticism so exactly hits the diction of Mr. Newman, that one is irresistibly led to imagine his present appearance in the flesh to be at least his second. 244 ON TRANSLATING HOMER A translator cannot well have a Homeric rapidity, style, diction, and quality of thought, without at the same time having what is the result of these in Homer, — nobleness. There- fore I do not attempt to lay down any rules for obtaining this effect of nobleness, — the effect, too, of all others the most impalpable, the most irreducible to rule, and which most depends on the individual personality of the artist. So I proceed at once to give you, in conclusion, one or two passages in which I have tried to follow those principles of Homeric transla- tion which I have laid down. I give them, it must be remembered, not as specimens of perfect translation, but as specimens of an attempt to translate Homer on certain prin- ciples ; specimens which may very aptly illus- trate those principles by falling short as well as by succeeding. I take first a passage of which I have already spoken, the comparison of the Trojan fires to the stars. The first part of that passage is, I have said, of splendid beauty ; and to begin with a lame version of that would be the height of imprudence in me. It is the last and more level part with which I shall con- cern myself I have already quoted Cowper's version of this part in order to show you how unlike his stiff and Miltonic manner of telling a plain story is to Homer's easy and rapid manner : — 245 ON TRANSLATING HOMER So numerous seemed those fires the bank between Of Xanthus, blazing, and the fleet of Greece, In prospect all of Troy — I need not continue to the end. I have also quoted Pope's version of it, to show you how unlike his ornate and artificial manner is to Homer's plain and natural manner : — So many flames before proud Ilion blaze, And brighten glimmering Xanthus with their rays ; The long reflections of the distant fires Gleam on the walls, and tremble on the spires, — and much more of the same kind. I want to show you that it is possible, in a plain passage of this sort, to keep Homer's simplicity without being heavy and dull ; and to keep his dignity without bringing in pomp and ornament. 'As numerous as are the stars on a clear night,' says Homer, So shone forth, in front of Troy, by the bed of Xanthus, Between that and the ships, the Trojans' numerous fires. In the plain there were kindled a thousand fires : by each one There sat fifty men, in the ruddy light of the fire : By their chariots stood the steeds, and champed the white barley While their masters sat by the fire, and waited for Morning. Here, in order to keep Homer's effect of perfect plainness and directness, I repeat the word ' fires ' as he repeats m-vpa, without scruple ; although in a more elaborate and literary style of poetry this recurrence of the same word would be a fault to be avoided. I omit the epithet of Morning, and, whereas Homer says that the 246 ON TRANSLATING HOMER steeds ' waited for Morning,' I prefer to attribute this expectation of Morning to the master and not to the horse. Very likely in this particular, as in any other single particular, I may be wrong : what I wish you to remark is my endeavour after absolute plainness of speech, my care to avoid anything which may the least check or surprise the reader, whom Homer does not check or surprise. Homer's lively personal familiarity with war, and with the war- horse as his master's companion, is such that, as it seems to me, his attributing to the one the other's feelings comes to us quite naturally ; but, from a poet without this familiarity, the attribution strikes as a little unnatural ; and therefore, as everything the least unnatural is un-Homeric, I avoid it. Again, in the address of Zeus to the horses of Achilles, Cowper has : — Jove saw their grief with pity, and his brows j^Shaking, within himself thus, pensive, said. ' Ah hapless pair ! wherefore by gift divine Were ye to Peleus given, a mortal king, Yourselves immortal and from age exempt ? ' There is no want of dignity here, as in the versions of Chapman and Mr. Newman, which I have already quoted ; but the whole effect is much too slow. Take Pope : — Nor Jove disdained to cast a pitying look While thus relenting to the steeds he spoke. ' Unhappy coursers of immortal strain ! 247 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Exempt from age and deathless now in vain ; Did we your race on mortal man bestow Only, alas ! to share in mortal woe ? ' Here there is no want either of dignity or rapidity, but all is too artificial. ' Nor Jove disdained,' for instance, is a very artificial and literary way of rendering Homer's words, and so is, ' coursers of immortal strain.' fivpofievb) S' apa tu ye iSwv eXerjire Kpoficdi/, — And with pity the son of Saturn saw them bewailing. And he shook his head, and thus addressed his own bosom : — ' Ah, unhappy pair, to Peleus why did we give you To a mortal ? but ye are without old age and immortal. Was it that ye, with man, might have your thousands of sorrows ? For than man, indeed, there breathes no wretcheder creature Of all living things, that on earth are breathing and moving.' Here I will observe that the use of 'own,' in the second line, for the last syllable of a dactyl, and the use of 'To a,' in the fourth, for a complete spondee, though they do not, I think, actually spoil the run of the hexameter, are yet undoubtedly instances of that over-reliance on accent, and too free disregard of quantity, which Lord Redesdale visits with just reprehension.^ 1 It must be remembered, however, that, if we disregard quantity too much in constructing English hexameters, we also disregard accent too much in reading Greek hexameters. We read every Greek dactyl so as to make a pure dactyl of it ; but, to a Greek, the accent must have hindered many dactyls from sounding as pure dactyls. When we read oidA.os tjnros, for instance, or atyt^xoio, the dactyl in each of these cases is made by us as pure a dactyl as ' Tityre,' or ' dignity ' ; but to a Greek it was not so. To him aioXos must have been nearly as impure a dactyl as 'death- 248 ON TRANSLATING HOMER I now take two longer passages in order to try my method more fully ; but I still keep to passages which have already come under our notice. I quoted Chapman's version of some passages in the speech of Hector at his parting with Andromache. One astounding conceit will probably still be in your remembrance, — When sacred Troy shall shed her tmv'rs for tears of overthrow, — • as a translation of 6r av ttot oXtoXy "I\io? iprj. I will quote a few lines which may give you, also, the keynote to the Anglo -Augustan manner of rendering this passage and to the Miltonic manner of rendering it. What Mr. Newman's manner of rendering it would be, you can by this time sufficiently imagine for yourselves. Mr. Wright, — to quote for once from his meritorious version instead of Cowper's, whose strong and weak points are those of Mr. Wright also, — Mr. Wright begins his version of this passage thus : — destined ' is to us ; and aiytdx nearly as impure as the • dressed his own ' of my text. Nor, I think, does this right mode of pronouncing the two words at all spoil the run of the line as a hexameter. The effect of aioA-Aos iVn-os (or something like that), though not »«r effect, is not a disagreeable one. On the other hand, KopvdaioXos as a paroxytonon, although it has the respectable authority of Liddell and Scott's Lexicon (following Heyne), is certainly wrong ; for then the word cannot be pronounced without throwing an accent on the first syllable as well as the third, and fikyws Ko/>/)v6atdA.A,os "Ekto)/} would have been to a Greek as intoler- able an ending for a hexameter line as • accurst orphanhood-destined houses' would be to us. The best authorities, accordingly, accent KopvOaCoXoi as a proparoxytonon. 249 ON TRANSLATING HOMER All these thy anxious cares are also mine, Partner beloved ; but how could I endure The scorn of Trojans and their long-robed wives, Should they behold their Hector shrink from war. And act the coward's part ? Nor doth my soul Prompt the base thought. Ex pede Herculem : you see just what the manner is. Mr. Sotheby, on the other hand (to take a disciple of Pope instead of Pope himself), begins thus : — * What moves thee, moves my mind,' brave Hector said, ' Yet Troy's upbraiding scorn I deeply dread, If, like a slave, where chiefs with chiefs engage, The warrior Hector fears the war to wage. Not thus my heart inclines.' From that specimen, too, you can easily divine what, with such a manner, will become of the whole passage. But Homer has neither What moves thee, moves my mind, — nor has he All these thy anxious cares are also mine. rl Kai efiOL raoe ■Travra ixxAti, -yvvat aAAa /wiA aiviiK, — that is what Homer has, that is his style and movement, if one could but catch it. Andro- mache, as you know, has been entreating Hector to defend Troy from within the walls, instead of exposing his life, and, with his own life, the safety of all those dearest to him, by fighting in the open plain. Hector replies : — Woman, I too take thought for this ; but then I bethink me What the Trojan men and Trojan women might murmur, 250 ON TRANSLATING HOMER If like a coward I skulked behind, apart from the battle. Nor would my own heart let me ; my heart, which has bid me be valiant Always, and always fighting among the first of the Trojans, Busy for Priam's fame and my own, in spite of the future. For that day will come, my soul is assured of its coming. It will come, when sacred Troy shall go to destruction, Troy, and warlike Priam too, and the people of Priam. And yet not that grief, which then will be, of the Trojans, Moves me so much — not Hecuba's grief, nor! Priam my father's. Nor my brethren's, many and brave, who then will be lying In the bloody dust, beneath the feet of their foemen — As thy grief, when, in tears, some brazen-coated Achaian Shall transport thee away, and the day of thy freedom be ended. Then, perhaps, thou shalt work at the loom of another, in Argos, Or bear pails to the well of Messeis, or Hypereia, Sorely against thy will, by strong Necessity's order. And some man may say, as he looks and sees thy tears falling : See, the wife of Hector., that great pre-eminent captain Of the horsemen of Troy, in the day they fought for their city. So some man will say ; and then thy grief will redouble At thy want of a man like me, to save thee from bondage. But let me be dead, and the earth be mounded above me. Ere I hear thy cries, and thy captivity told of. The main question, whether or no this version reproduces for him the movement and general effect of Homer better than other versions^ of the same passage, I leave for the judgment of the scholar. But the particular points, in which the operation of my own rules is manifested, are as follows. In the second line I leave out the epithet of the Trojan women, ekKecniri-jrKov, for fear of disturbing the balance of expression in Homer's sentence. In the fourteenth line, again, I translate x'''^«°X*™»'<»»' by ' brazen-coated.' Mr. Newman, meaning to be perfectly literal, trans- lates it by ' brazen-cloaked,' an expression which 252 ON TRANSLATING HOMER comes to the reader oddly and unnaturally, while Homer's word comes to him quite naturally ; but I venture to go as near to a literal rendering as 'brazen-coated,' because a 'coat of brass' is familiar to us all from the Bible, and familiar, too, as distinctly specified in connection with the wearer. Finally, let me further illustrate from the twentieth line the value which I attach, in a question of diction, to the authority of the Bible. The word 'pre- eminent ' occurs in that line ; I was a little in doubt whether that was not too bookish an expression to be used in rendering Homer, as I can imagine Mr, Newman to have been a little in doubt whether his ' responsively accosted ' for d/jbeifiofievoi; trpoai^r], was not too bookish an expres- sion. Let us both, I say, consult our Bibles : Mr. Newman will nowhere find it in his Bible that David, for instance, ' responsively accosted Goliath ' ; but I do find in mine that ' the right hand of the Lord hath the pre-eminence ' ; and forthwith I use ' pre-eminent,' without scruple. My Bibliolatry is perhaps excessive ; and no doubt a true poetic feeling is the Homeric translator's best guide in the use of words ; but where this feeling does not exist, or is at fault, I think he cannot do better than take for a mechanical guide Cruden's Concordance. To be sure, here as elsewhere, the consulter must know how to consult, — must know how very slight a variation of word or circumstance makes the 253 ON TRANSLATING HOMER difference between an authority in his favour and an authority which gives him no countenance at all ; for instance, the ' Great simpleton ! ' (for /teya vv'ino<}) of Mr. Newman, and the ' Thou fool ! ' of the Bible, are something alike ; but ' Thou fool ! ' is very grand, and ' Great simpleton ! ' is an atrocity. So, too. Chapman's * Poor wretched beasts ' is pitched many degrees too low ; but Shakspeare's ' Poor venomous fool, Be angry and despatch ! ' is in the grand style. One more piece of translation and I have done. I will take the passage in which both Chapman and Mr. Newman have already so much excited our astonishment, the passage at the end of the nineteenth book of the I/iad, the dialogue between Achilles and his horse Xanthus, after the death of Patroclus. Achilles begins : — ' Xanthus and Balius both, ye far-famed seed of Podarga ! See that ye bring your master home to the host of the Argives In some other sort than your last, when the battle is ended ; And not leave him behind, a corpse on the plain, like Patroclus.' Then, from beneath the yoke, the fleet horse Xanthus addressed him : Sudden he bowed his head, and all his mane, as he bowed it. Streamed to the ground by the yoke, escaping from under the collar ; And he was given a voice by the white-armed Goddess Hera. ' Truly, yet this time will we save thee, mighty Achilles ! But thy day of death is at hand ; nor shall we be the reason — No, but the will of heaven, and Fate's invincible power. For by no slow pace or want of swiftness of ours Did the Trojans obtain to strip the arms from Patroclus ; But that prince among Gods, the son of the lovely-haired Leto, 2S4 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Slew him fighting in front of the fray, and glorified Hector. But, for us, we vie in speed with the breath of the West- Wind, Which, men say, is the fleetest of winds ; 't is thou who art fated To lie low in death, by the hand of a God and a Mortal.' Thus far he ; and here his voice was stopped by the Furies. Then, with a troubled heart, the swift Achilles addressed him : ' Why dost thou prophesy so my death to me, Xanthus ? It needs not. I of myself know well, that here I am destined to perish. Far from my father and mother dear : for all that I will not Stay this hand from fight, till the Trojans are utterly routed.' So he spake, and drove with a cry his steeds into battle. Here the only particular remark which I will make is, that in the fourth and eighth line the grammar is what I call a loose and idiomatic grammar. In writing a regular and literary style, one would in the fourth line have to repeat, before ' leave ' the words ' that ye ' from the second line, and to insert the word 'do' ; and in the eighth line one would not use such an expression as ' he was given a voice.' But I will make one general remark on the character of my own translations, as I have made so many on that of the translations of others. It is, that over the graver passages there is shed an air somewhat too strenuous and severe, by com- parison with that lovely ease and sweetness which Homer, for all his noble and masculine way of thinking, never loses. Here I stop. I have said so much, because I think that the task of translating Homer into English verse both will be re -attempted, and 255 ON TRANSLATING HOMER may be re-attempted successfully. There are great works composed of parts so disparate that one translator is not likely to have the requisite gifts for poetically rendering all of them. Such are the works of Shakspeare, and Goethe's Faust; and these it is best to attempt to render in prose only. People praise Tieck and Schlegel's version of Shakspeare : I, for my part, would sooner read Shakspeare in the French prose translation, and that is saying a great deal ; but in the German poets' hands Shakspeare so often gets, especially where he is humorous, an air of what the French call niaiserie I and can anything be more un- Shakspearian than that ? Again ; Mr, Hayward's prose translation of the first part of Faust — so good that it makes one regret Mr. Hayward should have abandoned the line of translation for a kind of literature which is, to say the least, somewhat slight — is not likely to be surpassed by any translation in verse. But poems like the Iliad, which, in the main, are in one manner, may hope to find a poetical translator so gifted and so trained as to be able to learn that one manner, and to reproduce it. Only, the poet who would reproduce this must cultivate in himself a Greek virtue by no means common among the moderns in general, and the English in particular, — moderation. For Homer has not only the English vigour, he has the Greek grace ; and when one observes the bolstering, rollicking way in which his English admirers — even men 256 ON TRANSLATING HOMER of genius, like the late Professor Wilson — love to talk of Homer and his poetry, one cannot help feeling that there is no very deep community of nature between them and the object of their enthusiasm. ' It is very well, my good friends,' I always imagine Homer saying to them : if he could hear them : ' you do me a great deal of honour, but somehow or other you praise me too like barbarians.' For Homer's grandeur is not the mixed and turbid grandeur of the great poets of the north, of the authors of Othello and Faust ; it is a perfect, a lovely grandeur. Certainly his poetry has all the energy and power of the poetry of our ruder climates ; but it has, besides, the pure lines of an Ionian horizon, the liquid clear- ness of an Ionian sky. LAST WORDS Multi, qui persequuntur me, et tribulant me : a testimoniis non declinavi. BuFFON, the great French naturalist, imposed on himself the rule of steadily abstaining from all answer to attacks made upon him. 'Je n'ai jamais repondu a aucune critique,' he said to one of his friends who, on the occasion of a certain criticism, was eager to take up arms in his behalf; 'je n'ai jamais repondu a aucune critique, et je garderai le meme silence sur VOL. v 257 s ON TRANSLATING HOMER celle-ci.' On another occasion, when accused of plagiarism, and pressed by his friends to answer, ' II vaut mieux,' he said, ' laisser ces mauvaises gens dans I'incertitude.' Even when reply to an attack was made successfully, he disapproved of it, he regretted that those he esteemed should make it. Montesquieu, more sensitive to criti- cism than BufFon, had answered, and successfully answered, an attack made upon his great work, the Esprit des Lois, by the Gazetier yanseniste. This Jansenist Gazetteer was a periodical of those times, — a periodical such as other times, also, have occasionally seen, — very pretentious, very aggressive, and, when the point to be seized was at all a delicate one, very apt to miss it. ' Not- withstanding this example,' said BufFon, — who, as well as Montesquieu, had been attacked by the Jansenist Gazetteer, — ' notwithstanding this example, I think I may promise my course will be different. I shall not answer a single word.' And to any one who has noticed the bane- ful effects of controversy, with all its train of personal rivalries and hatreds, on men of letters or men of science ; to any one who has observed how it tends to impair, not only their dignity and repose, but their productive force, their genuine activity ; how it always checks the free play of the spirit, and often ends by stopping it altogether ; it can hardly seem doubtful, that the rule thus imposed on himself by BufFon was 258 ON TRANSLATING HOMER a wise one. His own career, indeed, admirably shows the wisdom of it. That career was as glorious as it was serene ; but it owed to its serenity no small part of its glory. The regu- larity and completeness with which he gradually built up the great work which he had designed, the air of equable majesty which he shed over it, struck powerfully the imagination of his contemporaries, and surrounded BufFon's fame with a peculiar respect and dignity. ' He is,* said Frederick the Great of him, ' the man who has best deserved the great celebrity which he has acquired.' And this regularity of production, this equableness of temper, he maintained by his resolute disdain of personal controversy. BufFon's example seems to me worthy of all imitation, and in my humble way I mean always to follow it. I never have replied, I never will reply, to any literary assailant ; in such encounters tempers are lost, the world laughs, and truth is not served. Least of all should I think of using this Chair as a place from which to carry on such a conflict. But when a learned and estimable man thinks he has reason to complain of language used by me in this Chair, — when he attributes to me inten- tions and feelings towards him which are far from my heart, I owe him some explanation, — and I am bound, too, to make the explanation as public as the words which gave offence. This is the reason why I revert once more to 259 ON TRANSLATING HOMER the subject of translating Homer. But being thus brought back to that subject, and not wish- ing to occupy you solely with an explanation which, after all, is Mr. Newman's affair and mine, not the public's, I shall take the opportunity, — not certainly to enter into any conflict with any one, — but to try to establish our old friend, the coming translator of Homer, yet a little firmer in the positions which I hope we have now secured for him ; to protect him against the danger of relaxing, in the confusion of dispute, his attention to those matters which alone I consider important for him ; to save him from losing sight, in the dust of the attacks delivered over it, of the real body of Patroclus. He will, probably, when he arrives, requite my solicitude very ill, and be in haste to disown his benefactor ; but my interest in him is so sincere that I can disregard his probable ingratitude. First, however, for the explanation. Mr. Newman has published a reply to the remarks which I made on his translation of the Iliad. He seems to think that the respect which at the outset of those remarks I professed for him must have been professed ironically ; he says that I use ' forms of attack against him which he does not know how to characterise ' ; that I ' speak scorn- fully' of him, treat him with 'gratuitous insult, gratuitous rancour ' ; that I ' propagate slanders ' against him, that I wish to ' damage him with my readers,' to ' stimulate my readers to despise ' 260 ON TRANSLATING HOMER him. He is entirely mistaken. I respect Mr. Newman sincerely ; I respect him as one of the few learned men we have, one of the few who love learning for its own sake ; this respect for him I had before I read his translation of the Iliad, I retained it while I was commenting on that translation, I have not lost it after reading his reply. Any vivacities of expression which may have given him pain I sincerely regret, and can only assure him that I used them without a thought of insult or rancour. When I took the liberty of creating the verb to Neivmanise, my intentions were no more rancorous than if I had said to Miltonise ; when I exclaimed, in my astonishment at his vocabulary, ' With whom can Mr. Newman have lived ? ' I meant merely to convey, in a familiar form of speech, the sense of bewilderment one has at finding a person to whom words one thought all the world knew seem strange, and words one thought entirely strange, intelligible. Yet this simple expression of my bewilderment Mr. Newman construes into an accusation that he is ' often guilty of keeping low company,' and says that I shall ' never want a stone to throw at him.' And what is stranger still, one of his friends gravely tells me that Mr. Newman 'lived with the fellows of Balliol.' As if that made Mr. Newman's glossary less inexplicable to me ! As if he could have got his glossary from the fellows of Balliol ! As if I could believe that 261 ON TRANSLATING HOMER the members of that distinguished society — of whose discourse, not so many years afterwards, I myself was an unworthy hearer — were in Mr. Newman's time so far removed from the Attic purity of speech which we all of us admired, that when one of them called a calf a bulkin, the rest ' easily understood ' him ; or, when he wanted to say that a newspaper -article was ' proudly fine,' it mattered little whether he said it was that or bragly I No ; his having lived with the fellows of Balliol does not explain Mr. Newman's glossary to me. I will no longer ask ' with whom he can have lived,' since that gives him offence ; but I must still declare that where he got his test of rarity or intelligibility for words is a mystery to me. That, however, does not prevent me from entertaining a very sincere respect for Mr. Newman, and since he doubts it, I am glad to reiterate my expression of it. But the truth of the matter is this : I unfeignedly admire Mr. Newman's ability and learning ; but I think in his translation of Homer he has employed that ability and learning quite amiss. I think he has chosen quite the wrong field for turning his ability and learning to account. I think that in England, partly from the want of an Academy, partly from a national habit of intellect to which that want of an Academy is itself due, there exists too little of what I may call a public force of correct literary opinion, possessing within 262 ON TRANSLATING HOMER certain limits a clear sense of what is right and wrong, sound and unsound, and sharply recalling men of ability and learning from any flagrant misdirection of these their advantages. I think, even, that in our country a powerful misdirection of this kind is often more likely to subjugate and pervert opinion than to be checked and corrected by it.^ Hence a chaos of false tendencies, wasted efforts, impotent conclusions, works which ought never to have been undertaken. Any one who can introduce a little order into this chaos by establishing in any quarter a single sound rule of criticism, a single rule which clearly marks what is right as right, and what is wrong as wrong, does a good deed ; and his deed is so much the better the greater force he counteracts of learning and ability applied to thicken the chaos. Of course no one can be sure that he has fixed any such rules ; he can only do his best to fix them ; but somewhere or other, in the literary opinion of Europe, if not in the literary opinion of one nation, in fifty years, if not in five, there is a final judgment on these matters, and the critic's work will at last stand or fall by its true merits. 1 ' It is the fact, that scholars of fastidious refinement, but of a judgment which I think far more masculine than Mr. Arnold's, have passed a most encouraging sentence on large specimens of my translation. I at present count eight such names.' — 'Before venturing to print, I sought to ascertain how unlearned women and children would accept my verses. I could boast how children and half-educated women have extolled them, how greedily a working man has inquired for them, without knowing who was the translator.' — Mr. Newman's Reply, pp. 2, 12, 13. 263 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Meanwhile, the charge of having in one instance misapplied his powers, of having once followed a false tendency, is no such grievous charge to bring against a man ; it does not exclude a great respect for himself personally, or for his powers in the happier manifestation of them. False tendency is, I have said, an evil to which the artist or the man of letters in England is peculiarly prone ; but everywhere in our time he is liable to it, — the greatest as well as the humblest. ' The first beginnings of my Wilhelm Meister,' says Goethe, ' arose out of an obscure sense of the great truth that man will often attempt something for which nature has denied him the proper powers, will undertake and practise something in which he cannot become skilled. An inward feeling warns him to desist ' (yes, but there are, unhappily, cases of absolute judicial blindness !), 'nevertheless he cannot get clear in himself about it, and is driven along a false road to a false goal, without knowing how it is with him. To this we may refer every- thing which goes by the name of false tendency, dilettanteism, and so on. A great many men waste in this way the fairest portion of their lives, and fall at last into wonderful delusion.' Yet after all, — Goethe adds, — it sometimes happens that even on this false road a man finds, not indeed that which he sought, but something which is good and useful for him ; ' like Saul, the son of Kish, who went forth to look for his 264 ON TRANSLATING HOMER father's asses, and found a kingdom.' And thus false tendency as well as true, vain effort as well as fruitful, go together to produce that great movement of life, to present that immense and magic spectacle of human affairs, which from boyhood to old age fascinates the gaze of every man of imagination, and which would be his terror, if it were not at the same time his delight. So Mr. Newman may see how widespread a danger it is, to which he has, as I think, in setting himself to translate Homer, fallen a prey. He may be well satisfied if he can escape from it by paying it the tribute of a single work only. He may judge how unlikely it is that I should ' despise ' him for once falling a prey to it. I know far too well how exposed to it we all are ; how exposed to it I myself am. At this very moment, for example, I am fresh from reading Mr. Newman's Reply to my Lectures, a reply full of that erudition in which (as I am so often and so good-naturedly reminded, but indeed I know it without being reminded) Mr. Newman is immeasurably my superior. Well, the demon that pushes us all to our ruin is even now prompting me to follow Mr. Newman into a discussion about the digamma, and I know not what providence holds me back. And some day, I have no doubt, I shall lecture on the language of the Berbers, and give him his entire revenge. But Mr. Newman does not confine himself to 265 ON TRANSLATING HOMER complaints on his own behalf, he complains on Homer's behalf too. He says that my ' state- ments about Greek literature are against the most notorious and elementary fact ' ; that I ' do a public wrong to literature by publishing them ' ; and that the Professors to whom I appealed in my three Lectures, ' would only lose credit if they sanctioned the use I make of their names.' He does these eminent men the kindness of adding, however, that ' whether they are pleased with this parading of their names in behalf of paradoxical error, he may well doubt,' and that ' until they endorse it themselves, he shall treat my process as a piece of forgery.' He proceeds to discuss my statements at great length, and with an erudition and ingenuity which nobody can admire more than I do. And he ends by saying that my ignorance is great. Alas ! that is very true. Much as Mr. Newman was mistaken when he talked of my rancour, he is entirely right when he talks of my ignorance. And yet, perverse as it seems to say so, I sometimes find myself wishing, when dealing with these matters of poetical criticism, that my ignorance were even greater than it is. To handle these matters properly there is needed a poise so perfect that the least overweight in any direction tends to destroy the balance. Temper destroys it, a crotchet destroys it, even erudition may destroy it. To press to the sense of the thing itself with which one is 266 ON TRANSLATING HOMER dealing, not to go ofF on some collateral issue about the thing, is the hardest matter in the world. The 'thing itself with which one is here dealing, — the critical perception of poetic truth, — is of all things the most volatile, elusive, and evanescent ; by even pressing too impetuously after it, one runs the risk of losing it. The critic of poetry should have the finest tact, the nicest moderation, the most free, flexible, and elastic spirit imaginable ; he should be indeed the ' ondoyant et divers,' the undulating and diverse being of Montaigne. The less he can deal with his object simply and freely, the more things he has to take into account in dealing with it, — the more, in short, he has to encumber himself, — so much the greater force of spirit he needs to retain his elasticity. But one cannot exactly have this greater force by wishing for it ; so, for the force of spirit one has, the load put upon it is often heavier than it will well bear. The late Duke of Wellington said of a certain peer that ' it was a great pity his education had been so far too much for his abilities.' In like manner, one often sees erudition out of all proportion to its owner's critical faculty. Little as I know, therefore, I am always apprehensive, in dealing with poetry, lest even that little should prove ' too much for my abilities.' With this consciousness of my own lack of learning, — nay, with this sort of acquiescence in 267 ON TRANSLATING HOMER it, with this belief that for the labourer in the field of poetical criticism learning has its dis- advantages, — I am not likely to dispute with Mr. Newman about matters of erudition. All that he says on these matters in his Reply I read with great interest: in general I agree with him ; but only, I am sorry to say, up to a certain point. Like all learned men, accustomed to desire definite rules, he draws his conclusions too absolutely ; he wants to include too much under his rules ; he does not quite perceive that in poetical criticism the shade, the fine dis- tinction, is everything ; and that, when he has once missed this, in all he says he is in truth but beating the air. For instance : because I think Homer noble, he imagines I must think him elegant ; and in fact he says in plain words that I do think him so, — that to me Homer seems 'pervadingly elegant.' But he does not. Virgil is elegant, — 'pervadingly elegant,' — even in passages of the highest emotion : O, ubi campi, Spercheosque, et virginibus bacchata Lacaenis Taygeta ! ^ Even there Virgil, though of a divine elegance, is still elegant : but Homer is not elegant ; the word is quite a wrong one to apply to him, and Mr. Newman is quite right in blaming any one 1 ' O for the fields of Thessaly and the streams of Spercheios ! O for the hills alive with the dances of the Laconian maidens, the hills of Taygetus ! ' — Georgics, ii. 486. 268 ON TRANSLATING HOMER he finds so applying it. Again ; arguing against my assertion that Homer is not quaint, he says : ' It is quaint to call waves wet, milk white, blood dusky, horses single-hoofed, words winged, Vulcan Lohfoot (KvWoTToBiwv), a spear /ongshadowy,' and so on. I find I know not how many distinctions to draw here. I do not think it quaint to call waves wet, or milk white, or words winged; but I do think it quaint to call horses single- hoofed, or Vulcan Lobfoot, or a spear longshadowy. As to calling blood dusky, I do not feel quite sure ; I will tell Mr. Newman my opinion when I see the passage in which he calls it so. But then, again, because it is quaint to call Vulcan Lobfoot, I cannot admit that it was quaint to call him TLvKKoiroUmv; nor that, because it is quaint to call a spear longshadowy, it was quaint to call it SoTuxoiTKiov. Here Mr. Newman's erudition misleads him : he knows the literal value of the Greek so well, that he thinks his literal rendering identical with the Greek, and that the Greek must stand or fall along with his rendering. But the real question is, not whether he has given us, so to speak, full change for the Greek, but how he gives us our change : we want it in gold, and he gives it us in copper. Again : ' It is quaint,' says Mr. Newman, ' to address a young friend as "O Pippin !" — it is quaint to compare Ajax to an ass whom boys are belabouring.' Here, too, Mr. Newman goes much too fast, and his category of quaintness is 269 ON TRANSLATING HOMER too comprehensive. To address a young friend as ' O Pippin ! ' is, I cordially agree with him, very quaint ; although I do not think it was quaint in Sarpedon to address Glaucus as & iritrov: but in comparing, whether in Greek or in English, Ajax to an ass whom boys are be- labouring, I do not see that there is of necessity anything quaint at all. Again ; because I said that eld, lief, in sooth, and other words, are, as Mr. Newman uses them in certain places, bad words, he imagines that I must mean to stamp these words with an absolute reprobation ; and because I said that ' my Bibliolatry is exces- sive,' he imagines that I brand all words as ignoble which are not in the Bible. Nothing of the kind : there are no such absolute rules to be laid down in these matters. The Bible vocabulary is to be used as an assistance, not as an authority. Of the words which, placed where Mr. Newman places them, I have called bad words, every one may be excellent in some other place. Take eld, for instance : when Shakspeare, reproaching man with the depend- ence in which his youth is passed, says : — all thy blessed youth Becomes as aged, and doth beg the alms Of palsied eld, . . . it seems to me that eld comes in excellently there, in a passage of curious meditation ; but when Mr. Newman renders ayijpo} t adavdrm re 270 ON TRANSLATING HOMER by * from Eld and Death exempted,' it seems to me he infuses a tinge of quaintness into the transparent simplicity of Homer's expression, and so I call eld a bad word in that place. Once more. Mr. Newman lays it down as a general rule that ' many of Homer's energetic descriptions are expressed in coarse physical words.' He goes on : ' I give one illustration, — ^Tpwes irpovTv^av aoKKeeo^, and ILvKKo'rroUwv, and not on these words in their synthetic character ; — -just as Professor Max Miiller, going a little farther back, and fixing his attention on the elementary value of the word Ovydrvp, might say Homer was ' odd ' for using that word ; — ' if the whole Greek nation, by long familiarity, had become inobservant of Homer's oddities,' — of the oddities of this ' noble barbarian,' as Mr. Newman elsewhere calls him, this ' noble barbarian ' with the ' lively eye of the savage,' — ' that would be no fault of mine. That would not justify Mr. Arnold's blame of me for rendering the words correctly.' 282 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Correctly, — ah, but what is correctness in this case ? This correctness of his is the very rock on which Mr. Newman has split. He is so correct that at last he finds peculiarity every- where. The true knowledge of Homer becomes at last, in his eyes, a knowledge of Homer's ' peculiarities, pleasant and unpleasant.' Learned men know these * peculiarities,' and Homer is to be translated because the unlearned are im- patient to know them too. ' That,' he exclaims, ' is just why people want to read an English Homer, — to know all his oddities, just as learned men do.'' Here I am obliged to shake my head, and to declare that, in spite of all my respect for Mr. Newman, I cannot go these lengths with him. He talks of my ' monomaniac fancy that there is nothing quaint or antique in Homer.' Terrible learning, — I cannot help in my turn exclaiming, — terrible learning, which discovers so much ! Here, then, I take my leave of Mr. Newman, retaining my opinion that his version of Homer is spoiled by his making Homer odd and ignoble ; but having, I hope, sufficient love for literature to be able to canvass works without thinking of persons, and to hold this or that production cheap, while retaining a sincere respect, on other grounds, for its author. In fulfilment of my promise to take this opportunity for giving the translator of Homer a little further advice, I proceed to notice one 283 ON TRANSLATING HOMER or two other criticisms which I find, in like manner, suggestive ; which give us an oppor- tunity, that is, of seeing more clearly, as we look into them, the true principles on which transla- tion of Homer should rest. This is all I seek in criticisms ; and, perhaps (as I have already said) it is only as one seeks a positive result of this kind, that one can get any fruit from them. Seeking a negative result from them, — personal altercation and wrangling, — one gets no fruit ; seeking a positive result, — the elucidation and establishment of one's ideas, — one may get much. Even bad criticisms may thus be made suggestive and fruitful. I declared, in a former lecture on this subject, my conviction that criticism is not the strong point of our national literature. Well, even the bad criti- cisms on our present topic which I meet with, serve to illustrate this conviction for me. And thus one is enabled, even in reading remarks which for Homeric criticism, for their immediate subject, have no value, — which are far too personal in spirit, far too immoderate in temper, and far too heavy-handed in style, for the delicate matter they have to treat, — still to gain light and confirmation for a serious idea, and to follow the Baconian injunction, semper aliquid addiscere, always to be adding to one's stock of observation and knowledge. Yes, even when we have to do with writers who, — to quote the words of an exquisite critic, the master of us all in criticism, 284 ON TRANSLATING HOMER M. Sainte-Beuve, — remind us, when they handle such subjects as our present, of ' Romans of the fourth or fifth century, coming to hold forth, all at random, in African style, on papers found in the desk of Augustus, Mascenas, or Pollio,' — even then we may instruct ourselves if we may regard ideas and not persons ; even then we may enable ourselves to say, with the same critic describing the effect made upon him by D'Argenson's Memoirs : ' My taste is revolted, but I learn something ; — Je suis choque mats je suis instruitJ But let us pass to criticisms which are suggestive directly and not thus indirectly only, — criticisms by examining which we may be brought nearer to what immediately interests us, — the right way of translating Homer. I said that Homer did not rise and sink with his subject, was never to be called prosaic and low. This gives surprise to many persons, who object that parts of the Iliad are certainly pitched lower than others, and who remind me of a number of absolutely level passages in Homer. But I never denied that a subject must rise and sink, that it must have its elevated and its level regions ; all I deny is, that a poet can be said to rise and sink when all that he, as a poet, can do, is perfectly well done ; when he is perfectly sound and good, that is, perfect as a poet, in the level regions of his subject as well as in its elevated regions. Indeed, what 285 ON TRANSLATING HOMER distinguishes the greatest masters of poetry from all others is, that they are perfectly sound and poetical in these level regions of their subject, — in these regions which are the great difficulty of all poets but the very greatest, which they never quite know what to do with. A poet may sink in these regions by being falsely grand as well as by being low ; he sinks, in short, whenever he does not treat his matter, whatever it is, in a perfectly good and poetic way. But, so long as he treats it in this way, he cannot be said to sink, whatever his matter may do. A passage of the simplest narrative is quoted to me from Homer : — Syrpnivev Se licacrrov eTTOij^Ojuevos iveea'criv, Mot^Atjv t«, TXavKov re, MeSovra re, Qep irapa TlrjXei, ovre Trap dvrideip KaSjLup' Aeyovrai ^av ^pormv o\/3ov VTreprarov ot crxeiv, ot re Kal xpycrafaruKtav p^kTrofixvav kv opei Mo«rav, Kal ev «rTain5Aots oibv Orj/SaiS . . . ^ There is a limpidness in that, a want of salient points to seize and transfer, which makes imitation impossible, except by a genius akin to the genius which produced it. 1 ' A secure time fell to the lot neither of Peleus the son of ^acus, nor of the godlike Cadmus ; howbeit these are said to have had, of all mortals, the supreme of happiness, who heard the golden- snooded Muses sing, one of them on the mountain (Pelion), the other in seven-gated Thebes.' 292 ON TRANSLATING HOMER Greek simplicity and Greek grace are in- imitable ; but it is said that the Iliad may still be ballad-poetry while infinitely superior to all other ballads, and that, iin my specimens of English ballad-poetry, I have been unfair. Well, no doubt there are better things in English ballad-poetry than Now Christ thee save, thou proud porter, . . . but the real strength of a chain, they say, is the strength of its weakest link ; and what I was trying to show you was, that the English ballad- style is not an instrument of enough compass and force to correspond to the Greek hexameter ; that, owing to an inherent weakness in it as an epic style, it easily runs into one of two faults, — either it is prosaic and humdrum, or, trying to avoid that fault, and to make itself lively {se faire vif), it becomes pert and jaunty. To show that, the passage about King Adland's porter serves very well. But these degradations are not proper to a true epic instrument, such as the Greek hexameter. You may say, if you like, when you find Homer's verse, even in describing the plainest matter, neither humdrum nor jaunty, that this is because he is so incomparably better a poet than other balladists, because he is Homer. But take the whole range of Greek epic poetry, — take the later poets, the poets of the last ages of this poetry, many of them most indifferent, 293 ON TRANSLATING HOMER — Coluthus, Tryphiodorus, Quintus of Smyrna, Nonnus. Never will you find in this instrument of the hexameter, even in their hands, the vices of the ballad-style in the weak moments of this last : everywhere the hexameter — a noble, a truly epical instrument — rather resists the weak- ness of its employer than leads itself to it. Quintus of Smyrna is a poet of merit, but certainly not a poet of a high order ; with him, too, epic poetry, whether in the character of its prosody or in that of its diction, is no longer the epic poetry of earlier and better times, nor epic poetry as again restored by Nonnus : but even in Quintus of Smyrna, I say, the hexameter is still the hexameter ; it is a style which the ballad-style, even in the hands of better poets, cannot rival. And in the hands of inferior poets, the ballad-style sinks to vices of which the hexameter, even in the hands of a Tryphiodorus, never can become guilty. But a critic, whom it is impossible to read without pleasure, and the disguise of whose initials I am sure I may be allowed to penetrate, — Mr. Spedding, — says that he ' denies altogether that the metrical movement of the English hexameter has any resemblance to that of the Greek.' Of course, in that case, if the two metres in no respect correspond, praise accorded to the Greek hexameter as an epical instrument will not extend to the English. Mr. Spedding seeks to establish his proposition by pointing out 294 ON TRANSLATING HOMER that the system of accentuation differs in the English and in the Virgilian hexameter ; that in the first, the accent and the long syllable (or what has to do duty as such) coincide, in the second they do not. He says that we cannot be so sure of the accent with which Greek verse should be read as of that with which Latin should ; but that the lines of Homer in which the accent and the long syllable coincide, as in the English hexameter, are certainly very rare. He suggests a type of English hexameter in agreement with the Virgilian model, and formed on the supposition that * quantity is as distinguish- able in English as in Latin or Greek by any ear that will attend to it.' Of the truth of this supposition he entertains no doubt. The new hexameter will, Mr. Spedding thinks, at least have the merit of resembling, in its metrical movement, the classical hexameter, which merit the ordinary English hexameter has not. But even with this improved hexameter he is not satisfied ; and he goes on, first to sug- gest other metres for rendering Homer, and finally to suggest that rendering Homer is impossible. A scholar to whom all who admire Lucretius owe a large debt of gratitude, — Mr. Munro, — has replied to Mr. Spedding. Mr. Munro declares that ' the accent of the old Greeks and Romans resembled our accent only in name, in reality was essentially different ' ; that ' our 29s ON TRANSLATING HOMER English reading of Homer and Virgil has in itself no meaning' ; and that ' accent has nothing to do with the Virgilian hexameter.' If this be so, of course the merit which Mr. Spedding attributes to his own hexameter, of really corre- sponding with the Virgilian hexameter, has no existence. Again ; in contradiction to Mr. Spedding's assertion that lines in which (in our reading of them) the accent and the long syllable coincide,^ as in the ordinary English hexameter, are ' rare even in Homer,' Mr, Munro declares that such lines, ' instead of being rare, are among the very commonest types of Homeric rhythm.' Mr. Spedding asserts that ' quantity is as dis- tinguishable in English as in Latin or Greek by any ear that will attend to it ' ; but Mr. Munro replies, that in English ' neither his ear nor his reason recognises any real distinction of quantity except that which is produced by accentuated and unaccentuated syllables.' He therefore arrives at the conclusion that in constructing English hexameters, ' quantity must be utterly discarded ; and longer or shorter unaccentuated syllables can have no meaning, except so far as they may be made to produce sweeter or harsher sounds in the hands of a master.' It is not for me to interpose between two such combatants ; and indeed my way lies, not up the highroad where they are contending, but ^ Lines such as the first of the Odyssey ; avSpa /lot ivvetre, Mowra, iroA.vrpoirov, os juaXa iroAAa . . . 296 ON TRANSLATING HOMER along a bypath. With the absolute truth of their general propositions respecting accent and quantity, I have nothing to do ; it is most interesting and instructive to me to hear such propositions discussed, when it is Mr. Munro or Mr. Spedding who discusses them ; but I have strictly limited myself in these Lectures to the humble function of giving practical advice to the translator of Homer. He, I still think, must not follow so confidently, as makers of English hexameters have hitherto followed, Mr. Munro's maxim, — quantity may be utterly discarded. He must not, like Mr. Longfellow, make seven- teen a dactyl in spite of all the length of its last syllable, even though he can plead that in counting we lay the accent on the first syllable of this word. He may be far from attaining Mr. Spedding's nicety of ear ; — may be unable to feel that ' while quantity is a dactyl, quiddity is a tribrach,' and that ' rapidly is a word to which we find no parallel in Latin ' ; — but I think he must bring himself to distinguish, with Mr. Spedding, between ' tK oVr-wearied eyelid,' and ' the wearied eyelid,' as being, the one a correct ending for a hexameter, the other an ending with a false quantity in it ; instead of finding, with Mr. Munro, that this distinction ' conveys to his mind no intelligible idea.' He must temper his belief in Mr. Munro's dictum, — quantity must be utterly discarded, — by mixing with it a belief in this other dictum of the same 297 ON TRANSLATING HOMER author, — two or more consonants take longer time in enunciating than one} Criticism is so apt in general to be vague and impalpable, that when it gives us a solid and definite possession, such as is Mr. Spedding's parallel of the Virgilian and the English hexa- meter with their difference of accentuation dis- tinctly marked, we cannot be too grateful to it. It is in the way in which Mr. Spedding pro- ceeds to press his conclusions from the parallel which he has drawn out, that his criticism seems to me to come a little short. Here even he, I think, shows (if he will allow me to say so) a little of that want of pliancy and suppleness so common among critics, but so dangerous to their ^ Substantially, however, in the question at issue between Mr. Munro and Mr. Spedding, I agree with Mr. Munro. By the italicised words in the following sentence, ' The rhythm of the Virgilian hexameter depends entirely on ceesura, pause, and a due arrangement of words,' he has touched, it seems to me, in the constitution of this hexameter, the central point, which Mr. Spedding misses. The accent, or heightened tone, of Virgil in reading his own hexameters, was probably far from being the same thing as the accent or stress with which we read them. The general effect of each line, in Virgil's mouth, was probably therefore something widely different from what Mr. Spedding assumes it to have been : an ancient's accentual reading was something which allowed the metrical beat of the Latin line to be far more percept- ible than our accentual reading allows it to be. On the question as to the real rhythm of the ancient hexameter, Mr. Newman has in his Repl^ a page quite admirable for force and precision. Here he is in his element, and his ability and acuteness have their proper scope. But it is true that the modern reading of the ancient hexameter is what the modern hexameter has to imitate, and that the English reading of the Virgilian hexameter is as Mr. Spedding describes it. Why this reading has not been imitated by the English hexameter, I have tried to point out in the text. 298 ON TRANSLATING HOMER criticism ; he is a little too absolute in imposing his metrical laws : he too much forgets the excellent maxim of Menander, so applicable to literary criticism : — /caAov ot vofwi dvTr]S