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 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030150431 
 
The History of the 
 
 Society of Merchant Venturers 
 
 of the City of Bristol 
 
The History 
 
 of the 
 
 Society of Merchant Venturers 
 of the City of Bristol 
 
 With some Account of the Anterior 
 Merchants' Guilds 
 
 By yohn Latimer 
 
 1903 
 
 Bristol : J. W. Arrowsmith, Quay Street 
 S 
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PREFACE. 
 
 I HAVE endeavoured in the following pages to comply 
 with a desire expressed by the Society of Merchant 
 Venturers, by compiling from their own Records and 
 other sources of information some account of this 
 ancient incorporation. 
 
 A close study of the archives made between the 
 years 1897 and 1901, during which period, at the request 
 of the Hall, I drew up a Calendar of the transactions of 
 the Society extending over three large volumes, had made 
 me familiar with the subject. But the preparation from 
 the voluminous documents of a formal history of a 
 Corporation forming a connecting link between the 
 Middle Ages and modern times was a formidable task ; 
 and I should not have ventured to undertake it but 
 for the assistance promised (and cordially rendered) by 
 the late and present Treasurers and other members of 
 the Society, and but for the large measure of approval 
 that has been bestowed upon my previous efforts to 
 elucidate local history. 
 
 It is somewhat remarkable that although the 
 merchants of the leading outports in England obtained 
 royal charters of incorporation in the sixteenth century, 
 no Merchant Venturers' Society was established in 
 London. A corporate body, eventually styled the 
 Merchant Adventurers of England, had indeed been 
 founded by Henry the Fourth, and granted exclusive 
 rights of trading with Germany and the Low Countries; 
 but as a document delivered by its officers to the Star 
 Chamber in 1637 bears witness, the members "were in 
 those times dispersed, and dwelt as well in the outports 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 of the kingdom— viz. : at York, Hull, Exeter, and 
 Newcastle, as at London, though the greatest number 
 always dwelt at London." And this statement is 
 followed by a declaration of the same officials that 
 "the Head Court of the Society ever was, and yet is, 
 beyond seas, and not at London," and that merchants 
 at Newcastle and other towns seeking admission to the 
 confederacy were elected " at one of the Courts beyond 
 the seas," and were not only required to appear there to 
 take the oath of obedience to the Company's ordinances, 
 but were moreover " liable to be called over to be 
 Assistants to the said Company beyond seas." {Records 
 of the Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle, vol. i., p. 19.) 
 Down to the rupture with Spain in the reign of Elizabeth, 
 the General Courts of this singular Society, whose 
 members were exclusively Englishmen, but whose 
 Governor, Wardens, and Assistants were elected and 
 resided abroad, generally assembled at Antwerp, and at 
 that time the members living in London do not appear 
 to have had a recognised right to elect a resident Deputy 
 Governor. At a later period, the headquarters of the 
 fraternity were at Hamburg, whence it became commonly 
 known in this country as the Hamburg Company ; and 
 it being then customary to hold three General Courts 
 yearly — two at the new centre and one in London — the 
 organisation got later on to be loosely styled the "London 
 Company." 
 
 By the charter granted to the Bristol Merchants by 
 Edward the Sixth, they were forbidden to traffic in 
 the region reserved to the Merchant Adventurers of 
 England ; but this restraint was abrogated by the 
 second local charter granted by Charles the First. The 
 latter instrument, resulting from the temporary capture 
 of this city by the Royalist army, was probably regarded 
 as invalid by the party that afterwards gained supremacy. 
 But in 1662 Charles the Second, in response to a petition 
 
PREFACE. VU 
 
 setting forth the decay of the clothing trade in the 
 West of England occasioned by the narrow policy of 
 the English Adventurers, ordered that admission to 
 that company should be granted to all merchants at 
 the outports on payment of a small fine. No reference 
 to this mandate occurs in the minutes of the Bristol 
 Merchant Venturers. But from the Records of the 
 Newcastle Society, which I had not been able to 
 consult when narrating the local contest with the Levant 
 Company (page 138 post), it appears that in 1669 the 
 Bristolians, pleading their charters, appealed to the 
 Privy Council against the monopoly claimed by the 
 Hamburg Company ; that the Government invited 
 representations from other outports ; and that the Bristol 
 Society solicited the co-operation of the Newcastle 
 confederacy "to free themselves from the bondage of 
 the Merchant Adventurers of England." Though the 
 northern merchants had suffered much persecution from 
 the London members of the Hamburg Company, they 
 were disinclined to lose their share of the monopoly, and 
 ordered their agent at Court to support the Company, 
 and hold aloof from "these interlopers." {Newcastle 
 Records, i., 137.) The interlopers, however, succeeded 
 in their object. The Merchant Adventurers of England 
 still flourished for a time at Hamburg, and mention of 
 them occurs in the State Papers so late as the early 
 years of George the Third ; but English trade with 
 the Hanse Towns had then been entirely unrestricted 
 for three-quarters of a century. 
 
 In an interesting paper by Mr. Cuthbert Atchley on 
 the ancient documents relating to All Saints' Church, 
 Bristol, published in the Archcsological Journal in igoi, 
 is a transcript of a deed probably executed in 1286-7, 
 during one of the mayoralties of Richard de Mangots- 
 field, two of the witnesses to which are ' ' Symon Adrian 
 and John Clerk, seneschals of the Merchants' Gild." 
 
VIU PREFACE. 
 
 As three members of the Adrian family held the office 
 of mayor between 1249 and 1302, and two Clerks were 
 chief magistrates in 1243 and 1268 respectively, the 
 instrument lends further confirmation to the remarks 
 on the close connection between the Corporation and 
 the Guild to be found in my first chapter. 
 
 It may be worth adding, in reference to my remarks 
 (page 7) on the original meaning of the word "merchant," 
 that some members of the Society of Merchant Adven- 
 turers of Newcastle continued to trade as shopkeepers 
 until about the middle of the eighteenth century. 
 (Newcastle Records.) 
 
 In conclusion, I have to express my grateful 
 acknowledgments for the assistance I have received in 
 the preparation of this volume from the late Treasurer 
 and present Junior Warden, Mr. George Henry Pope, 
 who devoted much time and labour in transcribing 
 numerous old documents, and in revising and correcting 
 many of the proofs; to the Treasurer, Mr. Percy L. King; 
 to Mr. Francis F. Fox, F.S.A., who kindly perused 
 my manuscript throughout, and supplied many useful 
 hints ; to the present Father of the Society, Mr. William 
 Proctor Baker; to a third Past Master, Mr. William W. 
 Ward, whose valuable contribution is incorporated in 
 the volume ; to the Clerk, Mr. Jere Osborne ; and to 
 the City Treasurer, Mr. J. T. Lane, for his courtesy 
 in allowing me to consult the civic records. I have 
 also to thank the staff of the Privy Council and of 
 the Record Office for most obliging services whilst 
 pursuing my researches. 
 
The Merchant Venturers' Society 
 of Bristol. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE GUILD MERCHANT, AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 
 
 Before entering upon the history of the Bristol Society 
 of Merchant Venturers, it seems desirable to describe, 
 as far as the scanty materials permit, the institutions 
 of a mercantile character that existed and gradually 
 developed in this and other boroughs during the five 
 centuries extending from the Conquest to the date of the 
 Society's first charter. The earlier and darker part of 
 this period, which is very inadequately treated by both 
 national and local historians, has been recently much 
 elucidated by a painstaking and deeply-read German 
 professor, Dr. Charles Gross, who appears to have made 
 researches in the archives of every important English 
 town, and whose general conclusions, published in his 
 work on The Gild Merchant, are based on so wide an 
 embodiment of facts as to place him in the highest rank 
 of trustworthy authorities. 
 
 Dr. Gross has been unable to find any trace of the 
 existence of an English Guild Merchant in the Anglo- 
 Saxon period of our history, or indeed of any body 
 forming the nucleus of borough government, although 
 
2 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 Merchant Guilds had then been undoubtedly established 
 in some parts of Normandy and Northern France. The 
 history of our own guilds, therefore, begins after the 
 advent of the Conqueror, when, says Dr. Gross, the close 
 unity between England and Normandy led to an increase 
 in foreign commerce, and greatly stimulated internal 
 trade and industry. With the expansion of trade, the 
 mercantile element naturally became a more important 
 factor in town life, and would soon feel the need of joint 
 action to guard the nascent prosperity against encroach- 
 ment. The earliest extant references to -the- Guild 
 Merchant, ._ he adds, occur in a charter granted by 
 Robert Fitz Hamon [Lord of the Honour of Gloucester] 
 to the burgesses of the little town of Burford (1087-1107), 
 and in a document drawn up whilst Anselm was Archbishop 
 of Canterbury. (io93-£i 09). Soon afterwards, during the 
 reign of Henry the First (1100-1135), the Guild appears 
 in various municipal charters, and its propagation must 
 have been greatly stimulated by the further extension 
 of England's Continental possessions under Henry the 
 Second. 
 
 Several of the early charters granted to Bristol have 
 unfortunately perished. But that important privileges 
 had been conceded to the borough by the Conqueror 
 himself seems probable from an entry in Domesday Book 
 relating to the town of Rhuddlan, which is stated to have 
 been granted the laws and customs of Hereford and 
 Bristol {Dam. B., i. 269). The possession of all reason- 
 able guilds was granted to Bristol by Robert, Earl of 
 Gloucester, and William his son (1109-1173) ; and these 
 charters, which have also disappeared, may have been 
 only confirmations of previous concessions, for the early 
 charters of London prove that successive kings conceded 
 rights and privileges over and over again in precisely the 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 3 
 
 same terms, ignoring the identical boons of their pre- 
 decessors. Thus the existing charter of liberties granted 
 to Bristol by John (c. 1188) before his accession, whilst 
 Lord of the Honour of Gloucester through his marriage 
 with Earl William's daughter, was probably merely a 
 confirmation of rights that the townsmen already enjoyed. 
 And this assumption seems strengthened by the fact that 
 John's father, Henry the Second, in 1171, granted to the 
 men of Bristol the city of Dublin, to inhabit the same, 
 and to enjoy there the liberties and free customs which 
 they possessed in their own town and through the whole 
 realm (a facsimile of this remarkable document has been 
 produced by the Corporation of Dublin, and may be seen 
 at the Museum and Library). To what extent Bristolians 
 availed themselves of the royal gift is unknown ; but in 
 November,-j;20o, King John made a fresh grant of liberties 
 to the burgesses of Dublin, permitting them, inter alia, to 
 have all^giaiids, as well as, or better than, those enjoyed 
 by the burgesses of Bristol {Charter Rolls). The privileges 
 of Bristol were in fact so extensive, and so much coveted 
 by other boroughs, that it became the custom for less 
 favoured communities to appeal to the Crown for the like 
 concessions, and Dr. Gross gives a list of thirty-one 
 Guild towns, of which he states that Bristol may be styled 
 the "mother." They include Redcliff, Hereford, Chester, 
 Lancaster, Lichfield, Shrewsbury, Stratford, Bideford, 
 Sodbury, and nearly all the chief towns in Ireland from 
 Londonderry to Cork. None of these, however, obtained 
 the full privileges enjoyed by Bristolians. In the reign 
 of Richard the First the import of foreign wines was 
 exclusively confined to London and Bristol (Madox's 
 Exchequer), and the western port seems to have had the 
 largest share of the trade, for the Patent and Close Rolls 
 of King John and his son, Henry the Third, contain a 
 
4 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 multitude of mandates of wine for the Royal household 
 and Court favourites. One of these writs, dated August 
 2ist, 1216, when John was at Bristol, is addressed to 
 Roger Cordwaner, Mayor of the town, a fact which has 
 been overlooked by all the historians of the city, their 
 lists of chief magistrates beginning after the King's death. 
 The existence of the Guild Merchant being established, 
 the functions of that body may next be examined. The 
 ^essence of the institution, says Dr. Gross, was " clearly a 
 concession of the exclusive right of trading within the 
 borough. The Gild was the department of town 
 \ administration whose duty was to maintain and regulate 
 \the trade monopoly." In some towns the right of pre- 
 emption was reserved to the members. One of the 
 Southampton ordinances, quoted by Dr. Gross, runs as 
 follows: — "No simple inhabitant or stranger shall bargain 
 for nor buy any kind of merchandise coming to the town 
 . . . so long as a gildsman is present and wishes to 
 bargain for or buy it ; and if any one does it, and is found 
 guilty, that which he buys shall be forfeited to the King." 
 The regulations in Bristol were at one period less stringent. 
 In the Close Rolls of 2nd Henry the Third (12 17), over- 
 looked by Dr. Gross, is a royal mandate to the bailiffs of 
 Bristol, ordering them to distrain on those who did not wish 
 to be of the Guild Merchant according to the custom of 
 the town, for the payment of an aid towards acquitting 
 the tallage fixed by the King's writ. It will afterwards be 
 seen, however, that the Bristol merchants subsequently 
 claimed a monopoly of trade. At an early period the 
 Guild had become an official civic body, and a constituent 
 part of the municipal government. In 1235, Robert the 
 Goldsmith granted a rent-charge upon two stone houses 
 opposite to St. Nicholas's Church for the chaplain 
 celebrating mass there — the chaplain to be chosen by the 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 5 
 
 Mayor and the Steward of the Merchants' Guild. The 
 Seneschal of the Guild is also mentioned in another deed 
 of 1240. In an inquisition of the liberties of the Bristol 
 Guild Merchant taken in the 13th Edward the First 
 (1285), one of the findings is that although it was granted 
 to the good men of Bristol that no foreign merchant 
 should stay there with his wares for sale beyond forty 
 days, and no stranger sell to another stranger, yet that 
 merchants did come in from distant places, contrary to 
 the charter, to the damage of the town, and no small 
 burden on the burgesses. At first, the Guild and the 
 civic body proper are likely to have kept distinct purses — 
 at the Guildhall and the Compter or Tolsil, but their 
 funds appear to have been amalgamated before 1314, for 
 in a manuscript copy of the Customs of the town of 
 Bristol, in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, the 
 burgesses inform Edward the Second that "out of the 
 profits of the Gild of Merchants and of the town they 
 support eight bridges, the pavement or pitching, five 
 conduits of water, the Quay, and the public officers." 
 (Barrett, vii.) This amalgamation became general in all 
 parts of the country. Dr. Gross observes: — "When 
 trade and industry underwent a great expansion during 
 the period of the three Edwards, the mercantile interests 
 must have become completely dominant in many towns, 
 the burgher merging in the townsman, and gildship 
 becoming an appurtenance of burgess-ship. . . . The 
 same men swayed the counsels of the borough and gild. 
 As the mercantile element attained greater preponderance 
 the natural tendency would be to regard the gild officers 
 as superfluous, and to consolidate the^ headship of the 
 gild and that of the borough." That this was the result 
 "nTBristol may be assumed from the fact that, excepting 
 on one occasion, there is no subsequent mention of an 
 
6 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 independent Merchants' Guild. The case of the town of 
 Gloucester is still more striking, for there the Guild actually 
 became the Corporation. The first common seal of that 
 borough, an impression of which is appended to a 
 document executed between 1237 ^"d 1245, bears the 
 inscription in Latin: — "Seal of the Burgesses of the 
 Merchants' Gild of Gloucester." The second civic seal, 
 dating about 150 years later, bears the same inscription; 
 and the third, which was cut in 1564, and continued in 
 use until 1661, is inscribed in Latin as the " Seal of the 
 Mayor and Burgesses of the Merchants' Gild of the City 
 of Gloucester." (Trans. Bristol and Glos. Arch. Soc, xiii. 
 387.) These seals are believed to be unique, but there 
 are abundant indications in local histories that, although 
 the fact was not so boldly proclaimed, the Guild became 
 omnipotent in many corporations. 
 
 The exceptional reference to the Guild Merchant in 
 the civic records of a later date, alluded to above, occurs 
 in the year 1372, and is found in the Great Red Book, 
 fo. 34. Edward the Third having claimed that the local 
 Collector, William de Somerwell (Mayor, 1388), should 
 account to the Crown for the fines of bakers, fines for 
 enjoying the freedom of the town, and various other 
 moneys levied in Bristol, the Mayor and Bailiffs put in 
 an answer, in which they assert that " the town is an 
 ancient borough, and a mayor, bailiffs, and a community 
 have existed beyond the memory of man ; in which 
 borough the said mayor, bailiffs, and community, and 
 their antecessors have had a free Gild Merchant, and 
 all things that pertain to a Gild Merchant, namely, to 
 buy and sell in the said town free and exempt from 
 customs and toll, and to have various other privileges 
 such as pertain to the Gild Merchant. By virtue of the 
 said Gild and freedom the said Mayor and Sheriff, and 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 7 
 
 their predecessors, have been accustomed all this time to 
 levy, for their own use, a certain payment from all who 
 were admitted to the freedom and society of the Gild, 
 for having the freedom of the said Gild, according to 
 what could be reasonably agreed upon between them." 
 They then recite the charter of John, and that of the 
 40th year of Henry the Third (1256), the latter conceding 
 to Bristol all the liberties and free customs enjoyed by 
 the citizens of London, which privileges Edward the 
 Third had himself ratified and confirmed to Bristol by 
 his charter of 1331. This answer appears to have put 
 an end to the royal demands. 
 
 The fact that the royal claim included the fees paid by 
 bakers on admission to the freedom shows that the Guild 
 had a much wider basis than its name implies. In 
 dealing with this subject. Dr. Gross asserts that crafts- 
 men were freely admitted to the Merchants' Guilds from 
 the twelfth century downwards, and adds: "The term 
 merchant, as is well known, was not in those days 
 confined to large dealers, but embraced all who traded. 
 . . . Every master craftsman was regarded as a 
 nlerchant, for he bought his raw material, and sold the 
 products of his handiwork in his shop, or at his stall. 
 . . . Craftsmen were not only admitted to the Guild 
 Merchant, but also, in all probability, constituted the 
 majority of its members." (It may be observed that 
 north of the Tweed, a century ago, all retail tradesmen 
 were styled merchants, and that the custom still lingers 
 in many small Scottish towns, while in Paris to-day the 
 occupiers of the lowest class of Hquor shops continue to 
 call themselves wine merchants.) Bishop Stubbs, in his 
 Constitutional History (i. 474), practically comes to the 
 same conclusion as Dr. Gross, observing : — " The 
 right of the Merchant Guild to exclude from the 
 
8 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 privileges of trading all who were not members of 
 its own body seems to imply necessarily, either 
 that the craft guilds originally stood in a filial relation 
 to it, or that the membership of the narrower 
 involved also the membership of the wider society." 
 ^— ^The wealthier class, however, gradually succeeded in 
 ' securing an ascendency in the municipal government, 
 as well here as in other towns. In _ 1312 an attempt 
 of fourteen influential Bristolians to withdraw the 
 management of civic affairs from the hands of the 
 burgesses at large led to what has been called the 
 Great Insurrection, which lasted for upwards of three 
 years, during which the townsmen set the royal power 
 at defiance, fortified themselves against attacks from the 
 Castle, and collected and spent the Customs of the port. 
 Though the struggle apparently ended in a drawn battle, 
 it is clear that the Corporation became more " select " 
 and less responsible than had been the rule in previous 
 reigns ; and with irresponsibility came, here as elsewhere, 
 abuses of power. But in later troubles there is no 
 mention of the Guild Merchant, and rarely of the crafts, 
 which began to be incorporated as separate confederacies, 
 and were granted considerable powers for the regulation 
 of their respective trades and the expulsion of "foreigners" 
 — meaning non-burgesses — under masters and wardens 
 chosen amongst themselves, though strictly subservient 
 to the Mayor and Common Council. "With the rapid 
 development and specialisation of industry, particularly 
 under Edward the Third, gilds of craftsmen multipHed 
 and grew in power. Many master craftsmen became 
 wealthy employers of labour. . . . The class of 
 dealers or merchants, as distinguished from trading 
 artificers, also greatly increased, forming themselves 
 into separate fraternities or mysteries. When these 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 
 
 various unions of dealers and of craftsmen embraced 
 all the trades and branches of production in the town, 
 little vitality remained in the old Gild Merchant " (Gross, 
 i. 117). A further development of the period was the 
 rise of the " freeman." Citizenship, originally based on 
 Durgage tenure, was gradually transformed into a personal 
 privilege, being obtained by birth, apprenticeship, or 
 marriage, and occasionally by purchase or gift ; freemen 
 thus becoming the successors of the ancient Guild 
 fraternity. 
 
 The great importance of the clothing trade of Bristol 
 in the 14th century seems to necessitate a slight digression 
 from the main object of this chapter. It is generally 
 assumed that this industry was of comparative unimport- 
 ance in a domestic point of view until the reign of 
 Edward the Second ; and Dr. Gross, who refers to it 
 only incidentally, adopts the assertions to that effect to 
 be found in many histories. There is evidence, however, 
 that the weaving trade was not wholly insignificant more 
 than a century earlier. Madox offers proof that in or 
 about 1 140 the weavers' guilds of London, Oxford, 
 Lincoln, and Winchester applied to the Crown for 
 confirmations of their privileges. Foreign craftsmen 
 from Northern France and Flanders also found their 
 way into the West of England, and set up their looms, 
 and foreign names, such as Walter le Fraunceis (Mayor, 
 1232) and William de Bellomonte (Bailiff, 1242), began 
 to appear in the list of Bristol officials. Weavers and 
 dyers are mentioned in the Cirencester records early in 
 the reign of Henry the Third, and by about 1250 the 
 clothing industry had become so extensive there in the 
 hands of two foreigners named Beaupyne, and others, 
 that a street originally called Cheaping Street had 
 received the name of Dyers' Street. At the same date. 
 
lO THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 as is shown by a deed in the Museum and Library, a 
 street on the Redcliff side of the Avon had become 
 Tuckers' (or Fullers') Street, and a part of High Street 
 was called The Drapery. 
 
 In the rules drawn up in 1292 for the household of 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury was one fixing the seasons 
 for buying " the great purchases " of the establishment, 
 in which it is stated that "robes" were to be bought at 
 Bristol at St. James's tide — that is, at the fair already 
 famous throughout the kingdom as a cloth mart. The 
 activity of the trade at this period is therefore clearly 
 established ; but it was probably seriously affected during 
 the later wars of Edward the First. Its revival and 
 greatly increased vigour under his successors brings us 
 to the appearance of another importation into Bristol, 
 the family of Blanket, whose name first occurs in 1318. 
 The local historians (the cautious Seyer excepted) concur 
 in asserting that these new-comers were the first to 
 produce the well-known bed material, and that it received 
 their name on that account. But though this myth is 
 commonly accepted in the city, the truth of the matter 
 is that these weavers, like some other workmen, obtained 
 their surname from their production. White cloth is 
 called blankete, blanquet, and blanchette by very old 
 French writers, and one of the biographers of Thomas 
 Becket alleges, on ocular authority, that the dress of the 
 Archbishop was a " curtil of whit blankit," 150 years 
 before the Blankets were heard of in Bristol. 
 
 Soon after the arrival of the Blankets, who afterwards 
 became leading citizens, the Cirencester Beaupynes 
 removed here and grew wealthy; and it may be fairly 
 assumed that when Edward the Third repeatedly invited 
 Flemish weavers to England {Foedara, iv., 496, 723, 751), 
 and when Parliament forbade the import of foreign cloth 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. II 
 
 and permitted clothworkers from the Continent to settle 
 in this country where they chose (1337), many artisans 
 found their way to Gloucestershire. Notwithstanding 
 the obvious advantages opened to commerce by this 
 policy, the intense repugnance to foreign interlopers 
 common to all English boroughs continued to animate 
 the civic rulers in Bristol. Soon after Thomas Blanket 
 and other weavers had set up more extensive machinery 
 in their houses to meet the increased demand for home- 
 made cloth, the Corporation imposed a tax upon the 
 plant, and "troubled and aggrieved" the owners and 
 their workmen "in various ways." The oppressed men 
 thereupon appealed to the Crown for relief, and the 
 King, in November, 1339, sent down a peremptory order 
 that the weavers should be no longer harassed or molested 
 {Rolls of Parliament, ii. 449). That it was effectual 
 seems proved by the fact that Thomas Blanket was 
 elected one of the Bailiffs in the following year. The 
 development of the trade soon became rapid, and before 
 the end of the reign English merchants were competing 
 with foreigners for a share in the continental markets. 
 Chaucer, who witnessed the progress, writes in his 
 Prologue that English shippers 
 
 Knew wel alle the havenes as they were 
 From Gootland to the Cape of Fynystere, 
 And every cryke in Bretayne and at Spayne. 
 
 And amongst these merchants none were more active 
 and adventurous than those of Bristol in Southern 
 France and the Peninsula. 
 
 The mercantile class became further differentiated 
 from the crafts by the establishment — chiefly for 
 facilitating the collection of the King's Customs — of 
 the Merchant Staplers. Down to the reign of Edward 
 the First, when the chief English export was wool, the 
 
12 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 trade in which was chiefly in the hands of German 
 Hanse merchants, the staple town to which the goods 
 were sent for sale was generally Bruges, Calais, or 
 Antwerp, and the staplers had the monopoly of exporta- 
 tion. In the 7th Edward the Second, however, a 
 document in the Record Office shows that a " Mayor 
 of the Merchants," commonly styled the Mayor of the 
 Staple, had been established at London, Bristol, New- 
 castle, Hull, Southampton, and seven other ports, where 
 the merchants, natives and foreigners, were allowed the 
 exclusive privilege of exporting wool to the Continent, 
 and the officers of Customs were ordered to assist the 
 mayors in the execution of the powers confided to them. 
 By a statute of 1328 it was enacted that the staples 
 beyond the seas and at home, ordained by kings in times 
 past, should cease, and that merchants, foreigners or 
 natives, might freely go or come with their wares in 
 England. Nevertheless, in 1353 staples were again 
 established in Bristol and ten other English towns, 
 which were further favoured by an Act of Parliament 
 abolishing the staple at Calais. In the reign of Richard 
 the Second the most prominent English staples were 
 those of London, Bristol, Exeter, and Boston. Several 
 of the others had disappeared in the reign of Henry the 
 Sixth. It is remarkable that the corporate archives of 
 this city contain very little information respecting this 
 privileged institution. The most important entry in 
 connection with it is in the Little Red Book (fo. 72 b), 
 from which we learn that John Milton, Mayor of the 
 Staple [and also Mayor of the town], whose election 
 had been approved in 1435 by the King after having been 
 chosen by the native and foreign merchants of the port, 
 had died in office in the following February, whereupon 
 the Constables of the Staple, Thomas Fissche and 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 1 3 
 
 William Canynges, who had also been approved by the 
 King, had convoked the merchants, who had elected 
 Nicholas Devenyssche as Mayor for the remainder of the 
 yearly term, and the Crown was prayed to confirm the 
 appointment. It is evident from the tenor of this docu- 
 ment, and from a statute of 27th Edward the Third, 
 that the mayors and constables of the Staples were 
 functionaries of the King, originally distinct from the 
 municipal authorities, the Act emphatically ordaining 
 that foreign merchants should be protected and justice 
 done to them according to the Law Merchant exclusively, 
 and not according to the common law of the realm, or 
 before burghal tribunals. (A transcript of this Lex 
 Mercatoria, written in a fourteenth century hand and 
 believed to be unique, is one of the most valuable and 
 interesting manuscripts in the Little Red Book ; fo. 22, 
 &c.) The staple ensured the quality of the goods 
 exported by providing machinery for examining, weighing, 
 and marking them, and stimulated commerce by pro- 
 tecting alien merchants. In course of time it became 
 customary for the mayors of Bristol to act ex officio as 
 mayors of the Staple, and the Seal of the Staple Court 
 affixed to its decisions is still preserved at the Council 
 House, where the weights used by the officials were also 
 formerly kept. 
 
 The increase of home manufactures probably sapped 
 the foundation of the Staple system, and the foreign 
 element in its organisation gradually died out. In 1407 
 a charter was granted by Henry the Fourth, incorporating 
 a Company of Merchant Adventurers, who carried on 
 trade chiefly with Germany and the Netherlands, and 
 were granted a monopoly in the exportation of certain 
 manufactured articles. This was a strictly private com- 
 pany, and was not, like the Staplers, an organ of the 
 
14 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 Government; and all its members were required to be 
 subjects of the Crown. Dr. Gross states that the soul 
 of this company, and perhaps its original nucleus, was 
 the Mercers' Company of London, the members of which 
 had developed from general retail dealers into wholesale 
 traders, and that the minutes of both companies were 
 kept in the same book down to 1526. The Adventurers' 
 Company had, however, amongst its members in 1601, 
 according to a description of it written by its secretary, 
 John Wheeler, "a great number of wealthy and well- 
 experimented merchants dwelling in divers great cities 
 and other parts of the realm, to wit, London, York, 
 Norwich, Exeter, Ipswich, Newcastle, and Hull," and 
 it had the special privilege of trading to and from the 
 " mart towns " between the river Somme, in France, and 
 the Scawe in Denmark ; the wares of non-members inter- 
 meddling in the region reserved to the Company being 
 liable to seizure and mulcted in heavy penalties. Dr. 
 Gross has discovered that some members of this com- 
 pany were resident in Bristol, Salisbury, and Devizes, 
 but our local chronicles and archives contain no reference 
 to the subject. As a matter of fact, although the second 
 William Canynges carried on a large business with 
 Denmark in the fifteenth century, and, in consideration 
 of the debt due to him by its King, enjoyed for some 
 years a monopoly of trade with Iceland and Finmark, 
 the merchants of Bristol had found a more lucrative field 
 of commerce in other directions. Hamburgh, which 
 appears to have been the chief centre of the Adventurers' 
 transactions, is upwards of a thousand miles from the 
 Avon, and Bristol ships were handicapped by the distance 
 to the advantage of the eastern ports. On the other 
 hand, the chief marts of central and southern France 
 were within easy reach, and the biography of a great 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 1 5 
 
 local benefactor, Robert Thome, affords evidence that 
 Bristolians had opened a large and highly profitable trade 
 with Spain and Portugal in the fifteenth century, and 
 probably earlier, cargoes of cloth, leather, and especially 
 fish from the northern seas, being readily exchanged for 
 the wines and fruit of the Peninsula. The obscure story 
 of the Merchant Adventurers of England, as they were 
 ultimately styled, has been elucidated after much 
 research by another indefatigable German scholar, 
 W. E. Lingelbach ; but his essay makes no reference 
 to the commerce of Bristol and the West of England. 
 
 It would appear that the local Staple had become of 
 little importance in Bristol about the middle of the 
 fifteenth century,* and that a necessity had arisen for 
 additional regulations. In 1459 the Common Council 
 revived certain Ordinances which were alleged "to have 
 been in force beyond memory, but which of late years 
 
 * Like some other English institutions, however, it maintained a lingering 
 existence, long after its chief functions had become obsolete, by dint of availing itself 
 of a subordinate privilege. It became, in fact, an institution for the recovery of 
 small debts and for settling actions for trespass. Sec. ; and in order to avail them- 
 selves of its machinery a certain number of persons, resident not merely in Bristol, 
 but in distant parts of the kingdom, applied yearly for admission as "burgesses of 
 the staple." This appears from an old book in the Council House, bearing the 
 following title (in Latin) : — "Pleas in the Court of the Staple in the time of John 
 Caple, Mayor, Nicholas Brown and Roger Dawes, Constables, in the first year of 
 Henry VIII." (The confirmation by the Crown of the officers of the Court appears 
 to have been continued throughout that reign.) Three courts were nominally held 
 every week, but the average number of actions did not exceed four or five per month. 
 Twenty-three "burgesses" were admitted during the year, some of them living at 
 Bath, Devizes, Shepton Mallet, and various places in Somerset. The Bristol appli- 
 cants were of all trades. In the following year the Abbot of Keynsham, who must 
 have been a "burgess," entered an action against a Bristol brewer, on a debt of 53s. 
 A London grocer, also a burgess, was defendant in another case. The celebrated 
 merchant, Robert Thome, was sued by four or five persons for small sums. Amongst 
 the forty persons admitted as burgesses were an Oxford scholar and two London 
 traders. In 1583 the Corporation ordained that no strangers should thenceforth be 
 admitted. From another book in the Council House it appears that the Staple 
 Court was afterwards practically amalgamated with the Mayor's Court. It bears 
 the title, in Latin : " Book of the Regulations and Orders made and ordained for the 
 Court of the Mayor and Aldermen, likewise for the Court of the Mayor and 
 Constables of the Staple of Bristol," and extends from Michaelmas, 1649, to the 
 same feast in 1654. Several hundred actions were raised within that period, but 
 only one case is marked "Staple Court," and no admissions are recorded. The 
 Mayor's Court was eventually absorbed by the Tolzey Court. The last known 
 mention of the Staple is in a document dated 29th September, 1688, signed by (Sir) 
 Thomas Day, Mayor, certifying that John Gary, whose name will recur later on, was 
 that day admitted into the Liberties of the Staple of Bristol. (Addl. MSS. 5540; 
 Brit. Museum.) 
 
l6 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 . . . have been negligently omitted." They enacted that 
 when non-burgesses brought cargoes into the port, the 
 goods were to be forthwith removed for sale to " a place 
 upon the Back called Spycer's Hall, wherein sometime 
 dwelled a full notable worshipful merchant called Robert 
 Sturmy, whom God late hath taken in his mercy," for the 
 maintenance of which hall the sellers were to pay a small 
 fee [such as one penny for every whole cloth J. No 
 burgess was on any pretext to suffer foreigners' goods to 
 be shown, sold or lodged in his house, under a penalty ot 
 405. It seems to have been felt, however, that a more 
 comprehensive scheme was required for the reorganisation 
 of the mercantile interests in the borough. Availing 
 itself of the powers conferred on the Common Council 
 by the great charter of 1373, to frame Ordinances for 
 remedying defects that might arise in the regulations and 
 customs of the town, the Corporation, in 14677 drew up 
 the following important Ordinance, which, hke -the Ordi- 
 nance just summarised, was entered in the Great Red 
 Book at the Council House. The document may be left 
 to speak for itself. 
 
 IbeetC fOlIOWen the Actys and Ordinaunce made by William 
 Canninge Mayor of Bristowe, John Gaywood, ShereflF of the same, 
 John Shipward the elder, William Coder, Phillipp Mede, John 
 Wickham, William Spenser, and all the Common Counsail of 
 Bristowe, for good, sadde, and profittable Rewle, of and uppon 
 fower certeigne marchandize used in Bristowe, that is to sale, meat 
 oyle, woll oyle, yren and waxe. 
 
 Anno Dni 1467 And in the seaventh yeere of the Raigne of 
 Kinge Edward the fourth. 
 
 / 3FirStC, that everie yere within xx dales after Michelmasse, the 
 
 / Mayor and Shereffe for the tyme beinge shall do sompne the grete 
 
 / Counsaille, and by theire advyce and assente cheese a worschupfuU 
 
 I man of the saide Counsaille that hath ben Maior or Shereffe of this 
 
 ' Towne to bee maister of the felaweschipp of merchaunts within the 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 1 7 
 
 saide Towne for the yere folowynge And to cheese alsoe other twoe 
 merchants at large for wardeynes of the said yeere And alsoe ij 
 Byddles which shall occupie as Byddilles and Brookers for the said 
 yere, and to be attendaunt upon the said maister and wardeines atte 
 such tyme as they ben called by theym or anie of theym And the 
 saide Maister Wardeynes and Byddles to take thaire charge of the 
 Maior for the time beinge. 
 
 JtCltl the saide maister and ffelawshipp shall have and occupie 
 atte thaire wille the Chappell and the Draughte Chameber apper- 
 teyninge thereto in the Hows callyd Spyceris Halle uppon the Back 
 of Bristowe There they to have theire Commynicacon of such 
 matters necessarie and appteynynge to the premisses The saide 
 maister and wardeyns paienge yeerely for the saide Halle twentie 
 shillings. 
 
 JtCtU that all merchaunts of Bristowe schall be redie to come 
 and appeare before the saide maister and felaweschipp att suche 
 tymes reasonable as they ben warned to the common plaace to theym 
 assigned and ordeyned for the good expedicon of the saide Rewle 
 and Ordenaunce of and uppon the saide fower marchandices or eny 
 of theym uppon paieng of leezinge of j lib. wax to the M' and 
 felaweschipp atte evy defaulte that they ben callyd if that they bee 
 in towne. 
 
 JtCin such Rewle and Ordenaunce as schalbe ordeigned and 
 establyshed by the saide Maister and felaweschipp in the price of 
 syllinge by the Burgeys to any Estraunger of eny of the seid iiij 
 marchaundizes That hit bee kept and observed by everie merchaunte 
 Burgeis And in noe wise to bee brooke uppon the payne of xxs. 
 for everie defaulte without mytigacon, halfe to the use of the 
 felawschipp and halfe to the use of the Chameber. 
 
 Jteitl that noe merchaunte Burgeys of this Towne sille none 
 of the saide marchaundizes to enny Estraunger withynne the price 
 sette by the maister and wardeynes and by the advyce of the felawe- 
 schipp for the tyme beinge uppon the paine aforesaide for everie 
 defaulte. 
 
 Stent yf enny merchaunte Burgeys be in eany distresse whereby 
 hee must sylle for his necessitie eany of the saide iiij merchaundizes 
 That then the saide marchaunt Burgeys come to the saide Wardeyns 
 or Byddills or to oone of thayme declareing his distresse And 
 thaune if the saide Wardeynes or Byddills or oone of thayme 
 Jean not provide a remedie for his necessitie withynne iij dales next 
 
 3 
 
1 8 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 after his warninge That then yt shalbe leefull to the saide merchaunt 
 Burgeis to sylle any of his suche merchaundizes atte that tyme 
 atte his pleasure without left or disturbaunce of the saide Wardeins 
 Bydills or eany other. 
 
 It will be seen that under the pretext of regulating the 
 price, to strangers, of four articles of merchandise, the 
 Corporation took into their own hands the election of a 
 Master and Wardens of a Fellowship of Merchants, 
 reserving the principal office exclusively to those who 
 had served as Mayor or Sheriff of the town ; and granted 
 the Fellowship the use of the chapel and principal 
 chamber in Spicer's Hall for their customary meetings. 
 The Fellowship did not comprise all the merchants in 
 the town, but it was ordained that non -members, when 
 duly summoned, should attend at the Hall, on pain of 
 forfeiting a pound of wax in default, and they were 
 forbidden to sell the four wares specified in the Ordinance 
 below the prices fixed by the Fellowship, under a penalty 
 of 20S. for every infraction of the order. 
 
 As all the leading merchants were apparently members 
 of the Corporation, the Ordinance enacted by the 
 Common Council was doubtless instigated by those 
 whom it chiefly concerned, who thus secured the 
 obedience of the mercantile community generally. The 
 records afford no information as to the manner in which 
 admission was gained into the Fellowship. But it 
 undoubtedly flourished, and a deed preserved in Mer- 
 chants' Hall seems to show that the chapel in Spicer's 
 Hall was soon deemed inadequate for its requirements. 
 From the following copy of this document, which from 
 its contractions is hardly intelligible to ordinary readers, 
 it will be seen that the Corporation, on March 14, 1493, 
 desirous of augmenting divine worship, and of especially 
 honouring the most blessed Pope Clement, the guide and 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. IQ 
 
 patron of navigation, granted to John Dreux (Mayor, 
 1496) and twelve other merchants, and to John Walsshe 
 and twelve other mariners,* and their heirs and assigns, 
 a piece of land in the Marsh, adjoining a tower on the 
 Town Wall [site of City Library], 203 feet in length and 
 60 feet in breadth, together with part of a contiguous 
 fosse commonly called the Lawe Ditch, to be held of 
 the capital lords of the fee under the usual services. 
 Rendering therefor twelve pence sterling yearly to the 
 grantors, payable at Midsummer and Christmas. With 
 the intention and effect that the said John Walsshe and 
 his brother mariners should thereon build and keep in 
 repair, at their own expense, a chapel in honour of the 
 blessed St. Clement. Provision is made that if the rent 
 falls a month in arrear the grantors shall have power to 
 distrain, and that if the default extends to a year, or 
 if the Lawe Ditch be not kept in repair, the civic 
 Chamberlain shall re-enter and recover possession. The 
 estate is then warranted to all the grantees, and Thomas 
 Hardy ng. Town Clerk, is appointed to give them 
 possession of it. 
 
 "ClUiUeCSiS et singulis XpT fidelibz ad quos psens scriptum 
 indentatu puenit Johes Hawkes Maior Ville Bristoll ac tota Coitas 
 eiusdem Ville saltm in dno sempiterna. Sciatis nos cupientes 
 divini cultus augmentu ob singularem devocoem qua erga beatissimu 
 Clementem papam cunctor nauiganciu tarn in psperis qm in aduersis 
 tutorem et patronu spialem gerimus et hemus dedisse concessisse et 
 hoc psenti scripto nro indentato confirm asse Johi Dreux Johi 
 Esterfeld Johi Stevyns Henrico Dale Pho Kyngston Rico Vaughan 
 JohT Popley Rogero Dawes Johi Walsshe Georgio Monoux Willmo 
 de la Fount Johi Vaughan JohT Penke Jun mcatoribz Johi Walsshe 
 Henrico Moyle Ric"o Parker Thome Sutton Waltero Cooke Thome 
 Harrys Edwardo Gibbes Johi Graunte Thome Reve Thome Griffith 
 
 *A guild or fraternity of Bristol mariners was founded in 1445-6, for the 
 purpose of erecting a chapel apparently dedicated to St. Clement and St. George, 
 and of maintaining a priest and twelve poor seamen, the latter to receive a small 
 dole weekly, contributed by the members. This appears to have been the ongm of 
 the existing almshouse. See Barrett's History of Bristol, p. 180. 
 
20 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 Henrico Hert Rico Bray et Pho Wymbler marinariis Una pcellam 
 terre jacentem in Marisco Bristoll vulgariter_ nuncupate Aven 
 Mersshe in pochia sti Stephi in Warda Omn Stor Ville pdte conti- 
 nentem in longitudi'e a via qua^itur a vico vocato Merssh_Strete 
 eiusdin Ville in Mariscum pdtm ex parte una Orientalit vsus 
 quendam Turrim nrm pdtor Maioris et Coitati£ edificatum in mu^o 
 nro vocato le Towne Wall ibm Gardino qz nup Rici Erie ^rmigi 
 contigue annexu Ducentos et Tres pedes assise et in latitudie a dto 
 muro vsus Mariscum supradtm sexaginta p^des assise p totam 
 longitudiem pdtam una cu quodani fossato ibm vulgarit nuncupate 
 le Law Dyche extendente a via pdta Orientalit p totajn longitudiem 
 terre supius donate infra bundas pdtas Hend et tenend supradtam 
 pcellam terre una cu fossato pdto pfatis Johi Dreux (and the remain- 
 ing 25 feoffees) hered et assign eor imppm de capitalibz dnis feed ill 
 p svic inde debit et de iure consuet Reddend inde annuatim nobis 
 pfatis Maiori et Coitati et succ nris duodecim denar sterlingor ad duos 
 anni termios videlit ad festa Nativitatis Sti Johis Bapte et Nattis dni 
 equis porcioibz Ad intencoem et effcm qd pdti Johes Walsshe mari- 
 narius Henricus Moyle Ricus Parker Thomas Sutton Walterus Cooke 
 Thomas Harrys Edwardus Gibbes Johes Graunte Thomas Reve 
 Thomas Griffith Henricus Hert Ricus Bray et Phus Wymbler hered 
 et assign sui quandam capellam in honore bti Clementis pape sup 
 dtam pcellam terre supius eis concessam de novo edificari ac eandm 
 capellam sic de novo constructam fossatum qz pdtm sufficient quotiens 
 et quando necesse fuit reparari emendari renovari escurari et mundari 
 faciant suis ppriis sumptibz et expens Et si contingat pdtm redditu 
 aretro fore insolut in parte vel in toto p unu mensem post aliquod 
 festu festor solucois inde pfix quo ut pfertur solui debeat extunc bene 
 licebit nobis pfatis Maiori et Coitati et succ nris in pdtam pcellam 
 terre intrare ct distringere districcoes qz sic ibm capt licite asportare 
 abduce fugar et penes nos retinere quousqz de reddit pdto et ommbz 
 inde arreragiis si que fuint nobis plenar fuit satisfact et psolut Et si 
 pdtus reddi^ aretro fuit in parte vel in toto p uniT annlT ultra aliquod 
 festu solucois inde plimitat non solut et petatur vel si pditin fossatli 
 mine minetur seu alio defect patiatur et infra quarteriu unius anni 
 px sequen post jnonicoem inde p Camariu dte Ville Bristoll p 
 tempore existen pfatis Johi Walsshe marinario (and the 12 other 
 sailors who, with him, were to rebuild the chapel) hered vel assign 
 suis aut eor alicui ftam non reparet emendet et sufficient escuret qd 
 extunc_bene hcebit nobis dtis Maiori et Coitati et succ nris in 
 dtam pcellamjerre supius concessam reintrare et Til ut in pristine 
 statu nro rehere retinere et repossidere dtos qz Joheln Dreux (and 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 21 
 
 the remaining 25 feoffees) hered et assign suos inde totalit expelleT 
 et ammover psentibz donacoe concessioe et confirmacoe inde non 
 obstant Et nos vero pnoiati Maior et Coitas et succ nri totam 
 supdtam pcella terr una cu fossato pdto pnoiatis Johi Dreux (and the 
 remaining 25 feoffees) hered et assign eor imppm ad intencoem 
 supdtam ac sub modo et forma pdtis contra oes gentes warantiz- 
 abimus et defendemus p psentes Et ulterius sciatis nos pfatos 
 Maiorem et Coitatem fecisse et p psentes constituisse dilecu 
 Consiliariu nrm Thoma Hardyng Coem Clicum Ville pdte attorn 
 nrm ad intrand et possessione capiend p nobis et noibz nris de et in 
 pdta pcella terr cu suis ptin pdtis Ac post possessione sic inde capt 
 et hit et plenaria seiam inde pfatis Johi Dreux (and the remaining 25 
 feoffees) aut attorn suis deliband scdm vim forma et effecm huius 
 psentis scripti nri indentati Rat et grat hent et hitur totu ac quicquid 
 dtus attorn nost noie nro fecit in pmissis. In cuius rei testimoniu uni 
 parti huius psentis scripti nri indentati penes pfatos Johem Dreux 
 (and the remaining 25 feoffees) remanen nos pfati Maior et Coitas 
 sigiliu nrm coe apposuimus Alti vero parti eiusdm scripti indentati 
 penes nos pfatos Maiorem et Coitatem residen dti Johes Dreux 
 (and the remaining 25 feoffees) sigilla sua apposuerunt Dto 
 Johe Hawkes tunc Maiore Ville pdte Johe Dreux tunc Vic Johe 
 Popley et Rogo Dawes tunc Balhuis eiusdm Ville Hijs testibz 
 Willmo Spenser Roberto Straunge Thoma Spycer Waltero 
 Grymsted Johe Jay et ahis Dat quartodecimo die Mensis Martii 
 anno regni regis Henrici septimi post conqm Anglie octavo. 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to state that the above plot of 
 ground is now the site of Merchants' Hall and of the 
 adjoining Almshouse of the Society, and it may be as 
 well to continue its subsequent history in this place. 
 When the chantry chapels were seized by the Crown in 
 the reign of Edward the Sixth, it was apparently believed 
 that the terms of the corporate conveyance would enable 
 the grantors to resist spoliation by exerting their right of 
 re-entry. No doubt by a concerted arrangement, the 
 reserved quit-rent fell in arrear, and the City Chamberlain 
 gravely appended to his accounts : — 
 
 I ask allowance for one year's rent which was wont to be 
 paid by the proctors of St. Clement's Chapel xiid. 
 
22 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 And doubtless an attempt was made to recover possession. 
 The unscrupulous Government, however, brushed aside 
 obstacles of this kind. By the letter of the law under 
 which they were proceeding, the chapel ought to have 
 been exempt from seizure, for the Act dissolving the 
 chantries expressly provided that its powers were not 
 to be prejudicial to the corporation of any borough or 
 to the estates belonging to it. Nevertheless, on the 5th 
 December, 1550, the chapel and land, and some other 
 fragments of church property, were granted by letters 
 patent to Sir Ralph Sadleir, one of the most voracious 
 courtiers of the age, and to a man named Winnington. 
 It seems probable that the Corporation soon came to an 
 agreement with the grantees, for the following payments 
 occur in the civic accounts for September, 1551 : — 
 
 Paid 2 labourers 2 days a piece to take down the altar 
 in the Chapel of the Marsh iis. yiiid. 
 
 Paid for hauling 16 draughts of rubble from there ... xvid. 
 
 Paid a carpenter for mending the forms and table 
 there, and for a key for the chapel door xviiii. 
 
 Two years later, by a deed dated loth October, 1553, 
 Sadleir and Winnington, in consideration of ;^io, granted 
 the chapel and land, together with a house in Fisher 
 Lane formerly belonging to Tintern Abbey, and some 
 land on St. Michael's Hill once possessed by the White 
 Friars, to Edward Prynn, then acting as first Master of 
 the Merchant Venturers' Society. On October loth, 
 1 561, Erasmus, heir of Edward Prynn, in consideration 
 of £50, granted the estate, excepting the land at St. 
 Michael's Hill, to Thomas Aldworth and Thomas 
 Symonds. As the deed of conveyance, after describing 
 the chapel, recites that the almshouse " called St. 
 Clement's Almshouse" had then been built, the property 
 had clearly been in the Society's possession for some time. 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 23 
 
 Finally, a few weeks afterwards, November 20th, 1561, 
 Aldworth and Symonds conveyed the property to William 
 Popwell and several others, trustees of the Merchants' 
 Society, declaring it to be held " to the use of the poor 
 and indigent persons inhabiting the said almshouse." 
 The quit-rent was paid yearly to the Corporation until 
 1900, when it was redeemed. 
 
 Returning to the measures taken from time to time 
 by the Corporation for the regulation of trade, it may be 
 briefly stated that in 1477 on the "piteous complaining" 
 of the merchant adventurers, dyers, and sellers of the 
 town, who alleged that through the unnumberable great 
 hurts arising from the entertaining of foreigners and the 
 sinister colouring of their goods, the most chief, noblest, 
 and ponderoust merchandise of woad from Bordeaux and 
 Bayonne,* which of old time sustained the prosperous 
 felicity of the town, had gone to decay, the Common 
 Council passed an ordinance rigorously forbidding dyers 
 from buying or using any woad except that imported by 
 burgesses. In 1481, again, it was ordained that no 
 burgess should give more than ^^2 135. ^d. per ton for iron 
 brought to the port by strangers, and fines were set for 
 exceeding that price. It seems to have been felt, 
 however, that another re-organisation was needful, and 
 the Fellowship of Merchants established in 1467 had 
 existed only thirty-three years when its founders, in 
 November, 1500, alleging their power to make new 
 
 * The local woad trade with Southern France is stated by the editors of the 
 Bayonne Archives (a copy of which is in the Museum and Library) to have begun in 
 the fourteenth century, and to have been conducted in a somewhat peculiar manner. 
 The Bayonne registers show that contracts for sales were made with English agents 
 living in that town, acting for the Bristol merchants, but that the definitive price was 
 to be fixed, on the arrival of the cargoes here, by sworn experts, whose valuations 
 were to be solemnly certified to the Mayors of Bayonne or Bordeaux by the Mayor 
 of Bristol. Abundant corroboration of this statement is to be found in the Great Red 
 Book at the Council House, which contains copies of several of those certificates. 
 The cargoes varied from 14 up to 65 pipes. In 1499 the Mayor and Sheriff of Bristol 
 sent a certificate to the authorities at Bayonne, accrediting its bearer, Thomas 
 Badcok, a Bristol merchant about to engage in commerce with Spain, and requesting 
 that he might have liberty to move about without molestation, as would be permitted 
 bere to any merchant of Bayonne. 
 
24 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 ordinances granted by Henry the Seventh's charter of 
 1499, resolved on a total reconstruction, and drew up the 
 following portentous document, which must have been 
 the product of prolonged deliberations. Attention may 
 be directed to a few of its leading features. A practice, 
 it is alleged, had grown up by which certain burgesses 
 "coloured" the wares of strangers and foreigners — that 
 is, took possession of them and sold them, pretending to 
 be the owners, but really acting as secret agents of those 
 to whom they belonged. For the suppression of this 
 crafty practice, tending to the "utter undoing" of the 
 local merchants, and to the "great hurt of the common- 
 weal," the Council ordain that a Company or Fellowship 
 of Merchants, separate and distinct from all the craft 
 companies, shall be established in Bristol for evermore, 
 John Penke being appointed first Master, and David 
 Leyson and John Stokes first Wardens, who are to hold 
 office "under Master Mayor" until the following Michael- 
 mas. These officers and their successors, who are to be 
 chosen yearly by the Company, are to assemble twice a 
 week in the Council House, with power to summon as 
 many of the Fellowship as they see fit for the transaction 
 of business and the settlement of disputes, the members 
 being forbidden to resort to any temporal or spiritual 
 court in respect of controversies between themselves. No 
 man, except the Company's two beadles, shall act as a 
 broker of merchandise in Bristol, on pain of forfeiting 
 405. for each transaction. No member of the Fellowship 
 shall receive the goods of any non-member, with the intent 
 of exporting them to the profit of such non-member, 
 neither shall he import non-members' goods into Bristol, 
 on pain in either case of forfeiting one-sixth of the value 
 of the wares on a first offence, and one-third the value on 
 a second. No burgess of Bristol shall freight or lade 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 25 
 
 any ship either at home or abroad, Ireland and Iceland 
 excepted, unless he have the license of the Company ; 
 offenders to be fined ^20, without any forgiveness ; but 
 an exception is made in favour of small parcels of foreign 
 goods, the owners of which are unable to freight inde- 
 pendently. If a non-member presume to freight a ship 
 no member shall put goods on board, on pain of a fine 
 of 20s. for each ton. After some less interesting clauses, 
 we arrive at what may be considered as the backbone of 
 the document. It is enacted that when any ship laden 
 with foreign merchandise, the property of a non-burgess 
 or foreigner, shall arrive at the Quay, the Fellowship shall 
 assemble and determine what shall be done on behalf of 
 the entire body — in plain words, shall combine in fixing 
 the prices to be offered. It is further provided that no 
 other burgess of the town shall presume to purchase, 
 handle, or take charge of such goods without the previous 
 assent of the Company, on pain of forfeiting one-sixth of 
 the value of all the wares that he may buy ! Another 
 striking decree follows soon afterwards, forbidding every 
 burgess in the city from purchasing foreign goods except 
 in Spicer's Hall, the place fixed for depositing them ; and 
 no one is permitted to sell or to offer his own foreign 
 goods to a non-member of the Company except in his 
 own freehold or leasehold house or cellars, the penalty for 
 an infraction of these orders being again one-sixth of the 
 value of the wares (a moiety of this fine was to be paid 
 to the Corporation). Any one appealing to the Mayor 
 to remit these impositions, or any part of them, was to be 
 fined 6s. 8d. For the general support of the Company 
 they were granted the power of levying a duty of a half- 
 penny per ton on salt and of one penny per ton on all 
 other goods brought by ships. The ordinances conclude 
 with a Latin formula requiring them to be inviolably 
 
25 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 observed, but reserving to the Common Council the right 
 of revoking, amending, or augmenting them when any 
 such acts might seem conducive to the honour or advan- 
 tage of the citizens, or to the better government of the 
 Merchants' Company. 
 
 Ubese l)een the Actes & ordenaunces made ordeyned & estab- 
 lisshed in the Counsailhous called the Inner Chambre of the Guyhald 
 of Bristowe the Tuesday the x'" day of the moneth of Novemb' in 
 the xvi"" yere of the reigne of oure sovreyn lord Kinge Henry the 
 vii*^ [1500] by Richard Vaughan than maire of the said Toun 
 Robert Straunge late maire of the same John Hawkes John Eastfeld 
 John Penke John Dreux and Henry Dale Aldermen William Towket 
 Philip Ryngstone and Nicholas Brown late maire Hugh Elyot and 
 John Bateyn Shirefs Hugh Johnes John Jay Philip Grene William 
 Spicer Thomas ap Howell John Taillour Robert Forthey John Fyster 
 David Philip John Popley William Esteby John Rowland David 
 Leyson Thomas Vaughan John Elyot William Lane John Vaughan 
 Richard Hoby Waltier Rys Thomas Permiter and Thomas Snyg 
 their brethern burgeises elected of the comon counsaill of the forsaid 
 Toun than there beyng present in a comon counsaill than there 
 holden for reformacion of dyvers colourable and crafty dealyng of 
 certyn burgeises of the said Toun that from day to day and yere unto 
 yere coloure straungiers and Foreyns goodes and marchaundises and 
 buy and sell the same not oonly to the use and greate pfite of the said 
 Foreyns and straungiers contrary to the othes of the forsaid burgeises 
 but also to theire utter undoyng and to the greate hurt of the comon 
 Wele of the said Toun, the which actes and ordenaunces hereaft 
 folowen that is to say: 
 
 jFitSt the said Maire Aldermen Shirefs and their said brethern of 
 the said comon counsaill have ordeyned and establisshed in the said 
 comon Counsaill and by Auctorite of the same that from hensfurth 
 forevmore shalbe in and of the said Toun of Bristowe a company or 
 felowship of marchauntes sepate and distincte from evy other 
 companyes of handecraftymen. 
 
 HlSO the forsaid maire Aldermen Shirefs and their said brethern 
 have elected chosen and named the said John Penke marchaunt to be 
 maister David Leyson and John Stokes marchaunts to be Wardeyns 
 to rule and govne under the forsaid maister maire all the said 
 company and felowship of mchaunts from the said x'" day of the 
 forsaid moneth of Novemb' unto the feste of Seynt Michaell 
 tharchaungell than next suying. 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 27 
 
 HlSO they have elected chosen and named George Meke and 
 William Gifford of Bristowe mchaunts to be as well bidelx as 
 Broggours [brokers] of the said occupacion of marchauntes unto the 
 said fest of Seint Michaell to do and obey in all things all the 
 -commaundments of the said Maister and Wardeyns resonable to be 
 don and obeid for the Wele of the said Company of Marchaunts. 
 
 HlSO yt ys ordeyned and estabhsshed that fromhensfurth forever 
 the said maister and wardeyns shull have fre libtee twyse in evy weke 
 that is to say on tuesday and Thursday to assemble in the said 
 Counsaill hous and by their said bidells to cause to com thider and 
 appere before theym there as many of the said company nowe 
 beyng or that herafter shall be as shall pleas theym there to have 
 comynicacion togeders as well of feats of marchaundises and other 
 busengnes concernyng the same as to here complaynts and sette 
 direccions accordyng to reason and good conscience bitwene ptees of 
 the said company beyng atte variaunce or debate, or to send the said 
 pties with their causes as they have founde theym certifyed unto the 
 maire of Bristowe for the tyme beyng by his maistership further to 
 be ordred or directed as the case rightfully shall requyre. 
 
 Hn& also that no psone of the said feliship atte any tyme herafter 
 vex trouble or sue any other of theym in any Courte spirituell or 
 temporell bifore that the matier hangyng in variaunce bitwen the 
 pties be shewed to oon of the said Maister and Wardeyns upon 
 peyn to pay for a fyne for evy tyme he shall do contrary to this 
 ordenaunce xx5. to be levied of his goodes to the use of the said 
 feliship of marchauntes. 
 
 HlSO yt is ordeyned establisshed and enacted by the said Maire 
 Aldremen Shirefs and comon Counsaill for the Wele not oonly of 
 the said marchaunts adventurers but also of all other burgeises of 
 the said Toun that fromhensfurth no marchaunt nor other Burgeis 
 -of the same Toun shall cary or do to be caryed ne send or do to be 
 sent or delyred to any pson or psones dwellyng oute of the said Toun 
 and Fraunchise of Bristowe any wyne wax woode yron or other 
 marchaundise onlesse that all the same mchaundise be firste playnly 
 and w'oute any fraude coloure or male engyne solde by the said 
 Burgeis to hym or theym to whom they so shuld be caryed or sent or 
 to his or theire Servauntes or Attorneys. 
 
 HlSO that immediatly upon evy such sale of any_of the said 
 marchaundises the seller thereof shall come or send his svnt untothe 
 Shiriefs of Bristowe for the tyme beyng and shewe unto theyme the 
 qualite and quantitee of the same mchaundise so solde and to be 
 caryed sent or delyved And the name or names ^f the Citie or 
 -Burgh Toun Hamelette or place where the same psone or psones 
 
28 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 dwell to thentent that the said Shirefs shuU thereby knowe howe and 
 bywhom to be answered of toll murage pavage jKayage Kelage and 
 all custumes due unto theym of or for the same mchaundises. 
 
 lPtOVl5e5 allwey that it be lefull to evy Burgeis of the said 
 feliship of mchaunts to sende or do to be caryed tojiis custumers 
 dwellyng oute of the said Toun of Bristowe all such mchaundises as 
 the same customers shall send unto hym for by their Ires or by their 
 trusty servaunts or frendes Certifying nevthelesse evy such Burgeis 
 unto the said Shirefs for the tyme beyng the qualitee and quantitee 
 of all the Same mchaundises and the names of the Townes or places 
 where the said customers dwell And also paying unto the same 
 Shirefs toll and allmali customes and other dutees due unto theym for 
 the same pfOVi&eb also that it shall be lefull to evy of the said 
 Burgeises to send and do to be caryed to london allman of mchaundises 
 there to be solde this psent acte and ordinaunce notwithstandyng. 
 
 HlSO yt is ordeyned establisshed and enacted that yf eny Burgeis 
 of the said Toun of Bristowe do in any thynge contrary to this 
 ordinaunce than he shall pay unto the said maister and wardeyns to 
 thuse of the said feliship of mchaunts for a fyne iijs. iiijrf. of evy xx5. 
 of the value of all the mchaundises caried sent or delyved contrary 
 to this ordinuance. 
 
 HlSO that the said maister wardeyns and bidelx upon reasonable 
 warnyng to theym to be given on the behalve of the said maire Alder- 
 men and Shirefs shull appere in their ppre psones before the said 
 maire Aldermen and Shirefs in the said Guyhald And there be sworn 
 upon the holy Evangelistes that is to say the said Maister to do and 
 execute by his power all that pteyneth or shall pteyn to the office of 
 maister of the said feUship And the forsaid Wardeyns to do that 
 longeth or shalbe long to theire offices of maisters {sic) And the 
 forsaid bidelx to do all that belongeth to thoffices as well of Bidelx 
 as of Brocours to dryve bargayns truly and indifferently bitween 
 marchaunt and marchaunt withoute fraude or male engyne. 
 
 Hlt& that yerly fromhensfurth forevmore the maister wardeyns 
 and company of marchauntes of Bristowe for the tyme beying w'in 
 xiiij dayes next ensuying aft the fast of Seint Michaell tharchaungell 
 shall assemble togiders in the said Counsaill house And there electe 
 chose and name of theym self oone maister two wardeyns and two 
 Bidelx or broggours for the said Company, to occupye for the yere 
 than next suyng And the said maister Wardeyns and bidelx so 
 elected chosen and named they shull psent before the maire Aldermen 
 and Shirefs of the said Town for the tyme beyng in the said Guyhald 
 within iiij dayes next after the said eleccion and nominacon there to 
 be sworn in man and fourme affore reherced upon peyn of xli. to be 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 29 
 
 paid unto the Chamberleyn of Bristowe for the tyme beying to thuse 
 of the maire and comalte of the same Town for any default to be 
 made in that behalve to evy which penalite of xli so to be paid evy 
 pson^f the said company so makynge defaulte shalbe contributary of 
 his ppre goodes after his habilite and power to be rated by the 
 discretions of the maire and Alderman of Bristowe for the tyme 
 beying HlSO that noo psone other than the said George Meke and 
 William GifFord or such other as the maister wardeyns and Company 
 of marchaunts of the said Town for the tyme beyng shall assigne and 
 name shall take upon hym to be a comon Broggour in mchaundises 
 bitwene ptie and ptie within the said Town or suburbes of the same 
 upon payn of xls. for evy bargayn that he so shall make To be levied 
 of his goodes, the oone half thereof to thuse of the said Chamber 
 And the other half thereof to the contribucion of the said feliship of 
 marchauntes. 
 
 HISO that either of the said George Meke and William GifFord 
 and evy other Broggour that hereaft shalbe elected named and 
 chosen in to the said company of marchauntes shall take for his 
 labour as well in that occupacion as in the said office of Bidelx 
 fees hereaft followyng that is to say ijd. for evy xxs. of the hoole 
 value of all the marchaundises whereupon eny bargayn shalbe 
 made or dryven by any of the said Broggours bitwene ptie and pFie 
 that is to wete the oone peny thereof of the byer and the other peny 
 thereof of the seller HlSO yf it happen any of the said Maister 
 Wardeyns or bidells to decease or to be amoved from his saide office 
 within a yere next ensuyng after he is or shalbe pfected or created 
 Maister wardeyn or Bidell of the said feliship of mchauntes That 
 then the maire and Aldermen of Bristowe for the tyme beyng within 
 X days next then ensuyng shall chose make and create an other pson 
 hable of the said feliship to be in the rome or place of hym so 
 deceased or amoved the which so elected pfected and made shall 
 make before the said maire and Aldermen his othe truly to execute 
 his office for the residue of the same yere in the which he so shalbe 
 elected and pfected. 
 
 HlSO it is ordeyned and establisshed that evy psone of the said 
 felouship shall appere in his ppre psone before the said maister and 
 wardeyns in their forsaid place of assemble asoft and whan as he 
 shall thereto be warned by the said Bidells or any of theym withoute 
 he shew cause resonable unto the said maister and wardeyns why he 
 may not so appere before theym upon payn of forfaiture of vj^. atte 
 evy time he doth contrary to this ordinaunce to be levied of his 
 goodes to the contribucion of the said felouship. 
 
30 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 HlSO that no marchaunt of the said feliship ne no son svnt or 
 appntice of any of the said marchauntes shall atte any tyme herafc 
 receyve atte or in the porte of Bristowe afForsaid into his kepyng any 
 cloth or other goodes or mchaundises of any psone not beyng 
 admytted a felowe of the said company of mchaunts to thentent to 
 sell carry or delyv the same cloth goodes or marchaundises in to or 
 atte any porte cryke or place beyonde see to the use or pfit of the 
 same psone or of any other not beyng felowe of the said company of 
 mchaunts nor bey nor receyve beyonde see for any psone not beyng 
 felowe of the said company of marchaunts any wares or mchaundises 
 to be conveyed fromthens to the said porte of Bristowe or to any 
 other porte haven cryke or place within the Ryver of Severn upon 
 payn to pay atte first tyme he shall do contrary to this ordenaunce 
 of evy xxs. of the hoole value of marchaundise for the which he so 
 shalbe attorney iijs. iiiji. And atte second tyme vJ5. viiji. And 
 on that that the fFader of evy such son the son beyng in his svyce 
 and the maister of evy servnt and appntice so beyng attorney for any 
 psons not being of the said company of marchauntes in any two 
 viages contrary unto this ordenaunce to leese [lose] his libtie that he 
 than hath in the said toun and to be discomoned and put therfrom 
 forevmore. 
 
 HlSO tbat no marchaunt of the said town of Bristowe nor other 
 burgeis of the same Town nor noo son servaunt or Appntice of any 
 of theym shall from hencefurth frette or cause to be fretted lade or do 
 to be laden on thisside the See or beyont see any Ship balynger 
 kervaill barge or other vessail of Englond Wales Irlond Fraunce 
 Briteyn Spayne Portingale or of any other countrey porte or place 
 with any goodes or mchaundises withoute the will avise assent and 
 license of the said maister and wardeyns or withoute thassent of the 
 more pte of the said company of mchaunts upon payn of iForfaiture of 
 xxli. for evy ship balynger kervaill Barge or other vessaill frette or 
 lade contrary to this ordenaunce to be paid to the contribucion of 
 the said company of mchaunts withoute any pardon or forgifnesse 
 lPtOV>i&e& alwey that evy marchaunt of the same company his svnt 
 or Appntice_beyng beyonde see lakkyng company there of the said 
 feliship of mchaunts to lade hooly togeders oon Ship with mchaundises 
 in to Englond may lade his goodes andlnchaundises in any Ship that 
 shall pleas hym So always that noo Ship nor vessaill of the said 
 porte of Bristowe beyng hable to serve hym sufficiently for that 
 season be in the porte cryke or place beyond see or nygh theraboute 
 where he shall so seke frett redy to serve hym in that viage atte as 
 good chepe frette as any straunger there shall do. Ipr0\>t5e5 also 
 that evy marchaunt of the said felouship and evy other burgeis of 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 3 1 
 
 the said Town of Bristowe shalbe atte his Hbtee to frette any ship 
 or shippes Picardes and other vessailles in to Irlond and Islond asoft 
 and whan as it shall pleas hymn. 
 
 HlSO it is ordeyned and establisshed that if any psone not beyng 
 of the said feliship of marchaunts take upon hym heraft to frette or 
 lade on thisside the See or beyonde see any ship or other vessaill 
 with any goodes or mchaundises that then no psone of the said 
 feliship of marchantes shall take any frett in the same ship or vessaill 
 wherin he so shall lade or take frett upon payn to pay xxs. for evy ton 
 and ton lode so laden with any foreyn or straunger to be applyed to 
 the contribucions of the said company of mchaunts asofte and whan 
 as such cuase shall happen withoute any pardon or forgevenesse. 
 
 HlSO that fromhensforwarde evy Average that shalbe leyd of 
 or for any ship or other vessaill fretted and to be fretted by any 
 psone or psones of the said felouship shall be leyd in the said Toun 
 of Bristowe in the psence of the maister and wardeyns of the said 
 felouship for the tyme beyng or of oone of theym yf any of theym 
 woll be psent atte the leying therof under payn of xls. for evy average 
 to be leyd contrary to this ordynaunce To be paid by the marchaunts 
 that shall ley or cast or be psent atte leying or castyng of evy such 
 avage to thuse and pfite of the forsaid maister wardeyns and feliship 
 of mchaunts And that to the payment of evy such penaltie of xls. 
 evy of the mchaunts that shall ley or be psent atte leying or castying 
 of evy such average shull be contributary in man and fourme as by 
 the said maister and wardeyns of the forsaid felouship of mchaunts 
 for the tyme beyng shalbe reasonably adiuged And to thentent that 
 noon Average of or for any ship or vessaill shall heraft. be leyde 
 within the said Toun but that the said maister or wardeyns or oon of 
 theym shalbe psent atte leying of evy such Average Therfor it is 
 ordeyned and establisshed by the said maire Aldermen Shirefs and 
 their brethern of the said Comon Counsaill that the Burser of evy 
 ship and vessaill of or for the which any such Average shall be leyd 
 shall come unto the maister and wardeyns of the said company of 
 Marchaunts for the tyme beyng or to oon of theym yf any of theym 
 may then be found within the said Toun of Bristowe or suburbes of 
 the same and ther gyf unto hym or theym notice of the tyme and 
 place where and whan evy such Average shall be leyd And that by 
 a day or two dayes next before the tyme of leying of the same 
 average under payn of vjs. viijrf. to be paid by evy Burser found in 
 defalt in that behalf asoften and whan as he shall offend contrary 
 unto this ordenaunce to the contribucions of the said company of 
 marchaunts. _ 
 
 HlSO that at evy such Average that heraft shalbe leid upon evy 
 
32 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 ton and ton lode of iiichaundises to be comprised within the boke of 
 the same Average except oonly salt oon peny of laufull money of 
 Englond and of evy ton lode of salt ob. [a halfpenny] over and 
 above all costes that here before have ben accustumed to_be leyd in 
 Average And all that money comyng of the said ob. of ^y ton lode 
 of salt and jd. of i^y ton and ton^ lode of evy other mchaundises 
 shulbe gadred receyved and delyvd by the Burser of the ship or 
 vessaill for the which the same average shalbe leyd unto the said 
 maister or wardeyns or to oon of theym to the sustentacion of the 
 charges of the said feHship before the next departure of the same ship 
 or vessaill from the said porte of Bristowe towards any other porte 
 or place upon payn of vjs. yiijd. for evy default in that behalf to be 
 paid by the said Burser unto the same maister and wardeyns to the 
 sustentacion of their said costes and charges. 
 
 HISO tbat asoft and whan as any Ship Balynger barge or other 
 vessaill shall come to the said porte of Bristowe from any pte beyond 
 the South See laden with wyne wax Jron woode [woad] mader grayn 
 oyle or any other mchaundises beyng the goodes of any Alyen or 
 straunger the said maister and wardeyns shall than and asoft cause 
 all the said feliship or the more pte of theym to assemble togeders 
 atte their said place of assemble And thon and there shall shewe unto 
 theym the coming of the said ship Balynger Barge or Vessaill and 
 marchandises desirying of the said company of marchaunts their 
 Advises what is to be don in that behalve for the wele of the said 
 fehship And therupon their advises had to do as by the more^te 
 of theym shalbe condescended and appoynted And that noo pson 
 Burgeis of the said Toun of Bristowe shall atte any tyme herafter 
 take upon hym to bye or receyve in to his kepyng charge or 
 governaunce any such newe come wares or mchaundises of any Alyen 
 or straunger w'oute thadvise assent or licence of the said maister 
 wardeyns and mchauntes upon peyn to forfaite to the forsaid felouship 
 of marchaunts asoft and whan as he so shall do iijs. iiij^^. of evy xx5. 
 of the value of all the wares or marchaundises bought contrary to 
 this ordenaunce. 
 
 HlSO it is ordeyned and establisshed that frohensfurth evy Son 
 or Appntice of evy mchaunt of the said feliship shall atte request 
 instaunce or desire to be made by his fader or Maister unto the said 
 maister and wardeyns be admytted to be oon of the same feliship 
 withoute any fyne therfor to be paid JpCOVl&Ct) alwey that evy such 
 Son or Appntice be Burgeis of the said Toun of Bristowe sworn and 
 admytted by the maire and Chamberleyn of Bristowe for the tyme 
 beyng before that he in any wise be admytted into the said feHship of 
 marchaunts by the said maister and wardeyns HlSO it is ordeyned 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 33 
 
 and establisshed by Auctorite aforsaid that evy other psone Burgeis 
 of the said Toun that hath obteyned or shall obteyn his libFie of the 
 same Toun by redempcion or by mariage of any Widowe or Doughter 
 late of any Burgeis of Bristowe afForsaid and will be oon of the said 
 feliship of marchaunts shall make fyne therfor with the said maister 
 and wardeyns as they shall reasonably agree bitwen theym. 
 
 HlSO that no Burser souldeour nor other maryn that fromhens- 
 furth shall sayle in any ship or vessaill of Bristowe or within any 
 other ship or vessaill fretted or herafter to be fretted by the said 
 maister and wardeyns and their said feliship or by any of theym shall 
 bryng or delyv or cause to be brought or delyvd in to the ship or 
 vessaill wherin he shall saill any moo clothes [cloths] than oonly iij 
 hoole clothes or other goodes to the value of iij clothes for the which 
 they shalbe sworn upon a boke before the cape {sic) mchaunt of the 
 same ship that the said clothes and goodes be his ppre goodes and 
 caryed atte his aventure or ells y' they be the goodes of oon of the 
 said feliship of mchaunts And if any Burser souldeour or maryn do 
 heraft in any thyng contrary to this ordenaunce that than upon due 
 profe therof made bifore the said maister and wardeyns the same 
 Burser souldeour or maryn shall pay to the same maister and 
 wardeyns for eny cloth or other goodes to the value of a cloth so 
 coloured vjs. viij^. And on that clerely and uttly shalbe dismyssed of 
 saylyng as Burser souldeour or maryner in the company of any of the 
 said marchaunts forevmore pCOVibCJ) alwey that if any pson of 
 the said company of marchaunts or any that hath ben Appntice unto 
 any of theym happen to saile as a souldeour or maryner in any ship 
 or other vessaill heraft that then hit shalbe lefull unto hym to bryng 
 goodes in to the ship or vessaill wherin he so shall saile vj clothes or 
 other goodes of his ppre goodes to the verray [true] value of vj clothes 
 therin to be caryed in to that porte beyonde see unto the which that 
 ship or vessaill shall happen to be fretted And that it shalbe lefull 
 unto evy of theym to be Attorney in feate of marchaundise to eny 
 other psone of the said company. 
 
 lPl'OVi&e& also that evy maister quart maister or other maryner 
 conduytyng govnyng saylyng or suyng in any ship may for that viage 
 bryng in to the same ship asmoch clothe or as many clothes of his 
 ppre goodes or of the goodes of any marchaunt or marchaunts of the 
 said feliship of marchaunts as shall amounte in frette to the verry 
 value of the Portage that the said maister quart maister or maryner 
 shall hold for his wages in the said ship in the same viage. 
 
 HlSO that fromhensfurth no burgeis of the said Towne of 
 Bristowe bey or cause to be bought any goodes or marchaundises 
 p'teignyng to any fforeyn Alien Straunger in any ship bote or 
 
 4 
 
34 THE GUILD MERCHANT, 
 
 vessaill beyng or for to be in the porte of Bristowe afforsaid nor in 
 any other place within the said Toun of Bristowe or suburbes of the 
 same but oonly in the coinon hall called Spicer's hall of the same 
 Toun which is a comon place ordeyned for that cause And that no 
 marchaunt of the said company nor other burgeis of the said Toun 
 fromhensfurth shall shewe or offer any wyne wode or other marchaun- 
 dizes to be sold to any psone or psones or suffer any psone or psones 
 not being of the said company of marchaunts to se or taste any 
 wynes or other marchaundises of his in any other place than oonly 
 in his mansion or shop or in celers or vawts y* he holdeth or shall 
 hold in ffee or for terme of lyfe or for terme of yeres within the said 
 Toun or suburbes ffish and fruyte excepted upon peyn to pay 
 unto the said maister and wardeyns iijs. iiiji. of evy xxs. of the value 
 of the said wynes and marchaundises so sold offerd to be solde seyn 
 or tasted contrary to this ordenaunce of the which^sommes the said 
 maister and wardeyns shall fro tyme to tyme delyv and pay the oon 
 half unto the said Chambreleyn or to his successour to thuse of the 
 said maire and co'altee. 
 
 HlSO it is enacted ordeyned and establisshed that fromhensfurth 
 no psone of the said company nor other burgeis of the said Toun 
 shall make or cause to be made for any psone or psones hereaft 
 offendyng contrary unto the said Actes and ordenaunces or to any 
 of theym any labour request desire or prayer unto the said maire or 
 to his successour or to the said maister and wardeyns of the said 
 feliship that nowe be or hereaft shalbe or to any of theym whereby to 
 stirre theym or any of theym to pardon forgeve or relesse the said 
 penalitees or ffynes or any pcell of theym to the said psones so 
 offendyng or to any of theym upon peyn of forfaitur of vjs. viijrf. to 
 be levied of his or their goodes and marchaundises so makyng any 
 such labour request desire or prayer and to be applyed in fourme 
 folowyng that is to say the oon half therof to the use of the said 
 Chambre and the other half therof to the contribucion of the said 
 feliship of marchaunts And that asoften and when as he shall make 
 or do to be made any such labour request desire or prayer. 
 
 HISO that the said maister and wardeyns yerely before the ffest 
 of Alhalowes shull yeld unto their successoures maister and wardeyns 
 of the said feliship a iust and trewe accompt of all money by theym 
 or by any oftheym receyved or to be receyved, aswell for ob. [a 
 halfpenny] of evy ton of salt and for ]d. of evy ton or ton lode of other 
 marchaundises as for ffynes and forfaitures to be made or forfaited 
 by force of the said ordenaunces or of any of theym And truely 
 answer to th^ym the same upon payn of xxli. to be paid to the said 
 Maire and Coialtee and to their successoures to the comon pite of the 
 
AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS. 35 
 
 said Toun by hym or theym of the maister and wardeyns of the said 
 company of marchaunts that shall make default in makyng or yeldyng 
 any such Accompt or that shall not truely answere all arrerage to be 
 founde upon hym atte eny such Accompt. 
 
 SlSO it shalbe lefull unto the said maister wardeyns and feliship 
 that nowe be and heraft shalbe for the goode rule of the same feliship 
 to make ordeyn and establissh by their Aller [unanimous] Assent 
 Actes and ordenaunces under such paynes as they shull thynke 
 resonable And the same to revoke and adnuU asofte and whan as it 
 shall pleas theym So alwey that the same Actes and ordenaunces so 
 to be made ordeyned and establisshed by the same maister wardeyns 
 and feliship be in no wise contrary to the Kyngs lawes nor p'iudiciall 
 nor hurtfuU to the comon wele of the said Toun of Bristowe. 
 
 ^ISO it is ordeyned and establisshed by auctorite of the said 
 comon counsaill that if any psone or psones of the said mchaunts or 
 burgeises that shall happen to do contrary to the said ordenaunces 
 or to any of theym will refuse to pay the said fynes and penalitees 
 or any parte of theym that than it shalbe lefull as well to the 
 Chamberleyn of the forsaid Toun for the tyme beyng for the ptes 
 therof p'teynyng unto the said Chambre as unto the said maister 
 and wardeyns or their bidell for the ptes therof belongyng to the 
 said feliship and to eny of theym to entre in to the vawtes celers 
 shoppes mansions and all other houses of the same psone or psones 
 so refusyng to pay the said sommes of money for the forsaid ffynes 
 and penalitees or any parte of theym and ther to distreyn by his 
 or their ppre goodes for the same And the distresses there so taken 
 alwey to cary lede and toward theym self to reteyn unto the tyme all 
 the same sommes be to theym fully content and paid. 
 
 (S^UC QUi&ein actus ordinaciones et statuta omnia et singula supius 
 expssat maior Aldermanni Vicecomites et pbi hoies de dto coi consilio 
 supius noiati volunt et Concidunt p psentes inviolabilit in omnbs 
 observari iuxta veru formam tenorem et effectu eordem ppetuis 
 futuris temporibs duratur (sic) Reservat tamen eis ac maiori Alder- 
 mannis Vic et pbis hominibs de coi consilio ville pdte qui nunc sunt 
 et erunt in futur omnibs et singulis potestate et auctoritate Actus 
 ordinaciones et statuta pdicta in pte vel in toto revocare diminuere 
 adnihilare augmentare et p eor libito voluntatu alia Actus ordinaciones 
 et statuta utilia loco eor sic revocator creare et de novo face quotiens 
 quando et pnt sibi p [prout] utilitate honore et bono publico Coitat 
 dte ville necnon meliori suaviori gubnacione dte societat mcator pdtor 
 melius videbitur expedire. 
 
 Dat in Guyhald dte ville Bristoll sub sigillo Coi maioris et 
 comitatis ejusdem civitat die et anno supradict. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : CHARTERS AND 
 ORDINANCES. 
 
 The corporate ordinances described in the preceding 
 chapter proved ineffectual to prevent the retail traders of 
 the city from carrying on mercantile business. Commerce, 
 moreover, appears to have been severely depressed during 
 the long reign of terror that set in soon after the fall of 
 Cardinal Wolsey, when despotic rule, judicial murders, 
 wholesale confiscations of property, an enormous increase 
 of pauperism, repeated debasements of the cojnage, and 
 widespread popular discontent deadened the energies of 
 the nation. The first half of the sixteenth century has 
 left few local records bearing on commercial affairs, the 
 chroniclers contenting themselves with noting the help 
 rendered to Henry the Eighth by the Bristol shipowners 
 during his wars with France ; though on this point their 
 jottings (see Barrett, p. 83) are sometimes grossly 
 untruthful. One important reform was, however, effected 
 about this period. During the Middle Ages, many English 
 fortified boroughs raised a portion of their income by a 
 system still pursued in Paris and other continental 
 centres, namely by the imposition of a toll upon all food 
 and merchandise passing through the town gates. The 
 charge in Bristol being found oppressive on the poor and 
 an impediment to trade, some leading inhabitants seem 
 to have entered into negotiations with the Corporation, 
 which was then bargaining with the Government for the 
 purchase of some of the estates of the suppressed religious 
 
 36 
 
INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY. 37 
 
 houses, but was much embarrassed to raise the amount 
 demanded ; and a curious agreement was arrived at in 
 1540. The various parish churches possessed at that 
 date an enormous quantity of silver and silver gilt plate 
 in the shape of processional crosses and monstrances, 
 candelabra, incense boxes, patens, chalices, and other 
 articles. The manner in which the monasteries had just 
 been plundered of similar valuables, and the anticipated 
 intention of the Crown to devastate the parochial chantries, 
 naturally induced the parishioners to think of turning this 
 portable property to advantage before it fell into the royal 
 maw. By general consent, therefore, the vestries handed 
 over to the civic body a mass of plate to the value of 
 £523, a large sum in those days, and the Corporation, in 
 consideration of the gift, abolished the obnoxious tolls, 
 and also the dues on victuals landed at the quays, to 
 the great relief of the community. (The money, with 
 about ;^48o more, was laid out in acquiring St. Mark's 
 Church, and part of the estates of Gaunts Hospital and 
 Athelney Abbey, together with the Bristol houses of the 
 Grey and Carmelite Friars, the last-named of which was 
 long the site of Colston's School.) The wisdom of the 
 citizens in making the above donation was strikingly 
 proved a few years later, when the royal commissioners 
 swooped down upon the city and seized upon the real and 
 movable estates of all the local chantries, to the value of 
 over ;^5,ooo; whilst a second batch of spoilers confiscated 
 the remainder of the parochial plate, apparently worth 
 upwards of ;^i,ooo. 
 
 Before this havoc had been completed the merchants 
 of Bristol addressed a "lamentable representation" to 
 Edward the Sixth, alleging that whilst in former times 
 the trade of the port was profitable to the whole com- 
 munity, and the merchants were able in time of war to 
 
38 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 offer the services of 25 ships for the defence of the realm, 
 commerce had drifted mainly into the hands of strangers, 
 and " scant five ships belonged to the city." And this 
 was due, it was averred, to the conduct of divers artificers 
 and handicraftsmen, destitute of mercantile experience, 
 who had presumptuously undertaken to traffic in merchan- 
 dise to and from foreign parts, and commonly in foreign 
 vessels, to the huge loss of legitimate merchants, and the 
 general decay of ships, mariners, and the city at large. 
 
 In response to this appeal the young King, on 
 the i8th December, 1552, granted the following charter, 
 which may be termed the Magna Carta of the Society of 
 Merchant Venturers. As many readers find it tiresome 
 to wade through the legal tautology of documents of this 
 kind, it may be briefly stated that the King, after reciting 
 the complaints addressed to him against the incompetent 
 craftsmen who rashly intermeddled in commercial under- 
 takings, to the undoing of legitimate merchants, the decay 
 of shipping, the injury of the port, and the diminution of 
 the royal Customs, granted to Edward Prynn, Thomas 
 Hicks, Robert Butler, and their brethren, freemen of the 
 city, that they should thenceforth be, for ever, a body 
 corporate, with perpetual succession. Edward Prynn 
 was nominated the first Master, and Hicks and Butler 
 the first Wardens, for the government and correction of 
 the mystery and commonalty, and were to be succeeded 
 yearly by similar officers, elected by the members generally 
 and sworn in before the Mayor and Aldermen. The body 
 thus incorporated was to have the usual powers to plead 
 and be impleaded in all Courts whatsoever, and was 
 empowered to make statutes for the governance of the 
 fellowship as needs might arise. But it was provided 
 that such ordinances must not contravene the laws of the 
 realm, or prejudice the rights of the Mayor — meaning 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 39 
 
 doubtless the Corporation. The chief object desired by 
 the apphcants for the charter is then dealt with. The 
 King ordained that thenceforth no artificers or other 
 persons living in the city should traffic in merchandise 
 either in domestic or foreign ports before being admitted 
 into the Society, unless an apprenticeship of seven years 
 to the mystery should have been first duly served. But 
 it was provided that the ordinances made by the Society 
 should concern only the members themselves, and not 
 outsiders, and should not be in prejudice of any person or 
 body claiming privileges or rights by virtue of previous 
 royal grants ; especial reservation being made for the 
 protection of the Merchant Adventurers trading with the 
 Low Countries, whose statutes and privileges were to be 
 in no wise interfered with. 
 
 E5War&US SejtUS Dei gratia Anglie Francie et Hibernie 
 Rex fidei defensor et in terra ecclie Anglicane et Hibernice 
 Supremu caput ©mntbUS ad quos presentes littere pervenerint 
 salutem SCfatlS q" ex lamentabili insinuatoe Edwardi Pryn Thome 
 Hicks et Roberti Butler fideliu ligeorum nrorum civitatis nre 
 BristoUi ac aliorum mercatorum periclitantiu civitatis pdicte voc 
 Marchaunte Venterers ponentiu se factores servientes bona et mer- 
 candisas in periculo super mare ad diversas partes transmarinas pro 
 mercandisis extra hoc regnu nostrum Anghe educend ac in idem 
 regnu inducend accepimus qualiter diversi artifices et homines artis 
 manualis in eadem civitate inhabitantes occupacionesque victu suo 
 querend habentes qui nunqm fuerunt apprenticii aut educati ad vel 
 in recursu artis mercatorum predictorum nee aliquam bonam cogni- 
 tionem in eadem arte habentes qui vulgariter excitant utuntur et 
 occupant dictum recursum mercandise ad et a partibus transmarinis 
 vulgariter in navibus sive vasis extraneis per quod diversa genera 
 comoditatum huius Regni nostri Anglie occulte educuntur et con- 
 vehuntur incontrariu bone ordinis et legum nostrarum ac in magnam 
 defraudationem custumarum nrarum taliter se habentes et exercentes 
 in et secundum tales males mores et irregulatos quales fuerunt et 
 existunt in magnu scandalum dictorum mercatorum ac decasum 
 naviu et marinariorum ac portus civitatis predicte et precipue 
 dictorum mercatorum ad et in dicto recursu mercandise educatorum 
 
40 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY ; 
 
 magnamque cognitionem in eodem recursu habentiu XHn&C nos 
 supplicaverunt sibi per nos de remedio congruo provideri nos 
 indempnitati nostre in hac parte ac utilitati et bono ordini pre- 
 dictorum mercatorum imposterum habend prospicere volentes, ut 
 tenemur, 2)6 gratiaHra speciali concessimus et licenciam dedimus ac 
 per presentes concedimus et licenciam damns pro nobis heredibus 
 et successoribus nostris quantum in nobis est prefatis Edwardo Pryn 
 Thome Hicks et Roberto Butler ac aliis mercatoribus periclitantibus 
 voc Marchaunte Venterers dicte civitatis nre BristoUi q* decetero 
 habeant unu magrm artis sive mistere de marchaunte Venterers 
 Civitatis predicte et ipm Edwardum Pryn magrm artis sive mistere 
 predicte facimus ordinamus et constituimus per presentes jBt q* 
 habeant duos Custodes artis sive mistere predicte et ipos Thomam 
 Hicks et Robertum Butler Custodes artis sive mistere predict 
 facimus ordinamus et constituimus per presentes HC dtm Edwardum 
 magistrum artis sive mistere predicte HC prefatos Thomam et 
 Robertum custodes artis sive mistere predicte nominamus assignamus 
 discernimus et declaramus per presentes Et q° tam predicti Edwardus 
 Thomas et Robertus quam alii liberi homines dicte civitatis artem 
 sive misteram de Marchaunte Venturers predict utent qui nunc sunt 
 et de tempore in tempus imperpetuum erunt de civitate predicta 
 decetero sint in facto re et nomine unu corpus et una coitas corporat 
 imperpetuu per nomen Magistri custodum et Coitatis de Marchaunt 
 Venturers civitatis BristoU et q* habeant successionem perpetuam 
 JBt q^ dicti magister custodes et coitas et successores sui imperpetuu 
 singulis annis quotiens necesse erit eligere possint et facere de seipsis 
 unu magistrum et duos custodes sive gardianos ad supportand negocia 
 eorundem et ad supervidend regend et gubernand misteram et 
 coitatem predict et omnes homines ac occupant servientes servitores 
 stufFuras et operationes merces et mercimonia eorundem mistere et 
 coitatis in civitate et suburbiis predict imperpetuu et magistrum 
 et custodes anni precedentis amovere et deft us eorundem dictam 
 misteram concernen debite corrigend et corrigi faciend }£t q" diet 
 magister custodes et coitas pdti heant ut prefertur successionem 
 perpetuam et cornniune Sigillum pro negotiis dicte artis sive mistere 
 et coitatis p^dict imperpetuu" deservitur JBt Q* iidem magister 
 custodes et Coitas et successores suPper nomen magistri Custodum 
 et coitatis mistere sive artis de Marchaunte Venturers Civitatis 
 Bristoll capaces et habiles sint in lege et placitare possint et 
 implacitari respondere et responderi defendere ac defendi coram 
 quibuscumque Judicibus et Justiciariis temporalibus vel spHalibus 
 seu ahis personis quibuscumque in quibuscumque Curiis et in 
 omnibus actionibus reahbus personalibus et mixtis ac placitis nove 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 4I 
 
 disseie necnon in omnibus placitis sectis querelis negotiis et demandis 
 quibuscumque artem sive misteram predictam et negotia eiusdem 
 tantummodo concernen jEt Q* quilibet huiusmodo magistrorum et 
 custodum mistere sive artis predict pro quolibet anno ut premittitur 
 eligend sacramentum prestet corporale coram Maiore et Aldermannis 
 Civitatis predicte pro tempore existend de officio illo ad quod taliter 
 fuerit electus bene et fideliter faciend et exequend ac dictis Maiori et 
 Aldermannis pro tempore existen ad huiusmodi sacramenta recipiend 
 licentiam damus per presentes ]£t UltCriUS q" iidem magister 
 custodes et Coitas dicte mistere sive artis et successores sui plenam 
 habeant potestatem et auctoritatem statuta et ordinationes tantum- 
 modo pro bona et salubri gubernatoe supervisu scrutinio et correctione 
 mistere sive artis predicte ac hominu mistere sive artis illius ac 
 solummodo misteram et artem illas tangen et concernen secundum 
 necessitatis et rei exigentiam quotiens et quandocumque opus fuerit 
 facere et ordinare ac ea omia et singula exequi valeant licite et 
 impune sine occasione impeticione vel impedimento nostri heredum 
 vel successorum nrorum Justiciariorum Escaetorum Vicecomitum 
 Coronatorum aut aliorum Ballivorum vel ministrorum nrorum 
 heredum vel successorum nrorum quorumcumque dummodo statuta 
 et ordinaciones ilia contra prerogativam nram aut leges et consuetu- 
 dines regni nostri Anglie necnon in preiudiciu Maioris Civitatis nre 
 predicte non existant Bt UltedUS VOlUITlUS ac per presentes 
 concedimus pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nris prefatis 
 magistro Custo"d et Coitati q* nullus artifex Civitatis predicte pro 
 tempore existens excerceat recursum mercandise in partes trans- 
 marinas in regna seu dominia nisi admittatur in societatem et 
 incorporacionem predict per dictos magistrum et custodes neq uUus 
 alius nisi tantummodo tales quales fuerunt vel imposterum erunt 
 apprenticii ad dictam misteram sive artem mercatorum predictorum 
 aut eadem mistera usi fuerunt per spatiu septem annorum pCOViSO 
 Sempet q* statuta et ordinaciones imposterum per dictos magistrum 
 custodes et coitatem facienda vel ordinanda tantummodo tangant 
 magistrum custodes et coitatem predict vel homines de Coitate ilia et 
 non ahos qui non sunt neque erunt de coitate ilia ac dummodo contra 
 prerogativam nTam aut leges et consuetudines_regni nostri Anglie 
 Necnon in preiudiciu maioris civitatis nostre predte nee in preiudicium 
 aliquarum personarum sive alicuius persone corporis politici vel 
 corporis corporati vel incorporati habentis vel habentium clamantis 
 vel clamantium aliqua libertates franchesias privilegia iura sive 
 preheminent virtute colore vel pretextu alicius concessionis doni vel 
 litterarum patentiu nostri vel aliquorum progenitorum nrorum 
 autehac dat concess vel fact non existant ac dummodo statuta sive 
 
42 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 ordinaciones ilia non sint sive eorum aliquod non sit in preiudicium 
 dilect subditorum nrorum gubernatoris assistencium _e£ societatis 
 mercatorum se bona res et merces suas periculis exponent vulganter 
 vocTt Marchauntes Adventure^ partes Hollandie Selandie Brabandie 
 et fflandrie ac alias regiones terr et dominia^ eisdem partibus a^iacen 
 mercatura et mercandisand gratia aditaut et frequentantiu nee 
 aliquorum statutorum ordinacionu sive constitutionu per dictos 
 Gubernatorem sive Gubernatores eiusdem societatis autehac fact 
 edTt vel ordinlt vel imposterum per eosdem Gubernatorem seu 
 Gubernatores et assistentes vel eorem successores fiend edend 
 stabilieHd vel ordinand j£0 (t ejpteSSa mentio de vero valore 
 annuo aut de aliquo alio valore vel certitudine premissorum sive 
 eorum aliciuus aut de aliis donis sive concessionibus per nos sive 
 per aliquem progenitorum nrorum prefatis magistro custod et 
 CoTtati dicte mistere sive artis de Marchaunte Venturers Civitatis 
 Bristoll aut predecessoribus suis ante hec tempora fact in presentibus 
 minime fact exisTit aut aliquo statute actu ordinacione provisione 
 sive restrictione inde incontrarium fact edit ordinat sive provis aut 
 aliqua alia re causa vel materia quacumque in aliquo non obstant 
 3n cuius rei testimoniu has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes 
 JLCStC me ipo apud Westmonasteriu decimo octavo die Decembris 
 Anno regni nostri sexto. 
 
 Per breve de privato sigillo et de dat pdict auctoritat pliamenti. 
 
 We Bowis. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 [from an ancient manuscript in the HALL.J 
 
 3£5War& tbe Sljte by the grace of god, of England Fraunce 
 and Ireland Kinge defender of the Faith, and in earth of the Church 
 of England and Ireland supreme head XIO all those to whome 
 theis pnte letters shall come Health, IkUOWe geC that of the 
 lamentable petition of Edward Prin, Thomas Hickes, and Robert 
 Butler our faithfull Subiects of our Citty of Bristoll and other 
 marchaunts adventurers of the Citty aforesaid (called marchant 
 Venterers) putting themselves theire factors servants goods and 
 marchandice in perill uppon the Sea to divers parts beyond the 
 seas for marchandizes out of this our Realme of England to bee 
 carried & into this Realme of England to bee broughte "WXc 
 have bin given to vnderstand howe that divers Artificers and men 
 of manuell arte inhabitinge the same Citty haveinge alsoe occupacons 
 to gett theire liveinge (whoe virere never apprentice or brought upp 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 43 
 
 to or in the recourse or trade of the arte of the marchants afore- 
 saide, nor haveinge anie good knowledge in the same Arte) Doe 
 commonly exercise use and occupie the saide recourse or trade of 
 marchandize to and from the partes beyond the seas commonly in 
 strange shippes or vessells whereby divers kindes of commodities 
 of this our Realme of England are secretly carried and conveyed 
 away, against our good orders and lawes, and to the greate 
 defrauding us of our Customes, In such sorte behaveinge and 
 exerciseinge themselves in and after such like eville and irregular 
 manner, the which have bine and are to the great scandall of the 
 saide marchants and alsoe to the decayeng of the Navye and 
 marriners and the porte of the Citty aforesaide, and chiefely of 
 the saide marchants, haveing bine brought upp to and in the 
 saide recourse of marchandize and haveinge also great knowledge 
 in the same recourse TKUbCtCUpOlt they have petitioned us that 
 a fitt remedy mighte bee (by us) provided for them Httb wee 
 willinge to forsee our indempnitie and danger in this behalfe, and 
 to provide for the profitt and good order of the saide marchants in 
 tyme to come (as wee are bounde) 1ftaV€ of our speciall favour and 
 grace graunted and given lycence, and by theis presents for us our 
 heires and Successors (for as much as in us) Doe graunte and 
 give Licence to the aforesaide Edward Prin, Thomas Hickes, and 
 Robert Butler and other marchant adventurers (called marchaunts 
 Venturers) of our saide Citty of BristoU That hereafter they shall 
 have One Maister of the Arte or misterie of marchaunt Venturers 
 of the Citty aforesaide Hn5 wee doe make ordeyne and constitute 
 him the saide Edward Prin maister of the Arte or misterie aforesaide 
 by theis pnts And that they shall have twoe wardeins of the afore- 
 saide Arte or misterie And we do ordeyne and constitute them 
 the saide Thomas Hickes and Robert Butler wardeins of the 
 aforesaide Arte or Misterie by these presents Sn& the saide 
 Edward, Maister of the saide Arte or Misterie, And the aforesaid 
 Thomas and Robert, wardeynes of the same Arte or Misterie 
 TKHCC &06 name assign decree and declare by theis pnts : And 
 that the saide Edward Thomas and Robert and other Free men of 
 the saide Citty, vsing the Arte or Misterie of Marchant Venturers 
 aforesaide wch nowe are and from tyme to tyme for ever shalbee 
 of the same Citty Shalbee from hencefourth in deed matter and 
 name one bodye and one Comynaltie Corporated for ever by the 
 name of the Maister Wardeins and Comynaltie of marchant 
 Venterers of the Citty of Bristol HttJ) that they shall have a 
 perpetuall succession And that the aforesaide Maister Wardeyns 
 and Comynaltie and theire Successors for ever, euerie yeere, and 
 as often as need shalbee, may choose and make of themselves one 
 
44 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 Maister and twoe Wardeyns or Guardians to supporte the Affaires 
 thereof And to oversee rule and governe the saide Misterie and 
 Comynaltie, and all men and occupiers, dealers servants factors 
 stuffes and workes wares and marchandize of the saide misterie 
 and Comynaltie in the Citty and Subburbes aforesaid And the 
 maister and wardeins of the yeere before to amove and their 
 defects concerninge the saide Misterie duely to correct and cause 
 to be corrected Httb that the saide Maister Wardeyns and 
 Commynaltie aforesaide shall have as aforesaid a perpetuall 
 succession and a Common Seale to serve for the affayres and 
 busines of the saide Arte or Misterie and Comynaltie aforesaide 
 for ever Hltb that they the saide Maister Wardens and Com- 
 mynaltie and theire Successors (by the name of the Maister 
 Wardeins and Comynaltie of the Misterie or Arte of marchant 
 Venterers of the Citty of BristoU) shalbee capeable and fitt in y^ 
 lawe, and may plead and bee ympleaded, answere and bee 
 answered, defende and bee defended, before all and whatsoever 
 Judges and Justice, temporall or spirituall or any other person or 
 persons whatsoever, in whatsoeuer Courts, and in all accons reall 
 personall and mixt, and pleas of Nouel diseisen, and alsoe in all 
 pleas suits quarrells affaires and demaunds whatsoeuer concerninge 
 onely the Arte or Misterie aforesaide and the affaires of the same 
 Bnb that euery one of them the saide Maisters & wardeins of the 
 Misterie or Arte aforesaide for every yeere as aforesaide to bee 
 chosen shall take his corporall oath before the Mayor and Alder- 
 men of the Cittie aforesaide for the tyme beinge well and faithfully 
 to doe and execute the office aforesaide whereunto hee shalbee in 
 such wise elected And unto the saide Maior and Aldermen for 
 the time beinge wee doe give lycence by these pits to receyve the 
 saide oath Hn& further that the saide Maister Wardeins and 
 Comminaltie of the saide Misterie or Arte and theire Successors 
 shall have full power and authoritie to make and ordeyne statutes 
 and ordinaunce for the good and profittable governement surveying 
 search and correction of the Misterie or Arte aforesaide onely, and 
 of the men of the same Misterie or Arte, and such onely as doe 
 touch and concerne the saide Misterie and Arte accordinge to the 
 necessitie and ymportance of the matter, as often and when as need 
 shalbee Httb that they may lawfully and freely execute all and 
 singular those things without any lett suite or ympediment of us our 
 heires or Successors or of the Justice Escheator Shiriffe Coroners 
 or any other Bailives or Ministers of us our heires or Successours 
 whatsoeuer See as those Statuts and Ordinaunce bee not against 
 our prerogatyve or the lawes and Customes of our Realme of 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 45 
 
 England, nor in preiudice of the Mayor of our Cittie aforesaide 
 Bn5 further wee will and by theis pnts Doe grannt (for us our 
 heires and Successors) to the aforesaide Maister wardens and 
 Commynaltie that noe Artificer of the Citty aforesaide for the 
 tyme beinge shall exercise the recourse of marchandize into the 
 kingdomes or dominions of the parties beyond the seas unlesse hee 
 shalbee admitted into the saide Societie and State aforesaide by 
 the saide Maister and wardens, Neither that any other but onelie 
 those whoe have bine, or hereafter shalbee apprentice to y" saide 
 Misterie or Arte of Marchaunts aforesaide or have vsed the same 
 Misterie by the space of seauen yeeres lprOUi&e5 allwaies that 
 the Statuts and Ordinaunce hereafter (by the saide Maisters 
 Wardeins and Commynaltie) to be made or ordeyned Doe only 
 touch the Maisters Wardeyns and Comynaltie aforesaide or the 
 men of the same Comynaltie and not any others wch are not 
 neither shalbee of the same Cominaltie And soe as they bee not 
 against our prerogative or the lawes and Customes of our Realme 
 of England, neither in prejudice of the Mayor of the Citty afore- 
 saide, nor in preiudice of anie person or persons of any bodie 
 politicke or Bodie Corporated or Incorporated haveinge or they 
 haveinge Clayminge or they claimeinge anie Liberties Franchises 
 priviledge righte or preheminence by vertue colour or pretence of 
 any graunte, guifte, or Letters patients of us, or of any of our 
 progenitours before this tyme given graunted or made Hltft S06 
 as the saide Statutes or Ordinaunce are not, or any of them bee 
 not, in preiudice of our welbeloved Subiects the Governour Assist- 
 ants and Societye of marchants commonly called Marchants 
 Aduenturers goeing vnto and frequentinge the Coaste of Holland 
 Seland Braband and Flanders and other Regions Landes and 
 Dominions to the same partes adioyninge, putting forth themselves 
 theire goods wares and marchandizes in perrill for trade and 
 marchandisinge sake, Nor to any Statutes Ordinaunce or Con- 
 stitucions heretofore made published or ordeyned by the saide 
 Governour or Governours of the saide Societie or hereafter to bee 
 made, published, established, or ordeyned by the saide Governour 
 or Governours and Assistants or theire Successors notwithstandinge 
 that noe expresse mention of the true yeerely value of the premisses 
 or of any other value or certeyntie thereof or of anie other guifte 
 or graunte by us or by anie of our Progenitours to the aforesaide 
 Maister Wardeyns and Comynaltie of the Misterie or Arte of 
 marchant Venturers of the Citty of Bristol!, or to theire Prede- 
 cessours before this tyme hath bin made, nor in anie wise by theis 
 pnts is made, nor of anie Statute, Acte, Ordinaunce, provision or 
 
46 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 restraint, or of any other thinge cause or matter whatsoever in 
 anie wise made published ordeyned or provided to the contrary 
 thereof notwithstandinge Jn WittteS whereof wee have caused 
 these our Letters to bee made Pattente XlSlltneS my Self at 
 Westminster the eightenth day of December In the Sixte yeere 
 of our Raigne. 
 
 The members of the infant Society soon learnt from 
 experience that a verbal interdiction of retail dealers and 
 craftsmen from meddling in mercantile affairs, unaccom- 
 panied by penalties calculated to enforce obedience, was 
 in practice nugatory. Early in 1566 it was resolved to 
 apply to the Crown for a more effectual remedy. The 
 first step taken was to petition for a confirmation of the 
 foregoing charter, and in answer to the prayer Queen 
 Elizabeth, on the 8th July, granted letters patent, reciting 
 those of her brother at full length, and confirming them 
 in the following terms. (The translated transcript is taken 
 from an ancient copy in the Society's archives) : — 
 
 ]EH3al)Ctb Dei gracia Anglie Fraunc et Hibernie Regina fidei 
 defensor &c. Omnibus ad quos presentes litere pervenerint Salutem 
 Inspeximus literas patentes Domini E. nuper Regis Anglie sexti 
 fratris nostri precharissimi factas in hec verba lE&WaC&US SCJtUS 
 [&c., as in the preceding charter]. TRoa HuteiTl literas predictas ac 
 omnia et singula in eis contenta rata hentes et grata ea pro nobis 
 heredibus et successoribus nostris quantum in nobis est acceptamus 
 et approbamus ac dilectis nobis Thome Kelke nunc magistro Dominico 
 Chester et Thome Alder nunc Custodibus et Comunitati artis sive 
 mistere de Merchaunt Venturers civitatis nostre Bristoll et eorum 
 successoribus tenore present ratificamus et confirmamus prout litere 
 predicte testantur Jn CUtUS ret testimonium has literas nostras fieri 
 fecimus patentes TLCStC me ipsa apud Westmonasterium octavo die 
 lulii anno regni nostri octavo. 
 
 TRANSLATION OF THE CONFIRMATION. 
 
 anb wee aCCeptfnge and allowinge of the saide Letters 
 pattente aforesaide, and all and euerye thinge in the same conteyned, 
 Doe for us our heires and successours Ratifie and approve the same 
 And to our Welbeloved Thomas Kelke now Maister, Dominicke 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 47 
 
 Chester and Thomas Alder now Wardeyns and to the Commonalty of 
 the Arte or Misterie of Marchante Venturers of our Citty of BristoU 
 and theire Successours by the tenore of theise presents Wee doe ratifie 
 and confirme even as the Letters pattente aforesaide doe testifie Jtl 
 WttttteS whereof wee have caused theis our letters to be made 
 Pattente TKHitttieS my selfe at Westminster the eighte day of July in 
 the Eighte yeere of our Raigne (1566). 
 
 Application was then made to Parliament for statutory 
 powers to enforce the royal provisions. The necessary 
 Bill was brought into the House of Commons on the 28th 
 November, passed that Chamber on December 4th, was 
 rapidly carried through all its stages in the Upper House, 
 and received the Royal Assent. The enactment, it will 
 be seen, recites the reasons advanced for its promotion — 
 namely, the impoverished state of the mercantile interest 
 through the ruinous competition of unqualified traders — 
 and thereupon ordains that no citizen except a member 
 of the Society, or a person who has served a seven years' 
 apprenticeship to a merchant, shall thenceforth traffic in 
 merchandise beyond the seas, upon pain of forfeiture of 
 all the goods that he may import or export, one moiety 
 of the penalty being reserved to the Crown, and the 
 remainder to be divided between the Corporation and the 
 Society. The latter body is further empowered to expel 
 from its ranks any member who shall carry on a business 
 not exclusively mercantile. The following contemporary 
 copy of the statute is preserved in the Hall : — - 
 
 Ube COPPie of an Acte made at the Parliament holden (by 
 
 prorogation) at Westminster the last daie of September 
 
 in the eighte yeere of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lady 
 
 Queene Elizabeth & Anno Christi 1566. 
 
 Hn Hcte for Confirmation of Letters Pattente graunted to the 
 
 Marchant Adventurers of the Citty of Bristoll. 
 
 XlClbereaS the Cittie of Bristol, beinge an Ancyent Towne of 
 this Realme of England, hath allwaies bin inhabited and vsed by 
 and with a number of Marchaunte Aduenturers of the same Citty 
 
48 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 vsinge trafficke and marchandize to and from beyond the Seas, 
 By reason whereof the same Citty hath not heretofore bin only 
 greatly enriched, and the Inhabitants of the same of all Science 
 verie well occupied and sett in worke in and aboute theire severall 
 Arts misteries and occupacons, but have bine alsoe ayding and 
 assistaunt (by reason of the said marchaunte Aduenturers) uppon 
 the seas unto the Princes Navie of this Realme (in tyme of warres) 
 for the defence of this whole Realme, with twentie five shippes 
 for the moste parte, untill that nowe of late, by reason of a 
 number of the Inhabitants of the saide Cittie, of divers faculties 
 and sciences, being not able to have anie convenient shippes or 
 vessells of theire owne, have vsed to trafficke marchandize and 
 carry wares to and from the parties of beyond the Seas, in 
 strainge shippes and vessells, soe commonly and so much as the 
 marchauntes aduenturers, haveinge noe other science but onely 
 that to lyve uppon, were not able to mainteyne theire own 
 navigacon and shippes, but some were enforced to sell theire 
 shippes, and some to leave theire shippes, and lay them upp in 
 Docke, untill such tyme as they were spoiled and lost. So as of 
 late there were scant five shippes left belonging to the saide 
 Citty, whereas in tymes past there hath bine twenty five: And 
 this matter beinge of late declared, and informacon thereof made 
 to our late soueraigne lorde Kinge Edward the Sixte, his grace 
 mindinge to provide, as well for the mayntenance and cont3muance 
 in prosperitie of the saide Citty As alsoe for the encrease of 
 defences of this Realme from our Enimies, as before this tyme 
 had bin: And to thintent that the marchauntes adventurers and 
 Navigacon of the saide Citty might encrease and multiplie to such 
 nomber as before tyme had bin, 2)t5 by his grace's Letters 
 pattente under his great Seale of England bearing date at West- 
 minster the eighteenth dale of December in the sixte yeere of his 
 grace's Raigne encorporate the Company and Feloushipp of the 
 saide marchaunte Aduenturers by the name of Maister Wardeyns 
 and Comynaltie of the Misterie or Arte of Marchaunte Venturers 
 of the City of BristoU And by the same letters pattente 2)iJ) not 
 onely graunte unto them to plead and to bee ympleaded by the 
 same name But alsoe divers other Liberties Ordinaunce rules 
 priviledges and aucthorities, as by the saide letters pattente 
 therein more fully and at large doe appeare, Which saide letters 
 pattente and all and euery thinge and things in them conteyned 
 and expressed Our Soveraigne Lady the Queenes Ma"« that nowe 
 is, hath to and for thintent and purpose above expressed, hkewise 
 by her grace's Letters pattente under her great Seale of England 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 49 
 
 bearinge date at Westminster aforesaide the eighte day of July 
 in the eighte yeere of her saide graces Raigne, allowed confirmed 
 and ratified As by y" same Letters pattente doe alsoe therein 
 playnely appeare Bee It tbetefOte Enacted by the Queenes 
 moste Excellente Maiestie, the Lordes Spirituall and temporall, 
 and by the Commons in this present Session of Parliament 
 assembled, and by the aucthorite of the same, for the consideracons 
 and mayntenance of the Cittie of Bristoll aforesaide, that the said 
 Felowshippe and Society of Marchaunte Aduenturers bee incor- 
 porate for evermore in such manner and wise, and by such a 
 name, as is declared and conteyned in the aboue resited letters 
 pattente of our said late Soueraigne Lorde Kinge Edward y" Sixte 
 And that the same Corporacon may evermore hereafter have and 
 ■enjoy all such like Liberties, ordinaunce, rules, priviledge, and 
 aucthorities, as are menconed and specified in the said Letters 
 pattente accordinge to the words sentences true intent effecte and 
 meaninge of the saide letters pattente to all intents and purposes. 
 Bn5 furtbermore, whereas by the saide recited Letters Pattente 
 of our saide late Soueraigne Lord Kinge Edward y" Sixte yt is 
 graunted to the saide Corporacon that noe Artificer or of anie 
 other science of the saide Citty of Bristoll for the tyme beinge 
 should exercise the recourse of marchandize into the parts beyond 
 the Seas vnlesse they were admitted into the Societie and 
 Corporacon aforesaide by the Maister and Wardeins of the same 
 Corporacon for the tyme beinge, or else weare, or shalbee appren- 
 tice to the saide Misterie or Arte of Marchaunts aforesaide by the 
 space of Seaven Yeeres, And for that there is noe penaltie pro- 
 vided or ordeyned for such as shall exercise the recourse of 
 marchandize beyond the Seas contrary to the Clause of the said 
 letters pattente aboue resited, divers and sundrie psons of the 
 saide Citty, beinge neither admitted into the saide Societie or 
 Corporacon, neither haue bene apprentice to the same Arte by the 
 space of Seaven yeeres. Doe still vse and exercise the recourse 
 of marchaundise beyond the Seas, contrary to the good intention 
 therein had and made, and contrary to the expresse words of the 
 saide letters pattente to the great hinderaunce and decay of all 
 the aforesaide Cittie 
 
 JSee it therefore Enacted and established by the Aucthoritie of 
 this present parliament that after the Feaste of Sainct John the 
 Baptist next cominge, noe manner of person or persons dweUing or 
 that hereafter shall dwell within the said Citty of Bristoll, or the 
 Subbirbes or Liberties of the same, shall vse or exercise, by him- 
 selfe, or by anie other, the recourse or trafficke of marchandize 
 
 5 
 
50 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 beyond the Seas, vnlesse the same person or persons bee nowe 
 made, or hereafter shalbee admitted to bee, of the saide Societie 
 or Corporacon aboue named by the maister and wardeyns of the 
 saide Corporacon, Or els that hee or they have byne, or shalbee 
 apprentice or apprentices, and served in and to the saide Arte or 
 misterie of Marchaunts within the same Cittie or Liberties of the 
 same by the space of seaven yeeres uppon paine of Forfeiture of 
 all the goods and marchandice that hee or the)', or any of them, 
 shall att anie tyme after the saide Feast of Sainct John the 
 Baptist soe vse, carry, transporte or convey to or from beyond 
 the Seas contrary to the tenure aforesaide: the one moyetie of 
 which Forfeiture to bee to the Queenes maiestie, her heires and 
 Successours, and the other moyetie to bee devided betweene the 
 said Corporacon and the Chamber of the saide Citty of Bristoll 
 aforesaide Hltb that if anie person or persons that nowe is or 
 are, or that hereafter shalbee anie of the saide Corporacon of 
 marchants shall att any tyme after the saide Feast of Sainct John 
 Baptist vse or exercise any other science, misterye, arte, or 
 occupacon then onely that of marchante Adventurers, that then it 
 shalbee lawfull to and for the saide Maister and Wardeyns of the 
 saide Corporacon for the tyme being to dismisse expell remove 
 and put of and out of the saide Societie or Corporacon the same 
 person or persons wch soe shall vse anie other science misterie 
 arte or occupacon then onely of marchant aduenturers as is 
 aforesaide. 
 
 The incorporation of the Society must have necessi- 
 tated the adoption of a common seal for the due execution 
 of legal documents ; but there is no mention of such an 
 instrument until 1569, when the following grant of arms 
 was obtained from Robert Cooke, Clarencieux, one of the 
 most grotesque of the tasteless heralds of the Tudor 
 period : — 
 
 TLo all an5 sgnguler aswell nobles anb gentillmen as 
 
 OtbetS to whom these presents shall come, Robert Cooke esquier 
 alias Clarenciulx, principal herehault and kinge of armes of the 
 sowthe easte and west parts of this Realme of England from the 
 riuer of trent sowthwards, sendeth humble comendacons and 
 greeting JforaSlUOCbe as aunciently from the beginninge the 
 valiant & vertuous acts of worthy persons haue ben comended to 
 the world with sondry monvments and remembrances of their good 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 5 1 
 
 desertes emongst the which the chefest and most vsuall hathe ben 
 the bearinge of signes in shildes caled armes which are euident 
 demonstracions of prowes diuersly distributed accordinge to the 
 qualities and desertes off the persons meritinge the same to the end 
 that suche as have done comendable seruice to their prince or contry 
 eyther in warre or peace may bathe receiue due honor in their lyues 
 and also deryue the same successively to their posteritie after them 
 for euer Httb WbCtCSS the moste noble and excellent prince of 
 famows memory, Kinge Edwarde the sixte, did by his graces Ires 
 pattents vnder his greate seale of england, bearing date at west- 
 master the xviij daye of december in the sixt yere of his graces 
 reigne, incorporate the company and fellowship of the marchant 
 aduenturars of BristoU by the name of maister wardens and com- 
 unitie of the misterie or arte of marchants aduenturars, and by the 
 same Ires patents his grace did not only grawnt vnto them diuers 
 and sundry liberties, as to pleade and be ympleaded by that name 
 and names as ys aforesaid but further that they sholde haue a 
 perpetuall succession and one comon seale for the business of the 
 said art mistery and comunytie to serue them for euer, at whiche 
 time Edwarde prinne was ordayned maister of the said art and 
 misterie and Thomas Hickes and Robert Butler wardens, which 
 said Ires patents the Queues maiestie that now ys hathe likewise 
 by her graces Ires pattents vnder har greate seale of england, bearing 
 date at Westmestre aforesaid the viij day of July in the eight yere of 
 her graces reigne allowed, confirmed, and ratified as by the same 
 ires patents doth also therein plainly appere Hn& fUCtftei; the said 
 ires patents of corporation were confirmed by acte of parlament in 
 the viij yere of the Queues maiesties reigne aforesaid in such 
 manner and forme as more playnly appereth by the said acte of 
 parlament, and forasmoche as the said maister wardens and 
 comunytie haue grawnted vnto them one comon seale to vse 
 about their necessarie affaires as ys aforesaid Jn COnSiberatiOU 
 Wbereof and at the instant request of Dominyk Chester, maister, 
 Thomas Rowland and John Carre, wardens, withe the consent of 
 the comunitie, J baUC assigned given & grawnted unto the said 
 maister, wardens, and comunitie the armes creaste and supportars 
 followinge Ubat IS tO SS^ barry onde of viij peces siluer and asur, 
 on a bend golde a dragon volant vert, on a chefe gules a lion passant 
 golde betwen two besants, vppon the heaulme on a wreath golde and 
 asur the toppe of a ship armed or, in the same a man in maile, in 
 piFop coollor, in his right hande a targe and in the lefte hande a darte 
 or, supported withe two supportars, the first a mairmaid the uppar 
 parte charne, her heare and finnes withe an ancar in her hand golde, 
 
52 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 the nether parte in proper cooUer, the second supportar ys the figure 
 of tyme, the uppar parte charey, his winges and the nether parte 
 golde, in his left hand a sithe, the shaft sables, the sithe argent, 
 mantled gules, dowbled argent, as more plainly apperith depicted in 
 the margent UO bSUe 3115 bol&e the said armes creast and 
 supportars to the said maister wardens and comunitie & to their 
 successors in lyke places, and they the same to vse, beare, and 
 shew for euer at their liberti & pleasure, withowt impediment, let, 
 or interupton of any person or persons Jll WitltCS WbCteOt 
 I haue set herevnto my hand and the seale of my office the xxiiij 
 ■day of august in the eleuenth yere of the reigne of our sovereigne 
 lady Queue Elizabeth. 
 
 RoBT. Cooke alias Clarencieulx, 
 
 Roy D'armes. 
 
 The Act of 1566 brought about the only serious 
 difference between the Corporation and the Society to be 
 found in the ancient annals. Through the depression 
 of the mercantile interest that then prevailed, the pre- 
 dominance that merchants had previously enjoyed in the 
 Common Council appears to have been temporarily 
 superseded by trading influences. As Parliament did not 
 meet again for five years, no immediate steps were 
 practicable in opposition to the Act, but it is significant 
 that nothing was received in the meantime by the city 
 Treasurer on account of forfeitures for infringements of 
 the new law. The general election in the spring of 1571 
 occasioned an unexampled conflict for the two seats. 
 After a prolonged contest the previous members for the 
 city — one of whom was certainly and the other probably 
 a member of the Society — were not again returned, John 
 Popham, the Recorder (afterwards the Chief Justice of 
 Wild Dayrell fame), being one of those chosen in their 
 place by the opposition party. Simultaneously, the 
 Mayor and Aldermen forwarded a letter to Lord Burghley 
 on March 28th, alleging that the Act of 1566 was calculated 
 to greatly damage the trade of the city, and praying for 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 53 
 
 its repeal. (This letter is in the Record Office.) And the 
 Houses had no sooner assembled in April than a "Bill for 
 Bristowe " was introduced, and was read a first time at 
 the fifth sitting of the House of Commons. On the 
 following day it was read a second time ; whereupon, says 
 the Commons' Journal, "many and sundry long argu- 
 ments'' were advanced both for and against it. The 
 controversy was so keen that the then unusual course was 
 adopted of referring the measure to a select committee. 
 The existing books of the Society do not contain the 
 slightest allusion to the subject ; but the following paper, 
 obviously written on behalf of the fraternity, is preserved 
 at the Record Office, and practically gives a summary of 
 the case laid before the House by the respective parties : — 
 
 Articles of a Bill exhibited in Parliament against the incorporation 
 of the Merchant Adventurers of the city of Bristol, and 
 answers unto the same. [April 12, 1571-] 
 
 First Objection. The like corporation of general exemption has 
 not been found to continue long anywhere. 
 
 Answer. By their corporation, no man is exempted that ever 
 occupied the seas, but such as voluntarily sequestered themselves 
 from the same, for every retailer, leaving off his retailing, may be a 
 merchant, so that he will content himself with the only trade of 
 merchandise, whereas, in other corporations, they cannot be so 
 admitted. 
 
 Second Objection. Prices of wares are enhanced, and are dearer 
 in Bristol than in any place in England. 
 
 Answer. Foreign wares of the countries to which we trafific are 
 cheaper in Bristol than in London, as appears by our having of late 
 brought great store to London, where we have sold them, notwith- 
 standing the carriage, to a greater benefit than we could have done in 
 Bristol ; at present they are better and cheaper than anywhere else 
 in England. 
 
 Third Objection. The Navy is supposed to be decayed. 
 
 Answer. Our Navy cannot be decayed since the last Parliament, 
 but much increased, for we have built nine or ten new ships and 
 barks, bought divers, and suffered none to decay; and although we 
 have lost divers, and have some embargoed in Spain, yet we have 
 
54 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 more than on the confirmation of our patent, and twice as many 
 serviceable as before, as the Vice Admiral well knows. 
 
 Fourth Objection. The Customs are supposed to be decayed. 
 
 Answer. They are much increased, as appears by a copy of the 
 Customs books, which we can show. 
 
 Fifth Objection. The poor craftsmen are not set to work as they 
 might be. 
 
 Answer. On the year that the intercourse of trade was open to 
 us, we adventured 400 more cloths, wrought to the full proof by the 
 poor craftsmen, than in the two years before, and so they have had 
 more work from the merchants than heretofore. 
 
 Reasons approving our corporation to be for the commonwealth 
 of Bristol : — 
 
 The rich retailers, as the grocer, mercer, haberdasher, soapmaker, 
 vintner, &c., adventuring themselves, must needs undo all the poorer 
 sort who do not adventure, and eat out the meer merchants, who 
 have but those to whom they may make their vent. 
 
 Unskilfulness in merchandize, and great numbers going over on 
 the seas, must greatly abase our English commodities and advance 
 the price of foreign wares ; for the more there are to sell there, the 
 worse market they will make, and the more buyers of strange com- 
 modities the dearer they must be. 
 
 When the Navy was best maintained in Bristol there were not 
 above forty merchants, and now there are nearly 100, and less 
 merchandize to be vented than at that time, for iron and alum, which 
 were usually brought from thence, are now made better and cheaper 
 in England than in Spain. 
 
 It is injurious to him who has served seven or eight years, and 
 was apprenticed to a merchant, to have his living prejudiced by such 
 as are ignorant of the trade, wherein there is more skill than every 
 man judges. 
 
 A merchant cannot be a retailer for want of skill and acquaintance 
 of customers, which requires an apprenticeship to bring him to it ; 
 neither can he have a fit place to dwell in, for all the houses that 
 stand in place of retail are already in the hands of retailers. 
 
 No retailer at any time has built any shipping, and one poor 
 merchant has sustained more loss in the service of the Prince than 
 all the retailers in Bristol. 
 
 All the benefits done by townsmen to the city of Bristol, as the 
 erection of hospitals and freeholds, giving out money for clothmaking, 
 and other provisions for the poor, has been done by the merchant's 
 only, and never by retailers, or any other sciences. 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 55 
 
 The retailers were never in better state in Bristol; the meer 
 merchants were never so many, and since the last ParHament very 
 much impoverished by the restraint of the intercourse of trade. 
 
 The Society's opposition did not prevent the progress 
 of the Bill. On April 21st the Select Committee returned 
 the measure to the House " corrected in form but not in 
 substance." The preamble recited "that no manner of 
 benefit or commodity appeareth to grow by the said Act 
 [of 1566] to the commonweal, or otherwise to the 
 universal state of the said city according to the supposal 
 of the said Act, but contrariwise." The Society's 
 supporters made another effort on its behalf on the 28th 
 April, when "after many arguments" the Bill was read a 
 third time and passed. (Commons' Journals.) It was read 
 a first time in the House of Lords on May 2nd, a second 
 time on the 17th, and a third time and passed on the 
 19th. The Royal Assent followed shortly afterwards. 
 (Lords' Journals.) 
 
 Considering the great importance of the new Act to 
 the trading classes in the city as well as to the Society, it 
 is an astonishing fact that no reference to the subject is 
 made in the corporate records or in the numerous Bristol 
 Calendars, and that Mr. Barrett, Mr. Seyer, and other 
 local historians appear to have been unaware that such a 
 statute was passed, the matter being entirely ignored by 
 them. It was not, indeed, until 1833 that the Act was 
 disinterred by the Municipal Corporation Commissioners, 
 who by some means became acquainted with the facts. 
 The following copy of the enactment has been transcribed 
 literatim from the Chancery Rolls in the Record Office : — 
 
 IKHbere in the Parhament holden at Westminster in the eighth 
 year of the Queen's Magesty raigne that now is one Acte was made 
 entytuled An Acte for confirmation of letters patente graunted to the 
 Merchaunt Adventurs of the Citie of Bristoll In whiche Acte it is 
 
56 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 recited That the late King of famous memory Edward the Syxt by 
 
 his graces letters patents under his greate seale of England bearing 
 
 date at Westminster theight daye of December in the sixt yeare 
 
 of his graces raigne Did incorporate the fellowship of the said 
 
 merchaunt adventurers by the name of Master, Wardens and 
 
 comynaltie of the mystery or arte of merchaunt Adventurers of the 
 
 citie of Bristoll And by the said Ires patents graunted unto them not 
 
 onely to impleade & to be impleaded by the said name but also dyvers 
 
 other liberties Ordynances pryvyledgs and aucthorities as by the said 
 
 Ires pattentes more at larg appeared And by the said acte it was 
 
 enacted and established that the said fellowship and Society of 
 
 Merchaunt adventurers should be incorporate for evermore in 
 
 suche manner and wyse and by suche name as is declared 
 
 and contayned in the above rehersed Ires patentes of our 
 
 said late soveraigne lord King Edward the syxte And that the 
 
 said corporation myght evermore thereafter have & inioye all 
 
 such liberties ordynaunces rules pryvyledgs and aucthorities as 
 
 above menconed and specyfied in the said Ires patents according 
 
 to the words sentences true intente effecte & meaning of the 
 
 said Ires patents to all intents and purposes And wheare furthermore 
 
 it was by the said Acte of Parlyament further enacted and established 
 
 that no man' of p'son or p'sons dwelling or wh' thereafter sholde 
 
 dwell within the said citie of Bristoll or the suburbes or libertyes of 
 
 the same shold after a certayn tyme in the same Acte mentioned use 
 
 or exercise by hymself or by any other to recourse or trafScke of any 
 
 merchaundize beyond the Seas unless the same p'son or p'sons weare 
 
 then made or thereafter should be admitted to bee of the said Societie 
 
 or corporation by the Master and Wardens of the said Corporation 
 
 or elles that he or they had been or thereafter shotild be an apprentise 
 
 and served in & to the said Arte or mystery of merchaunt adventurers 
 
 within the same cyttie or lyberties of the same by the space of seaven 
 
 yeres uppon payne of forfaiture of all the goods & merchaundize that 
 
 he or they or any of them should at any tyme after a certen daye in 
 
 the same Acte expressed so use carrye transporte or conveye to or 
 
 fro beyond the Seas contrarye to the Tenour aforesaid Thone moitye 
 
 of wh' forfeyture to the Queenes Ma*'" her heires & successors and 
 
 thother moitie to be dyvyded betweene the said corporation and the 
 
 Chamber of the said cittye of Bristoll aforesaid And that yf any 
 
 p'son or p'sons that then was or weare or that thereafter shold be 
 
 any of the said Corporation of Merchaunts shold at any tyme after 
 
 a c'tayne tyme in the said acte mentyoned use or exercyse any other 
 
 science mystery art or occupacon then only that of merchaunt 
 
 adventurers That then it should be leyfuU to and for the said Master 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 57 
 
 and Wardens of the said Corppration for the tyme beying to dysmysse 
 expell remove and cutt of & out of the said socitye or corporation 
 the same p'son or p'sons wh' so should use any other science mysterie 
 or occupation then only of Merchauntes Adventurers as is aforesaid as 
 in the said Act of P'lyament more at large appeareth Forasmuche 
 as the like Corporation of gen' all exemption hath not any wheare 
 ben founde to be suffered long to contynewe tho' in some place 
 attempted and nevertheles uppon the experience thereof geven over 
 agayne and for that also thexperience thereof hath tought that no 
 manner of benefit or comodytie appeareth to growe by the said Arte 
 [Act ?] to the comon weale or otherwise to the unyversall state of 
 the said citye of BristoU according to the supposell of the said acte 
 but contrarywyse well knowne and fownde oute that sithen the 
 making of the said Acte the prices of all manner of merchaundize 
 have ben and yet are much enhanced the quenes custome as is 
 supposed decreased the welth of the citie verie much consumed and 
 the Navye thereof as is also suggested partly decayed for that a 
 greate many of welthye inhabitantes and citizens of the said citie 
 which before that tyme occupied greate stockes were thereby cut of 
 from the trade of the Seas And thereof followith that the poore 
 craftes men are not wrought as they might be to the greate ruyn 
 and decaye of all the said Cittye and of thenhabitants of the same 
 and to the greate damage of the countrye envyroning the same yf 
 speedye remedye be not in that behalf provyded and the wonted 
 libertye of the said citizens thereof to trafficke for merchaundize 
 beyond the Seas fullye restored Bee it therefore enacted by the 
 Queenes most excellent Ma'"" the Lordes Spirituall & temporall and 
 the comons in this present P'lyament assembled and by thaucthoritye 
 of the same That the said acte be from henceforth wholy repealed 
 and utterlye made frustrate voyde and of none effect to all Intents 
 & purposes. 
 
 It is satisfactory to be able to show the precise extent 
 of the commercial fleet of Bristol about the period when 
 this Act was under deliberation. The Queen's relations 
 with Philip II. of Spain being in a critical state, the 
 Government ordered the officers of Customs at all the 
 ports to make a circumstantial return of the vessels 
 belonging to each place, with the tonnage of the ships. 
 The voluminous statistics in the Record Office are dated 
 1571-2. London had then one merchant ship of 240 
 
58 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 tons— the largest in the kingdom ; 17 others varied 
 between 220 and 150 tons, and 31 from 140 to 100 tons. 
 Bristol, standing second in point of strength, possessed 
 one ship of 140 tons, 3 of 100 tons, 5 of 80 tons, and 35 
 of 60 to 20 tons. (The accuracy of William Worcester's 
 statement that William Canynges possessed ships of 900, 
 500, and 400 tons a century earlier may be left to the 
 reader's judgment.) It is clear that the commerce of 
 Bristol was at a low ebb in the reign of Elizabeth. The 
 port contributed 33 ships for the reconquest of Gascony 
 in 145 1. In 1588, when the country was in deadly peril 
 from the Spanish Armada, only three ships and a pinnace 
 could be furnished for the Royal Navy. 
 
 At a period when the Corporation and even the small 
 craft guilds kept a record of their proceedings, it is 
 impossible to suppose that the transactions of a Society 
 comprising the best educated and the most experienced 
 business men in the city could have been less carefully 
 preserved. As a matter of fact, however, no proof exists 
 of any meeting of the Society from the date of its 
 incorporation in 1552 until nearly half a century after- 
 wards ; and although officers were undoubtedly elected 
 annually, the names of the only four Masters known to us 
 would have been lost but for their occurrence in charters 
 and other documents. A conjectural explanation of this 
 remarkable hiatus will be offered later on. During the 
 long period of darkness, only a few fitful gleams of light 
 are obtainable from casual State Papers. Trade with 
 Southern France, Spain, and Portugal had been the 
 main-spring of local commerce in the fifteenth century 
 and for many years afterwards. In the reign of Elizabeth 
 the horrors of the Spanish Inquisition and the massacre 
 of St. Bartholomew in France excited a passionate thirst 
 for vengeance in the breasts of English Protestants, and 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 59 
 
 though peace long existed between the Queen and the 
 Roman CathoUc powers, a system, which can be described 
 only as deliberate piracy, sprang into widespread popu- 
 larity, and was, in many instances, notoriously encouraged 
 by Elizabeth herself, who not only instigated the adven- 
 turers to a course of systematic plundering, but often 
 claimed a share in their spoil. Through these proceedings, 
 the legitimate and profitable intercourse of Bristolians 
 with the Spanish ports had greatly diminished before the 
 actual outbreak of hostilities with Philip II. As regarded 
 France, local commerce was in little better condition. 
 As an illustration of the outrages winked at by the Govern- 
 ment, the following amongst many similar documents in 
 the Record Office may be taken as a fair specimen. On 
 June 6th, 1592, the deputy of the inhabitants of Bayonne 
 — one of the chief resorts of Bristol ships — addressed a 
 letter to the Privy Council, complaining of the piracies of 
 English subjects in spite of the peace between the two 
 countries, and notifying that, being unable to bear such 
 indignities longer, the goods and persons of English 
 merchants at Bayonne would be proceeded against unless 
 justice were done. The writer proceeds to give par- 
 ticulars : — 
 
 In 1591, a Bayonne ship from Newfoundland with 108,000 
 dried fish, and other goods, to the total value of 6,000 crowns, 
 was taken by a ship appointed by Sir Walter Raleigh, and taken 
 to Uphill, near Bristol ; and though the owner obtained a letter 
 from the French Court to the Queen, and sent over two men for 
 recovering the vessel, his agents had been forced to fly to France 
 to save their lives, being threatened by the crew of Raleigh's 
 ship and certain rich merchants of Bristol, who had received and 
 still held the proceeds of the merchandise. Another Bayonne ship, 
 with 200,000 fish, had been captured by three English ships, and 
 taken to Bristol, where the Englishmen, several dwelling in Bristol, 
 sold the vessel and cargo, value 7,000 crowns, the owner being 
 utterly refused relief, and consequently ruined. Other captures, of a 
 similar kind, were estimated to be of the value of 50,000 crowns. 
 
60 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 There is no evidence that the sufferer from Raleigh's 
 piracy obtained any relief. The outrage by the three 
 Bristol ships was found to be so discreditable that the 
 Privy Council ordered an inquiry, which resulted in the 
 shipowners being ordered to restore the captured vessel 
 and half of the fish, and to pay the hapless owner £60. 
 Yet nothing was done, and nearly a year afterwards the 
 Privy Council wrote to the Mayor and Aldermen, ordering 
 that the unfortunate man should receive satisfaction, and 
 pointing out that further delay would provoke the French 
 King to grant letters of marque for the harrying of Bristol 
 vessels. The civic reply is missing. 
 
 It was impossible for a commercial city to flourish 
 under these circumstances, and a document has been 
 fortunately preserved in the Society's " Book of Trade " 
 which, though evidently marred by querulousness and 
 exaggeration, afibrds trustworthy evidence of the prostra- 
 tion of commerce and industry. In 1595 the Privy 
 Council sent down a mandate requiring Bristol to find 
 and equip three ships towards a fleet then being prepared 
 to suppress the ravages of Spanish ships of war and 
 Dunkirk privateers, then swarming in the English 
 Channel; whereupon the Corporation and the Merchants 
 drew up and forwarded a lengthy account of the condition 
 of local affairs. The following is a summary : — 
 
 Having stated that the Privy Council's letter had been maturely 
 considered, the writers thank the Queen for her continued care of 
 her subjects, and the Council for its efforts ; but having considered 
 the fortunes of this (now poor) place, they find its condition so 
 changed of late as to be unable to bear the burden of the 
 suggested contribution. To explain the causes of the city's decay, 
 they state that Bristol had formerly a free traffic into the Straits, 
 securing much increase in wealth, shipping, and provisions; but 
 this trade the Londoners had so interrupted and monopolised that 
 if the writers trade there, they are forced to compound therefor 
 "at very near a quarter part, and so enrich them with our labour 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 6l 
 
 and adventure," whilst prices are raised and trade reduced ; 
 especially since the Londoners by conveying their wares by cloth 
 wains at an easy rate, and giving great time (which their riches 
 may bear) draw customers within ten miles of Bristol, " and might 
 sell better cheap, but keep up our prices, gaining thereby clearly 
 a fourth part, which is our composition, whereby we wanting 
 vent cannot gain by any possible adventure." Similarly, Bristol 
 had formerly a good trade with Spain in which 20 or 30 tall 
 ships were employed — now reduced to 8 or 10 small ships, the 
 Spanish embargo and English reprisals having undone this trade. 
 Through these difficulties the writers fear they shall be forced to 
 ask permission to sell their ships to strangers, " as strangers more 
 than we bring commodities inwards," and by paying double 
 Customs cause the Customs books to show apparent prosperity 
 in the city ; whilst under cover to pay debts in London, &c., 
 these strangers exchange their money thither, and do not export 
 Bristol wares, whereby manufactures are towards an utter over- 
 throw. Through the decline of these trades, the chief local 
 merchants, losing hope in continuing here, bestow their money in 
 country purchases, and have removed there their widows (sic) and 
 daughters, transporting much Bristol money with them, while the 
 meaner sort have spent what they had, or at best are trading 
 without advantage, and the artisans lie without profitable employ- 
 ment. London, having infinitely increased by our and others' 
 ruin, possesses almost the only trade ; the eagle foUoweth the 
 carcase, and no wonder the enemy so often falls upon them, 
 seeing that they seldom encounter others. But that they, wealthy 
 and strong, should meanly press the Queen and our poor purses 
 to secure their own gains is surely a great wonder. Heretofore 
 Bristolians had joined with them in protecting the Bordeaux fleet, 
 but they had only served their own turns without respect to ours. 
 The defence of the east and south coasts mainly concerns London 
 traders, who have constant traffic with Normandy and Brittany; 
 but Bristolians, having no trade in these parts, cannot reasonably 
 be asked to consume in contributions the last ruins of their poor 
 fortunes. The city has diligently served in protecting trade with 
 Ireland, Portugal, and Cadiz without grudge or complaint. Having 
 laid these considerations before the Council, the writers hope that 
 they will not be treated as ahens in their own country, but being 
 the common children of one glorious mother may receive alike 
 favourable treatment. " Wherefore we pray that our sighs may 
 be heard, and that the Londoners may be commanded to receive 
 us into a community of trade," expressing willingness thereupon 
 
62 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 to assist them in all public causes. In the meantime, though 
 there is no general inclmation to contribute, yet the abler sort show 
 willingness to strain to their uttermost for a cause of this con- 
 sequence. The letter ends with assurances of zeal for the country's 
 service, and of affection for her Majesty. 
 
 The Privy Council, evidently believing that the 
 Bristolians "protested too much," refused to abate its 
 demands. Whereupon the citizens somehow found means 
 to hire, equip, and man the three ships, which took part 
 in the expedition to Cadiz, and also paid the wages of the 
 crews on their return, the total outlay being stated at 
 ^2,500. The Privy Council was so highly pleased with 
 these patriotic exertions that they called upon the deputy- 
 lieutenants of Somerset to raise a contribution of ;/^6oo 
 towards the relief of the citizens ; and though the county 
 gentry made protracted efforts to wriggle out of the charge, 
 they were doubtless compelled to submit. (Privy Council 
 Minutes.) 
 
 A few years after the above Jeremiad was penned the 
 Society became practically moribund, and some of its 
 more enterprising members, of whom the philanthropic 
 John Whitson was perhaps the most prominent, became 
 members of a Spanish Company* in London, that had 
 obtained a charter of incorporation from Queen Elizabeth, 
 and traded in conjunction with it. Doubtless with a view 
 to assist the embarrassed Society, the Corporation, on 
 September 20th, 1601, granted them a lease, for go years, 
 at a rent of £■}) 65. Sd., of "all those duties which are 
 usually and of right ought to be taken of all ships, 
 barques, and other vessels whatsoever arriving within the 
 port for anchorage, cannage, and plankage," on the lessees 
 covenanting to find sufficient planks, and to keep clean 
 
 * Having no armorial bearings of his own, Whitson sculptured the arms of this 
 Company on the grand mantelpiece of his dwelling. This is now in the Red 
 Maids' School. 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 63 
 
 the slip at Hungroad. It would appear from the civic 
 Audit Books, however, that this was merely a renewal of 
 a former lease of those dues, granted about 1570, and 
 later statistics prove that the profits must have been 
 too small to render much effectual aid. The situation 
 becoming gradually more critical, and the subordination 
 of some of the Society's members to a London fraternity 
 being decidedly unpopular, the Corporation on December 
 31st, 1605, once more undertook a complete mercantile 
 reorganisation. Practically ignoring the Society's charters, 
 or claiming under them the " rights " they reserved to 
 " the Mayor," it was resolved by the Common Council: — 
 
 That the Merchant Adventurers of this city shall exempt 
 themselves from the Company and government of the Merchant 
 Adventurers of London trading with Spain and Portugal, and 
 that there shall be a Company of Merchant Adventurers of the 
 city of Bristol continued and estabhshed in the same city, to be 
 ordered and governed amongst themselves by such orders, constitu- 
 tions and policies as shall hereafter be set down and agreed upon 
 by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council according to the 
 charters of the said city. And that every burgess of this city which 
 is or shall be willing and desirous to be of the said Company of 
 Merchants, and to use the trade of merchandise, shall be admitted 
 into the same Company, paying 20s. as a fine to the use of the 
 same Company, and giving over the exercise of all other trades, 
 occupations, and professions of getting his or their living. And 
 all other merchants of the city which are already free of the same 
 Company shall pay towards the contribution of the same Company 
 only 6s. 8i. Provided always that any others who shall not be 
 admitted into the said Company within the space of one year But 
 shall be desirous to be admitted after the space of one year next 
 ensuing, shall pay for his admittance as is paid in like cases in 
 London. Except only such persons as are or shall be of the 
 Common Council, who shall pay only 205. and no more to the use 
 of the said Company at what time soever any such person being 
 of the Common Council shall be admitted into the said Company. 
 And all the sons and apprentices of every freeman of the said 
 Company shall pay only 6s. 8d. for his admittance at any time 
 hereafter, being brought up in the trade of merchandise. And this 
 
64 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 day Mr. William Hicks (Alderman) is chosen and appointed to be 
 Treasurer for the said Company, to receive the fines and contri- 
 butions of the same Company. And that Mr. John Hopkins, Mr. 
 William Vawer, and Mr. John Whitson, Aldermen, are appointed 
 to admit any into the said Company that shall be hereafter desirous 
 to be admitted according to this present Ordinance. And every 
 man to bring in his fine by the 15th of the month of January next. 
 (Corporate Minute Book.) 
 
 Having made the above Ordinance, the Common 
 Council proceeded to appoint Alderman John Hopkins 
 as Master and Aldermen Vawer and Whitson as 
 Wardens " of the Company of Merchants." (Hopkins 
 had been appointed Master of the Society in the previous 
 May.) William Flook [Fleet?], merchant, was appointed 
 collector of the fines and contributions of the Company, 
 which he was directed to bring in to the Treasurer. And 
 Matthew Haviland, Robert Aldworth, John Rowbero, 
 John Aldworth, John Roberts, Thomas Aldworth, John 
 Butcher, John Eglesfield, William Cary, Robert Rogers, 
 Thomas Moore, and Arthur Needs (probably all old 
 members) were appointed "committees for the Merchants' 
 Ordinances." 
 
 The infusion of new blood effected under the above 
 thorough-going Ordinance endowed the Society with a 
 vigour that it had never before possessed. Having taken 
 the matter in hand, moreover, the Corporation resolved 
 on further measures to ensure that the recovery should be 
 not only complete but lasting. On May 20th, 1606, the 
 Common Council resolved that every- citizen of London 
 importing or exporting goods at Bristol should pay the 
 same dues for weighage and wharfage that Bristol 
 merchants did in London. And as there were no wharf- 
 age dues then payable in Bristol, it was further resolved 
 that every person, not being a free burgess of Bristol, 
 should thenceforth pay sixpence per ton for every ton of 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 65 
 
 goods shipped or landed in this port, " which money shall 
 be paid for and in the name of wharfage, and be employed 
 for and toward the reparation of the Key and Back " — 
 salt, corn, fish, coals, and goods brought coastwise in 
 trows and small boats being exempted from the impost. 
 (Corporate Minutes.) On June 30th, 1606, the Mayor 
 and Corporation gave authority to Emanuel Ashe and 
 John Gonning, two members of the Society, to collect 
 the new dues during pleasure, the document asserting 
 that, although /■!, 500 had been spent on the quays "of 
 late years," they were in great decay and want of repair, 
 and that their restoration could not be effected except by 
 levying duties on goods laden or discharged. (Society's 
 Book of Trade.) There can be little doubt, however, 
 that the real object of the Corporation was to establish 
 the Society on a sound financial basis. Such, at all 
 events, was the origin of the Wharfage Dues, with which 
 the Society were identified for more than two centuries 
 and a half. 
 
 It will be observed that the charge was originally 
 designed to affect non-freemen exclusively ; but this 
 intention was soon tacitly abandoned, for the Common 
 Council resolved in the following February to apply 
 through the members of Parliament for the city for the 
 consent of the Crown to the imposition, "to be paid for 
 all forms of merchandise ... as well by all strangers 
 or foreigners as citizens and burgesses of this city." It 
 may be assumed that the King's confirmation was 
 obtained, though the fact is nowhere recorded. However 
 that may be, the Corporation gave authority, during 
 pleasure, to WiUiam Fleet (the merchant previously 
 appointed to gather in the Society's contributions) to 
 collect the due, which he would conveniently do in con- 
 junction with the charges for anchorage, &c., already in 
 
 6 
 
66 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 the Society's hands. Amongst the civic receipts for the 
 year ending Michaelmas, 1607, were ;^50 "received from 
 Mr. Alderman Whitson [then Master] for money that he 
 received for Wharfage." Three years later, ^^50 were 
 again paid in by the Alderman "for part of the Wharfage 
 money." And £\o more were received in the same way 
 from Alderman Conning in 1611. This was the last 
 payment made to the city Treasurer, and the total profits 
 of the due were afterwards allowed to be retained by 
 the Society, which was thereby placed in a prosperous 
 condition. The precarious nature of the arrangement 
 induced the Hall, in 1623-4, to appoint a committee "to 
 be suitors to the Corporation for a lease of the wharfage 
 dues," but so far as can be discovered the application 
 fell stillborn. It was not, indeed, until 1661 that the 
 Society's wishes were realised. (See post^ 
 
 In April, 161 2, the Corporation, repenting of its 
 opposition to the Act of 1566, or swayed by the 
 mercantile element which had recovered its former 
 ascendency, passed a resolution granting the Society 
 permission to make Ordinances, by virtue of their charters, 
 forbidding any member to exercise a trade other than that 
 of a merchant adventurer, and interdicting any burgess, 
 save a member, from using the trade of a merchant 
 adventurer. The Society were directed to produce such 
 Ordinances for the consideration and approval of the 
 Common Council. This was accordingly done in the 
 following August, when the new Ordinances were con- 
 firmed. So far as can be traced, this was the last occasion 
 on which the Corporation claimed a right to interfere in 
 the Society's affairs. 
 
 At a meeting of the Society on July 6th, 1618, 
 an " Act " was passed, couched in the following 
 terms : — 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 67 
 
 Htt HctC that the ordinaunce and decrees of the Societie of 
 marchante Adventurers of the Citty of Bristol! shalbee 
 perused, revised, and put in execucon, and that noe person 
 shalbee reputed to bee of the Company onlesse hee bee first 
 admitted in open Courte, and then entred into the Register 
 of the saide Societie. 
 
 ^emOVanbUm that att a generall Courte of the Maister 
 Wardeins and Commynaltie of the Arte or Misterie of marchaunte 
 Adventurers of the Citty of Bristoll houlden the sixte day of Julie 
 1618 Yt is enacted and Ordeyned that Mr. John Barker nowe 
 Maister of the saide Arte or Misterie, with the Assistance of Mr. 
 John Langton, Humfrye Hooke, Richard Holworthie, William Jones, 
 Humfrey Browne, and Thomas Colston mchants, shall pervse the 
 Ordinaunce and Lawes heretofore made for the Rule and governance 
 of the saide Arte or Misterie : And shall collect and gather such of 
 the same Ordinaunce and lawes, and ordeyne and appointe other 
 ordinaunce and lawes for the better governement of the Commynaltie 
 of the same Arte or Misterie as to them shall seeme convenient 
 accordinge to the tyme and recourse of marchandice now vsed in 
 the Citty of Bristoll : HltJ) for that expresse mention is made in and 
 by the seuerall Ordinaunce Charters and letters pattente graunted to 
 the maister wardeyns and Comynaltie of the saide Arte or Misterie 
 That noe manner of person or persons dwelling or that shall dwell 
 within the saide Citty of Bristoll, the Subburbes or Liberties of the 
 same, shall vse or exercise the recourse or trafficke of marchandise 
 beyond the seas vnlesse they bee admitted into the saide Societie 
 as by the same Ordinaunce Charters and Letters Pattente may 
 appeare J^t is therefore this dale alsoe ordeyned enacted and estab- 
 lished that noe manner of person or persons whetsoever inhabitinge 
 or dwelling within the saide Citty of Bristoll or the Subburbes or 
 Liberties of the same shalbee reputed nor taken to bee of the saide 
 Societie vnlesse hee will subscribe to the Ordinance of the saide 
 Company, and shalbee admitted in open Courte, and his or theire 
 name and names entred and recorded into the Lyste or Register of 
 the saide Societie, in the presence of the Maister Wardeins and 
 Assistants of the saide Arte or Misterie for the tyme beinge, or 
 the moste parte of them Hltb tbat they and every of them shall 
 well and truely observe perform fulfill holde and keepe not onely 
 all the Acts Ordinances Statutes and decrees wch they the saide 
 John Barker, John Langton, Humfrey Hooke, Richard Holworthie, 
 William Jones, Humfrey Browne, and Thomas Colston shall collect 
 or make and present to the Maister Wardeyns and Comynaltie of 
 the said Arte or Misterie at theire next generall Assemblie but alsoe 
 
68 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 all other Acts Ordinaunces and decrees wch by the Maister Wardeyns 
 and Comynaltie of the said Arte or Misterie for the tyme beinge 
 shalbee made decreed and agreed uppon. 
 
 The committee appointed by this instrument devoted 
 four months to the fulfilment of their instructions, and 
 presented the result of their deliberations to a Hall held 
 on November 17th, 1618, when the following Code appears 
 to have been unanimously approved and confirmed : — 
 
 Ube HcteS ®rt>fnaunces 8. H)ecreeS of the Maister Wardeyns 
 and Comynaltie of the Arte or Misterie of Marchaunte 
 Aduenturers of the Citty of Bristoll, as they were collected 
 perused & revised by Mr. John Barker, John Langton, 
 Humfrey Hooke, Richard Holworthie, William Jones, 
 Humfrye Browne, and Thomas Colston according to the 
 late Order in that behalfe made, and presented att a 
 generall Courte of the saide Societie holden the xvij*"" 
 day of November Anno Dni 1618, and then approved 
 allowed and enioyned by the Maister Wardeins & Comynalty 
 of the saide Arte or Misterie to bee in all points observed 
 performed holden and kept by euerie brother of the saide 
 Companie, as followeth. 
 
 Ufie ©ffice of tbe jffiatster an& imarOeins. 
 
 The Maister and Wardeyns shall (to theire vttermoste power) 
 Oversee, rule, and gouerne the saide Misterie and Comynaltie, and 
 all the men occupiers, dealers, factors, wares, and marchandices of 
 the same, and shall supporte and maynteyne (by theire best skill 
 icnowledge and endeavours) the Affaires thereof, and all the Actes 
 Ordinaunces and priviledges which are or shalbee made for the Rule 
 and government of the saide Misterie and Comynaltie, and shall doe 
 righte and Justice to all persons in all matters and questions (that 
 shall depend before them) without favour or affection Malice or 
 Displeasure, haveing noe singuler respect to themselves, in deroga- 
 tion of the Common Wealth of the saide Comynaltie And alsoe to 
 theire power shall assist all the Officers of the saide Misterie & 
 Commynaltie intill theire lawfuU and just doeinge, toucheinge or 
 concerning the maynteynance and supporte of the graunte and 
 Ordinance made or to bee made by force of the Charters or Letters 
 pattente of the Maister Wardeyns and Comynaltie of the saide Arte 
 or Misterie JtClU that euerie person and persons wch shalbee 
 
CHAPTERS AND ORDINANCES. 69 
 
 chosen Maister or Wardeyns of the saide Arte or Misterie, and 
 shall refuse to execute the same, haueinge noe lawfull cause soe 
 to doe, shall forfaite & pay to the use of this Societie the somme 
 of xxli. 
 
 tTbe ©ftlce of tbe tlreasourour. 
 
 UhC ITteaSOttrOUt shall yeerely at the tyme of his Election, 
 or at the next Courte then after, become bound with one sufficient 
 suretie to bee allowed of by the maister and wardeyns, to make and 
 giue a iust and true accompt vnto the succedinge Treasourour of all 
 such money as he shall receyve to the vse of the saide Societie, and 
 to redeliver the Ordinaunces, Charters, Letters pattente and other 
 writinges of the said Societie (wch shalbee in his power) vnto the 
 next succedinge Treasourour. 
 
 1bee SMll duringe his Office vse all diligence to levye and 
 receyve All manner of debts dueties forfeitures, brocks, and fines 
 belonging to the Company, and attend att euerie Courte (being 
 summoned) without speciall lycence to the contrary vppon paine 
 of vs. to bee forfeited of and for euerie such his defaulte. 
 
 J^f ante person bee indebted to the Company and shall refuse to 
 pay the Treasourour the some due (hee requireinge the same) the 
 Treasourour shall informe the maister and wardeyns thereof, whoe 
 by thaduise of the Assistants shall take order for the Leavieng of 
 the same. 
 
 13t aUle presentment bee made to the Treasourour of anie 
 offence comitted against the Ordinaunces, or anie of them, hee 
 shall Cause the same to bee registred into a booke, therefore to bee 
 appointed, but shall not bewray the name of the presenter to anie 
 pson, but to the M' or Wardeins, vnlesse the person presented shall 
 in open Courte require to knowe his accuser, and then the person 
 presentinge shall iustifie his presentment in Courte. 
 
 IbeC Sball also receyve of the Beadle the absence money and 
 alsoe all such money as shall growe due from the Beadle for the 
 Wharfadge, Keyadge, planckadge, and other dueties wch hee is 
 appointed to receyve & shall chardge his accompt therewith. 
 
 1beC Sball att the next generall Courte after hee shalbee dis- 
 missed from the Office of Treasourour exhibite his accompte of all 
 the money that hee hath receyved and paide duringe his Office to 
 or for the vse of the saide Company. 
 
 1bCC Sball yeeld vpp his accompt before Auditors assigned for 
 that purpose, and deliuer to his Successour All such money as by 
 the same accompt shalbee found to remayne in his handes, and that 
 within tenn dales next after the Auditing thereof. 
 
70 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 Euei'ie person chosen Treasourour and refusing it without 
 lawfull Cause shewed to the Contrary shall forfaite and loose the 
 somme of tenne pounds. 
 
 Ube ©fflce of tbe Clarfte. 
 
 TLbe (IlaC??e of this Companie shalbee diligent and attendant 
 vppon the Maister Wardeins and Treasourour att all tymes requisite 
 and appointed, for matters touchinge the Companie. 
 
 Ibee Sball obey the Commaundement of the Maister Wardeyns 
 and Treasourour concerninge the Affaires, busines, and availes of 
 the Company. 
 
 Ibee Sbalbee of honest and courteous behaviour towardes the 
 M', Wardeins and Treasourour, and all others of the Felowshippe. 
 
 Ibee sball make due and true reporte of any thinge belonging 
 to his Charge and Office when hee shalbee required. 
 
 Ibee sball write and register all acts that shalbee made, 
 incontinent after they bee concluded, 
 
 "Ibee TltaS in the Pamphlett or Declaracon of anie Acte amend 
 the phrase or enditinge, by takeing, adding, or altering any Wordes, 
 soe as the meaninge bee not altered, and that the amendement bee 
 read att the next Courte, and bee confirmed if it bee liked. 
 
 Ibee sball at the end of euery Courte (generall, or of the 
 Assistants) read that which passed that daie, and at the next 
 Courte hee shall read againe that which passed at the laste Courte 
 (ymediately before the entringe into the matter of the Courte) to the 
 intent it may bee ratified, or disanuUed as the Company shall finde 
 occasion. 
 
 Ibee sball haue for his yeerely Fee or Salarie the sume of 
 Fower poundes to bee quarterlie paide by the Treasourour or Beadle. 
 
 XLbc ©mce Of tbe Bea&le. 
 
 trbe BeaMe shall give diligent Attendance vppon the Wardeyns 
 and Treasourour, and theire Commaundements touching the businesse 
 or Affaires of the Company hee shall observe and obey to his power. 
 
 Ibee sball (according to directions given him) summone and 
 warne the Companie to appeare and meete att all tymes, and in 
 all places appointed. 
 
 Ibee sball euerie Courte, as well of Assistaunts as generality 
 keepe a noate to the best of his power whoe shalbee absent (being 
 lawfully warned) or whoe cometh late, halfe an hower after the 
 first sittinge of the Maister, or after tyme warned to appeare And 
 at the next Courte deliver theire names to the Treasourour. 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 7I 
 
 1beC Sbftll demaund of euerie person that maketh defaulte at 
 anie Courte general! or of Assistants, or cometh late to either of 
 them, such fine as (by the ordinaunce) is due for his defaulte or 
 absence. 
 
 1bCC SbSlll informe the Maister and Wardeins or Treasourour 
 of euerie person that shall refuse, or doe not paie to him, such 
 somme of money as is due for his defaulte or absence. 
 
 IbCe ^(SOC shall informe the M' and Wardeyns or Treasourour 
 of all offences done against anie the Actes or Ordinaunce whereof 
 hee shall have anie knowledge. 
 
 l^f bCC shall have knowledge of anie offence done against 
 anie of the Ordinaunces or Actes and doth not within xiiij daies 
 next after such his knowledge thereof disclose and vtter the same to 
 the Maister and wardeyns or Treasourour, hee shall forfaite his Office. 
 
 1bC6 Sball collect and receyve the keyadge, planckadge, and all 
 other dueties and Somes of money given vnto him in charge con- 
 cerning the Company, and shall repay the same to the Treasourour 
 and bee accomptable therefore when hee shalbee therevnto required, 
 
 IftCC Sball monethly deliver to the Treasourour such somes of 
 money as hee shall receyve for absence, or late comminge to the 
 Courte, and shalbee allowed for his collection thereof iJ5. in every 
 xxs. over and above his yeerely Salarie and soe after the Rate. 
 
 IfoCC Sball have for his yeerely Fee or Salarie the somme of 
 yjli. xiiJ5. iiij^. to bee paide out of his Collections. 
 
 Hn ©I'&inaunce concerning tbe number of assistantes, 
 tbeire ©fflce an& place. 
 
 ■G^bere Sbalbee twelve of the moste discreet wise and worthie 
 men of the Societie elected and chosen yeerely to bee Assistants 
 and Helpers to the Maister Wardeins and Treasourour of the 
 saide Company in theire severall Offices, whoe shall by and with 
 theire best Counsell knowledge power and skill, suporte the Affaires 
 of the Companie, and helpe and assiste them in all matters and 
 busines concerneing the order rule and quiet governement as well 
 of the saide Felowshippe, as of theire goods and marchandice, 
 without anie singuler regard to themselves in derogacon of the 
 Common Weale of the saide Company, And shall to theire vtter- 
 moste power supporte and observe the priviledgs graunts and 
 Ordinauncs of this Societie made or to bee made, without consenting 
 to the breach or violacon of anie of them, without the Common 
 Consent of the Company. Righte and Justice they shall doe to 
 theire power vnto all persons in all matters and questions depending 
 before them, without favour, affection, or displeasure. 
 
72 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 Hlt5 being soe chosen, every of them shall remayne in the 
 same Office, and bee reputed an Assistant of the saide Maister 
 and Wardens during one whole yeere or during soe long tyme as 
 the Maister Wardeins and residue of the saide assistants, or the 
 more parte of them, shall find and approve him capable of such 
 degree and place And that vppon the avoydance of anie of the 
 saide Assistants from the saide Office, there shalbee other discreete 
 wise and worthie men of the saide Company elected and chosen 
 in theire places And soe like choise to bee made from tyme to 
 tyme for ever Hlt& tfiat the Maister Wardens Treasourour and 
 Assistants for the tyme beinge, or as many of them as shalbee 
 necessarie (whereof the Maister Wardeins and Treasourour to bee 
 of the nomber) may assemble and meete together as often as they 
 shall please in the Common Hall of the saide Company, and there 
 kepe Courte, discourse, treate of, and conclude the matters, dealinges, 
 and busines of the saide Societie, and therein give order and sett 
 directions for the good and benefitt of the saide Society in such 
 manner, and to such purpose as in theire wisedomes shall seeme 
 moste Convient. 
 
 Hn ©rbfnance for fteeptng of Courte and for fines for 
 
 lacke of apparance vppon due warninge aswell for the 
 Assistants as the Generalitie. 
 
 3t Sbalbee laWfUll for the Maister and Wardeins for the 
 Common Weale and benifitt of the Companie, or for anie other vrgent 
 cause, to call the Companie together, and keepe either a generall 
 Courte or a Courte of Assistants on any daie whatsoeuer, not being 
 Sondaie or anie principall or solemp Feast daie, To the which Courte 
 and Courtes euerie person free or admitted of the Companie (beinge 
 warned of by the Beadle) shalbee bounde to come. And if anie of 
 the generaUtie (beinge warned) doe not come to the generall Courte, 
 haveinge noe reasonable excuse to the contrary, and soe allowed by 
 the maister and wardeyns, and the greatest nomber of Assistaunts 
 then present, shall forfaite for every tyme that he shall make defaulte 
 as aforesaide xij^. And every one cominge halfe an hower after the 
 Maister shalbee sate, haveinge noe reasonable excuse to bee allowed 
 of as aforesaide shall forfaite vj^. And if anie shall departe the 
 Courte before the breakinge vpp of the same and haue not leaue of 
 the Maister shall forfaite vj^. And hee that absenteth himselfe from 
 Courte three Courte dales one after another without lycence or lawfull 
 excuse shall forfaite vs. And every assistant beinge warned, and not 
 comeinge to the Courte, but absenteth himselfe from the Courte, 
 haveinge noe leave of the Maister nor reasonable excuse to the 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 73 
 
 Contrary to bee allowed as aforesaide shall forfaict ijs., and comeinge 
 late to the Courte haveinge noe reasonable excuse to be allowed of as 
 aforesaide shall forfaite xiji. And euery person that shalbee warned 
 to appeare vppon a paine certeyne, and shall make default of 
 apparance, haveinge noe reasonable excuse to the contrary, and soe 
 allowed as aforesaide, shall without favour, pardon, or mittigacon, 
 pay the somme and penalty wherevppon he was warned, soe the 
 some exceed not xxs. And that there shalbee present at every 
 Courte aswell of the Assistants as of the Generalitie Seaven Assistants 
 at the least besides the Maister, wardeins, and Treasourour, or els 
 nothinge to bee concluded at the Courte where such nomber shall 
 lacke And all things passed at any Courte of Assistants shalbee 
 read at the end of the same Courte and beginninge of the next 
 Courte of Assistants And in like manner all things that shalbee 
 passed at a generall Courte shalbee read at the end of the same 
 Courte and at the beginninge of the next generall Courte ; And 
 all persons commaunded by y" maister to departe the Courte for 
 anie reasonable cause shall absent himselfe, vntill hee bee againe 
 called vpon paine of xs. Hllb tbat vppon the tuesdaie next after 
 the fiveth day of November yeerely (if noe extraordinary occasion 
 shall hinder) the M', Wardeins, and residue of the saide Companie 
 shall meete together in theire Comon Hall, and there make choise 
 of a newe Maister, Wardens, Treasourour, and Assistants for the 
 yeere foUowinge Hnb likewise that Fower tymes at the least in 
 every yeere, viz. : within xx dales next before or after every of the 
 Feasts of the birth of our Lord god, the Anunciacon of the blessed 
 virgin Mary, the Nativitie of Saint John Baptist, and St. Michaell 
 the Arch Angell, there shalbee holden and kept a generall Courte, 
 wherevnto every person of the saide Societie shalbee bounde to 
 come and appeare vppon lawfull warninge, there to haue Commu- 
 nicacon togethers aswell of the recourse and traffique of marchandice 
 as to heare Complaints, take informacons, and sett dirrections 
 (according to reason and good conscience) between ptie and_pties 
 of the saide Societie concerning the same And that noe pson or 
 psons of the saide Societie shall att any tyme sue or ymplead any 
 other of them for anie matter concerning the recourse or traffique 
 of marchandize before the same bee first shewed to the M' and 
 Wardeins, or one of them, vppon paine of xxli. 
 
 3for iplacetng tbe Bssistants an6 6eneraU(t^. 
 
 TLbC HSSiStant shall take his place neere vnto the Maister and 
 Wardeins, accordinge to his degree, place, and antiquitie amongest 
 the Companie vnlesse anie Alderman or other of this Citty (whose 
 
74 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 place or Office shall require the contrary) be there present, And 
 those that have served in the Office of Maister or Wardeins (being 
 not of the nomber of Assistants) shall take place accordinge to their 
 degrees as they have proceeded in the same Offices vnlesse anie other 
 person bee then present whose Office and place in the Citty shall 
 require the contrary, And all the rest of the generallitie shall take 
 place next beneath those that have byn wardeins and assistaunts 
 every man accordinge to his degree and antiquitie in the Company 
 And yf anie question or Curiositie shall arise or bee offered by anie 
 person or persons for sittinge or placeinge of them as aforesaide, 
 Euerie such person shalbee directed by the M' and Wardens of the 
 Company for the tyme beinge, and shall sitt where hee shalbee 
 appointed vppon paine to forfaite xijd. euerie tyme hee shall refuse 
 soe to do. 
 
 iFor Mrectfon anb speacbe in Courte, 
 
 jfOt aVOfbfnge of Confusion, and superfluous speech and 
 talke in Courte, either generall or of Assistaunts, Yt is ordered and 
 enacted that noe person of this Societie shall speake whilest another 
 is speaking, nor yet one to another, after silence is commaunded by 
 the Maister or Wardeins, But shall give attentive eare to him that 
 is speaking, who shall direct his speach to the Maister onely, without 
 nameing any other, and shall frame his speach to the matter pro- 
 pounded, or in question. Neither shall anie man speake but thrice 
 to one matter without licence of the Maister vppon paine to forfaite 
 eurie tyme that hee shall offend contrarie to this acte the somme of 
 vjs. viiji. 
 
 3for Decent speacbe in Courte. 
 
 5t Is OrDereb and enacted that noe person of this Societie 
 shall in open Courte vse anie vnseemely or reproachfull speach, but 
 shall in comely and quiet manner speake to the matter propounded, 
 And if anie ill language bee given that may breed offence (contrary 
 to the meaninge of this Act and soe adiudged by the Courte) the 
 partie offendinge shall forfaite vjs. viiid. every time that hee shall 
 offend in such case. 
 
 3for Silence in Courte. 
 
 J^f tbe /IDafSter shall with the stroake of the hammer or 
 otherwise commaund silence to bee kept, euery person not obeying, 
 or doeing contrary, shall forfaite xijd. 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 75 
 
 fov ®rJ)er in Courte bs moste voices. 
 
 J^f anie question or matter shall depend in Courte, wherein it 
 shall be necessarie that the same shall passe by consent of moste 
 voices, then every man shall speake and give his voice by order 
 accordinge to his degree and place in the Companie, And in anie 
 matter of fine, penaltie, guifte, or other disbursement to bee made, 
 noe person or persons shall exceed the value or quantitie thereof 
 wch shalbee prescribed or nominated to bee done by the Maister 
 Wardeins and Assistants for the tyme beinge. 
 
 jfOt absence in Courte of the person questioned. 
 
 J^f anie matter bee moved in Courte, which may concerne anie 
 person present in Courte, That partie whome the matter shall 
 concerne, his brother and partener, shall at the Commaundement of 
 the Maister departe the Courte, and absent himselfe soe long tyme as 
 that matter shalbee treated vppon. 
 
 Hgainst Disclosing of matters passeb in Courte. 
 
 13f anie brOtber of this Societie shall reveale or disclose anie 
 matter treated of or passed in Courte either generall or of Assistaunts 
 to anie person not beinge free of the Companie to the hurte or 
 anoyance of anie of the Companie, The partie soe offending shall 
 forfaite for the first tyme vjs. viiji., for the second tyme xiijs. iiiji., 
 and for the third tyme xxs. and soe for evy other tyme vjs. v'nid. over 
 and aboue his last fine, And if the matter disclosed shalbee or 
 may turne to the preiudice or hurte of the saide Societie, Then hee 
 or they soe discloseinge such matter shall paie such fine as the 
 Maister Wardeins and Commynaltie of the said Company shall taxe 
 vppon him, or els loose the benifitt and priviledge of this Societie, 
 and bee discommoned therefrom for ever. 
 
 jfor abmitance of 1Retailers» 
 
 IFlOe IRetailer or Artificer, whilest they remaine Retailers or 
 Artificers shalbee receyved or admitted into the Freedome of this 
 Societie for anie fine whatsoever without approbacon and allowance 
 of a speciall Courte houlden for that purpose. 
 
 3for a&mission of tbe Sonnes S. apprentices 
 of meere marcbantes. 
 
 tlbe Sonnes and apprentices of every meere marchant of this 
 Societie, demaundinge the Freedome of the same, haveinge served 
 out such termes of apprentishipp as they shall bee bounde for, 
 
76 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 beinge of the adge of xxj yeeres and upward, and vseinge noe other 
 trade, shall enioye the Freedome of this Societie paienge at the tyme 
 of his admission these sommes followinge, viz. : to the Treasourour 
 for the tyme beinge to the vse of the Company iiijs. v']d., to the 
 Clarke of the Company vji^. and to the Beadle mjd. 
 
 jfor Hbmission of tbe Sonnes of IReSemptioners. 
 
 B^ IRe&eitiptlOUet ys meant euery one that shall come in 
 vnto this Societie by waie of Composition after these actes shalbee 
 established by the Company And then the sonne of every Redemp- 
 tioner (exerciseing the trade of marchandisinge onelie and haveinge 
 served noe apprentishippe therevnto) shall pay successivelie for ever 
 xls. for his admission, with the accustomed Fees to the Treasourour, 
 Clarke, & Beadle as is before menconed. 
 
 Mboe mai3 clagme bis freeSome bs patrfmonle. 
 
 Hll petSOUS Claymeing the Freedome of this Companie by 
 Patrimonie shall bee borne meere Englishe, that is to sale, within 
 the Kings maiesties Dominions, or made a Denizen by Acte of 
 parliament, and bee the sonne of a brother of this Societie lawfully 
 and orderly admitted. 
 
 Mboe mate claime bis freebome bg Hpprenticeboob. 
 
 Hll SttCb persons as have served meere marchants or at this 
 daie have anie time to serve them, or have served anie Redemp- 
 tioners lawfully admitted, or at this daie have anie tyme to serve 
 them, or shall hereafter serve either of them, beinge bounde 
 accordinge to order, and enrolled amongest the enrolments of this 
 Societie, may enioy the freedome of this Companie, requireinge the 
 same, and paienge the accustomed Fees to the Treasourour, Clarke, 
 and Beadle as is before menconed, soe as the apprentice of the 
 Redempconer bee ymployed in the trade and recourse of marchandice 
 onely during his terme. 
 
 f ot wbat terme apprentices sbalbee bounb. 
 
 1H.0e man or brother which is or shalbee free of this Company 
 shall hereafter take any apprentice to bee bounde for anie lesse 
 terme then seaven years, neither the yeeres of anie such apprentice 
 shall end before hee bee of the adge of one & twenty yeeres vppon 
 paine of xxli. 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. ']'] 
 
 Ht wbat igeeres sonnes or apprentices sbalbee abmite^, 
 
 1FlOe manner of person being the Sonne or apprentice of any 
 brother of this Companie shalbee admitted into this Societie vnlesse 
 hee bee of the full adge of one and twentie yeeres and upwards. 
 
 3For JnroUinge of 5n&entures. 
 
 ■JCbe Indenture of euerie apprentice of every brother of this 
 Societie hereafter to bee taken shall (within the space of sixe 
 moneths next after the makinge thereof) bee enrolled and entred 
 (by the Clarke) into a booke for that purpose to bee kept And the 
 Indentures of all other apprentices that nowe stand bounde to anie 
 brother of this Societie shalbee enrolled into the same booke within 
 twelve moneths next ensueing And the Clarke to haue for every such 
 Inrollment iiiji. 
 
 Hgafnst marfa5g or ftealinge of apprentices Duringe 
 tbeire terme. 
 
 1fl0e HpprentiCe of this Societie shall from hencefourth marry 
 duringe his apprentishood, neither vse nor deale in Feate of mchan- 
 dize for himselfe vntill hee hath served seaven yeeres of his appren- 
 tishipp, without the Licence of his maister (the same Licence to be 
 signified to the maister and wardens and soe recorded) neither deale 
 for anie other without his maisters Licence, Nor yet willinglie absent 
 himselfe from the service of his saide maister by the space of twoe 
 moneths vppon paine never to enioy the Freedome of this Societie 
 by apprentishood. 
 
 apprentices sball confer witb tbe Clarfte before 
 bee 6emaun& bis free&ome. 
 
 lEwrie parson clayming his Freedome by Patrimonie or 
 apprentishood shall present himselfe twoe or three dales before the 
 Courte to the Clarke, to thintent hee may enforme the Courte of 
 such matters as shall be requisite in his admission, or else shall not 
 bee admitted at that Courte. 
 
 tCbat apprentice sball sbewe bis 5nDentnre anO bringe 
 
 Certificate. 
 
 Hn apprentice claymeinge his Freedome by apprenticehood 
 shall shewe forth his Indenture made in due forme according to the 
 custome of this Citt)', And withall a Letter from his maister (if hee 
 
78 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 bee not present in Courte to justifie the same) testifieng that hee 
 hath well and truely served him as an apprentice accordinge to the 
 ordinances. 
 
 Hgafnst IDntrue Certificate of tbe Secuice of an 
 apprentice. 
 
 13f anie person shall att anie tyme hereafter write declare 
 avowe or testifie, by his letter or otherwise, for the iust and true 
 service of his apprentice, whereby such apprentice shall attayne 
 and enioy the Freedome of the Company, and the testimony or 
 Declaracon thereof shall afterwards bee disproved, such a M' soe 
 offending shall forfaite to the vse of the Societie xli. And the 
 apprentice soe fraudulently mad free shall be disfranchised and 
 dismised out of the Companye. 
 
 jfor persons a&mitte& gratis. 
 
 Hll persons admitted into the Freedome of this Societie 
 gratis shall enioy the Freedome but for theire owne persons onelie, 
 vnlesse they doe voluntarily bestowe some gratuity to the vse of 
 the poore of this Societie to the value of xls. at the least. 
 
 Ubat ^Factors anO pursers sball beale but for sucb as 
 are of tbe Company. 
 
 jfrom bencefOUrtb Noe marchant or brother of this Society 
 neither Factor Atturney or Purser of anie shippe barke or vessell 
 wch shalbee ymployed by anie brother or brothers of this Company 
 goeinge vnto anie the parts beyonde the Seas, or comeinge into 
 anie the kings ma"*' Dominions within the Realm of England, 
 shall att anie tyme hereafter Joyne himselfe in Company, or bee 
 Factor or Atturney with or for anie person or persons of this 
 Citty for anie goodes wares or marchandices to bee boughte vttered 
 or sould within the Porte or Citty of Bristoll, or anie other Porte 
 or place neere therevnto beinge, But onely with or for those 
 marchants wch are or shalbee admitted and free of the Companie 
 and Societie aforesaide vppon paine to forfaict aud pay for the 
 first Offence xxli. And if he offend the second tyme therein, to 
 loose his Freedome of this Societie, and be disfranchised and excluded 
 therefrom for ever. 
 
 Hgainst Joinct Dealing witb jforaines, 
 
 ffrom bencefOUrtb Noe person Free of this Company shall 
 Joyne or Deale in Partnershippe with anie person not free of this 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. jg 
 
 Companie to colour his goodes, or with any Retayler or Artificer of 
 or for anie goods wares or marchandizes to bee transported or brought 
 to or from anie the parts beyond the Seas, vppon paine of vs. in every 
 pound starlinge of the value of the saide goodes so coloured to bee 
 paide by him that shall Deale or Joyne in partnershipp against the 
 true meaninge hereof. 
 
 jfor rea&fnae of letters & requestes. 
 
 Hll letters, requests, or writings sent and directed to the 
 Generality, or which may concerne the whole Societie, shall at the 
 next Courte after the delivery or receipt of them, bee pubhshed and 
 openly read vppon payne to forfaicte xxs., to bee paide by the partie 
 offendinge. 
 
 3for collectinge V per U vppon /iDarrlners wages. 
 
 Euerie /IBarcbant, Factor, purser and other of this Societie & 
 theire servants, which shall collect the Averadge of anie shippe barke 
 or vessell vnladeing in this Porte, shall in hia Collection endeavour to 
 gett into his power (out of the Fraight and Dueties due to every 
 owner of such shipp barke or vessell) ]d. vppon every pounde sterlinge 
 wch y° marriners wages for that voyadge shall amounte vnto, to the 
 intent that the Owners may discounte it in the wages of the Company 
 towards y" reliefe of poore Seafareing men remayninge in the 
 Almshouse of this Company And haveinge receyved it shall deliver 
 the same vnto the Beadle of this Societie, requireing the same, and 
 he to bee accomptable vnto the Treasourour thereof. 
 
 for tbe Ejecutton of ©r&inaunces. 
 
 ]^f anie person or persons which is or shalbee Free of this 
 Societie shall trangresse or breake anie Ordinaunce or acte made or 
 to bee made by Common Consent of the Company yt shalbee lawfull 
 for any brother of the same To Informe the M', Wardeins, and 
 Treasourour thereof mentioninge both tyme place and all other 
 Circumstances wch may sett forth the matter, the wch Information 
 The Clarke shall register into a booke for that purpose to bee secretly 
 kept, and onely shewen to the maister and wardens vnlesse in open 
 Courte it shalbee otherwise commaunded. 
 
 Hits person presented, and sent for, and spoken with by the 
 Officer, to appeare at a Court of Assistants or generality to answere 
 anie offence psented against him, makeinge default & haveinge noe 
 reasonable excuse to bee allowed of by the Court shall forfaict -as. 
 
8o INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 IRoe person condemned in Courte of Assistaunts for anie 
 Afifence shall sue for grace or pardon before the whole somme wherein 
 hee shalbee condemned bee paide to the Treasourour, nor then neither, 
 except it bee in Courte of Assistaunts, and within three Courte dales 
 next after the payment of the money (absence money or for late 
 comeing onelie excepted). 
 
 1FlOe petSOlt haveing sued for grace, and receyved his answere, 
 shall solicite for any further grace. 
 
 lEXXCViC petSOn wch shall transgresse anie of the Acts or 
 Ordinaunces of this Societe shalbee Censured in Courte of Assist- 
 aunts onely vnlesse it shalbee otherwise appointed by the Maister 
 and Wardeyns. 
 
 Htt a generall Courte holden the xvij'" November 1618 TOleC 
 the marchante aduenturers of the Citty of Bristoll whose names are 
 subscribed doe acknowledge hereby to have scene and pused the 
 actes ordinances and decrees of the maister Wardens and Commalty 
 aforesaid wch are before written and conteyned in this booke, and 
 have alsoe approved of the same And doe promise to bee ordered 
 and ruled thereby, submitting ourselves and every of us to the 
 Forfaitures fines and penalties in them and every of them conteyned 
 And further Doe bynde ourselves to observe pforme and keepe not 
 onely the acts ordinances taxacons and decrees aforesaide, but alsoe 
 all other Actes ordinances taxacons & decrees of the saide Societie 
 hereafter to bee duely & lawfully made concluded or agreed vppon 
 either in any Courte of Assistants or of the Generalitie of the saide 
 Societie And in wittnes whereof have subscribed our names. 
 
 (Here follow the names of the members.) 
 
 The following interesting list ol members is also dated 
 November 17th, 161 8, and accompanies the foregoing 
 document : — 
 
 B CatOlOQUe or IRegiSter of the names of all such persons 
 as haue bine lawfully admitted into the Societie of the maister 
 wardeins and Comynaltie of the Arte or Misterie of marchante 
 Adventurers of_the Citty of Bristoll, accounteing them only wch 
 nowe bee and wch from henceforth shalbee of the same Societie (the 
 marke in the margent serveing only to discribe y^ Redemptioner). 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 
 
 8r 
 
 Nouember the Seauententh, 1618. 
 
 5. Mr. John Barker, 
 
 Mr of the Companie 
 
 3. Mr. John Whitsone 
 Mr. Thomas lames 
 Mr. William Vawer 
 Mr. Mathewe Haviland 
 
 5. Mr. Robert Aldworth 
 
 5. Mr. Abell Kitchen 
 
 3. Mr. lohn Guy 
 
 2. Mr. lohn Doughtie 
 
 5. Mr. William Pitt 
 
 2. Mr. John Gonninge 
 5. Mr. John Langton 
 5. Mr. Humfrie Hooka 
 5. Mr. John Tomlinson 
 5. Mr. Andrew Charlton 
 
 Mr. Richard Holworthie 
 
 3. Mr. Thomas Wrighte 
 Mr. Edward Coxe 
 
 5. Mr. William Jones 
 
 Mr. Humfrie Browne 
 5. Mr. Richard Longe 
 
 Mr. Nicho. Meredith 
 
 Mr. Boulton 
 
 John Rowberoe 
 
 Thomas Hopkins 
 5. Arthur Hibbins 
 
 George White 
 
 Nicholas Hickes 
 
 Thomas Davies 
 
 Robert Johnson 
 
 Edmond Browne 
 
 George Goughe 
 
 Michaell Wrighte 
 
 WiUiam Pitt 
 
 William Hickes 
 
 lohn Griffith, senr. 
 
 Robert Haviland 
 Phillipp Dickenson 
 Edmund Gainsford 
 Beniamyn Crokhey 
 Humfry Fitzherbert 
 John Locke 
 Walter Ellis 
 PhilHpp EUis 
 Thomas Colston 
 Francis Derrick 
 Nathaniell Butcher 
 William Wyatt 
 Edward Wakeham 
 Giles Elbridge 
 Miles Jackson 
 Peter Miller 
 Richard Ellis 
 Thomas Rowland 
 Wiiim Griflfeth 
 Alexander James 
 John Griffith 
 George Butcher 
 Thomas Adames 
 William Stevins 
 Edward Paine 
 William Chetwind 
 Francis Madley 
 Richard Vickris 
 Thomas Slocumb 
 Richard Stanfast 
 Francis Creswick 
 Walter Williams 
 William Powell 
 John Gardiner 
 Erasmus Wrighte 
 Richard Griffeth 
 
 In 1 62 1 the Society prepared another Parliamentary 
 Bill for a confirmation and enlargement of their privileges, 
 which was sent up for presentation to the representatives 
 
 7 
 
82 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 for Bristol, Aldermen Whitson and Guy, two members 
 of the Hall. Those gentlemen were requested to plead 
 the services that Bristol had rendered to the Crown, 
 especially in the reigns of Henry VH. and Henry VHL, 
 when the city furnished three ships for Calais, and, above 
 all, in its continuous service in the Irish wars and for the 
 suppression of piracy in the Bristol Channel, ^500 having 
 been recently expended on the latter work alone. It was 
 added that the maintenance of the Society's eight poor 
 almsmen, and of its school for poor children (of which 
 this is the first mention), could not be continued unless 
 authority were given for the better ordering of trade, 
 which was much impaired through the excesses of 
 inexperienced interlopers (Society's Letter Book). The 
 Corporation lent zealous support to this movement by 
 promulgating what it styled a " Certificate " addressed 
 "to all Christian People," but of course really directed 
 to the members of the Legislature. With a regard for 
 truth which may be appreciated by the help of manu- 
 scripts already quoted, the document boldly asserted that 
 the repealing Act of 1571 was procured, not by the 
 exertions of the Corporation itself— as was actually the 
 fact — but solely by "shopkeepers and tradesmen," at a 
 time when the meer merchants were weakened by heavy 
 losses in the service of the Crown and by shipwrecks and 
 pirates ; and that, in consequence of the repeal, and ot 
 an Act of 1606 authorising all persons to trade with 
 France and the Peninsula, many shopkeepers and manual 
 labourers, having forsaken their trades and practised as 
 merchants, had ruined themselves through inexperience, 
 and grievously prejudiced legitimate commerce. It was 
 added that, through want of proper laws, and the inability 
 of the Society to restrain the exorbitance and dishonesty 
 of sailors and boatmen, the citizens generally were much 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 83 
 
 prejudiced, navigation decreased, and the royal Customs 
 ■diminished, and that the remedy of these evils would be 
 very profitable to the inhabitants. The prolonged attack 
 on monopolies made by the House of Commons during 
 the Session doubtless warned the members for Bristol 
 against untimely action ; and the Bill was not introduced. 
 After the General Election in 1624, when two past 
 Masters, Messrs. Guy and Barker, were returned for 
 Bristol, the charters were sent up to those gentlemen on 
 the opening of Parliament, with an urgent request to 
 introduce the Bill ; and the Mayor, William Pitt, who 
 became Master in the same year, produced another 
 corporate " Certificate," repeating the assertions of the 
 first. The Commons, however, being busily engaged in 
 suppressing monopolies, the Society's wishes were again 
 prudently postponed ; and nothing more was attempted 
 in the matter for fourteen years. 
 
 Only eight years after the emphatic adoption of the 
 Code of Ordinances drawn up in 1618, the Society 
 discovered that a number of its leading members had 
 wilfully broken the laws concerning the merchandise of 
 strangers and foreigners. Clear evidence had been 
 obtained that Humphrey Browne (Master, 1629) and 
 John Taylor (Warden, 1622 ; M.P., 1642) had clandes- 
 tinely bought 80 pipes of Cognac wines ; that Derrick 
 Popley (Warden, 1624), Taylor, and Thomas Colston 
 (Master, 1644), had illegally bought 100 pipes of Malaga 
 and 90 barrels of raisins of the sun ; and that William 
 Cann (Master, 1645) had purchased a parcel of figs, all 
 which goods should have been first carried to the Back 
 Hall in conformity with the Ordinances. The delin- 
 quents excused themselves by alleging that they were 
 ignorant of the regulations, which was scarcely credible ; 
 but having pleaded for tender treatment, and promising 
 
84 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 future fidelity, they were let off with reduced fines, — -£20 
 for the Cognac, £20 for the Malaga and raisins, and £2 
 for the figs. A third of the /40, and the whole of Cann's- 
 fine, were ordered to be distributed amongst the poor of 
 the city. A new Ordinance of a more stringent character 
 was then enacted to prevent further irregularities. 
 
 Extract from the Records of the year A.D. 1626. 
 
 HlBOe this yeere in the xxth day of December 1626 at a 
 generall Courte was publiquely read the Ancient Ordinances and 
 Decrees of this Societie against forebuyenge and bargaineinge for 
 goods with Strangers before the goods were brought in to the 
 Common Hawle called Spicers Hall alias the Back hawle within 
 the same Citty, and to the end that certeyne persons of the saide 
 Company (that are found to bee delinquent in that behalfe) may 
 bee eased at present of a parte of those fines wch they are liable 
 vnto, and to give notice and warninge vnto others of the saide 
 Societie not to offend in the like Case, and to revive and put in 
 practize the saide Ancient Ordinances and Decrees of the saide 
 Company, yt is, vpon consideracon and deliberacon of the saide 
 Company, at severall assemblyes, ordayned and enacted as followeth^ 
 viz. : 
 
 jfOraBtUUCb as at this generall Courte, it doth manifestJie 
 appeare that M' Humfrie Browne, M' John Tayler and Company, 
 M' Derricke Popley, M' John Tayler, M"' Thomas Colston and 
 Company, and M' Willm Cann and Company, beinge members of 
 this Societie, haue of late delt w"" strangers and Alians, and haue 
 vnlawfully bought sundrie sorts of marchandices, contrary to the 
 Ancient lawdable and approved ordinances and Customes of the 
 said Societie, to say, the said Humfrie Browne, John Tayler and 
 Company for buyeinge of Ixxx pipes of Coniacque wynes, the said 
 Derricke Popley, John Tayler, Thomas Colston and Company for 
 buyeinge of one hundred pipes of Mallaga wyne, and fowerscore 
 and tenne barrells of Reysons of the Sunne, and the said Willm 
 Cann and Company for buyeinge of a parcell of Figgs, before the 
 said goods were landed, and brought vnto Spicers Hall, comonly 
 called the backe Hawle of Bristoll, beinge the comon and vsuall 
 place of buyeinge and sellinge of Strangers goods, whereby the said 
 psons haue severally transgressed against the said ordinances and 
 haue incurred the paines penalties and forfeitures in the said 
 ordinances on that behalfe conteyned And for that the said 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 85 
 
 delinquents haue declared that they were vnacquainted w"^ the 
 tenor of the said ordinances, and haue severally submitted them- 
 selves to the Judgment and censure of this Societie in generall, for 
 the ballatinge of their fynes, promisinge hereafter to support the 
 Ancient and Lawdable vsages and Customes of this Societie and 
 Company to their vttermost powers UbCVCfOVC in regard that 
 this their facte is the first that hath bin lately questioned of that 
 Jcind, and in mitigacon of the penalties wch (by the said ordinances) 
 the said delinquents are lyable vnto, Yt is this day ordered, con- 
 cluded, and enacted, by a generall consent and full agreement of 
 this Societie, that the said Humfrie Browne, John Tayler and 
 Company, their partners and associats in the said bargaine, shall 
 satisfie^nd pay vnto the Treasourer of this Societie, for the vse 
 and comon profitt of this Company, the some of thirteene pounds 
 sixe shillings and eight pence of Currant Enghshe money without 
 delay, togeather w'" sixe pounds thirteene shillings and fower pence 
 of like money to bee distributed amongst poore people of the 
 Citty of Bristoll at the discretion of the said Treasourer, HltD 
 -that the said Humfrie Browne, John Tayler and Company, their 
 partners and associats in the said bargaine shalbee acquited and 
 discharged by this Acte of and for the said Offence, And alsoe 
 that the said Derricke Popley, John Tayler, Thomas Colston & 
 Company, their partners and Associats in the said bargaine, shall 
 likewise pay vnto the said Treasourer, for the vse and Common 
 profitt of this Societie, the some of Thirteene pounds sixe shillings 
 and eight pence of like money without delay, togeather with Sixe 
 pounds thirteene shillings and fower pence of like money, to bee 
 distributed amongst the poore people of this Citty of Bristoll at 
 the discretion of the said Treasourer, And that the said Derricke 
 Popley, John Tayler, Thomas Colston and Comp : their partners 
 and associats in the said bargaine, shalbee acquited and discharged 
 hereby of and for the said offence, HUO further that the said 
 Willm Cann and Company shall pay vnto the Treasourer of 
 (this Societie the some of Fortie shillings of like money, to bee 
 ■ distributed amongest the poore people of this Citty at the discretion 
 of the said Treasourer, and then shalbee noe further questioned 
 of and for the said Offence HtlD moreover for the better practise 
 and puttinge in execution of the Ancient ordinances, Statuts, and 
 Decrees of this Societie, in regard that Ignorance of the said 
 ordinances shalbee noe excuse to any delinquent hereafter, J^t 
 is alsoe ordayned. Concluded, established, and at this assemblie 
 renewed, by a generall consent of the whole Societie, tCbat from 
 iienceforth noe manner of person or persons, beinge a brother or 
 
86 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 member of this Company, shall see, taste, or buy, or cause to be. 
 seene, tasted, or bought any goods, wares, or mchandices whatsoever,, 
 apperteyninge or belonginge to any forreiner. Alien, or Stranger 
 to the Liberties of this Citty, in any shipp, boate, or vessell what- 
 soever, beinge or to bee within the Porte of Bristoll aforesaid, or 
 the members of the same, nor in any other place within the Citty 
 of Bristoll, or Liberties of the same, but onely in the Comon 
 Hall called Spicer's Hawle, ahas the backe Hawle of the said 
 Citty, wch is the Comon place ordained for buyeinge and selling 
 of Strangers goods, and then not before the said goods, wares,, 
 and marchandices haue there laine and continued by the space of 
 three dayes and three nights togeather, Vppon paine that every 
 person soe doeinge shalbee excluded and putt of from the bargaine- 
 by him or them made, and shall alsoe pay vnto the Treasourer of 
 this Societie for the tyme beinge, for and to the vse and profitt 
 of the Maister, Wardens, and Cominaltie of this Company, and 
 of the Mayor and Cominaltie of the Citty of Bristoll (as in the 
 Ancient ordinances of this Society ys expressed) the some of three 
 shillings and fower pence vppon every twentie shillings of the full 
 value of the goods, wares, and mchandices soe seene, tasted, or 
 bought contrary to the true meaninge of this ordinance, or any 
 clause or branch of the same, Htlb for an equall particon and 
 devision to bee made amongst the members of this Societie of 
 such wynes, or other goods, wares, or marchandices wch now 
 are brought, or hereafter shalbee brought into the said Comon 
 Hawle, wherein any member of this Company will and may lawfully 
 deale or bargaine for, J^t is further ordained, concluded, and agreed 
 vppon by a generall consent of this Societie, that as often and 
 before any such goods, wares, or marchandices shalbee bought or 
 devided, there shalbee summoned all the said Societie to meete 
 and appeare in their Comon Hawle, and then by consent of the 
 Maister and Cominaltie of this Societie, there shalbee fower out 
 of eight indifferent men of the said Company Chosen and drawne 
 out by lott, to bargaine and deale for the said goods, for the vse 
 and benifitt of the Company in generall, and to allott and appoint 
 vnto every brother of the said Company that shall deale in the 
 Comoditie to bee devided a proporconable parte of the same goods, 
 wares, and marchandices, accordinge to each man's bulke of trade, 
 w"^ which allottment every brother of this Societie shall hold himselfe 
 contented, prOVlbcC* there bee a Hall called before the buyeinge 
 of the said goods. HllD it is further ordained that whosoever of 
 this Company doth not by himselfe, servant, or frynd, vnderwrite 
 and subscribe for what parte he is to haue of the said goods shalbee 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 87 
 
 exempted and excluded from haueinge any parte of the said bargaine 
 PtOVt^Cb alsoe that the parcell of goods to bee bought shall 
 exceed the some of one hundred pounds. And it is further ordayned 
 that the maister of the saide Company for the tyme beinge, vpon 
 request made by any of the Company of this Societie, or vpon his 
 owne knowledge shall within three dayes next after such request 
 or knowledge made to him, summon a meetinge at the hall of 
 the saide Company for the buyenge and devidinge of the saide 
 Comodities vpon paine of one hundred pounds of lawful! Englishe 
 money, to bee forfeited and paide to the Treasourer of this Societie, 
 to the vse of the Mayor and Comynalty of this Citty, & of the M', 
 Wardens, and Comynalty of this Societie, accordinge as it hath 
 byne accustomed & formerly ordeyned. 
 
 tertio die Decembris, Anno Dni 1627. 
 
 /iliemOran&Uin that the Acte next entred before in this booke 
 was publiquely read in the hearinge of this Societie, and 
 was approved by the whole Society in generall, and 
 vndertaken by every of them to bee performed. And in 
 wittnes whereof they haue subscribed theire names. 
 
 (Here follow the signatures.) 
 
 The revival of the movement for extended privileges 
 is involved in much obscurity, for the books now in the 
 Hall are silent on the subject. But it seems certain that 
 in 1638, when Charles the First had dispensed with 
 Parliaments for many years, and was ruling as an absolute 
 sovereign, the Society besought him for a fresh charter 
 and a concession of additional powers. In response the 
 King, by letters patent dated January 7th, 1639, con- 
 taining an " inspeximus " of the charter of Edward the 
 Sixth, and reciting the charter of Elizabeth, but making 
 no mention of the subsequent Acts of Parliament, con- 
 firmed the grants of his predecessors, and empowered the 
 Society to make laws for the government and correction, 
 not merely of their own body, but of every Bristolian 
 trading beyond the seas, and to impose fines and levy 
 
88 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 distresses on such as should violate their regulations. 
 But these concessions were followed by a proviso that the 
 Society's Ordinances must not be repugnant to the laws 
 and customs of the realm, or prejudicial to the Mayor 
 [i.e. the Corporation] of Bristol, or to the Merchant 
 Adventurers to the Low Countries. And it must have 
 been soon apparent that any attempt to restrain the chief 
 commerce of non-members would be a violation of the 
 Act of the previous reign, permitting all Englishmen to 
 trade with France, Spain, and Portugal in despite of any 
 restrictive royal charter. The chief permanent features of 
 the following instrument, of which we give a contemporary 
 translation, consisted in the practical confirmation of the 
 Society's Ordinance of 1618, creating a body of Assistants 
 to act with the Master and Wardens, the number of these 
 officers being reduced from twelve to ten ; and in the 
 fixing of the annual elections, previously held somewhat 
 capriciously, on the loth November — no provision being 
 made for altering the date when it fell upon a Sunday. 
 
 CbarleS b^ tbe grace of (Bob of England Scotland France 
 and Ireland King Defender of the Faith, &c. To all to whom these 
 present Letters shall come Greeting Tlltllee baVC BCCIX the Letters 
 patents of Edward the Sixth late King of England made in these 
 words jE&Warb tbe Sijtb &c. [as in the original Charter] Bttt) 
 WbereaS the late Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth by her Letters 
 pattents under the Great Seale of England bearing date at West- 
 minster the Eighth day of July in the Eighth year of her Reign did 
 ratifye and confirm the same Letters pattents of the said King Edward 
 the Sixth before recited And all and singular the things therein 
 contained unto the then Master Wardens and Cormnalty of the Art 
 or Mistery of Merchants Venturers of the City of BristoU and their 
 Successors As by the same Letters pattents of the said Late Queen 
 plainly appeareth. IkltOW PSe now that at the humble petition of 
 the said Master Wardens and Cominalty of the Mistery of Merch'^ 
 Venturers aforesaid We do ratifye & approve of the same severall 
 Letters pattents of the said late King Edward the Sixth and late 
 Queen Elizabeth and all and singuler the Gifts and Grants and other 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 89 
 
 things^contained therein with the Addicons amplificacons and 
 alteracons hereinafter expressed And all and singular the same do 
 by these presents confirm for us our Heirs and Successors unto the 
 said Master Wardens and Commaltye and their Successors. And 
 moreover for the better governing of the said Art or Mistery of Mer- 
 chant Venturers of the City aforesaid And for the augmentacon and 
 increase thereof We of our ample grace speciall and certain know- 
 ledge and meere motion have given and granted And by these presents 
 for us our Heirs and Successors do give and grant unto the said 
 Master Wardens and Commaltye and their Successors That for ever 
 hereafter They have and shall have tenn of the gravest and dis- 
 creetest men of the Art aforesaid in the City aforesaid to be chosen 
 in manner and form as hereafter in these presents is expressed who 
 shall be and shall be named Assistants of the same Mistery of 
 Merchants Venturers who from time to time shall be assistant and 
 aiding unto the said Master and Wardens of the same Mistery for 
 the time being in all causes and matters touching or concerning 
 the Mistery aforesaid and the good Government thereof Sltb 
 tttOtCOVCt we will and by these presents for us our Heirs and 
 Successors do grant unto the said Master Wardens and Cominaltye 
 and their Successors That the same Master Wardens and Assistants 
 (for the time being) or the greater part of them (whereof the Master 
 and one of the Wardens we appoint to be two) may have & shall 
 have full power and authority to prescribe constitute ordein & make 
 from time to time such Laws Statutes and Ordinances reasonable 
 whatsoever as in their discreccons shall seem good wholesome profit- 
 able honest and necessary for the good rule government ordering 
 surveying search and correccon of the Mistery or Art aforesaid and 
 of all the works wares goods & merchandizes which the same Master 
 Wardens and Cominalty and their Successors or any other Merch'" or 
 other persons whatsoever of the City aforesaid adventuring beyond 
 the Seas shall export or import out of or into the Realm of England 
 or Dominion of Wales As also of all men & Merchants of the City 
 aforesaid and their Servants Factors Apprentices & Agents of the 
 Art or Mistery aforesaid trading as well in the said City as in the 
 parts beyond the Seas And also for the declaracon of the manner 
 and order how the aforesaid Master Wardens & Assistants for 
 the time being shall behave carry and use themselves in their 
 Office and Business and likewise for the good and publick profitt 
 and rule of the Mistery aforesaid and all the ffreemen of the 
 same Mistery As also- for the preservacon displacing placing 
 and granting of the Goods Chatties Lands Tenement possessions 
 revercons & heredittam'' given granted assigned or confirmed or 
 
go INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 hereafter to be given granted or assigned unto the said Master 
 Wardens and Comlnalty and their Successors And the things 
 matters businesses suits and other causes whatsoever of the Mistery 
 aforesaid and touching or in any wise concerning the Estate and 
 Interest thereof And that the said Master Wardens and Assistants 
 or the greater part of them as is aforesaid as often as they 
 shall prescribe make ordein or establish such Laws Statutes and 
 Ordinances in form aforesaid shall and may impose and assess such 
 reasonable paines penaltyes and punishments by ffines and Amercia- 
 ments or either of them upon all Delinquents against such Laws 
 Statutes and Ordinances or any of them as shall seem reasonable 
 and requisite unto the same Master Wardens & Assistants for the 
 time being or the greater part of them as is aforesaid And the same 
 pains and penaltyes fines and amerciaments may levey & have by 
 Distress or other lawfull means by so many and such Mimsters 
 Officers and persons as the said Master Wardens & Cominalty 
 under their comon Seale shall nominate To the use of the same 
 Master Wardens & Cominalty and their Successors without the 
 impediment of us our Heirs or Successors Justices Escheators 
 SherifFes Coroners or any other BailifFes or Ministers of us our 
 Heirs or Successors whatsoever and without any account or other 
 thing to be therefore rendered paid or done unto us our Heirs or 
 Successors All and singuler which laws statutes & ordinances so as 
 is aforesaid to be made we will have observed by all & singuler 
 persons whatsoever of the Cominalty aforesaid And all other Mer- 
 chants & others whatsoever and their Servants Factors Apprentices 
 and Agents of the City aforesaid Adventurers beyond the Seas using 
 or exercising the Art or Mistery aforesaid as well in the City aforesaid 
 as in the parts beyond the Seas under the pains therein contained So 
 as the aforesaid Laws Statutes Ordinances Constitutions ffines & 
 Amerciaments be reasonable & not repugnant nor against our pre- 
 rogative or Laws or Customs of this our Realm of England nor to 
 the prejudice of the Mayor of our City aforesaid And so as also 
 these Statutes or Ordinances be not nor any of them bee to the 
 prejudice of our well beloved Subjects the Governor Assistants & 
 Company of Merchants trading themselves their goods wares & 
 merchandizes comonly called Merchant Adventurers into the parts 
 of Holland Zealand Braband & fflanders and other Country's Lands 
 & Dominions to the same parts adjoining whereunto they resort & 
 frequent for Traffick & merchandizing sake nor tend to the prejudice 
 of any Statutes Ordinances or Constitutions made pubHshed or 
 ordeined by the said Governor or Governors of the same Societye 
 or hereafter to be made pubhshed or ordeined by the same Governor 
 
CHARTEIIS AND ORDINANCES. QI 
 
 or Governors & Assistants or their Successors. Hub for more better 
 execucon of this our Grant & Confirmacon we have assigned 
 nominated appointed & made And by these presents for us our Heirs 
 and Successors Do assign nominate constitute & make our well 
 beloved Humfrey Hooke to be the first Master of the Art or Mistery 
 aforesaid Willing that the said Humfrey Hooke shall be & continue 
 in the Office of Master from the day of the date of these presents 
 untill the Eleaventh day of November next coming And from that 
 day forward untill he or one of the Wardens or Assistants of the 
 Mistery aforesaid for the time being shall be appointed unto the same 
 Office and be sworn according to the Ordinances & Constitucons in 
 these presents expressed & declared if the said Humfrey Hooke shall 
 so long live Taking first this Corporall Oath before the Mayor and 
 Aldermen of the City aforesaid for the time being well and faithfully 
 to do & execute the said office Unto which said Mayor & Aldermen 
 for the time be We give lycense & power for the taking of the said 
 Oath by these presents. We have also assigned nominated and 
 appointed And by these presents for us our Heirs and Successors Do 
 assign nominate and appoint our well beloved Gyles Elbridge & 
 Thomas Colston to be the first & next Wardens of the Art or Mistery 
 aforesaid to continue in the same Office of Wardens from the day of 
 the date of these presents untill the Eleaventh day of November 
 next coming And from that day forward untill they or two of the 
 Assistants of the Art or Mistery aforesaid shall be appointed unto 
 the same Office or place and sworn according to the Ordinances and 
 Constitutions in these presents menconed if the said Gyles EUbridge 
 and Thomas Colston shall so long live unless they or one of them in 
 the meantime by reason of ill Government or misbehaviour in them- 
 selves in their Office or for other lawfull Cause shall be dismissed by 
 the Master Wardens & Assistants or the greater part of them for 
 the time being Taking first their Corporall Oath upon the Holy 
 Evangelists of God well and faithfully to execute their s* Office 
 Unto which said Humfrey Hooke we grant power & authority to 
 minister and receive the said Oath. IMC MVC alSO aSSigneb 
 nominated appointed and made And by these presents for us our 
 Heirs and Successors do assign nominate constitute and make our 
 well beloved John Tomlinson Andrew Charlton Richard Longe 
 WilHam Jones Richard Aldworth Alexander James Ffrancis Cres- 
 wicke Miles Jackson Gabriell Sherman & William Cann the first 
 and next Assistants of the Art or Mistery aforesaid To continue in 
 the same Offices or places from the day of the making of these 
 presents untill the said Eleaventh day of November next coming 
 And from thenceforth forwards untill they or Tenn others of the 
 
92 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 Cominalty aforesaid shall be appointed to the said Offices or places 
 and Sworn according to the Ordinances and Constitucons in these 
 presents menconed if the same Assistants shall so long live unless in 
 the meantime by reason of ill Government or misbehaviour in their 
 said Offices or some other lawfuU cause they be displaced or some of 
 them displaced from their said Offices Taking first their Corporall 
 Oaths before the said Master and Wardens well and faithfully to 
 execute their said Offices or places Unto which said Humfrey Hooke 
 Gyles Elbridge and Thomas Colston we grant power and Authority 
 for to minister and receive the said Oath by these presents Hlt5 
 inOtCOVeC we win and by these presents for us our Heirs and 
 Successors do grant unto the said Master Wardens & Cominalty 
 and their Successors That the Master Wardens and Cominalty 
 of the Art or Mistery aforesaid (for the time being) for ever here- 
 after may have And shall have power and authority yearly and 
 every year upon the tenth day of November in the Comon Hall in 
 the City aforesaid called the Merchants Hall or other place con- 
 venient within the City aforesaid by themselves or the greater part 
 of them to be there assembled and continued And they or the 
 greater part of them then and there assembled shall choose and 
 nominate one of the Cominalty of the Art or Mistery aforesaid 
 which hath first born the Office of Master Warden or Assistant to 
 succeed to be Master of the Comonaltye aforesaid one whole year 
 then next following And shall then nominate and choose two of the 
 Assistants of the Art or Mistery aforesaid for Wardens of the Art or 
 Mistery aforesaid for one whole year then next following And shall 
 then and there also nominate and choose Tenn of the discreetest 
 Men of the Cominalty aforesaid to be Assistants of the Comonaltye 
 aforesaid to continue in the same places for one whole year then next 
 following as is aforesaid jfurtbCCntOre we will And for us our Heirs 
 and Successors do ordein and declare by these presents That every 
 person and persons which shall be hereafter chosen into the severall 
 offices and places of Master Wardens and Assistants of the Society 
 aforesaid shall take this Corporall Oath upon the Holy Evangelists 
 of God before the last precedent Master and Wardens or any two of 
 them respectively of the Society aforesaid for the time being well & 
 faithfully to execute the said offices before they be admitted to take 
 upon them their said offices Unto which last precedent Master and 
 Wardens and any two of them (for the time being) We grant 
 power and Authority by these presents for the ministering of the 
 said Oath And after such Oath so taken They may undertake and 
 every one of them may undertake the Office of Master Wardens 
 & Assistants of the Art or Mistery aforesaid for one whole year 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 93 
 
 then next following And from the end of the said year untill others 
 in due manner & form shall be appointed to be Master Wardens 
 and Assistants of the Art or Mistery aforesaid and sworne according 
 to the ordinances and constitucons in these presents menconed 
 Hnl) tnoreOPeC we will and by these presents for us our Heirs and 
 Successors do grant unto the said Master Wardens & Commalty 
 of the Art or Mistery aforesaid and their Successors That if it shall 
 happen the Master of the Art or Mistery aforesaid at any time here- 
 after within one year afterwards he shall be appointed and sworn 
 unto that Office of Master of the said Art or Mistery as is aforesaid 
 to decease or be removed That then and so often it shall and may 
 be lawful for the said Wardens Assistants and Cominaltye aforesaid 
 for the time being by themselves or the greater part of them assembled 
 together within one Month after the decease of such Master in the 
 said place called the Merchant's Hall or any other place convenient 
 within the City aforesaid to choose nominate and appoint one honest 
 and fitt man of the said Cominaltye of the Art or Mistery aforesaid 
 who hath been Master Warden or Assistant of the Art or Mistery 
 aforesaid to succeed in the room and place of the said Master so 
 deceased And that such Master so chosen and appointed unto the 
 said Office Taking first this Corporall Oath before the Wardens of 
 the said Mistery in the aforesaid place called Merchant's Hall or 
 other place convenient within the City aforesaid shall and may have 
 and exercise the said Office of Master during the residue of the 
 said year And from the end of the said year untill another of the 
 said Society shall be appointed unto the same Office in due manner 
 as is aforesaid And the like course and Order to be done when and 
 so often as any such Accident shall befall And if the aforesaid 
 Wardens of the Art or Mistery aforesaid shall decease or either of 
 them shall decease or be dismissed from their said Office for lawfull 
 cause as is aforesaid That then the Master Wardens and Assistants 
 & Comlnalty or the greater part of them assembled in the said Hall 
 or other place convenient within the City aforesaid shall and may 
 choose and appoint one or more of the Assistants aforesaid to 
 succeed into the place or places of such Warden or Wardens so 
 deceasing or removed And that he or they so chosen and appointed 
 taking first his or their Corporall Oath before the Master Wardens & 
 Assistants or the greater part of them unto whom we give Authority 
 by these presents to minister the said Oath well and faithfully to 
 execute the said Office or Offices unto which he or they shall be 
 chosen appointed and sworn untill the Eleaventh day of November 
 then next following And from that day forward till some other or 
 others shall be chosen and appointed unto the said Office of Wardens 
 
94 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 in manner as is aforesaid And if any Assistant or Assistants of the 
 Art or Mistery aforesaid shall decease or be removed from his Office 
 (which Assistant or Assistants or any of them misbehaving themselves 
 in their Office We will shall be removed at the good will and pleasure 
 of the Master Wardens & Cominalty or the greater part of them for 
 the time being) That then and so often it shall and may be lawful! 
 to and for the said Master Wardens Assistants & Cominalty of the 
 same Society for the time being or the greater part of them assembled 
 in the said place called the Merchants Hall or other convenient place 
 within the City aforesaid To choose one or more of the discreetest 
 persons of the Cominalty aforesaid to succeed in the place or places 
 of such Assistant or Assistants so deceased or removed from his or 
 their Office or Offices for to make up the number of Tenn Assistants 
 of the Society aforesaid And that he or they so chosen and appointed 
 shall take his or their Corporall Oath before the Master and Wardens 
 of the Art or Mistery aforesaid for the time being or any two of them 
 well and faithfully to execute their Office in all things before they be 
 admitted into the Office or place of Assistants And the like course 
 and order to be done when and so often as any such Accident shall 
 befall HU5 our desire is That the said Master Wardens and 
 Cominalty may chearfully proceed and go forward in the Trade of 
 Merchandizing And We do by these presents for us our Heirs and 
 Successors ordein that all and singuler the Fees payable and to be 
 paid by the said Master Wardens and Cominaltye or any member of 
 the same Society unto the Officers and Ministers of us our Heirs or 
 Successors in the Port of the City of Bristoll or members thereof 
 from time to time for executing their Offices shall be appointed 
 limitted and prescribed by our Cheife Treasurer of England and under 
 Treasurer for the time being for the Limittacon appointing and 
 prescribing of which said Fees We do by these presents give power 
 and Authority unto our said High Treasurer of England and under 
 Treasurer for the time being willing and by these presents com- 
 manding for us our Heirs and Successors All and singuler the 
 Officers and Ministers of us our Heirs and Successors within the 
 said port and the Members thereof for the time being That in 
 executing their Offices there or under colour thereof They do 
 not exact or cause to be exacted any greater ffees of the said 
 Society or any Member thereof under pain of the Contempt of 
 our Royal Commandment & the danger ensuing thereupon Htll) 
 WbCrcaS the Lady EHzabeth late Queen of England by her 
 Letters pattents under her great Seale of England bearing date at 
 Westminster the twelfth day of April in the fifth year of her reign 
 Reciting that whereas in the Parliament holden at Westminster the 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 95 
 
 23rd day of January in the first year of her Reign It was enacted 
 that it shall not be lawfull for any person or persons after the first 
 day of September next after the said Parliament to lade or cause to 
 be laden or landed of and from any Wharfe Shipp or Port or other 
 place into any Shipp or Vessell any Goods Wares or Merchandizes 
 whatsoever (Fish and salt only excepted) to be transported unto the 
 parts beyond the Seas or in or to the Realm of Scotland Neither to 
 carry away discharge or unlade nor cause to be taken away discharged 
 or unladen out of any Shipp or Vessell being not leakey nor ship- 
 wrecked and brought to land Any goods wares or merchandizes 
 whatsoever (Fish and salt only excepted) to be transported from any 
 the parts bej'ond the Seas or from the Realm of Scotland by way of 
 merchandizing but only in the day time viz. From the first day 
 of March till the last day of September between the Sunrising and 
 the going down thereof And from the last day of September till the 
 first day of March between the hours Seaven in the morning and 
 Four in the afternoon upon pain of forfeiture of the same goods wares 
 and merchandizes or the value thereof soe laden and discharged 
 contrary to the Tenor and true meaning of the said Statute Hn5 
 WbeCCaS the said late Queen Elizabeth being informed that the Port 
 of the City of Bristol (except only at Spring Tides) was so dangerous 
 wanting depth of Water that no great Shipp or Vessell laden with 
 goods and merchandizes could approach unto the said City by the 
 space of four miles for that the tide there suddenly ebbed and flowed 
 and in every spring not above five or six hours And then only for six 
 days in a Spring It was convenient to lade and unlade the Shipps 
 and Vessells there The said late Queen for herself her Heirs and 
 Successors by the aforesaid Letters pattents Hath given and granted 
 Lycence unto the Mayor Burgesses and Cominalty and the Inhabitants 
 and Dwellers in the same City That they and all others repairing 
 unto the said City Town and Port of BristoU with Shipps or other 
 Vessells laden or discharged for ever thenceforwards without 
 incurring the penalty of the Statute aforesaid may lade and unlade 
 their Shipps and Vessells of and with their goods wares and merchan- 
 dizes And the same land and sett on shoar And also putt on board 
 of any Ships or Vessells to be transported to the parts beyond the 
 Seas or to the Realm of Scotland at any time between the hours of 
 Four in the morning and Eight in the afternoon The Statute aforesaid 
 or anything therein contained to the contrary thereof in anywise 
 notwithstanding Saving the Customs and Subsidies Tonnadges & 
 Poundages to be therefore due unto the said late Queen her Heirs or 
 Successors As by the said Letters pattents more plainly appeareth 
 TftUOW sec that we of our speciall favour unto the Merchants of 
 
96 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 the said City and for the benefit and easement of the same 
 Merchants trading in the Port aforesaid of our special grace and 
 certain knowledge and meer motion Do will and ordein And by 
 these presents for us our Heirs and Successors do grant Lycense 
 unto the said Master Wardens and Cominalty of Merchants 
 Adventurers of the City aforesaide and their Successors That 
 they and their Successors and every Member of the same Society 
 for the time being coming and repairing unto the City and Port 
 of Bristol aforesaid or the Members thereof with Shipps or other 
 vessells laden or unladen from henceforth for ever hereafter without 
 incurring the penalty of the aforesaid Statutes shall and may law- 
 fully lade and unlade their Shipps and Vessells of and with their 
 Goods wares and merchandizes And the same putt on Shoar or 
 land there And likewise from the land or shore putt into any 
 their Shipps or Vessells to be transported unto the parts beyond 
 the Seas or to the Realm of Scotland any time between the hours 
 of Four in the morning and Eight in the afternoon every year The 
 Statutes aforesaid or anything therein contained to contrary thereof 
 notwithstanding And without the impediment suit molestacon or 
 disturbance of us our Heirs or Successors or any the Officers or 
 Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors giving attendance in the 
 said Port or the precincts thereof now or for the time to come 
 SflVfUQ always the Customs Subsidies and other payments and 
 sums of money due and payable to us, our Heirs and Successors 
 for the same goods wares and merchandizes Nevertheless We will 
 and by these presents for us our Heirs and Successors do ordein 
 and declare That such lading and discharging of the goods wares 
 and merchandizes aforesaid within the said Port or the precincts 
 thereof between any of the hours aforementioned which shall be 
 contrary to the form of the Statutes aforesaid from time to time 
 (and not otherwise) be done in the presence of the Officers or 
 Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors within the Port aforesaid 
 or some of them unto whom the same shall appertain Hn& 
 tbCtefOtC We command all and singuler the Officers and Ministers 
 of us our Heirs or Successors within the Port aforesaid or the 
 precincts thereof for the time being that at the reasonable request 
 of the said Society or any member thereof They be present and 
 ready at such lading and discharging upon pain of Contempt of 
 our Royall Command and the danger ensuing thereupon Forasmuch 
 as there is no express mention of the true yearly value or certainty 
 of the premises nor of any of them Neither of other Gifts or Grants 
 by us or any of our Progenitors or Predecessors to the contrary 
 in any wise before this time granted unto the Master Wardens 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 97 
 
 and Cominalty of the said Art or Mistery of Merchant Venturers 
 of the City of Bristol! Neither of any Act Ordinance Provision 
 Proclamation or Restraint to the contrary thereof made published 
 •ordained or provided or any other thing cause or matter whatsoever 
 in any wise notwithstanding Jri WlitneSS whereof we have 
 ■caused these our letters to be made pattents TKHitltCSS myself at 
 Westminster the seaventh day of lanuary in the Fourteenth year 
 of our Reign. 
 
 WOLSELEY. 
 
 Having obtained the above charter, the Society lost 
 no time in revising its Ordinances, and on April 4th, 
 1639, the following code of laws was approved and 
 subscribed by the members. It will be seen from the 
 document that the Society tacitly recognised the futility 
 of the King's concessions touching the regulation of 
 interloping local traders, who are alluded to only obliquely. 
 Every member of the Society was forbidden to deal with 
 the wares of a non-member for the purpose of either 
 exportation or importation, on pain of being fined one- 
 sixth the value of such goods on a first offence and one- 
 third the value on a second. No member freighting a 
 ship was to permit a non-member or a foreigner to load 
 goods in such vessel ; and if a non-member or foreigner 
 freighted a ship, no member was to place cargo in it 
 unless no other was available. When the goods of 
 strangers, to the value of ;^200 or upwards, were imported 
 into the city, they were to be carried to the Back Hall, 
 and the members of the Society, having been thereupon 
 duly summoned, were to choose four of their body to 
 bargain for the whole of the merchandise, and to allot 
 their purchases proportionably amongst those desirous 
 of a share — a system reminding one of what is vulgarly 
 called a "knock out." Any member presuming to buy 
 on his own account before the selected four had concluded 
 their dealings was to forfeit one-sixth of the value of bis 
 
gS INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 purchases. A Master neglecting to summon a Hall for 
 the above purpose was to be fined /^^o. The only other 
 interesting item is that requiring each member to pay the 
 sum of fourpence at each of the four quarterly Halls 
 towards the funds of the Society — the " quarterage " to 
 commence at the following Candlemas. 
 
 ZbC HcteS ©rbfnances d Statutes made by the Maister 
 Wardeins and Assistants of the Arte or Misterie of Merchants 
 Adventurers of the Citty of Bristoll, By vertue of letters Patents 
 lately graunted by our Soveraigne Lord King Charles to the saide 
 Company, bearing date at Westminster, the seaventh day of January 
 in the fourteenth yeare of his hignes Raigne ^>Q WblCb QtaUHt his 
 Maiestie hath bine alsoe graciously pleased to confirme other letters 
 patents heretofore graunted to the saide Company by King Edward 
 the Sixt Hll Wblcb HctS Ordinances and Statutes being they are 
 made for the good governement of this Societie, the Regulateing of 
 Trade, the better Reliefe of the poore people of their Almehouse, the 
 Sustentacon of decayed Marchants, Seamen, & theire widowes, A 
 stipend for a Schole maister to teach poore Seamens children gratis,, 
 and a Curate to read praier at Shirehampton, neere vnto the Roade 
 of Hungroade, within the Porte of Bristoll, bicause Shippkeepers 
 shall not bee draune farre from theire Charge, haveinge [been] 
 publiquely read at a generall Court of the saide Societie, holden in 
 theire Common Hawle, called the Marchants Hawle, the Fourth day 
 of Aprill A° Dni 1639, were well approved and allowed by the whole 
 Company, And in Testimony of such theire Acknowledgment and 
 promise of observeing and performing the same in all points. They 
 have willingly subscribed theire names, as in the end of the same 
 Acte may appeare. 
 
 3for cboosefna tbe /nbafster Mat^elns d Hssistanta 
 
 according to his ma*'^° letters patents or Charter, whoe 
 have power to make Lawes and orders for Regulating 
 of all men tradeinge to and from this Cittie. 
 
 tlbat Vpon the tenth day of November yeerely and every 
 yeere The whole Societie are to meete and assemble in the 
 marchaunts Hall, or any other convenient place within this Cittie,. 
 where the saide Societie or the greater parte of them shall appoint. 
 And shall then choose and nominate one of the Comynaltie (wch 
 hath first bine Maister Wardein or Assistant) To be maister of 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. QQ 
 
 the Comynaltie aforesaide for one whole yeere then next following, 
 And shall then choose twoe of the Assistants of the saide Comynalty 
 to bee Wardens for the saide one yeere following, And shall then 
 and there alsoe choose and nominate Tenne of the discreetest men 
 of the saide Comonaltie to bee Assistants vnto the saide M' & 
 Wardeins, And that every person and persons soe chosen to bee 
 maister and wardeins shall take his Corporall oath vpon the Holy 
 EvangeUsts of God, before the last precedent Maister and wardeins, 
 or any twoe of them, well and truely and faithfully to execute the 
 saide Offices according to that forme of oath registred in pag: 8 
 of this booke, for administringe of which Oaths power is given 
 to the precedent maister and wardens or any twoe of them, And 
 that every Assistant soe chosen (not being one of the Assistants 
 formerly sworne) shall take his Corporall oath in the same manner 
 before the maister and wardens or any twoe of them. And the like 
 Course to bee holden when any maister, wardens, or assistants dye, 
 or bee removed, and new chosen in theire places. 
 
 Zbc ©ffice ot tbe /Ilbatster anb Marbeins. 
 
 [As in the Ordinances of a.d. i6i8.] 
 
 Ubs ©ffilce of Hssfstants. 
 
 [As in the Ordinances of a.d. i6i8, except that the number is 
 to be Ten instead of Twelve.] 
 
 XCbe ©ffice of tbe Zvcasouvcv, 
 
 [As in the Ordinances of a.d. i5i8.] 
 
 XEbe ©ffice of tbe Clarft Si 3Bi5ble. 
 
 [These are to be performed by one and the same person at a 
 salary of £8 sterling, the duties being the same as were set out in 
 the Ordinances of a.d. i6i8, when the offices were separate.] 
 
 Hn ©c&fnance for ikeeping of Courte, &c. 
 
 [This varies in no important particular from the similar 
 Ordinance in a.d. i6i8, excepting that it requires "that there 
 shalbee present at every Courte, aswell of the Assistants as of the 
 Generallity, the maior parte of the Assistants, and the maister and 
 one of the wardeins at the least, or else nothing to bee Concluded 
 at that Courte where such nomber shall lack," and that it fixes the 
 loth day of November yearly, "yf noe extraordinary occasion shall 
 hinder," for the election of officers and the swearing of the Master, 
 Wardens, and Assistants.] 
 
lOO INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 [Next are set out the remaining Ordinances of a.d. i6i8 down 
 to that " For reading of letters and requests," and in addition to 
 them the following.] 
 
 jFor Collecting tbe 2)UetieS belonging to the Company 
 towards Relief of the poore and other necessarie disburse- 
 ments for y" Society. 
 
 TLhC COUeCtOt shall receyve the dueties of Kannadge, plankadge, 
 anckoradge, poundage of marriners wages, tonnadge for the poore, 
 wharfadge, and other dueties belonging to this Society as it hath 
 byn anciently accustomed according to the Rates wch shalbee yeerly 
 given him in Charge, and haveing Receyved the same shall pay it in 
 and bee accomptable vnto the Treasourer of this Societie requireing 
 it. And shall become bound with one sufficient suertie to bee allowed 
 of by the maister and wardeins for the tyme being to make and give 
 a iust and true account vnto the saide Treasourer of all such money 
 as hee shall from tyme to tyme Receyve to the use of the Company 
 aforesaide. 
 
 3for payment of duarteribge. 
 
 ]£Uerte person beinge a brother or member of this Societie, 
 beinge lawfully admitted, shall appeare in person, by himself, his 
 servant or friend, at the fower generall quarterly Courte days, 
 being warned therevnto, and there pay vnto the Collector of the 
 hall Dueties his quarteridg money, viz., fower pence every quarter 
 of a yeere, the which duetie of quarteridg shall beginne from the 
 Feast of the Anunciacon of the blessed virgin Mary next ensueing 
 the date hereof. The which Collector, haveinge Receyved it, 
 shall pay the same over vnto the Treasourer of this Societie for 
 the tyme beinge, to the vse and Common profitt of this Company. 
 
 HgafnSt IReceiVefng of Goods belonging to any person not 
 free of this Societie. 
 
 IRoe person or marchant of the saide Feloweshipp, nor noe 
 Sonne, servant, or Apprentice of any of this Societie, shall at any 
 time hereafter receyue at or in the Porte of Bristol aforesaide 
 into his keepinge. Any Cloth or other goods, wares, or marchandice 
 of any person or persons not beinge admitted a fellowe or brother 
 of this saide Company of merchants to the intent to sell, carry, 
 or deliver the same Cloth, goods, wares, or marchandice into or 
 att any Porte, Creeke, or place beyond the Seas, to the vse or 
 profitt of the same person, or of any other not being fellowe of 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. lOI 
 
 the saide Company of marchants, Nor buy nor receyue beyond 
 the Seas for any person not being a fellowe or brother of the 
 said Company of Marchants, any goods, wares, or marchandice 
 to bee conveyed from thence to the said Porte of Bristoll or to 
 any other Porte, Haven, Creek, or place within the River of 
 Seaverne, vpon paine to pay at first time hee shall doe contrary 
 to this ordinance of every twenty shilhngs of the whole value 
 of the marchandice for wch hee shalbee soe Atturney iijs. mjii. 
 And at the Second tyme vjs. viiji. in every xxs. 
 
 Xlbe CblefC labCt in every shipp or vessel! to appoint the 
 tyme and place where averidge shalbee laide. 
 
 Xlbe Cbiefe lader with those that haue the maior parte of 
 Tonnadge in the shipp (his tonnadge and the rest being accounted 
 therein) shall appoint the tyme and place where the saide Averidg 
 shalbee laide And the same shalbee approved of and allowed by 
 the rest of the Laders haveing notice thereof, and ofthe day and 
 place, given at the Dwelling house of each lader. And if it shall 
 happen that the Chiefe Lader, or any other lader of such shippe, 
 shalbee found to bee remisse or Refractory in this order, either in 
 delayeng of the tyme, or not paieng of his money according to such 
 averidg bill, every such person soe offendinge shall pay such fines 
 as shalbee agreed vpon by the Maister, Wardeins, and Assistants, 
 or the greater nomber of them accordinge to the quallity of the 
 offence. 
 
 3-tent the saide Chiefe Lader shall appointe a Collector to 
 receyve the said Averidg, whoe shalbee there ready to attend at 
 the layeng and makeing thereof. 
 
 3-t6TH the saide Chief Lader shall pay vnto all Labouringe 
 people theire hire and dueties for dischargeing of the saide shipp 
 or vessell, And alsoe pay the dueties of Kannadg, planckadg, 
 anckoradge, tonnadge for the poore, poundage of marriners wages, 
 wharfadge, and other things that are or shalbee paiable vnto this 
 Society, and shall charge the said dueties in the Averidge bill. 
 
 3-tetll It is ordered and ordayned that the saide Averadge 
 shalbee laide as aforesaide within Eight Dayes next after the 
 Discharge of every shippe, bark, or vessell, And that, if twoe or 
 more marchants of the greatest laders shall have equall tonnadg, 
 Then in such case the Elder in Degree shalbee held to bee the 
 greatest lader, And the Collector of the Hawle Dueties shall 
 deliver a note of the same dueties vnto the saide greatest lader as 
 soone as any shippe or vessell is discharged. 
 
I02 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 jfor fralgbting Sbippes. 
 
 IRoe /niarcbant being a brother of this Societie and Company 
 fraighting any shippe from this Porte, or the members of the same, 
 to the Parts beyond the Seas, or from thence to this Porte, shall 
 suffer any Stranger or Forreiner not free of this Societie to have 
 any tonnadge or ladeing in the saide Shippe, And that if any 
 Forreyner or Stranger not free of this Company shall fraight anie 
 Shippe Barke or Vessell to or from this Porte, Noe brother or 
 member of this Societie shall take any tonnadg in such shippe, 
 barke, or vessell, yf any fraight or Tonnadge may at that tyme 
 bee had or obteyned in Shipping laden, or to bee laden, by any 
 of this Company, And all Factors, servants. Apprentices, and 
 others of this Societie that shalbee ymployed by the Marchants 
 of this Company or any of them, shall not enterteyne any ymploy- 
 ment to or from this Citty, and Porte of Bristoll for any person 
 or persons not being free of this Societie and Company. 
 
 fOV tbe place agSlgneb for bringinge Strangers Goods 
 vnto, and Sellinge the same. 
 
 tTbe (5005S, wares, and marchandice of all and every Stranger 
 or Strangers to the Liberties of this Citty wch shalbee ymported 
 into this Porte (from any of the Parts beyond the Seas) shalbee 
 brought into the Common place or hawle called Spicers Hawle, 
 alias the Backhawle, within this Citty, according to the ancient 
 Custome, And that whensoever the Maister of this Societie 
 (for the time being) shalbee acquainted or informed of any such 
 goods, wares, or marchandice lying within the saide Hawle (the 
 Quantity being such as doth amount to the somme of Twoe 
 hundred pounds or vpwards) The said' Maister shall cause All 
 the Company of Marchants of this Societie to bee summoned to 
 appeare at theire Common Hawle, there to treate concerning the 
 buyeng of the saide goods. And if it shalbee then thought meet 
 for to deale for such Goods, There shalbee Power out of Eighte 
 indifferent men of the saide Company chosen and draune out by 
 lott, to bargaine and deale for the saide Goods, and to allott and 
 appoint vnto every brother, being a member of this Societie, a 
 proporconable parte of the saide Goods, according as in theire 
 discrecons shallbee thought fitt, Soe as every such brother of 
 this Company Doe by himself, Friend, or servant, vnderwrite for 
 the accepting of such parte thereof as shalbee allotted vnto him 
 before that Court doe arise. And that noe brother or member of 
 this Societie shall presume to deale for any of the said goods vntil 
 such tyme as those, whoe by this Company shalbee appointed to 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. I03 
 
 -deale for the same, have first refused the buyeng thereof, Provided 
 they take not aboue three days tyme for effecting it, Vpon payne 
 of three shiUings fower pence vpon every xx» value of the whole 
 goods that shalbee so dealt for, To bee paide by him that shall 
 offend therein to the vse of this Company Sllb fUttber that 
 if the Maister of this Societie shall not cause the Company to bee 
 summoned to treate and meete as aforesaid within three dales 
 next after request or notice made vnto him by any member of 
 this Company The saide Maister shall forfaite and loose to the 
 vse of this Society the Somme of Forty pounds starHnge Currant 
 money. 
 
 fOV IRegUlattng /IftaiSterS of SbippeS Marriners, Seamen, 
 and Sailors, touching theire abiding aborde theire Shippes 
 in Kingroade & dischargeinge and ladeing them in 
 Hungroade. 
 
 XKHbereaS the Roade of Kingroade is an open Road, And by 
 that meanes dangerous for Shipping, Especially in the tyme of 
 Tempestuous or Stormye weather, and therefore not fitt to leave 
 shipping there without a competent nomber of men to guard and 
 looke vnto them, And for that when shippes are brought from thence 
 into Hungroad there to bee discharged of her ladeing of Goods and 
 marchandice The marriners and seamen doe vsually vnlade and 
 discharge theire shippes by Hired men, to the great damadge of the 
 Marchants, laders, and Ouners, jfot 1Reme5g whereof, and for 
 the more Safety of Shippes and Goods It is thus ordered and agreed 
 That from hencefourth vpon all Shipps arriveing in that Roade from 
 any the Parts beyond the Seas, The maister of every such Shippe, 
 with his Mates, and the whole Company (except such as the M' shall 
 send on shore vpon the Shippes occasions) shall remaine aborde 
 vntill every such Shippe bee fast and well moared in Hungroad Hub 
 that vpon all Shippes outwards bounde Ridinge at anckor in King- 
 roade aforesaide, and there attendinge a Faire Wynd, There shall 
 Remayne aborde every such Shippe, The maister, his Chiefe Mate, 
 The Boteswaine, and halfe the Companie at least, vntill they sett 
 sayle. Hub fOt all shippes dischargeing in Hungroade (during the 
 tyme of such theire dischargeing and vnladeing theire goods & 
 mchandice) There shalbee allwaies aborde the saide Shippes The 
 Maister or one of his mates, the Boteswaine and Quarter Maisters, 
 with a competent nomber of the saide Shipps Company to discharge 
 and vnlade the saide Shippe, And shall not make vse of any hired 
 men in doeing the same. And if any Maister, marriner, or other 
 Seaman bee Refractory, and will not submitt to these good, Reason- 
 
I04 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 able, and necessarie Orders, Hee shalbee held unworthie to Receyve 
 any ymployment from this Societie, And there shalbee defaulted out 
 of his wages and hire, for every such offence, one Eight parte of 
 every such Offenders wages, to the vse and Reliefe of the decayed 
 Seamen in the Marchants theire Almehouse, and of other poore wch. 
 haue Reliefe from this Company. 
 
 fov IRegulatetng of /Hbaisters, /Iliarriners, and Seamen, 
 
 touching the Goods and marchandise wch they, and euery 
 
 of them, shall carry in theire voyadge. 
 XKHbeteaS the Maisters, Marriners, and other seamen saileing" 
 to and from this Porte, Have of late very often taken, vpon theire 
 creditt and other waies, divers goods and marchandice of great value. 
 And carried the same in the shippes (wherein they have byn hired) 
 vnto the partes beyond the Seas, And in Returne thereof have brought 
 home in the saide Shippes divers other wares and marchandice. And 
 all, or the moste parte thereof, without the leave, privitie, or knowledg 
 of the Ouners of the saide Shippes, or Marchants whoe tooke the 
 saide Shippes to Fraight, To the great prejudice of the saide Mar- 
 chants, by gettinge the same privately into and from the shipps 
 without paieng any fraighte to the Marchant or Ouner, And without 
 paieng his ma""° Customes or any other dueties. Whereby his maiesty 
 is much deceyved, and the marchants dishartened and disencouraged 
 in theire trade 5t IS therefore ordered and agreed That from hence- 
 forth Noe Maister of Shippeing, Marriner, or other Seaman shall 
 putt any goods, or marchandice aborde any Shippe, barke, or vessell,, 
 or take any on shore, vntill they have made known vnto twoe of th& 
 Chiefe laders, and twoe of the Chiefe Ouners the quallity and quantity 
 thereof. And then Receyve theire approbacon for the lading of the 
 same, And what orders the saide Chiefe Laders and Chiefe Ouners 
 shall make touching the same shalbee approved of and allowed by 
 the generall Laders and ouners of such shippe. Butt if any Maister, 
 Marriner, or Seaman shall neglect to doe as aforesaide, Hee shall pay 
 double the value of the Fraight of all such goods as hee or they shall 
 carry And the Chiefe Lader of such Shipp, and Chiefe Ouner of the 
 same shall cause the aforesaide double Fraight to bee shortned out of 
 their wages at the pay day. And that it may bee the better knowne 
 what goods they doe carry forth or bring home Every Boteswayne 
 and Purser of every such Shippe shalbee required vpon paine of the. 
 losse of theire wadges To enforme the saide Chief Laders and 
 Chiefe Ouners of the quantety and quallitie of such theire Goods, 
 And the Factor or Factors employed in sale of the marchants goods 
 in such Shippe shall vse his and theire best endeavours To enquire 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. 105 
 
 and finde out what theire goods are, And shall informe the marchants 
 thereof, that Course may bee taken against them Hn& ff any Maister, 
 Marriner, or Seaman shall hereafter bringe home in Returne of the 
 goods allowed him to carry out Any Wynes, They shall soe order it 
 amongest themselves That it shalbee brought in Butts or hogsheads, 
 and noe lesser Caske. 
 
 ffor tfie JEjecution of tbe ©rbfnances. 
 
 [As in the Ordinances of a.d. 1618, with the following addition.] 
 
 Hnb it is further ordered and agreed vpon That the Gierke 
 of this Societie shall forthwith bring into the Hall, and deHver to 
 the Wardeins, All bookes, copies of writings, coppies of letters, 
 and all other papers whatsoever that may any way concerne this 
 Company, That the same may bee laide vpp amongest theire 
 other Writings, And from hencefourth theire saide Clarke shall 
 not make any writings, or enter any Acts or Orders that concernes 
 this Company in any other place then in the Common Hawle, called 
 the Marchants Hawle, vnlesse hee shall haue leave from the Maister 
 and Wardeins, And shall allwaies bring and leave the key of the 
 Hawle with the Maister for the tyme being. 
 
 [Here follow the Signatures of the Members of the Company.] 
 
 The xf^ of November 1639. 
 
 Att a generall Courte of the Master, Wardens, and Coialty of 
 the arte or mistery of Marchants Adventurers of the Citty of Bristoll 
 in ample nomber assembled in their Comon Hawle ; It was agreed 
 that not only at this tyme, but at all tymes hereafter, the manner of 
 eleccon of the Master, Wardens, and Assistants shalbe thus (viz') 
 the Master to be chosen (for the tyme being) shalbe chosen out of 
 three, whereof one to be named by the M' (for the tyme being) one 
 by the Wardens and Assistants, and the Third by the Coialty, and 
 according to this order the Master, Wardens, and Assistants are 
 this day chosen and sworne, being this psent Eleaventh day of 
 November, 1639. 
 
 In 1643, during the occupation of Bristol by the 
 Royalist garrison, the King granted the Society another 
 Charter, by which, in consideration of the loyalty and 
 fidelity of the merchants of Bristol to his Majesty's cause, 
 he conceded them free intercourse with the regions to 
 
I06 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY : 
 
 which various London Companies had previously enjoyed 
 a, monopoly of trade. The following is transcribed from 
 a copy dating from 1669, preserved in the Hall : — 
 
 H Copie of the Charter granted by Kinge Charles the First 
 at Oxford. 
 
 CbarleS by the grace of God, Kinge of England, Scotland, 
 Fraunce, and Ireland, Defender of the Fayth &c. tTO all to whome 
 these presents shall come Greeting XPEUbCtCaS by our Letters 
 Patents vnder our great Seaie of England Wee have heretofore 
 graunted that the Merchants of our Citty of Bristoll should be 
 incorporated and made a Body Politique to have contynuance for 
 ever by the name of Master, Wardens, Treasurer, and Assistants of 
 the Company of Merchants Adventurers of the Citty of Bristoll, but 
 they are yet restrayned from that free Trade vnto divers forraine 
 parts which some other Companyes of Merchants by the favour of 
 vs and our Auncestors and Predecessors Kings and Queenes of this 
 Realme have enjoyed and doe enjoy HltJ) WbetCSS our good and 
 lovinge Subjects the Merchants of the said Citty of Bristoll have 
 expressed their loyalty and fidelity vnto vs in these late tymes of 
 difEcultjf when our Citty of London and the Cittizens and Merchants 
 thereof who have held and enjoyed many more priviledges and 
 Imunityes for the advancing of a free and ample trade into all 
 Forraine parts have forgotten their duty vnto vs and many of them 
 have trayterously rebelled against vs their Soveraigne & Leige Lord 
 IRnOWe PC therefore that we, for the encouragement of our said 
 Subjects the Merchants of Bristoll and others by their Example to 
 contynue faithfull and constant vnto vs and to our Crowne of 
 England in their duty and allegiance vnto vs, Have given and 
 graunted. And by these presents, for vs our heires and Successors 
 doe give and graunt vnto the said Maister, Wardens, Treasurer, and 
 Assistants of the Company of Merchants Adventurers of Bristoll 
 and their Successors That they and their Successors and all or any 
 and every of the Members for the tyme being of the said Company, 
 by themselves or their Factors, Agents, or servants, shall and may 
 have a free Trade and Comerce with their Shipps and other vessels 
 and their goods and merchandizes vnto and from all those parts and 
 places beyond the Seas whither the Eastland or Russia Companies 
 of London doe or may trade. And to and from the Hanse Townes, 
 and any Townes, Ports, or places where the Company of Merchant 
 Adventurers of London doe or may trade, and to and from any the 
 Ports or places in the Levant Seas where any of our Merchants of 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. I07 
 
 the Turky Company doe trade, and to and from any Ports or places 
 under the Comand or Domynion of the Kinge of Denmarke or great 
 Duke of Muscovye, "SiH which Liberty and Freedome of Trade and 
 TrafBque in, vnto, and from any the Ports and places aforesaid, Our 
 will and pleasure is, And wee doe fully and freely graunt vnto the 
 said Company of Merchant Adventurers of our said Citty of Bristoll 
 in as full, ample, and beneficiall maner as we can graunt the same 
 Httb WC bOC for us, our heires and Successors, covenant, promise, 
 and graunt to and with the said Company of Merchants to renewe, 
 strengthen, and enlarge this our Graunt and to doe such other Acts 
 for their better enjoying of the benefitt thereby graunted, or intended 
 to be graunted, in such maner and as farr as by their Counsell shalbe 
 reasonably advised, and as shalbe best for the setling and enlarging 
 ■of their said trade and for the removeing and avoyding of any restreint 
 or impediment that may hinder the said Trade SaVClltQ allwaies to 
 vs our heires and Successors from our said Subjects the Merchants 
 Adventurers of Bristoll, their Factors, Agents, and Servants, to be 
 duly payd vnto vs and to our Successors, or to our vse, such Customes 
 and other duties and payments vpon and for their merchandize and 
 goods to be exported and imported as from tyme to tyme shall become 
 due and payable to vs our heires and Successors in that respect 
 3-U WitneS whereof we have caused these our Lres to be made 
 Patents IKHitneS our Selfe at Oxford the Two and twentith day 
 of December in the Nyneteenth yeare of our Raigne. 
 
 Per breve de privato Sigillo 
 
 WOLSELEY. 
 
 This is a true Copie of the originall vnder the_great Seale, 
 examed the eight and twentith Day of May, Anno Dni 1669. 
 
 By us 
 
 Rich. Pell, 
 John Hartwell. 
 
 Soon after the Restoration of Charles the Second, the 
 Society appointed a committee, which was directed to 
 apply for a renewal of the charters, "with such additional 
 privileges as may conduce to the benefit of the Company." 
 In April, i66i„the charters were sent up to the members 
 of Parliament for the city, with instructions to prosecute 
 the Society's suit ; but their exertions were fruitless. In 
 November, 1665, the subject was revived, and the Hall 
 
I08 INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY: 
 
 once more resolved to apply for a new charter and a 
 confirmatory Act of Parliament. The issue was as 
 disappointing as before. In November, 1667, a new 
 committee was appointed to press the matter forward, 
 and also to procure, if possible, an Act of Parliament 
 prohibiting the manufacture of white soap from tallow or 
 any kind of oil save olive oil alone. In the following 
 March a member of the Society, Richard Elsworth, was 
 directed to ride to London to promote the objects in view, 
 and was furnished with £^0, afterwards increased to ;^ioo 
 with a promise of more, "so as we do not fail in our 
 hoped desire," the agent being especially requested to 
 seek the support of the members for the city, the Recorder 
 (Sir Robert Atkyns) and some "popular leading" Com- 
 moners, as well as all the London merchants sympathising 
 with the soap project. It being presently found that the 
 Bills could not be obtained during the current Session, 
 Elsworth was instructed to carry on his campaign with 
 the Londoners on the soap question "as private as 
 possible," so that the scheme might be secretly ripened 
 for the following year, and in the meantime to use every 
 exertion to obtain the confirmation of the charters by the 
 King. The committee's letter to the above effect contains 
 the curious admission that they were pursuing this course 
 in despite "of many opposers and dissenters of this 
 Company." It further appears that the Mayor (Edward 
 Morgan), five aldermen, and two councillors — of whom 
 four were members of the Hall Committee — despatched 
 another " Certificate" in support of the Society's appeal. 
 In 1669, and again in 1670, solicitations were renewed by 
 Elsworth, who, besides being one of the Customers of 
 Bristol, held a petty sinecure office in the royal household, 
 and had received a knighthood ; but his efforts proved 
 wholly ineffectual. The project being at last abandoned 
 
CHARTERS AND ORDINANCES. lOQ 
 
 in despair, the agent sent in a bill of additional expenses, 
 amounting to ^^182 us. 2d., some of the money having 
 been spent in an entertainment of the Duke of Albemarle, 
 presents of wine "to several," and "fees" — meaning bribes 
 — to Court officials. The committee struck off more than 
 half the charges, but eventually paid £12^ 175. lod., 
 including ;^5o to Elsworth "for his paines." All that was 
 ever extracted from Charles the Second, in fact, was a 
 Charter granted in June, 1665, baldly exemplifying the 
 second charter of his father. The following is a copy, 
 with translation : — 
 
 CarolUS SeCUn&US, Det gratia, Anglise, Scotias, Frandae, 
 et Hiberniae Rex, fidei Defensor &c, omnibus ad quos hae litterae 
 nostrae pervenerint salutem, 3-nspcjilTlUS Irrotulamentum quandem 
 litterarum patentium precharissimi nup. patris nostri Domini 
 Caroli nuper Regis Angliae defuncti geren. dat. apud Oxon. 
 vicesimo tertio Die Decembris anno regni sui Decimo nono in 
 Rotulis Curiee Cancellariae nostrae irrotulat. ibidemque de Recordo 
 remanen. in haec verba Charles by the grace of God, King of 
 England, Scotland, Fraunce and Ireland &c. [reciting the last 
 Charter of King Charles I. word for word] "IROS aUtClU tenorem 
 Irrotulamenti predicti ad requisicoem predicte Societatis Mercator. 
 Bristoll. duximus exemplificand. per presentes JM CUIUS tCi 
 testimonium has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes XCeStC 
 me ipso apud Westmonasterium vicesimo tertio die Junii anno 
 
 regni nostri decimo septimo. 
 
 Grimston Marsham. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 (Ebai'leS tbe Second, by the grace of God, of England, 
 Scotland, France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c., 
 unto all to whom these our letters shall come, greeting IMe baVC 
 seen the inrolment of certain letters patent of our late very dear 
 father, Lord Charles, late King of England, deceased, bearing 
 date at Oxford the twenty third day of December in the 
 nineteenth year of his reign, inrolled in the Rolls of our Court 
 of Chancery and there remaining on record in these words 
 Charles, by the grace of God, [quoting the Charter word for 
 word] Tide tberefOte at the request of the aforesaid Society 
 of Merchants of Bristol consider that the tenor of the Inrolment 
 
no INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
 aforesaid should be exemplified by these presents Jn WitttCSS 
 WbCtCOf we have caused these our letters to be made patent 
 "JMltltCSS myself at Westminster the 23rd day of June in the 
 17 th year of our reign. 
 
 How little was really gained in the way of suppressing 
 interlopers may be inferred from the remarks of Roger 
 North, who was an acute observer of local events during 
 his visits to Bristol as Recorder a few years later, and who 
 observes in his amusing reminiscences, which are far from 
 complimentary to local merchants, that "petty shop- 
 keepers, and the like," constantly ventured a bale of 
 stockings, or a piece of stuff, in vessels bound for Nevis 
 or Virginia. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE SOCIETY UNDER THE STEWART DYNASTY. 
 
 From the beginning until nearly the middle of the 
 seventeenth century the Society, and indeed the citizens 
 of Bristol generally, suffered much grievous oppression 
 under the arbitrary rule of the first two kings of the 
 House of Stewart. Detailed information on the subject, 
 however, has mysteriously disappeared from the Society's 
 archives, the earliest Minute Book of the Standing 
 Committee now in existence commencing so late as 1639 
 — nearly ninety years after the charter of incorporation 
 granted by Edward the Sixth. Possibly an explanation 
 of this remarkable circumstance is to be found in a 
 memorandum inserted in a contemporary Minute Book 
 at the Council House, dated 15th January, 1640 (1641), 
 from which the following is an extract : — 
 
 "That a letter be written to the burgesses now serving 
 in Parliament ... to seek reformation and redress 
 against such persons as by unjust informations to his 
 Majesty, or by their illegal and unwarrantable proceedings, 
 have injured and abused the merchants of this city, and 
 by entering into the Merchants Hall, taking away their 
 book of accounts and other writings, and procuring many 
 of the inhabitants of this city to be pursuivanted up [to 
 London] and unjustly handled and ill-dealt with." 
 
 Dealing with this long period of obscurity in the only 
 manner now practicable, namely by resorting to the 
 manuscripts of the Corporation, to the Journals of Parlia- 
 ment, and to the State Papers in the Record and Privy 
 
112 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 Council Offices, it may be observed that the earHest 
 grievance protested against by the mercantile body was 
 the royal demand for "purveyance" — a prerogative that 
 had led to crying abuses in the closing years of Elizabeth, 
 and was revived by James the First immediately after his 
 accession. Bristolians had been previously exempted 
 from this burden on account of their liability to another, 
 of very ancient date. They had been accustomed to 
 submit to the royal claim for " prisage," under which the 
 Crown Officers had taken one tun of wine out of every 
 cargo of ID tuns, and two out of every shipload of 20 
 tuns landed at the port — choosing always the best samples, 
 and paying, or rather promising to pay, about a fifth of 
 the value of the "prise." The effect of this exaction 
 was to raise the price of Bristol wines at least 205. per 
 tun in excess of the wines of London and Southampton, 
 where prisage was unknown. In 1601, however, the 
 Government for the first time demanded from Bristol 
 merchants a "composition for purveyance," by which the 
 local burden would have been practically doubled. The 
 encroachment was firmly resisted, and though some 
 exactions were levied in 1603, the agents who carried them 
 out were prosecuted and convicted in the Mayor's Court ; 
 to the great wrath of their superiors, the Board of Green 
 Cloth, who angrily rebuked the Mayor (Alderman Whitson) 
 for his contempt of the royal prerogative, and informed 
 him that he would have been brought up to Whitehall 
 under arrest but for his official duties during the prevalence 
 of the Plague. At the opening of King James's first Parlia- 
 ment in 1604, the undismayed Alderman, through Mr. 
 Thomas James, one of the members for the city, brought the 
 matter under the attention of the House of Commons, and 
 Mr. James made a personal protest against the insolence 
 with which he had been treated by one of the Crown 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. II3 
 
 officials. Complaints of a similar character were made 
 on behalf of several other towns, and the House 
 ■emphatically petitioned the new monarch for redress, 
 declaring that purveyance was rife with tyrannical abuses, 
 although it had been declared illegal in no less than 
 thirty-six statutes, and that the merchants of Bristol 
 had especially suffered, large sums having been extorted 
 from them, and many having been kept in prison until 
 they paid heavy fees to the pursuivants. The King, 
 in reply, expressed his anxiety to remove grievances, 
 .adding that measures had been taken to avoid the 
 xecurrence of complaints, and the House allowed the 
 subject to drop. (Commons' Journals.) The issue was 
 characteristic of the new reign. The King angrily 
 prorogued Parliament in July, owing to the Commons 
 persisting in the discussion of various grievances ; and 
 the abuses in Bristol were at once revived under a 
 new royal warrant, authorising the extraction of com- 
 positions both for wines and groceries. Two deputations 
 were sent up to Court by the Corporation (and probably 
 by the Society) praying for relief, and a good deal of 
 money seems to have been spent in "gratifying" the 
 underlings at Whitehall, but these efforts were unavailing, 
 -and Mr. John Aldworth, a member of the Society, under- 
 went imprisonment for refusing to pay the imposts. 
 Moreover, when the King repaired to Woodstock in 
 1605, his purveyors made their appearance in Bristol, 
 and seized 51 hogsheads of claret, appraised at ^14 165. 
 per tun, and 10 butts of sack, worth ^13 each, for which 
 nothing was paid, the Society having to satisfy the 
 owners by borrowing from the Corporation, which re- 
 couped itself by levying a due upon foreign imports. A 
 few months later a duty on currants, which the King 
 imposed without Parliamentary sanction, was declared 
 
 9 
 
114 "^HE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 by the Court of Exchequer to be legal by virtue of the 
 royal prerogative, and in 1608 the Lord Treasurer 
 Salisbury, availing himself of the resource thus temptingly 
 offered to him, issued a new tariff increasing the duties 
 on many articles of commerce, some of the imposts being 
 styled " compositions for purveyance." The Bristol 
 merchants, who had been harried in the previous year 
 in respect both of groceries and wine, now earnestly 
 petitioned for exemption from the additional wine duty, 
 pleading the burden they endured from prisage, and 
 Lord Salisbury ultimately submitted their case to the 
 Court of Exchequer. In i6og Lord Chief Baron Tanfield 
 with his colleague. Sir George Snygge, accordingly sum- 
 moned the merchants, who complained of the hardship 
 of their case, urging amongst other arguments that while 
 the Government was seeking to mulct them both for 
 prisage and purveyance, wines could be — as in fact they 
 were — imported into Chepstow free from both imposts. 
 The learned judges nevertheless reported to the Lord 
 Treasurer that after the King's prerogative had been 
 proved to the merchants the latter had submitted so- 
 far as to bear purveyance whenever the Court came 
 within twenty miles of the city. As regarded the com- 
 position for groceries, the merchants pleaded that they 
 had none save what were brought from London and 
 " Lixbon," and that the Londoners bought in East 
 India and Turkey, where Bristolians were not allowed- 
 to trade ; but in this matter also, wrote the judges, they 
 submitted to the same conditions as regarded wine, 
 which their lordships adjudged to be a satisfactory 
 compromise. The relief was but temporary. In 1612 
 the Lord Treasurer issued a mandate for the levying 
 of 5s. per tun on [all sweet wines imported into Bristol. 
 A deputation hurried to Court imploring relief, and the 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. II5, 
 
 solicitations continued in 1613 and 1614, causing the 
 Society a large outlay for travelling expenses. A man 
 who had farmed the new tax from the Crown in the 
 meantime raised an action in the Court of Exchequer 
 for the sum alleged to be due — a payment of ;^ioo made 
 to him by the Society to be freed from the burden being- 
 coolly ignored. The result does not appear. In 1613 
 the Queen sojourned at Bath, paying also a visit to 
 Bristol, and enormous demands were made by the 
 purveyance officers, about 7,400 gallons of wine, and 
 groceries to the value of ;^36o, being wrung from the 
 defenceless Bristol merchants. All that could be got 
 from the Treasury in payment of the account was £210. 
 The balance, about ^/^Soo, was advanced by the Corpora- 
 tion, who were not reimbursed until 1617, when part 
 of the King's debt for the Woodstock wines taken eleven 
 years before was also recovered, but not until more than 
 ^120 had been expended in bribes to Court officials. 
 
 After a few years quietude, Lord Treasurer Middlesex, 
 in November, 1622, ordered a fresh enforcement of the 
 composition for purveyance on the scale paid in London^ 
 repudiating Chief Baron Tanfield's compromise and 
 judgment on the ground that Baron Snygge, who had 
 concurred in the decision, was by birth a Bristolian. The 
 Society, in a letter to the Master, Alderman Guy, M.P., 
 then in London, expressed their determination to resist. 
 If, however, the Master thought that a gift of " ;^5o to 
 the Remembrancer, and some thankful acknowledgment 
 to the Lord Treasurer (all not exceeding ;^ioo) may stop 
 this gap and ease us from further demands," the Society 
 would be content to bear the expenditure. (Letter Book.) 
 The "thankful acknowledgment" appears to have effected 
 its purpose, for in February, 1623, the Lord Treasurer 
 ordered the Customs officers to forbear from taking ready 
 
Il6 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 money on account of the composition for groceries, but 
 to obtain bonds for future payment when such was 
 demanded; and they were also directed to give three 
 months credit to the merchants for the 13s. ^d. per tun 
 due for wines. These concessions probably explain an 
 item in the Society's accounts : — " Given in gold to 
 Mr. William Willett, Collector of this port, for his 
 courtesies, ;^ii." The relief seems to have been only 
 transient, for on March 29th, 1625, William Barrett, 
 the King's Grocer, in consideration of ;^iio paid to him 
 by the Corporation, released the citizens of Bristol of 
 all claims for purveyance of groceries for the term of his 
 life. (Society's Book of Trade.) Nevertheless, in 1631, 
 a composition in lieu of grocery purveyance, together with 
 an entirely new impost on Levant oil, was demanded by 
 the Board of Green Cloth, and Messrs. Hooke and 
 Colston, the two members of the Society delegated to 
 negotiate by the Corporation, knowing the subservience 
 of the judges to the behests of the King, consented to 
 pay the royal Grocer ;^ioo on account of arrearages, and 
 ^66 13s. 4^. each following year in lieu of purveyance. 
 The King was to have power at any time to terminate 
 this agreement, from which non-burgesses and foreigners 
 were excluded. The illegal abuse was at length abrogated 
 by the Long Parliament. 
 
 The Society's troubles in connection with the wine 
 duties were still more serious. In 162 1, James the First, 
 having insultingly dismissed the House of Commons, 
 resolved on raising money by the exercise of his so-called 
 prerogative, and a mandate was issued to the Customs 
 authorities to collect a double duty on wine. In 1622, 
 his Majesty, after cancelling this warrant, issued another, 
 ordaining the levying of a wine impost of 20s. per tun 
 in London and of 13s. ^d. at the outports over and above 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. II7 
 
 the Statutory duty, for the maintenance of the King's 
 daughter, the Princess Palatine, and her family. In 
 April, 1624, when the King's embarrassments compelled 
 him to summon another Parliament, the new tax was 
 suspended for six months, in the hope that the Commons 
 would grant a generous supply. But as their liberality 
 failed to reach expectations, his Majesty, in October, in 
 defiance of the remonstrance of the Commons, ordered 
 the imposition to be rigorously collected, and threatened 
 those who dared to be contemptuous with penalties and 
 " corporal punishment." (Book of Trade.) 
 
 The accession of Charles the First in the spring of 
 1625 brought about no alteration in the royal policy. 
 On the 26th April the King, in a warrant to the officers 
 and farmers of the Bristol Customs, intimated his will 
 and pleasure that the wine duties imposed by his father 
 should be collected as before, and directed that every one 
 refusing to pay them should be imprisoned until he 
 submitted, mayors and other officers being commanded 
 to assist in carrying the mandate into effect. The 
 Society thereupon appealed to the Lord Treasurer for 
 relief, asserting that, in consequence of the rise in prices 
 caused by the increased tax, they were unable to sell their 
 wines, much of which had "grown eager" (sour) and 
 would not bring its cost, freight and prisage. No answer 
 seems to have been made to the appeal. On the other 
 hand, the patentee, or farmer, of the composition in lieu 
 of wine purveyance raised a suit in 1630 against the 
 merchants for the recovery of his demands. And though 
 the Court of Exchequer dismissed his claim as illegal, 
 and forbade him to renew his molestations, the King, 
 in 1634, in defiance of the judgment, peremptorily set 
 forth his "ancient right of purveyance," and commanded 
 the household officers to treat with the merchants for 
 
Il8 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 compositions on wines, alleging that the royal expenditure 
 was " likely to increase by God's grace by reason of our 
 children," then mere infants. No wine was to be allowed 
 to be landed until the composition was paid, and if 
 any merchant proved refractory the Customs officials 
 were to seize i6 tuns out of every lOO, giving [or rather 
 promising] him (jo i05. per tun — a fraction of the value 
 — " according to our ancient right." 
 
 This arbitrary decree continued in force until 1638, 
 when the King, who had ruled despotically for nine years, 
 issued a mandate imposing a further duty of £2 per 
 tun on all wines, and forthwith farmed out the tax to 
 the Vintners' Company of London. One morning in 
 September, 1638, a deputation of the farmers arrived in 
 Bristol, accompanied by one of the King's detested 
 pursuivants, and armed with a warrant from the Privy 
 Council; and summoned the alarmed merchants before 
 them. Having demanded and obtained a sight of all 
 the liquor stored in the city, the vintners required the 
 immediate payment of the tax, not only on the existing 
 stock, but on all that had been sold during the previous 
 three months. Powerless to resist, and having, as they 
 afterwards recorded, been grievously oppressed by suits 
 and pursuivants for fourteen years, at a cost of upwards 
 of /'i,ooo, the Society offered to pay the farmers a com- 
 position of no less than ;^3,5oo per annum, which the 
 vintners accepted upon ten members of the Society 
 becoming guarantors. The collection of the money was 
 soon found to be impracticable. Half the vintners in 
 Bristol became bankrupt ; others refused to pay their 
 quota ; and the total amount obtained in three years was 
 only ^'1,036. In 1640 the farmers sued the guarantors for 
 ^4,450, being a year and a half's composition, less ;^8oo 
 paid on account, and the action was still pending in 1642. 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. Iig 
 
 The House of Commons, then dealing trenchantly with 
 abuses, had been already implored by the Society to 
 remedy the grievance. The first deputy sent to West- 
 minster for this purpose was Mr. George Bowcher, whose 
 unhappy fate during the impending struggle was then 
 unforeseen. Three other members, Messrs. W. Fitz- 
 herbert, R. Vickris, and G. Lewis (the last in the place of 
 Thomas Colston, who refused to serve), subsequently 
 repaired to London and urgently appealed for redress. A 
 committee of the House of Commons had been by that 
 time appointed to consider the illegal wine tax, and the 
 Society, in a petition to that body, asserted that during 
 the first year of the Vintners' Company's impost the loss 
 ■of Bristol merchants on French wine alone amounted to 
 ^4,000, besides a heavy loss on Spanish ; and that the 
 Privy Council were nevertheless keeping a local merchant 
 in prison for non-payment of the duties. The King's 
 arbitrary impost was soon afterwards annulled. (Many 
 letters and papers on this subject are preserved in the 
 Society's " Book of Trade.") 
 
 At the Restoration, the Society was under so much 
 apprehension that this obnoxious regal privilege would be 
 revived that an active member of the Hall, Mr. (after- 
 wards Sir John) Knight, M.P., was desired to make the 
 best composition he could if resistance were impracticable. 
 Charles the Second, however, surrendered the privilege, 
 together with other relics of feudalism, on receiving com- 
 pensation in the shape of an excise duty on beer, cider, 
 spirits, tea, and coffee. (12 Charles H., c. 24.) 
 
 Grievances of a similar character to those just dealt 
 with arose from the extortionate demands made from 
 time to time by Custom House officials. The first notice 
 of them occurs in 1624, when the Society appointed a 
 committee to complain to the King's Commissioners of 
 
I20 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 the recent exaction of excessive fees. The abuse had 
 been already laid before the House of Commons, which 
 had recommended that such disputes should be amicably 
 settled (Commons' Journals) ; and after a conference and 
 much debate an arrangement was entered into by a formal 
 deed, the fees being reduced to the small amounts paid 
 in the reign of Elizabeth. No further difficulty arose 
 until after Charles the First had resolved to dispense 
 with Parliaments. But in 1632, doubtless at the instance 
 of the local officers — the chief of whom, John Dowell, 
 seems to have been notorious for his annoyances, and will 
 be heard of again — Lord Treasurer Weston granted them 
 a warrant empowering the collection of fees on the scale 
 payable in London. And on being informed that many 
 merchants refused to pay the enhanced charges, he for- 
 warded a second mandate to enforce their obedience. 
 Following their usual course, the Society sent repeated 
 deputations to London to remonstrate against the 
 exactions, but without effect, for several recalcitrant 
 merchants were harassed with prosecutions. In 1634, 
 the Lord Treasurer (then become Earl of Portland and 
 Lord High Steward of Bristol) despatched a testy letter 
 to the Society, desiring them to end their differences 
 with the Searcher — the chief officer concerned — whose 
 increased fees they ought to pay, and requesting in 
 menacing terms that he be "no further troubled." The 
 Society replied that the Searcher would listen to no 
 reasonable proposals, and they were doubtless encouraged 
 in their resistance by the knowledge that the Attorney 
 General had informed the Lord Treasurer that as 
 Bristolians generally made shorter voyages than Lon- 
 doners, the high scale of fees had to be paid by them 
 more frequently. A few weeks later Lord Portland found 
 it advisable to change his policy, revoked his previous 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 121 
 
 warrants, ordered the excessive fees already paid to be 
 disgorged, and commanded the Searcher to be content 
 with the ancient scale ; the Society thus scoring a 
 complete victory. 
 
 Other Crown exactions nevertheless continued, and 
 the situation having become less than ever tolerable. 
 Alderman Barker, a prominent member of the Society 
 and representative for Bristol in the Parliament of 1628, 
 addressed an earnest protest to Secretary Nicholas, with 
 whom, when in the House of Commons, he had been on 
 friendly terms. A copy of this interesting letter, which 
 shows how imperfect is our information on the subject, 
 has not been preserved in the Hall. The following 
 summary is extracted from the State Papers : — 
 
 August 1st, 1634. — The molestation which the Bristol merchants 
 have sustained within these last five years has been so great by 
 ungrounded informations and bills in the Star Chamber at the suit of 
 the Attorney General, unwonted and vexatious commissions, false 
 informations of the Customs officers, and insolence of his Majesty's 
 messengers and common informers, as they cannot longer forbear to 
 complain and to crave redress — all being done under pretence of his 
 Majesty's service, whereas the consequences are altogether contrary. 
 As Nicholas knows the welfare of the country to consist in the free 
 course of commerce, the writer points out the grievances demanding 
 relief. I. The King having granted licenses for the transport of some 
 commodities prohibited by law, and the officers having received 
 money for customs and license, they have afterwards conspired with 
 informers to molest the merchants for the same. II. The officers^ 
 conspiring with the King's messengers, have informed the Attorney 
 General, who has therefore sent for many to appear, and though 
 nothing could be proved, they were compelled to give large fees to 
 the messengers before their discharge. III. Twenty merchants have 
 been summoned to the Star Chamber by the Attorney General, and 
 though no bill has been put in against some of them, they had to pay 
 largely for their discharge, not knowing their offence. IV. Commis- 
 sions have been issued to examine sailors touching the payment of 
 imposts, and they have been tempted to make accusations against 
 their employers, and threatened for not doing so. V. A commission 
 is now on foot concerning alleged short entries, though the merchants 
 
122 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 have paid all duties justly. Such vexations have cost the merchants 
 over ;^i,ooo in the last five years, besides their reputations being 
 wounded. Understanding from Mr. Colston that the Secretary 
 disapproves of these courses, the writer craves his advice and offers 
 further information. 
 
 Secretary Nicholas's reply to the above is also in the 
 Record Office. He expressed regret at the information 
 conveyed to him, and asserted that the Lord Treasurer 
 would redress abuses if so good a man as Barker repre- 
 sented them in a respectful way. 
 
 The obnoxious Searcher — who was really the deputy 
 of a sinecurist serjeant-at-law who received the bulk of 
 the fees but did no work — seems to have subsided for five 
 years. At the close of 1639, he again raised complaints 
 against the merchants, and asked the Lord Treasurer's 
 permission to revive the higher scale of fees ; and he per- 
 tinaciously continued his appeals until the reassembling 
 of Parliaments brought this and other scandals to an end. 
 
 Scarcely had Charles the Second been restored than 
 the Searcher — still the sinecurist lawyer — recommenced 
 his extortions, and raised actions against those who with- 
 stood them. On the i6th October, 1660, the Society 
 resolved that no fees should be paid in excess of the old 
 rates, and that a suit should be commenced against the 
 Searcher for exacting the illegal scale. This was probably 
 unsuccessful, for after a struggle of nearly eleven years, 
 Sir John Knight, M.P., was appointed to treat for a 
 compromise, and the Hall, on the 30th March, 1671, 
 confirmed the agreement that he had eff"ected. Astounding 
 as it now appears, this treaty was also repudiated in 1687, 
 when James the Second evinced an intention of follow- 
 ing in his father's footsteps ; and the Society once more 
 determined on resisting the Searcher's demands. The 
 Revolution doubtless brought the long conflict to a close. 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 23 
 
 Attention must now be directed to another long con- 
 troversy between the two first Stewart kings and the 
 Society. Piracy during the seventeenth century was the 
 constant scourge of commerce, yet the Crown rarely 
 considered that its suppression was a duty incumbent 
 upon the State. The Bristol Channel often swarmed 
 with piratical vessels, especially in the month of July, 
 when they gathered to plunder the numerous ships from 
 many foreign and domestic ports laden with goods for 
 the great Bristol fair. In 1613, having obtained King 
 James's gracious leave to protect themselves, the Society 
 hired and equipped two "ships of war" to repress the 
 brigandage ; and in the following year four such vessels 
 were engaged in the same service, the cost of these 
 expeditions to the Society amounting to the then large 
 sum of ;^492 ; exclusive of £z\ disbursed for a "present 
 -and entertainment " to Sir Thomas Button, who had lent 
 assistance in H.M.S. Phcenix. In 1617, when it was 
 reported that upwards of 300 English merchantmen had 
 been captured within a few years by Algerian and Tunisian 
 corsairs, and their crews led into slavery, the merchants of 
 London petitioned the Crown to take vigorous measures for 
 suppressing the evil, and offered to give ^40,000 towards 
 the equipment of an expedition. After considerable delay, 
 the Government consented to take action, but in order to 
 diminish its own expenses, it was resolved to make the 
 outports contribute ^8,550 towards the outlay by reviving 
 the ancient imposition of Ship-money. The assessment 
 on Bristol was ^2,500; Exeter, Plymouth, and Dartmouth 
 were each required to raise ;^i,ooo ; Barnstaple and Hull, 
 ^500 each ; Weymouth, £^^0 ; and Newcastle and 
 Southampton each ;^300. The minor ports, amongst 
 which Liverpool does not appear, were assessed at 
 /i,ooo. 
 
124 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 Ship-money had always been an unpopular tax, it having- 
 been constantly demanded as a royal prerogative needing 
 no sanction from Parliament ; and King James's chronic 
 quarrels with the House of Commons on financial questions 
 were not calculated to lessen discontent. The Society's 
 response to the Privy Council's demand was to the effect 
 that, in despite of the large outlay recently incurred for 
 suppressing piracy, and of their late heavy loss of five 
 ships with their cargoes, through wreck and brigandage^ 
 they were willing to contribute ^^600. As a matter of fact,, 
 the Corporation subscribed two-thirds of that sum and 
 lent the Society the remainder (Civic Audit Book). But 
 the Mayor (John Guy), foreseeing that this offer would 
 prove unpalatable, informed the Privy Council that, by 
 his earnest persuasion of the rest of the citizens, he had. 
 been able to enlarge the contribution to /i,ooo. Soon 
 afterwards the Corporation lent a further sum of ;^200 
 to the Society. In order, it may be presumed, to pay off 
 this debt the members of the Society entered into a 
 personal subscription, and the results, which are of 
 some historical interest, are fortunately jotted down 
 in the Hall's "Book of Trade." The names are as 
 follows : — 
 
 Donors of ;^io each. — John Barker, John Whitson, William Pitt, 
 John Doughtie, John Conning, Christopher Whitson, John Langton, 
 Humphry Hooke, John Tomlinson, Andrew Charlton, Richard Hol- 
 worthy, William Jones, Humphry Browne, Richard Long, Abel 
 Kitchin, Robert Aldworth, Thomas Wright, and Edward Coxe. 
 
 Donors of £6 each. — Edward Williams, Peter Miller, William 
 Pratt, Arthur Hibbins, William Hicks, Thomas Colston, Giles 
 Elbridge, Walter Ellis, N. Butcher, G. Butcher, Francis Creswick, 
 Derrick Popley, Francis Derrick, John Locke, John Gardner, Philip- 
 EUis, Miles Jackson, Thomas Clement, William Pitt, Richard Plea (P)^ 
 Alexander James, and Nicholas Meredith. 
 
 The Mayor Qohn Guy) and Matthew Haviland gave £^ each. 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 125 
 
 The Privy Council, in a letter to the Mayor, promptly 
 expressed their surprise that the merchants and ship- 
 owners of Bristol showed so little zeal in furthering the 
 expedition, especially as other and far inferior ports, less 
 subject to loss, had shown much greater willingness ; 
 adding that no part of the assessment could be remitted, 
 and requesting that the merchants might be dealt with 
 " effectually." The Society thereupon drew up a curious 
 document entitled " A Collection of Reasons to show that 
 /'i,ooo from Bristol is in good proportion to the ^40,000 
 of London." The following is an abstract of the chief 
 points advanced : — 
 
 That the Londoners deal on a larger scale, and have a more 
 gainful trade. 
 
 That the security of trade is of more importance to London than 
 to Bristol — much of Bristol trade being carried on by merchants of 
 Ireland, Barnstaple, and Western ports. 
 
 That the Bristol shipowners are very few and poor, the navigation 
 being employed by Scotch and Flemish ships. 
 
 That the wine trade — one of the greatest in the city — is much im- 
 poverished, because former customers for wine now repair to the Welsh 
 ports, which are free from imposts and so sell cheaper, and Bristol 
 merchants will thus lose this year above ;^i,ooo by Gascony wines. 
 
 That Bristol has always been ready to do the King service in 
 Ireland ; and seeing they are to serve therein when the rest are free, 
 they crave to have the more favour. 
 
 " That this city is poor, and so insensible of any proportion with 
 London that two or three merchants of London are able to buy all 
 ■the inhabitants of Bristol out of all their means in the world, saving 
 their persons. There are about 700 widows here." 
 
 That money lent by the city upon Privy Seals may be considered ; 
 also the charges the city has been at to suppress piracy in the Bristol 
 Channel. 
 
 That the loss which the merchants of Bristol sustained in enter- 
 taining the King at Woodstock, in 1605, and the Queen at Bath, 
 in 1613, amounted to [blank]. 
 
 The paper concludes with a table professing to show the " Col- 
 lection of Customs of Subsidie" for the three years ending 1615. 
 The "medium" is— Exeter, ;^3.836 ; Bristol, ^'3,449 ; Weymouth, 
 ^^1,978 ; Lyme, /"ajgos ; London, ;^i25,ooo. 
 
126 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 The pleas alleging the poverty of the city and of its- 
 merchants were unquestionably insincere, and stand in 
 amusing contrast with the claims to wealth and grandeur 
 which the Corporation produced when occasion required, 
 on behalf of the " second city of the kingdom." The 
 truth was that the writers did not dare to proclaim the 
 real causes of their stinted offering. The task of 
 suppressing the Turkish bandits was a national one, and 
 if the Royal Navy was incapable of fulfilling it, the blame 
 rested upon a Government which, with double the income 
 enjoyed by Queen Elizabeth, profligately squandered its 
 resources, and had habitually spurned the advice of 
 Parliament. Who could feel assured, moreover, that the 
 money thus arbitrarily demanded would not be diverted 
 to some less worthy purpose ? 
 
 The first demand for the city's aid was made in April, 
 1617, but the Government had taken no step towards 
 carrying out its project in November, i6ig, when the 
 Privy Council informed the Mayor and Aldermen that 
 the expedition, which, " for reasons best known to the 
 King," had previously been deferred, would be sent out 
 in the following spring, and requested the immediate 
 collection of the Bristol contribution. A still more 
 peremptory order being received soon afterwards, the 
 Mayor and other civic dignitaries departed with ;^i,ooo 
 in hand, and were accompanied by the Master (J, Gonning) 
 and Alderman Guy on behalf of the Society; but their 
 appeals for an abatement on the ground of the King's 
 wine debts and of the large sums spent in suppressing 
 local piracy were scornfully rejected, and the balance of 
 the impost was required to be at once forthcoming. A 
 further delay having occurred, which the Mayor declared 
 to be due to the impoverished condition of the merchants, 
 who had lately lost ;^8,ooo by wrecks and pirates, Mr. 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 127 
 
 Whitson and the Master were again summoned to 
 London during the summer, and angrily rebuked for 
 their remissness by the Privy Council. As the expenses 
 of the Society's delegates during their two journeys 
 amounted to £']'], it may be surmised that large gratuities 
 were vainly made to Court underlings. And equally 
 unavailing was their production of a list of losses during 
 the previous ten years, by which it was shown that two 
 of their largest ships (150 tons each) had foundered at 
 sea, 29 others had been "taken by the Turks," and 14 
 small vessels had been wrecked. (Book of Trade.) The 
 obdurate Privy Council having learnt from Alderman 
 Whitson that many Bristolians of good means, but not 
 engaged in foreign commerce, had refused to contribute, 
 commanded the Mayor to deal with them sharply, and 
 to send them up to Court if they offered resistance. The 
 Government eventually succeeded in extorting the full 
 amount, about ^1,000 being raised on loans, which were 
 gradually cleared off by levying increased dues on 
 shipping and merchandise. The expedition, which at 
 length sailed in October, .1620, ended, like most of the 
 King's enterprises, in disgraceful failure, being inade- 
 quately equipped both in provisions and ammunition. 
 
 Although the treatment of the city by the Govern- 
 ment throughout the preceding transactions was httle 
 calculated to inspire the community with a desire for a 
 closer connection with the Court, the King made a 
 singular proposal in the summer of 1621 in the hope 
 of improving his revenue. In a letter to the Mayor, 
 Lord Treasurer Mandeville announced his Majesty's 
 desire to "prefer" the farming of the Customs to the 
 inhabitants of each of the outports, and requested the 
 views of the city thereon, with information as to the 
 amount that would be given in excess of the previous 
 
128 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 average receipts (which during the seven years ending 
 1620 had been £3,706). The Mayor having forvi^arded 
 this missive to the Hall, the Society promptly directed 
 his worship to reply that through the restraints imposed 
 on local trade and the losses by pirates, the mercantile 
 body was much decayed ; that as the chiefest dealers 
 had retired into the country, and most of the rest were 
 young men and small adventurers, the Customs were 
 likely rather to decrease than augment ; and that the 
 Society dreaded "to bear the weight of so doubtful a 
 matter." (Book of Trade.) 
 
 Voluminous papers having been preserved in the 
 Hall relating to the Turkish expedition, it is somewhat 
 remarkable that not a scrap of information can be found 
 respecting the lengthy oppression endured by the Society 
 after Charles the First had freed hiinself from constitu- 
 tional restraints. From 1628 to the eve of the Long 
 Parliament twelve years later, the records of the Society 
 are absolutely blank, though for nearly the whole period — 
 Mr. Barker's letter to the Secretary of State has already 
 spoken emphatically as to the first six years of it — local 
 merchants were the victims of continual extortions on the 
 part of the Government. The most probable explanation 
 of this dearth seems to be that in their dread of such 
 outrages as that recorded in the corporate books (see page 
 III) the Society did not venture to keep any minutes of 
 their proceedings. The deficiency is not supplied by 
 Bristol historians, who have treated the period in a most 
 perfunctory fashion. The State Papers, however, contain 
 many interesting documents, some of which may be 
 briefly summarised. 
 
 In June, 1626, shortly after Parliament had been 
 dissolved in consequence of the House of Commons 
 having refused the Government's demand for four 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 129 
 
 subsidies, the Privy Council addressed letters to the 
 ports and maritime counties, requesting that an amount 
 equivalent to the subsidies should be furnished as a token 
 of attachment to the Crown. The sum demanded from 
 Bristol was ;if 2,400, for the hire and equipment of three 
 i2-gun ships; but the city petitioned so earnestly for an 
 abatement that the Privy Council, admitting the decay 
 of local trade and the recent great losses of the merchants, 
 fixed the contribution at ^^1,000, or two ships, but ordered 
 that the reduced amount should be instantly collected by 
 a levy upon the members of the Corporation. The two 
 adjoining counties having been required to supply the 
 third vessel, or pay /^8oo in equal moieties, an amusing 
 effort was made both by town and country interests to 
 shift the burden of the impost, Bristolians representing 
 that they were unfairly weighted in proportion to their 
 rural neighbours, whilst the county justices protested that 
 their share of taxation was unreasonably large, and that 
 Bristol, "a rich and wealthy city," might fairly pay a 
 larger amount. (Privy Council Minutes.) No relief was 
 obtained by either party. The sum assessed on the city 
 was expended in hiring and equipping the two ships, 
 which lay idle in the harbour until the three months' 
 stock of provisions was consumed, when the Corporation 
 declined to revictual them, informing the Duke of 
 Buckingham that the outlay already incurred was equal 
 to four subsidies, and that the counties still withheld their 
 contributions. The ships eventually sailed for the Irish 
 coast. Rendered more rapacious by success, the Govern- 
 ment, in the following December, demanded that the city 
 should hire and equip a third ship ; but the Corporation 
 refused to make a further effort, and though the mandate 
 was twice repeated in 1627, it remained ineffectual. 
 
 In January, 1631, the King issued a proclamation by 
 
130 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 which Bristol merchants were prohibited from pursuing a 
 branch of commerce which was even then one of great 
 local importance. The mandate of his Majesty, wha 
 had inherited his father's abhorrence of tobacco, forbade 
 the importation of the plant into any port except London, 
 and interdicted its cultivation throughout the country. 
 Like many other decrees of a similar character, the 
 restriction of the foreign trade to the capital was devised 
 to extort money from Bristol merchants for licenses to 
 import into this city, and there is evidence in the State 
 Papers that several such licenses were applied for, though 
 their cost is not stated. The edict naturally led to an 
 extensive system of smuggling on the coasts of the Bristol 
 and English Channels, and in 1639 the Crown found it 
 advisable to permit importations into Bristol and three 
 other harbours. 
 
 Another shift for wringing money from the public was 
 devised in the summer of 1631, and the case of Bristol 
 indicates what went on throughout the kingdom. On 
 June 29th a royal commission was addressed to the 
 Bishop of Bristol, the Mayor (John Tomlinson), and 
 others, directing them to summon such inhabitants as, by 
 their wealth, could be forced under the royal prerogative 
 to take up the title of knights, and to fix the fines that 
 should be paid by those refusing the "honour." The 
 intention of the Government had become known to the 
 Corporation some weeks earlier, and Mr. Tomlinson 
 (Master, 1628) and other wealthy aldermen had hastened 
 to offer their services privately, for the purpose of getting- 
 themselves appointed as commissioners. In addition to 
 these voluntary victims no less than forty-four persons in 
 the city were declared qualified for knighthood by the 
 amount of their incomes, and as all of them shunned the 
 proffered dignity, they were assessed according to their 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. I3I 
 
 assumed means. The following gentlemen, each of whom 
 had been or became Masters, Wardens, or Treasurers 
 of the Society, were amongst the sufferers : — Alexander 
 James headed the list, being fined £41 6s. 8d. ; Richard 
 Holworthy paid £2^ 6s. 8d.; Abel Kitchin and Henry 
 Gibbes, £8 13s. 4.d. each ; William Jones, £14. ; Walter 
 Ellis and Francis Creswick, ^13 65. 8d. each; Edward 
 Peters, /^I2 ; John Locke and William Wyatt, ^^ii each. 
 William Colston (father of Edward), having just begua 
 business, was let off for £6 13s. ^d. The total sum netted 
 by the process was ^^626, the Mayor and his rich alder- 
 manic brethren coolly assessing themselves at the modest 
 lump sum of £y8. The royal mandate required the whole 
 of the fines to be brought in within ten days of the 
 hearing. 
 
 The year 1631 did not close before another blow had 
 been dealt to local trade. Bristol had enjoyed a great 
 repute for its soap for four hundred years, and that article 
 had become an important branch of commerce. In 
 December, 1631, however, a patent was granted by the 
 Crown to a number of courtiers and Londoners, con- 
 ferring on them the sole right to manufacture soap from 
 home materials, and a royal charter empowered them to 
 destroy the vats and demolish the buildings of persons 
 invading their privilege. Threatened with ruin, the 
 Bristol firms, on payment of a large sum, obtained a. 
 license from the monopolists to manufacture the insig- 
 nificant quantity of 600 tons yearly. But in May, 1635, 
 the Privy Council issued an order forbidding Bristolians- 
 from exporting soap to any place save Wales and the 
 western counties, and imposing an additional duty of 
 £4. per ton on the quantity made, thus practically 
 paralysing both manufacturers and merchants. In May, 
 1637, twelve Bristol soapmakers were lying in a London 
 
132 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 prison for non-payment of the extra tax levied by the 
 Crown. In the following year the King decreed that 
 all the Bristol soaperies save four should be shut up. 
 These brief citations from the State Papers give but 
 an inadequate conception of the disastrous effects of 
 the royal policy on Bristol interests. Adams, the ablest 
 local annalist of the age, and a witness of the persecution, 
 whose zealous loyalty renders his evidence unimpeachable, 
 records that about thirty Bristol soapmakers "were 
 served up to London, where against their wills they 
 were retained long, with great expenses, imprisoned, 
 and were fined in about ^^20,000, and were bound to 
 more inconveniences before they could be discharged." 
 (Seyer, ii. 293.) 
 
 In July, 1634, the merchants and shipowners of the 
 city made a vigorous remonstrance to Lord Holland, 
 Lord Chief Justice in Eyre over the royal forests south 
 of Trent, against the wholesale destruction of timber 
 in the Forest of Dean by the lessees of the patentee 
 to whom the King had granted excessive privileges. 
 The Bristolians asserted that one half of the goodly 
 Forest had been destroyed within about twenty years, 
 causing the price of timber to advance upwards of 
 50 per cent., and rendering shipbuilding at Bristol 
 impracticable. Before wood became scarce, ships of 
 from 100 to 200 tons were yearly launched in the Avon, 
 whereas, during the previous nine years, only one ship 
 of 100 tons had been built, and shipwrights were un- 
 employed. Merchants were thus constrained to buy 
 Dutch-built ships, but as such vessels were liable to 
 confiscation if they entered Spanish ports, and as 
 Bristol commerce was chiefly with Spain, local merchants 
 were unable to trade. These complaints were urged 
 on behalf of the Society by Alderman Barker and others, 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 33 
 
 at a Court held by Lord Holland, at Gloucester, when 
 some remarkable evidence was given. It was shown 
 that the Earl of Pembroke, after procuring a grant 
 from the King to take yearly 10,000 cords of 
 " complement " wood, and such trees as fell during 
 storms in the Forest, for the maintenance of local iron 
 works, had sublet part of the grant to Sir Basil Brooker 
 and another man, who had wilfully destroyed vast 
 quantities of the best timber. After a slight effort to 
 defend their conduct, the sub-lessees submitted to the 
 Court's mercy, and the jury amerced them in a penalty 
 <^f ;^57)Ooo — only one-twelfth of the fine imposed by 
 the laws of the Forest. Sir John Winter, another of 
 Lord Pembroke's lessees, had carried off 67,000 cords 
 of timber within six years, though his lease limited 
 him to 15,000 cords. Having pleaded guilty, he was 
 fined ^20,230. A third culprit, named Gibbons, was 
 convicted of having cut down 4,000 oak-trees and 2,000 
 beeches, besides committing other great destructions, and 
 was fined ^g,ooo. The above depositions have been 
 found in the British Museum. As the Earl of Pembroke 
 was a favourite of Charles the First, he probably 
 succeeded in procuring the pardon of his lessees. 
 
 The next Government requisition is historically famous. 
 On November 6th, 1634, the King addressed a mandate 
 to the corporations of Bristol, Gloucester, Bridgwater, 
 and Minehead, and to the sheriffs of Gloucestershire and 
 Somerset, requiring them to set forth a ship of 800 tons, 
 with 260 men, equipped for half a year's service. The 
 demand was afterwards commuted into a money payment 
 of ^"6,500, of which /'2,i66 135. 4^. were imposed upon 
 Bristol. Although it was generally believed that the 
 object of the Court was to render the King permanently 
 independent of Parliamentary control, the money was by 
 
134 T^^ SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 some means contributed before March 14th, 1635. (The 
 sum levied on Liverpool was ^^15.) Rejoicing in the 
 success of the scheme, the Privy Council issued another 
 Ship-money warrant in August, 1635, the impost being 
 then converted into a general tax payable over the whole 
 kingdom, instead of, as previously, on the maritime 
 counties exclusively. The amount demanded from Bristol 
 was ;^2,ooo, but after many prayers for an abatement, and 
 the payment of large bribes to officials, the Privy Council 
 reduced the charge to ^^1,200, which, as the Corporation 
 represented, was, with the previous charge, equal to the 
 unparalleled burden of eighteen Parliamentary subsidies. 
 The money having been wrung from the citizens, the 
 Government sent down a third writ in October, 1636, 
 demanding a ship of 100 tons or a money payment of 
 ;;^i,ooo, afterwards commuted to ;^8oo, which were paid 
 within a twelvemonth. The fourth writ, for a ship of 
 80 tons, or ;^8oo, was received in 1637, but the inhabi- 
 tants, as will presently be shown, were groaning under 
 other oppressions, and were nearly exhausted. The 
 collection being delayed, the Privy Council sent an angry 
 letter to the Mayor in May, 1638, rebuking him for 
 negligence, charging him with disloyalty, and summoning 
 him to Whitehall to answer for his contempt of the King's 
 will. In great alarm, the Corporation sent up a deputation 
 to appease their lordships, and as ;^400 were at once paid 
 in, and the remainder was being collected, the Mayor 
 was discharged. The Government found it prudent to 
 mitigate their next demand, in November, 1638, only 
 ^250 being asked for, of which ^200 were paid in the 
 following June. The sixth and last of these arbitrary 
 exactions was called for in November, 1639, when ;^8oo 
 were required, but the charge was subsequently reduced 
 to ;^640 provided prompt payment were made, the full 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 35 
 
 amount being required in the event of delay. In July, 
 1640, the Corporation informed the Privy Council that 
 they had remitted all they could collect (amount not 
 stated) ; that more could be extracted only by distraints ; 
 that they had already made some distresses, but nobody 
 would buy the goods ; and that ;^7oo had just been levied 
 on the citizens for the maintenance and clothing of 
 soldiers. Strange to say, the whole story of these imposts 
 is ignored by local historians ; the civic Audit-books for 
 the three years ending Michaelmas, 1639, have disap- 
 peared ; and though the mercantile body must have 
 been amongst the chief victims, the records of the 
 Society contain no allusion to the subject. Practically 
 the whole of the above details have been obtained from 
 the Minutes of the Privy Council and documents in the 
 Record Office. So far as can be made out, the Cor- 
 poration contributed about one-sixth of each imposition. 
 It will have been observed that the King's claims for 
 Ship-money were concurrent with his Majesty's exactions 
 on the Bristol merchants in the shape of exorbitant wine 
 duties, with the stoppage of the Bristol tobacco trade, 
 and with the crushing persecution of the soapmakers. 
 As if these oppressions were not enough, another device 
 was resorted to by the Court for the purpose of raising 
 money. On November 30th, 1637, a commission, of 
 which a Court parasite, Lord Mohun, and " two men of 
 mean quality" — as they were termed by the Town Clerk — 
 proved to be the acting members, was appointed under 
 a royal warrant. This document stated that the King had 
 been credibly informed that the magistrates, merchants, 
 and others of Bristol had unlawfully levied very great 
 sums of money on merchandise imported and exported, 
 and ordered the commissioners to discover the offenders, 
 and to ascertain what sums so obtained were due to the 
 
136 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 King in order that they might be recovered. On what 
 grounds any part of unlawfully levied money could be 
 rightfully claimed by the Crown the commission omitted 
 to explain. The case, indeed, was so bad that the 
 commissioners carefully concealed the object of the 
 inquiry. At the first sitting of the inquisitors, the Town 
 Clerk requested, that the powers of the commission should 
 be disclosed, but his application was insolently refused. 
 The city swarmed with pursuivants and other mercenaries, 
 who broke into houses in search of papers and browbeat 
 merchants, traders, shopmen, clerks, and porters, dragging 
 many of them before the commissioners. The latter in 
 their turn drew up affidavits incriminating local authorities,, 
 tendered the documents to the persons brought up, and 
 when the men refused to swear to what they declared to be 
 untruths, committed them to prison. During the hearings, 
 which lasted for several weeks, the " mean men " insulted 
 the merchants, denounced Mr. Long, the Master of the 
 Society, as an abettor of frauds, and committed Mr. 
 Arundell, one of the Wardens, together with the Town 
 Clerk, for alleged contempt. (Letter of the Mayor and 
 Aldermen, State Papers.) The charge of illegally levying 
 money entirely broke down. The simple fact was that the 
 Corporation and their agents, the Society, following a long- 
 established custom, had increased the Wharfage dues, and 
 possibly other local imposts, to assist in discharging the 
 King's demands for Ship-money. Foiled in this direction, 
 the commissioners fell upon other classes with great 
 severity. The soapmakers, as has been shown, had 
 purchased a license to manufacture a small quantity of 
 soap; the brewers had obtained a similar license to 
 export a limited quantity of beer; and the Society, 
 as will presently be stated, held restricted licenses 
 for the exportation of calf-skins and Welsh butter. The 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 37 
 
 commissioners, who acted as prosecutors as well as judges, 
 declared that all these licenses had been fraudulently- 
 exceeded, and discreditable means were employed for 
 extracting evidence from the partners, friends, customers, 
 and servants of the accused persons in support of the 
 charges. The Privy Council in the meanwhile counte- 
 nanced these manoeuvres by summoning merchants and 
 others to London, and forcing them to give details 
 as to their business transactions. At length a party of 
 four aldermen and several members of the Society made 
 their way to the royal presence, and prayed the King 
 " on their knees " to take their distress into consideration. 
 But Charles, who had taken much interest in the persecu- 
 tion from the outset, and had personally approved of the 
 policy of the Privy Council, coldly replied that the inquiry 
 could not be suspended ; but that the petitioners might, 
 if they thought fit, prefer a Bill against the commissioners 
 in the Star Chamber — a tribunal whose obsequiousness to 
 the Court and sympathy with royal instruments precluded 
 any hope of redress. As there are no further papers 
 respecting the commission to be found in the Record 
 Office, it may be surmised that the Government at length 
 recognised the fruitlessness of the inquiry, and ordered 
 its discontinuance. 
 
 It is necessary to revert to the reign of James the 
 First to explain the origin of another monopoly. In 1605 
 the King granted a charter to some London merchants, 
 styled " The Merchants of England of the Levant Seas," 
 but commonly known as the Turkey Company, conferring 
 upon them, in perpetuity, an exclusive right of trading 
 with the Turkish dominions and the fruit islands lying 
 off Greece. The profits of this commerce being estimated 
 soon afterwards at "three to one," Bristol merchants 
 became desirous of adventuring in this direction ; and 
 
138 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 in 1618, having petitioned the Privy Council, and pleaded 
 the Hberties granted in their charters, the members of 
 the Society, after spending about ;^7o in gratuities at 
 Whitehall, obtained leave to import yearly 200 tons of 
 currants from Zante and Cephalonia, on paying an 
 acknowledgment of 6s. 8^. per ton to the Turkey 
 Company. Two Bristol ships were accordingly sent 
 out in the same year, and the results were so satisfactory 
 that in 1619 two vessels, of 100 and 80 tons respectively, 
 carried out cargoes and money to the value of ^5,400, 
 and returned in the following year after a prosperous 
 voyage. No further incident is mentioned until 1632, 
 when the Turkey Company applied for the arrears of 
 the acknowledgment — which they seem to have wholly 
 overlooked — and issued a new set of rules for regulating 
 the trade. The Society, in reply, stated that they would 
 buy from the Company's agents, as desired, if the price 
 were not higher than that of the Greeks, but objected 
 to other restrictions as inconvenient to local merchants, 
 whose share of the trade was so small that their traffic 
 could not injure the Company, or lower prices. As to 
 the acknowledgment, it would be impossible to collect 
 thirteen years' arrears, as many importers were dead, 
 but the dues should be paid in future, whenever 
 demanded. (Book of Trade.) Perhaps in revenge for this 
 resistance, the Turkey Company, in 1633, sent a cargo 
 of currants into Bristol, in violation of the Privy Council's 
 order that neither party should trespass on the other's 
 preserves, leading to a fresh protest from the Society. 
 
 It may be as well to complete the story of the Levant 
 trade. At the date of the Restoration the commerce 
 between Bristol and Eastern Europe had largely increased 
 in despite of frequent interference by the London 
 monopolists. The latter, in 1665, doubled the imposition 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 139 
 
 on currants and oil imported into the Avon, and sought 
 by increased taxation to oust the Society from the trade, 
 the Customs officers being bribed to assist in the scheme. 
 Several members of the Hall were summoned before the 
 Privy Council to answer the complaints of their 
 opponents, and the Society were so alarmed that a com- 
 mittee was appointed to defend the accused, " or to make 
 the best composition they can with the Company," which 
 was to be left free to deal with such Bristolians as were 
 non-members as it thought fit. The dispute being still 
 unsettled in 1666, a remittance of ;;^ioo was sent to Sir 
 John Knight, M.P., "for the better managing" of the 
 matter. Counsel were thereupon engaged to defend the 
 Society before the Privy Council, and the issue is recorded 
 in the minutes of that body on May 23rd : — "After a full 
 hearing of the dispute between the Levant Company and 
 the merchants of Bristol trading to Zante, Ordered by 
 the King in Council, that henceforth no imposition be 
 demanded by the Levant Company from any Bristol 
 merchant trading to Venice or Zante for the goods of 
 those places only." Local rejoicing over this victory was, 
 however, premature. As the Privy Council books show, 
 the Turkey Company entered a caveat against the above 
 order, and in the State Papers for 1669 is a report of a 
 committee appointed by the Government to reconsider 
 the protests of the Londoners against the infraction of 
 their charter. No doubt through a secret understanding, 
 another London clique, the Hamburg Company, raised 
 a simultaneous lament over the intrusion of Bristolians 
 in the trade of Southern Germany, a region which they 
 contended was exclusively reserved to themselves. As 
 was usual on such occasions, both the confederacies 
 declared they would be ruined unless their monopolies 
 were preserved ; though oddly enough each Company 
 
140 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 expressed its willingness to admit Bristolians as members 
 on payment of small fines. The Privy Council held 
 several meetings to discuss the subject, and as the Society's 
 minutes are mysteriously reticent, there was probably 
 much secret negotiating at Court. Eventually, the rights 
 of the Society under their charters were again recognised, 
 and the Levant Company were compelled to abandon the 
 field. The Hamburg Company's claims appear to have 
 been previously withdrawn. 
 
 When almost every branch of trade, manufactures, 
 and commerce was restrained and harassed by the 
 monopolies conceded by the Crown to Court favourites 
 and London confederacies, it is not surprising that 
 Bristol merchants, shut out from many regions, should 
 have sought to better their position by participating in a 
 system that enriched their rivals. The exportation of 
 leather was prohibited by statute, but in 1614, according 
 to an entry in the Hall's Book of Trade, James the First 
 granted the Society, represented by five of its wealthiest 
 members, Francis Knight, John Whitson, Matthew 
 Haviland, Robert Aldworth, and Abel Kitchin, liberty 
 to export annually, for forty years, 1,000 dickers (120,000) 
 of tanned calf-skins, paying the Crown a yearly acknow- 
 ledgment of 55. per dicker, or ^"250 ; and the grantees, 
 ship captains, and others engaged in the trade were 
 exempted from the penalties imposed by Act of Parlia- 
 ment. Although this entry bears every appearance of 
 genuineness, it is irreconcilable with documents in the 
 State Papers and in the "Book of Trade" itself. The 
 above patent was probably revoked for reasons now 
 unknown ; at all events the patent that actually came 
 into operation, conceding precisely the same privileges, 
 was granted a year later to one William Lewis, who 
 conceded his privilege to the merchants in consideration 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. I4I 
 
 of a yearly rent. Another patent of the same kind was 
 granted by the King to a man named Maxwell. In 
 1640 the Privy Council were besieged with complaints 
 respecting the working of these monopolies, it being 
 asserted that sole leather had greatly advanced in price 
 owing to the craft of the patentees, who, under colour of 
 their licenses, illegally exported hides of the best sort. 
 (Privy Council Minutes.) After a temporary suspension, 
 however, the trade was allowed to continue. But in 
 December, 1641, many monopolies were threatened by 
 the House of Commons, and the Society, alarmed at the 
 prospect, addressed a letter to the members for the city, 
 representing the urgency of maintaining Lewis's patent 
 in the interests of local trade. Some of the arguments 
 are rather amusing : — 
 
 The revocation will take away half the trade of the city, to the 
 undoing of many families and the decay of shipping, the commodity 
 being the principal one exported hence. The skins are a superfluity 
 in this kingdom, the Tighter kind serving only shoemakers to deceive 
 poor and ignorant chapmen, who pay for the shadow instead of the 
 substance, the leather not being durable. [The quality of foreigner's 
 shoes was clearly unworthy of consideration.] The prohibition will 
 also entail a loss of ;^g,ooo a-year in the Customs. If the intention 
 be only to damme Mr. Lewis's patent, and to suffer Maxwell's to 
 continue, we entreat you to consider the tyranny we shall be under 
 by increasing the rate, by limiting the quantity, and by the Turkish 
 dealings of a rapacious Moore that will be here his agent, the wounds 
 of whose Tallents (talons ?) in most of us remains to this day uncured. 
 It would be better to underprop Lewis's patent than to suffer a sluice 
 to open that will let in such a deluge of evils. Nevertheless, if it be 
 possible to reassume Lewis's patent into the city or Society's hands, 
 it would prove a singular benefit. ... If this be too difficult, and 
 if there is a prospect that both patents will be revoked, you are to 
 consider whether the plan should be opposed, as the trade of Bristol 
 would probably be maintained with as much vivacity as before. (!) 
 
 Parliament took neither of these courses, but simply 
 inserted calf-skins in the tariff of Customs as exportable 
 
142 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 articles. A license to export them was also granted t& 
 the Bristol merchants in 1645, and again in 1648. The 
 subject drops out of sight until 1653, when the Society- 
 petitioned the House of Commons, setting forth the 
 vexations they had suffered through the repeated prosecu- 
 tions of one Measy, who based his suits on the ancient 
 Acts prohibiting exports of leather. They had licenses 
 to export, and had paid the Customs duty, yet by this 
 man's proceedings they were reduced to great straits,, 
 and were not only likely to be undone, but the whole 
 commerce of the city to be ruined, unless relieved. The 
 House at once ordered Measy's suit in the Court of 
 Exchequer to be discontinued. (Commons Journals.) 
 He, however, resumed the action, in 1655, and gained 
 a judgment nisi, when, on the petition of the Society, the 
 Council of State ordered the Court to quash the prosecu- 
 tion. (State Papers.) Measy in his turn petitioned in 
 1656, alleging that he and Hugh Lewis (the obnoxious 
 deputy Customs Searcher, and the heir of the original 
 calf-skin patentee) had been prosecuting the Bristol 
 merchants for divers years for their illegal exports, and 
 had spent ;^i,ooo in law costs, whereby both plaintiffs 
 were ruined. He added that the merchants, boasting 
 of their purses, had succeeded in ousting from office 
 Lewis, who had died in misery, leaving a large family. 
 If the Council would allow the suit to be prosecuted, the 
 revenue would benefit by ^20,000. The Government, 
 however, again ordered the action to be stayed. Having 
 the statute law on his side, Measy forthwith petitioned 
 again. In this appeal he asserted that Lewis had begun 
 to sue the merchants for exporting in excess of their 
 license in 1643 ; that when the king's troops captured 
 Bristol in that year the merchants, out of spite, denounced 
 Lewis to Lord Hopton as a traitor, on which he was 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. I43 
 
 plundered by the soldiers; and that when Parliament 
 recovered the city, two years later, the same merchants 
 again denounced him as a delinquent to the victors, 
 through which he was deprived of his office. The Society 
 moreover refused to pay him the rent reserved by his 
 license after 1647 or 1648, and he died without a penny. 
 The petitioner, having freely lent ;^5oo to Parliament, 
 begged that the law might have its course. In reply he 
 was ordered to drop the prosecution ; but this he refused 
 to do, and six months later he reiterated his supplication 
 to the Protector, only to receive a final rebuff. (State 
 Papers.) The Society, in 1655, being entreated for help 
 by Lewis's distressed widow, voted her a sum " not 
 exceeding ;^ioo," provided she surrendered her rights 
 under the patent, and renounced her claim to the heavy 
 arrears of rent. Four years later, an additional sum of 
 £So was granted for the relief of Lewis's numerous 
 children, " in full of all demands." Immediately after the 
 Restoration (Sir) John Knight, M.P., was requested to 
 apply for the revival of the patent on the extraordinary 
 plea that it was taken from the Society when it had 
 twelve years to run ! A petition to the same effect was 
 presented to Charles the Second, but the Hall records 
 are significantly silent as to the response. 
 
 The Society had a considerable interest in another 
 monopoly. About 1617, James the First granted to two 
 Welshmen a patent permitting them, for twenty-one 
 years, in despite of statute law, to export 6,000 kilder- 
 kins of butter from the counties of Monmouth and 
 Glamorgan, on payment to the Crown of ;^300 per 
 annum. The patent was soon afterwards purchased by 
 a London merchant named Henley, who immediately 
 attempted to exclude Bristolians from one of their 
 usual trades, " as if," indignantly wrote the Society in 
 
144 "^^^ SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 1 62 1 to the members of Parliament for the city, " God 
 had no sons to whom He gave the benefit of the earth 
 but in London." The royal prerogative then over-riding 
 the law, the Society found themselves compelled to 
 submit to Henley's terms, and purchased from him, in 
 1619, the right to ship 2,400 kilderkins annually, paying 
 1/^400 in cash, and undertaking to pay yearly ;^I20 to 
 the King and ^^240 to the patentee. Though this 
 bargain may have been satisfactory to those concerned 
 in it, the farmers and landed gentry on the opposite 
 side of the Severn, being deprived of an open market 
 for their produce, and seeing great profits made by the 
 monopolists, naturally felt aggrieved, and instructed their 
 representatives to seek relief in the House of Commons. 
 The Society, apprehensive of the consequences, there- 
 upon sent up instructions to the members for Bristol, 
 containing the passage quoted above. The letter further 
 asserts that the Welsh gentry were seeking to attack 
 the patent because their servants could not, as formerly, 
 be employed in "buying and stealing {sic) butter duty 
 free " ; whilst their allegation that the exports occasioned 
 great dearth and high prices was " merely fabulous ; for 
 the Society will maintain that the price has not exceeded 
 2d. per lb. in the chief Welsh markets and 4^. in Bristol 
 . . . notwithstanding the extraordinary drought of 
 the [past] year, which has been done by our care and 
 respect in supplying the market."* The writers go on 
 
 * This remark throws a flood of light on the butter transactions of the Cor- 
 poration, which were then of regular occurrence. As a matter of fact, the Society 
 took no direct part in " supplying the market " ; and the action of the Corporation 
 towards that end shows how complete was the ascendancy of the mercantile interest 
 in the civic body. In times of dearth, the Common Council rarely took any step to 
 reduce the price of bread, but, after the purchase of the Welsh patent, its anxiety 
 to provide the community with cheap butter was unremitting even when there was 
 no scarcity at all. Thus in the civic Audit-book for 1624-5 is the following entry : — 
 " Paid for 61 kint. Butter for the provision of the city next year, some at 2^d. and 
 the rest at 2^. per lb.— ;f87 i6s. iid." The receipts for 1625-6 include :— " Received 
 for 61J kints butter sold to the poor, ;f8i 14s. iid." A little loss was usual, and was 
 clearly deemed unimportant provided the commonalty were kept in good humour, 
 and the Society reaped its profits. 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 
 
 145 
 
 to affirm that the Glamorganshire complainants had 
 contemptuously ignored the patent, and themselves 
 transported more butter, without any payment to the 
 Crown, than the patentees had done, for which they 
 ought to be punished. They finally come to the real 
 object they wish to attain, and instruct their representa- 
 tives to offer the King an additional rent of ;^ioo a 
 year, provided he would transfer the entire monopoly 
 to themselves. (Book of Trade.) The Welsh complaint, 
 however, obtained sympathy in Pariiament. A Bill to 
 throw open the butter trade was introduced on March 
 25, 162 T, and though opposed by Alderman Whitson 
 on behalf of the Society, went through all its stages 
 in both Houses ; but the King, acting on his favourite 
 principles, and scenting additional profits, refused the 
 Royal Assent. (Journals of both Houses.) 
 
 Before the subject turns up again, a fresh butter 
 patent had been granted by Charles the First to Sir 
 Henry Hungatt, who had transferred his monopoly to 
 the Society, in consideration of a rent of ;^7oo a year. 
 In the spring of 1639, the King prohibited the exportation 
 of butter owing to a national dearth, occasioning a dispute 
 between Hungatt and his assignees, the former demanding 
 his full rent, whilst the Society, alleging that only 200 
 kilderkins out of the fixed 6,000 had been shipped, and 
 that nearly 1,000 kilderkins were perishing in their stores, 
 complained that Hungatt had made no effort to prevent 
 the export of English butter, as it was his duty to do, and 
 that their foreign trade was ruined by vast shipments 
 from Ireland. With a view to an amicable settlement, 
 the Society deputed to London one of their members, 
 William Yeamans, one of those engaged in the tragic 
 plot of 1643, of which his brother Robert and his friend, 
 George Bowcher, were the victims. The Society's letter 
 
 II 
 
146 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 to Hungatt, carried up by their delegate, requests the 
 knight "to consider his (Yeamans') particular case. He 
 has paid part of the fine of ;^3oo, and has been sued both 
 in the Exchequer and Star Chamber for the same thing, 
 though the pardon ought to be as available to him as 
 to others." The obscurity of this statement has been 
 cleared up by research in the State Papers. It appears 
 that the Government discovered in 1636 — probably 
 through the information of Dowell, the old enemy of the 
 merchants — that the Society during the previous eleven 
 years had been exporting butter largely in excess of their 
 license. A commission was thereupon issued to Dowell 
 and others, and the Society, being unable to rebut the 
 charges, had been fined ;^300 for the offences of certain 
 members, whose cases were then dismissed. Yeamans 
 was one of those implicated, but the commissioners would 
 not absolve him with the others, and he was still being 
 prosecuted when his interview with Hungatt took place, 
 but was subsequently pardoned by the King. Some 
 arrangement was arrived at with the patentee, for the 
 Society continued the trade for some years, and Measy's 
 pertinacious litigation in reference to the calf-skins patent 
 extended also to the butter monopoly, which appears to 
 have come to an end during the Protectorate. 
 
 A final negotiation with the Crown for a special 
 privilege was commenced in November, 1672, when the 
 Society sought to procure the wine licenses for the city 
 and the districts four miles around it, providing that the 
 grant could be obtained for ^^600. The reason for taking 
 this step is candidly stated in the Hall's resolution : — 
 " Should the Vintners farm them they would . . , hold 
 the merchants to their own humours as to prices, &c." 
 Colonel John Romsey, Collector of Customs (afterwards 
 concerned in the Rye House plot), was solicited to treat 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. I47 
 
 with the Government, but he was either unwilHng or 
 perfunctory, and Sir John Knight was employed to press 
 the claim. The Vintners, however, obtained a renewal of 
 the privilege, and a second attempt to oust them, in 1683, 
 was equally unsuccessful. 
 
 Turning to the legitimate business of the Society 
 during the seventeenth century, precedence is due to the 
 adventure set on foot in 1602-3 by Aldermen Aldworth 
 and Whitson, and other members of the Society, for the 
 exploration of "Northern Virginia" — the New England 
 of later generations. A fund of about ;^i,ooo having 
 been raised, a little vessel named the Speedwell, of 50 
 tons burden, and a diminutive companion styled the 
 Discoverer, of 20 tons, were properly equipped and placed 
 under the command of a young but skilful Bristol mariner^ 
 Martin Pring, who sailed from Kingroad on March 23rd, 
 1603, and reached his destination early in June. It may 
 be observed that there was not at that time a single 
 English settlement on any part of the American continent. 
 Pring remained about two months in the Bay of Massa- 
 chusetts, lying for some time in a harbour to which he 
 gave the name of Whitson, but which subsequently 
 became memorable as the Plymouth at which the Pilgrim 
 Fathers landed seventeen years later. Having made a 
 close survey of the neighbouring coast, and loaded his 
 ships with sassafras, then a valuable medicinal drug, Pring 
 set sail homewards, and reached Bristol on October 2nd. 
 His glowing account of the new country was published 
 in the well-known work entitled " Purchas's Pilgrims." 
 
 Richard Hakluyt, one of the prebendaries of Bristol 
 Cathedral, and still famous as a geographer, appears to 
 have been the chief promoter of the enterprise. 
 
148 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 In April, 1606, mainly through the representations of 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Wraxall, James the First 
 granted a charter authorising the foundation of two 
 colonies in "Virginia," as nearly all North America was 
 then called; the northern settlement being confided to 
 Gorges and Chief Justice Popham, backed by several 
 west -country merchants. (The American historian, 
 Bancroft, observes that the above letters patent con- 
 stituted "the first colonial charter under which the English 
 were planted " in the New World.) Popham, who, as has 
 been already stated, had been Recorder of Bristol, made 
 Tirgent appeals for aid to his friends in the city ; and a 
 subscription list was opened at the Council House ; but 
 only about a dozen members of the Society were induced 
 to co-operate, and their help was but limited. Thomas 
 James, then Mayor, undertook to contribute £12, 6s. Zd. 
 annually for five years, and the Sheriff, John Guy, promised 
 a similar amount. The other subscriptions varied from 
 /12 105. to 505. per annum. A sufficient sum was, however, 
 raised to equip a Bristol ship, of which Thomas Hannam 
 was commander, and Pring was navigator. There is no 
 known account of the voyage, except a brief note by 
 Gorges that Pring returned with " the most exact 
 discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands." 
 Two more ships sailed from Plymouth in 1607, when 
 attempts were made to establish a settlement, but the 
 emigrants returned to England in the following year. 
 Notwithstanding this failure, Pring's reports as to the 
 resources of the regions he had visited kindled a spirit of 
 adventure, and in response to an application made to 
 the Privy Council by a number of London and Bristol 
 merchants, the King, in 1610, granted a patent authorising 
 the plantation of a settlement in Newfoundland. A few 
 courtiers, amongst whom the great name of Bacon stands 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 149 
 
 conspicuous, were joined with the mercantile patentees. 
 The members of the Society who took part in the move- 
 ment included John Guy, Matthew Haviland, Thomas 
 Aldworth, Richard Holworthy, John Langton, Humphry 
 Hooke, Philip Guy, William Meredith and John Doughty. 
 The first named was appointed Governor of the incor- 
 poration, and showed himself devoted to the enterprise. 
 Three ships having been equipped with an ample supply 
 of provisions, live cattle, poultry, &c., the Governor, with 
 his brother Philip, his brother-in-law William Colston, 
 and thirty-nine emigrants, set sail from Kingroad in 
 May, 1610, and reached the island in twenty-three days. 
 The party forthwith set about the erection of a fort and 
 stockade, dwellings and storehouses, and Guy built himself 
 a mansion, called Sea Forest House. In 1611 he returned 
 to England to promote the extension of the colony, leaving 
 his brother deputy-governor, but set out again in 1612, 
 accompanied by a clergyman and several more emigrants. 
 After his final return to Bristol, William Colston became 
 deputy -governor. The settlement, however, was not 
 permanently successful. By his will, dated in 1626, Mr. 
 Guy left the Sea Forest estate to his four sons, then minors, 
 but all trace of the settlement disappears after 1628. 
 
 In the meantime another local effort had been made 
 in the same direction and with similar objects. A 
 provokingly brief note in one of the books in the Hall 
 states that during the Mastership of Alderman Barker 
 (1617-8), "divers merchants of this Society did set 
 forward the- plantation of land in Newfoundland called 
 Bristol Hope," merely adding that the district had been 
 acquired from the adventurers of whom Guy was 
 Governor. Scarcely anything more is known about it, 
 and the project was doubtless abandoned like its fore- 
 runner after a brief trial. 
 
150 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 In November, 1620, on the petition of Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges, King James granted another patent, incorporating 
 what was commonly called the "Council for New 
 England," on which his Majesty graciously conferred 
 the whole of North America from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific, lying, as regarded its eastern shore, between 
 the mouth of the St. Lawrence and the present city of 
 Philadelphia, with exclusive rights of fishing on the 
 Atlantic coast. From a document in the Colonial 
 State Papers it appears that Walter Sandy — probably 
 the Society's Treasurer in 1645 — was concerned in the 
 enterprise ; and that the Government were already 
 striving to prevent the emigration of Puritans, for the 
 charter provided that "no fanatics or vicious in religion" 
 should be admitted into the territory. Gorges made 
 repeated overtures, through the Mayor, to the Bristol 
 merchants, proposing that they should form themselves 
 into a joint-stock company, and exercise the privileges 
 of fishing, &c., on paying a share of the profits to the 
 New England Council ; but the members of the Society 
 had an invincible repugnance to joint-stock enterprises, 
 and his proposal was "in no wise liked." He sub- 
 sequently oifered to grant a Bristol ship the perpetual 
 privilege of fishing on payment of ;^io for each 30 tons 
 burden ; following this up by an undertaking to make 
 a free gift of 200 acres of land to every one who 
 adventured {ii 105. in the settlement, and to grant 
 100 acres more at a quit-rent of 55. for each member 
 of the emigrant's family. The King further stirred the 
 Mayor and the Lord Lieutenants of the adjoining 
 counties to promote an adventure so advantageous to 
 western trade; but there is no evidence that the 
 mercantile community were moved by the appeal. 
 Sir F. Gorges was allied by marriage with the Smyth 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. I5I 
 
 family of Ashton Court, and was residing in 1632 in 
 their Great House at St. Augustine's Back, so long 
 known, at a later date, as Colston's School. In August, 
 1632, probably through a negotiation with him, Robert 
 Aldworth, a wealthy member of the Society, and his 
 relative Giles Elbridge, also a member, obtained a 
 grant from the Council of New England of a con- 
 siderable tract of land in America, and were promised 
 100 additional acres for every immigrant, provided they 
 founded and maintained a colony. 
 
 As has been already stated, the records of the Society 
 at this period have disappeared, and those of the 
 Corporation and of the annalists are singularly meagre. 
 Recent research at the Privy Council Office, however, 
 has produced some interesting facts. Under November 
 22nd, 1639, the following appears in their lordships' 
 Minutes : — 
 
 A petition was read from Richard Long [Mayor, M.P., and 
 twice Master], John Taylor [Treasurer, Mayor, and M.P.] , and 
 John Gonning [Master and Mayor], owners of the Mary Rose, 180 
 tons, stating that they have for many years adventured to New- 
 foundland, and carried fish thence to Spain, and returned with 
 wines to England, paying the King great sums of money; and 
 praying license to send the above ship to New England. The 
 Lord Treasurer is thereupon prayed to order the Customs officers 
 in Bristol to suffer the ship to proceed with the passengers therein, 
 on their taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy [which were 
 obnoxious to extreme Puritans]. 
 
 An appended schedule states that there were 120 passengers, 
 and that the cargo consisted of meal, shoes, cheese, gunpowder, 
 shot, candles, pewter, soap, nails, wine, vinegar, and one tun of 
 hot waters [gin] . 
 
 Minutes of a similar character occur in January and 
 April, 1640, when like permits were granted to the owners 
 of four Bristol ships: the Neptune, with 125 passengers; 
 the Fellowship and the Charles, each with 250 passengers ; 
 
152 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 and Lhe William and John, with 60 passengers, raising the 
 total number of emigrants in five months to upwards of 
 800. Each of the above vessels had also a general cargo, 
 one of them exporting 20 dozen of Monmouth caps, and 
 another 750 gallons of " hot water." From the fact that 
 the States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island have each 
 a county named Bristol, and that the latter State has 
 also a town of that name, it may be presumed that most 
 of the emigrants settled in those localities. 
 
 The number of passengers carried away by the above 
 vessels is sufficient to denote that a remarkable develop- 
 ment had taken place in the shipping of the port during 
 the previous twenty years. This is another subject upon 
 which there is absolutely no information to be found in any 
 Bristol documents or histories, but on which the minutes 
 of the Privy Council and papers in the Record Office 
 are astonishingly eloquent. In 1619 the mercantile body 
 averred that the commerce of the port was chiefly carried 
 on in Scotch and Flemish ships, and that the city and its 
 merchants were "very poor." But between 1626 and 
 1628, when the Government granted letters of marque 
 authorising the capture of French and Spanish merchant- 
 men, upwards of sixty privateering ships were fitted out 
 in Bristol, and nearly all the larger vessels belonged to 
 members of the Society. For example, Humphry Browne 
 and others sent out the George, of 300 tons ; John Barker 
 and partners the Charles, of 300, the Joseph, of 150, and 
 the Mary Rose, of 200 tons ; Humphry Hooke and partners, 
 the Abraham, of 200, the Eagle, of 140, the James, of 100, 
 and two of smaller tonnage ; Thomas Colston, the Bristol 
 Merchant, of 200, and the Mary, of 60 tons ; John Conning 
 and Co., the Lion, of 220, another of 100, and a third of 
 50 tons ; Giles Elbridge and Co., the Angel Gabriel, of 
 300 tons, and four others varying from 150 to 30 tons; 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 53 
 
 William Pitt and Co. had three, varying from 200 to 25 
 tons ; C. Driver and Co. had four, from 200 to 40 tons ; 
 and W. Ellis had one of 200 and another of 100 tons. 
 Martin Pring was in command of Alderman Barker's 
 ship, the Charles, and was notably successful in bringing in 
 prizes, one of which was a Spanish war-ship of about 30 
 guns. Thomas Nethaway commanded the Angel Gabriel, 
 and his gallantry in beating off three Spanish men-of-war 
 (one of twice his armament) is commemorated in a spirit- 
 stirring local ballad. Of all the adventurers, however, 
 Humphry Hooke gleaned the greatest financial harvest, 
 one of his ships, the Eagle, having alone brought in prizes 
 in 1630 to the value of ^^40,000. By the help of these 
 and other windfalls, Hooke, who came here as a boy from 
 Chichester, became very wealthy, and purchased the 
 Kingsweston estate and other extensive properties. The 
 Lord Admiral (Buckingham) claimed one-tenth of the 
 value of all the prizes, and these payments amounted 
 altogether to ^^20,000. 
 
 "A Note of things appertaining to the Society" made 
 in December, 1631, seems to indicate that during the 
 above exciting period some additional provision was made 
 for convivial gatherings. It is somewhat singular that 
 no record exists of the erection of the Hall. In a new 
 feoffment of the Society's property executed in 16 10, the 
 estate in the Marsh is described as being for the main- 
 tenance of the Society's almshouse. But the Chapel of 
 St. Clement had not been destroyed, and was doubtless 
 used for ordinary meetings. The first definite mention 
 of a Hall occurs during the Mastership of John Doughty 
 (1623-4), in the following terms: — "This year the Hall 
 of the Society was wainscotted, and the Audit dinner was 
 appointed to be held in the Hall." And in 1647, when 
 the surviving feoffees of 16 10 executed a new feoffment, 
 
1 54 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 the description of the estate is altered thus: — "All that 
 the Chapel or Hall, heretofore called or known by the 
 name of St. Clement's Chapel, and now called by the 
 name of the Merchants' Hall, and used as their Common 
 Hall for assemblies and meetings of the Company." 
 The accommodation must have been very contracted, 
 but no important alteration was made until the following 
 century. 
 
 The inventory of 1631, referred to above, shows the 
 simplicity of the surroundings of even the wealthiest 
 citizens of the age. There was no covering for the floor, 
 no table cutlery, and no drinking vessels. Eighteen 
 "joyned stools" seem to have been provided for present 
 and past officers ; ordinary members were seated upon five 
 homely wooden benches ; but thirty-eight cushions, new 
 and old, may have made the planks more comfortable. 
 "One long drawing-table board, with two leaves and two 
 trippets" (trestles ?), with two shorter tables were covered 
 at ordinary meetings with " carpets of streaked stuff"," but 
 at dinners with damask and diaper. A standing cupboard, 
 a sideboard with its "carpet," fourteen dozen trenchers, 
 and six dozen napkins are also mentioned. The walls were 
 decorated with a carving of the royal arms, and coloured 
 emblazonments of the arms of the Prince, the Society, 
 and the city. A pair of brass andirons, " a pair of small 
 creeps of iron to heave up the wood," a tin standish, a 
 box of artificial flowers, and a corslet and head-piece com- 
 pleted the furniture of the apartment. In 1668, when 
 some additions were made to the above inventory, the 
 trenchers and wooden forms were still in use, but thirteen 
 leather chairs had been obtained for the Master, Wardens 
 and Assistants, and two silver tankards with a stock of fresh 
 diaper served to grace the dinner-table. A third inventory 
 of 1697 proves that no change had been made in the old 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 55 
 
 arrangements — indeed, the number of cushions was re- 
 duced to nine. But pictures of five benefactors (Whitson, 
 Kitchin, Long, Vickeris, Jackson, and Browne) adorned 
 the walls : there were also two chests with three locks 
 each, armour and arms for two men, six pewter candle- 
 sticks, brass snuffers and pan, an hour glass, a hammer 
 for the Master, a draught of the ship Monk, and "the 
 Tree of Knowledge in a frame." 
 
 The conduct in 1630 of one Richard Morgan, a land- 
 owner at Pill, in interfering with the navigation of the 
 Avon, doubtless caused much excitement in the Hall; but 
 it would appear that the Society contented themselves 
 with inducing the Corporation to appeal to the Govern- 
 ment for redress. The minutes of the Privy Council for 
 June II, 1630, recite a petition of the Mayor and Alder- 
 men, complaining of Morgan's enormities in endangering 
 shipping by denying the use of trees and posts formerly 
 used for mooring, by forbidding the erection of new posts, 
 and especially by erecting a house at Crockern Pill in 
 front of an ancient tree used for mooring vessels time out of 
 mind. Their lordships thereupon directed a warrant to be 
 sent to Morgan, requiring him to demolish the tenement 
 and to set up the required mooring posts ; if he refused, 
 the Mayor and Aldermen were directed to imprison him 
 until he submitted. Morgan, who was a very impractic- 
 able man, and had had an impracticable father, appealed 
 against the Council's decision, and obtained a re-hearing 
 in October, but had no reasonable defence to make, and 
 the previous order was reiterated. Further resistance 
 being offered, the Privy Council resolved to depute two 
 impartial dignitaries, the Archbishop of York and the 
 Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, to visit the place and 
 report on the facts. Archbishop Harsnett arrived in Bristol 
 some weeks before the learned judge. Both delegates 
 
156 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 were received in great state, and each was conducted 
 to Pill by water, the barges being well stored with beef, 
 pies, sweetmeats, cakes, and wine, and plentifully saluted 
 on their way by peals of cannon. The Archbishop's report, 
 the only one preserved, is so racy as to deserve a lengthy 
 summary : — 
 
 Makes bold to accompany the petition of the Mayor and citizens 
 with these few (!) Hnes. Before writing has been down the Channel 
 [river] to the port, with the Sheriffs and divers grave aldermen, 
 and is an eye-witness to all the particulars mentioned in their 
 petition " save only their custom which is vox populi." Cannot 
 but wonder at the insolence of M"" Morgan, considering his father 
 attempting the like interruptions in King James's time, when he 
 was sent for and clapped by the heels, and the city has enjoyed 
 the place ever since. The new erecting of a tappehouse is so 
 despitefuUy done of set purpose to prevent the mooring of ships 
 at the ancient tree as alone deserves sharp demolition for example's 
 sake ; for if this bold attempt be not crushed it will be a leading 
 case unto other owners of those trees and soil, and the whole 
 port might be utterly overthrown. Without those trees and posts, 
 no power of man in stress of weather could prevent ships from 
 perishing. The gentleman by this act deserves to be reputed as 
 Varro was in Rome — an enemy not of one city but of all the 
 Republic. " And yet, my lords, this man's impunity hath pro- 
 ceeded to a more pernicious device ; for on this his little pill of 
 ground he hath built of late years a sconse [fort] which doth daily 
 annoy not only the ships but the manners, mind, and spirit of the 
 sea-faring men ; a sconse fortified with eleven great ordinance, 
 that is, strong pothouses or tapphouses set up in a rond, that 
 discharge neither powder nor shot, but [tobacco] smoke and strong 
 beare, which doth so foul and defile the meaner sort with drunkenness, 
 swearing, filthiness, and purloining of their masters' goods as makes 
 naufragium bonorum et animorum in ipso portu. This your lordships 
 know to be against the law, not having four acres of land allotted 
 to any new tenement. I am sure it is against good piety and 
 religion, and against the public welfare and honour of the kingdom, 
 and so deserves a total and final eradecation. That the little city 
 of Bristol is a fair peale [pearl ?] worth the cherishing and preserving 
 I will say no more but this: for an orderly government, care of 
 religion and provision for the poor, increase of navigation, advance- 
 ment of His Majesty's Customs, abihty of citizens to do His 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 57 
 
 Majesty's service, and conformity to His Majesty's laws both 
 ecclesiastical and temporal, I know no city in the kingdom to 
 be preferred before it, and it deserves neere the worse qtiia amant 
 gentem nzam [nostram]; the regular clergy in general is nowhere so 
 countenanced and maintained. All which I recommend to your 
 lordships' grave wisdoms." 
 
 The obstructive tenement was demolished soon 
 afterwards, the Corporation giving the tenant ^30 to 
 erect another house, but the " sconse " was apparently 
 untouched. The civic body, however, had to make 
 disbursements which exemplify the state of the Court 
 under Charles's rule. In order to obtain the Privy 
 Council's order, " gratuities " had to be made to a 
 Gentleman of the Bedchamber, the Clerks of the 
 Council, the Clerks' men, the doorkeepers, the door- 
 keepers' men, the Lord Treasurer's secretary and his 
 doorkeeper, the porters of the Privy Seal, the Archbishop's 
 secretary, and various lesser underlings. In addition, a 
 fat buck was sent to the Archbishop, and ^20 worth of 
 wine and sugar were forwarded to him at York. Six 
 sugar loaves, costing £4 6s. 6d., with ^16 worth of wine 
 were also presented to the Chief Justice. Morgan 
 remained just as perverse and intractable as before, and 
 continued to defy the merchants and the civic authorities 
 for upwards of twenty years. See Annals of Bristol in the 
 Seventeenth Century. 
 
 Some interesting local incidents marked the year 163 1 ; 
 but the Society's copious correspondence in connection 
 with them was published in Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol 
 (ii., pp. 278-285), and reproduction seems unnecessary. 
 It may suffice to say that, about the close of 1630, the 
 King became interested in a problem which was then 
 exciting considerable attention, namely, the possibility of 
 finding a direct route to India and China by way of the 
 Arctic seas ; and finally resolved to send out a small 
 
158 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 vessel to attempt the discovery. His determination by 
 some means became known to the Society, vs^ho forthwith 
 resolved to co-operate in the enterprise, and Captain 
 Thomas James, an able Bristol navigator, was selected to 
 command a ship fitly provided for the expedition. As the 
 King's approval was indispensable, the Mayor, John 
 Tomlinson (Master, 1627-8) and other leading merchants 
 despatched Captain James to Court, where, in a personal 
 interview, the King expressed his cordial approval of the 
 Society's proposal, and promised them an equal share of 
 the advantages expected to be derived from the discovery. 
 The local adventurers, of whom the Mayor, Humphry 
 Hooke, Andrew Charleton, Miles Jackson, Thomas Cole, 
 John Barker, Richard Long, John Taylor and Giles 
 Elbridge were the chiefs, thereupon procured a ship of 
 80 tons burden (equal in size to the King's) and named it 
 the Henrietta Maria as a compliment to the Queen. The 
 vessel, with a crew of twenty-two seamen, and a large 
 store of provisions, left Bristol on May 3rd, 1631, and on 
 September 3rd entered a bay in Hudson's Strait, still 
 called James's Bay in honour of its discoverer. A 
 month later the vessel reached a place that was named 
 Charleton, after the Bristolian mentioned above ; and in 
 consequence of the danger arising from the packs of ice, 
 it was resolved to sink the vessel for the winter, the crew 
 seeking a miserable shelter on shore. A terribly severe 
 season continued until the following May, when the ship 
 was again floated, and soon after departed for England, 
 arriving in the Avon, in an extremely shattered condition, 
 on October 22nd, 1632. The career of the King's ship, 
 commanded by a man named Fox, had been of an 
 inglorious character, the captain having contented himself 
 with an aimless cruise of six months in regions already 
 explored. James's intrepidity was thus widely recognised 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 159 
 
 and he received the cordial congratulations of the King 
 
 and the nobility at Court. A spirited narrative of his 
 
 adventures was written by him soon afterwards, and was 
 
 published in 1633, in which year he was appointed captain 
 
 of a war-ship that cruised in the Bristol Channel for the 
 
 suppression of piracy. It is scarcely necessary to add 
 
 that the members of the Society who fitted out the 
 
 Henrietta Maria reaped a barren harvest from the 
 
 enterprise. 
 
 It will be seen from the Ordinances of 161 8 (p. 73) 
 
 that when disputes as to matters of business arose 
 
 between members of the Society, the parties concerned 
 
 were forbidden to appeal to the Law Courts until they 
 
 had submitted the matter to the Master and Wardens, 
 
 who generally succeeded in effecting a settlement by 
 
 arbitration. Two or three examples may here be 
 
 given : — 
 
 the xxi of December a° 1639. 
 
 Att this generall Courte the differences depending betweene M" 
 Thomas Colston and Gittens Lewys of the one parte and M"" 
 Gabriell Sherman and partners of the other parte, is referred vnto 
 the determinacon of M'' John Locke and M' Alexander James, vnto 
 whose determinacon the saide parties haue submitted and bounde 
 them selves either to other in an assumpsit of one hundred pounds 
 to stand to theire award by the Change of a piece of silver either 
 to other, soe as they conclude by the fifteenth of January next. 
 
 November the tenth day a° 1641. 
 
 And itt is this day agreed That whereas M' Will" Colston is 
 conceived to owe some money vppon the butter businesse, Itt is 
 agreed that hee should make choice of twoe men to end itt. 
 Wherevppon hee desired that M' Will" FitzHerbert and M"^ Will" 
 Cann might determine itt, whoe are therefore desired to doe the 
 same. And that they would alsoe take into consideracon and 
 determine what else may concerne the same in the busines in the 
 making vpp 25'* remaininge to bee paid to Sir Henry Hungate. 
 
 Alsoe att this Court the difference betweene M"^ Will" Colston 
 and the owners of the Globe is referred vnto M' Miles Jackson 
 
l6o THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 and M' Will" Cann on the part of the said Will"" Colston, and 
 M' Alderman Charlton & M' Alderman Tailer on the parte of the 
 saide owners of the Globe, whoe are desired to determine the 
 same. 
 
 The proceedings of the Long Parhament and the 
 great national convulsion that ensued must be dealt 
 with very briefly, for the minutes of the Society furnish 
 no information as to local events. In October, 1640, 
 two eminent merchants, Humphry Hooke (seven times 
 Master) and Richard Long (twice Master) were elected 
 members of Parliament for the city by the Corporation 
 and the freeholders, the free-burgesses being audaciously 
 deprived of the franchise. But in May, 1642, these 
 representatives were expelled by the House of Commons 
 for their alleged connection with monopolies. Sir John 
 Glanville, Recorder, and Alderman Taylor, a member 
 of the Society, were thereupon elected as their successors, 
 but those gentlemen soon ceased to attend the House, 
 perhaps through sympathy with the King, and were in 
 turn "disabled," their places being taken by two zealous 
 Parliamentarians, Richard Aldworth (Warden, 1641) and 
 Luke Hodges. In 1643, when the city was occupied 
 by the troops of Parliament, heavy exactions were levied 
 on the inhabitants for the support of the garrison and 
 for the erection of immense fortifications. How members 
 of the Society were dealt with is illustrated by a little 
 but eloquent document that has luckily been preserved. 
 Governor Fiennes commanded John Conning, jun. 
 (Warden, 1640) son of the Alderman, to forthwith pay 
 in ;^200, "which sum, in respect of your estate, is below 
 the proportion required of other persons of your quality," 
 with a threat that, on refusal, he would be left to the 
 tender mercies of the necessitous soldiery. 
 
 The subsequent plot to seize the city and hand it 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. l6l 
 
 over to Prince Rupert led to the execution of its 
 ringleaders, both valued members of the Society, while 
 a few other merchants had to ransom themselves by 
 the sacrifice of their estates. The capture of Bristol 
 by the Royalists, a few months later, proved that 
 Fiennes' whips were tolerable compared with his 
 successors' scorpions. The Corporation, as soon as 
 the conquest had been achieved, hastened to offer 
 Prince Rupert ;^ 1,400 to save the inhabitants from 
 pillage ; yet the houses of merchants and traders charged 
 with disaffection were ruthlessly sacked. In the hope 
 of preventing a general spoliation, the Corporation next 
 resolved on presenting ^^10,000 to the King, and a 
 subscription was opened for that purpose, when the 
 chief members of the Society contributed as follows : — ■ 
 Richard Aldworth (Mayor) ^300 ; Alderman Charleton 
 ;^6oo ; Aldermen Long and John Langton ;^20o each ; 
 Aldermen Conning and Hooke, John Conning jun., and 
 Hugh Browne £i$o each ; several others offered sums 
 varying from ^^loo to ^^20. The gift had scarcely been 
 made up, however, before it was announced that Prince 
 Rupert required a large personal gratification, and a 
 second /'io,ooo had consequently to be raised. The 
 weekly demand for the maintenance of the garrison 
 seems to have been ;/^400 per week ; and another 
 enormous weekly rate was levied to strengthen the 
 fortifications. 
 
 The only compensation which the members of the 
 Society obtained for these perpetual calls on their purses 
 was the new charter executed by Charles the First in 
 December, 1643, granting them freedom of trade in Russia, 
 Turkey, the Hanse Towns, and Denmark (p. 106). In 
 1644, when a Mint had been set up in the Castle, writs of 
 Privy Seal were coolly addressed to the wealthier citizens, 
 
 12 
 
l62 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 requiring loyal subjects to contribute plate for conversion 
 into coin. All these mandates have perished save one, 
 directed to William Wyatt, Treasurer of the Society in 
 1643, from which it appears that eighty ounces of plate had 
 been extorted from him. A few weeks later the Queen 
 paid a visit to the city, when "a token of love" in the 
 shape of ;^5oo, in silver coin, was resolved upon, the 
 corporation contributing /150, and the rest being im- 
 posed on the inhabitants as a "benevolence." In the 
 autumn, Prince Rupert returned from the North, when 
 ;^20o were voted for his entertainment, and the merchants 
 further provided wine for his table to the value of ;^ioo, 
 which sums were to be levied on the citizens. In October 
 the Deputy Governor, Lord Hopton, coolly "propounded" 
 that ;^3,ooo should be raised for the Royalist armies, and 
 /'i,ooo appears to have been wrung from merchants and 
 traders who had been supporters of the Parliament. But 
 when the King demanded ^1,500 more in February, 1645, 
 the city was so utterly exhausted that the authorities 
 refused to take action. Nevertheless, when the Prince of 
 Wales arrived in March, a gift of ;^500 was subscribed for 
 presentation to him, and ;^400 were raised for the garrison. 
 His Royal Highness next "propounded" to the Aldermen 
 — nearly all members of the Society — his desire for a 
 " loan" of ;^400, and though he met with no response, it 
 was resolved to collect /^200 from the " able inhabitants " 
 towards his housekeeping expenses. The Royal cause 
 was then hastening to ruin. Prince Rupert's last demand 
 upon the civic body, made when the second siege of 
 Bristol was on the eve of success, was for ;^8oo in lieu of 
 free quarters for his newly-arrived troops. 
 
 A few days later the town was in the hands of Fairfax 
 and Cromwell, and on October 2nd the Corporation voted 
 ;^5,ooo as a "gratuity" to the " Roundhead " army, and 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. I63 
 
 raised the gift to ^^6,000 two days later, a vote for the 
 increased sum being supported by Colonel Thomas 
 Colston, a member of the Society who had distinguished 
 himself by his zeal for the Royal cause, and by his con- 
 struction of a redoubt on Kingsdown called Colston Fort. 
 As the depletion of the citizens' pockets was complete, 
 and the town was being scourged with a terrible visitation 
 of Plague, it is not surprising to find that three months 
 elapsed before the whole of the money was forthcoming. 
 In the meantime, the conduct during the Royalist occu- 
 pation of leading members of the Corporation — nearly all 
 members of the Society — had been represented to Parlia- 
 ment, and on October 28th the two Houses passed an 
 Ordinance requiring the ejection from the magistracy 
 and Common Council of the Mayor (Francis Creswick), 
 Aldermen Hooke, Long, Wallis, James and Thomas 
 Colston, and Councillors Fitzherbert, Henry Creswick, 
 WiUiam Colston, Cale, Bevan, Gregson, and Elbridge. 
 In 1646 some of those gentlemen were required to com- 
 pound for their " delinquency." Richard Long, a stanch 
 Royalist (twice Master), seems to have been the severest 
 sufferer, being fined ;^8oo, or one-tenth of his estate. 
 Alexander James (Master, 1642) was mulcted in l^^o. 
 Humphry Hooke was at first ordered to pay ;^8oo, but 
 he avowed his conversion to Puritanism. Cromwell also 
 certified that he had done a great service secretly just 
 before Rupert's surrender, whereupon he escaped. 
 Thomas Colston and William Bevan petitioned for 
 favourable treatment, having conformed to Parliament, 
 and no fines are recorded against them. John Bowcher, 
 doubtless a brother of the luckless George, was let off 
 for ;^I35. In several other cases the existing documents 
 fail to give the result. 
 
 In times so disordered the occurrence of arbitrary acts 
 
164 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 ■of a comparatively trifling character seems to have been 
 regarded with indifference. On May 20th, 1645, the 
 Society resolved that as the city quays were in much 
 need of repair, and as the Hall, being heavily indebted, 
 was unable to bear the charge, the wharfage dues should 
 be doubled, and a tax of fourpence per ton levied on 
 every vessel entering the port until all engagements were 
 cleared off. Similarly, on October 14th, 1654, the 
 Society resolved to build a new quay "from the 
 Lower Slip to Aldworth's Key " [Thunderbolt Street], 
 and the Master and a committee were appointed to 
 impose dues upon all imported goods towards the 
 erection of the new works. It is obvious that those 
 impositions were wholly unwarrantable, for, as regarded 
 the wharfage dues, the Society were simply collecting 
 them by permission of the Corporation "during pleasure," 
 according to a schedule ordained by the Common 
 Council ; while the latter body could alone assume 
 the right of placing a new impost on merchandise. 
 Nevertheless, the doubled wharfage dues were certainly 
 enforced, for the Society on one occasion ordered them 
 to be reduced "one-fourth." The tax on imported 
 goods probably aroused resistance, as nothing was done 
 towards the extension of the quay for seven years. 
 On April nth, 1661, the Hall again resolved "that 
 from henceforth all persons shall pay double wharfage 
 until the charges of procuring the Charter [see p. 107], 
 and building the Key, and making the way to the Hot 
 Well shall be raised." The dubious legality of this 
 resolution appears to have led to a negotiation with 
 the Corporation, but only the result has been preserved. 
 On September 28th, 1661, a lease, of which the following 
 is an abbreviated copy, was duly executed under the 
 common seal of the civic body : — 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 65 
 
 The Mayor and Commonalty to the Society of Merchants. 
 Whereas the Society has undertaken at its own charge, before the 
 20th September next, to enlarge and make a new Key, from the 
 Lower Slip of the Key to a place in the Marsh called Aldworth's 
 Dock, in such form as the said Key now is, and also, at its own 
 cost, to make a convenient way for coach or horse, by land, from 
 Rownham Passage to the Hot Well, towards which work the 
 Corporation will pay /"loo. And whereas the Back and Key, 
 being the usual places for the shipping, lading and discharge of 
 all goods . . . cannot be repaired and maintained without 
 very great charge, which is necessary to be raised and levied of 
 and upon such goods &c. as shall be shipped, laden and discharged 
 into or out of any ship . . . which said dues and duties 
 of wharfage the said Merchants . . . have covenanted and 
 agreed to collect. It is witnessed that the Corporation, in con- 
 sideration of the intended works and repairs, and of a surrender 
 of a lease of the duties of anchorage, kannage and plankage 
 [see p. 62] of which several years are unexpired, and of the 
 authority formerly given for collection of the duty of wharfage, 
 have demised the said duties, including the dues hitherto collected 
 by the Chamberlain, from the date of this indenture till the end 
 of eighty years. Rent £'i bs. 8d. 
 
 The only "due" previously "collected by the Cham- 
 berlain " was a sum of £8 a year received from a man 
 who rented one or two cranes on the quays. As a further 
 proof of the influence of the Society in the Corporation, 
 it may be noted that the assent of the Common Council 
 to the above concession of the wharfage dues for eighty 
 years appears to have been coolly dispensed with. 
 
 To avoid repeated references to this subject, it may be 
 added that in 1690, when fifty-one years of the above lease 
 were unexpired, the Corporation accepted its surrender, and 
 granted a fresh demise for eighty years, in consideration 
 of /'200, at a rent of £6 6s. 8d. The new lease recited, 
 as a further consideration, that the Society had at great 
 cost procured the assent of the Crown to the inclusion, in 
 the free quays of the port, of the quay recently made by 
 them near Aldworth's Dock, and had also undertaken to 
 
l66 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 make another new quay 462 feet long, from that dock to 
 Hobbs's yard in the Marsh, and to build one or more 
 cranes thereon. Permission was also granted to remove a 
 Market-house and other buildings near Aldworth's Dock, 
 in order to widen the quay. In September, 1712, when this 
 lease had run only twenty-two years, another bargain was 
 made between the two bodies, whereby the Corporation, 
 in consideration of the Society consenting to give up a 
 rope-walk in the Marsh, which obstructed the street im- 
 provements then proceedmg in that locality, granted a 
 fresh lease of the wharfage and anchorage dues for a term 
 of eighty years at the former rent. The next, and final, 
 lease, executed in 1764, will be referred to in the next 
 chapter. 
 
 Amongst the incidents of the second civil war that 
 broke out in 1648, the equipment of Royalist privateers 
 in Ireland to prey upon English commerce caused great 
 local alarm. On September 3rd the Society drew up a 
 petition to the Parliament Committee for the Navy, from 
 which it appears that a previous appeal had been made 
 for the loan of a frigate for the protection of the Bristol 
 Channel against the " Irish rebels," the Society under- 
 taking to man and provision the ship, and that the 
 request had been granted. The Society now state that 
 since the former application " several vessels of great 
 value of this port have been taken by the Irish, to 
 the disabling of merchants who intended to contribute 
 towards the furnishing of the frigate"; and as information 
 had been received that twenty-six sail of ships and frigates 
 at Wexford were preparing " to interrupt our ships from 
 Newfoundland and the Vintages," the Society " pray that 
 our sad condition may be represented to the House of 
 Commons, and assistance afforded." In forwarding this 
 appeal to Alderman Hodges, M.P., and begging for his 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 67 
 
 support, the writers state that four of the Parliament's 
 frigates had been lying in the Avon some time, " and may- 
 linger longer if money be not sent to pay the discontented 
 crews, while the enemy is taking ships almost out of 
 our very Road," Increased activity of the Navy on the 
 Irish coast seems to have brought the grievance to an end. 
 
 In February, 1650, the Society received a communica- 
 tion from the East India Company of London, offering 
 to accept " a sum of money" from the Hall " to put into 
 the joint stock to trade with India." The proposal 
 was looked upon with some suspicion. Rumours were 
 current, and were not unfounded, that the monopolists 
 were suffering under financial embarrassments, and the 
 Company's stock had fallen greatly below par. The offer 
 was therefore courteously declined. 
 
 The growing reputation of the Hot Well amongst 
 upper-class invalids attracted the attention of the Hall 
 soon after the Restoration, and contributed to bring about 
 one of the most important events in the history of the 
 Society, the purchase of the manor of Clifton. In April, 
 1661 (Sir) John Knight, M.P. (Master, 1663), was "desired 
 to treat with the Lords of the Hot Well touching the 
 purchasing of the said well, and the waste ground about 
 it, at a certain yearly rent, for 1000 years." This negotia- 
 tion was fruitless; but the Society's interest in the subject 
 continued, and in July, 1676, it succeeded in acquiring 
 three-fourths of the manor of Clifton from the executor 
 of a defunct owner, and the remaining fourth was after- 
 wards picked up in fragments. Another and much smaller 
 manor in the parish, once the property of the Dean and 
 College of Westbury-on-Trym, and subsequently captured, 
 like St. Clement's Chapel, by Sir Ralph Sadleir, was 
 obtained, also piecemeal, by a trifling outlay in i685. 
 At that period the population of the parish can hardly 
 
l68 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 have exceeded 300, most of whom were labourers 
 inhabiting cottages along the riverside. Around the 
 church were a manor house * (to which a wine license had 
 been granted in 1632), one or perhaps two upper-class 
 dwellings, and a few labourers' hovels. All the rest of 
 the area was partly common land and partly cultivated 
 ground divided into about a dozen little farms. Even 
 the manufacture of lime, for which the locality afterwards 
 became famous, had scarcely begun ; and the enormous 
 cliffs, of which some acres disappeared in the eighteenth 
 century, then frowned directly over the Avon. Scarcely 
 anything, in fact, differentiated the parish from secluded 
 villages in purely agricultural districts. As to the Hot 
 Well, it is difficult to account for the undoubted fact that 
 it had long attracted wealthy invalids from distant places, 
 a sojourn of the Earl of Pembroke being recorded in 1599. 
 The spring lay exposed on the bank of the river, and, 
 being below high-water mark and surrounded with deep 
 mud, must have been difficult of approach ; there were 
 no lodgings for visitors nearer than College Green ; and 
 until 1662 {see p. 165) the carriage road from Bristol 
 ended at Rownham Ferry. After the visit to the Spa of 
 Queen Catherine in 1677, however, the place became 
 greatly more frequented, and in 1683 two men applied 
 to the Society for leave to hold the spring, doubtless to 
 make the approach accessible, and were permitted to rent 
 it for the modest sum of ten shillings per annum, " during 
 pleasure," a sum increased to 405. four years later. In 
 1 69 1 a wall was built around the spring for the purpose of 
 barring out the tidal water and facilitating access, but the 
 results were disappointing. At length, early in 1695, 
 
 *The following minute is believed to refer to this mansion: — "Sept. 17, 1700. 
 Ordered that on payment of a fine of ^49, a lease for five lives be granted to 
 Whitchurch Phippen of the site or ruins of the great house at Clifton, heretofore 
 burnt down, and since called the Old Castle . . late in the holding of 
 
 Mary Hodges. Rent los. Heriot los. Lessee to expend £250 in building." 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 169. 
 
 Sir Thomas Day, Robert Yate (twice Master), and a few 
 other pubHc-spirited BristoHans entered into negotiations 
 with the Society, who, on April 4th, granted to two of 
 the confederacy, Charles Jones, soapmaker, and Thomas 
 Callowhill, draper, a lease of the well, and the rocks and 
 land adjoining, for a term of ninety years at a rent of /'s, 
 reserving to all persons a convenient passage down to the 
 spring, and liberty to take the water without payment. 
 The lessees covenanted to expend ^^500 within three years 
 in erecting a Pump Room and convenient lodging-houses, 
 also to make walks for sheltering and entertaining visitors, 
 to leave ways for coaches and horses to pass to Durdham 
 Down, and to refrain from throwing rock into the river. 
 The immense success of this enterprise is sufficiently told 
 by the annalists of the following century. 
 
 During the Commonwealth the ancient civic ordi- 
 nances forbidding "foreigners," meaning non-freemen, 
 to carry on trade or commerce had been suspended,, 
 several old soldiers having, by the Protector's orders, 
 been allowed to engage in business. The old system 
 was revived, however, soon after the Restoration. In 
 November, 1662, the Society appointed a man, at a yearly 
 salary of ^^lo, " to search out those who shall buy and 
 sell strangers' goods contrary to the privileges of the city, 
 and to inform the Sheriffs of his proceedings, to the end 
 that such goods may be seized as foreign bought and 
 foreign sold." The civic officials having shown laxity in 
 fulfilling their duties, the Society urgently prayed the 
 Common Council to remedy the evil, and the latter body 
 in February, 1667, took vigorous action. A ship belong- 
 ing to strangers (probably Londoners) had arrived with a 
 cargo of sugar and molasses, and the goods, instead of 
 being removed to the Back Hall, as prescribed by the 
 Ordinances, were sold by a London man, and put on 
 
170 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 board a vessel bound for Swansea. The aldermanic 
 justices thereupon decided that the merchandise was 
 *' foreign bought and foreign sold," and ordered the 
 Sheriffs to seize the cargo, undertaking to defend them 
 at the expense of the city if an action were brought 
 against them. Later in the year, a freeman was detected 
 in "colouring" (dealing in) strangers' goods, whereupon 
 his shop was "shut down," and the bellman was ordered to 
 proclaim his iniquity up and down the streets ; but his dis- 
 franchisement was removed on payment of a fine of £1^. 
 
 Many other cases of a similar character are recorded 
 in the corporate minute books down to 1680, when the 
 zeal of the officials happened to outrun discretion. A 
 parcel of hops valued at £iy was seized on the usual 
 ground, but the owner proved that he was a free-burgess 
 and that the transaction was legitimate. The Corporation 
 nevertheless retained the goods for three years, by which 
 time the hops were spoilt by damp, when the owner 
 demanded their full value, and threatened an action at 
 law. No defence being possible, the money was paid ; 
 the Chamberlain "was feign to sell" the seized merchan- 
 dise for £2 15.; and raiding upon strangers was quietly 
 dropped until i6g6, when, moved by the second Sir John 
 Knight's* vehement invectives against " foreigners," the 
 old Ordinances were revived. In the last year of the 
 century, a number of intruders were offered the alterna- 
 
 * Many inaccurate statements in reference to the two Sir John Knights have 
 appeared in local works. In 1676, and for a few subsequent years, there were four 
 John Knights on the Society's roll of members. The senior of these men was John, 
 younger son of George Knight (Mayor, 1639). He was admitted by right of appren- 
 ticeship in 1639, became Mayor and M.P., and was knighted in 1663, in which year 
 he was elected Master. His son John was admitted by riglit of birth, and was 
 distinguished as "esquire" after his father had acquired a title. Sir John died 
 in 1683, and his son in 1684. John Knight, sugar baker (often styled "junior"), 
 owner and occupier of the Great House, afterwards Colston's School, was a grandson 
 of Francis Knight (Mayor, 1594 and 1613), and was admitted as a redemptioner in 
 1650 on payment of ;^5. He was elected Master in 1666, and Mayor in 1670, and died 
 in 1679. His son John, who was admitted by right of birth, was Warden, and also 
 Sheriff, in 1681-2, was knighted in 1682 for his vindictive persecution of Dissenters, 
 and was subsequently Mayor and M.P. He died in 1718. 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 17I 
 
 tive of paying a fine for admission to the freedom or of 
 having their premises " shut down," when upwards of 
 ;^i6o was wrung from the victims, a merchant being 
 mulcted in ^35. This was the last effort made to 
 maintain the old custom. In 1703, when all the civic 
 Ordinances underwent revision, those levelled at strangers 
 were significantly ordered "to be left out." 
 
 In the time of James the First, the Society, like their 
 sovereign, had an antipathy to tobacco, and their deputy, 
 Mr. Guy, M.P., gravely informed the Privy Council in 
 1 62 1 that one of the causes of the existing dearth of coin 
 was "the extraordinary importation and use" of the 
 baneful plant, which, according to the Wiltshire antiquary, 
 Aubrey, then sold by retail for its weight in silver. Mr. 
 Guy's statement must have seemed extraordinary to the 
 "merchants of the next generation, when many members 
 of the Society had established a large and lucrative tobacco 
 trade with Virginia. (Pipes and tobacco had then become 
 established institutions at the Council House, and although 
 in 1722 smoking in the Hall was forbidden " during 
 business," that limited interdiction was rescinded so late 
 as 1788.) 
 
 The Society, however, for obvious reasons, were 
 strongly opposed to the cultivation of the plant in 
 England, which, although contrary to law, became 
 common during the Commonwealth, especially in 
 Gloucestershire, but was again forbidden by an Act of 
 the first Parliament of Charles the Second. In February, 
 1662, the Society petitioned the King to enforce the 
 statute, and ordered a charge of 35. per hogshead on 
 Virginia tobacco to be exclusively applied to the 
 suppression of the domestic industry. This fund proving 
 insufficient, upwards of ;^300 was subscribed in the Hall 
 ■to pursue the destruction of the plantations in the 
 
172 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 neighbouring districts. Sir Humphry Hooke, grandson 
 of the merchant of the same name, was then Sheriff of 
 Gloucestershire, and the money was confided to his under- 
 sheriff, but the results were so unsatisfactory that the 
 Society afterwards requested Sir Humphry to render an 
 account of the expenditure. In March, 1666, the Privy 
 Council, in a letter to the Lord Lieutenant, stated that, 
 from information received, the extent of land then under 
 tobacco culture in Gloucestershire was greater than in 
 any previous year ; and other documents in the Record 
 Office assert that there were many hundred offenders, 
 whose proceedings were winked at by the gentry, and even 
 by the county justices, as half the profits were claimed by 
 those worthies in the shape of rent. The militia were some- 
 times summoned, and were assisted by troops of cavalry 
 in destroying the plantations ; but the cultivation con- 
 tinued for many years. So late as 1692, according to a 
 petition to the House of Commons, 1,300 roods of land 
 under tobacco had been discovered near Bristol, and 
 several prominent citizens were said to be concerned in 
 this enormity. Home culture was shortly afterwards 
 suppressed by the superior machinery of the Revolution 
 Government. 
 
 As Sir Humphry Hooke, of Kingsweston, has just 
 been mentioned, it may be stated that in November, 
 1 658, the Society voted him £^ towards repairing "the 
 compasse upon Pen Pole Hill ; the rest to be made 
 good at his charge." This ancient structure, the object 
 of which has puzzled many antiquaries, still occupies 
 its original position. 
 
 The first mention of an entertainment to a dis- 
 tinguished visitor occurs in the Society's account books 
 in 1673, when a banquet to the Marquis of Worcester,. 
 Lord Lieutenant, including gunpowder and cannon-firing, 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 1 73 
 
 cost upwards of £go. Another entertainment to the 
 same nobleman was given in 1681, but the outlay was 
 only ^18 4s. In September, 1682, the Marquis, who 
 a few weeks later was created Duke of Beaufort, again 
 arrived in the city, ostensibly to review the militia, but 
 really to manipulate the Common Council in the interests 
 of the Government ; and his command on behalf of 
 the Crown for the election of a "trustworthy" mayor 
 was immediately obeyed. His lordship, together with 
 his son. Lord Herbert, was "treated to a collation" by 
 the Society on his arrival, at a cost of £2,2 185. The 
 Duke's treatment of the city during the reign of James 
 the Second was not conducive to further courtesies of 
 this character. 
 
 The violent political troubles of the period were 
 marked in the Society's records by the expulsion of a 
 member — the only case known. The person so dealt 
 with was John Rowe, the civic Swordbearer, who was 
 disfranchised in October, 1683, for his suspected com- 
 plicity in the " Rye House Plot." 
 
 The record of the death, on November 21, 1681, 
 of William Colston suggests a few remarks respecting 
 a family identified with the commerce of Bristol for 
 several centuries, and whose name is destined to be 
 held in honour so long as Bristol exists. The statement 
 in Garrard's Life of Edward Colston that the family 
 came to the city about 1400 is inaccurate. The name 
 occurs three-quarters of a century earlier in deeds relating 
 to property in Redcliff Street, and one Thomas Colston 
 had attained such a standing in the Common Council 
 as to be appointed one of the Bailiffs (Treasurers) in 1387. 
 The Colstons suffered much during the Civil War for 
 their adherence to the Royal cause, and William, its head 
 in 1660, obtained some acknowledgment, as has been 
 
174 THE SOCIETY UNDER 
 
 already stated, by the appointment, in reversion, of his 
 youthful son, Richard, as Consul at Marseilles. The 
 office did not become vacant for several years, and 
 Richard, in the meantime, settled at Cadiz. Another 
 son, named after his father, resided at Lisbon, where 
 he was murdered by an Englishman in 1675. (Privy 
 Council Minutes.) Both of those sons doubtless acted 
 as agents for their father, who, as the Society's Wharfage 
 Books show, was one of the largest importers of wine 
 and oil from the Peninsula, besides trading extensively 
 in Levant fruit. None of his numerous sons are 
 mentioned in the Society's books until the year of 
 his death, when Thomas, then aged 41, returned to 
 Bristol, apparently to manage his sick father's business ; 
 but he was not admitted into the Society until June, 1682. 
 In little more than two years, Thomas followed his 
 father to the grave, and his death led to the reappearance 
 in the city of his brother Edward, who, so far as can be 
 discovered, had been absent for more than forty years. 
 Much of the early life of this remarkable man remains 
 a mystery. That he received his education in London 
 is known on his own authority. But it is strange that 
 he should not have been apprenticed until he was within 
 a week of attaining his eighteenth year (27th October, 
 1654, to Humfrey Allington, a London mercer), that 
 he should have served a term of eight years, and that 
 he should not have applied for admission into the 
 London Mercers' Company until 1673, when he was 
 nearly 37 years of age. (Books, Mercers' Company.) 
 On returning to his native city, he was admitted into 
 the Society on December 17th, 1683, by right of birth; 
 but he appears to have only twice attended a Hall, 
 there being on other occasions a note attached to his 
 name in the roll of members: — "at London," or "lives 
 
THE STEWART DYNASTY. 
 
 175 
 
 at London." For a few years he imported cargoes 
 here in the ships that had been freighted, or probably 
 owned, by his father and brother — the Fortune and the 
 Zante. On one occasion the former brought in a cargo 
 of 4,500 pantiles, but the imports were generally wine, 
 oil, and raisins, as before. In December, 1686, he had 
 a dispute with the wharfage collector. His father, like 
 all other importers of the period, had paid a due on oil 
 of IS. 2d. per ton. But the collector noted as follows : — 
 
 1686 December 22. Edward Colston, in Fortune. 
 
 2^. ton shumack i6s. 
 
 14 tons J of oyle, for which lie would pay but 8d. per 
 ton, which I acquainted the Master with, & when the hall 
 meates the s" M'. Colston is to reconsile it with them ... g^. 8d. 
 
 The minutes are silent on the subject, and Mr. Colston 
 does not appear to have objected to the charge again. 
 His importations were not large in the two following 
 years, and were then discontinued. As is well known, he 
 levied a distress upon the Corporation in 1687 for the 
 recovery of a loan of ^^2,000 ; and he was doubtless much 
 discontented with the corporate revolution ordered by 
 James the Second in the following year, when many 
 prominent Tory Churchmen were ejected and replaced 
 by Dissenters. He soon afterwards relinquished business 
 and retired to Mortlake, and his visits to Bristol were 
 thenceforth few and brief, the earliest clearly recorded 
 being in 1700, when his mother's long life was near its 
 close. His conveyance, in i6g6, to the Society, as 
 trustees, of his newly-erected almshouse on St. Michael's 
 Hill will be referred to in Chapter VI. In the same year, 
 the philanthropist. Sir Thomas Day, and two other persons 
 were joint owners of the fine mansion in St. Peter's 
 Churchyard, occupied as a sugar refinery; but whether he 
 had continued a partner in the business to that time is 
 
176 THE SOCIETY UNDER THE STEWART DYNASTY. 
 
 a matter of conjecture. The house was at that date 
 converted into a mint, and, after the extensive coinage 
 operations had been completed, it was acquired by the 
 newly-founded Corporation of the Poor. Mr. Colston 
 attended two meetings of that body in the autumn of 
 1700, and made a donation of ;^ioo (afterwards doubled) 
 towards clearing off its liabilities. The story of his great 
 School, in which his confidence in the Society is so 
 remarkably exemplified, will be dealt with hereafter. 
 
 It is not a little strange that scarcely an allusion to 
 the Society's Almshouse occurs in the records from the 
 reign of Elizabeth until the announcement was made of 
 Mr. Colston's benefaction in 1695. In tendering the 
 thanks of the Hall for that liberal offer, the Master 
 (Samuel Price) informed the donor that the executors of 
 Mr. Richard Jones (of Stowey, Somerset) had resolved 
 ^'to follow your good example." A deed in the Hall 
 shows that the executors paid in ;^i,ooo in the following 
 year, on the Society covenanting to build rooms for six 
 additional almsfolk, and Mr. Colston's gift of land was 
 doubtless estimated as of similar value. To enlarge the 
 site, the Corporation, in June, 1696, granted to the 
 Society that portion of the old Town Wall lying 
 immediately behind the Hall and Almshouse, 140 feet 
 in length, and the work of entirely reconstructing the 
 latter being forthwith begun, was completed in 1699, 
 when the members of the Society entered into a 
 subscription to assist in defraying the outlay incurred, 
 which included the purchase of a small house, costing 
 ^100. The amount raised was ^^619. On March 7th, 
 1700, the weekly stipend of the almswomen was increased 
 from 15. 6d. to 2S., and seven additional inmates were 
 admitted on the same day "into the new Almshouse 
 of the old establishment." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 After the accession of William the Third, the chief 
 interest of the Society's minute books in a historical 
 point of view rests on the illustrations they offer of the 
 working of the " Mercantile System," on which, for 
 many subsequent generations, in spite of the teaching 
 of Adam Smith, the prosperity of the country was 
 generally imagined to depend. In dealing with questions 
 affected by this system, however, the Society, with a 
 lively regard for local interests, occasionally advocated 
 views which thorough-going disciples of the theory 
 condemned as heterodox. The most progressive ideas 
 of the age of William the Third were set forth in the 
 first work ever printed at a permanent Bristol press — 
 " An Essay on the State of England in relation to its 
 Trade," — written in 1695 by a distinguished member 
 of the Society, John Gary (Warden, 1683), the promoter 
 of the Incorporation of the Poor. Mr. Gary, like all 
 his contemporaries, was of opinion that, if we bought 
 more from another nation than we sold to it, we were 
 acting like a man living on his capital, and that 
 the prosperity of the country was best furthered by 
 "protecting" home industries from the competition of 
 foreigners, and by compelling the colonies to traffic 
 solely with the mother country. The trade of Ireland, 
 he maintained, was destructive to English interests, 
 which could be safeguarded only by reducing the sister 
 island to the status of a Grown colony, prohibiting the 
 
 13 
 
 177 
 
lyS THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 competition of Irish cloth in the home and foreign 
 markets, stopping the exportation of Irish wool to the 
 Continent, and forbidding the importation into Ireland 
 of any foreign or colonial produce except what was 
 purchased and shipped from England — a policy which 
 Parliament soon after adopted and carried into effect 
 with deplorable results. Turning from Ireland to Africa, 
 and more especially to the traffic in slaves, the author 
 became enthusiastic, declaring that trade to be "of the 
 most advantage to this Kingdom of any we drive, 
 and as it were all profit ; the first cost being little 
 more than small matters of our own manufactures, for 
 which we have in return gold, [elephants'] teeth, wax, 
 and negroes, the last whereof is much better than the 
 first, being indeed the best traffic the Kingdom hath." 
 On the other hand, Mr. Gary advocated the stimulating 
 of domestic manufactures by freeing raw materials from 
 Customs' duties, and by abolishing the Excise duties 
 on glass and other articles — grievances that were not 
 totally abolished until about 150 years after his death. 
 He also strongly deprecated the trading monopolies that 
 were then greatly cherished by London merchants, 
 pleading for the concession of free commerce with 
 China, India, Africa, and in short with all countries. 
 And he even urged the free admission into this country 
 of Irish meat and butter, a proposal then regarded as 
 monstrous by the English landed interest. Though 
 the writer's views on the whole were far in advance of 
 the time, the following pages will show that they were 
 practically adopted by the Society. 
 
 In i6g5 an attempt was made by an influential 
 clique in London, styled the Royal African Company, 
 to obtain a revival by Act of Parliament of a monopoly 
 of trade with Africa, granted to them by Charles the 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 179, 
 
 Second in 1674, but abolished by the Bill of Rights 
 at the Revolution. The Merchant Venturers of Bristol^ 
 justly indignant at the violation of their chartered rights, 
 had carried on a surreptitious traffic between the west 
 coast of Africa and the English plantations in America 
 even whilst the monopoly was in existence ; and as, on 
 its abrogation in 1689, this branch of local commerce 
 developed by leaps and bounds, the manoeuvres of the 
 Londoners to recover their former privilege naturally 
 aroused a vigorous opposition. In a petition of the 
 local mercantile body to the House of Commons, it 
 was asserted that the prosperity of the West India 
 planters depended upon a plentiful supply of negroes 
 (the annual shipment of the African Company had 
 been hmited to 3,000 slaves), and that the deficiency 
 could be provided only by private enterprise. The 
 clothiers and weavers of the city, in another petition, 
 expatiated on the importance of their exports to the 
 Slave Coast — which in fact were insignificant — and 
 predicted disastrous consequences if that market were 
 closed. Similar appeals were made by other ports, 
 and the West India interest in Parliament was naturally 
 in favour of a free trade in slaves. After a struggle 
 at Westminster, an Act was passed in 1698, leaving 
 the trade entirely open, but requiring non-members of 
 the Company to contribute towards the maintenance 
 of the fortified stations on the African coast. 
 
 A fresh impetus was thus given to profitable branches 
 of local commerce, and the African fleet belonging to 
 Bristol increased in about ten years to sixty vessels. (In 
 a local pamphlet published about 1750, a copy of which 
 is in the British Museum, the writer states with much 
 complacency that in the first nine years of open trade the 
 merchants of Bristol and Liverpool despatched no less than 
 
l8o THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 160,950 negroes to the English plantations.) Enraged 
 at the ever-increasing competition, the African Company 
 opened another legislative campaign in 1705, with the 
 object of driving their rivals from the field ; and though 
 the Society, in conjunction with the Corporation, were 
 ■successful in defeating the attack, the conflict was renewed 
 by the Londoners year after year, entailing a heavy 
 expenditure on the Hall and the Common Council in the 
 defence of local rights. In a petition to the House of 
 Commons in 1713, whilst the struggle was still raging, the 
 Corporation contended that the subsistence of Bristolians 
 chiefly depended on this trade, which gave employment 
 to great numbers of seamen, shipwrights, weavers, metal 
 workers, and other artisans, a large part of whose manu- 
 factures were exchanged for negroes ; whilst a similar 
 petition from the Society affirmed that many of their 
 ships were suitable only for the African trade, and that 
 they would be ruined by exclusion from it. After three 
 more defeats in successive Sessions, the would-be 
 monopolists temporarily quitted the field. But in 1720 
 their demands were revived, and strenuously advocated 
 by their allies, the South Sea Company, then at the 
 summit of a scandalous career ; and a large outlay was 
 incurred in Bristol in baffling this formidable attack. 
 
 In 1725 the African Company renewed the offensive 
 on their own account, offering the Government a loan of 
 a million sterling if their monopoly were restored ; and 
 though the temptation was rejected, the claimants pressed 
 their case energetically, but vainly, in six succeeding 
 Sessions of Parliament. A long truce then ensued, during 
 which the activity of Bristol enterprise made much further 
 progress, though as the trade was solely in the hands of 
 individual merchants or firms, scarcely any reference to it 
 occurs in the books of the Society. In one of the deed 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. l8l 
 
 boxes in the Hall, however, is a bundle of loose papers 
 throwing a strange light on the proceedings of some 
 captains in the Royal Navy commanding ships of war 
 stationed on the African coast. It appears from these 
 documents, which are chiefly affidavits of the masters 
 and sailors of Bristol slave ships, that in the year 1737, 
 whilst the deponents were trying to procure cargoes on 
 that coast, the officers and crews of three royal vessels, 
 the Diamond, Greenwich, and Spence, lying there ostensibly 
 for the protection of trade, were actively engaged in the 
 purchase of negroes, gold dust, and elephants' teeth, each 
 of the ships being provided for trafficking with large stores 
 of cotton goods, spirituous liquors, gunpowder, and other 
 merchandise, which were offered considerably below the 
 usual prices, while £2,2 per head were given for slaves, or 
 £4. above the ordinary rate. In consequence of this 
 competition the merchant captains were unable to obtain 
 cargoes except at an outlay involving their employers in 
 heavy loss. One affidavit states that the Greenwich sailed 
 for Barbadoes with 200 negroes, and another that the 
 Spence, a small war sloop, carried off between fifty and 
 sixty more. The disclosures caused much excitement in 
 mercantile circles, and the Society co-operated with their 
 friends at Liverpool in forwarding a strong remonstrance 
 to the Admiralty, which apparently succeeded in its 
 object. 
 
 Returning to the African Company, it appears that in 
 1747 the Londoners, after making a fruitless attempt to 
 induce the Bristol firms to enter into their Company, began 
 another determined effort in Parliament to secure the trade 
 exclusively for themselves. The chief argument advanced 
 for a policy of undisguised selfishness was that traffic on 
 the Slave Coast could not be protected against foreigners 
 unless a large number of additional forts were built and 
 
1 82 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 garrisoned ; that the Government grant for that purpose 
 (;^io,ooo a year) was wholly inadequate; and that the 
 charge could be sustained only by a Company enjoying 
 exclusive privileges. The truth was that the Company 
 was in a state of great financial embarrassment, and was 
 unable to raise fresh capital whilst the trade remained 
 open. The Corporation of Bristol and the Society lost 
 no time in defending local interests. The Common 
 Council, in a petition to the House of Commons, alleged 
 that the trade from this port to the West Indies and 
 America by way of Africa was "the principal and most 
 considerable branch belonging to the city, and that since 
 such trade has been free and open it has greatly increased, 
 and his Majesty's plantations thereby much better supplied 
 with negroes, and larger quantities of the manufactures of 
 this kingdom exported." 
 
 Defeated in the Sessions of 1747 and 1748, the African 
 Company became convinced of the hopelessness of their 
 policy, and the Bill they promoted in 1749 was based on 
 the principle of an open trade. From some cause this 
 measure failed to pass, and the Society drew up a number 
 of amendments in anticipation of its re-introduction in 
 the following year, the most important of these proposals 
 being that trading by joint-stock should be abolished, and 
 that a new Company should be formed, the management 
 of which should be vested in a committee of nine members, 
 to be appointed in three equal parts by the merchants of 
 London, Bristol, and Liverpool respectively. Parliament 
 granting a sufficient yearly sum for the maintenance of 
 the forts. These propositions were approved by the 
 merchants of Liverpool, and though obstinately resisted 
 for a time in London were eventually inserted in a new 
 Bill, which received the Royal Assent in 1750, thus 
 terminating a costly struggle for free trade waged for 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 1 83 
 
 nearly three-quarters of a century. (The Corporation 
 and the Society, who were the promoters of the Bill, 
 spent upwards of ;^i,ooo in carrying it through the 
 Legislature, but about half the outlay was afterwards 
 refunded by the new Company and the Liverpool 
 merchants.) 
 
 The preamble of the Act recited that the African 
 trade, being " very advantageous, aad necessary for 
 supplying the Plantations with a sufficient number of 
 negroes at reasonable rates, ought for that reason to 
 be free and open to all his Majesty's subjects." The 
 Royal Company was therefore dissolved, and the forts 
 and stations were vested in a new corporation styled the 
 Company of Merchants trading to Africa, admission to 
 which was open to all merchants on the payment of £0. 
 each. This was the only capital possessed by the new 
 concern, and the payments thus made throw some light 
 on the extent of the trade in the three leading ports. A 
 list of members was drawn up yearly previous to the 
 election of the committee men, and the roll printed in 
 Bristol in June, 1755, gives the names of all entitled to 
 vote. At that date 237 members resided in this city, 
 147 in London, and 89 in Liverpool. The number of 
 merchants who continued to trade without entering the 
 Company cannot be ascertained, but was probably incon- 
 siderable. Schemes for upsetting the new organisation, 
 and procuring a joint-stock monopoly from Parliament, 
 were started by London merchants in 1779 and 1791, but 
 were defeated without much trouble. 
 
 Another subject occasioning much debate in relation 
 to the Slave Trade arose out of the frequent Acts passed 
 by the Colonial legislatures imposing a poll duty on the 
 negroes imported into the plantations. The first State 
 which adopted a measure of this character was Virginia, 
 
184 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 in 1724, and the example was soon afterwards followed 
 by the Assemblies of Jamaica and South Carolina, to 
 the great irritation of English merchants. The appeals 
 of the Society and other bodies to the Government to 
 rescind the imposts were at first successful, but the Colonial 
 authorities persisted in their claim to fix local taxation, 
 which was eventually sanctioned. In 1775, Mr. Burke, 
 then M.P. for Bristol, apprised the Master by letter 
 that the Assembly of Jamaica (where the import tax 
 Avas already considerable) had just imposed " a very 
 great duty " on negroes brought to the island above 
 30 years of age ; whereupon a strong protest against 
 the Act was addressed to the Government ; but the 
 result is not recorded. 
 
 In times of scarcity the Ministry were accustomed 
 to forbid the exportation of English corn, which in normal 
 seasons was encouraged by a bounty, and was long an 
 important branch of commerce. When an embargo on 
 shipments was ordered in 1762, the officers of Customs 
 held that it extended to vessels bound for Africa contain- 
 ing stocks of pease and beans — the only food given to 
 slaves during transportation — and the Society, declaring 
 that this would cause " a great stagnation of trade," 
 besides being "a great hardship to ships carrying corn 
 to Ireland," made urgent applications to the Treasury for 
 relief. Similarly, on the revolt of the American colonies 
 in 1774, the export of arms and ammunition was for- 
 bidden, upon which the Society represented to the Board 
 of Trade that the prohibition would be calamitous to 
 traffic on the Slave Coast, and prayed for its exemption. 
 
 All these difficulties sank into insignificance, however, 
 in 1788, when, upon some revolting disclosures being 
 made respecting the treatment of slaves during their 
 passage across the Atlantic, a Bill was brought into 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 1 85 
 
 Parliament to prevent overcrowding and other cruelties. 
 The average number of human beings yearly torn from 
 their homes had then reached the appalling total of 
 about 74,000 ; and Sir John Picton, in his History of 
 Liverpool, states that that town alone was making ^300,000 
 per annum by the traffic. The measure was resolutely 
 opposed by the merchants and shipowners whom it 
 affected, who were heard by counsel in Parliament ; and 
 evidence against it was given by a number of witnesses, 
 including several despatched by the Society. Mr. Brick- 
 dale, M.P. for Bristol, seconded the motion for the 
 rejection of the Bill, but, after a protracted conflict, the 
 measure became law. 
 
 The prolonged debates on the above measure had 
 served merely to intensify public feeling, and an agitation 
 speedily arose for the total abolition of the trade. The first 
 provincial committee formed to promote this object was 
 instituted in Bristol in 1788, Mr. Joseph Harford (Master, 
 1796) being chairman ; and this body, in conjunction with 
 kindred organisations, made preparations for bringing 
 the subject before Parliament in the following year. The 
 Society thereupon invited all local merchants interested 
 in the trade to co-operate in resisting the attack, and on 
 April 13th, 1789, at a crowded meeting in the Hall, 
 Mr. William Miles presiding, an influential committee 
 was appointed to defend the traffic, "on which the 
 welfare of the West India islands and the commerce and 
 revenue of the kingdom so essentially depend." Amongst 
 the members of this committee were Alderman Daubeny 
 (Master, 1784), Alderman Brice (Master, 1786), Alderman 
 Miles (Warden, 1789), Sir James Laroche (Master, 1782), 
 John Gordon (Master, 1804), Richard Bright (Master, 
 1792), John Fisher Weare (Warden, 1778), Richard 
 Vaughan (Master, 1809), Samuel Span (Master, 1777)^ 
 
1 86 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 Robert Bush, Thomas Daniel, Evan BailUe, Robert 
 Claxton, John Pinney, PhiHp Protheroe, John Cave, and 
 many other leading members of the Corporation. The 
 views of this body were shortly afterwards enunciated in 
 the House of Commons by Mr. Cruger, M.P., who 
 contended that, if the traffic were to be abolished, which 
 he strongly deprecated, compensation to the extent of 
 about seventy millions sterling should be awarded to the 
 injured merchants. A resolution advocating the sup- 
 pression of the traffic was withdrawn, owing to the 
 overwhelming majority prepared to reject it ; but the 
 regulating Act of the previous Session was renewed and 
 made more efficient, the Society vainly petitioning against 
 its restrictions. The trade was not abolished until nearly 
 twenty years afterwards, but the number of Bristol ships 
 rapidly declined at an early period, and the conduct of 
 the ship captains who continued to frequent the slaving 
 ports had a powerful influence in rendering the commerce 
 unpopular. In 1791, whilst Lord Sheffield, M.P. for 
 Bristol, was denying the right of Parliament to suppress 
 the traffic, six English ships — of which three, the 
 Thomas, the Wasp and the Recovery, belonged to Bristol 
 — bombarded the town of Calabar for several hours, to 
 compel the native slavedealers to sell at the price fixed 
 by the captains, a great many innocent blacks being 
 killed and wounded during the cannonade. In denouncing 
 this outrage in the House of Commons, Mr. Wilberforce 
 stated that the facts were perfectly known in Bristol and 
 Liverpool, where the act of the captains was deemed 
 so meritorious that they had been furnished with new 
 appointments. 
 
 With regard to the West India products brought to 
 England by the slave ships in their triangular voyages, 
 it is somewhat edifying to find that the recent policy of 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 187 
 
 continental nations in reference to bounties on exported 
 sugar was once in high favour amongst ourselves. In 
 1733 the Society cordially approved of certain proposals 
 made by the merchants of London, the most important 
 of which were that a bounty should be paid by the 
 Government on every ton of British plantation sugar 
 exported to other countries, that an additional bounty 
 of ^z per ton should be payable on all refined sugar 
 shipped in the same way, and that British plantation 
 rum should be admitted for home consumption at a 
 lower duty than that imposed on foreign spirits. The 
 Government acceded to the request for a further bounty 
 on refined sugar exported, so that it could be purchased 
 abroad at a lower price than was charged in England ; 
 French brandies were taxed at a much higher rate than 
 was levied on West India rum ; and the whole of the 
 duty on raw sugar was remitted to exporters to the 
 Continent, again placing foreigners in a better position 
 than home consumers. 
 
 In 1739 the West India planters sought Parliamentary 
 permission to export their sugar direct to foreign ports, 
 but the request was condemned as highly injurious by 
 the Society, who sent a deputation to Westminster to 
 organise resistance, and its efforts were successful. In 
 1759 the Society appealed to Parliament for an increase 
 of the bounty on refined sugar with a view to paralyse 
 foreign competition. War then absorbing all the resources 
 of the State, the prayer was unheeded; but in 1765, 
 when the import duty on raw sugar was {t 6s. per ton, 
 the bounty on exported refined sugar was raised to 
 ;^I4 I05. per ton. Nevertheless, in 1766, the Bristol 
 sugar refiners informed the Society that if the manu- 
 factures of their foreign rivals were admitted for domestic 
 ■consumption they would be utterly ruined, and the Hall 
 
l88 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 at once petitioned Parliament to entirely prohibit such 
 imports, and to levy a duty of l\% per ton on foreign 
 raw sugar. The bounty system reached its highest 
 point in 1781, when the export boon to English refiners, 
 who still paid only fjb 65. per ton duty on the raw 
 material, was increased to ^^26 per ton, or nearly three- 
 pence per pound. This bounty was still in force when 
 Rees's Encyclopedia was published in 1819 ; but the 
 duty on raw sugar had then been largely increased. 
 
 Early in the reign of George the Second the 
 merchants of Bristol, like those of other ports, raised 
 a loud clamour against Walpole's Administration for 
 what was styled its weakness and timidity in tolerating 
 Spanish " depredations " on English shipping. The 
 facts bearing on the matter now seem very simple. 
 English merchants of that time vehemently contended 
 that trade with our colonies should be exclusively 
 reserved to themselves, and that smuggling there by 
 foreigners could not be too rigorously punished. But 
 the adoption of an identical policy by Spain was 
 regarded as a monstrous infraction of British rights. 
 An enormous clandestine traffic with the Spanish colonies 
 was carried on by Bristolians and Londoners, and when 
 their ships and cargoes were confiscated by the Spanish 
 war-cruisers guarding the islands, as was frequently the 
 case, the owners denounced the Government at home 
 for submitting to such "outrages," and Walpole's 
 opponents in the House of Commons of course were 
 delighted to re-echo their cries. In 1731 the merchants 
 of Bristol forwarded a petition to Westminster, com- 
 plaining of the harassing interruptions to trade and 
 heavy losses to which they were subjected ; and the 
 Society paid the expenses of a number of witnesses 
 who gave evidence before the Commons in support of 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. l8g 
 
 the allegations. The Government promised to procure 
 satisfaction, but the tu quoque defence of Spain was in 
 fact unanswerable. 
 
 The subject temporarily dropt out of sight in 1733, 
 when Walpole, alleging that, through smuggling and 
 frauds in the Customs' system, not one-seventh of the 
 produce of the tobacco duty reached the Exchequer, 
 proposed to place the trade under Excise supervision. 
 The Bill aroused an unparalleled tempest of indignation 
 in mercantile circles ; the Society sent a deputation up 
 to London to co-operate in the opposition ; the Minister, 
 deserted by the representatives of sea-port boroughs, was 
 compelled to withdraw the scheme ; and his defeat was 
 hailed in Bristol with exuberant rejoicings. 
 
 Returning to the Spanish grievance, it appears that 
 the profits of the illicit traffic so much exceeded its 
 losses as to encourage its development, while the 
 exasperated demands for war by those who suff'ered 
 won sympathy from a nation weary of the monotony 
 of a long and prosperous peace. In 1739, while the 
 Society were co-operating heartily with the London 
 merchants in besieging Parliament for satisfaction, the 
 country was roused to madness by the story of a 
 knavish ship captain, named Jenkins, respecting the 
 alleged loss of an ear through Spanish barbarity. And 
 in the following Session the Hall sent up to the 
 Commons a narrative of the sufferings of the captain 
 of the Bristol ship Sarah, belonging to Mr. Richard 
 Farr (Warden, 1748) and others, which vessel with its 
 cargo, to the value of ^^9,000, had been captured and 
 confiscated by the Spaniards for having on board a 
 smuggled " stick of logwood." War was proclaimed 
 in October, 1739, amidst great demonstrations of joy; 
 but Walpole's prediction that bell-ringing would be 
 
I go THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 followed by hand-wringing proved only too accurate. 
 The Hall's expenses in the above agitation amounted 
 to ;^495, and ;^8i were spent in defeating the Excise 
 Bill. 
 
 In some directions the Society manifested free trade 
 proclivities. Though their attempts to break down the 
 monopoly of the East India Company were always 
 fruitless, they succeeded in maintaining an open trade 
 with the Turkish dominions and the Levant, defeated 
 various efforts made in London to obtain abnormal 
 privileges for that port, and agitated for the imposition 
 of a low duty on foreign corn in seasons of scarcity. 
 The Hall also disapproved of the import duties levied 
 at American ports in 1764, condemned the Stamp Tax 
 imposed on the colonists in the following year, and 
 conferred the freedom of the Society on the Marquis 
 of Rockingham and his colleagues, who carried the 
 Act which annulled that memorable blunder. But 
 their estimate of colonial rights in regard to trade and 
 industry was of a narrower character. In 1750, when 
 iron was extremely dear (in 1728 the Society paid £'^2 
 per ton for wrought-iron moorings at Hungroad), a 
 proposal that American raw iron should be allowed to 
 enter this country met with much local support, and 
 the Corporation and the Hall disbursed about ;^35o 
 each in obtaining legislative sanction to such importa- 
 tions. But the statute provided, at the request of its 
 promoters, that not only should no wrought iron be 
 admitted from the colonies, but that the settlers should 
 be prohibited from forging it for use amongst themselves. 
 In 1766, some merchants in London favoured a scheme 
 for permitting the colonists to export sugar direct to the 
 Continent, but the Society peremptorily rejected the 
 proposal. Not only, they contended, should such sugar 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. IQI 
 
 be continued to be landed in England, to prevent the 
 "oversetting" of English refiners, but the ships conveying 
 it should be compelled to call at an English port on 
 their return voyages, in order to stop the iUicit purchases 
 that the Americans were making of continental manu- 
 facturers " to the total ruin " of British industries. As 
 a further security, the Hall declared that if foreign raw 
 materials were allowed, as was proposed, to enter 
 Dominica free from duty, the import of foreign manu- 
 factures must be rigorously prohibited, "to protect the 
 home producer from injury." 
 
 In 1773, on the eve of the great disruption, the Society 
 petitioned the House of Commons to reject a Bill 
 authorising a Mr. Quincy to manufacture steel in one of 
 the American Colonies for exportation to England. The 
 harsh policy of the Government, or rather of the King, 
 induced the Hall for a time to support a policy of con- 
 ciliation, then being eloquently advocated by Mr. Burke, 
 the city's distinguished representative ; but in 1777 the 
 Society had become a convert to coercion, which was 
 manifested by sending a congratulatory address to the 
 King on the success of his arms, by rejecting by a large 
 majority a motion advocating a conciliatory policy, and 
 by presenting the freedom of the Society to the Prime 
 Minister, Lord North, and his leading colleagues in token 
 of approbation and sympathy. 
 
 The Colonies being regarded chiefly as profitable 
 outlets for the English manufactures that enjoyed a 
 monopoly in their markets, whilst their claim to manage 
 their own affairs was almost always resented, it is not 
 surprising that Ireland should have been considered by 
 many English merchants as a dangerous foreign rival 
 rather than as a portion of the Empire. Strange as it 
 now appears, the Irish were prohibited from importing 
 
192 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 foreign commodities and from exporting the produce of 
 their own country, unless the goods were first landed in 
 England to secure a profit for English shippers. In some 
 branches of manufacture, notably cloth, glass, soap, and 
 candles, Irish exportations were absolutely forbidden, in 
 order that they might not compete with English industries. 
 In 1703 the Irish Parliament petitioned Queen Anne that 
 the linens of the country might be sent direct to the 
 Colonies, instead of being forwarded to England for trans- 
 shipment, whereupon the Society directed the members 
 of Parliament for Bristol to vigorously resist a proposal 
 that " would be very prejudicial to the nation, but 
 particularly to this city." In 1731 the Irish prayed that 
 sugar might be allowed to enter their ports direct from 
 the plantations, but the Society was on the alert, and the 
 appeal, like its forerunner, was rejected. In 1733 the 
 Hall, in conjunction with the West India merchants of 
 London, petitioned Parliament to prohibit the importation 
 of foreign sugar into Ireland under any conditions what- 
 soever. In 1750 a Bill passed the House of Commons 
 permitting the entry into Yarmouth of Irish coarse cloth 
 and woollen yarn, whereupon the Society petitioned the 
 Upper House to reject a measure which "would be greatly 
 disadvantageous to this kingdom." In 1765 the Irish 
 Parliament proposed to follow the English example by 
 imposing taxes on imported manufactures, for the 
 "protection" of domestic industries, but the scheme was 
 denounced by the Society as a manifest design " to 
 encourage the culture and manufactures of Ireland," 
 which was clearly deemed outrageous, and Mr. Nugent, 
 M.P. (an Irishman), was desired to oppose it "with all 
 his might." 
 
 The only favour that local merchants were disposed 
 to concede to the sister island was a relaxation, in times 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. I93 
 
 of scarcity, of the laws passed by the EngUsh landed 
 interest prohibiting Irish meat and butter from entering 
 this country. These laws were rigorously enforced in 
 ordinary seasons, and smuggling, which was very profit- 
 able owing to the low prices prevailing in Ireland, was 
 punished by the confiscation and sale (for export) of the 
 provisions — one-half of the proceeds in Bristol being 
 distributed amongst the poor of St. Stephen's parish, 
 where the seizures were generally made. Irish butter, 
 however, was needed in the manufacture of baize, then 
 an important local industry ; and the Society applied to 
 the Government for leave to import butter that had 
 previously been made uneatable by the admixture of 
 dirt. 
 
 At a later date, the hopeless condition of American 
 affairs, and the urgent need of allaying Irish discontent, 
 brought about a change in the sentiments of the House 
 of Commons. In April, 1778, Earl Nugent, the former 
 member for Bristol, introduced resolutions, with the 
 approval of the Government, dealing with the laws regu- 
 lating Irish trade and commerce ; the chief concessions 
 being that Irish goods (cloth still excepted) might be 
 exported direct to the colonies, that colonial products, 
 except tobacco and indigo, might be sent to Ireland direct, 
 and that the export to foreign countries of Irish glass 
 ware, and to England of cotton yarn, should no longer be 
 forbidden. The resolutions were favourably received by 
 the House, and were especially applauded by Mr. Burke. 
 On the other hand, the indignation of English merchants, 
 manufacturers, and tradesmen was even more furious 
 than that aroused by Walpole's Excise scheme, and 
 nowhere did the storm rage more fiercely than at Bristol. 
 The Society, like the Corporation, resolved that the grant 
 to Ireland of freedom of trade with the colonies would be 
 
 H 
 
194 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 " destructive to that great system of commerce, manu- 
 factures, and revenue hitherto successfully pursued." 
 Deputations were sent up to London to organise resist- 
 ance in the lobby of St. Stephen's ; and a circular letter 
 was forwarded from the Hall to every city and borough in 
 the kingdom, appealing for active co-operation in defeating 
 so "calamitous" a policy. Lord North characteristically 
 bent before the tempest. All the vital concessions were 
 gradually withdrawn, and before the end of the Session 
 scarcely a vestige was left of the scheme save some clauses 
 favouring Irish linens. 
 
 Early in 1779 a fresh agitation was provoked by the 
 introduction of a Bill permitting the Irish to import their 
 own sugar, and Lord North delighted local merchants 
 by procuring its rejection. But in a few months the 
 easy-going Premier found himself beset with perils on 
 every hand. Two West India islands had been lost, and 
 others were in danger ; the French were masters of the 
 English Channel ; American privateers were threatening 
 the northern ports ; and the Irish, with an army of 
 100,000 volunteers, showed a determination to follow the 
 example of the revolted colonies unless their grievances 
 were redressed. At a Hall held on December 21st, letters 
 were read from the city members reporting Lord North's 
 humiliating surrender. The Irish were to be free to trade, 
 not only with the colonies and plantations, but with foreign 
 nations, on the same terms as Englishmen ; the restrictions 
 on their glass trade were to be abolished ; and, hardest 
 sacrifice of all, their woollen manufactures were to be 
 freed from all restraints. The Society, like the Premier, 
 submitted to the inevitable. It was resolved that no 
 exception could be taken to the Minister's propositions, 
 and the Bill to carry them out was practically unopposed. 
 
 A few days after Lord Nugent's resolutions had been 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 1 95 
 
 laid before the House of Commons in 1778, Mr. Burke 
 sent a copy of them to the Master, in a letter warmly 
 advocating their approval by the Society ; and followed 
 this up, a month later, by an argumentative reply to the 
 remonstrance addressed to him by the Master (the latter 
 has unfortunately perished). The great statesman's 
 defence of the policy he adopted seems to be well worthy 
 of preservation in these pages, and is given below 
 in extenso. That it was wholly ineffectual in allaying the 
 wrath of the mercantile community is proved by the pro- 
 ceedings of the Society, briefly recorded above, of which, 
 as Mr. John Noble, the leader of the local Whigs, assured 
 Burke, every Bristol merchant approved. The unpopu- 
 larity and enforced retirement of Mr. Burke, at the 
 election for Bristol two years later, may be safely 
 attributed to his resistance to local sentiments on this 
 burning question. 
 
 Mr. Burke to the Master [^Samuel Span]. 
 
 April 9, 1778. I have the honour to transmit copies of some 
 resolutions reported from the Committee [of the House of Commons] 
 on the trade of Ireland. They have been supported by Adminis- 
 tration and by several independent members. It is found absolutely 
 necessary to improve the portion of this Empire which is left, so as 
 to enable every part to contribute in some degree to the strength 
 and welfare of the whole. Our late misfortunes have taught us the 
 danger and mischief of a restrictive, coercive, and partial policy. 
 The trade in some degree opened by the resolutions is necessary, 
 not so much for any benefit thereby derived to Ireland, as to satisfy 
 and unite the minds of men at this juncture by the sense of a 
 common interest in the common defence. If nothing of this kind 
 should be done I apprehend very serious consequences. Ireland 
 may probably in some future time come to participate of the benefits 
 which we derive from the West India trade. But Ireland, being a 
 country of the same nature with this, can never be beneficial to 
 this kingdom but by pursuing several, if not all, of the objects of 
 commerce and manufacture which are cultivated here. The world, 
 I apprehend, is large enough for us all, and we are not to conclude 
 
196 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 that what is gained to one part is lost, of course, to the other. The 
 prosperity arising from an enlarged and liberal system improves all 
 its objects, and the participation of a trade with flourishing countries 
 is much better than the monopoly of want and penury. These 
 opinions, I am satisfied, will be relished by the clear understandings 
 of the merchants of Bristol, who will discern that a great Empire 
 cannot at this time be supported upon a narrow and restrictive 
 scheme either of commerce or government. I have the honour to 
 be, with great esteem and regard, &c. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 May 12, 1778. I am honoured with your answer to the letter 
 which I wrote in explanation of my conduct on the commercial 
 regulations now before the House. You may be assured that nothing 
 could give me a more sincere pleasure than to obey the commands 
 of the Society when I am not morally certain that I should do 
 them a serious injury by my compliance with their wishes. No 
 pains have been omitted to make an amicable adjustment of a 
 business whose very principle is the concord of the British dominions. 
 The gentlemen of Ireland who attend to the matter have been found 
 very moderate and practicable, and have given up some points for 
 the present which in justice ought to have been granted to them. 
 
 As to those Members of the British Parliament whom you speak 
 •of as advocates for the Bills and as interested persons, who have 
 nothing in view but the improvement of their extensive estates in 
 Ireland, I really do not directly know to whom you allude. Many 
 Members of Parliament have considerable estates in Ireland; but 
 whether the enlargement of these be their motive for the vote they 
 give is more than I can tell ; nor am I very solicitous to know ; as 
 it is much more easy for me, and much more my business, to judge 
 of the arguments they use than of the motives on which they act. 
 As to the rest, I take it that the interest which a party has in a 
 cause, though it disables him to be a witness, does not at all lessen 
 the favour with which he ought to be heard as an advocate. The 
 desire of improving one's private fortune by the general improvement 
 of a country I have always considered as praiseworthy rather than 
 blamable ; and in particular I cannot comprehend how the wish of 
 increasing an Irish fortune, the whole product of which is spent 
 in England, can be objected to by any of the people of this kingdom. 
 But indeed. Sir, the greatest part of the great majority of last 
 Thursday have their whole fortunes in Great Britain, for whose 
 sake, primarily, it is that they wish to remove the injurious restric- 
 .tions laid upon trade by antient Acts of Parliament. This last is 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. ig7 
 
 a fact in which I cannot be mistaken. With regard to my opinions, 
 I may be wrong in them ; but be sure that my errour arises neither 
 from ill will or obstinacy, or a want for the highest regard for the 
 sentiments of those from whom I have the misfortune to differ; 
 and when I take the liberty of stating my Notions to you at large, 
 it is not for the sake of entering into any controversy, but solely 
 to acquit myself of any intentional fault. I have the honour, &c. 
 
 It may be added that Mr. Burke's colleague in the 
 House of Commons, Henry Cruger, who was an American 
 by birth, and had been a vehement advocate of the cause 
 of the colonies, was a pertinacious opponent of any 
 relaxation in the laws which crippled Irish trade. He 
 was rewarded for his exertions by being elected Master 
 by the Society and Mayor by the Corporation in 1781. 
 
 The need, in time of war, cf armed ships for the 
 protection of commerce always caused the Society to 
 lend a favourable ear to the requests of the Admiralty 
 for assistance in procuring seamen for the Navy. A 
 few examples may be given of its proceedings. At a 
 meeting in June, 1705, the Hall resolved that, as the 
 Government had appointed a man-of-war, then building, 
 for the security of Bristol trade, and as money was 
 required to raise a crew for the ship, a loan of /^200 
 should be made to the Admiralty for that purpose. 
 And in the following month, Mr. Abraham Elton 
 (Treasurer, 1705-8), and other owners of a merchant 
 ship, lent the vessel gratis to the Society to harbour the 
 enlisted sailors, the Hall undertaking to make good any 
 damages and to engage a superintendent. Seamen were 
 rarely obtained in so satisfactory a manner. In December, 
 1758, complaint was made to the Society by several 
 masters of ships, returned from Jamaica, of the im- 
 pressment of their seamen seventy or eighty leagues 
 west of Scilly by two men-of-war, whereby one vessel 
 was totally lost and others much delayed in reaching 
 
ig8 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 port. The Master was consequently directed to represent 
 the facts to the Admiralty; but Mr. Nugent, M.P., 
 wrote to the Hall a few weeks later, begging that the 
 complaint might not be pressed ; and the whole country 
 being then in ecstacies of joy at the glorious successes 
 of British arms under the guidance of the first William 
 Pitt, the Society not only allowed the matter to drop, 
 but took an extraordinary step to assist the Naval 
 authorities. The Admiralty having offered two frigates 
 to act as convoys to Bristol fleets bound westward, the 
 Hall undertook to provide them with crews, and hired 
 a ship at £60 per month in which to lodge the men. 
 The importance of a not very reputable class, the 
 occupiers of low public-houses, generally known as 
 "crimps," comes to light in the minutes bearing on 
 this transaction. The crimps, it is stated, did not think 
 it worth their while to inveigle the required sailors unless 
 they were assured that the bounty ostensibly offered to 
 the seamen for enlisting would be pocketed by themselves. 
 The Hall does not appear to have thought their conduct 
 unreasonable, for it resolved that each sailor enrolled 
 should be required to sign an order, directing that the 
 bounty to which he was entitled should be paid by the 
 Society to his crimp ! The same remarkable course 
 was pursued during the perilous crisis of 1779. The 
 Society having then subscribed ;^i,ooo to augment the 
 Army and Navy, the committee appointed to administer 
 the fund decided that, as the Government bounty then 
 paid for able seamen — ;£ii 35. per head — was sufficiently 
 large, the Hall's money would be most effectually 
 employed in paying " crimpage to landlords," who, if 
 they secured the bounty also, as is not improbable, 
 must have reaped an ample harvest from the misfortunes 
 of the country. Upwards of ;^3oo appears to have been 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. IQQ 
 
 disbursed in this way by the Treasurer. The system of 
 forcible impressment was regarded throughout the century 
 as a necessary evil, and several of the " Regulating 
 Captains," who superintended the operations of the local 
 press-gangs, received presents of plate from the Society 
 for the efficient performance of their duties. 
 
 It is clear, however, that the system was redolent of 
 abuses, being often made use of to gratify private malice. 
 In 1779 a country squire at Pill, to whom the estates of 
 the famous Morgans had descended, having had his 
 dignity offended by some of the pilots, induced the 
 Regulating Captain to impress six of them "by way of 
 example," and the Society had to take active measures 
 to obtain their liberation. (The same worthy, it may be 
 added, attempted in 1790 to regulate the motions of 
 shipping in the port, arrogantly forbidding the pilots to 
 take charge of vessels on Sundays, and finished the 
 century, in 1800, by obstructing the pipes laid by the 
 Society for providing the village and shipping with water). 
 
 It is almost needless to observe that the patriotism 
 and loyalty of the Society were never lacking in those 
 seasons of warfare and peril which were only too numerous 
 in the eighteenth century. In September, 1728, a massive 
 piece of plate was voted to Samuel Pitts, master of the 
 Bristol ship Kirtlington, for remarkably gallant conduct. 
 The vessel, which carried twelve small guns, with a crew 
 of seventeen men, was returning with a cargo from 
 Jamaica, when she was attacked by a Spanish rover 
 carrying 180 desperadoes. After an hour's engagement 
 at close quarters, the overpowering fire of the enemy 
 drove the Englishmen below, and their ship was boarded 
 by about fifty Spaniards ; but Pitts succeeded in rallying 
 his men, and, it was asserted, killed the whole of the 
 invaders, and forced the pirate ship to take flight. The 
 
200 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 account of the action further adds that Pitts had only 
 four or five men wounded, and brought home his ship and 
 cargo with flying colours. (The Society's handsome 
 testimonial to him was purchased by the Corporation in 
 1821, and now decorates the Mansion House.) 
 
 In 1731 a movement was started in London for the 
 erection of a statue of William the Third ; but when a 
 site tor the monument was solicited from the Common 
 Council, that body, in which a combination of Jacobites 
 and of the faction led by Lord Bolingbroke had gained 
 predominance, refused even to receive the petition. 
 The incident aroused much indignation throughout the 
 country, and notably amongst the merchants of Bristol, 
 a large majority of whom were Whigs ; and steps were 
 forthwith taken to prove the attachment of the city to 
 the Revolution settlement. A memorial was addressed 
 to the Corporation expressing the willingness of the 
 numerous signatories to erect a statue at their own 
 charge to the memory of " our great and glorious 
 Deliverer," if a suitable site were granted ; and the 
 Chamber not only assented to the request, but unani- 
 mously voted a donation of ;^5oo to the subscription list. 
 A few days later, when the subject was discussed by the 
 Hall, Mr. Thomas Freke, a gentleman suspected of 
 Jacobite sympathies, sought to disconcert his political 
 opponents by proposing that the Society should con- 
 tribute ;^i,ooo towards erecting a statue of the reigning 
 sovereign ; but the transparent device was swept aside by 
 moving the " previous question," and a vote of ;^300 
 towards the original project was carried by a large 
 majority of the sixty-four members present. The liberal 
 donations of the two public bodies had a marked effect 
 in cooling the zeal of those who had brought the subject 
 forward. Instead of fulfilling their pledge to bear the 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 201 
 
 entire charge, their subscriptions did not meet one-fourth 
 of the outlay; and in 1736, when Jacobite manifestations 
 were still common, the Corporation voted a further sum 
 of /'500, to which the Society added /'200, to meet the 
 claims of the sculptor, Rysbrach. 
 
 In March, 1744, the menaces of the French Govern- 
 ment to send an invading army into England in support 
 of the Pretender gave the Hall a new opportunity for 
 displaying its devotion to the reigning family. An address 
 was drawn up for presentation to the King, offering the 
 Society's "sincerest professions of duty, zeal and affection 
 at this time, when the Disturbers of Europe are directing 
 their pernicious schemes against your Majesty's dominions 
 in favour of an Abjured Popish Pretender," and giving 
 assurances that the Hall would, with unshaken loyalty, 
 support the Throne, and use the utmost endeavours in 
 defence of the King's person and Government and the 
 Protestant Succession against all enemies whatsoever. 
 
 War broke out immediately afterwards, and to safe- 
 guard local ships from French privateers, which swarmed 
 in and near the Bristol Channel, the merchants of the 
 city forthwith equipped a number of well-armed cruisers, 
 ninety gentlemen subscribing ;^ioo each towards the cost. 
 Amongst the finest of these vessels were the Boscawen, of 
 30 guns, the Bristol, of 38 guns, the Leviathan, of 28 guns, 
 and the Southwell, of 24 guns, having aggregate crews of 
 1,050 men. Many others were sent out soon afterwards, 
 and, in the first few months of the war, a surprising 
 number of valuable French prizes were captured, exciting 
 much riotous exultation amongst the fortunate crews after 
 the division of the booty. But the defeat of General 
 Cope by the Highland rebels in September, 1745, gave a 
 prodigious shock to the complacency of the country. On 
 October 5th, in compliance with a summons issued by the 
 
202 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 Earl of Berkeley, Lord Lieutenant, who had hurried to 
 the city, the principal merchants waited upon his lordship 
 at the Hall, to consider the best means of raising a body 
 of troops for the defence of the Crown. Four days later 
 a general meeting was held in the Guildhall, when a letter 
 was read from the Duke of Newcastle, expressing the 
 King's satisfaction at the ardour and loyalty of the 
 citizens, and authorising the Mayor to enroll a body of 
 volunteers. There not being time to convene a Hall, 
 the Standing Committee, on October loth, desired the 
 Master to subscribe ;^5,ooo in support of the movement. 
 A number of leading members of the Society contributed 
 sums varying from ;^500 to /^loo ; the Corporation voted 
 ;^io,ooo independent of large personal subscriptions, and 
 on the 14th the Mayor informed the Duke of Newcastle 
 that nearly ^^30,000 had been already promised, and that 
 fresh donations were still flowing in, (The amount raised 
 in Liverpool was ^^6,000.) The working classes also 
 manifested much enthusiasm, and Lord Berkeley was 
 soon at the head of a new regiment. The national peril, 
 which all but broke the Bank of England, practically 
 came to an end early in December, when the Pretender 
 ingloriously retreated from Derby ; and only a trivial 
 fraction of the Bristol patriotic fund was actually 
 disbursed. 
 
 In the spring of 1756 war was again declared against 
 France, and immediate measures were taken by the 
 members of the Society and other local merchants and 
 capitalists for the fitting out of privateers. The zeal 
 displayed on this occasion produced a fleet of war- 
 ships far exceeding anything attempted in previous wars, 
 and indicated the vast development attained by local 
 commerce. Within little more than a twelvemonth nearly 
 forty ships had been equipped in the Avon, and sent 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 203 
 
 to sea ; and upwards of twenty more were added in 
 the two subsequent years. Twenty-six of these privateers 
 carried from thirty-six to twenty guns, and were manned 
 by about 4,000 sailors and volunteers. Owing to the 
 destruction of the Custom House records, it is unfortu- 
 nately impossible to give the names of individual 
 owners. As in the previous conflict, many good prizes 
 were captured in the early period of the war; but the 
 preponderance of English cruisers became ultimately so 
 great that few of the enemy's merchantmen dared put 
 to sea, and most of the Bristol adventijrers sustained 
 heavy losses. An incident that excited great exultation 
 occurred in October, 1758. A royal frigate, the Antelope, 
 of fifty-eight guns, was lying in Kingroad, and the 
 commander. Captain Saumarez, had come up to a 
 fashionable ball at the Hotwells, when news arrived 
 that the Belliqueux, a French war-ship of sixty-four 
 guns, had taken shelter in distress near Lundy Island. 
 Saumarez set sail within a few hours, captured the 
 enemy after a slight resistance, and brought her up, 
 with her crew of 470 men, to this port, for which gallant 
 action the Society presented him with an elegant piece 
 of plate. 
 
 During the conflict then proceeding, the Admiralty 
 placed a ship of war, and sometimes two, in the port 
 for the purpose of convoying the local West India 
 fleets on their outward and homeward voyages, and gave 
 the Society authority to direct the naval commanders as 
 to the date, direction, and duration of each cruise. The 
 Hall minutes show that this remarkable devolution of 
 power on the part of the Government, which denotes the 
 vast importance of Bristol commerce at that period, was 
 largely taken advantage of; and the Society made many 
 handsome gifts to captains who had shown gallantry and 
 
204 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 zeal in fulfilling its orders. As an example of these 
 voyages, the following extracts are given from a letter of 
 Captain Taylor Penny, of H.M.S. Looe, to the Master 
 (William Hart), dated "Cork, 2 June, 1761":— 
 
 Sir. I take the earliest opportunity to acquaint you that I 
 parted from the Convoy in the following manner, viz', on the iS"" ulto. 
 the John and Hopewell, westward of Cape Clear 253 Leagues : 
 on the 19'" at noon, the Rialto, Harford, Ann, Sterling, Amy, 
 Brislington, and Black Prince Westw* of Cape Clear 274 Leagues r 
 and on the 22"* all the rest of the Convoy, being 1 1 sail, Westw* of 
 Cape Clear 307 Leagues. No accident happened to any of the 
 Convoy whilst under my care, and were all well at parting with 
 a fair wind. 
 
 I am also to acquaint you that on the 13"" ulto. Cape Clear 
 then bearing N. E.B.N. 160 leagues, I saw a sail about J past 11 a.m. 
 to which I gave Chase, and about J past four p.m. came within 
 Musquet Shot of her. She then hoisted French Colours and began 
 to fire. I received three broad sides from her before I could bring 
 my Guns to bear, she keeping all her sails on her ; at J past I came 
 close alongside of her ; she then engaged me about ten minutes ; 
 and then struck. She is the Jupiter of Bayonne of Twenty-two 
 Guns, and 185 men, and a very fine Frigate. The reason of my 
 coming in liere is to land my Prisoners. When done shall proceed 
 on the remainder of my Cruize without a moment's loss of time, 
 after which shall call off here and take under my Convoy all ships 
 bound to Bristol conformable to your request. I am, &c. 
 
 In 1778, during the American war, twenty-one Bristol 
 vessels were engaged in privateering, but they were of 
 much inferior strength to their forerunners of 1758, and 
 with only two or three exceptions the outlay upon them 
 vastly exceeded the receipts. The opening of the 
 revolutionary war, in 1793, found the city labouring under 
 an extraordinary mania for the erection of gigantic 
 terraces and crescents in various localities, and caused a 
 financial collapse unparalleled in local annals. Mercantile 
 interests doubtless suffered severely in the crash, and the 
 newspapers do not record the fitting out of a single 
 privateer. Following the example of the Corporation, 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 205 
 
 however, the Society devoted large sums to increasing the 
 Government bounty offered to sailors on joining the 
 Navy, and voted ;^20o towards raising " the Bristol Loyal 
 Regiment," which was added to the Line. In 1797 two 
 corps of "Bristol Volunteers," cavalry and infantry, came 
 into existence, and nearly every member of the Society 
 capable of bearing arms immediately joined the organi- 
 sation. On February 20th, 1798, at perhaps the 
 gloomiest period in national history, the Society resolved : 
 "That at this important crisis, when our commerce, 
 prosperity, independence, and very existence as a nation 
 are at stake, it is the duty of all, and particularly of a 
 Society enjoying the privileges of English merchants, to 
 exert their utmost power to defeat the destructive designs 
 of our enemies. That the Society regret that, through 
 the lowness of their finances, it will not be in their power 
 to come forward to the extent of their wishes ; and that 
 /600, as the gift of the Society, be given towards the 
 Voluntary Subscription for the defence of the kingdom." 
 
 The Subscription thus referred to was formally opened 
 at a great gathering of the citizens held on February 
 23rd in the Guildhall, when the Mayor, Mr. Thomas 
 Daniel (Master, 1805) recalled the memorable effort made 
 in 1745. The finances of the Corporation, like those of 
 the Society, were not in a flourishing condition, and the 
 civic donation was only ^^1,000; but the ardour of the 
 inhabitants generally more than compensated for the 
 corporate shortcomings, and the aggregate amount con- 
 tributed within six weeks was ;^3 1,300, the whole of which 
 was forwarded to the Government. The sum greatly 
 exceeded that subscribed in any other provincial town. 
 
 The Ministry did not display much gratitude for this 
 pecuniary help. On April 21st the Society were invited 
 to consider a letter received by the Mayor from the 
 
206 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 Admiralty, recommending that all the serviceable long- 
 boats in the harbour should be armed with cannon, and 
 stationed as gunboats in Kingroad ; but neither men, 
 arms, nor ammunition were offered by the Government, 
 which had refused to station a single cruiser in the Bristol 
 Channel, or to erect a few beacons on the coast to guard 
 against an only too probable surprise, or to fortify any 
 point between Lundy Island and Bristol. The Hall, in 
 concert with the Corporation, supplied two or three small 
 gunboats, which the Pill pilots volunteered to man, but 
 their services were fortunately never required. Soon 
 afterwards the Society lent a pile engine to a Government 
 official, who set about the construction of some batteries 
 at Avonmouth, and renovated the little fort at Portishead. 
 Turning to subjects relating to the improvement of 
 the port and of the navigation of the Bristol Channel, 
 many of the Society's minutes may still be read with 
 interest. So early as 1610 the Hall had employed the 
 famous seaman, Martin Pring, to survey the Channel, 
 and further operations of the same kind were ordered in 
 subsequent years. In 1702 the desirability of establishing 
 a lighthouse on the Flat Holm was discussed by the 
 Hall ; and in 1733 it was resolved to apply to the Trinity 
 House for permission to undertake the work at the 
 expense of the Society. This design having been frus- 
 trated, a Mr. Crisp offered, in 1737, to erect a beacon, 
 at an outlay of ;^8oo, under the direction of the Hall, 
 engaging to keep up a large coal-fire nightly throughout 
 the year, in consideration of receiving a passing toll. 
 (This primitive arrangement continued until 1820, at 
 which time the profits of the lessee were stated to exceed 
 ^4,000 per annum.) Early in the eighteenth century, 
 owing to the extremely tortuous course of the Avon near 
 St. Vincent's Rocks, vessels exceeding about 150 tons 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 207 
 
 burden rarely ascended the river further than Hungroad, 
 and in 1728 the Society expended nearly ;^7oo on 
 additional moorings there. They also spent a large 
 sum in the following year in removing rocks in that 
 locality, and made numerous grants from time to time for 
 improving the harbour for pilots at Pill, and for providing 
 a supply of water there, as well for the inhabitants as 
 for shipping. In 1767 the Hall went so far afield as 
 to vote ;^ioo towards making a safe entrance to the 
 harbour at Barry Island. 
 
 A matter of much greater importance, however, was 
 the question of providing increased accommodation for 
 the commerce of Bristol itself; and the efforts of the 
 Society in this direction, pursued in despite of much 
 local inertness, discouragement, and even hostility, were 
 dictated by a foresight much in advance of the age, and 
 are amongst the most estimable incidents in its history. 
 
 So early as 1755, a committee of the Corporation, 
 when reporting on the duties of the Water Bailiff, asserted 
 that " no human prudence could prevent the growing 
 danger to ships, without provision be made for further 
 room ... by the want of which they daily sustain 
 considerable damage." The Common Council's unwilling- 
 ness to deal with the subject is evidenced by the fact that 
 it was not until three years later that it was resolved to 
 advertise for plans for converting part of the Avon or the 
 Froom into a wet dock. Although such designs were 
 doubtless received, they were silently shelved, and a 
 committee previously appointed to consider the subject 
 never presented a report. The great development of 
 commerce after the Seven Years' War having increased 
 the overcrowding of the harbour, while the inertia of the 
 Corporation was obviously fostering the growth of the 
 still infant port of Liverpool, a meeting of merchants was 
 
208 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 held in July, 1764, when it was resolved that an efficient 
 scheme for keeping vessels permanently afloat would be 
 highly beneficial to the city, and that a subscription of 
 ;^30,ooo should be raised to carry it out. The proceedings 
 seem to have quickened the determination of the civic 
 rulers to defeat the advocates of progress. Following out 
 a design that had been some time under consideration, 
 the Corporation, in the following September, granted the 
 Society, whose lease of the Wharfage Dues had then 
 twenty- eight years to run, a new lease of those dues for 
 ninety-nine years, at a rent of ^10 a year, in consideration 
 of the Hall undertaking to construct a new quay at the 
 Grove, and a little quay, 130 feet long, at St. Augustine's 
 Back, whereby some additional berths would be provided 
 for shipping. On this arrangement becoming known, 
 many wealthy citizens refused their support to the dock 
 scheme, the subscription for which had reached barely a 
 third of the required amount, and the despondency of its 
 promoters is testified by the following resolution, passed 
 at a meeting of the Hall on September 20th : — 
 
 "A scheme for making the Quays and part of the 
 Avon a wet dock having been under the consideration of 
 several merchants, who intended to attempt the same by 
 subscription, but are at a stand from doubts as to its 
 being practicable. Ordered, That this Society will concur 
 with the Corporation, and contribute to the expense of 
 surveys by able engineers, in order to ascertain whether 
 the scheme can be executed." 
 
 A grant of one hundred guineas towards enabling 
 the promoters to obtain the necessary surveys was voted 
 at the next meeting of the Hall, whereupon Mr. Smeaton, 
 the celebrated engineer, was directed to furnish a plan, 
 which was produced in January, 1765. Mr. Smeaton 
 proposed that the Froom branch of the harbour should 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 209 
 
 be converted into a floating dock, by placing a dam across 
 its mouth, and that it should be connected with the 
 Avon by means of a canal through Canons' Marsh. The 
 cost of the works was estimated at ;^25,ooo, exclusive of 
 compensation for the land required for the canal. Strange 
 as it now appears, the engineer's proposal took away the 
 breath of the improvement party. Mr. Barrett, who was 
 a witness of its effects, briefly notes in his History that 
 the estimated outlay "was so great as to quash the 
 enterprise." (The promoters were so mean spirited as to 
 decline to defray the balance of Mr. Smeaton's charges 
 and other expenses. In 1776, Mr. Thomas Symons, a 
 public -spirited attorney, who had been employed by 
 them, appealed to the Corporation to be recouped the 
 sums he had personally advanced to the engineer and 
 others on behalf of his clients, amounting to nearly £2J,o. 
 The Council voted him ;^I30. The balance appears to 
 have been paid by the Society.) 
 
 In January, 1767, Mr. William Champion, an enter- 
 prising local engineer, propounded a plan of a much more 
 ambitious character than that of Smeaton, proposing that 
 lock gates should be constructed across the Avon opposite 
 Red Clift House, and the two rivers converted into a 
 floating harbour capable of containing a thousand ships, 
 the cost being estimated at ^30,000. The opponents of 
 improvement thereupon employed an engineer named 
 Mylne to throw cold water on the scheme, and as the 
 critic positively asserted that £60,000 would scarcely 
 suffice to carry it out, capitalists held aloof, and the 
 matter went to sleep again for nearly a generation, to the 
 immense profit of Liverpool. 
 
 Two or three years before laying the above plan 
 before the public, Mr. Champion had begun the construc- 
 tion of two docks for repairing ships on the right bank 
 
 15 
 
210 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 of the Avon, near Rownham. The adventure proved 
 disastrous to its projector, and the works, with some 
 adjoining property, were purchased in 1770 by the Society, 
 who resolved upon enlarging and deepening the larger 
 dock to make it available for the reception of inward- 
 bound vessels laden with inflammable naval stores and 
 timber, which were then allowed to encumber the public 
 quays. Extensive and costly improvements having been 
 effected, an Act was obtained in 1776 " to remove the 
 danger of fire amongst the ships in the port of Bristol," 
 empowering the Society to make further enlargements of 
 the dock, and to build warehouses for storing dangerous 
 materials, and prohibiting the landing of tar, deals, &c., 
 except there or at private wharves. It being desirable 
 that the premises should be within civic jurisdiction, the 
 statute further enacted that the strip of the parish of 
 Clifton lying to the south-west of Hotwell Road, "from 
 a little brook anciently called Woodwell Lake " (but then 
 running in an underground culvert) to Rownham Ferry, 
 should be separated from Gloucestershire and included 
 within the city bounds. The undertaking involved a 
 capital expenditure of many thousand pounds, which the 
 slender income of the Society was ill calculated to bear, 
 and which accounts for the " lowness of finances " 
 acknowledged in the resolution of 1798 {see page 205). 
 Large disbursements had moreover to be made from time 
 to time for the removal from the dock of the enormous 
 accumulations of mud deposited by the tides of the river. 
 A local pamphlet published in 1790 asserted that "the 
 great dock is capable of containing thirty- six of the 
 largest ships belonging to the port . . . and it has never 
 yet been completely filled." 
 
 The next minute of the Society in reference to the 
 Floating Harbour is dated November 20th, 1786 : — 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 211 
 
 " Mr. William Miles having submitted to the Hall that 
 it would be of great public utility if the present quays 
 were converted into floating docks, Ordered, That the 
 [Standing] Committee do consider any scheme suggested 
 for effectuating the same." The Committee, a few days 
 later, sent a communication to Mr. Smeaton, desiring 
 him to recommend an able engineer to make surveys and 
 estimates, and that gentleman replied by nominating two 
 capable men — Mr. Joseph Nickalls and Mr. William 
 Jessop. The Hall having voted ;^200 for preliminary 
 expenses, the Committee invited Mr. Nickalls to Bristol, 
 and that gentleman, after making a careful survey of the 
 Avon and the harbour, produced a thoroughly original 
 design in the autumn of 1787. His report pointed out 
 the irremediable defect of any scheme for a dock con- 
 structed at or above Rownham, namely, the impossibility 
 of its being reached by the larger class of vessels entering 
 the port (by which he meant ships of about 400 tons 
 burden) except at spring tides, owing to a gradual rise 
 of about ten feet in the bed of the Avon between Black 
 Rock and Rownham. In his opinion, the only way to 
 overcome this difficulty was to construct locks for a 
 floating harbour near Black Rock, to which ships of 
 heavy tonnage — then often detained for more than a week 
 at Kingroad — could ascend at the lowest tides, the depth 
 of water there being nearly forty feet, while the navigation 
 of the most tortuous portions of the Avon would be 
 rendered easy. The cost of a dam at the place pointed 
 out would, he added, be inconsiderable, the bed and 
 banks of the river being of solid rock, and no purchases 
 of land would be necessary. Mr. Nickalls apparently 
 estimated the total outlay at about ^25,000. 
 
 Some members of the Society, however, had been 
 induced to favour a scheme for making the Hall's floating 
 
212 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 dock available as an entrance into the proposed harbour, 
 whilst others advocated a dock at Canons' Marsh. Further 
 advice being considered desirable, Mr. Jessop was requested 
 to present a report, and, as was to be expected, that 
 gentleman discountenanced the scheme of his professional 
 colleague, and propounded a plan of his own, embracing 
 the erection of a dam at Mardyke, and a cutting through 
 Rownham Meads to carry off flood water, the outlay being 
 estimated at ^32,000. 
 
 The Society now thought it advisable to consult 
 Mr. Smeaton, who came down to study the problem 
 on the spot, and the natural result was the production 
 of a third plan, and the condemnation of those already 
 made, especially that of Nickalls, who, at the Society's 
 request, produced another in 1790, providing a lock at 
 Rownham. The details of Smeaton's scheme are not 
 preserved in the Hall, but may be inferred from what 
 follows. After prolonged consideration and many 
 debates, the Standing Committee, in February, 1791, 
 reported to the Hall that the best site for a weir would 
 be a little below Red Clift House, and that a cutting 
 to deal with flood water should be made through 
 Rownham Meads, the outlay being estimated by Mr. 
 Smeaton at about £'//[, ^00, and by Jessop at about 
 ;^52,ooo, but those sums did not include purchases of 
 land or compensation for property injuriously affected. 
 
 Having brought the matter to this point, and 
 thoroughly considered it in all its bearings, the Society, 
 in October, 1791, passed a series of resolutions which 
 members of the Hall may still read with satisfaction : — 
 
 Resolved, That the harbour is by nature inferior to that of 
 many British ports, and that local shipowners are not on equal 
 footing with those of other ports, either as regards security of ships 
 whilst in port, or as to ease and expedition in discharging and 
 loading. That from the same cause the ships of strangers and 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 213 
 
 the charterers of such ships are under similar inconveniences. 
 That the losses sustained by these causes amount to a very large 
 sum annually. That the prosperity of the port must largely depend 
 on its goodness and security, and that the wealth and affluence 
 of the city are closely connected with this prosperity. That the 
 existing great inconveniences may be remedied without impediment 
 to trade, or injury to health or property, by erecting a dam across 
 the Avon at the Red ClifF, and by cutting a canal, with locks and 
 sluices, in Rownham Meads, agreeably to the plans of M' Smeaton 
 and M' Jessop, and by adopting such of M'^ Nickalls' provisions 
 as shall be deemed expedient. That there is every reason to 
 believe that the whole expense of executing this improvement, 
 and of indemnifying those whose property may be injured, will 
 not be greater than the advantages acquired by it will much 
 more than counterbalance. That such annual revenue should be 
 provided as not only to pay the interest of the money laid out and 
 the charges of management, but also to create a sinking fund for 
 the discharge of the debt in a moderate number of years, and to 
 provide for repairs and improvements ; and that such adequate 
 revenue will be produced by a toll over the proposed bridge over 
 the Dam, and by a tax on shipping not exceeding the dock rates 
 paid at Liverpool, calculating only on the present trade of the port, 
 which the improvement will doubtless considerably increase. That 
 the improvement should be executed for the sole benefit of the public 
 by commissioners or trustees, and that no individual or body of 
 men should derive any emolument therefrom. That the Merchants' 
 Society having, at a large expense, with the sole view of benefitting 
 the public, provided the plans and estimates, they conceive they 
 have completed all that was incumbent upon them as a separate 
 body ; but that they conceive it to be their duty to co-operate with 
 the Corporation and citizens in carrying this great improvement into 
 effect, and offer their best services and endeavours towards that end. 
 
 In pursuance of these resolutions. Ordered, That the Standing 
 Committee communicate the result of their labours to the Corpora- 
 tion, requesting them to unite in the undertaking, and be empowered 
 to confer with a committee of the Corporation, or any other body of 
 men, in the conduct of the business. 
 
 The Treasurer is directed to pay the sums now due to Messrs. 
 Smeaton, Nickalls and Jessop. 
 
 On receiving a copy of the above resolutions, the 
 Common Council showed a temporary inclination to 
 abandon the apathetic policy that had been so long 
 
214 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 pursued. A special meeting was held to consider the 
 subject, and a 'committee was appointed to report, and 
 did so in December, admitting the correctness of the 
 Society's statements as to the shortcomings of the port 
 and the serious evils that resulted from them, and 
 approving of the Hall's proposals for a floating harbour. 
 After a long delay, some members of the Chamber were 
 appointed to confer with a committee of the Society with 
 a view to further action, and this joint body recommended, 
 in September, 1793, that a Parliamentary Bill should be 
 prepared for the following Session. Encouraged at the 
 prospect, the Hall immediately resolved that " the 
 Society should contribute to so desirable an object to the 
 utmost of its ability, should the Corporation be inclined 
 to co-operate." But the energy of the civic rulers had 
 already evaporated, and there is no further mention of the 
 proposed Bill. Somewhat curiously, the Society, in the 
 following November, desired Mr. Jessop to report on the 
 desirability of constructing a dam near Cook's Folly, thus 
 reverting to Nickalls' first and very economical design ; 
 but his reply is not to be found, and the whole question 
 drops out of sight for seven years. 
 
 At a Hall held on July 29th, 1800, the minutes state 
 that "the resolutions of the Society, adopted in October, 
 1791, . . . were read and approved, and the Committee 
 were authorised to confer with the Corporation, and to 
 take such steps for bringing forward the business again as 
 they think necessary." Judging from the minutes of the 
 Common Council, this proposal did not receive even the 
 courtesy of an acknowledgment. The Society up to that 
 date had disbursed over ;^i,ooo in procuring plans and 
 estimates from the engineers it had employed. The later 
 history of the Float will be given in the ensuing chapter. 
 
 Owing to the demise of the Hot Well to a body of 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 215 
 
 Bristolians, as described in page 169, the minutes of the 
 Society afford no information respecting the Spring 
 during the period of its greatest celebrity. The only 
 references to it for more than eighty years consist of 
 complaints and remonstrances against the frequent 
 attempts of the sub-lessees to debar the citizens and 
 neighbouring Cliftonians from the privilege reserved by 
 the lease of drinking and carrying away the water free 
 from charge. The Society, on one occasion, indicted 
 a tenant for his extortions, and apparently obtained his 
 conviction at Gloucester assizes. 
 
 Possibly with a view to the entertainment of the 
 fashionable visitors, though also with the desire of pro- 
 viding some amusement for Bristol, where play-acting was 
 forbidden, the Society permitted the erection in 1729 of a 
 little theatre on part of its estate near Jacob's Wells, which 
 was a popular resort for nearly forty years. A play bill for 
 August, 1754, announced that the next performance would 
 be patronised by the Duke and Duchess of St. Albans. 
 
 The discovery of another spring of a similar thermal 
 character to the Hot Well occurred at an earlier date. 
 In 1702 the Society were informed that a new Hot Well 
 had been found by the side of the Avon, near Oakham 
 Slade — the then name of the ravine descending from 
 Durdham Down. But the discovery seems to have 
 excited little attention, and the spring is not mentioned 
 again for twenty- seven years, when a motion that it 
 should be let to a tenant was negatived, and the place 
 was ordered to be made convenient for providing vessels 
 with water. Proposals, however, were soon after made to 
 the Hall, and in 1730 the spring was leased to two men 
 for a term of fifty years, at an annual rent of ;!^ioo — an 
 enormous sum in view of the fact that no building existed 
 within a mile of the spot, and that the only approach to 
 
2l6 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 it was by rugged foot tracks. (The towing-path along the 
 bank of the river was not laid out until 1765.) But 
 mineral waters were then in universal repute, and the 
 humble cottages that sprang up at the new Spa seem to 
 have attracted many sober-minded invalids desirous of 
 shunning the bustle and fashionable vagaries for which 
 the old Hot Well had become famous. In 1746, however, 
 the lessees, then insolvent, and owing several years' rent, 
 surrendered the property, which remained unoccupied 
 until 1750, when a new lease for twenty-one years was 
 granted to John Dolman, at a rent of £2^. 
 
 Dolman, who combined the avocations of a basket 
 maker and a dissenting preacher, eventually blossoming 
 into a beneficed clergyman, published in 1755 a dismal 
 lucubration entitled Contemplations amongst Vincent's 
 Rocks, in which he expatiated on the surprising recovery 
 from incipient consumption of the celebrated John 
 Wesley, after a three week's course of the water in 
 the previous year. Dolman's admission that the only 
 human objects usually visible from his premises were 
 the remains of two murderers, gibbeted on Durdham 
 Down, indicates the extreme solitude of the locality. 
 Nothing more is recorded of the Well until 1778, when 
 Dolman's successor had died, leaving two years' rent 
 in arrear, and the Pump Room semi-ruinous. No one 
 being adventurous enough to take his place, the Hall 
 determined, in 1784, to let it in conjunction with the Old 
 Well. A last doleful notice of the place occurs in 1795, 
 when it was reported that a tenant had held it for five 
 years and a half at £^ per annum, but that no more than 
 six guineas had been extracted from him throughout his 
 occupation. The spring, however, became a subject of 
 lively interest to the Society in the following century. 
 
 Returning to the original Hot Well, it appears that on 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 217 
 
 the expiration of the long lease, in 1785, the Hall resolved 
 upon making extensive improvements in the Pump Room 
 and adjoining buildings, and eventually expended nearly 
 ;^3,ooo on the property, exclusive of the Colonnade, which 
 was built by private enterprise. A lessee on the Society's 
 terms — ;^6oo a year — not being found, Mr. Thomas Perkins 
 (Master, 1780,) was appointed manager on behalf of the 
 Hall, and was allotted one-third of the receipts for his 
 remuneration. The Society soon afterwards unconsciously 
 struck the first fatal blow at the popularity of the Spa as 
 a fashionable sojourn by imposing a charge of five shillings 
 per week on each person drinking the water. The former 
 subscription, practically voluntary, had not exceeded a 
 guinea for the season. The price of the water despatched 
 to distant places in bottles appears to have been also 
 largely increased. A very extensive export business was 
 done in this way, and Mr. Perkins had two warehouses in 
 London, another at Liverpool, and a fourth at Rotterdam. 
 His supervision ended in 1790, the net yearly receipts 
 having never exceeded about £S50- 
 
 One Samuel Powell then took a lease of the premises, 
 at a rent of no less than ^945 ; and forthwith increased 
 the subscription demanded from visitors, and the prices 
 charged for the bottled water. He even carried his 
 policy so far as to shut up the pump that had been 
 previously open free to Bristolians, and to refuse them 
 a supply except on payment of his terms ; but the 
 Common Council resolved on vindicating the public 
 rights, and his rapacity was defeated. Before the end 
 of three years, however, he was unable to meet his 
 engagements, and in 1795 the Society again took 
 possession, and appointed him as manager at a weekly 
 salary. The result of the first year's working of this 
 arrangement proved highly lucrative, ;^6i3 being received 
 
2l8 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 from subscribers, and (ti\'] from the sale of "2,727 
 dozen of bottles and a few jars," showing that the 
 wholesale price of the water was about 4s. 8^. per 
 dozen bottles. After deducting expenses, the net balance 
 was ;^9i7. The enhanced charges, however, had given 
 mortal offence to many habitual visitors, the majority 
 of whom had flocked to Clifton in pursuit of pleasure 
 rather than of health, and the revenue steadily declined 
 — a process which was accelerated by repeated additions 
 to the price of exported water, which was advanced at 
 last to about "js. per dozen — whilst no proportionable re- 
 duction was practicable in the working expenses. In the 
 last four years of the century the profits averaged /^636 
 per annum. In the ten years ending 1810 they had fallen 
 to an average of ^^407. The credit balance was only ^^73 
 in 1816, and in 1820 the receipts did not cover the ex- 
 penses. The subsequent efforts of the Hall to revive the 
 popularity of the Well will be narrated in a future page. 
 
 The Society heartily co-operated with the Corporation 
 whenever that body promoted works of public improve- 
 ment in the city. Thus, when the erection of an 
 Exchange for the transaction of mercantile business was 
 determined upon in 1739, the Hall made a donation 
 of ^2,000 towards the undertaking, and bore half the 
 expense of obtaining the necessary Act of Parliament. 
 In 1775 a grant of ;^8oo was voted to assist in sweeping 
 away a number of hovels standing on the bank of the 
 Froom between the end of Denmark Street and the 
 Drawbridge ; and in 1776 a gift of 200 guineas was made 
 towards the removal of the ancient City Gate at the end 
 of Small Street, and the improvement of King Street. 
 In 1784, when Christ Church was about to be re-built, 
 the Society promised /500 to the fund, on condition that 
 the upper part of Broad Street, which Mr. Seyer noted in 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 219 
 
 one of his MSS. was then only 14 feet wide, should 
 be made at least 22 J feet in width, or four feet more than 
 was proposed by the vestry ; and this improvement was 
 accordingly accomplished. In 1777 the Hall expended a 
 large sum in widening Marsh Street. And in 1772 and 
 1795, when the vestry of St. Stephen's demolished a 
 quantity of old tenements blocking up the thoroughfares 
 near the church, donations amounting to ^^400 were made 
 in aid of the operations. In 1747 a project was started 
 for the erection of a Hospital for decayed seamen, when 
 the Society and the Corporation offered ;^5oo each, the 
 Council also providing a site on Brandon Hill ; but the 
 design was ultimately abandoned, and the money appears 
 to have been given to the local Merchant Seamen's Fund. 
 Numberless gifts were made for amending the roads 
 around the city, and the aggregate votes towards widening 
 and improving Hotwell Road alone must have exceeded 
 ;^i,ooo. Benefactions to charitable movements were too 
 numerous to be detailed. In times of dearth the Society 
 occasionally imported several thousand bushels of foreign 
 grain, which were re-sold at or below cost price ; and 
 money was often distributed amongst the poor of dis- 
 tressed localities. Bounties were also offered for the 
 importation of fish. All through the century, relief was 
 rendered to those pilots at Pill who sustained personal 
 injuries or lost their boats in their perilous avocation. 
 About ;^6oo were forwarded to sufferers from disastrous 
 fires at Blandford, Tiverton, Crediton, Honiton, Barba- 
 does, and Antigua. Benefactions were made towards 
 the ransom of mariners captured and held as slaves by 
 Algerine pirates, and towards the succour of disbanded 
 troops, and of soldiers and sailors wounded in battle. 
 Besides a large subscription to the Infirmary, a special 
 grant of twenty guineas per annum was provided for a 
 
220 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 chaplain to that institution; and help was rendered to 
 the establishment of county hospitals at Gloucester and 
 Taunton. The Bristol Library was liberally supported, 
 and a donation was made towards establishing lending 
 libraries in Wales. Votes for the building or restoration 
 of parish churches and parsonages were passed for All 
 Saints', St. Stephen's, St. Nicholas', St. Werburgh's, St. 
 Michael's, Christ Church, Clifton, Stapleton, St. George's, 
 Portishead, and Locking, together with the French 
 Protestant Chapel in Orchard Street, and a Protestant 
 Church at Rotterdam, Following an example of the 
 Corporation, the Hall made many presents of wine to 
 persons who had rendered services to mercantile interests. 
 In 1 71 7 a pipe of sherry was presented to each of the 
 members of Parliament for the city. The gift became 
 an annual one, regardless of party considerations, and was 
 continued until 1836. When subjects of interest to the 
 Hall were pending in the House of Commons, as 
 "Bristol Milk" was known to be an attractive delicacy, 
 an additional pipe or butt was occasionally confided to 
 the city members, to be disposed of "at their discretion." 
 An honorarium of the like kind was voted for some years 
 to three members of the Society — Mr. A. Elton, Mr. (Sir) 
 J. Laroche, and Mr. Combe — who at different periods 
 held seats in the Commons for distant boroughs. And 
 in 1774 it became an established custom to present a 
 hogshead of wine yearly to the Treasurer, who received 
 no pecuniary recompense for his services. (The latter 
 gift was doubled in 1838 and the three following years, 
 owing to the increasing duties of the office.) 
 
 Having now disposed of the leading local questions 
 in which the Society were concerned during the eighteenth 
 century, this chapter may be concluded by some remarks 
 on their internal affairs. The scanty accommodation of 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 221 
 
 the original Hall (St. Clement's Chapel) has been already 
 noted. In February, 1701, the Standing Committee were 
 empowered to make such alterations as they might think 
 desirable, and workmen were accordingly employed for 
 some months, during which meetings were held in St. 
 George's Chapel, in the Guildhall. The improvements 
 effected, however, were inconsiderable ; but it may be 
 noted that the opportunity was taken to remove the old 
 wooden benches, and to introduce chairs for the use of 
 ordinary members. It was also resolved that all the 
 pictures in the Hall should be " made of an equal length 
 with Alderman Jackson's." Perhaps this Procrustean 
 order could not be carried out as regarded John Whitson's 
 portrait, for it was soon afterwards given to the Red 
 Maids School. The amended accommodation proving 
 unsatisfactory, a thorough reconstruction, involving the 
 demolition of several small adjoining tenements, was 
 resolved upon in 1719, and two new apartments, the 
 "Great Room" and the "Withdrawing Room," were 
 completed in that year. In 1720 it was resolved that 
 " a handsome way should be made at the entrance of our 
 Hall," necessitating the destruction of more old houses 
 clustered round the building, and /'i,ooo were laid out 
 on the embellishments, besides ^^i, 200 spent in purchasing 
 property. In the two following years the King Street 
 frontage appears to have been rebuilt, and ornamental 
 iron gates and railings were placed at the entrance, the 
 price of the metalwork being no less than eightpence per 
 pound. In 1738 it was determined to remove another 
 old tenement in order to make a " dry passage " into the 
 building, together with a servants' hall. In 1788 the Hall 
 was ordered to undergo another reconstruction, which 
 extended over several years, and involved an outlay of 
 /6,ooo, including ^^542 for chandeliers and lamps. The 
 
222 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 erection of the present Committee Room and Treasurers* 
 offices took place in the following century. 
 
 Previous to 1701, and for some years afterwards, the 
 fine for admission to the Hall imposed on a merchant not 
 eligible for the freedom by birth or apprenticeship, was 
 generally ;^25 or ;^30. In 1691 an exceptional fine of ^^40 
 had been imposed on Sir John Duddleston, but the 
 baronet, in despite of a still popular fiction, was the most 
 extensive local importer of tobacco, and his relief from 
 the duties on non-freemen was correspondingly large. 
 There is no record of any one having been refused 
 admission on the customary terms, except in 1711, during 
 the High Church excitement of Queen Anne's reign, 
 when Charles Harford, a prosperous merchant, was 
 rejected, " he being a professed Quaker," it being further 
 ordained that no Quaker should be admitted on any 
 terms (but this Ordinance was repealed in 1720). No 
 alteration was made in the fine on " Redemptioners," as 
 they were called, until 1713, when the minimum admission 
 fee was fixed at ;^5o, increased in 1725 to ;^ioo, and in 
 1730 to ;^20o. The last-named sum put an end to 
 applications for admission. In February, 1738, the 
 charge was reduced to ^100 for the especial behoof of 
 eleven gentlemen then admitted ; immediately after which 
 ceremony it was ordained that the future fine should be 
 raised to ;^25o. This sum proved also prohibitory, and 
 no candidate offered himself for twenty-seven years, 
 causing a diminution in the roll of members, the acces- 
 sions by birth and apprenticeship being less numerous 
 than the removals by death. In 1765 the resolution of 
 1738 was rescinded, and the fine settled at ;^i5o, it being 
 further ordained that admission should be granted only to 
 "meer merchants" — not merchants trading to St. Kits, 
 as is absurdly alleged in the Life of Edward Colston, but 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 223 
 
 merchants trading oversea. In consequence, it may be 
 presumed, of the numerous applicants for admission at 
 the reduced terms (sixteen in all) the fine was again 
 increased in September, 1768, to ;^200, at which sum it 
 remained during the rest of the century. The number of 
 Redemptioners from 1701 to 1800 was eighty, but the roll 
 of members had nevertheless greatly shrunk during that 
 period, whilst the customary attendance at the Halls had 
 remarkably declined. In the period ending 1725, the 
 members present at the annual elections, when the Master 
 took the chair at eight o'clock in the morning, rarely fell 
 below sixty, and sometimes reached about eighty ; while 
 the attendance at ordinary Halls was always considerable. 
 On the loth November, 1800, when the proceedings 
 opened at ten o'clock, the number present was only 
 twenty, then become an average. Long before that date 
 many Halls were held at which the attendance was less 
 than a dozen. Attempts to remedy the falling off were 
 occasionally devised, but they were evidently half-hearted. 
 Thus, in February, 1748, two members were fined 3s. ^d. 
 each for non-attendance, though the actual number of 
 absentees on that occasion was seventy-nine. At the 
 annual meeting in 1759, at which only nineteen gentlemen 
 were present, it was ordered that the fine for non- 
 attendance should be actually levied ; yet it is clear that 
 the resolution was treated as waste paper. In 1764, when 
 a Hall seems to have been specially convened to present 
 the freedom to George Grenville, a Prime Minister only 
 too famous in history, political feeling was so slightly 
 excited that only fourteen members obeyed the summons; 
 and in 1777, at the extreme crisis of the American con- 
 flict, when party passions were violently inflamed, the 
 Hall which adopted a congratulatory address to the 
 King mustered only thirty-one members. 
 
224 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 The sons and apprentices of members were generally 
 admitted as a matter of course, and paid merely nominal 
 fees. The names of some of' the apprentices denote the 
 wide reputation of the Society in the early years of the 
 century. Amongst them were two sons of Sir George 
 Hoskins, a Herefordshire baronet, a son of the Hon. 
 H. F. Thynne, a son of Sir Herbert Croft, Bart., of 
 Herefordshire, and a son of Sir John Stapylton, Bart., 
 of Boroughbridge, Yorkshire. The Society generally 
 took measures to assure themselves that the servitudes 
 were of a bond-fide character. In 1720, Matthew, son 
 of Sir John Hawkins (Warden, 1712), applied for 
 admission as having been an apprentice to his father, 
 but upon objection being raised that he had not lived 
 with Sir John during the asserted apprenticeship, his 
 petition was rejected. In 1730 it was reported that 
 a son of Edward Fry, then Mayor (past Treasurer and 
 Warden), had been a mariner during the whole term of 
 his apprenticeship to his father, when it was resolved 
 that he should not be admitted. (In neither case was 
 the candidate eligible by birth, as each had been born 
 before his father became a member.) The enrolments 
 of three other indentures were cancelled on the same 
 day, because two of the youths concerned were serving 
 as sailors, and the other was acting as an attorney in 
 London. In 1765 a standing order was made, under 
 which no apprentice was to be admitted unless he had 
 paid an apprentice fee of ;^300, or was a near relative 
 of his master, and this Ordinance was enforced on two 
 or three occasions. 
 
 In addition to the ordinary members of the Hall, 
 the Society from time to time created many honorary 
 freemen, including members of the Royal Family 
 visiting the city, eminent noblemen and statesmen, 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 225 
 
 ■distinguished admirals, local members of Parliament, 
 and persons who had rendered services to the Society. 
 A chronological list is appended. In the cases of 
 Frederick, Prince of Wales, and Edward, Duke of 
 York, the father and brother of George the Third, the 
 certificates of freedom were presented in gold boxes. 
 
 1705 Edward Colston, jun. 
 1707 Francis Colston. 
 
 1711 Capt. John Paul. 
 
 1 71 2 2" Duke of Beaufort. 
 1727 John Scrope, M.P. 
 
 1738 H.R.H. the Princeof Wales. 
 1742 Rt. Hon. Edw. Southwell. 
 Serj. Foster, Recorder. 
 
 1749 William Wansey. 
 
 1750 Earl of Halifax, -J ^ 
 LordDupplin. ^^^^^J "^ 
 F.Fane, j ^'^^^- 
 
 1755 Lord Ducie, Ld. Lieut. 
 Robert Nugent, M.P. 
 Adm. Lord Anson. 
 1757 Thos. Fane, Hall Clerk 
 
 (Earl of Westmorland). 
 1759 Lord Chedworth. 
 Hon. J, Spencer 
 
 (Earl Spencer). 
 (Sir) Jarrit Smith, M.P. 
 
 1762 H.R.H. the Duke of York. 
 Norborne Berkeley 
 
 (Lord Botetourt). 
 
 1763 C.Townshend, Ld. of Trade. 
 
 1764 G. Grenville, Premier. 
 
 1765 Earl Poulet. 
 Lord Hilsborough, 
 
 Ld. of Trade. 
 Lord Burghersh 
 
 (Fane's son). 
 
 1766 Marq. of Rockingham, 
 
 Premier. 
 Duke of Grafton, 
 
 Sec. of State, 
 
 1766 H. S. Conway, Sec. State. 
 W. Dowdeswell, 
 
 Ch. of the Exchequer. 
 Sir W. Meredith, 
 
 Lord of the Admiralty. 
 Sir G. Saville. 
 W. Pitt (Earl of Chatham). 
 Sir W. Draper, K.B. 
 George Prescott. 
 
 1768 M. Brickdale, M.P. 
 Sir C. K. Tynte, M.P. 
 R. H. Coxe, M.P. 
 Ed. Southwell, M.P, 
 
 (Lord de Clifford). 
 
 1769 Duke of Kingston. 
 1771 5*" Duke of Beaufort. 
 1775 Edmund Burke, M.P, 
 
 Lord North, Premier, 
 Earl of Berkeley, Ld, Lieut. 
 
 1777 Earl of Suffolk, Sec. State. 
 Earl of Sandwich, First 
 
 Lord of the Admiralty, 
 
 1778 Earl of Sussex (Bristol 
 
 freeman by marriage). 
 1782 Admiral Rodney. 
 
 Admiral Lord Hood. 
 Admiral Sir F, Drake. 
 John Furrier, 
 
 1789 Lord Chanc. Thurlow. 
 Wm. Pitt, Premier. 
 Lord Camden. 
 
 1790 Marq. Worcester, M.P. 
 Lord Sheffield, M.P. 
 
 1796 C. Bragge (Bathurst), M.P. 
 
 1797 Admiral Lord Duncan. 
 
 16 
 
226 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 Questions as to the annual festivities of the Society- 
 first occur in the minutes of 1720. Up to that time, the 
 members, after enjoying a substantial dinner in the Hall 
 on Charter Day, were accustomed to conduct the new 
 Master to his residence, where he was expected to provide 
 them with a "treat," or "evening entertainment," to 
 wind up the day's proceedings. The convivial habits of 
 the age being borne in mind, it is not surprising that this 
 arrangement was regarded by fervent devotees of Bacchus 
 as involving an unprofitable waste of time. It was at all 
 events resolved that future Masters should pay the Society 
 ten guineas each in lieu of the treat, and that the evening 
 potation should thenceforth take place in the Hall at a 
 convenient interval after the early dinner. It was further 
 determined that each Master should have liberty to invite 
 the wives of the members to partake of the annual 
 banquet. This innovation, though doubtless satisfactory 
 to the Benedicts of the Society, soon excited the envy 
 of bachelors, and in 1724 a motion was made that each 
 unmarried member should be allowed to introduce a 
 lady on the same occasion. The discontented minority 
 were, however, defeated. In 1727 they reventilated their 
 grievances, asking that liberty should at least be granted 
 them to bring their sisters, or the daughters of other 
 members, to supper ; but in this also they were unsuc- 
 cessful. That domestic harmony did not prevail whilst 
 the ostracised young ladies were kept out in the cold 
 is significantly indicated by the Hall's resolution in 
 October, 1730, which suppressed lady guests altogether. 
 Household tempests appear to have followed ; and in the 
 following year the married majority, in restoring their 
 mates to their places at the dinner table, conceded to 
 widowers and bachelors] the privilege of bringing their 
 own daughters or sisters' to supper. And in 1732 the 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 22/ 
 
 younger members were allowed to be accompanied by 
 the daughters of their senior colleagues, which was of 
 course the object at which the ingenuous philanderers 
 had been driving from the outset. The concord thus 
 established continued until 1744, when, for some unex- 
 plained reason, the usual dinner was abolished, and 
 orders were given for a supper and ball, to which the 
 ladies already qualified to enter the Hall were to receive 
 invitations. The Treasurer at this period was so reticent 
 in regard to the character and objects of his disburse- 
 ments that the expenditure on these festivities cannot 
 be discovered. Something must have occurred, however, 
 to cause dissatisfaction, for the Hall, in the following 
 year, refused its sanction both to a dinner and a supper. 
 Nevertheless, balls on a grander scale than before, to 
 which some of the neighbouring county gentry were 
 invited, took place in the three years ending in 1748, 
 when they also were discontinued so far as the Society 
 were concerned. Their admirers were thus driven to 
 maintain them by private subscription, and the Hall was 
 several times granted for such entertainments, dinners 
 and suppers in the meanwhile being entirely suspended. 
 In 1 76 1 a motion to revive the banquet was defeated 
 by the casting-vote of the Master ; a proposal for a ball 
 was also negatived ; and both subjects thenceforth dis- 
 appear from the minutes. 
 
 There being abundant evidence of the exuberant 
 outlay of the Corporation on feasts and entertainments 
 during the period just dealt with, the frugality of the 
 Hall is not unworthy of note. But the tastes and 
 habits of the age could not be wholly suppressed. At 
 the annual audit of the Society's accounts, it had 
 long been usual to provide a dinner for the gentlemen 
 who devoted much time and labour to the examination 
 
228 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 of the accounts. The number of auditors rarely- 
 exceeded eight, and the cost of the repast, down to 
 1745, amounted to only about £1%. But after the 
 annual Hall dinner was abolished, the cost of the 
 auditors' feast developed prodigiously. It reached 
 about Izs in 1753, and l^b in 1754; and in 1759, 
 when there was a turtle costing ^^26, and a Gargantuan 
 wine bill, the total rose to /'gg. Large outlays followed 
 in succeeding years, until at length, in 1767, the enter- 
 tainment cost the Hall nearly ;^i3g, a sum far exceeding 
 the cost of entertaining the entire Society forty years 
 earlier. The minutes are silent on the subject, but it 
 is significant that the item for the audit dinner thence- 
 forth disappears from the accounts. 
 
 As might be expected in a numerous confederacy, 
 the general prosperity of the Society, especially during 
 the first three-quarters of the century, did not prevent 
 the occurrence of many of those personal reverses that 
 are unavoidable in all branches of human enterprise, 
 and particularly imperil the career of an adventurous 
 merchant. Whenever a member, or the family of a 
 deceased member, was overcome by misfortune, the 
 Hall appears to have lent a sympathetic ear to an 
 appeal for relief. One of the earliest pensions to an 
 impoverished member was conceded in 1717 to Sir 
 John Knight (Warden, 1681), of somewhat dubious 
 reputation, who was voted an annuity of ;^20 " during 
 pleasure and no longer." (He died a few months 
 afterwards.) Four gentlemen who had served the office 
 of Master were amongst the subsequent applicants, and 
 it became customary to grant an additional sum on 
 such occasions. No less than thirty-nine pensions to 
 members or to their widows or children were conceded 
 during the century. 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 229 
 
 Until the opening of the Assembly Rooms in Prince's 
 Street in 1754, the Society's Hall was the only place in 
 the city conveniently adapted for pubHc banquets and 
 entertainments. The Corporation, being destitute of 
 any accommodation of this kind until the opening of the 
 Mansion House in 1786, held their civic feasts in the 
 Hall, by virtue of a covenant inserted in the Wharfage 
 leases of 1712 and 1764. Applications to make use of 
 it for dinners and public meetings were frequently made 
 by other persons, and were rarely refused. In 1702 it 
 was granted in a single resolution to the Presidents of 
 the Bristol, the Gloucestershire, and the Somerset Feasts, 
 then held annually. From a paper found among Mr. 
 Seyer's MSS., it appears that winter balls were estab- 
 lished in the Hall about 1737, and, as has been already 
 stated, many private dances took place there at a later 
 period. In 1777 the Hall was granted for " the Anchor 
 entertainment," and that Society held eleven dinners 
 there in the twelve following years. In 1775 and 
 1780 similar favours were granted to the Dolphin 
 Society. 
 
 The Clerks of the Society during the period under 
 review may be briefly recorded. In 1701, on the death 
 of Francis Yeamans, the office was conferred upon Henry 
 Fane, a gentleman of noble descent, who was in his turn 
 succeeded by his son, Thomas Fane, in 1726. The latter, 
 who acquired a fortune as a lawyer, also enjoyed the 
 valuable sinecure office of Customer Inwards at Bristol, 
 was for some years a member of Parliament, became heir- 
 presumptive to the Earldom of Westmorland, and is 
 mentioned as having on one occasion visited the city in 
 great state, riding in a coach and six. In 1757, in view 
 of his approaching elevation to the House of Lords, he 
 resigned his Clerkship, which was conferred upon his legal 
 
230 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 partner, Samuel Worrall, who had long performed the 
 duties. Mr. Worrall, who was also the chief of the 
 Bristol Stamp Office, became a partner in a local banking 
 firm in 1766, and through his lucrative practice as a 
 lawyer, and various profitable speculations in land (com- 
 memorated in one case by the name of Worrall Road, 
 Clifton), he amassed considerable wealth. In 1786 the 
 Society summarily dismissed him from office, ostensibly 
 for having used disrespectful language respecting Mr. 
 George Daubeny, and refusing to apologise. Mr. Daubeny 
 had lost his seat as member for Bristol a few months 
 previously, to the extreme exasperation of his adherents, 
 while Worrall had been an active opponent. The vacancy 
 was filled by the appointment of Mr. Jeremiah Osborne, 
 who died in April, 1798, when his son John, who owing to 
 his father's illness had been appointed joint clerk in 1796, 
 succeeded to the office. 
 
 Although the Society had established a school " foF 
 the children of mariners" previous to 1595, it is rarely 
 mentioned in the minute books. The schoolmaster, in 
 1708, was dismissed for keeping a public-house, and a 
 successor was appointed at the former salary of -[jz, with 
 a small house, which served as well for school as for 
 dwelling. In 1723, an old kitchen under the Hall was 
 fitted up and long used for both those purposes. The 
 school, which is styled the " Writing School," was con- 
 sidered in so satisfactory a condition in 1752 that the 
 salary of the master was raised to ^5, and the stipend 
 was increased to ^10 in 1764, when fifty pupils were in 
 attendance. Long previous to that date, however, 
 namely in 1733, the Society had established another 
 school for the special teaching of mathematics and 
 navigation, having come into possession of two sums, 
 amounting together to ;^48o, which had been bequeathed 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 23I 
 
 for that purpose by a Lady Holworthy and Captain 
 John Price. The teacher in this school received a salary 
 of ;^20, but the two institutions, though independent of 
 each other for several years, were eventually amalga- 
 mated. In spite of the free instruction offered to young 
 sailors, the navigation department was frequently almost 
 wholly deserted. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 The energetic but fruitless exertions of the Hall 
 during the eighteenth century to promote the improve- 
 ment of the harbour have been summarily sketched ia 
 the previous chapter. The subject was revived by the 
 Standing Committee in July, 1801, when the Clerk was 
 directed to inquire, through the Mayor, why the Corpora- 
 tion had not appointed a committee to consider " the 
 scheme for damming the river," which, from the wording 
 of the resolution, seems to have been previously promised. 
 In March, 1802, the Standing Committee produced 
 a lengthy report, from which it appears that the 
 Corporation and the Society had referred plans for 
 docks by various engineers to Mr. Jessop, whose first 
 design for a floating harbour was described at page 212. 
 Jessop, as was to be expected, disapproved of the plans 
 of his rivals, and brought forward a new project conceived 
 by himself, limiting the proposed Float to that portion 
 of the Avon (twenty-two acres) extending from Rownham 
 to the bottom of Prince's Street, but including the Froom 
 branch (six acres), together with a dock of nine acres 
 in Canons' Marsh, and an entrance basin of six acres- 
 at Rownham. These works, including a "New Cut" — 
 destined to convey the river Avon from Prince's Street 
 downwards, so as to give access to the Grove and Back 
 without entering the Float — would, in the projector's- 
 opinion, "meet every demand for extension that may 
 probably be expected for a century to come," " If all 
 
 232 
 
THE SOCIETY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 233 
 
 the sewers in the town were to discharge into the 
 harbour . . . the most experienced chemist could 
 not detect it," but, to mitigate prejudices, he provided 
 for making a sewer of the length of half a mile. The 
 total cost of the design was estimated at ^150,840, 
 exclusive of the purchase of eighty-five acres of land. 
 The Committee went on to report that they and their 
 corporate colleagues were unanimously of opinion that 
 Jessop's plan was the most eligible yet produced, and 
 suggested that the necessary funds should be obtained 
 by raising ;^i 50,000 by shares and ;^5o,ooo by loans, 
 the interest on the whole to be guaranteed by imposing 
 a tonnage due on shipping, and a rate on household 
 property in the city. Although the proposed share 
 capital was speedily subscribed, many supporters of 
 improvement objected to an arrangement which would 
 allow merchants to escape dock tolls by sending their 
 ships to the Grove and Back, and insisted that the 
 entire harbour should be embraced in the scheme. The 
 Standing Committee consequently reported in August 
 that Jessop had been again consulted, and appended 
 his enlarged proposal, by which the intended new course 
 of the Avon was to commence near Temple Meads, 
 where a dam was to be constructed across the river. 
 The whole of the old bed of the stream within the city, 
 nearly two miles in length, might thus be converted into 
 a Float, seventy acres in area exclusive of the entrance 
 basin ; and a dock in Canons' Marsh was now considered 
 unnecessary. Provision had also been made for inter- 
 cepting most of the sewage discharged into the river 
 above Bristol Bridge, "from whence almost all the 
 brewers and distillers are supplied " (!), by a sewer 
 emptying into the Avon at Totterdown. A "Feeder" 
 would also be needed to replenish the Float. The 
 
234 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 estimated outlay was thus increased to ^212,470, 
 exclusive of the purchase of 170 acres of land, and 
 of the mills at Hanham and Conham injured by the 
 damming of the river. The Committee concluded by 
 recommending the adoption of the plan, which they 
 believed could be completed for ;^30o,ooo, and suggested 
 that the subscribers to the previous project should be 
 invited to sanction its enlargement, and to increase 
 their subscriptions. The Hall confirmed the report, 
 and instructed the Committee to apply to Parliament 
 for the requisite powers, the Corporation having 
 apparently declined all responsibility. Subscriptions 
 amounting to ^^250,000 having been promised, a Bill 
 was introduced into Parliament in 1803 under the 
 Society's auspices. The consent of the Common 
 Council to its promotion is stated to have been given 
 by a majority of a single vote; and on the measure 
 being brought before a committee of the House of 
 Commons, many merchants and shipowners, including 
 the influential names of Bright, Gibbs, Baillie, Protheroe, 
 King, and Pinney, strongly condemned the proposal 
 for placing the entire harbour in the hands of a private 
 company, contending that their vessels did not require 
 dock accommodation. Other citizens asserted that the 
 proposed rate on property of sixpence in the pound 
 was as unjustifiable as it was unprecedented. The 
 Bill, however, passed both Houses — an audacious clause 
 levying dues on shipping trading to Newport being 
 first excised — and received the Royal Assent. 
 
 Under its provisions the Bristol Dock Company came 
 into existence, the twenty- seven directors of which were 
 nominated in equal parts by the Corporation, the Society, 
 and the shareholders. The capital was fixed at /■3oo,ooo, 
 and the Act stipulated that the two corporate bodies 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 235 
 
 should have no interest in the dividends. The ceremony 
 of turning the "first sod" took place on May ist, 1804; 
 but financial difficulties were encountered at an early 
 date. The authorised loan of ^^50,000 could not be 
 raised, and ^'14,500 of the share capital proving irre- 
 coverable, the shareholders had to make up both these 
 deficiencies. This was but the beginning of pecuniary 
 embarrassments. The cost of every detail of the scheme 
 proved to have been grossly underestimated. The two 
 basins, at Rownham and Trim Mills, alone cost more 
 than ^100,000 in excess of Jessop's figures, although the 
 area of the former was reduced ; there was an equally 
 gigantic excess in the outlay for the " New Cut " ; the 
 purchases of land involved an unforeseen expenditure 
 of ;^66,ooo ; and the Feeder cost more than five times 
 the anticipated sum. In short, the original capital of 
 ^300,000 defrayed only one - half of the outlay on the 
 undertaking. 
 
 To meet the formidable deficit, the directors, in 1807, 
 applied for another Act, empowering them to raise fresh 
 capital on the security of greatly enhanced charges on 
 shipping and goods ; but though a majority of the Hall 
 approved of the measure, it was opposed by the Corpo- 
 ration and rejected by the House of Commons. In 
 1808, however, a Bill deemed less objectionable in its 
 details passed unopposed. The capital of the Company 
 was thus increased to ^^500,000 ; and by a third statute, 
 obtained in 1809, the amount was raised to ^^600,000, 
 half the sum representing loans. On May ist, 1809, 
 the dock was certified to be completed. 
 
 The benefits conferred on commerce by the spacious 
 Floating Harbour were unquestionably extensive. On 
 the other hand, the dues levied on vessels and goods 
 to secure interest on the capital were so onerous that 
 
236 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 the charges, aggravated as they were by the exorbitant 
 Town Dues levied by the Corporation, crippled the 
 development of the port by diverting trade to places 
 more liberally managed. As an example, it was stated 
 in 1818 that a large local business might have been 
 transacted in indigo, which was extensively used by the 
 West of England clothiers ; but that the dues imposed 
 on it, being seven times greater than those levied at 
 Liverpool, had put a stop to importations. A few years 
 later, when steamboats had begun to ply to Ireland, 
 a little packet of 270 tons burden, sailing weekly to 
 and from Cork, was charged ^^468 per annum for dock 
 dues and 1^104 for Mayor's dues ; while a ship of 400 
 tons, making a yearly voyage to the West Indies, paid 
 £1^ 65. 8(i. in respect of both imposts. With a view 
 to pressing for relief from many grievances, several influ- 
 ential firms co-operated in 1823 in the establishment of 
 a Chamber of Commerce, of which Mr. Joseph Reynolds 
 was the first President. One of the earliest publications 
 of this body was an elaborate paper, drawn up in concert 
 with a committee of the Society, showing the comparative 
 port charges at London, Liverpool, Hull, and Bristol, 
 thus bringing into relief the local excess of taxation. 
 The first table exhibited the amounts payable on the 
 importation of forty- four articles of merchandise, by 
 which it appeared that if the whole were landed at 
 Bristol the charges on shipping and goods would amount 
 to ^5 15,608, whereas the total at Liverpool would be 
 ;^23i,8oo, at London ^210,098, and at Hull ^^147, 587. 
 Another table showed the total Bristol charges on an 
 average year's import of the six principal articles brought 
 into the Avon — tobacco, wine, sugar, wool, coffee, and 
 currants. The aggregate was ;^io,i55, while the charges 
 on a like import into London would have been ^6,354, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 237 
 
 at Liverpool ;^6,275, and at Hull ;^5,05i. On some 
 articles the Bristol imports were practically prohibitive. 
 Thus, on five tons of indigo the London dues were ;^3, 
 whilst at Bristol they were ;^52 ; on five tons of cochineal 
 the comparison was ^^3 25. 6d. against £^4, and on 200 
 bales of silk ;^i6 against £2,45- When these statistics 
 were laid before the Common Council early in 1824, 
 with a prayer for consideration, the only result was a 
 resolution condemning the attitude of the Chamber of 
 Commerce as hasty, premature, and animated by hostile 
 feelings. The Society thereupon resolved upon taking 
 independent action, and on March 8th the Hall approved 
 of an emphatic report drawn up by a sub-committee, 
 and ordered a copy to be transmitted to the Corporation 
 as expressive of the sentiments of the Society. 
 
 The report stated that after a careful examination of the charges 
 made in other ports, it was the decided opinion of the committee that 
 the languor and comparative decline of Bristol trade were mainly 
 attributable to the Town and Mayor's Dues. The former, from their 
 heavy amount and ad valorem assessment, had the effect of depriving 
 the port of all commerce in several articles, an evil that might be 
 expected to extend still further, as the internal communication with 
 other ports was becoming daily cheaper and more convenient. Foreign 
 goods were also brought in coastwise instead of being imported direct, 
 and the export trade of the adjoining counties was unnaturally 
 diverted into other channels. Even the staple commodities of the 
 city formerly exported hence were sent coastwise for shipment at 
 London and Liverpool. The Mayor's Dues, again, bore most severely 
 on the coasting and Irish trades, and caused traffic to be confined to 
 small and least profitable vessels. In view of those very serious 
 evils, it was of the greatest importance that the dues should be 
 materially reduced, being objectionable in principle, and exactions 
 for which no equivalent was rendered. And being levied on 
 Foreigners — all non- freemen being considered Foreigners — they 
 became doubly oppressive, and provoked a resort to other ports. 
 Similar dues were formerly paid at the city gates on goods arriving 
 by land, and "foreigners" were forbidden to trade until admitted as 
 freemen; but these restraints having been long withdrawn, the 
 
238 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 existing charges, of similar origin, should be withdrawn also. These 
 facts should be laid before the Corporation, with a recommendation 
 for a material reduction, and also for lessening charges for which no 
 service was performed, such as the fees payable to bailiffs, quay- 
 wardens, and others, which were most oppressively felt. It was 
 believed that such reductions would not, in the end, result in any 
 material reduction of revenue. 
 
 The Corporation had been already alarmed by the 
 presentation of a petition to the House of Commons, 
 praying for an inquiry into the causes of the languishing 
 condition of the port, and had resolved on warding off 
 further attacks by introducing a Bill into Parliament, 
 ostensibly for the purpose of enabling it to reduce the 
 civic imposts, but really — its opponents contended — with 
 the object of obtaining statutory sanction for taxation 
 which many citizens held to be illegally imposed. The 
 Bill was laid before the Standing Committee on March 
 i6th, 1824, when the following resolution was adopted : — 
 
 The committee, having considered the Corporation Bill, . . . 
 are of opinion that it is objectionable — i^', as giving legislative 
 sanction to dues which are believed to rest solely on prescription; 
 ■i^^, as establishing the corporate claim to a larger extent than it has 
 been exercised, since it is well known that for a long period only 
 about two-thirds of the ad valorem dues have been actually collected ; 
 and 3*'^, because the Bill imposes no obligation on the Corporation to 
 reduce the dues. Resolved : " That these objections be submitted 
 to the Corporation, not from any apprehension as to its disposition 
 and intentions, but in order to secure that the relief to trade should 
 not be defeated by future contingencies." To obtain this end a 
 schedule of the proposed reductions should be appended to the Bill ; 
 and if this cannot be done in time for the present Session, the 
 committee would prefer submitting to a delay, rather than the Bill 
 should be pressed forward in its objectionable state. 
 
 The Standing Committee transmitted a copy of 
 their report to the Chamber of Commerce, which was 
 organising an opposition to the Bill with the cordial 
 support of the citizens, ;^3,ooo being raised by sub- 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, 239 
 
 scription to carry on the struggle at Westminster. 
 But the document was accompanied by a request that 
 it should not be published, and with an intimation 
 that, as public interests would be best consulted by 
 the Society preserving an independent attitude, it must 
 decline the Chamber's request for co-operation. At 
 a Hall held on April gth the committee's resolutions 
 were approved and confirmed, and the following motion 
 was adopted : — 
 
 It being understood that the Corporation do not intend to take 
 powers to receive more than two-thirds of the twopence in the pound 
 payable as ad valorem duty, Ordered : " That the Hall, relying on the 
 good faith of the Corporation, and on the security of their intention 
 to make a considerable reduction in the Town and Mayor's Dues, 
 will relinquish its other objections provided the above alteration be 
 introduced into the Bill, and that the Corporation consent to a 
 package rate instead of the ad valorem duty ; and the Chamber of 
 Commerce is recommended to abandon opposition on the same 
 terms." 
 
 The leaders of the Corporation must have shown 
 remarkable alacrity in accepting the terms of the 
 Society, for another Hall was held on the following 
 day, when it was announced that the civic body had 
 assented to all the above proposals. A request of the 
 Chamber of Commerce for a conference on other 
 objectionable features of the Bill was thereupon declined, 
 and it was resolved "that it is highly expedient that 
 the opposition to the Bill should be abandoned." The 
 result seems to have greatly surprised the Chamber of 
 Commerce, which complained that the Society had 
 surrendered the principles it had hitherto contended 
 for; but the Standing Committee replied that the 
 assumption was unfounded; and the Hall, on May ist, 
 re-echoed this assertion, and resolved that the amended 
 Bill would prove highly beneficial to trade and commerce. 
 
240 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 The Chamber of Commerce continuing its opposition 
 to the measure, the Corporation soon afterwards informed 
 the Society that the progress of the Bill had been 
 suspended ; and it was in fact withdrawn. It was, 
 however, again brought forward in 1826, accompanied by 
 a schedule showing the intended reductions in the dues ; 
 when the Society undertook to promote its success, and 
 sent up petitions in its favour. The Chamber of 
 Commerce and the trading interests, on the other hand, 
 contended that the proffered abatements left the dues 
 excessive as compared with those at other ports, and that 
 the real object of the Bill was to secure a statutory title 
 to illegal exactions for which no equivalent service was 
 rendered. Great local weight was given to these argu- 
 ments by the fact that they were urged, not merely by 
 the minority of Whigs in the Corporation and the Society, 
 but by many prominent and influential Tory merchants, 
 who were much more zealous in denouncing the corporate 
 policy than were their political opponents. And the 
 defiant attitude of the Common Council served only to 
 deepen the public discontent. To a demand that in- 
 formation should be rendered as to the administration 
 of the large sum derived from taxation, the Corporation, 
 the members of which were self-elected, and refused to 
 publish any accounts whatever, retorted through their 
 Parliamentary counsel that the port dues, as well as all 
 the rest of the civic estates, were their personal property, 
 "as much as any estate belonging to any peer"; that 
 even Parliament had no right to control them in the 
 expenditure of their own money; and that the claim of 
 the people of Bristol to possess any interest in the civic 
 revenue would be resisted to the last extremity. The 
 committee of the House of Commons nevertheless 
 assented to the request of the Chamber of Commerce 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 24I 
 
 for the insertion of a clause in the measure declaring 
 that the Act should not confer a better title to the 
 dues than was previously enjoyed by the Corporation ; 
 and though determined efforts were made to delete this 
 provision, it was approved by both Houses. The Bill 
 having received the Royal Assent, the product of the 
 obnoxious civic imposts was reduced from about ;^5,5oo 
 to under ^3,000 per annum ; and the Society made a 
 simultaneous abatement of 25 per cent, in the cranage 
 dues. 
 
 Owing to the wide differences of opinion on the merits 
 of the above Bill existing amongst members of the Society, 
 no allusions to its progress occur in the minutes of the 
 Hall. That the conflict had aroused bitter ill-feeling 
 amongst those who had been concerned in it is only too 
 certain. A Government Commission of inquiry into the 
 collection and management of the Revenue visited the 
 city in November, 1825, when the exasperation existing 
 between the corporate body and the citizens generally 
 was so painfully evident that the chairman of the 
 Commission, Mr. Wallace, tendered his services to 
 promote reconciliation ; and suggested, with a view to 
 restoring harmony, that a committee should be appointed 
 representing the views of the Common Council, of the 
 Society, and of the Chamber of Commerce. On this 
 proposal being communicated to the Standing Committee, 
 a resolution was forthwith passed, thanking Mr. Wallace 
 for his intervention, approving of his advice, and recom- 
 mending it to the Hall, which at once assented to 
 co-operate. The Chamber of Commerce also cordially 
 responded to the overture. But the Common Council, 
 a few days later, informed Mr. Wallace that negotiation 
 was useless, seeing that the differences consisted, on the 
 one hand, of hostile aggression on the rights and property 
 
 17 
 
242 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 of the Corporation, and, on the other, of legitimate defence 
 of ancient privileges. 
 
 Another movement for increasing the accommodation 
 of the port seems to have been instigated by the intro- 
 duction of steam vessels, w^hich became numerous in 1824. 
 Four years later, the Chamber of Commerce urged the 
 Government to select Bristol as a mail-packet station for 
 Ireland, and on the postal authorities pointing out that 
 the application could not be entertained unless the packets 
 were enabled to sail at a fixed hour daily, regardless of 
 the state of the tide, the Chamber applied for the Society's 
 support towards the construction of a pier at Avonmouth, 
 For reasons which will be explained hereafter, the relations 
 of the two bodies were then by no means cordial, and the 
 Hall contented itself by replying that when the subject 
 had been first mooted, in 1823, it had suggested a pier at 
 Lamplighters' Hall. On a second application, in 1829,, 
 the Standing Committee resolved that the cost of a 
 Channel pier would be very heavy, and the results 
 unproductive, but recommended that if the Corporation 
 and the Dock Company would co-operate with the 
 Chamber, the Hall should depute two of its members 
 to consider a feasible project. No further reference to 
 the subject occurs until 1832, when Mr. Brunei, at the 
 request of local authorities, gave evidence before a 
 Parliamentary Committee on the packet service, and 
 asserted that by the construction of a pier at Portishead 
 the requirements of the Post Office would be fully 
 supplied. By the Society's exertions, other witnesses, 
 were sent up to give similar evidence, and to defeat the 
 manoeuvres of the Bristol Steampacket Company, who 
 wished to retain the Irish service in their own hands. 
 In the absence of local enterprise, the mails continued 
 to be despatched vid Holyhead. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 243 
 
 In November, 1833, two members of the Royal 
 Commission on Municipal Corporations, during their 
 inquiry at Bristol, intimated their desire to be informed 
 of the nature and constitution of the Society. The 
 Clerk thereupon informed the Standing Committee that 
 in his opinion the Society did not come within the scope 
 of the Commission ; for though in its original constitution 
 it partook of a municipal character, having power to 
 make regulations for the government of trade, that 
 character had been long lost, there being no trace of the 
 exercise of such powers for more than a century. The 
 Master and other members nevertheless waited upon the 
 Commissioners, laid the Society's charters before them, 
 and gave information as to the manner of admitting 
 members, and other matters. But when a further request 
 was made for information as to the annual produce of the 
 dues held under the Corporation, the Hall peremptorily 
 refused compliance, declaring that any disclosure of its 
 affairs would be a dereliction of duty and an infringement 
 of the oath of office. 
 
 During the investigation into the proceedings of the 
 civic body by the above Commissioners, the effects of 
 the port charges on the prosperity of the city were 
 vividly elucidated. It was shown that, in despite of 
 the reductions effected in the corporate dues, the 
 charges on an average year's import of the six leading 
 articles of local commerce amounted to ^^9,864, or 
 upwards of 50 per cent, in excess of the duties on the 
 same quantities charged at London and at Liverpool. 
 The results, in the opinion of the Commissioners, were 
 only too evident in the condition of Bristol : — " Far 
 below her former station as the second port of the 
 empire, she now has to sustain a mortifying competition 
 with second-rate ports in her own Channel. . . . Foreign 
 
244 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 produce now finds its way to Bristol in coasters from 
 neighbouring ports; sometimes it is brought even from 
 Liverpool or London. If it were not for its Irish trade 
 and the West India monopoly, of which circumstances 
 still enable Bristol to retain its share, it is probable 
 that the floating harbour . . . would soon open 
 only for the reception of a few coasters and fishing 
 vessels." The situation, moreover, was steadily growing 
 more serious. The value of English goods exported 
 from the city, which had been £315,000 in 1822, sank 
 to ^'205,000 in 1833 ; the once magnificent fleet of 
 foreign-going ships had shrunk to about thirty sail, 
 whilst the warehouses, once filled with merchandise, so 
 greatly exceeded requirements that their owners could 
 not realise one per cent, yearly on their investments. 
 The depression provoked another agitation against port 
 charges, led by the Chamber of Commerce ; and the 
 gravity of the complaints was to some extent recognised 
 in July, 1834, by the Docks Committee, which reduced 
 the dues on certain classes of goods, though still 
 maintaining heavy imposts on sugar, tobacco and wine ; 
 while goods brought in coastwise were charged double 
 the rates levied at Liverpool. The pressure placed 
 upon the Corporation had more satisfactory results. 
 One of the last important resolutions of the old 
 Corporation, previous to its extinction in 1835, ordered 
 a large reduction of the Town Dues, which were wholly 
 abolished as regarded exports ; but unhappily the latter 
 concession was not made until the local export trade 
 had almost disappeared, the receipts from this source 
 in the previous year having been only 1^466. 
 
 Having considered the above reliefs, the Society, in 
 September, 1834, appointed a sub-committee to consider 
 the wharfage and cranage rates. In March, 1837, this 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 245 
 
 committee, after holding many conferences with the 
 Corporation, reported that in view of the urgency of 
 the demand for reduced cranage dues, they had made 
 terms for the immediate surrender of the lease. (The 
 use of the cranes was thenceforth made voluntary 
 instead of compulsory, and the charge for user was 
 reduced one-fourth.) In consequence of a pending 
 inquiry into charities, the sub-committee deemed it 
 prudent to defer a reduction of the wharfage dues, but 
 had intimated to the Corporation that the lease might 
 be sold below its value for the sake of benefiting trade. 
 In the meantime, the Society undertook an important 
 work for the improvement of navigation — the partial 
 removal of the " Round Point," a huge projection on 
 the Clifton shore of the Avon, which was the scene of 
 many shipping disasters. Upwards of ;^3,ooo were 
 expended in removing vast quantities of rock, and the 
 Hall's exertions were gratefully acknowledged by the 
 Corporation and the Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 The launching at Bristol of the first Transatlantic 
 steamship, the Great Western, in July, 1837, and the 
 departure of that vessel for New York in the following 
 April, indicated that a spirit of enterprise had at length 
 reawakened amongst the citizens. The adventure was 
 also destined to prove that existing conditions rendered 
 successful enterprise practically hopeless. Although the 
 Great Western was only of 1,340 tons measurement, she 
 could not safely make use of the floating harbour, and 
 was compelled to lie at Kingroad ; yet the Dock Company 
 demanded payment of the full dues (;^io6 per voyage), 
 declaring that they had no power to make abatements. 
 These disheartening circumstances led to the appointment 
 of a committee composed of members of the Corporation, 
 of the Society, and of the Steamship Company, and in 
 
246 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 accordance with the suggestions of this body the Hall 
 resolved, in June, 1839, that the Float ought to be 
 provided with a larger entrance ; that a dock, " not 
 higher than Sea Mills," should be constructed to accom- 
 modate large vessels ; and that the tonnage dues on ships 
 should be materially reduced. The Dock Company 
 replied with a simple non possumus, adding, after further 
 pressure, that the required advantages would be best 
 effected by the purchase of the Company's property. 
 The Hall thereupon resolved, in November, 1839, "that 
 the Society would join heartily with other public bodies 
 in reducing rates and encouraging trade, and would be 
 ready to render its cordial assistance when any plan 
 should be matured." The Society afterwards made two 
 handsome donations towards furthering the objects in 
 view. 
 
 A project was started in 1840 for the construction 
 of a pier at Portishead ; but though an Act was obtained 
 for that purpose, the scheme failed from want of support. 
 An attempt to obtain a reduction of the Town Dues 
 on the cargoes of the Great Western having been unsuc- 
 cessful, the owners, in February, 1842, resolved that the 
 vessel should sail alternately from Bristol and Liverpool ; 
 and as the expenses at the latter port were found to be 
 ^200 per voyage below those at the former, the ship was 
 soon afterwards removed entirely to the Mersey. The 
 second steamer built by the Company, the Great Britain, 
 being of much increased tonnage, was placed from the 
 outset at Liverpool. 
 
 After a lengthy suspension of effort, Mr. Richard 
 P. King (Master, 1851), whilst serving the office of 
 Mayor in 1845, induced the Corporation to renew its 
 endeavours for the emancipation of the port, suggesting 
 the acquirement of the Dock Company's estate. But 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 247 
 
 at a subsequent meeting of the Council it was reported 
 that the negotiations for that purpose had proved abortive. 
 Although the annual dividends of the Company during 
 the preceding twenty- three years had averaged only 
 ;^2 2s. 3^. per cent., an offer of a guaranteed dividend 
 of 2^ per cent, had been rejected, the board demanding 
 3 per cent. The Society appointed a committee in 
 December to consider what steps should be taken to 
 assist the Corporation, and in February, 1846, the 
 Council besought the directors to allow the amount of 
 the dividend to be decided by arbitration. A majority 
 of the board, however, rejected the proposal, and the 
 negotiation collapsed. 
 
 As the civic body showed unwillingness to take further 
 action, a meeting of influential merchants and traders 
 was held on September 29th, 1846, under the presidency 
 of an ardent advocate of progress, Mr. Robert Bright, 
 when it was resolved to form a Free Port Association 
 with the object of recovering the control of the harbour. 
 The movement was enthusiastically welcomed by citizens 
 of all ranks, party politics being generally ignored in view 
 of the public good. A committee was soon afterwards 
 nominated by the Council to act in conjunction with 
 Mr. Bright and the delegates appointed by the ratepayers 
 at ward meetings, and this committee, in January, 1847, 
 offered fresh illustrations of the local burdens on com- 
 merce. At that date the imposts on the chief imported 
 articles were stated to be 8s. 8d. per ton at Bristol, 
 against 4s. 6d. at Liverpool and 15. y^d. at Hull. The 
 Corporation thenceforth took up the question in earnest. 
 After prolonged negotiations with the Company, an 
 agreement was arrived at, and on October 25th the 
 Council, by forty-two votes against four, confirmed the 
 arrangement, by which the dock estate was to be 
 
248 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 transferred to the Corporation on the latter taking over 
 the Company's debt, and undertaking to pay a rent- 
 charge of 2| per cent, on the share capital, guaranteed 
 by a rate of fourpence in the pound on fixed property. 
 (The rent-charge was redeemed in 18&3, when the Dock 
 Company was dissolved.) 
 
 An Act for carrying out the transfer was passed in 
 June, 1848. A Docks Committee, elected by the Cor- 
 poration, forthwith prepared a new schedule of dues, 
 abolishing the charges on 530 articles of merchandise, 
 and reducing the burden on vessels by about 50, and 
 on goods by about 20, per cent. The Hall, in the 
 following October, abolished the wharfage dues on 
 goods landed from, or shipped to, Ireland, as well as on 
 all foreign exports, and materially reduced the charge 
 on foreign imports. The new tariff came into effect on 
 November 15th, 1848, and the event was celebrated 
 by a prodigious demonstration of public rejoicing. 
 Mr. Bright was subsequently presented with a beautiful 
 service of plate in acknowledgment of his services to 
 the maritime and commercial interests of the city- 
 The Hall contributed fifty guineas to this testimonial, 
 and conferred upon Mr. Bright the freedom of the 
 Society. In 1857 his portrait was painted as the result 
 of a further public subscription, and the picture now 
 decorates the Hall. 
 
 The effect of the transfer of the docks soon manifested 
 itself in the greater activity of commerce. At the end 
 of the first ten years of the new regime the import 
 trade of the city had improved 66 per cent., and the 
 rateable value of the borough, almost stationary under 
 the old system, increased by nearly one-fourth. But 
 the very growth of trade forced into greater prominence 
 the natural disadvantages of the harbour ; and the. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 249 
 
 memorable disaster of the Demerara in November, 
 1 85 1, gave the Avon an evil reputation both at home 
 and abroad. Another serious drawback was the con- 
 tracted form of the chief entrance to the Float. In 
 1803 the largest vessels trading to Bristol rarely, if 
 ever, exceeded 500 tons in measurement, whilst the 
 tonnage of a vast majority did not reach half those 
 figures, and the size of the locks had naturally been 
 determined by those conditions. By the middle of the 
 century steamships of 2,000 tons were not uncommon ; 
 the Demerara was of nearly 3,000 tons; and in 1855 
 Mr. Brunei had designed a vessel of 22,000 tons, which 
 he confidently predicted would be the model ship of 
 the future. 
 
 The necessity of making some provision to meet 
 modern developments gradually began to be recognised 
 as urgent by far-sighted Bristolians ; but great differences 
 of opinion prevailed as to the manner in which the 
 difficulty should be overcome. In 1852, Mr. Rendel, the 
 celebrated engineer, submitted a plan for improving the 
 entrance of the river by deepening "the Swash" (a new 
 course of the Avon), and constructing a dock and piers 
 near Avonmouth ; but the estimated outlay (;^i, 500,000) 
 proved fatal to the project. In 1853, two designs were 
 produced for docks and piers at Portishead, and these 
 were followed by a multiplicity of proposals, including, 
 in 1858, the first scheme for building a darn across the 
 mouth of the Avon, by which its entire course from the 
 Severn to the city would be " dockised." In February, 
 1858, on an application from the Chamber of Commerce, 
 the Standing Committee appointed delegates to confer 
 with the Docks Committee and representatives of the 
 Chamber on the question of providing accommodation 
 for large steamers near the shore of the Severn. The 
 
250 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 "joint committee" accordingly met in March, and 
 ultimately resolved (the Master and several other mem- 
 bers declining to vote) that either a landing stage, a pier, 
 or a dock, should be provided as early as possible. At a 
 further meeting, in June, it was resolved, by twelve votes 
 against four, that the best solution of the problem would 
 be the " dockisation " of the Avon. In September, at a 
 crowded meeting of the citizens, convened by the Mayor, 
 a resolution was moved by Mr. P. W. Miles, declaring 
 that increased accommodation was absolutely essential. 
 The opponents of progress, styled "the fixed property 
 party," sought to defeat this motion by a sidewind, and 
 proposed a "rider" to the effect that it would be unjust 
 to raise funds for such an object by imposing any burden 
 on the ratepayers; but the resolution was adopted in its 
 original form, and an influential committee was appointed 
 to confer with the Chamber of Commerce. Nevertheless, 
 at a special meeting of the Council, in November, the 
 fixed property party defeated a motion advocating pro- 
 gress by a majority of twenty-five against twenty- four. 
 In August, 1859, Mr. Howard, the Docks' Engineer, made 
 an elaborate report to the Council, recommending the 
 dockisation of the Avon, at an estimated cost of ;^8oo,ooo. 
 This and other projects were soon afterwards referred to 
 two eminent engineers, Messrs. Hawkshaw and Page, who 
 reported upon them in October, i860. Both gentlemen 
 condemned the dockisation scheme, suggested extensive 
 improvements of the Avon, and recommended the con- 
 struction, when trade had further developed, of docks at 
 Avonmouth. The influence of the fixed property party 
 was still so powerful that the Council contented itself by 
 approving of a dock providing it could be constructed 
 without imposing a charge upon the ratepayers. Even 
 this modest advance was lost in February, 1861, when 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 25 1 
 
 Mr. R. P. King brought forward a resolution affirming the 
 inexpediency of constructing a dock involving any liability 
 on the ratepayers, and requiring that the surplus revenue 
 of the Float — on which the progressive party relied for 
 effecting their object — should be extinguished by reducing 
 the dues. An amendment advocating dock extension 
 having been defeated by thirty-one votes against twenty- 
 four, Mr. King's motion was adopted, and the dock dues 
 were forthwith reduced to the extent of about ;^6,ooo a 
 year. 
 
 In despite of the hostility of the Corporation, the 
 advocates of progress were not wholly disheartened. In 
 the autumn of 1861, Mr. P. W. Miles, Mr. Robert Bright, 
 Mr. C. J. Thomas, and a few other prominent citizens, 
 produced a prospectus of the Port Railway and Pier 
 Company, having for its object the laying of a railway 
 from the Hotwells to Avonmouth, and the erection of 
 a pier opposite Dunball Island for the use of passenger 
 steamers. An Act authorising the works was obtained 
 in 1862, and as about five acres of the Society's land 
 was required for the railway, the Hall ordered the 
 purchase of shares in the concern to the extent of 
 ;^i,ooo. The scheme was obviously a mere stepping- 
 stone to a more comprehensive enterprise, and in 1863 
 its promoters, supported by Mr. T. T. Taylor (Master, 
 1872) and others, laid a Bill before ParHament for the 
 construction, by a company, of a dock at Avonmouth. 
 Up to that time the fixed property party had based 
 their repugnance to a Channel dock on the inexpediency 
 of adding fresh burdens on the ratepayers, and had 
 declared that a private undertaking would be unobjection- 
 able. They now, however, revealed the real motive 
 of their action by calling upon the Council to offer 
 a strenuous opposition to the project, declaring it to 
 
252 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 be an attempt "to deprive the citizens of their rights 
 and privileges " ; and an amendment approving of the 
 scheme was rejected by twenty- eight votes against 
 twenty-five. Owing to the resistance of the Corporation 
 the Bill was thrown out. 
 
 It is somewhat surprising to find that whilst Alderman 
 Ford, the leader of the fixed property party, was urging 
 the Council into the course just described, he and his 
 leading supporters were flying in the face of their own 
 arguments by promoting a Bill for providing accommo- 
 dation for shipping by means of a pier at Portishead, 
 with a railway thence to Bristol. The measure was 
 practically unopposed, and, after it had received the 
 Royal Assent, the Society subscribed for shares in the 
 company formed to carry it out to the value of ;^i,ooo. 
 (The Port and Pier undertaking was opened early in 
 1864, the Portishead railway in April, 1867, and the 
 first section of its pier in June, 1868.) Undeterred by 
 the undermining policy of their opponents, the advocates 
 of the Channel dock revived their Bill in 1864. Sub- 
 sequent to its previous rejection, the feeling of the 
 citizens in its favour had been unmistakably manifested 
 at the annual municipal elections, and the Parliamentary 
 Committee of the Council, changing its attitude, suggested 
 that it would be unwise to prolong a fruitless dispute. 
 Their report was approved by a large majority. The 
 Society also warmly supported the scheme, resolving 
 to petition in its favour, and the Master was desired 
 to give evidence on its behalf. In spite of an obstinate 
 opposition, the Bill soon after became law. 
 
 Owing to the effects of the great financial panic of 
 1866, the promoters of the dock were unable to make any 
 progress for some years. On July 31st, 1868, the Hall, 
 on the motion of Mr. J. A. Jones (Master, 1862 and 1863), 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 253 
 
 resolved that the undertaking was of vital importance to 
 the future of Bristol, and it was therefore determined to 
 subscribe ;^2,5oo towards the company's capital. A few 
 weeks later the Society subscribed ;^i,5oo towards the 
 extension of the pier at Portishead. The promoters of 
 the latter project resolved, in 1870, on supplementing their 
 works with a dock, towards which the Corporation, after 
 refusing assistance to the Avonmouth Company, con- 
 tributed ;^ioo,ooo. The basin at Avonmouth was opened 
 in February, 1877, and that at Portishead in June, 1879. 
 The minute books of the Society contain no further 
 reference to either of these undertakings, which, after 
 a chequered career, were finally purchased by the 
 Corporation. 
 
 Reference may here be conveniently made to some of 
 the Society's transactions with respect to other mercantile 
 subjects. The propensity of the Government to exclude 
 the outports from privileges conceded to London has been 
 noted in previous chapters, and further instances of the 
 same proclivity were not infrequent in the early years of 
 the last century. About 1803, for example, the privilege 
 of warehousing dutiable articles under bond was granted 
 exclusively to the merchants of the capital, and it was 
 not until after numerous appeals had been made by the 
 Society that the Ministry consented to extend the boon 
 to the chief provincial ports. The official practices of 
 earlier days seem to have been still prevalent, for when 
 the just concession was at length obtained in 1808, the 
 Hall found it prudent to vote ^100 for distribution 
 " amongst the persons in London who had forwarded the 
 business." With respect to imports of coffee, again, 
 the privilege of roasting the berry was confined, until 
 1808, to London, and much trouble had to be undergone 
 before the grievance was remedied. Even then the 
 
254 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 Government insisted that the process should be left 
 entirely in official hands ; an exorbitant charge was made 
 by their servants ; and the removal of the coffee from and 
 to the grocers' premises could not be effected without a 
 double application for Excise " permits." For some years 
 the importation of silk was confined exclusively to London. 
 But the greatest injustice under which Bristol and other 
 ports suffered was the monopoly of trade to the Far East, 
 enjoyed by the East India Company, and long stoutly 
 defended by the Government. On the appeals of the 
 Society and similar bodies, the trade to India was at 
 length thrown open in 1813, but it was not until twenty 
 years later that the outports were permitted to deal with 
 China. In April, 1835, Messrs. Acraman, Bush, Castle, 
 and Co. brought a large cargo of tea to Bristol direct 
 from Canton, and extensive warehouses were built by 
 the firm expressly for continuing the trade, which was, 
 however, ultimately dropped as unprofitable. 
 
 The regulation of pilotage, vested in the Society 
 by the Corporation, needed constant supervision and 
 entailed considerable expense. Accidents were naturally 
 of frequent occurrence, and whilst complaints of negli- 
 gence were carefully investigated, the Hall invariably 
 voted relief to pilots who had suffered personal injury, 
 or whose boats had been lost or damaged in stormy 
 weather. This branch of business was largely extended 
 in 1807 by the passing of an Act placing the whole of 
 the pilots in the Bristol Channel from Barnstaple to 
 Gloucester under the supervision of the Corporation, or 
 really of the Society. The development of trade in 
 South Wales and other causes gradually aroused an 
 agitation against this arrangement, and, in despite of the 
 opposition of the corporate body and the Society, an Act 
 was passed in 1861, by which the ports of Gloucester, 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 255 
 
 Newport, and Cardiff were placed on an independent 
 footing. In the same year the Society reHnquished the 
 regulation of the Bristol pilots, and the Corporation, in 
 accepting the surrender, expressed its grateful sense of 
 the liberal and effective manner in which the Society had 
 performed an arduous duty for 250 years. 
 
 In 1843 a Government Bill was introduced into 
 Parliament requiring seamen seeking to become masters 
 or mates of vessels to undergo an examination as to their 
 competency. The measure was strongly disapproved by 
 many shipowners, and the Society desired the members 
 for Bristol to oppose it as a wholly unnecessary inter- 
 ference with private rights. The feeling against the Bill 
 was so widely prevalent that it made no progress for 
 several years, during which the Government's offers to 
 place local examinations under the management of the 
 Society were more than once rejected. In 1850, when 
 the Bill at last became law, the Hall's objections to the 
 measure had so far diminished that the first Local Marine 
 Board included four members of the Society. At the 
 very outset, however, the new body discovered that the 
 Board of Trade had refused to place Bristol on an equal 
 footing with London and Liverpool ; but the Master and 
 Wardens were despatched to the capital to make an 
 earnest remonstrance, and the grievance was soon after- 
 wards remedied. In 1855 the Corporation requested the 
 Society to undertake the examination of masters and 
 mates applying for pilotage certificates, to which the Hall 
 assented, and the arrangement continued until 1861. 
 
 Reference has been already made to the assistance 
 rendered to the Chamber of Commerce by the Society 
 at an early stage of the agitation for an abatement of 
 the Town and Mayor's Dues. After a remission was 
 secured, however, the relations of the Hall with the 
 
256 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 Chamber became antagonistic through the claims made 
 by the latter in 1827 for a reduction of the wharfage 
 dues, which were alleged to be levied upon various 
 merchants who, possessing private wharves, suffered 
 from a burden from which they reaped no benefit. 
 The Society, who were warmly supported by the old 
 Corporation, made no reduction in the dues until more 
 than twenty years later, at which period the Chamber 
 had been temporarily absorbed in the Free Port Associa- 
 tion. On its revival in 1851, the Society consented to 
 an arrangement (rescinded in 1857) under which the 
 Master for the time being became President and the 
 "Wardens Vice-presidents of the Chamber ex-officio. A 
 subscription of /^loo per annum was also voted to the 
 new institution, and the Hall was granted for its annual 
 meetings. 
 
 The Society's lease of the wharfage dues would have 
 expired at Michaelmas, 1863 ; but in 1859, in view of 
 demands for increased shed accommodation on the quays 
 and other improvements, the Corporation suggested the 
 desirability of a surrender of the lease on equitable 
 terms. After prolonged negotiations, the Standing 
 Committee, in February, 1861, formulated terms for 
 surrendering the lease on the following ist July, which 
 were confirmed by the Hall and accepted by the Corpo- 
 ration. Under this agreement the Society received 
 one -third of the net receipts from the dues for the 
 unexpired period of the lease, less the average cost of 
 repairing the quays and other usual charges, the Society 
 also contributing, as a free gift, ^^2,000 towards erecting 
 the proposed sheds. 
 
 The first reference to railroad projects in the minute 
 books is dated December 8th, 1832, when the Standing 
 Committee appointed three of their body to confer with. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 257 
 
 committees of the Corporation, the Dock Company, 
 and the Gloucestershire Railway Company (who had 
 a colliery Hne to Coalpit Heath), "it being thought 
 that the subject of a railroad from Bristol to London 
 was worthy of consideration." On the subsequent 
 recommendation of the delegates, the Hall resolved to 
 co-operate with the other public bodies in obtaining 
 plans, and subscribed 200 guineas towards that object. 
 Surveys were soon afterwards made by Mr. Brunei and 
 Mr. Townsend, who estimated the cost of the under- 
 taking at ;^2, 800,000. The first directorate of the Great 
 Western Railway Company was nominated in equal parts 
 by the shareholders in London and Bristol, and included 
 the following gentlemen, who then were, or afterwards 
 became, members of the Society: — Robert Bright, who 
 subscribed for shares to the value of ^^25,900 ; Peter 
 Maze (;^23,ooo), John Cave (;^i7,9oo), George Gibbs 
 (;/^i4,ooo), Frederick Ricketts (^^i 0,000), and Henry Bush 
 (;^8,ooo). The Society subscribed ;^i,ooo, and granted 
 the use of the Hall for several meetings of the company. 
 Lord Granville Somerset, the first chairman of the 
 board, was presented with the freedom of the Hall. 
 Movements for the construction of lines to Exeter and 
 Gloucester were started subsequently, and numerous 
 meetings for their promotion took place in the Hall. 
 The Society's subscriptions to the Avonmouth and 
 Portishead railways have been already noticed. 
 
 Some reference may here be made to a notable 
 bequest confided to the Society for an important 
 public object by a liberal-hearted Bristohan. In 1753 
 Mr. William Vick, a wealthy wine merchant, often but 
 erroneously styled an alderman, devised the sum of 
 ;^i,ooo, subject to life interests, in trust to the Society, 
 directing that the money should be invested, and the 
 
 18 
 
258 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 interest suffered to accumulate until the capital reached 
 ;/^io,ooo, when the money was to be devoted to the 
 erection of a bridge over the gorge of the Avon at 
 St. Vincent's Rocks. The bequest did not reach the 
 Society until 1779, when the fund, with some accrued 
 interest, was taken over, and the subsequent yearly 
 profits were invested as they arose. The Chamber of 
 Commerce having applied for information on the subject, 
 the Standing Committee, in August, 1829, after pointing 
 out that the sum contemplated by the donor would 
 not be attained until 1834, and would then be manifestly- 
 inadequate to carry out its object, recommended that 
 a plan for a bridge should be procured, and a scheme 
 for raising subscriptions submitted to the public, prior 
 to applying for Parliamentary sanction. A plan by a 
 Mr. Mylne seems to have been immediately forthcoming, 
 for the Committee, a few days later, recommended the 
 appointment of the Master, the Mayor, and several 
 members of the Society as a committee charged with 
 obtaining an Act and promoting the design. Inquiries 
 were ■ first made by this body as to the feasibility of 
 building a stone bridge, the cost of which was estimated 
 at ^60,000. But Telford's achievement at Menai Strait 
 in 1827 had doubtless impressed Bristolians, and the 
 Society ordered the preparation of a Bill for powers 
 to erect a similar suspension bridge. In the meantime, 
 premiums were offered to engineers for the best design ^ 
 which were gained by two gentlemen named Hawkes 
 and Hazledine. Their plans, with others drawn by Mr. 
 Telford, Mr. Brunei, and Mr. Rendel, were ultimately 
 submitted to the President of the Royal Society, who 
 reported in favour of Mr. Brunei's, the cost of which 
 was estimated at £s7>ooo. The Bridge Bill received 
 the Royal Assent in May, 1830, about which time 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 259 
 
 the loans and donations promised, in conjunction with 
 Vick's fund {£S,yoo), amounted to upwards of ;^32,ooo, 
 including a loan of ^^500 and a gift of ;^25o by the 
 Society. In view of the deficiency of capital, the 
 trustees appointed under the Act proceeded with caution, 
 and operations were suspended until January, 1836, 
 when, at a meeting in Merchants' Hall, it was reported 
 that Mr. Brunei had reduced his estimate, and that, 
 through the promise of ;^9,ooo more from subscribers, 
 the prospective deficit was only about ;^8,ooo. The 
 first stone of the Somerset pier was laid by the 
 Marquis of Northampton, President of the British 
 Association, during the visit of that body in August, 
 1836. The melancholy history of the undertaking during 
 the following fifteen years may be found in local works. 
 Mr. Brunei's revised estimate proved to be about ^20,000 
 below the sum required to finish the design ; and in 
 1 85 1, when £4.^,4.00 had been expended, the enterprise 
 was abandoned, leaving two ugly piers as its only 
 monument. It was not until i860 that a serious attempt 
 was made to revive the undertaking, which was effected 
 by means of a joint stock company, promoted by two 
 eminent engineers. Sir John Hawkshaw and Mr. Barlow, 
 with a share capital of ;^35,ooo, towards which the 
 Society subscribed ;^500. The necessary Act was 
 obtained in 1861, and the bridge was opened on 
 December 8th, 1864. 
 
 A few weeks before the last-named event, great 
 dismay was occasioned in the city by an announcement 
 that a neighbouring wealthy landowner was about to 
 dispose of that portion of Leigh Woods adjoining the 
 Suspension Bridge to a speculative London builder, 
 who purposed to destroy the magnificent sylvan scenery, 
 with the view of erecting some 800 tenements, many 
 
26o THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 of a paltry character, thus converting the romantic site 
 into an eyesore. It being found that the preservation 
 of the woods depended wholly upon the public spirit 
 of the citizens, a company was formed by a few 
 generous-minded persons, and the Society lent their 
 assistance to the movement by taking shares to the 
 value of ;^2,5oo. The estate was shortly afterwards 
 purchased for ^40,000, and the Master for the time 
 being was appointed a director ex -officio of the Leigh 
 Woods' Company. The shareholders have hitherto 
 reaped no return for their generous action save the 
 gratitude of the citizens. 
 
 An arrangement of a still more beneficial character 
 to the inhabitants of Bristol had been brought to 
 maturity in 1861, largely through the liberality of the 
 Society. For many years previous to that date the 
 Hall had shown an anxious desire to preserve Clifton 
 Down, and that portion of Durdham Down lying within 
 their manor of Clifton, for the pleasure and recreation 
 of the public. A rumour having become prevalent that 
 the Society intended to enclose this open space, or to 
 dispose of their interest in it to speculators, an emphatic 
 resolution was passed by the Hall in February, 1856, 
 declaring that no such action had ever been contem- 
 plated, and that the Society would use their best 
 exertions to maintain for the citizens the free enjoyment 
 of the land. Upwards of 200 acres of Durdham Down, 
 however, belonged to the lords of the manor of Henbury, 
 whose intentions regarding the common were suspected 
 by the legal advisers of the Corporation in May, 1859, 
 to be of a very different character ; and the Council 
 shortly afterwards appointed a committee to confer 
 with the respective owners, with a view to vesting the 
 manorial rights in the Corporation, and securing the 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 26l 
 
 permanence of the public's privileges. The Society's 
 recognition of the main object of the civic body was 
 in consonance with the policy it had invariably pursued. 
 Making no demand for pecuniary compensation, the 
 Hall expressed its willingness, whilst retaining its 
 manorial rights, and reserving a fringe of precipitous 
 rocks on the shore of the Avon, to secure to the public 
 an unrestricted access to, and enjoyment of, the surface 
 of the Downs for all future time. The lords of the 
 manor of Henbury, of which three-fourths were held 
 by the owner of Leigh Woods, consented to dispose 
 of their rights over Durdham Down for ;^i 5,000. An 
 Act confirming these arrangements, and vesting the 
 management of the entire space in a committee chosen 
 in equal moieties by the Corporation and the Society, 
 was obtained in 1861. The Hall has since voted 
 donations from time to time for planting trees and for 
 other improvements, and in 1866 permission was granted 
 for constructing a temporary engine-house and railway, 
 by which excavations from improvement works in the 
 Avon were made use of for levelling up three extensive 
 quarries which then deformed the Downs. 
 
 In 1817, when the popularity of the once fashionable 
 Hot Well had sunk to a very low ebb {see page 218) the 
 Hall adopted a suggestion that an effort should be made 
 to revive the renown of the spring by the erection of a 
 more commodious Pump Room. The cost of the 
 improvement was then estimated at only ;^400, but the 
 design greatly developed under further consideration, 
 and upwards of ^^4,000 were expended before the new 
 premises were opened in 1822. The results were 
 financially disastrous. The first tenant undertook to 
 pay a rent of ;^200, and by converting the upper rooms 
 into lodgings he succeeded in doing so for five years. 
 
262 ' THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 (At this period the public were deprived of their right 
 of free access to the spring, and the interdiction con- 
 tinued until 1837.) A succession of occupiers followed, 
 all of whom fell into arrears or became insolvent, and 
 the rent by various abatements was reduced to £45 in 
 1838. A slight revival followed upon the opening of a 
 swimming bath; but the last tenant fell into hopeless 
 embarrassment, and he was forgiven a heav_y debt. The 
 Pump Room was finally swept away in 1867, when Hot 
 Well Point was removed by the Corporation in carrying 
 out an extensive scheme for facilitating the navigation 
 of the Avon. 
 
 The Society also long possessed two Cold Baths at 
 Jacob's Wells, which must at one period have been in 
 good repute, for ;^5oo were paid in 1793 for a lease of 
 the premises. Scarcely anything is recorded about them ; 
 but the two buildings, which had much the appearance of 
 diminutive Dissenting chapels of the old-fashioned type, 
 were standing, though in a ruinous condition, until about 
 thirty years ago. 
 
 An improvement of a later date having a slight 
 connection with the Hot Well may here be briefly noted. 
 In September, i8go, Mr. (now Sir) George Newnes 
 applied to the Hall for permission to make an "under- 
 ground inclined Lift" from near the site of the demolished 
 Pump Room to Prince's Buildings. The Society having 
 acceded to his request under certain conditions, the 
 Clifton Rocks Railway, constructed at a cost of upwards 
 of ;!^30,ooo, was opened in March, 1893. The chief 
 conditions imposed on Mr. Newnes were that he should 
 establish at Prince's Buildings an extensive Hydro- 
 pathic institution, and erect a Pump Room adjoining 
 for a revived Hot Well Spa. The latter building, of a 
 handsome character, was opened in August, 1894, and 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 263 
 
 provided a convenient place of reunion for the residents 
 of upper Clifton. The interior reconstruction of three 
 large houses in Prince's Buildings was undertaken by a 
 company formed for the purpose, and the "Clifton Grand 
 Spa Hydro" was opened in March, 1898, by the chairman. 
 Sir George Newnes. 
 
 During the slow decline of the famous old Hot Well, 
 the neighbourhood of the "New Hot Well " [see page 215) 
 arose into temporary importance. In 1836, when the 
 authorities of the Zoological Gardens applied to the 
 Society for leave to raise water from this source for the 
 use of their grounds, it was reported to the Standing 
 Committee that, in addition to the Well itself, there was 
 a much more copious spring in the same locality, belonging 
 to the Hall, producing several thousand gallons of water 
 per hour. So limited was the then population of " Clifton 
 on the hill " that the Committee conceived this supply to 
 greatly exceed the requirements of the inhabitants, and a 
 sub-committee was directed to consider the practicability 
 of establishing suitable water works. After a lengthy 
 delay, a definite report was produced in August, 1841, in 
 which it was asserted that the two springs, in a dry season, 
 produced 94,000 gallons daily, " being double the quantity 
 required for Clifton " ; and that the cost of a pumping 
 engine, mains, a reservoir on Observatory Hill,* and 
 branch pipes, would not exceed ^^15,000. A few weeks 
 later, Mr. Brunei, then at the summit of his fame, was 
 appointed engineer of the works, and a Bill was prepared 
 for the Session of 1842 ; but through the opposition 
 threatened by the owners of Sion and Richmond springs, 
 
 * In 1767 the Society advanced a man named Walters /200, on his undertaking 
 to build a windmill for grinding corn on " Mount-pelier, otherwise St. Vincent's 
 Mount." The mill, which had been converted into a snufif mill, was accidentally 
 burnt down in 1777, and the ruin figures in many views of the Hot Well. In 1828 
 the Hall granted the site at a nominal rent to William West, on his undertaking to 
 construct an Observatory, which, says the minute, "would be an object of beauty, 
 and useful for signals to the shipping." 
 
264 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 who enjoyed a practical monopoly of the existing water 
 supply of Clifton, the measure was withdrawn. In 
 September, 1844, a committee of the Society again 
 recommended the construction of works, the cost of 
 which was estimated at only ^^^8,000, and as the available 
 daily supply was magnified by an engineer to 396,000 
 gallons, the Hall resolved, in March, 1845, to carry out 
 Brunei's plans without further delay, an Act being deemed 
 unnecessary. A fantastically-designed engine-house was 
 accordingly raised over the larger spring ; an excavation 
 for a reservoir was made near the Observatory ; and other 
 operations had been nearly completed ; when the formation 
 of the Bristol Water Company, who proposed to apply for 
 statutory powers in 1846, led to further developments. 
 The Society resolved to introduce a rival Bill, claiming- 
 exclusive authority to supply Clifton and the adjoining 
 city parishes, and undertaking to provide for the sewerage 
 of those districts. The Water Company sought to avoid 
 a struggle at Westminster by offering to. reimburse the 
 Hall for the outlay incurred, providing that the schemes 
 were amalgamated, and invited the Society to become 
 shareholders in the company and to accept a share in the 
 management. This offer having been declined, a contest 
 took place before a Committee of the House of Commons, 
 and, as the Water Company intimated that their Bill 
 would be withdrawn if the area of supply were divided, 
 the Standing Committee recommended the Hall to under- 
 take the provision of the entire city, Mr. Brunei having, 
 characteristically, asserted that the Society's springs 
 would furnish an "ample" supply for the whole popula- 
 tion ! The Parliamentary Committee, however, rejected 
 the Society's Bill, and approved of the rival scheme, but 
 intimated that the Water Company ought to carry out 
 their previous offer to recoup the Hall for the expenditure 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 265.- 
 
 it had incurred. The Company eventually agreed to pay 
 ;^i 8,000 to cover the cost of the works, but refused to 
 purchase the springs, the engine-house, and the reservoir. 
 The foregoing paragraph suggests a brief reference- 
 to the history of the parish of Clifton during the first 
 half of the nineteenth century. In 1801 " Clifton on 
 the hill " was an inconsiderable village, and with the 
 exception of York Place and Prince's B^ildings, the 
 Society's scanty estate there consisted chieily of gardens 
 and small dairy farms. The progress of building during 
 the following forty years was exceedingly slow, and so 
 late as 1842, when the showyards of the Royal Agricul- 
 tural Society occupied the area of the present Triangle 
 and two or three fields immediately in the rear of the 
 Victoria Rooms, a pedestrian from Bristol was practically 
 in open country when he had passed Berkeley Place. 
 Save two small clumps of dwellings and a few cottages,. 
 Whiteladies Road, more than a mile in length, was 
 bounded by green fields and nurseries until it reached 
 Black Boy Hill, then inhabited by the poorest class 
 of labourers ; Pembroke Road was a narrow lane called 
 Gallows Acre, containing in a distance of over half a 
 mile only a solitary house ; and, with trivial exceptions, 
 the wide space to the right and left of those highways- 
 was in the hands of gardeners and petty farmers. The 
 attention of the Hall was thus rarely called to the 
 management of an estate so largely rural. An important 
 extension of buildings on the Society's land was at length 
 started in 1847, when "Ferny Close" — which a cautious 
 speculator had refused to purchase for ^^2,500 — began 
 to be gradually converted into Victoria Square, the 
 Society subsidising the first contractor. The example 
 became at once contagious, and the progress made 
 during the following years on the open land of private 
 
266 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 individuals was astonishingly rapid, the mason being 
 practically ubiquitous. St. Paul's Road was completed 
 in 1854 by the erection of a church ; and Alma Road, 
 with other new thoroughfares, had then been begun. 
 In 1856 a large sum was raised by subscription, the 
 Hall contributing ^^500, for the purpose of sweeping 
 away a nest of unsightly hovels fronting the Victoria 
 Rooms, and converting the site into an ornamental 
 garden, an improvement which gave a fresh impetus 
 to building operations in that neighbourhood. In 1858 
 the Society, at a heavy outlay, acquired premises known 
 as Carter's Brewery, near Victoria Square, through 
 which Merchants' Road was afterwards laid out, con- 
 necting Queen's Road with Regent's Street, thus 
 obviating the long carriage detour to the Mall by way 
 of Clifton Church. By i860 almost the whole agricul- 
 tural area of the parish and the aspect of the older 
 thoroughfares had been transformed ; and after the 
 opening of Clifton College, in the following year, the 
 few remaining vacant plots speedily disappeared. One 
 field — Road Close — at the junction of Oakfield and 
 Pembroke Roads long survived the rest, but became 
 Hanbury Road South about 1876. The extent of the 
 Society's estate in upper Clifton being inconsiderable as 
 compared with those of private owners, while properties 
 were greatly intermixed, the task of negotiating with 
 separate individuals for laying out the ground in a 
 satisfactory manner occasionally proved very onerous. 
 It was only through the persistent exertions of the 
 Society that some of the leading thoroughfares obtained 
 their present spacious dimensions. 
 
 As regards the internal affairs of the Society, one 
 of the questions that most frequently underwent the con- 
 sideration of the Hall during the century was that arising 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 267 
 
 out of the continuous shrinking of the roll of members. 
 In September, 1803, when only about a dozen gentlemen 
 had been admitted by fine during the previous thirty-five 
 years, whilst a much greater number had been removed 
 by death, the Ordinance of 1768, imposing a fine of 
 /200 on each " Redemptioner," was momentarily sus- 
 pended in order to admit nineteen candidates on payment 
 of ;^i5o each. In February, 1819, it was proposed to 
 admit twenty-two gentlemen on the same terms, but 
 a motion to that effect was disapproved. In October, 
 1836, when the roll had further largely diminished, 
 a committee was appointed to consider measures for 
 admitting some leading merchants and manufacturers ; 
 but no report seems to have been presented. Another 
 committee, charged with the same task, was appointed 
 in 1838 ; and having soon afterwards reported the 
 desirability of admitting twenty additional members, 
 being freemen of the city and mercantile men, at a 
 fine of £^0 each, the Hall suspended the Ordinance on 
 August 24th, and selected the above number out of thirty- 
 one candidates. The old Ordinance was then re-enacted. 
 (One of the gentlemen chosen proved to be disqualified, 
 being a non-freeman.) In February, 1848, when the 
 Standing Committee directed some of its members to 
 consider the quaUfications for admission, a suggestion 
 was made that the Hall should be simply recommended 
 to reduce the admission fee to ^^50, but it was determined 
 to await the report of the sub-committee, which was 
 never produced. In December, 1850, the Standing 
 Committee resolved that it was expedient to admit 
 eighteen new members at a nominal fine. The subject 
 was then being considered by another sub-committee, 
 who brought up a new code of regulations in the 
 following March; but it was apparently disapproved, 
 
268 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 and was not inserted in the minutes. In April, 1851, 
 the Standing Committee drew up a new scheme of 
 regulations, abolishing all the previous Ordinances con- 
 cerning admissions, excepting as regarded existing 
 apprenticeships, and fixing the fine on Redemptioners 
 at ;^5o. At a Hall held on April 12th these regulations 
 were refused confirmation ; but another Hall was 
 summoned for the 25th, when all the Ordinances 
 relating to admissions (existing apprenticeships excepted) 
 were repealed, and a Standing Order was enacted to 
 the following effect : — 
 
 That no person shall be admitted by purchase on payment of a 
 less sum than £^0 and 10s, to the Clerk. That, subject to the 
 conditions which follow, apprentices who duly serve their term and 
 are otherwise qualified, shall be eligible for admission on payment of 
 45. 6d. and los. to the Clerk. That the term be not less than seven 
 years. That, excepting existing apprentices, no person shall be 
 admitted by virtue of apprenticeship unless he is related to his 
 master in a degree not less distant than first cousin, or pay £25 to 
 the Society and los. to the Clerk. Every future indenture to be 
 enrolled, and 6s. 8i. paid to the Clerk. Every one claiming the 
 freedom to give three days' notice to the Clerk. Members' sons to 
 be admitted on the minimum fee fixed for apprentices, provided that 
 each shall have been born after his father's admission. The son of a 
 Redemptioner, or member admitted gratuitously, who shall not have 
 served as apprentice to a member, shall pay 405. on admission and 
 the Clerk's fee. No son of a member shall be eligible for admission 
 in right of birth unless born after the admission of his father. No 
 person to be admitted unless notice of such proposed admission be 
 given in the summons convening the next Hall. 
 
 The number of Redemptioners admitted on payment 
 of £so each during the following ten years was twenty- 
 three, and forty-two more were elected up to the close 
 of the century. In July, 1872, the Hall requested the 
 Standing Committee again to report on the system of 
 admitting that class of members. From the committee's 
 response in the following January, it appears that the. 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 269 
 
 total number of members on the roll was then seventy- 
 four (as against upwards of one hundred in 1801), of 
 whom twenty had been admitted by right of birth, 
 twenty-four by apprenticeship, and thirty by payment 
 of £^0. The committee saw no necessity for altering 
 the regulations, except that the nomination of proposed 
 Redemptioners should be made at one Hall, and their 
 election at the next. A law was then enacted to that 
 effect, and it was followed by another disqualifying a 
 candidate who did not obtain a majority of three-fourths 
 of the meriibers present ; and by a third, forbidding 
 a nomination to be received unless with the sanction 
 of the Hall. In July, 1885, the Clerk having expressed 
 his belief that an application to the Privy Council for 
 an alteration of the Society's charter would be assented 
 to, the Standing Committee requested the Master to 
 convene a special Hall to consider the subject, but no 
 such meeting took place. It is probable that the object 
 then in view was to obtain an abrogation of the clause 
 requiring members of the Society to be freemen of the 
 city. In 1895, the Clerk submitted a report on the 
 regulations, doubtless at the request of the Standing 
 Committee, who directed some of its members to 
 consider whether alterations were desirable ; but the 
 matter proceeded no further. 
 
 With regard to the Order of 1851, imposing a fine 
 of £2^ on the admission of an apprentice not closely 
 related to his late master, it may be stated that only 
 two such fines were paid during the following fifty 
 years. The first case, in i860, appears to have caused 
 some excitement. It was the claim of a prominent 
 citizen (elected Mayor two years later) on the ground 
 that he had just concluded an apprenticeship for seven 
 years to a member of the Society. The candidate was 
 
270 
 
 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 upwards of 40 years of age, and had been one of the 
 chiefs of an extensive manufacturing firm throughout 
 the period of his alleged servitude to a merchant. There 
 being nothing in the ordinances to invalidate his claim, 
 he was admitted by the Hall ; but a bye-law was forth- 
 with passed against " colourable " apprenticeships, future 
 applicants being required to prove that they were 
 indentured before reaching their eighteenth year, and 
 had been employed exclusively in the business of their 
 masters. It may be added in connection with the 
 subject that, in 1822, a gentleman was rejected as 
 unqualified, though the son of a member, on the ground 
 that he was in holy orders. But no objection was 
 raised in 1864 to the admission of an officer in a 
 regiment of the line. Three gentlemen resigned their 
 membership during the century, two without any oppo- 
 sition being offered to their action ; but in the third 
 and latest case, the Hall declined to accept the 
 resignation, which was declared to be invalid until 
 authenticated by a legal instrument. 
 
 The honorary members admitted during the century 
 were as follows : — 
 
 1802 Henry Addington, Premier. 
 
 1803 H.R.H. the Duke of 
 
 Cumberland. 
 
 1804 Earl Melville, 
 
 First Lord, Admiralty. 
 
 1805 Admiral Lord Barham. 
 Admiral Lord CoUingwood. 
 
 1 8 16 Lord Melville, 
 
 First Lord, Admiralty. 
 Duke of Wellington, F.M. 
 Lord Edward Somerset. 
 Lord Fitzroy Somerset. 
 
 1825 Earl of Liverpool, Premier. 
 
 George Canning. 
 1834 Lord Granville Somerset. 
 1840 7'" Duke of Beaufort. 
 
 1842 H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge. 
 
 1843 H.R.H. Prince Albert. 
 1851 P. W. S. Miles, M.P. 
 
 1854 8'" Duke of Beaufort. 
 
 1855 Robert Bright. 
 
 1856 2"* Lord Raglan. 
 
 1 865 Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 The routine of the previous century in reference 
 to the transaction of ordinary business underwent little 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 27I 
 
 alteration. For nearly two hundred years, in consonance 
 with the terms of the first charter of Charles the First, the 
 members assembled for the annual elections on November 
 loth, even when that day fell on a Sunday ; but an Act 
 of Parhament was passed in 1833 for the relief of many 
 corporations, providing that when a stipulated meeting fell 
 upon a Lord's Day, such gatherings should thenceforth 
 take place either on the preceding or the following day ; 
 and the Society's elections in such years have accordingly 
 been held either on Saturday or Monday. In 1807, when 
 a difference of opinion arose in the Hall in reference to the 
 Wharfage Bill of the Corporation, the minority requested 
 that their formal protest against the Hall's decision should 
 be recorded in the minutes ; but there being no precedent 
 for such a course, the demand was not complied with. In 
 1836 a question arose whether the Master was entitled to 
 a casting vote in the appointment of an officer when a 
 division showed an equality of numbers; but no precedent 
 could be discovered, and the Clerk produced a legal 
 decision declaring such a vote invalid. In 1844 the old 
 rule imposing a fine on such members of the Standing 
 Committee as absented themselves from meetings was 
 abandoned as unworkable ; and the Treasurer was ordered 
 to disburse £\ 12s. ^d. (being half-a-crown per head for 
 the entire committee) for distribution amongst those 
 actually present at the opening of each gathering. The 
 new system had its intended effect, and is still in 
 operation. In February, 1852, a committee was appointed 
 to consider the bye-laws relating to the election of officers. 
 After deliberations extending over nearly three years, the 
 committee reported that the method of electing Masters 
 and Wardens had been pursued uninterruptedly since 
 1639, and that no alteration seemed desirable. The mode 
 of electing Assistants probably dated from the same 
 
272 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 period. Under it, the outgoing Master and four outgoing 
 Assistants nominated by him, were always first chosen, 
 after which the remaining five were chosen by ballot out 
 of ten nominated by the outgoing Master. It was recom- 
 mended that the election of the ex-Master and of the first 
 four nominated by him should be continued, but that the 
 appointment of the remaining five should be thrown open 
 to the Hall. After the matter had undergone further 
 consideration, the Hall, in August, 1855, passed a new 
 Ordinance, and repealed all previous bye-laws. It was 
 enacted that, as regarded the ofiEces of Master and 
 Wardens, three nominations should be made — one by the 
 outgoing Master, one by the outgoing Wardens and 
 Assistants, and the third by the assembled commonalty; 
 after which those so nominated should be put to the vote 
 for election by a majority of voices. As to the Assistants, 
 it was decreed that the name of the outgoing Master 
 should be first put to the vote, and that, if elected, he 
 should be First Assistant. Each member present was 
 next to hand in a list containing the names of four, or, 
 if the past Master was not elected, five of the Wardens 
 and Assistants then present, and such four or five were 
 to be elected by a plurality of votes. The remaining 
 Assistants were finally to be chosen out of the members 
 actually present. Provision was made for a second poll 
 in case of an equality of votes. Since the passing of the 
 above Ordinance, it has become customary to elect the 
 Senior Warden of each year to the Mastership of the 
 following year, the Junior Warden succeeding in the 
 same manner to the Senior Wardenship. Owing to 
 unavoidable circumstances this system was broken through 
 in 1863, 1867, and 1878, when Mr. J. A.Jones, Mr. R. G. 
 Barrow, and Mr. F. F. Fox were severally selected as 
 Master for a second term. No vacancy in that office 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 273 
 
 through death occurred during the century, but in 
 November, 1813, the outgoing Master, Mr. W. P. Lunell, 
 fractured a leg whilst on an inspection of the Society's 
 property, and was unable to attend on Charter day ; 
 whilst in 1865 Mr. O. C. Lane died only six days after 
 leaving the Chair, and but a few hours after his successor 
 had been sworn in before him. 
 
 In 1879 the Society resolved that an ornamental badge 
 of office should be thenceforth worn by the Master on 
 public occasions, and a sum of /'250 was voted for that 
 purpose. 
 
 The general nature of the Society's proceedings under- 
 went a remarkable change during the progress of the 
 century. At the outset, the Hall had to perform many 
 important public duties of which it was gradually relieved 
 in later years. As lessee of the wharfage, anchorage, and 
 cranage dues under the Corporation, who also delegated 
 to the Hall the regulation of pilotage, river navigation, 
 and other cognate matters, the Standing Committee found 
 constant employment in supervising the reparation of the 
 quays, cranes, &c., the removal of obstructions in the 
 Avon, the hearing of numberless complaints relating to 
 the pilots and to careless ship captains, the protection 
 from naval impressment of the large body of watermen 
 engaged in towing vessels, and the collection and distribu- 
 tion of the Merchant Seamen's Fund. The management 
 of the Society's Floating Dock and of the numerous 
 quarry tenants of the Hall required great watchfulness. 
 The necessity of defending local commerce from hostile 
 ships of war and privateers was often urgent ; and some 
 efforts had to be made, previous to the Battle of Trafalgar, 
 to secure the harbour from a French invasion. Being 
 exclusively mercantile men, the members of the Hall had 
 to keep a vigilant eye on the financial and commercial 
 
 19 
 
274 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 policy of the Government, on the attempts of distant 
 harbours to levy passing tolls on Bristol ships, and on 
 schemes of Londoners to snatch unfair advantages to the 
 injury of the outports. The administration of the Colston 
 Charities and the management of their extensive endow- 
 ments, to which further reference will be made in the 
 following chapter, engrossed much of the time of the 
 Standing Committee. In later years these duties and 
 responsibilities successively disappeared, and the Society 
 were enabled to bestow a larger attention to religious, 
 educational, and philanthropic objects. Through the 
 development of Clifton and the growth of other sources 
 of revenue, the heavy liabilities under which the Hall 
 laboured at the beginning of the century were gradually 
 cleared off, and though the surplus revenue thus secured 
 would still seem derisory to one of the great incorporated 
 companies of the capital, it was ungrudgingly drawn upon 
 from the outset, and is still largely bestowed for the 
 benefit of the community. 
 
 As will be shown in a future chapter, the Society 
 have further contributed in the aggregate some ;^8o,ooo 
 for the establishment, equipment, and maintenance of 
 the Merchant Venturers' Technical College. 
 
 The Society's Hall underwent various improvements 
 during the period under review. In 1851 Mr. Owen 
 Jones, the decorator of the first Crystal Palace, was 
 employed to furnish designs for ornamenting the interior 
 of the building, involving a considerable outlay. But 
 the chief alterations in the premises were effected in 
 1 87 1, when, in consequence of a gift to the Society 
 by Mr. Thomas Daniel of a house adjoining the Hall, 
 the old offices of the Treasurer were demolished, and 
 new buildings, including a spacious and elegant com- 
 mittee-room, were erected on the extended site. At 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 275 
 
 the sale of Mr. James Adam Gordon's eflfects in 1857, 
 the Society purchased, for decorating the walls of their 
 reception saloon, a fine portrait of Queen Anne, by 
 Kneller, and five others, believed to be by Hudson, 
 namely, George the First, George the Second when 
 Prince of Wales, the same monarch and his consort. 
 Queen Caroline, and the Princess Augusta, mother of 
 George the Third. The portrait of Mr. Robert Bright, 
 already referred to, was presented to the Hall in the 
 same year. By permission of Queen Victoria, copies were 
 obtained in 1862, at a cost of ;/^25o, of Winterhalter's 
 portraits of her Majesty and the Prince Consort, as a 
 memorial of the latter. And in 1885 Alderman Butter- 
 worth, then Master, presented a portrait of Arthur Hart, 
 Master of the Society in 1688. A portrait of Mr. 
 William Claxton, Treasurer for thirty- two years, was 
 presented in 1873, a few weeks before the death of that 
 highly-esteemed officer, by Mr. H. Cruger Miles (Master, 
 1871), and was placed in the Treasurer's room. 
 
 Entertainments were offered in the Hall to many 
 visitors to the city, the most distinguished being George, 
 Prince of Wales (George IV.), H.R.H. the Duke of 
 Cumberland (King of Hanover), H.R.H. the Duke of 
 Sussex, H.R.H. the Duchess of Teck, F.M. the Duke 
 of Wellington, the last Duke of Buckingham, Earl 
 Russell, Sir Frederick (Earl) Roberts, and the Presidents 
 and leading members of the British Association and 
 other scientific societies during their meetings in the 
 city. Down to 1841, when the only other convenient 
 building for large banquets was the Assembly Room in 
 Prince's Street, the annual dinners of the Anchor Society 
 were generally held in the Hall, and it was often granted 
 for celebrations of Mr. Pitt's birthday and other party 
 reunions, as well as for meetings to promote railways 
 
276 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 and various public objects. In 1817, probably at the 
 request of the Government, it was permitted to be used 
 for the distribution of the new gold sovereigns issued 
 in substitution of guineas, and of a plentiful coinage of 
 silver for which the country had long been clamorous. 
 In 1830 and at three subsequent general elections, when 
 the only polling booths in the city were erected in Queen 
 Square, the Sheriffs were allowed the use of the Hall 
 for the accommodation of their staff; and after the 
 deplorable events of 1831 it was the meeting -place of 
 a court martial. 
 
 Continuing the record of the Society's Clerks {see 
 page 229), Mr. Jeremiah Osborne was appointed in 1801 
 joint Clerk with his elder brother, John, who had held 
 the office for the previous five years. The latter died 
 in February, 1810, when his brother became sole Clerk, 
 and continued to perform the duties until 1838, when, 
 on account of failing health, his eldest son, Robert, was 
 appointed his coadjutor. The latter, after becoming sole 
 Clerk on the death of his father in June, 1842, held the 
 office until his own demise in 1854, when his partner, 
 Mr. Charles Edward Ward, succeeded to the vacancy. 
 Mr. Ward died in March, 1873, and the Society, as a 
 memorial of his services, voted ;/^40o towards the erection 
 of the west front of the Cathedral. The vacant office 
 was conferred upon Mr. Jere Osborne, nephew of the 
 above Robert, who had long assisted his late partner, 
 Mr. Ward. On the occasion of his marriage Mr. Osborne 
 was presented with a massive silver salver, bearing an 
 inscription eulogising his services. It is somewhat re- 
 markable that of the five members of his family who 
 have held the Clerkship since 1786, four of them were 
 appointed when under 30 years of age, and the fifth was 
 only 33. 
 
THE NIKETEENTH CENTURY. 277 
 
 A list of the Treasurers of the Society will be found at 
 the end of the volume. 
 
 In 1866 Mr, Thomas William Hill applied to the 
 Society for the gift of a suitable piece of ground on 
 which to erect an Almshouse, for the reception of 
 twelve poor Church-women of the parishes of Clifton 
 and St. Augustine, it being his further intention to 
 endow the institution and to place it, after his own 
 demise, under the Society's supervision. A plot of land 
 in Gorse Lane, Clifton, was accordingly conveyed to 
 him. By a deed executed soon afterwards, Mr. Hill 
 transferred to a body of twelve trustees a capital sum 
 sufficient to provide js. per week for the "elder sister" 
 and 5s. per head for the other objects of his foundation. 
 The trustees were empowered to fill up vacancies arising 
 from death amongst themselves ; but the Society were 
 given visitorial powers over the board, with the right 
 of displacing any member for breach of trust, and of 
 appointing his successor. Half of the almswomen were 
 to be elected by the trustees and half by the Society. 
 Mr. Hill, who died in January, 1874, bequeathed his 
 large residuary estate to the trustees, who were subse- 
 quently enabled to create pensions of 55. per week per 
 head to forty-six women residing outside the almshouse. 
 
 In conclusion, some singular circumstances in con- 
 nection with the Society's Almshouse afford information 
 respecting a bygone charitable movement of Bristolians 
 hitherto unrecorded. From documents referred to in the 
 minute books, it appears that, in the early years of the 
 century, the doles to the inmates of all the almshouses in 
 the city in no case exceeded three shillings per week, 
 a sum which barely provided the miserable recipients 
 with bread, owing to the high prices that prevailed during 
 the great French war. In 1810 a notable Bristol philan- 
 
278 THE SOCIETY IN 
 
 thropist, Mr. Richard Reynolds, in concert with Mr. Philip 
 John Miles and others, started a subscription for the 
 purpose of permanently increasing the pay of each of the 
 poor people to five shillings per week. But as the amount 
 actually raised was little more than ;^i 2,000, whilst the 
 sum required was ;^35,ooo, the money was invested in the 
 purchase of 300 acres of land, which, owing to the high 
 price of grain and the depreciation of the currency, was 
 then selling at far beyond its normal value. The return 
 of peace brought about so disastrous a fall in farming 
 rents that in 1834 the accumulated fund produced a 
 revenue of only ;^422, while a sum of ;^487 per annum 
 was required to carry out the original intention. The 
 trustees then offered to transfer the estate to the Society, 
 on condition that the Hall would undertake to increase 
 the pay of the inmates in Colston's and other city alms- 
 houses to 5s. per week, involving a yearly outlay of 
 ;^33i ios.,and would apply the balance towards increasing 
 the dole to the Society's almsfolk. The distress of the 
 agricultural interest was then so extreme, however, that 
 the Hall declined to accept the responsibility. In 1839 
 the trustees made a second proposal, offering to transfer 
 a capital sum adequate to provide an additional shilling 
 weekly to the inmates of Colston's Almshouse, and double 
 that amount to the King Street almspeople — thus raising 
 both to 5s., — but desired an assurance from the Society 
 that the payments then made to the two institutions 
 would not be reduced ; but the Hall declined to bind 
 itself to support a greater number of persons than were 
 specified in the trusts, or to continue a gratuitous applica- 
 tion of its funds longer than it thought proper. Eventually, 
 in September, 1840, the surviving trustees of the fund, 
 Mr. William Fripp and Mr. Christopher George, handed 
 over ;^3,35o in 3I per cent, stock to four members of the 
 
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 279 
 
 Society, in trust to divide the interest amongst not less 
 than thirty inmates at King Street. A further sum of 
 £1,700 in the same stock was transferred for the benefit 
 of Colston's almsfolk. The difficulty of investing money 
 so as to ensure a definite fixed income for all future time 
 is forcibly illustrated by the subsequent results of this 
 arrangement. The dividends on the 3I per cent, stocks 
 have undergone four reductions since the above benefac- 
 tions were received by the Society, and two- sevenths of 
 the income from them has disappeared. The loss has 
 been borne by the Hall, and the weekly payments have 
 not only been maintained, but have been enlarged. A 
 new scheme for the management of the Society's Alms- 
 house came into operation in i8g8, by which its funds 
 have been placed on an independent footing. 
 
 With respect to the practice of " colouring" the goods 
 of non-burgesses, already frequently referred to, it may be 
 stated that the Municipal Reform Act of 1835 abolished 
 the exemption from local dues which had previously been 
 a privilege of the freemen of Bristol and other boroughs, 
 but reserved that privilege in favour of freemen then 
 living, and of their children and apprentices born or 
 indentured before June 5th, 1835. Some surviving per- 
 sons entitled to this favour may therefore be still entitled 
 to claim it. At all events, the practice of "colouring" 
 goods, that is, of using the name of a freeman in order to 
 avoid the payment of local dues — said to have been 
 formerly common — may have continued up to a recent 
 date. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Colston's hospital and almshouse. 
 
 As has been already narrated (page 174), Mr. Edward 
 Colston delayed his application for admission into the 
 Society until the close of 1683, when he was far 
 advanced in middle life. Although he had been absent 
 from his native city since childhood, it appears to have 
 retained a strong hold on his affections, and to have 
 inspired him with intentions to benefit permanently 
 the poorer classes of inhabitants. In August, i6go, 
 Mr. Colston applied to the Corporation for a grant 
 of about three acres of land, called the Turtles, or 
 Jonas Leaze, on St. Michael's Hill, for the purpose 
 of erecting an almshouse, chapel, and other buildings 
 on the site ; when the civic body, taking into consider- 
 ation the charitable object in view, consented to dispose 
 of the ground for the sum of ;^ioo. There is no record 
 of the opening of the Almshouse, which was built for 
 the accommodation of twelve men and an equal number 
 of women, and cost about ;^2,5oo. In January, i6g6, 
 the founder conveyed the property, together with the 
 endowment fund for its maintenance, chiefly consisting 
 of fee-farm rents that had been acquired from the 
 Crown, to Sir Richard Hart and twenty- seven other 
 citizens, chiefly members of the Merchants' Society, 
 who were constituted managers of the charity, with 
 power to appoint successors. The nomination of the 
 almspeople was reserved to Mr. Colston for life, and 
 afterwards to the Society in perpetuity. 
 
 280 
 
Colston's hospital and almshouse. 281 
 
 In October, 1695, the philanthropist acquainted the 
 Society of his intention to provide them with funds 
 for the maintenance (at 2s. per week per head) of six 
 aged seamen, provided that rooms for that number were 
 added to the Almshouse adjoining the Hall ; and the 
 condition having been thankfully accepted, and duly 
 fulfilled, certain lands in Somerset were shortly after- 
 wards conveyed to members of the Society. 
 
 Correspondence between Mr. Colston and the Society 
 relating to the above transactions is printed at length 
 in Garrard's Life, of Edward Colston, pages 386-393. 
 
 In reference to the endowments of Colston's Alms- 
 house, it may be stated that, after the Jacobite Rebellion 
 of 1 71 5, the estates of the Earl of Derwent water and 
 of several of the Northumbrian gentry who took part 
 in the revolt, out of which fee -farm rents were due 
 to the Almshouse under Mr. Colston's Settlement, were 
 confiscated to the Crown on the landowners being 
 convicted of high treason. The Society, however, took 
 immediate steps to establish their right, as trustees, to 
 the quit-rents, and their claim was at once admitted 
 by the Government. The charity subsequently received 
 two important benefactions. In 1814 Mr. Hart Davis 
 conveyed to the Society a house and about three acres 
 of land in Clifton, in trust, to apply the annual rental 
 (then £&o) to increasing by one shilling the weekly 
 stipend of the almsfolk. The Society passed a cordial 
 vote of thanks to the donor, and conferred the freedom 
 upon Mr. Davis and his eldest son. The benefaction 
 of ;^i,700 in 1840, by which another shilling per week 
 was added to the dole, has been already referred to 
 (page 279). 
 
 Mr. Colston's first donation for local educational 
 purposes was made in 1695 to the Corporation, to 
 
282 Colston's hospital 
 
 whom he soon afterwards conveyed two small estates in 
 Somerset, producing about {^"jo per annum, which income 
 was to be devoted to the maintenance, clothing, and 
 education of six additional boys in Queen Elizabeth's 
 Hospital. The conveyance of the property directed that 
 if the Corporation should thereafter diminish the number 
 of youths then in the School, and should refuse to fill up 
 vacancies after being required so to do by the Merchants' 
 Society, it should be lawful for the latter body to take 
 possession of the endowment, and to apply it at their 
 discretion. 
 
 In 1702, when Mr. Colston had temporarily returned 
 to Bristol on the death of his mother, he acquainted the 
 Corporation with his desire to make a much larger 
 donation of a similar character to that just described. 
 The Common Council, in August, deputed five gentlemen 
 (of whom three were past Masters of the Society) to 
 thank Mr. Colston for his generous proposal ; and a few 
 days later that gentleman accompanied the civic body to 
 the Hospital (then occupying the site of the present 
 Merchant Venturers' College), when an agreement was 
 signed by most of those present to subscribe funds for 
 the demolition of the old monastic buildings, and for the 
 erection of a new Hospital, to accommodate 120 poor 
 boys. Mr. Colston promised ;^5oo towards the under- 
 taking, and twenty members of the Corporation (forming 
 a working majority of the entire body) offered donations 
 amounting altogether to ^^1,400. As the number of 
 scholars was then only forty, it seems unquestionable 
 that provision would not have been made for thrice that 
 number unless there were good reasons for anticipating 
 an immediate and extensive development. It is, in fact, 
 certain that Mr. Colston had intimated to the Corporation 
 that he was willing to provide a sufficient endowment for 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 283 
 
 adding about fifty more boys to the existing roll. For 
 reasons which the civic records leave unexplained, this 
 munificent offer was not accepted by the Common 
 Council, desirous as that body evidently was to provide 
 the necessary accommodation. That the refusal was 
 attributable to the sordid prejudices and absolute illiteracy 
 of the governors of the Hospital, as is alleged in the 
 Life of Colston, may be dismissed as a scurrilous and 
 untruthful libel. Bearing in mind the provisions after- 
 wards imposed by Mr. Colston on the Merchants' Society 
 when founding his own school, namely, that all the 
 children admitted into it should not only be carefully 
 instructed in the doctrines of the Church of England, 
 but that none of them should, when leaving, be appren- 
 ticed to a Dissenter, it is not unreasonable to conjecture 
 that the proffered endowment was made subject to similar 
 conditions. The period was one of fierce political passions. 
 Before the negotiations were broken off, the High Church 
 party had twice carried a Bill through the House of 
 Commons, and it became law soon afterwards, under 
 which any mayor or other member of a civic corporation, 
 " or any other person bearing any office or place or 
 employment relating to or concerning the government 
 of any borough " [which clearly embraced the officers 
 if not all the members of the Merchants' Society] who 
 should, whilst holding such position, attend any religious 
 meeting of Dissenters, was to be fined £^o, deprived of 
 office, and adjudged incapable to hold any office or 
 employment whatever within England and Wales. The 
 sect of Presbyterians was at that time influentially repre- 
 sented in the Bristol Corporation,- and if Mr. Colston 
 imposed religious restrictions on his gift to Queen 
 Elizabeth's Hospital, it is not very surprising that his 
 proposal was declined. 
 
284 Colston's hospital 
 
 After considering the subject for about three years, 
 Mr. Colston addressed a letter to the Merchants' 
 Society, dated, " Mortlake, March 21st, 1705-6." After 
 observing: — " Altho' my intention of making provision 
 for fifty poor boys have been hardly censured by some 
 of the inhabitants of your City, nay, even by some of 
 the Magistrates, if I have not been wrong informed, yet 
 the sense of that hath not extinguished those thoughts, 
 but I still retain them ; " and adding that a similar offer 
 for the benefit of Christ's Hospital in London would 
 doubtless meet with far different returns, he proceeded : — 
 " But altho' I have had my education, and spent good 
 part of my days there — yet since I drew my first breath 
 in your City, I rather incline that the poor children 
 born there should partake thereof; therefore if your 
 Society will please to undertake the trust (and are not 
 of the opinion that gifts of that nature are only a 
 nursery for beggars and sloths, and rather a burthen 
 than a benefit to the place where they are bestowed) 
 upon the conditions mentioned on the other side, 
 which is a paragraph taken out of my late will ; then 
 it's my desire that you would take it into consideration." 
 The writer went on to state that he proposed to erect 
 a school building on St. Michael's Hill, adjoining his 
 Almshouse, capable of accommodating fifty boys, "which 
 is the least number I think of," and a master. As 
 to the endowment, he estimated that the boys could 
 be fed, clothed, and educated for ;^io a head per 
 annum — the sum then expended at Queen Elizabeth's 
 Hospital ; and ;^ioo a year would be added as a pro- 
 vision for placing them out as apprentices, at £^ per 
 head, and for other expenses. 
 
 On the receipt of this communication, a Hall was 
 held on March 29th, 1706, when it was unanimously 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 285 
 
 resolved to accept the trust proposed to be conferred 
 upon the Society, and to tender thanks for the kind 
 offer through a committee appointed for that purpose. 
 This was accordingly done on the following day, when 
 the committee returned hearty acknowledgments for the 
 charitable proposals, approved of the proposed site and 
 of the intended provision for the school, but expressed 
 a doubt whether the apprentice fee would suffice to 
 secure good masters. The latter point was afterwards 
 pressed by the Society, who informed Mr. Colston that 
 if he would raise the endowment to 1^640 per annum, 
 " they would with all gratitude and thankfulness under- 
 take the trust imposed upon them." Mr. Colston 
 assented, and estates at Locking, Beere, and other 
 places in Somerset, producing a net income slightly 
 exceeding the estimated charge, were conveyed to 
 trustees nominated by the Society. 
 
 The intended site being afterwards disapproved as 
 inadequate, the Hall recommended the purchase of the 
 Great House on St. Augustine's Back, which had been 
 thrice the temporary abode of royal visitors, but had 
 fallen from its high estate, and had long been degraded 
 into a sugar refinery. The property having been 
 purchased by Mr. Colston in 1707, for ;^i,3oo, its 
 adaptation for its new purposes was forthwith under- 
 taken. The deed settling the various endowments had 
 been actually engrossed, when, in April, 1708, Mr. Colston 
 informed the Hall of his intention to provide for double 
 the number of scholars, and the Society at once accepted 
 the enlarged trust, providing that a proportionate increase 
 were made in the endowment. In response, Mr. Colston 
 undertook to convey a further sum of about /^6oo per 
 annum, consisting of fee-farm rents purchased from the 
 Crown at an earlier date. The Hall had undertaken to 
 
286 Colston's hospital 
 
 clothe the boys, but the founder resolved on furnishing 
 the first batch of scholars "each with a suit of clothes, 
 cap, band, shirt, stockings, shoes, buckle, spoon and 
 porringer — one of each. Also brewing utensils, barrels, 
 bedding, sheets, towels, tablecloths." (Knives and forks 
 appear to have been thought an unnecessary equipment.) 
 All preparations having been completed, the Hospital 
 was opened in July, 1710, a special service being held on 
 the occasion in the Cathedral. The first pupils were 
 nominated by the founder, who reserved that privilege 
 for life, but occasionally requested the Society to recom- 
 mend fitting candidates. Subsequently, the patronage 
 was equally divided between the Hall and a body of 
 gentlemen styled Nominees, appointed by Mr. Colston, 
 and empowered to fill up vacancies amongst themselves 
 in perpetuity. Under the provisions of the Hospital 
 Settlement, boys bearing the name of Colston, or proving 
 kindred with the founder's family, were entitled to 
 admission in preference to any others, if otherwise eligible, 
 and the privilege was frequently claimed. 
 
 In 1718 the Society fell under Mr. Colston's temporary 
 displeasure. The first schoolmaster having received 
 notice of dismissal for incompetence, a letter was received 
 from Mortlake, recommending that a person named 
 Tooker, probably a member of a respectable Bristol 
 family of that name, should be selected for the vacant 
 office. But the Hall, having discovered that Tooker was 
 so headstrong a Jacobite as to have refused to take the 
 oath of allegiance to George the First, resolved that he 
 was unfit for the post — which he was in fact disqualified 
 by law to fill — and forthwith appointed another candidate. 
 Mr. Colston's irritation at this proceeding is visible in a 
 letter addressed soon afterwards to the Hall. Admitting 
 that the Society were empowered to elect a master, he 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 287 
 
 observed that if the members had acted with common 
 civility, they would not have been surprised at his having 
 resented their haste in making the appointment before 
 their disapproval of Tooker was communicated to him. 
 He had not, he added, the least knowledge that his 
 nominee was a non-juror. Under these circumstances he 
 hoped that no objection would be made to the insertion 
 of a " clause " in the Hall books, to the effect that he 
 did not merely endow the Hospital for the bare feeding 
 of a hundred boys, but chiefly that they should be bred 
 up in the doctrines of the Church of England, and he 
 conjured the Hall, for all time, to take effectual care 
 towards that end, and to see that no boy was ever 
 apprenticed to a Dissenter, as they would be answerable 
 for that breach of trust at the last great Tribunal. The 
 " clause," as well as the letter itself, was accordingly 
 inserted in the minute book. So long as the Hospital 
 was under the governance of the Society, the founder's 
 instructions were so carefully regarded that out-going 
 pupils were not permitted to apprentice themselves to 
 firms of which even a single partner was a Dissenter. 
 
 The arrangements of the school under the scheme 
 originally drawn up, and adhered to for many generations, 
 now seem extremely parsimonious. The master charged 
 with the training of lOO boys, and required to find slender 
 stipends for two assistant teachers, had no salary; such 
 remuneration as he received being derived from the 
 profit made on his contract to educate, maintain, and 
 clothe the scholars for the yearly sum of ;^io per head. 
 The regimen of the youths was thus necessarily of 
 a Spartan character. Animal food was served for 
 dinner on only three days a week; the fare on the 
 other four days being simply bread, or bread, butter, 
 and boiled pease, or bread and pottage. Breakfast 
 
288 COLSTON'S HOSPITAL 
 
 consisted of bread with a very little butter, or bread 
 and broth. For supper a small piece of meat was 
 served on Sundays ; on other days a scanty allowance 
 of bread and cheese was the only provision. In lieu 
 of tea and coffee, which were then expensive, each boy 
 was allowed thrice a day a pint of table beer, brewed 
 on the premises by the master at a trifling cost. Another 
 economical expedient ruled in the dormitory, where 
 two of the elder or three of the younger boys occupied 
 each bed. Even under these conditions, the master's 
 profit, after defraying the annual tailor's and shoemaker's 
 bills, must have been inconsiderable ; and the Society, 
 recognising the fact, were accustomed to appoint him 
 as their Beadle. As his time was thus largely absorbed 
 in the collection of rents and the supervision of repairs 
 to property, not only in Bristol but on the extensive 
 charity estates in various parts of Somerset, his scholastic 
 duties must have been perfunctorily discharged. (This 
 remissness, indeed, was complained of by Mr. Colston in 
 his final Settlement.) Towards the close of the eighteenth, 
 and during the first two decades of the nineteenth 
 centuries, when bread was frequently at famine prices, 
 a more liberal yearly grant was found indispensable. A 
 salary of £1^0 was voted to the master, and the allowance 
 for food and clothing was advanced step by step until 
 it reached £ij per head in 1810, and ;^i8 in 1814, when 
 the master's stipend was raised to ;^ioo. Long before 
 this inflation commenced, the Society had learnt from 
 painful experience that, in accepting the terms of 
 Mr. Colston's Settlements on the Hospital and Alms- 
 house, their predecessors had greatly underestimated 
 the liabilities that would accrue from the trusts. As 
 the cost of living was nearly always increasing, while 
 the large income derived from fee-farm rents was 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 289 
 
 absolutely stationary, the yearly expenditure for a 
 lengthy period almost invariably exceeded the revenue. 
 A portion of the deficit, it is true, arose from the 
 reluctance of Mr. Colston's heirs to carry out his 
 testamentary instructions, which, after more than thirty 
 years' resistance, they were compelled to do by a decree 
 of the Court of Chancery in 1769, under which the 
 Society recovered upwards of ;^3,ooo for arrears, and 
 an additional yearly income of over ^^200. Another 
 troublesome litigant was the Duke of Bolton, who 
 obstinately refused to pay the fee-farm rent issuing 
 out of his estate at Kidwelly. Twelve years' arrears, 
 amounting to ^1,200, were due from him in 1748, when 
 a suit for their recovery had been pending against him 
 for a lengthy period ; but his grace unblushingly claimed 
 his privileges as a peer to prevent the action being 
 brought to trial, and it was only by great legal dexterity 
 that he was forced to capitulate in 1749. But the sums 
 accruing from these sources far from sufficed to restore 
 a financial equilibrium, and the amount due to the Hall 
 for the advances it had to make afterwards exceeded 
 /i 1,000, involving the Society in a considerable bonded 
 debt. By 1788, however, the farming rents arising from 
 the Somerset charity estates had increased by ;^7oo per 
 annum as compared with the receipts when the lands 
 were purchased, and the encumbrance was gradually 
 reduced, notwithstanding the additional expenditure 
 already referred to. 
 
 Having regard to the class from which the Colston 
 Boys were chiefly drawn, and the rough manners of 
 the lower orders of society in the eighteenth century, 
 it is not surprising to find that the Hospital Committee 
 were frequently called on to deal vigorously with 
 outbreaks of insubordination and violence amongst the 
 
 20 
 
2gO COLSTON'S HOSPITAL 
 
 scholars. To take a few examples, boys who had 
 committed thefts, or assaulted the ushers, were given 
 the choice of being prosecuted for their offences, or of 
 being flogged by the master and delivered to serve in 
 the Royal Navy. On one occasion, when fourteen 
 youths, one of whom had rejoiced in the name of 
 Young Turpin, were brought up charged with shearing 
 off an usher's hair during the night, destroying their 
 long coats, and escaping from the Hospital, the Com- 
 mittee ordered six of the culprits to be scourged in their 
 presence, "which was done with much seriousness," 
 and the others were expelled as incorrigible. A dread 
 instrument called the Wooden Collar was also occasion- 
 ally called into requisition. Although sanitary regulations 
 were little attended to in that age, the condition of the 
 Hospital appears to have been generally satisfactory. 
 On only one occasion was an epidemic reported in the 
 institution ; and although nearly half the boys were 
 under medical treatment, only two cases proved fatal. 
 
 A somewhat singular benefaction was made to the 
 Hospital in 1814. From information contained in the 
 minute books we learn that a boy named Philip Jones 
 was admitted into the school in 1765, on the nomina- 
 tion of the Society, and that he bore the number 
 76 in the roll of scholars. Jones eventually became 
 prosperous in business, and being desirous of showing 
 his gratitude for the education he had received, he 
 transferred, in 1814, the sum of ;^5oo in 5 per cent, 
 stock to certain members of the Society, in trust, that 
 they should, out of the yearly interest, lay by £^ 
 annually for the benefit of every subsequent boy 
 numbered 76, the lump sum to be paid to each such 
 youth on leaving the Hospital. If a Number 76 died 
 whilst a scholar, or was considered unworthy of the 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. SQI 
 
 gift, the accumulated sum was to benefit his next 
 successor. The remainder of the income of the trust, 
 after the distribution of a shilling apiece to the other 
 scholars, was to be given to the schoolmaster. From 
 some inadvertence in keeping the roll, the proper 
 descent of each number, including Number 76, had not 
 been attended to, and all Jones's successors had been 
 chosen by the Nominees instead of by the Society, 
 thus clearly disappointing the donor's intentions. The 
 subject having been brought before the Hall in 1844, 
 the Nominees were requested to consider the case ; and 
 they shortly afterwards agreed that the next election 
 of Number 76 should be left to the Society, and that 
 future nominations should be made by the two bodies 
 alternately. Another bequest of a like character was 
 made by one William Vaughan, of Dixton, Monmouth, 
 who bequeathed £115 to the Society in 1798, the yearly 
 interest of which he directed to be expended every 
 Colston Day in giving half-a-crown to scholar Number 
 49, the same sum to the boy who was doorkeeper for 
 that week, and one shilling each to the others. On the 
 reorganisation of the Hospital, to be referred to here- 
 after, the old system of numbering was abolished, and 
 it was resolved that Jones's gift to Number 76 should 
 thenceforth be awarded, on each vacancy, to a boy 
 who had been one or two years in the school, as 
 a reward for meritorious conduct rather than for 
 proficiency. 
 
 In 1837, the system of "farming" the Colston Boys 
 to the schoolmaster at a fixed yearly sum was abolished, 
 and a committee, that had been appointed to improve 
 the general management of the Hospital, soon afterwards 
 reported their proceedings to the Hall. The dietary 
 regulations that had been in force since the opening of 
 
292 Colston's hospital 
 
 the institution had been superseded by new tables based 
 on the system pursued at Christ's Hospital ; the large 
 allowances of beer had been discontinued, and the food 
 made more generous. The old scheme of education, 
 which had been found inferior to that in force in modern 
 parochial schools, had been elevated and extended. The 
 only recreation of the boys, consisting of "stamping 
 about the court in pairs," had been replaced by active 
 games and amusements ; the practice of allotting three 
 lads to a bed had been remedied by additions to the 
 dormitory ; the menial duties imposed on the youths 
 had been mitigated by the employment of another 
 servant ; and the entire building had been renovated 
 and improved. The new regulations proved to be more 
 economical than the old system, for although the salary 
 of the headmaster was raised to ;^2io, with furniture 
 provided for his private rooms, and votes were granted 
 for establishing a school library and various recreations, 
 a saving of ;^300 per annum was effected. A little 
 later, prizes were offered yearly to meritorious pupils, 
 navigation classes were introduced, and singing was 
 taught by an efficient master. 
 
 Certain Royal Commissioners appointed to enquire 
 into the Public Charities of the kingdom visited Bristol 
 in 1836, and a subsequent prolonged investigation into 
 local endowments was made by one of their agents. 
 An unexpected result of these proceedings was the 
 filing, in the Court of Chancery, by the Attorney- 
 General, in July, 1839, of an Information against the 
 Society in reference to a leasehold estate held by 
 them under Eton College, but alleged by the Com- 
 missioners to form part of the endowments of Colston's 
 Hospital. As the newspaper reports of judicial pro- 
 ceedings were at that period very brief and defective, 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 393 
 
 many important circumstances bearing upon the case 
 were never laid before the public. The following 
 summary of the facts, based upon legal documents in 
 possession of the Hall and the pleadings on each side, 
 has been kindly communicated by Mr. W. W. Ward : — 
 
 " During the year 1708 and the three preceding years 
 Mr. Colston had been in constant communication with 
 the Society with reference to the establishment and 
 endowment of the Charity afterwards known as Colston's 
 Hospital. Negotiations for the purchase of the Beere 
 Manor Estate, in Somerset, were entered into by the 
 Society, acting on Mr. Colston's behalf, with a Colonel 
 Bowyer ; and it was eventually agreed that the purchase 
 money should be ;/^9,ooo and 150 guineas, and that part 
 of the property should remain in the occupation of 
 Colonel Bowyer and his wife during their lives at an 
 annual rent of ;^3I5, but that, on payment by him of 
 ;^2,5oo to the Society, the rent payable by him should be 
 reduced to ^^5 a year,* the Society covenanting to pay the 
 balance of £2)io a year for the purposes of the Charity 
 during the lives of Colonel Bowyer and his wife. These 
 negotiations were all fully reported to Mr. Colston, as 
 the records of the Society prove beyond doubt, and the 
 purchase was completed in 1708. In the same year 
 Mr. Colston conveyed the Beere Manor with other 
 property to the Society, with the view of providing the 
 income necessary for the maintenance of the Charity. In 
 the early part of the following year, 1709, legal effect was 
 
 * The object of this arrangement, which was soUcited by Bowyer, came to light 
 after his death. Long before the sale of the manor to Mr, Colston, the property 
 had been encumbered by two "extents," one for ;f7oo and the other for ;f 1,000, 
 obtained by two of his numberless creditors. These charges Bowyer succeeded in 
 concealing from Mr. Colston's legal advisers ; but as the fraud would have been at 
 once discovered if the Society had taken possession as trustees, he induced the Hall 
 to accept him as lessee of the manor for life on the terms stated above. Upon his 
 demise, the holders of the "extents" raised suits for the recovery of their money, 
 and Mr. Colston's executors were compelled to disburse ;f 1,400 in discharge of the 
 larger claim. How the other " extent " was got rid of is not recorded. 
 
294 COLSTON S HOSPITAL 
 
 given to the arrangements made with Colonel Bowyer ; 
 but of the ^'2,500 agreed to be paid for the reduction of 
 his rent, only ;^500 was paid in cash, the payment of the 
 balance being accepted by the assignment of a mortgage 
 debt of ;^2,ooo secured on a lease from Eton College for 
 a term of years of the Manor of Monkton at Stogursey. 
 In 1713, there being interest in arrear and a fine for 
 renewal due, if renewal were desired, the Society paid the 
 fine to Eton College and obtained a new lease in trust to 
 secure ^^2,610, that sum representing the principal and 
 interest due to the Society and the arrears of rent and 
 renewal fine paid by them. The mortgage remained 
 unpaid, and in course of time Eton College accepted 
 the Society as lessees of the manor, which was thus held 
 at the date of the Commissioners' enquiry. 
 
 " The Books of the Society showed that the rents 
 payable by the Society during the lives of the Bowyers 
 had been paid or accounted for ; that in 1771 the 
 advances made by the Society on behalf of the Charity 
 amounted to ^10,000 or thereabouts, and that the repre- 
 sentatives of Mr. Colston paid to the Society the sum of 
 ^3,000 in settlement of past and future claims on account 
 of taxes agreed by him to be paid ; that the surplus 
 rents arising from the increased value of the properties, 
 including those of the Manor of Stogursey, had been 
 applied, technically, perhaps, to the use of the Society, 
 but, as a matter of fact, in the reduction of the advances 
 made to the Charity; and that there would still be a 
 balance of several thousand pounds due to the Society 
 on an account taken of the whole concern. All this 
 was practically admitted. It was also admitted that 
 the Society had properly maintained the Charity and 
 performed the duties imposed upon them. But the claim 
 of the Commissioners was that the Society ought to be 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 295 
 
 charged with the ^500 paid by Colonel Bowyer in 1709, 
 and interest, and with the ;^2,ooo secured on mortgage 
 of the Manor of Stogursey, and interest; that, in the 
 alternative, as regarded the ;^2,ooo, the Manor of 
 Stogursey should be declared the property of the 
 Charity; that any surplus of its rents was applicable 
 for charitable purposes ; and that, therefore, the Society 
 were not justified at any time in applying the surplus 
 as a set-ofF against former losses. 
 
 "The claim came on the Society as a complete 
 surprise. For over 120 years they had regarded the 
 leasehold manor as their own property ; their administra- 
 tion of the Charity had never been impeached ; they 
 believed that they had not merely fulfilled their part of 
 the bargain with Mr. Colston, but had done more than 
 could have been legally required of them in the main- 
 tenance of his school. 
 
 "The question at issue depended upon the nature of 
 the arrangement made between Mr. Colston and the 
 Society in 1708. The view of the Society was that a 
 definite bargain had been made, by which they undertook 
 certain obligations in consideration of being put into 
 possession of the lands and rents out of which the 
 expenses of maintenance were payable. This no doubt 
 was the traditional view in the Merchants' Hall. The 
 Trust, it was beheved, had been accepted on the basis 
 of a bargain, very carefully worked out between Mr. 
 Colston and the Society, and the bargain for better or 
 worse was binding for all time. They had taken the 
 estates on the understanding that if, as had been the 
 case in the early years of the Charity, the rents were 
 insufficient, they were to find the balance ; and it followed, 
 they thought, as a natural consequence, that if the rents 
 increased they were entitled to apply the surplus to their 
 
296 Colston's hospital 
 
 own use ; or, which was technically the same thing, 
 towards the reduction of their advances to the Charity. 
 It seemed hard to imagine that in 1708 either Mr. 
 Colston or the Society intended that the Society should 
 engage to maintain the Charity during the remainder of 
 Mr. Colston's life, as well as afterwards, for his bene- 
 ficiaries, at a possible, if not certain, loss, and without the 
 possibility of reimbursement. 
 
 " After the lapse of so many years there was little 
 evidence forthcoming of the conduct of the contracting 
 parties indicative of their intention. The date of the 
 Deed of Settlement was 1708: the Society became 
 virtual owners of the Stogursey Manor under Eton 
 College in 1713: Mr. Colston did not die till 1721 : 
 he was a member of the Society and the Visitor of the 
 Charity : accounts were rendered him in a form not 
 inconsistent with the view of the Society : by his Will 
 he referred to the Deed of Settlement, and made further 
 provision in the event of the rents decreasing and the 
 loss falling on the Society. All this did not come to 
 much. It sufficed, perhaps, to raise the presumption 
 that no difference of opinion had arisen between 
 Mr. Colston and the Society as to the nature of the 
 arrangement. But even if the intention of the parties, 
 as inferred from their conduct, could have been more 
 precisely ascertained, it is doubtful how far it would 
 have affected the mind of a judge, if it was repugnant 
 to the intention which he held was to be inferred from 
 a true construction of the Deed. Looking, then, at the 
 Deed of Settlement itself, the Society found much to 
 support their contention. It constituted a Trust, of 
 course ; but the terms of a bargain also were clearly 
 written on its face. 
 
 "Where Trust and Contract were so interwoven, 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 29/ 
 
 which element was to prevail ? Was it a Trust 
 regulated by Contract, or a Contract resulting in a 
 Trust ? Put in another form, the question was whether 
 under the Deed the Society became owners of the 
 estates subject to the maintenance of the Charity, or 
 whether they were Trustees of the estates for the 
 purpose of the maintenance of the Charity. Similar 
 as these two propositions seem, they lead to very 
 different results. In the one case, the Society would 
 be entitled to the estates subject to a specific charge ; 
 in the other case, they would be Trustees of the whole, 
 whatever increase there might be in the revenue of the 
 Charity. The ownership of the Manor of Stogursey 
 held under Eton College was involved in the same 
 question. If the Society were Trustees of the whole 
 estates, then, inasmuch as the Stogursey property had 
 been acquired through dealings with the Charity 
 property, it obviously followed that it formed part of 
 the Charity property, should the Charity so elect. 
 Such an issue could, of course, be only settled by 
 judicial decision, and the litigation that ensued resulted 
 in favour of the Commissioners. The case came on 
 for hearing in 1843 before Lord Langdale, Master of 
 the Rolls, who, having heard very lengthy arguments 
 on either side, held that the Deed, though founded on 
 Contract, resulted in Trust, and that, consequently, the 
 Charity was entitled to the whole of the rents, including 
 all profits derived from the Manor of Stogursey. He 
 stated, however, that there was a great deal to be 
 urged on behalf of the Society, who seemed to have 
 conducted the Charity very rightly, and he marked his 
 sense of the good faith shown by the Society in circum- 
 stances of such obscurity and difficulty by accepting 
 the proposal of the Attorney-General that the account 
 
298 Colston's hospital 
 
 should not go back further than the filing of the Bill 
 in Chancery. The costs on both sides were ordered 
 to be taken out of the rents which should be found 
 due. 
 
 "The Society appealed, but without success, Lord 
 Chancellor Cottenham confirming the previous decree 
 in January, 1848. Upon the account being taken, the 
 balance eventually found due by the Society was 
 /3,8i7 i6s. ^d., the amount of the original claim with 
 accumulated interest having been ^17,500. The lease 
 of the Manor of Stogursey was afterwards held by the 
 Society in trust for the Charity until the year 1886, 
 when Eton College took the Manor into their own 
 hands." 
 
 In February, 1849, the Hospital Committee reported 
 that, in consequence of the transfer of Monkton manor, 
 and the increased income from other estates of the 
 Charity, the surplus funds then available would admit 
 of an addition of twenty boys to the School, and that 
 the needful increased accommodation could be provided, 
 and the existing buildings generally improved, out of 
 money then available. It was resolved to draw up a 
 scheme for carrying out those objects, in order to obtain 
 the sanction of the Court of Chancery ; but no progress 
 appears to have been made until 1857, when a scheme, 
 emanating from a Master in Chancery, and approved 
 by the Master of the Rolls, empowered the Society to 
 increase the number of scholars, to build additional 
 dormitories, and to borrow ;^4,ooo, if necessary, to supple- 
 ment the available funds in hand. On the receipt of 
 this document, many members seem to have questioned 
 the desirability of expending a considerable sum on a 
 site which they regarded as inconvenient, unsuitable, 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 299 
 
 and unhealthy for so extensive an institution. The 
 Bishop's Palace, at Stapleton, reconstructed about 
 twenty years previously, but abandoned as an episcopal 
 residence after the death of Dr. Monk in 1856, was 
 then being offered for sale by the Ecclesiastical Com- 
 missioners, who had spent about ;^24,ooo on the property. 
 After negotiations had taken place with that body, the 
 Society, in September, 1858, approved of the purchase 
 of the estate for ^^i 2,000, the Hall undertaking to pay 
 one half of that sum for part of the Palace grounds 
 and lands not required for the Hospital. 
 
 The Society's policy was condemned by four dissen- 
 tient trustees and by many citizens as being in manifest 
 contradiction to the intentions of Mr. Colston, who 
 had prescribed that the Hospital should be maintained 
 "for ever" in the mansion he had provided for it. Six 
 past Masters and some other members of the Society, 
 the living representatives of Mr. Colston, many members 
 of the Corporation, and several of the city clergy were 
 prominent in their opposition to the scheme. The 
 Charity Commissioners, however, strongly approved of 
 removing the Hospital from a crowded locality to more 
 healthful surroundings, and appeals to the Master of 
 the Rolls to refuse his assent to the proposal were 
 unsuccessful, the dissentient trustees being also amerced 
 in costs. A large dining-room and a house for the head- 
 master having been added to the premises, which 
 underwent various modifications to fit them for the 
 ultimate reception of 140 boys, at a total cost of 
 ^3,000, the " Great House " was abandoned for the 
 new Hospital in October, 1861. Many improvements 
 were effected in the curriculum of the school in sub- 
 sequent years, and handsome sums were voted for 
 giving the lads annual trips to interesting places. 
 
300 Colston's hospital 
 
 establishing athletic sports, increasing the library, and 
 offering additional prizes. One of the. latest develop- 
 ments of the period was the introduction of teaching 
 in experimental science. But a revolutionary change 
 was then imminent. 
 
 In the Session of i86g an Act of Parliament was 
 passed having for its object the reform and reorganisation 
 of the Endowed Schools of the kingdom. Whilst the 
 measure was under discussion, the local governing bodies 
 appealed to the Government for the exemption of Bristol 
 from its provisions ; but the Minister who had charge of 
 the Bill, in declining compliance, assured the applicants 
 that as the Bristol endowments were admirably managed 
 the measure was not intended to apply to them. In 
 despite of this assurance, however, the Commissioners 
 appointed under the Act directed one of their delegates, 
 Mr. Fitch, to inquire into the management and working 
 of the great educational institutions of the city; and that 
 gentleman, in 1870, produced a report of a somewhat 
 extraordinary character. He recommended, in short, the 
 practical abolition of Colston's and Queen Elizabeth's 
 Hospitals and Whitson's Red Maids' School, having an 
 aggregate income of about ^16,000 per annum ; and the 
 establishment, by means of their funds, of a series of 
 first, second, and third grade schools, the fees in which 
 were to be fixed at rates which working-class parents, for 
 whose benefit the endowments were exclusively intended, 
 could not afford to pay. The design of the founders of 
 the charities to afford relief to poor deserving families 
 was condemned by Mr. Fitch as the root of manifold 
 mischiefs and abuses that it was indispensable to cut 
 away. The children of working men, he contended, 
 could obtain primary education for twopence or three- 
 pence per head weekly — though the elementary schools 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 3OI 
 
 then in existence were notoriously inadequate to provide 
 for two-thirds of the youthful population — and the charity 
 endowments would be much more beneficially spent in 
 " creating a ladder to the Universities." With this aim, 
 Colston's Hospital was to be degraded to the third class, 
 and to be reserved for 300 boarders, admissible from all 
 parts of the kingdom, and paying from 18 to 25 guineas 
 each yearly for their instruction and maintenance. Out 
 of the funds set free by this and similar changes in the 
 other endowed schools, a Queen's School was to be 
 established for girls of the wealthier classes, free scholar- 
 ships were to be created for open competition throughout 
 the country, and a few cheap schools were to be opened. 
 
 The proposals respecting the Hospital led to pro- 
 longed negotiations between the Society and the Endowed 
 Schools Commissioners, in the course of which many of 
 Mr. Fitch's most unpopular suggestions were abandoned. 
 In March, 1872, the Society drew up an alternative 
 scheme, under which it was proposed to reduce the 
 Colston boys to the original number of one hundred, and 
 to abolish the old system of nomination, but reserving 
 the right to present a limited number of orphan children 
 for free education. The Society further desired to incor- 
 porate with the Hospital the Bristol Trade School, then 
 doing highly useful work in technical instruction, but 
 crippled by inadequate funds, and offered, if this proposal 
 were carried out, to endow the united institutions with 
 ^10,000 ; or, if the plan were disapproved, to take charge 
 of the Trade School, and to develop it on its existing 
 lines to the utmost of their power. 
 
 Much correspondence and some personal conferences 
 with the Commissioners took place in that and the two 
 following years, in which the scheme, as originally 
 formulated in London, underwent various modifications ; 
 
302 COLSTON'S HOSPITAL 
 
 and it was not until February, 1875, that the new system 
 of government received its formal confirmation by the 
 Queen in Council. Under the scheme finally adopted, 
 the arrangements ordained by Mr. Colston's Settlements 
 were almost totally abrogated. The Society were 
 retained simply as trustees and managers of the endowed 
 estates. A highly composite body, consisting of the 
 Bishop of the diocese and the Rector of Stapleton for 
 the time being, eleven persons nominated by the Society, 
 four by the justices of Gloucestershire and Somerset, 
 three by the Bristol School Board, and three appointed 
 by co-optation, were constituted Governors of the 
 Hospital. The Society and the Colston Nominees were 
 deprived of their patronage ; and the boys receiving free 
 education were thereafter to be selected by order of 
 merit — eighty from the elementary schools of Bristol, 
 and twenty from those of the counties of Gloucester, 
 Wilts, and Somerset. Besides the foundation pupils, 
 the Governors were empowered to admit other youths 
 to the benefits of the Hospital on payment of about £-3,0 
 each per annum. Exhibitions to the value of ;^ioo a 
 year were to be created for enabling lads of superior 
 merit to complete their education at a higher grade 
 school. And, as a concession to the founder's emphatic 
 and reiterated declarations as to the main object of his 
 munificence, all the youths were to be instructed in the 
 doctrines of the Church of England. The scheme 
 further imposed on the governing body the charge of 
 managing and subsidising the Bristol Trade School 
 (or Trade and Mining School, as it was often more 
 fully called), and of establishing and supporting a new 
 Colston School for Girls. 
 
 As the Hospital was thus disconnected from the 
 Society, its subsequent history is outside the limits of 
 
AND ALMSHOUSE. 303 
 
 this work. It will suffice to say that the new governing 
 body entered upon its duties in March, 1875, and that 
 its Finance Committee reported in the following June 
 that the Merchants' Society had contributed /'io,ooo to 
 the funds of the Trust, by releasing the Hospital from the 
 debt then due to the Hall. The expectations of the 
 Commissioners in regard to the prospective income of 
 the endowed estates soon proved to be hopelessly at fault. 
 The scheme had hardly been sealed when agricultural 
 depression set in, which became more extreme in suc- 
 ceeding years, resulting in the ruin of many farmers, and 
 a great fall in rents. The Hospital income was thereby 
 reduced so seriously in extent that for some time the 
 Trust could not adequately support even two of the 
 burdens laid upon it, and there was no prospect that it 
 could ever bear the third. The Society then came to the 
 rescue in a manner which will be more fully explained 
 in the following chapter. Being relieved of the Trade 
 School, the Governors of the Hospital were enabled, in 
 1887, to purchase, for ;^2,7oo, a site in Cheltenham Road 
 for the contemplated Colston Girls' School, and subse- 
 quently erected and equipped a building accommodating 
 300 pupils at an outlay of about ;^io,ooo. The institution 
 was opened in January, 1891. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE MERCHANT VENTURERS' COLLEGE. 
 
 Before proceeding with the history of the Merchant 
 Venturers' College, it is necessary to give some account 
 of a modest but remarkable institution of which it is 
 the development. Early in the nineteenth century, 
 when the provision for the education of the children 
 of the working classes was extremely limited and 
 defective, several leading members of the Church of 
 England in Bristol resolved on establishing a Diocesan 
 School of an improved character; and a building in 
 Nelson Street, erected for the purpose, was opened in 
 1 82 1. Thirty years later, when efficient National Schools 
 had arisen in nearly every parish through the assistance 
 of the State, the need for a separate Diocesan School 
 had passed away. Its trustees accordingly decided to 
 close it in 1852 ; and as the building, together with 
 certain endowments, remained at their disposal, they 
 asked the advice of the late Canon Moseley, the ablest 
 educational authority in the city, as to the best appli- 
 cation of their resources. The Great Exhibition of 
 1 85 1 having made it clear that, in their knowledge of 
 the scientific principles upon which trades and manu- 
 factures are based, English workmen were, for the most 
 part, behind their brethren on the Continent, Canon 
 Moseley conceived the idea of remedying this defect, 
 so far as Bristol was concerned ; and after carefully 
 considering the requirements of the city, he submitted 
 to the trustees the scheme of a School of Applied 
 Science, similar to institutions of the same kind then 
 
 304 
 
THE MERCHANT VENTURERS COLLEGE. 3O5 
 
 highly successful in Germany and other countries, but 
 then unknown in England, where youths of limited 
 means . could be provided with suitable training for an 
 industrial career. The trustees, after some deliberation, 
 approved of this proposal. Dr. (afterwards Lord) 
 Playfair attended a public meeting convened to promote 
 the project, and congratulated the people of Bristol on 
 being the first in this country to contemplate the 
 establishment of so valuable an institution. The School, 
 under its new title of the Trade School, and with a 
 transformed curriculum, was opened on March 26th, 
 1856, by Earl Granville, President of the Council, who 
 also presided at a meeting in Merchants' Hall, and 
 expressed the deep interest felt by the Government in 
 the new enterprise. The organisation, which has been 
 kept essentially intact to the present day in the School's 
 more developed form, was briefly as follows : — 
 
 I. A Primary, or Preparatory, Department, from which 
 boys, when they were thoroughly grounded, could 
 pass into one side or the other of: 
 II. A Secondary Department, dealing — 
 
 (a) With Commercial subjects, and 
 
 (6) With Mathematics and Applied Science. 
 
 III. Day Classes for Adults in Chemistry, Mining, and 
 
 Engineering. 
 
 IV. Evening Classes of various kinds — in Latin, Modern 
 
 Languages, Bookkeeping and other Commercial 
 subjects, Drawing, Mathematics, and numerous 
 branches of Science. 
 
 The liberal subscriptions of the promoters and their 
 friends — amongst whom were the Merchants' Society — 
 made it possible to fix the fees so low as practically to 
 exclude no one who was likely to profit by the instruction 
 
 21 
 
306 THE MERCHANT 
 
 offered ; and this practice of imposing low rates of charge 
 is still maintained. 
 
 The School was successful from the outset ; and ten 
 years after its foundation, the Duke of Buckingham and 
 Chandos, President of the Council, who distributed its 
 prizes in 1867, was able to say, in a report presented 
 to the Queen in Council: "That the Trade School of 
 Bristol should, with its 120 pupils, carry off four out 
 of the eight gold medals awarded [by the State], besides 
 two silver and four bronze medals, and ninety- seven 
 prizes, redounds greatly to its credit, and places it 
 decidedly at the head of the list of Science Schools." 
 
 The examinations in which these successes were 
 gained were those established in 1863 by the Department 
 of Science and Art (now merged in the Board of Educa- 
 tion), and from that time until to-day the Government 
 records tell a story of the Institution not unworthy of its 
 brilliant beginning. 
 
 The Society's first direct connection with the Trade 
 School occurred in 1863. The working of the Navigation 
 School in King Street, maintained by the Hall, having 
 been reported as unsatisfactory, an agreement was made 
 with the governors of the Trade School, under which the 
 Society contributed £s'^ yearly towards the salary of an 
 efficient teacher of navigation, on condition that ten 
 boys nominated by the Master and Wardens should be 
 instructed gratis, and that an evening class should be 
 opened for sailor boys and seamen. A special room, 
 called the Merchant Venturers' Marine School, was to be 
 fitted up by the Society, who were to furnish it with 
 instruments and charts, and contribute ;^io yearly for 
 fuel. The arrangement was terminated two years after- 
 wards, when the teachership became vacant, but was 
 revived later on, with some modifications. 
 
VENTURERS COLLEGE. 307 
 
 In 1877, two years after the School had been placed 
 under the management of the new governing body of the 
 Colston Trust, as has been narrated in the previous 
 chapter, the headmaster, Mr. Thomas Coomber, addressed 
 a letter to that body, pointing out that the building 
 in Nelson Street occupied by the School had become 
 overcrowded and totally inadequate, and that, if the 
 Institution were to continue its successful career, a heavy 
 expenditure on enlarged premises and on other essential 
 needs was imperatively required. The Governors took 
 up the subject warmly, and investigated in detail the 
 necessities of the School, and the best means of supplying 
 them. In the course of their deliberations they were 
 offered by the Municipal Charity Trustees, for ^^8,000, the 
 premises in Unity Street then recently abandoned by the 
 Grammar School (and now the site of the Merchants' 
 College). The building, however, was considered unsuit- 
 able, and a surveyor was instructed to report on the 
 advisability of acquiring a plot of ground on St. Michael's 
 Hill, and of erecting there not only a Trade School but 
 the proposed Colston's School for girls. 
 
 The rising hopes of those interested in education 
 were checked in October, 1879, when the Governors 
 (the Colston Trust), after an unsuccessful attempt to 
 obtain help from the Livery Companies of London, 
 felt it their duty to postpone any further action in 
 the matter "on account of the depression of landed 
 property, and the probable diminution of the income 
 now derived from the Somersetshire estates." 
 
 Meanwhile the Merchants' Society, impressed with 
 the paramount need for the extension of scientific and 
 technical instruction in Bristol, and also with the 
 insufficient provision for the education of girls, had 
 been meditating a plan which would help to supply 
 
308 THE MERCHANT 
 
 both of those requirements. It is somewhat remarkable 
 that the minute books of the period contain no infor- 
 mation as to the initial steps taken in those directions. 
 The first reference to the subject is dated April 30th, 
 1880, when the Master informed the Standing Committee 
 that his offer of ;^5,5oo for the site of the old Grammar 
 School had been accepted ; but nothing is said as to 
 the object for which the property had been acquired. 
 On May 4th, the Hall, after confirming the Master's 
 proceeding, resolved that it w^s desirable to erect on 
 the said ground a new school and other buildings, to 
 be called the Merchants' Trade School. The first 
 hint of the contemplated design was communicated to 
 the Governors of the Colston Trust in the following 
 July by their Chairman, Alderman Proctor Baker 
 (Master, 1869, and now Father of the Society), who 
 announced the intentions of the Hall, and expressed 
 bis belief that the building about to be erected would 
 probably be offered to the Governors at a nominal 
 Tent. The Governors thereupon expressed their grateful 
 thanks for the liberality of the Society, and their 
 readiness to accept the building if offered to them. 
 From other circumstances recorded in the Hall records, 
 it seems certain that Alderman Baker had himself 
 suggested the policy then favoured by the Society. 
 
 An invitation to architects for designs was issued soon 
 afterwards, but none of the plans sent in were considered 
 satisfactory. In April, 1881, Mr. E. C. Robins was 
 instructed to submit a new design, which was in due 
 course approved; and in March, 1882, after the considera- 
 tion of a number of tenders, the offer of Messrs. Brock 
 and Bruce to construct the new building for the sum of 
 ^28,698 was accepted. As an illustration of the earnest 
 thoughtfulness with which the Society proceeded, it may 
 
venturers' college. 309 
 
 be stated that as there was no example in this country of 
 the Belgian mode of ventilation, recommended by the 
 architect, the Hall commissioned the master and second 
 master of the Trade School to visit Belgium and report 
 their opinion of the system. A few months later, further 
 development being already foreseen, the desirability of 
 making provision for a large extension of the institution 
 by securing several houses in College Green led to 
 negotiations with the Corporation, the owners of the 
 property. In the result, the civic Finance Committee 
 stated that they would recommend the sale of six houses, 
 adjacent to the School premises, for ^^8,000 ; but as the 
 property was subject to leases having many years to run, 
 the buying up of which would have amounted to a large 
 additional sum, the Society resolved to offer ^6,500. The 
 corporate authorities then intimated their willingness to 
 accept ^7,000 for five of the houses, but the Society, 
 regarding the price as excessive, refused to entertain the 
 proposal, and the matter came to an end. A house 
 fronting the School in Unity Street was purchased about 
 the same time for ;^725, and was ultimately made available 
 for some of the technical classes. 
 
 The intentions of the Society in regard to the School 
 were gradually matured during the rise of the new edifice ; 
 and on March 7th, 1885, when it was on the verge of 
 completion, a general meeting was held in Merchants' 
 Hall, at which the following momentous resolution was 
 adopted : — 
 
 " Whereas it appears that the buildings erected for the use of 
 the Trade and Mining School by the Society are now approaching 
 completion, and that the period has arrived when it was intended 
 to offer the use of these buildings to the Governors of the Colston 
 School Trust for the purposes of the Trade and Mining School, 
 And whereas it is evident from the accounts of the Colston 
 Trust that, chiefly in consequence of the diminution of the income 
 
3IO THE MERCHANT 
 
 receivable from the endowment and its further prospective decrease, 
 a sufficient sum for carrying on the Trade and Mining School in 
 the new buildings (still less for its development and increase) is 
 not at the disposal of the Governors, And whereas it would 
 appear that, if the Governors be relieved from the charge of 
 carrying on the Trade and Mining School, they may stand possessed 
 of a sufficient income to establish and carry on the Day School 
 for Girls contemplated by the scheme, 
 
 " Resolved that, in order to promote to the utmost the scientific 
 and technical education of the classes resorting to the Trade and 
 Mining School, the Society of Merchant Venturers offer to take 
 upon themselves the entire charge of that School, and to undertake 
 the control and management thereof, from and after the commence- 
 ment of the Michaelmas term of the present year, and that, from 
 the period of taking over the School, the whole expense of carrying 
 it on be borne by the Society, and that an assurance be given to 
 the Governors of the Colston Schools Trust that the School shall 
 be generally conducted on similar lines, and with similar objects 
 to those of the existing School, and that it is the intention of the 
 Society to develop all branches of the School in the direction 
 which may be found from time to time most useful for the promotion 
 of scientific and technological teaching." 
 
 At a meeting of the Governors on March 19th, the 
 offer conveyed by the above resolution was gratefully 
 accepted ; and it was resolved to apply to the Charity 
 Commissioners for their assent, and, if their approval 
 were given, to proceed with the establishment of Colston's 
 Girls' School without delay. In the following month, the 
 Commissioners, in a letter to the Society, expressed their 
 pleasure at being informed of the proposed establishment 
 of the Technical School in the new building ; but before 
 assenting to the transfer of the Trade School to the 
 Technical School they thought it right to obtain some 
 formal assurance that the proposed arrangement would 
 be permanent — which could be best effected either by a 
 scheme made under the powers of the Endowed Schools' 
 Act, or by the Society assuring the property to charitable 
 uses under a trust deed. The Standing Committee 
 
VENTURERS COLLEGE. 3II 
 
 thereupon recommended the Hall to accept the second 
 alternative ; but the Society were advised to decline to be 
 placed under the control of the Charity Commissioners 
 in the management of the School. The Master and 
 some other members soon afterwards proceeded to 
 London to lay the views of the Society before Sir 
 George Young, acting on behalf of the Commissioners ; 
 and a letter conveying the decision of that body was 
 forwarded in July. Recognising the high educational 
 value of the work undertaken by the Society, and 
 expressing confidence that it would be continued in the 
 same liberal spirit, the Commissioners stated that they 
 could not regard it as satisfactory that the character of 
 a permanent institution had not been given to the School 
 in the usual way. In view, however, of the Society's 
 objections, and of the guarantee afforded by the costly 
 buildings, and of the Society's expressed intentions, the 
 Board had consented to amend the Colston's Schools' 
 Scheme, so as to relieve that Trust of the burden of the 
 Trade School, and to put an end to that School. The 
 Society's willingness to convey the new buildings provided 
 they were exempt from the Board's control was accepted 
 as further evidence of the Society's good faith, but might 
 be dispensed with under the circumstances. 
 
 All difficulties having been thus disposed of, the 
 masters and pupils of the Trade School migrated in 
 September, 1885, from the contracted and dingy premises 
 in Nelson Street to the spacious and convenient buildings 
 prepared for them by the Society in Unity Street ; 
 adopting at the same time the name of their benefactors, 
 and calling themselves thenceforth the " Merchant 
 Venturers' School." No other change was made. The 
 School had merely moved house and varied its title ; 
 it retained its identity and original organisation ; and 
 
312 THE MERCHANT 
 
 in its new quarters, and with ampler means, it resumed 
 its arrested growth. A committee consisting of the 
 Master, Wardens, and eight members of the Society 
 (to be thenceforth elected annually on Charter Day) 
 was appointed for the management of the Institution. 
 In the first winter session four new technological 
 courses, including joinery, brickwork, masonry, and 
 plumbing were introduced, lecturers being appointed 
 for each course ; and teachers of modelling, designing, 
 and machine drawing were added to the staff and 
 equipped with apparatus. The increased popularity of 
 the School from the outset was strongly marked, the 
 pupils attending the first evening classes numbering 
 415 against 212 at the last session in Nelson Street; 
 whilst within six months of the opening of the building 
 the inrush of pupils in the primary and secondary 
 departments became so great that it was found necessary 
 to provide an additional class-room. Several more 
 technical teachers were introduced soon afterwards, 
 large sums being voted for the purchase of apparatus ; 
 and the technological classes for various local trades 
 were placed in connection with the City and Guilds 
 of London Institute. About the same time, the 
 Governors of the Colston Trust were permitted by the 
 Charity Commissioners to establish — as soon as they had 
 any surplus funds available — four exhibitions of ^^25 each, 
 two to be awarded annually, together with a Moseley 
 Scholarship of ^20 a year for an exhibitioner of special 
 distinction. Several handsome prizes were also offered 
 by private firms in Bristol ; and the Society voted ^^25 a 
 year for three years to a distinguished pupil of the Trade 
 School, who had gained a scholarship at Oxford. The 
 Hall's contribution towards the maintenance of its School 
 was at that period about £1,700 per annum. 
 
venturers' college. 313 
 
 The earliest of the annual exhibitions of work done 
 in the Technical Classes was held in the Examination 
 Hall of the building in 1887, and attracted upwards of 
 6,000 visitors. In the same year 724 students offered 
 themselves at the Science and Art examinations. 
 
 The defective education obtained in the Elementary 
 Schools of the city through the neglectful conduct of 
 many parents was reported in 1888 to be acting pre- 
 judicially on the pupils received from them. It was 
 stated that, to enable boys to pass through the Science 
 courses at the age of 16, they ought to be sufficiently 
 proficient to enter the secondary department in about the 
 twelfth year of their age, whereas about three-fourths of 
 the youths in the primary classes were still lingering there 
 although their ages were from 12 to over 15, and 
 many would probably leave before reaching the higher 
 department at all. It was resolved that candidates for 
 admission should undergo a preliminary examination, and 
 that a preference should be given to boys whose parents 
 undertook to retain them at school until the age of 16. 
 A new scheme of studies was adopted, providing 
 a higher standard of education without any increase of 
 fees, and the School Board were informed that pupils of 
 the sixth standard in their schools would be given 
 teaching on Saturdays in science and handicrafts for 
 trivial fees. A number of ladies offered to become 
 responsible for the stipend of a teacher in dressmaking 
 to young women, if a class for that work were established, 
 and a room was accordingly provided, resulting in a great 
 influx of pupils. The boot and shoe manufacturers of 
 the city next undertook to provide apparatus for classes 
 in those handicrafts and to subscribe ;^5o towards the 
 expenses if the Society would contribute an equal sum^ 
 and this having been assented to, the firms offered £xo 
 
314 THE MERCHANT 
 
 additional for prizes to the numerous youths who 
 immediately flowed in. The opening of navigation, 
 photography, and ambulance classes was another feature 
 of the year. 
 
 In the spring of 1889 it was announced that the 
 number of entries to the evening classes, then concluded, 
 had been 1031, or nearly double the average of the three 
 preceding years. A few months later, Mr. Thomas 
 Coomber, who had been thirty-three years headmaster 
 of the School, and who was, in a sense, the father of 
 technical instruction in Bristol, tendered his resigna- 
 tion, and on his retirement in July, i8go, the Society 
 voted him a pension of ;^300 per annum. Mr. Julius 
 Wertheimer, B.Sc, who had held a post in the Leeds 
 School of Science, was selected, out of fifty-six candi- 
 dates, as Mr. Coomber's successor. The new headmaster 
 brought with him comparative youth, an intimate 
 acquaintance with the most recent phases and the most 
 effective methods of scientific and technological teaching, 
 a stock of fresh ideas, and an inexhaustible fund of energy. 
 He was felt to be precisely the man wanted to further 
 the Society's policy in developing all branches of their 
 School, and the first step after his arrival was to carry 
 out the recommendation of a recent examiner of the 
 pupils — an Inspector of the Department of Science and 
 Art — who had advised that a " drastic rearrangement as 
 regarded classes and work was urgently needed." This 
 was effected by considerable internal changes, which it 
 would be tedious to enumerate, and by the help of 
 several large votes granted by the Society for the purchase 
 of additional apparatus. 
 
 In January, i8gi, there came into being j^he first 
 Technical Instruction Committee of the Corporation, 
 appointed to administer the moneys received from the 
 
VENTURERS COLLEGE. 
 
 315 
 
 Treasury under the Local Taxation (Customs and 
 Excise) Act of 1890. The sum that became yearly 
 available under the statute for the promotion of educa- 
 tion in the city was about ;^5,7oo, and the best method 
 of dealing with so important a fund was naturally a 
 subject of prolonged deliberation. Two courses were 
 obviously open to the new Committee. They might 
 either devote the bulk of their resources to the creation 
 of one great Technical Institute after the American or 
 the Continental model ; or they might distribute their 
 favours widely to existing institutions. The former 
 course, it was held by many experts, would produce by 
 far the more valuable results in the shape of highly 
 educated " captains of industry," inventors, and dis- 
 coverers ; and if the Committee had adopted the views 
 of those advisers, their co-operation with the Society 
 might possibly have endowed Bristol with a first-rate 
 Technical Institute, comparable with many that have 
 been founded abroad, and adequate to meet the needs 
 of the whole of the West of England. 
 
 The Technical Instruction Committee, however, were 
 uncertain how long the income at their disposal would 
 be available for the purposes of technical education. 
 As the Local Taxation Act of 1890 was permissive only, 
 and the City Council had the power to devote the 
 money received under the provisions of the Act to the 
 alleviation of the rates, the Committee had no certainty 
 how long they would have the disposal of the estimated 
 income for educational purposes ; and there was at that 
 time a doubt whether or not the Act might be repealed. 
 Moreover, they probably believed it impossible to devise 
 a scheme for providing a Technical Institution on a 
 large scale that could be carried through the City 
 Council, as there was great jealously existing lest the 
 
3l6 THE MERCHANT 
 
 benefits of the money might be absorbed by the higher 
 classes rather than by the working population. Even 
 now, it may be questioned whether public opinion is 
 ripe for such a measure. And the plan adopted, of 
 giving largely in scholarships for the benefit of all classes, 
 was necessary to make the scheme palatable, and in a 
 large measure useful. 
 
 It is only fair to the corporate Committee to add that 
 the Merchants' Society had not then realised that their 
 own resources were unequal to the task they had under- 
 taken. On January 30th, 1891, Alderman Proctor Baker 
 waited upon the Standing Committee, to state , that the 
 Technical Instruction Committee were desirous of 
 receiving suggestions as to the allotment of the funds 
 about to come into their hands, adding that it might be 
 advisable to consider whether any sum should be applied 
 for towards the extension or maintenance of the Merchant 
 Venturers' School. Whereupon the Standing Committee 
 resolved that " inasmuch as the Society is prepared to 
 meet all the requirements of the School, it is not desirable 
 to apply for a money grant ; but that the Corporation be 
 asked to found scholarships tenable at the School." A 
 possible opportunity of definitely settling the provision 
 for technical instruction in the city on a large scale thus 
 unfortunately slipped away. Acceding to the suggestion 
 of the Standing Committee, the Corporation, in the 
 following July, voted ;^i,35o per annum for founding 
 junior scholarships, ^^960 for senior scholarships, ;^200 for 
 evening class scholarships, tenable at any approved 
 institution, and ^400 for the extension of evening classes 
 and instruction in various trades. The remainder of the 
 fund was allotted to University College, to the Grammar 
 School, and to the better provision of art teaching and 
 promoting the education of girls. A cookery school was 
 
VENTURERS COLLEGE. 317 
 
 also established. In the following December it was 
 announced that the Technical Committee had offered 
 a capitation grant of 155. to the technical classes in 
 Bristol, including, of course, those of the Merchants' 
 School, provided the fee for such classes did not exceed 
 5s. per session. The terms were at once accepted (the 
 Society afterwards reduced the fee to half-a- crown). The 
 ever-increasing popularity of the School was shown by 
 the fact that out of the 104 scholarships created by the 
 Corporation, 93 were then held in the School, which also 
 had 19 out of the 29 scholarships founded by the two 
 adjoining counties. In 1892, owing to a great increase 
 of pupils in the higher departments, three additional 
 masters were appointed, and the elementary teachers of 
 the city and district were admitted to the evening art 
 classes free of charge. A satisfactory report was made 
 by Professor Garnett and Sir Philip Magnus, who had 
 examined the technical classes on behalf of the City 
 and Guilds of London Institute for the advancement 
 of Technical Education, who added that the School 
 buildings were perhaps second to none of the kind in 
 the country, and expressed high approval of the capacity 
 and zeal of the teachers. 
 
 In July, 1893, a committee that had been appointed 
 to consider the best means of securing additional school 
 accommodation reported that since the advent of Mr. 
 Wertheimer the roll of scholars had rapidly expanded, 
 notwithstanding the greater severity of the entrance 
 examination, that the School was consequently over- 
 crowded, that all the rooms designed for teaching were 
 fully occupied, and that even the kitchen and other 
 departments had been converted into class-rooms. When 
 the School was founded, added the committee, it stood 
 in the very first rank of Technical Institutions ; but 
 
3l8 THE MERCHANT 
 
 the establishment of such schools had since gone on 
 so rapidly, and the standard of education in them had 
 become so high, that unless the Society's School should 
 be further developed it would not be able to keep its 
 place. It was therefore recommended that, to meet 
 immediate requirements, a considerable extension of the 
 building and its equipment should be undertaken at an 
 estimated cost of about ;^i 8,000, involving, of course, a 
 large additional yearly outlay. 
 
 This report effectually opened the eyes of the Society 
 as to the responsibilities they had undertaken for the 
 benefit of the city and surrounding districts. Since 
 the reorganisation of the Colston Trust, the Hall had 
 expended large sums* for educational purposes, and the 
 prospective demands indicated by the above report, 
 when contrasted with the limited resources at disposal, 
 naturally excited some dismay. Little time was lost, 
 however, in seeking to obtain a site near the School 
 suitable for its enlargement. Owing to the augmented 
 value of the property in College Green, an extension 
 in that direction was found impracticable. Attempts 
 were next made to acquire a number of houses in Unity 
 Street, and afterwards to secure two several blocks of 
 property in Orchard Street ; but these efforts were all 
 unsuccessful. At length a conditional contract was 
 signed for the purchase from the Municipal Charity 
 Trustees of a large warehouse in Denmark Street, and 
 plans of proposed buildings there were approved by 
 the vendors ; when, just as success seemed achieved, 
 it was found that the consent of the Charity Commis- 
 sioners to the sale would be withheld, and all that the 
 Society could give to the School in the way of additional 
 
 * The amount expended up to the present time (1903) on the College, including 
 the yearly grants for its maintenance, reaches nearly ;^8o,ooo. 
 
venturers' college. 319 
 
 space was the house in Unity Street which fortunately 
 belonged to them already. 
 
 In 1894 the style "Technical College" was assumed 
 in place of that of "School," partly in order to avoid 
 applying to the whole the term applied to some of 
 its component parts — the Boys' School, the School of 
 Science, the School of Art, &c., — but chiefly in order 
 that the name might convey to the general public 
 outside Bristol an accurate idea of the nature and 
 extent of the Institution, and of the education given 
 in it. Mr. Wertheimer at the same time assumed the 
 title of Principal, and several distinguished past students 
 were elected Associates of the College, a much-prized 
 honour which continues to be conferred. The change 
 in the name of the Institution had a marked effect in 
 heightening and extending its reputation. 
 
 Unhappily, its subsequent development has been 
 checked by an inability to meet the ever - growing 
 demands for admission to its advantages. Since 1895 
 no further extension has been possible, and though 
 every available corner of the building has been turned 
 to account for educational uses, the inconvenience 
 arising from crowded quarters recalls that which had 
 previously arisen in the old School in Nelson Street. 
 But although building operations have been suspended, 
 the Society have voted many large grants for improved 
 equipment in apparatus, machinery, models, &c. In 
 order to retain desirable students who from poverty 
 could not complete their studies without assistance, 
 the Principal has been empowered to award many 
 such youths free scholarships tenable for three years. 
 The popular lectures established by Mr. Wertheimer 
 soon after his arrival have become a recognised institu- 
 tion of the city. And the Society has contributed 
 
320 THE MERCHANT 
 
 largely to clubs and societies formed for the recreation, 
 amusement, and social intercourse of the students, past 
 and present. 
 
 The continuous growth of the College may be seen 
 from the following figures, which give the total numbers 
 under instruction at the dates stated : — 
 
 In 1884, just before the transfer of the School, 
 
 the Day and Evening students numbered 521 
 
 In 1890 the number was .... .... .... 1,430 
 
 In 1895 „ „ „ 1,683 
 
 In igoo ,, ,, ,, 2,021 
 
 In 1901 „ „ , 2,145 
 
 In 1902, the last completed year .... .... 2,215 
 
 An analysis of the last figures show that they were 
 composed of the following constituents : — 
 
 Students in the Boys' School, including the 
 
 School of Science .... .... .... .... 419 
 
 Adult students' Day classes .... .... .... 279 
 
 Adult students' Evening classes .... .... 1,517 
 
 2,215 
 
 In 1887 the total Government and local grants earned 
 by the College amounted to ;^55o ; in 1900 the aggregate 
 reached ;^3,823 ; and in 1901 ;^4,oi3: of the latter 
 sum ^'2,442 was received from the Government, and 
 £1,571 from local sources. 
 
 Inasmuch as want of room forbids any considerable 
 addition to the number of pupils, the present policy 
 of the Society is to make a selection, to some extent, 
 amongst its Day students; discontinuing by degrees 
 the preparatory forms (for which there is now less need 
 than there was when the Institution was founded), and 
 devoting the space thus set free to the organised School 
 
VENTURERS COLLEGE. 321 
 
 of Science and the Senior Day classes, by far the most 
 valuable departments of the College. 
 
 In November, 1897, the Society, in reconsidering 
 the question of College Extension, recognised its want 
 of foresight when the Technical Instruction Committee 
 came into existence in 1891, and appointed a committee 
 to consider the desirability of applying for direct aid 
 from that body, and of coming to an arrangement with 
 other educational institutions to prevent the unnecessary 
 overlapping of classes doing precisely similar work. A 
 formal request for co-operation having been made to 
 the corporate committee, a suggestion was received in 
 reply that a series of conferences should take place, 
 with a view " to avoid the present waste of teaching 
 power and of expenditure." Protracted negotiations 
 ensued between the Society, the Technical Instruction 
 Committee, the governors of University College, the 
 School Board, and the School of Art. With regard 
 to the two last-named bodies, an arrangement for 
 co-ordinating Evening classes was concluded in March, 
 1899. 
 
 The scheme agreed upon reserved to the School 
 Board all the subjects specified in the Government 
 Code for Evening schools, but such subjects were not 
 to be taught beyond the Code standards. To the 
 Technical College was reserved all Science and Techno- 
 logical classes and all advanced Commercial classes. 
 And to the School of Art, all classes in Art. The 
 School Board and the Principal of the College were 
 to frame elementary courses in Science on lines calculated 
 to facilitate advanced progress, and similar arrangements 
 were to be made between the School Board and the 
 School of Arf. The Board was to open no classes in 
 Science provided that the Society opened elementary 
 
 22 
 
322 THE MERCHANT 
 
 Science classes in certain Board Schools ; and a like 
 understanding was come to between the Board and 
 School of Art. Instruction in stages higher than the 
 elementary was to be given, as regarded Science, at the 
 College, and as regarded Art at the School of Art, 
 provided that branch classes of each kind were opened 
 in outlying districts by the Society and the Art School. 
 The Society were to discontinue their Evening Art 
 classes, to close their elementary and junior Com- 
 mercial classes gradually, and to admit no student to 
 Evening classes under the age of sixteen. The School of 
 Art was to discontinue its Science classes ; and the School 
 Board was to close its advanced Commercial classes, 
 all of which were to be held at the College only. 
 
 In consequence of this reorganisation the Technical 
 Instruction Committee voted the Society ^lo in respect 
 of each branch class they opened in the Board Schools 
 up to a limit of ;^30o. 
 
 Numerous negotiations took place between the 
 Society and the Governors of University College with 
 the object of securing an alliance between the two 
 Institutions, based on a scheme for delimiting the 
 sphere of work to be pursued in each. The Society 
 proposed that University College should have the sole 
 supervision of the higher standard of non-Technical subjects 
 — Philosophy, Languages, Literature, Law, Medicine, 
 Music, Pure Science, Divinity, and kindred branches of 
 knowledge, — that Mathematics and Pure Natural Science 
 should be common to both colleges, and that Applied 
 Science, Applied Art, and Commerce should be left 
 exclusively to the Technical College. The correspond- 
 ence on the subject promised at one time to have a 
 satisfactory issue ; but eventually the authorities of 
 University College, after going so far as to approve 
 
venturers' college. 323 
 
 a federation under the title of "The West of England 
 University and Technical College," insisted on retaining 
 their Engineering classes. This attitude brought the 
 negotiations to an end, the Society being convinced 
 that Bristol could not support more than one first-class 
 School of Engineering, and that no scheme of co- 
 ordination would be worthy of adoption which did not 
 fuse together the two existing Schools. The failure of 
 the negotiations was reported to the Hall by the College 
 Committee, who recommended that direct aid should 
 be sought from the Technical Instruction Committee, 
 with an invitation to that body to accept a share of 
 the government of the College in a proportion corre- 
 sponding to the pecuniary assistance contributed. Their 
 advice having been approved, a letter was addressed 
 to the Technical Committee to the .above effect, pointing 
 out that the College was a Technical Institution more 
 than half made ; that the Society, through want of 
 means, were unable to complete the making of it ; that 
 a comparatively small further outlay would suffice for 
 its completion ; and that such outlay would not only 
 produce its own educational return, but would render 
 more productive the considerable capital already spent 
 by the Society. The Technical Instruction Committee 
 were therefore besought for co-operation in extending 
 the existing buildings to College Green, under a scheme 
 which would not only largely increase the educational 
 value of the Institution, but would make a notable 
 addition to the elegance and amenity of the neighbour- 
 hood. The Civic Committee, however, did not see their 
 way to respond to this invitation. 
 
 It is disappointing to observe the lack of public 
 sympathy and support in respect of the proposal to 
 create in Bristol one of those large and complete 
 
324 THE MERCHANT 
 
 Technical Institutes which, in the opinion of all 
 experienced authorities, are essential for the future 
 prosperity of British manufactures and commerce. If 
 this apathy be due to afi expectation that the boon will 
 be supplied by the unassisted liberality of the Merchants' 
 Society, the present writer is enabled to state plainly that 
 such a result is impracticable. The popular estimate of 
 the Society's income — founded partly on the reported 
 wealth of the great London Companies, and partly on a 
 failure to distinguish between the Society's corporate 
 property and the large charity estates of which they are 
 trustees and from which they derive no benefit — is 
 absurdly exaggerated. As a matter of fact, the clear 
 annual revenue with which the Society is free to deal at 
 its discretion has never reached ;^io,ooo; and, as four- 
 fifths of this at the least are already habitually devoted 
 to public objects — mostly charitable, educational, or 
 religious — it could only be by reducing the number, or 
 amount, of its general benefactions that the Society 
 could spend appreciably more on its Technical College 
 than the considerable sum already contributed to it 
 every year. 
 
 On the other hand, the Technical Instruction Com- 
 Tnittee of the City Council has, for the support of 
 technical education alone, almost as large an income 
 as that which serves the Society for all purposes, and 
 the Local Education Authority of the future will have 
 still greater resources at its disposal. Whether that 
 Authority will or will not take a wider view of what 
 the merchants, manufacturers, and citizens of Bristol 
 require in the matter of education ; and whether it will 
 or will not recognise that in co-operating with the Society 
 it may easily establish the complete Technical Institute 
 so urgently needed, it is for the future to determine. 
 
VENTURERS COLLEGE. 325 
 
 As regards the existing situation, it may be submitted 
 that the adoption and development of the Trade School 
 is the greatest and most useful work recorded in the 
 annals of the Merchant Venturers' Society, except, 
 perhaps, its indefatigable exertions for the promotion 
 of the Bristol Docks. And it will not be denied that 
 the Hall has honourably carried out its undertaking to 
 conduct its College " on similar lines and with similar 
 objects" to those of the old Trade School — that is, as 
 a School of Science and Technology available for all 
 classes, particularly for those of small means, — as well 
 as its expressed intention to develop all branches of the 
 Institution " in the direction which may be found from 
 time to time most useful for the promotion of Scientific 
 and Technological teaching." 
 
MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 %* The records of the sixteenth century are imperfect. Previous 
 to the Charter of 1639 there was no fixed day for the election of 
 officers, and the dates varied from October 2nd to December i6th, 
 except on one occasion, when the appointments were made on 
 January 7th. 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1500 John Penke 
 1552 Edward Prynne 
 1566 Thomas Kelke 
 1569 Dominick Chester 
 
 1605 John Hopkins 
 
 1606 John Whitson 
 
 1607 Thomas James 
 
 1608 Matthew Haviland 
 
 1609 Robert Aid worth 
 
 1610 Abel Kitchen 
 
 161 1 John Whitson 
 
 1612 Robert Aid worth 
 
 1613 Matthew Haviland 
 
 1614 John Aldworth 
 
 1615 Thomas James 
 
 1 61 6 Matthew Haviland 
 
 1617 John Barker 
 i6i8 John Barker 
 
 1619 John Gonning 
 
 1620 John Langton 
 
 1621 Humphrey Hooke 
 
 1622 John Guy 
 
 1623 John Doughty 
 
 1624 William Pitt, 
 
 1625 Robert Aldworth 
 
 1626 John Barker 
 
 1627 John Tomlinson 
 
 1628 Thomas Wright 
 
 1629 Humphrey Browne 
 
 1630 Humphrey Hooke 
 
 1 63 1 Humphrey Hooke 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 David Leyson, John Stokes 
 Thomas Hickes, Robert Butler 
 Dominick Chester, Thomas Alder 
 Thomas Rowland, John Carre 
 William Vawer, John Whitson 
 Thomas James, Matthew Haviland 
 Robert Aldworth, Abel Kitchen 
 John Boulton, Thomas Hopkins 
 William Hopkins, John Aldworth 
 William Cole, George White 
 John Barker, John Gonning 
 John Harrison, John Aldworth 
 Christopher Gary, John Langton 
 John Barker, Robert Haviland 
 Arthur Hibbins, Thomas Wright 
 Robert Haviland, Richard Long 
 William Jones, Humfrey Browne 
 William Pitt, Walter Ellis 
 Edward Coxe, William Hicks 
 Miles Jackson, Giles Elbridge 
 Francis Derrick, Nathaniel Butcher 
 William Wyatt, John Tayler 
 Richard Pley, Alexander James 
 Francis Creswick, Derrick Popley 
 Martin Pring, Thomas Colston 
 John Gardiner, Edward Petre 
 Gabriel Sherman, Thomas Jackson 
 William Chetwind, William Cann 
 George Lane, John Gonning, jun. 
 John Langton, jun., William Hobson 
 John Langton, jun., William Hobson 
 
 326 
 
MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 327 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1632 Humphrey Hooke 
 
 1633 Humphrey Hooke 
 
 1634 Humphrey Hooke 
 
 1635 Richard Holworthy 
 
 (Mayor) 
 
 1636 Richard Long (Mayor) 
 
 1637 Richard Long 
 
 1639 (Jan.) Humphrey Hooke 
 
 1639 (Nov.) Andrew Charleton 
 
 1640 John Gonning 
 
 1641 William Jones 
 
 1642 Alexander James 
 
 1643 Francis Creswick 
 
 1644 Thomas Colston 
 
 1645 William Cann 
 
 1646 Hugh Browne 
 
 1647 Joseph Jackson 
 
 1648 Richard Vickris 
 
 1649 Hugh Browne 
 
 1650 Miles Jackson 
 
 1651 Hugh Browne 
 
 1652 Hugh Browne 
 
 1653 Joseph Jackson 
 
 1654 Joseph Jackson 
 
 1655 Joseph Jackson 
 
 1656 Robert Yate 
 
 1657 William Yeamans 
 
 1658 Robert Cann 
 
 1659 John Bowen 
 
 1660 Henry Creswick 
 
 1 66 1 Henry Creswick 
 
 1662 Robert Yeamans 
 
 1663 Sir John Knight 
 
 1664 Thomas Langton 
 
 1665 John Willoughby 
 
 1666 John Knight 
 
 1667 Walter Tocknell 
 
 1668 Walter Tocknell 
 
 1669 Robert Vickris 
 
 1670 WiUiam Willett 
 
 1671 Shershaw Cary 
 
 1672 Rich. Streamer (Mayor) 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 Thomas Hooke, Edward Pitt 
 Thomas Nethway, Joseph Jackson 
 Hugh Browne, John Drayton 
 Thomas Chamber, Thomas Griileth 
 
 Edmund Arundel, Hugh GrifFeth 
 Edmund Arundel, Hugh Griffeth 
 Giles Elbridge, Thomas Colston 
 Alexander James, Francis Creswick 
 John Gonning, jun.. Miles Jackson 
 Richard Aldworth, John Langton 
 Richard Vickris, Walter Deyos 
 Henry Creswick, William Colston 
 William Bevan, William Cann 
 Joseph Jackson, Thomas Amory 
 WiUiam Dale, James Croft 
 Edward Tyson, George Lane 
 Robert Challoner, Robert Yate 
 WiUiam Dale, WiUiam*Yeamans 
 Robert Cann, William Clare 
 Thomas Speed, William Merrick 
 Walter Tocknell, Robert Yeamans 
 John Bowen, Robert Vickris 
 John Knight, jun., Richard Deane 
 John Knight, jun., William Willett 
 Anthony Gay, John WUloughby 
 Walter Tocknell, Thomas Langton 
 Shershaw Cary, John Bowen 
 John Knight, jun., Alexander 
 
 Jackson 
 Thomas Langton, Robert Yeamans 
 John Pope, John Knight, jun. 
 Henry Gough, Thomas Moore 
 Alexander Jackson, William Hassell 
 Thomas Moore, Thomas Scrope 
 John Aldworth, WiUiam Tyson 
 Joseph Creswick, Richard Streamer 
 WiUiam Willett, WiUiam Hassell 
 WiUiam Willett, WUUam HasseU 
 Richard Hart, Gabriel Deane 
 Thomas Elton, Thomas Earle 
 George Lane, jun., John Knight, jun. 
 John Cooke, Charles WiUiams 
 
328 
 
 MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1673 Thomas Earle 
 
 1674 William Lysons 
 
 1675 Richard Hart 
 
 1676 Richard Hart 
 
 1677 George Lane 
 
 1678 Do. (died), William 
 
 Hayman 
 
 1679 William Hayman 
 i68q William Jackson 
 
 1 68 1 Thomas Elton (Mayor) 
 
 1682 William Merrick 
 
 1683 William Clutterbuck 
 
 (Mayor) 
 
 1684 Richard Lane 
 
 1685 Edward Tocknell 
 
 1686 Edward Tocknell 
 
 1687 William Donning 
 
 1688 Arthur Hart (Mayor) 
 
 1689 Giles Merrick 
 i6go William Swymmer 
 
 1 69 1 John Cooke 
 
 1692 Robert Yate (Mayor) 
 
 1693 Robert Yate 
 
 1694 Samuel Price 
 
 1695 Samuel Price 
 
 1696 Peter Saunders 
 
 1697 Peter Saunders 
 i6g8 Sir William Daines 
 
 1699 Sir William Daines 
 
 1700 James Hollidge 
 
 1701 James Hollidge 
 
 1702 Thomas Hort 
 
 1703 Thomas Hort 
 
 1704 William Clarke 
 
 1705 William Clarke 
 
 1706 John Bachelor 
 
 1707 John Bachelor 
 
 1708 Abraham Elton, sen. 
 
 1709 Anthony Swymmer 
 
 1710 Thomas Moore 
 
 1711 George Mason 
 
 WARDENS, 
 
 William Hayman, William Browne 
 William Jackson, William Donning 
 Arthur Hart, George Hart 
 Arthur Hart, George Hart 
 Edmund Arundell, Samuel Hale 
 Giles Merrick, Stephen Watts 
 
 William Swymmer, Edward Tocknell 
 Richard Lane, William Merrick 
 William Clutterbuck, John Knight 
 Samuel Price, Henry Daniel 
 John Cary, John Combes 
 
 John Yeamans, John Cann 
 Robert Yate, Walter Lougher 
 Robert Yate, Walter Lougher 
 Peter Saunders, Richard Champney 
 Thomas Cole, Charles Pope 
 John Seward, John Yeamans, jun. 
 Jacob Beele, Robert Kirk 
 Henry Gibbes, Edward Jones 
 Thomas Richardson, William Daniel 
 Thomas Richardson, William Daniel 
 Sir Rich. Crump, John Swymmer 
 Joseph Jackson, James Hollidge 
 Thomas Hort, Thomas Earle 
 Thomas Hort, William Clarke 
 John Bachelor, John Day, sen. 
 Abraham Elton, Anthony Swymmer 
 Thomas Moore, Isaac Davies 
 Thomas Moore, George Mason 
 Abraham Hooke, Richard Franklyn 
 Abraham Hooke, Richard Franklyn 
 Philip Freke, Henry Watts 
 Sir John Duddlestone, Francis 
 
 Rogers 
 John Day, William Swymmer 
 Henry Swymmer, Joseph 
 
 Whitchurch 
 AbrahamElton, jun., James Donning 
 Joseph Earle, William Hart 
 Abraham Birkin, John Becher 
 Robert Bound, Joshua Franklyn 
 
MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 329 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1712 Abraham Hooke 
 
 1 71 3 Philip Freke 
 
 1 714 Henry Watts 
 
 1715 Sir J. Duddleston (died), 
 
 H. Watts 
 
 1716 John Day (Mayor) 
 
 1717 WilHam Swymmer 
 
 1718 Henry Swymmer 
 
 1719 Abraham Elton (Mayor) 
 
 1720 James Donning 
 
 1 72 1 Joseph Earle 
 
 1722 John Becher 
 
 1723 Thomas Longman 
 
 1724 Samuel Hunt 
 
 1725 Jeremy Innys 
 
 1726 John Blackwell 
 
 1727 John Norman 
 
 1728 Jacob Elton 
 
 1729 Abel Grant 
 
 1730 James Hilhouse 
 
 1731 Edmund Baugh 
 
 1732 Peter Day 
 
 1733 Robert Earle 
 
 1734 John Hollidge 
 
 1735 James Day 
 
 1736 John Duckinfield 
 
 1737 John Coysgarne 
 
 1738 Richard Lougher 
 
 1739 Thomas Eston 
 
 1740 William Challoner 
 
 1 74 1 Lionel Lyde 
 
 1742 John Day 
 
 1743 Richard Henville 
 
 1744 Walter Lougher 
 
 1745 Arthur Hart 
 
 1746 Robert Smith 
 
 1747 Christopher Willoughby 
 
 1748 John Foy 
 
 1749 Michael Becher 
 
 1750 Henry Dampier 
 
 1 75 1 James Laroche 
 
 1752 William Hare 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 John Hawkins, Hugh Bickham 
 Thomas Longman, Samuel Hunt 
 Jeremy Innys, Joseph Browne 
 John Blackwell, William Attwood 
 
 John Norman, Jacob Elton 
 Abel Grant, James Hilhouse 
 Chris. Shuter, Marmaduke Bowdler 
 William Freke, Edmund Baugh 
 Peter Day, Robert Earle 
 John Hollidge, Edward Jones 
 Nathaniel Wraxall, John Hobbs 
 John King, James Day 
 John Duckingfield, John Coysgarne 
 Edward Foy, Edward Curtis 
 Richard Lougher, Harrington Gibbs 
 Thomas Eston, Thomas Freke 
 John Templeman, Will. Challoner 
 Lionel Lyde, Michael Pope 
 John Day, Richard Henville 
 Henry Combe, Walter Lougher 
 Michael White, Arthur Hart 
 Robert Smith, Chris. Willoughby 
 Henry Hart, John Foy 
 Lewis Casamajor, Thos. 
 
 Chamberlayne 
 Michael Becher, Henry Dampier 
 William JefFeries, James Laroche 
 William Hare, Nathaniel Foy 
 Abraham Elton, Edward Cooper 
 William Duckinfield, John Hilhouse 
 William Hart, jun., Joseph lies 
 Henry Swymmer, Cranfield Becher 
 Abraham Elton, Henry Casamajor 
 Isaac Baugh, James Day 
 Joseph JeiSferis, Thomas Power 
 Joseph Daltera, John King 
 George Becher, Edward Willcocks 
 Richard Farr, William Bowen 
 Henry Hobhouse, Samuel Smith 
 Robert Bound, George Daubeny 
 John Cross, Isaac Elton 
 William Reeve, James Hilhouse 
 
330 
 
 MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1753 Nathaniel Foy 
 
 1754 Edward Cooper 
 
 1755 Henry Swymmer 
 
 1756 Cranfield Becher 
 
 1757 Abraham Elton 
 
 1758 Henry Casamajor 
 
 1759 Isaac Baugh 
 
 1760 Joseph Daltera 
 
 1 761 William Hart 
 
 1762 Richard Farr 
 
 1763 Samuel Smith 
 
 1764 Isaac Elton 
 
 1765 William Reeve 
 
 1766 James Bonbonous 
 
 1767 Sir Ab. Isaac Elton, Bart. 
 
 1768 Samuel Munkley 
 
 1769 Andrew Pope 
 
 1770 William Jones 
 
 1771 Thomas Farr 
 
 1772 James Daltera 
 
 1773 Isaac Elton, jun. 
 
 1774 Robert Smith 
 
 1775 Paul Farr 
 
 1776 Henry Garnett 
 
 1777 Samuel Span 
 
 1778 Michael Miller, jun, 
 
 1779 John Powell 
 
 1780 Thomas Perkins 
 
 1781 Henry Cruger (Mayor) 
 
 1782 Sir James Laroche, Bart. 
 
 1783 John Fowler 
 
 1784 George Daubeny 
 
 1785 Jeremiah Hill 
 
 a 786 Edward Brice 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 Ebenezer Hare, James Bonbonous 
 Abraham Isaac Elton, Francis 
 
 Rogers 
 Samuel Munkley, William Wansey 
 John Hobhouse, Edward Charleton 
 Richard Combe, Thomas Farr, jun. 
 Andrew Pope, James Daltera 
 Joseph Daltera, Richard Farr 
 Thomas Willoughby, Samuel Smith 
 William Jones, Samuel Span 
 Nathaniel Wraxall, William 
 
 Hilhouse 
 Isaac Elton, jun., Peter Hatton 
 Robert Smith, Paul Farr 
 Samuel Gardner, James Laroche, 
 
 jun. 
 Andrew Reeve, S. Gardner (died), 
 
 C. Becher 
 Michael Miller, jun., Henry Garnett 
 John Powell, Henry Cruger 
 George Daubeny, Thomas Perkins 
 George Champion, Edward Elton 
 John Fowler, William Weare 
 Richard Champion, Henry 
 
 Lippincott 
 John Vaughan, Jeremiah Hill 
 Paul Farr, John Powell 
 Edward Brice, John Garnett 
 John Champion, Henry Hobhouse 
 John Daubeny, George Gibbs 
 Henry Casamajor, John Fisher 
 
 Weare 
 Jeremiah Hill, jun., Richard Bright 
 James Martin Hilhouse, Joshua 
 
 Powell 
 John Fowler, jun., Joseph Harford 
 Charles Hill, John Scandrett 
 
 Harford 
 William Weare, jun., Samuel 
 
 Whitchurch 
 John Cave, Timothy Powell 
 Thomas Hungerford Powell, 
 
 Joseph Bonbonous 
 Thomas Hill, Walter Powell 
 
MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 331 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1787 John Vaughan 
 
 1788 Henry Hobhouse 
 
 1789 John Daubeny 
 
 1790 George Gibbs 
 
 1791 Jeremiah Hill, jun. 
 
 1792 Richard Bright 
 
 1793 James Martin Hilhouse 
 
 1794 John Garnett 
 
 1795 Joshua Powell 
 
 1796 Joseph Harford 
 
 1797 Charles Hill 
 
 1798 John Scandrett Harford 
 
 1799 Samuel Whitchurch 
 
 1800 Timothy Powell 
 
 1801 Thomas Hungerford Powell 
 
 1802 Joseph Bonbonous 
 
 1803 Thomas Hill 
 
 1804 John Gordon 
 
 1805 Thomas Daniel 
 
 1806 Charles Joseph Harford 
 
 1807 John Cave 
 
 1808 William Fowler 
 
 1809 Richard Vaughan, jun. 
 i8io James Fowler 
 
 181 1 John Blackwell 
 
 1812 William Peter Lunell 
 
 1813 
 1814 
 
 1815 
 1816 
 
 1817 
 1818 
 
 Mark Harford 
 Andrew Pope 
 
 Samuel Brice 
 
 Rich. Sargent Fowler 
 
 Stephen Cave 
 Edward Brice 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 John Gordon, jun., William 
 
 Randolph 
 Richard Tombs, James Rogers 
 William Miles, Thomas Daniel, jun. 
 William Fowler, SamuelWhitchurch 
 Charles Joseph Harford, 
 
 John Cave, jun. 
 Richard Vaughan, jun., 
 
 James Fowler 
 John Blackwell, William Peter 
 
 Lunell 
 James Jones, Mark Harford 
 Isaac. Bence, Charles Hill 
 Thomas Daniel, Charles Joseph 
 
 Harford 
 Samuel Whitchurch, Andrew Pope 
 Thomas Daniel, Samuel Brice 
 Edw. Prothero, Rich. Sargent 
 
 Fowler 
 Hugh Vaughan, Edward Brice, jun. 
 Samuel Span, Hugh Vaughan 
 Samuel Whitchurch, Wm. Diaper 
 
 Brice 
 George Hilhouse, Benjamin Bickley 
 George Gibbs, jun.. Ant. Palmer 
 
 CoUings 
 William Gibbons, Robert Bruce 
 John Thomson, Charles Harvey 
 Thomas Hellicar, Robert Bush 
 John Barrow, James George 
 Joseph Hellicar, Robert Vizer 
 Benjamin Bickley, Robert Bruce 
 William Perry, Thomas Durbin 
 
 Brice 
 Abraham Hilhouse, James George, 
 
 jun. 
 William Danson, Philip Protheroe 
 Butler Thompson Claxton, Jas. Jos. 
 
 Whitchurch 
 Robert Willis Vizer, James George 
 Robert Hilhouse, Robert Bruce, 
 
 jun. 
 Henry Brooke, George Lunell 
 Peter Maze, John Barrow 
 
332 
 
 MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 i8ig William Diaper Brice 
 
 1820 George Gibbs 
 
 1 82 1 Robert Bruce 
 
 1822 George Hilhouse 
 
 1823 Robert Bush 
 
 1824 John Barrow 
 
 1825 Abraham Hilhouse 
 
 1826 Philip Protheroe 
 
 1827 James George 
 
 1828 James Joseph Whitchurch 
 
 1829 Thomas Durbin Brice 
 
 1830 Robert Bruce, jun. 
 
 1831 Peter Maze 
 
 1832 Rich. Dawbney Brice 
 
 1833 Henry George Fowler 
 
 1834 Thomas Daniel, jun. 
 
 1835 John Evans Lunell 
 
 1836 William Claxton 
 
 1837 Peter Maze, jun. 
 
 1838 Valentine Hellicar 
 
 1839 Robert Gay Barrow 
 
 1840 John Hellicar 
 
 1841 Francis Savage 
 
 1842 John Savage 
 
 1843 John Harding 
 
 1844 Charles Pinney 
 
 1845 Edward Drew 
 
 1846 Richard Robinson 
 
 1847 Geo. Woodroffe Franklyn 
 
 1848 Henry Bush 
 
 1849 John Hurle 
 
 1850 William T. Poole King 
 
 1 85 1 Richard T. Poole King 
 
 1852 William Brice 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 Samuel Lunell, Henry Brooke 
 HughWilham Danson, John Barrow 
 Martin Hilhouse, Peter Maze 
 Rich. Dawbney Brice, Hen. Geo. 
 
 Fowler 
 Edmond Danson, William Bruce 
 Thomas Daniel, jun., John Evans 
 
 Lunell 
 William Claxton, Peter Maze 
 George Lunell, James Maze 
 Rich. Walker Fowler, Peter Maze, 
 
 jun. 
 Hugh William Danson, Valentine 
 
 Hellicar 
 Val. Hellicar, Danvers Hill Ward 
 George Lunell, Hugh William 
 
 Danson 
 John Evans Lunell, Rob. Gay 
 
 Barrow 
 Danvers Hill Ward, Edward Hinton 
 James Syms Barrow, John Hellicar 
 John Haythorne, William Claxton 
 Peter Maze, jun., William Brice 
 Peter Maze, jun., Rob. Gay Barrow 
 Philip Protheroe, Francis Savage, 
 
 jun. 
 William Claxton, George Lunell 
 Philip Protheroe, John Savage 
 John Harding, Charles Pinney 
 Wil. Weaver Davies, Edward Drew 
 George Lunell, Richard Robinson 
 Francis Savage, Christopher George 
 Geo. Woodroffe Franklyn, Henry 
 
 Bush 
 John Harding, Wm. Thos. Poole 
 
 King 
 Valentine Hellicar, John Hurle 
 James George, Henry Brice 
 John Harding, Rich. Jenkins Poole 
 
 King 
 
 Robert Gay Barrow, Charles Pinney 
 James George, Richard Robinson 
 Valentine Hellicar, George Pope 
 James George, Charles Pinney 
 
MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS, 
 
 333 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1853 George Pope 
 
 1854 John Salmon 
 
 1855 James Hassell 
 
 1856 Thomas Porter Jose 
 
 1857 William Oliver Bigg 
 
 1858 Mark Davis Protheroe 
 
 1859 James Bush 
 
 i860 Francis Kentucky Barnes 
 
 1 861 Frederick William Green 
 
 1862 John Averay Jones 
 
 1863 John Averay Jones 
 
 1864 Odiarne Coates Lane 
 
 1865 Thomas Barnes 
 
 1866 Sholto Vere Hare 
 
 1867 Robert Gay Barrow 
 
 1868 John Frederick Lucas 
 
 1869 William Proctor Baker 
 
 1870 Wm. Wilberforce Jose 
 
 1 87 1 Hy. Cruger Wm. Miles 
 
 1872 Thomas Terrett Taylor 
 
 1873 Wm. Aug. Fred. Powell 
 
 1874 Mervyn Kesteman King 
 
 1875 Arthur Baker 
 
 1876 Charles Bowles Hare 
 
 1877 Francis Frederick Fox 
 
 1878 Francis Frederick Fox 
 
 1879 George William Edwards 
 
 1880 John Noble Coleman Pope 
 
 1881 Robert Hassell 
 
 1882 George de Lisle Bush 
 
 1883 Charles Octavius Harvey 
 
 1884 Reg. Wyndham 
 
 Butterworth 
 
 1885 Charles Paul 
 
 1886 John Henry Woodward 
 
 1887 Percy Listen King 
 
 1888 Edw. Beadon Colthurst 
 
 1889 Thomas Poole King 
 
 1890 Hy. Willoughby Beloe 
 
 1 89 1 Hy. Fred. Tobin Bush 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 Robert Gay Barrow, John Salmon 
 Edward Drew, James Hassell 
 Thos. Porter Jose, Wm. Oliver Bigg 
 Wm. O. Bigg, Mark Davis Protheroe 
 Alfred John Acraman, James Bush 
 Jas. Bush, Francis K. Barnes 
 Francis K. Barnes, Fred. W. Green 
 Fred. Wm. Green, John A. Jones 
 John A. Jones, Ed. Thos. Lucas 
 Edw. T. Lucas, Odiarne C. Lane 
 O. Coates Lane, Thomas Barnes 
 Thomas Barnes, Sholto Vere Hare 
 Sholto Vere Hare, Charles Ringer 
 Charles Ringer, John F. Lucas 
 J. F. Lucas, Wm. P. Baker 
 Wm. P. Baker, Wm. W. Jose 
 Wm. W. Jose, Hy. Cruger Wm. 
 
 Miles 
 H. Cruger W. Miles, Thos. T. 
 
 Taylor 
 Thos. T. Taylor, Wm. A. F. Powell 
 W. A. F. Powell, Mervyn K. King 
 Mervyn K. King, Arthur Baker 
 Arthur Baker, Charles B. Hare 
 Charles B. Hare, Fras. F. Fox 
 
 F. F. Fox, G. W. Edwards (Mayor) 
 
 G. W. Edwards (Mayor), J. N. C. 
 Pope 
 
 G. W. Edwards, J. Noble C. Pope 
 John N. C. Pope, Robert Hassell 
 Rob. Hassell, G. de Lisle Bush 
 G. de Lisle Bush, Charles O. Harvey 
 C. O. Harvey, R. W. Butterworth 
 R. W. Butterworth, Charles Paul 
 
 Charles Paul, John H. Woodward 
 J. H. Woodward, Percy L. King 
 P. L. King, Edw. B. Colthurst 
 E. B. Colthurst, T. Poole King 
 T. P. King, Harry W. Beloe 
 H. W. Beloe, Hy. Fred. T. Bush 
 H. F. T. Bush, Thos. G. Matthews 
 T. G. Matthews, Rich. A. Fox 
 
334 
 
 MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 MASTERS. 
 
 1892 Thomas Gadd Matthews 
 
 1893 Richard Anstice Fox 
 
 1894 Edw. Burrow Hill 
 
 1895 Edw. Burnett James 
 
 1896 Wm. Welsford Ward 
 
 1897 John Henry Clarke 
 
 1898 Herbert George Edwards 
 
 1899 Averay Neville Jones 
 
 1900 Geo. Oswald SpafFord 
 
 1901 Edgar A. V. Baker 
 
 1902 Thomas Ruding Davey 
 
 WARDENS. 
 
 R. A. Fox, John H. Woodward 
 Edw. B. Hill, Edw. B. James 
 E. B. James, Wm. W. Ward 
 W. W. Ward, John H. Clarke 
 J. H. Clarke, Herb. G. Edwards 
 H. G. Edwards, A. N. Jones 
 A. N. Jones, Geor. O. Spaflford 
 G. O. Spafford, Edgar A. V. Baker 
 E. A. V. Baker, Thos. R. Davey 
 T. R. Davey, Allan Mc Arthur 
 Allan Mc Arthur, Geo. H. Pope 
 
 TREASURERS. 
 
 1605 Thomas Aldworth 
 
 1606 William Hopkins 
 
 1607 William Cole 
 
 1608 John Rowberoe 
 
 1609 George White 
 
 1610 Thomas Whitehead 
 
 161 1 John Guy 
 
 1612 John Barker 
 
 1613 John Gonning 
 
 1614 John Gonning 
 
 1615 John Langton 
 
 161 6 Humfrey Hooke 
 
 1617 Andrew Charleton 
 
 1618 John Tomlinson 
 
 1619 Thomas Wright 
 
 1620 Humfrey Browne 
 
 1621 Peter Miller 
 
 1622 Richard Hoi worthy 
 
 1623 Richard Long 
 
 1624 William Jones 
 
 1625 Nathaniel Butcher 
 
 1626 John Taylor 
 
 1627 John Locke 
 
 1628 Walter Ellis 
 
 1629 Richard Play 
 
 1630 Richard Aldworth 
 
 163 1 Alexander James 
 
 1632 Francis Creswick 
 
 1633 Giles Elbridge 
 
 1634 Thomas Colston 
 
 1635 Gabriel Sherman 
 
 1636 John Gonning, jun. 
 
 1637 John Gonning, jun. 
 
 1639 John Langton 
 
 1640 Thomas Hooke 
 
 1641 William Cann 
 
 1642 WilHam Wyatt 
 
 1643 Hugh Browne 
 
 1644 Walter Deyos 
 
 1645 Walter Sandy 
 
 1646 Robert Challoner 
 
 1647 Henry Creswick 
 
 1648 James Croft 
 
 1649 Robert Yate 
 
 1650 William Dale 
 
 165 1 William Yeamans 
 
 1652 George Lane, sen. 
 
 1653 Robert Cann 
 
 1654 John Willoughby 
 
 1655 John Willoughby 
 
 1656 Robert Vickris 
 
 1657 William Merrick 
 
 1658 to 1664 Walter Tocknell 
 1665 to 1672 Robert Yate 
 
MASTERS, WARDENS, AND TREASURERS. 
 
 335 
 
 TREASURERS 
 
 1673 William Lysons 
 1674-5-6 Robert Yate 
 1677-8-9 Richard Hart 
 1680 to 1683 Sir Richart Hart 
 1684 William Hayman (Mayor) 
 1685-6-7 (Sir) William Merrick 
 
 1688 William Jackson 
 
 1689 Arthur Hart 
 
 1690 Giles Merrick 
 
 1691 to 1696 William Swymmer 
 1697-8-9 Charles Jones 
 1700 to 1704 Peter Saunders 
 1705-6-7 Abraham Elton 
 1708 William Hart 
 1 709- 10- 1 1 Henry Watts 
 
 1712 
 
 1730- 
 
 1732- 
 
 1734 
 
 1745 
 
 1751 
 
 1773 
 1801 
 1816 
 1841 
 
 1873 
 1876 
 1901 
 
 to 1729 Robert Earle 
 I William Jefferis 
 •3 Henry Lloyd 
 to 1744 Henry Combe 
 to 1750 James Laroche 
 to 1772 Christopher 
 
 Willoughby 
 to 1800 James Daltera 
 to 1815 Samuel Whitchurch 
 to 1840 Joseph Hellicar 
 to 1872 William Claxton 
 to 1875 John Hellicar 
 to 1900 George Henry Pope 
 Percy Liston King 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
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 336 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 337 
 
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 Griffiths, L. M., Esq., 11 Pembroke Road, CHfton. 
 
 Hammond, William, Esq., Belmont Lodge, Sneyd Park. 
 Harford, W. H., Esq., Oldown House, Tockington, Glos. 
 
 23 
 
338 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Harvey, J. G. Russell, Esq., Denmark Street, Bristol. 
 
 Hawkins, Walter, Esq., Times and Mirror, Bristol. 
 
 Heseltine, E. J., Esq., Corporation of the Trinity House, Hull. 
 
 HoBHOusE, C. E., Esq , M.P., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts. 
 
 Howell, J. H., Esq., 104 Pembroke Road, Clifton. 
 
 HuDD, Alfred E., Esq., F.S.A., 94 Pembroke Road, Clifton. 
 
 Hughes, W. W., Esq., 2 Downfield Road, Clifton. 
 
 Jones, Averay, Esq., 81 Pembroke Road, Clifton. 
 
 Legasse, Auverleaux, Esq., 25 Rue des Minimes, Brussels, Belgium. 
 Lane, J. Tremayne, Esq., City Treasurer, Council House, Bristol. 
 Lewis, Archibald M., Esq., 3 Upper Byron Place, Clifton. 
 Lloyd, P. J., Esq., 22 Hurle Crescent, Clifton. 
 
 Mardon, Heber, Esq., 2 Litfield Place, Clifton. 
 
 Maryland Historical Society, 300 St. Paul Street, Baltimore, 
 
 Maryland, U.S.A. 
 Meade-King, H., Esq., 8 Baldwin Street, Bristol. 
 
 Merchant Venturers' Society, Merchants' Hail, Bristol, (100 
 copies). 
 
 Merchant Venturers' Technical College, Bristol. 
 
 Moxley, W. S., Esq., 9 Elgin Park, Redland, Bristol. 
 
 New York Historical Society, 170 Second Avenue, New York City, 
 U.S.A. 
 
 Ord, Colonel F. C, Redland Hall, Bristol. 
 
 Osborne, Jere, Esq., 9 Clifton Park, Clifton. 
 
 Pass, Alfred Capper, Esq., Wootton Fitzpaine, Charmouth, Dorset 
 (2 copies). 
 
 Paul, W. Edgar, Esq., 55 Woodstock Road, Redland, Bristol. 
 
 Paul, Walter S., Esq., 13 Hurle Crescent, Clifton. 
 
 Paul, Trench & Co., Charing Cross Road, London. 
 
 Pearson, George, Esq., Bannerleigh, Woodland Road, Bristol. 
 
 PiNNEY, Frederick W., Esq., The Grange, Somerton, Somerset. 
 
 Pope, J. N. C, Esq., 11 The Paragon, Clifton. 
 
 Pope, Miss, 9 The Paragon, Clifton. 
 
 Pope, Rev. Andrew, Upton Bishop, Ross, Herefordshire. 
 
 Powell, Cecil, Esq., The Hermitage, Weston-super-Mare. 
 
 Prankerd, Peter D., Esq. {the late), The Knoll, Sneyd Park. 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 339 
 
 Pritchard, John E., Esq., F.S.A., 8 Cold Harbour Road, Redland, 
 Bristol. 
 
 Protheroe, Frank, Esq., i6 Arundel Mansions, Fulham Road, 
 London, S.W. 
 
 Redland Park Book Society, c/o V. A. Williams, Esq., 77 Park 
 Street, Bristol. 
 
 Reid, Walter, Esq., The Woodlands, Woodland Road, Bristol. 
 
 Richardson, H., Esq., Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle- 
 on-Tyne. 
 
 Roberts, Sir Owen, F.S.A., Clothworkers' Hall, Mincing Lane 
 London, E.G. 
 
 Ryland, Charles J., Esq., 10 Alexander Road, Clifton. 
 
 Sampson, Walter W., Esq., Municipal Charities Office, St. Stephen 
 
 Street, Bristol. 
 Savile, Charles C, Esq., Clifton Wood House, Chfton. 
 Simpson, J. J., Esq., Osborne House, Cotham Park, Bristol. 
 Sturge, Robert F., Esq., loi Pembroke Road, Clifton. 
 SwANN, E. J., Esq., The Gables, Leigh Woods. 
 
 Tarr, Francis J., Esq., 10 St. Stephen Street, Bristol. 
 
 Taylor, Alfred T., Esq., 9 Leigh Road South, Clifton. 
 
 Taylor, Edmund J., Esq., Town Clerk, Council House, Bristol. 
 
 Taylor, Goodenough, Esq., 77 Pembroke Road, Clifton. 
 
 Taylor, Thomas D., Esq., Hillside House, Redland Green, Bristol. 
 
 Thatcher, Thomas, Esq., 44 College Green, Bristol (2 copies). 
 
 Thomas, Charles, Esq., Pitch and Pay, Stoke Bishop. 
 
 Thomas, Herbert, Esq., Ivor House, Durdham Park, Redland, 
 
 Bristol. 
 Thomas, Harry E., Esq., Rockleaze Point, Stoke Bishop. 
 TiTLEY, William A., Esq., Chescombe Lodge, Durdham Down, 
 
 Bristol. 
 Toronto, University of, c/o Cazenove & Son, 26 Henrietta Street, 
 
 London, W.C. 
 Towse, J. W., Esq., Fishmongers' Hall, London Bridge, E.G. 
 Trapnell, Caleb, Esq., 60 St. John's Road, Clifton. 
 Tryon, S., Esq., 5 Beaufort Road, Clifton. 
 Tucker, C. H., Esq., 5 Royal Park, CHfton. 
 TucKETT, R. C, Esq., 5 Beaufort Buildings, Clifton. 
 TucKETT, F. Coldstream, Esq., 6 Leigh Road, Clifton. 
 TucKETT, F. F., Esq., F.R.G.S., Frenchay, near Bristol. 
 Twiggs, H. William, Esq., Ellesmere, Henleaze Road, near Bristol. 
 
 23 A 
 
34° LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Vaughan, Rev. Henry, M.A., Wraxall Rectory, near Bristol. 
 
 Vaughan, p. H., Esq., Redland Hill House, Bristol. 
 
 VowLES, William, Esq., i Iddesleigh Road, Durdham Park, Bristol. 
 
 Wait, H. W. Killigrew, Esq., 2 Worcester Villas, Clifton. 
 
 Walker, Edwin, Esq., Wraxall House, Tyndall's Park Road, Bristol. 
 
 Ward, W. W., Esq., Bosloe, near Falmouth. 
 
 Warren, Robert Hall, Esq., F.S.A., g Apsley Road, Clifton. 
 
 Watney, Sir John, F.S.A., Mercers' Hall, London, E.G. 
 
 Watson, Edward J., Esq., St. John's Arch, Bristol. 
 
 Way, Rev. Canon John Hugh, Vicarage, Henbury, Glos. 
 
 Weare, George E., Esq., 16 Ellenborough Crescent, Weston-super- 
 Mare. 
 
 Wells, Charles, Esq., 134 Cromwell Road, Bristol. 
 
 Were, Francis, Esq., Gratwicke Hall, Flax Bourton, Som. 
 
 Weston-Stevens, J., Esq., Sheriff, Ravenhurst, Beaufort Road, 
 Clifton. 
 
 White, George, Esq., Cotham House, Bristol. 
 
 Williams, T. W., Esq., Bank Chambers, Corn Street, Bristol. 
 
 Wills, Sir Frederick, Bart., M.P., Northmoor, Dulverton, Som. 
 
 Wills, Sir William Henry, Bart., c/o Frank W. Wills, Esq., 
 15 Berkeley Square, Bristol. 
 
 Wise, W. H., Esq., Council House, Bristol. 
 
 WoRSLEY, Philip John, Esq., Rodney Lodge, Clifton. 
 
 Presentation Copies: Public Libraries, 5; Press, &c., 11. 
 275 copies printed. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Acraman, Bush & Co., 254. 
 Addington, Henry, hon. freeman, 270. 
 African trade, 178; attempted monopoly, 
 
 178 to 183. 
 Albert, Prince, hon. freeman, 270. 
 Alder, Thomas, Warden, 46. 
 Aldworth, Robt., 124, 140, 147, 151; Thos., 
 
 149 ; Rich., 160, i6i. 
 Algerine, corsairs, 123, 127, 219. 
 Alma Road, 266. 
 
 Almshouses, see M. v.; Colston; Hill. 
 America, exploring schemes, 147 ; New 
 
 England project, 150; emigrants, 151-2; 
 
 attempt to tax, 190 ; harsh treatment 
 
 of, 190-1. 
 Anchor Society, 229, 275. 
 Angel Gabriel privateer, 153. 
 Anson, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Antelope, H.IVI.S., capture by, 203. [268-g. 
 Apprentice laws, 32, 63, 75, 76, 77, 224 (2), 
 Arctic expedition, 157. 
 Arundell, Edm., 136. 
 Assembly Rooms, 229. . 
 Assistants, body of, created, 71, 88. 
 Avon, gross obstructions in, 155; Society's 
 
 improvements, 207, 245 ; first proposal 
 
 for docks, 207-8 ; Society's efforts, 208; 
 
 apathy of city, 209 ; plans of engineers, 
 
 209 to 212, 232 ; a plan adopted, 233 ; 
 
 Society promotes Bill, 234 ; {see Docks 
 
 Co.) dockisation scheme, 249 ; plans 
 
 for improvements, 250. 
 Avonmouth, proposed piers, 242, 251 ; 
 
 dock, 249, 251-3. 
 Back Hall and chapel, i6-i8, 25, 34, 83, 
 
 86, 97. 
 Baillie, Evan, 186. 
 Barham, Lord, hon. freeman, 270. 
 Barker, John, 67, 81, 83, 124, 132, 152, 
 
 158 ; protest against royal oppression, 
 
 121. 
 Barrow, R. Guy, 272. 
 Barry Island, 207. 
 Bayonne, trade with, 23 «., 59. 
 Bathurst, C. Bragg, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Beaufort, Dukes of, hon. freemen, 225 (2), 
 
 270 (2). 
 Beere manor purchase, 293. 
 Berkeley, Earl of, hon. freeman, 202, 225. 
 Blanket family, 11, 12. 
 Bolton, Duke of, 289 
 Bonding warehouses, 253. 
 Bordeaux trade, 23 «. 
 Botetourt, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Bowcher, Geo., 119, 124; John, 163. 
 Bowyer, Colonel, 293. 
 
 Brice, Edward, 185. 
 
 Brickdale, Matt., hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Bright, Rich., 185 ; Robt., hon. freeman, 
 247, 248, 251, 257. 
 
 Bristol Hope colony, 149. 
 
 Bristol . early charters and customs, 
 2. 3. (4)4. 5t 7, 16, 24; a "mother" 
 borough, 3 ; its wine trade, 3 ; first 
 Mayor, 4 ; pre-eminence of the Mer- 
 chants' Guild, 5, 8; Great Insurrection, 
 8 ; Craft Guilds, 8 ; foreigners in, 9 ; 
 the Great Fair, 10; growth of trade, 
 11; shipping of, 57, 58; a Staple Town, 
 12-15 i Corporate Ordinances for mer- 
 chants, 15, 16, 23 (2), 24, 63, 66; 
 grant for St. Clement's Chapel, ig ; 
 tolls at the city gates abolished, 37; 
 church plate surrendered, 37; Corpora- 
 tion oppose the Society at election, 52; 
 Society's Act repealed, 55; Corporate 
 policy reversed, 82, 108 ; piracy by 
 local merchants, 59 ; ship money and 
 plea of poverty, 60, 123-5 .' Wharfage 
 dues created, 64 ; leased to Society, 
 164, 165, 208 ; exceptional shipping 
 privileges, 93 ; oppressive government, 
 III to 137; Levant trade, 137; strange 
 operations in butter, 144 n. ; emigrants 
 to America, 151-2 ; local privateers, 
 152,201-2,204; an Archbishop's eulogy, 
 156; Civil War, 160 to 166; Mint in 
 Castle, 161, 176; extension of quays, 
 164-6; tobacco culture, 172; first print- 
 ing press, 177; Slave Trade, 179 to 185; 
 smuggling by local merchants, 188-9; 
 patriotic funds, 201-2-5 ; regiments 
 raised, 202, 205 ; building mania, 204 ; 
 first proposal for city docks, 207 ; 
 various projects, 208 to 234 ; Town 
 and Mayor's Dues, 236 to 244 , decay 
 of trade, 243 ; corporate resistance to 
 port improvement, 250. 
 
 Brokers, city, appointed, 27, 29. 
 
 Browne, Hum., 83, 124, 152, 155, 161. 
 
 Brunei, I. K., 242, 257, 258, 263-4. 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of, hon. freeman, 270. 
 
 Burghersh, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Burke, Edmund, 184, 191, 193; letters to 
 Hall, 195-7 • ^°°- freeman, 225. 
 
 Bush, Rob., 186; Henry, 257. 
 
 Butler, Rob., 38, 39. 
 
 Butter monopoly, Society's, 143. 
 
 Calfskins' monopoly. Society's, 140. 
 
 Cambridge, Duke of, hon. freeman, 270. 
 
 Camden, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Cann, William, 83, 159. 
 
 341 
 
342 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Canning, Geo., hon. freeman, 270. 
 
 Canynges, William, 13, 14, 16, 58. 
 
 Carr, John, 51. 
 
 Cary, John, on local trade, 177. 
 
 Cave, John, 186, 257. 
 
 Catherine, Queen, visit of, 168. 
 
 Chamber of Commerce, 236 to 242, 255-6. 
 
 Charles, I., his first charter, 87 ; second, 
 105, 161 ; illegal exactions, 117, 118, 
 135 ; ship money, 129, 133. 
 
 Charles II., Charter of, 109 ; visit, 162. 
 
 Charters, Society's, from Edward VI., 
 38; Elizabeth, 46; Charles I., 87, 105; 
 Charles II , log. 
 
 Champion, Wm., his docks, 2og. 
 
 Chandos, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Charleton, Andrew, 124, 158, 160, 161. 
 
 Chatham, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Chester, Dominic, 46, 51, 52. 
 
 China trade opened, 254. 
 
 Cirencester, see Clothing trade. 
 
 Claxton, Robt , 186; Wm., portrait, 275. 
 
 Clement's, St., Chapel, 18, 19, 21, 22, 
 153, 221. 
 
 Clerks, Society's, 229, 276. 
 
 Clifton: Hot Well, 165-7-8-9, 214, 217, 
 261 ; Society purchases manor, 167 ; 
 New Hot Well, 215, 263 ; " Old Castle," 
 i68k. ; Theatre, Jacob's Wells, 215; 
 Cold Baths, Jacob's Wells, 262 ; Sus- 
 pension Bridge, 258 ; Down preserved 
 to public, 260; Rocks Railway, 262; 
 Pump Room and Hydro, 262-3 I Pro- 
 posed Water Works, 263 ; Observatory, 
 263 M. ; growth of population, 265; 
 Victoria Square, 265 ; College, 266. 
 
 Clothing trade, Bristol, 9, 10, 11. 
 
 Coffee-roasting restrictions, 251. 
 
 Cole, Thos., 158. 
 
 CoUingwood, Lord, hon. freeman, 270. 
 
 " Colouring" goods, 23, 24, 170, 279. 
 
 Colston, "Thos., 83, gi, 124, 152, 159, 
 163 (2); Wm., 149; Wm., 124, 159, 
 163 (2), 173; Rich., 174; Wm. mur- 
 dered, 174; Thos., 174; Edw., jun. , 
 225 ; Francis, 225. 
 
 Colston Edward, 174, 176, 280, 287 ; 
 Almshouse, 278, 280, 282 ; School, 
 284 to 298, removed to Stapleton, 29g ; 
 suits in Chancery, 289, 292 ; additional 
 boys, 298 ; reorganised, 300-2 ; Girls' 
 School, 303. 
 
 Combe, Rich., 220. 
 
 Convoys for Bristol ships, 203. 
 
 Conway, H. S., hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Cooraber, Thos., 307, 314. 
 
 Cordwaner, Roger, first Mayor, 4. 
 
 Coxe, Sir R. H., hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Cranage dues reduced, 245. 
 
 Creswick, Francis, 124, 131, 163. 
 
 Crimps employed, 198. 
 
 Cruger, Hy., M.P., 186, 197. 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of, hon. freeman, 270. 
 
 Custom House extortions, 120-2. 
 
 Customs, receipts from, 125. 127. 
 
 Daniel, Thomas, 186, 205. 
 
 Daubeny, George, 185, 230. 
 
 Davis, Hart, hon. freeman, 281. 
 
 Day, Sir Thomas, 169, 175. 
 
 Dean Forest destroyed, 132. 
 
 Demerara wrecked, 249. 
 
 Diocesan School, 304. 
 
 Dock schemes, see Avon. 
 
 Dock Company formed, 234 ; capital, 
 235 ; heavy dues, 236 to 243 ; dues 
 reduced, 244 ; treatment of Great 
 Western, 245 ; agitation for purchase of 
 docks, 246 ; transferred to city, 248. 
 
 Docks, Champion's floating, 2og ; pur- 
 chased by Society, 210. 
 
 Dolman, John, 216. 
 
 Dolphin Society, 229. 
 
 Domesday Book on Bristol, is. 
 
 Doughty, John, 124, 149, 153. 
 
 Dowdeswell, W., hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Drake, Admiral, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Draper, Sir Wm., hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Driver, C, 153. 
 
 Dublin granted to Bristol, 3. 
 
 Ducie, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Duddleston, Sir John, 222. 
 
 Duncan, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Dupplin, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Durdham Down acquired by city, 260. 
 
 East India Company, 167, igo; trade 
 opened, 254. 
 
 Edward II., 5. 
 
 Edward III. : demands on town, 6, 7 ; 
 fosters weaving, 11; his charters, 7, 16. 
 
 Edward VI., spoliation under, 37; 
 petition of Bristol merchants to, 37 ; his 
 charter of incorporation, 38. 
 
 Elbridge, Giles, 91, 124, 151, 152, 158, 163. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen : Charter to Society, 
 46 ; Acts of Parliament, 47, 53 ; piracy 
 encouraged by, 59 ; demand for ship 
 money, 60; exactions, 112. 
 
 Ellis, Walter, 124, 131, 153. 
 
 Elsworth, Sir R., 108. 
 
 Elton, Abraham, ig7, 220. 
 
 Exchange, grant for building, 218. 
 
 Excise scheme, Walpole's, i8g. 
 
 Fane, H. and T., 229; F. and T., 
 freemen, 225. 
 
 Farr, Rich., 189. 
 
 Fitch, J. G., on Colston's School, 300. 
 
 Fitzherbert, Wm., 159, 163. 
 
 Flat Holm Light, 206. 
 
 Floating Harbour, see Avon. 
 
 Foreigners (non-freemen), treatment of, 
 16, 23, 24, 25, 32, 78, 84, 87, 97, 100, 
 102, i6g, 171. 
 
 Foster, Sir M., hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Fox, F. F., 272. 
 
 France, trade with, 23 n., 59, 82, 88. 
 
 Free Port Association, 247, 256. 
 
 Freemen, riseof civic, 9; lossof privilages, 
 279. 
 
 Freemen, honorary, of Society, 224, 270. 
 
 Freightage regulations, 30. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 343 
 
 Freke, Thos., 200. 
 Friaries, Bristol, 37. 
 Fry, Edward, 224. 
 Gallows Acre Lane, 265. 
 Gaunt's Hospital estates, 37. 
 George, Chris., 278. 
 Gibbes, Henry, 131. 
 Gibbs, George, 257. 
 Gloucestershire, tobacco culture, 171. 
 Gloucester, honour of, 2 (2), 3. 
 Gloucester Merchants' Guild, 6. 
 Gonning, John, 66, 124, 126, 151, 152, 
 
 160, 161 (2). 
 Gordon, John, 185. 
 Gorges, Sir F., 148, 150. 
 Grafton, Duke of, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Granville, Earl, visit of, 305. 
 Great House, St. Augustine's, 151, 285. 
 Great Red Book, 16. 
 Great Western Railway, 257. 
 Great Western Steamship Co., 245-6. 
 Grenville, Geo., hon. freeman, 223. 
 Groceries, Royal exactions for, 113-16. 
 Gross, Dr., on Bristol guilds, 3, 9, 10, 14. 
 Guild Merchant, Bristol, i. 
 Guildhall, first, 5, 26. 
 Gunboats, local, 206. 
 Guy, John, 82, 83, 115, 124, 126, 148-9, 171. 
 Hakluyt, Rich., 147. 
 Halifax, Earl of, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Hamburg Co.'s monopoly, vi., 139. 
 Hanbury Road, South, 266. 
 Hare, Sholto V., 269. 
 Harford, Jos., 185. 
 Haviland, Mat., 124, 140, 149. 
 Hawkes, John, 19. 
 Hawkins, Sir John, 224. 
 Hawkshaw, Sir John, 250, 259. 
 Henrietta, Queen, visit of, 162. 
 Henry II., Charter to Bristol, 3. 
 Henry III. and Bristol, 3, 4, 7. 
 Henry VIII., French war of, 36. 
 Hicks, Thos., 38, 39. 
 Hill, T. W., Almshouse, 277. 
 Hilsborough, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Holworthy, Rich., 124, 131, 149 ; Lady, 
 
 231. 
 Hood, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Hooke, Hum., 91, 124, 149, 152-3, 158, 
 
 160, 161, 163 (2). 
 Hooke, Sir Hum., 172 (2). 
 Hopkins, John, 64. 
 Hot Wells, see Clifton. 
 Hot Well Point removed, 262. 
 Iceland trade, 14, 25. 
 Impressment for navy; abuses, 199. 
 Index, 341. 
 
 Irish food imports, 178, 193. 
 Irish rebel privateers, 166. [197 
 
 Irish trade, restrictions on, 177-8 ; 191 to 
 Iron, price of, 23, 190, 221. 
 Jackson, Miles, 124, 155, 158, i59. 2»i- 
 James I., arbitrary rule of, 112 to 117; 
 
 ship money, 123-7 ; calf skins monopoly, 
 
 140 ; American charters, 148. 
 
 James, Thomas, M.P., 112, 148; Alex., 
 
 124, 131, 159, 163 (3); Thomas, Arctic 
 
 explorer, 158. 
 Jessop, William, plans for Float, 212, 
 
 232-4. 
 John, King, and Bristol, 3 (3), 4. 
 Jones, William, 24, 31 ; Rich., benefactor, 
 
 176; J. Averay, 252, 272; Philip, gift to 
 
 Colston's School, 290. 
 Kelke, Thomas, 46. 
 Kingston, Duke of, hon. freeman, 225. 
 KirtUngton, ship, gallantry of, 199. 
 Kitchin, Abel, 124, 131, 140, 155. 
 Knight, Francis, 140. 
 Knight, Sir John I., 122, 139, 143, 147, 
 
 167, 170 «. 
 Knight, Sir John II., 170 »., 228. 
 Knighthood, compositions for, 130. 
 Lane, O. C, death of, 273. 
 Langton, John, 124, 149, i6i. 
 Laroche, Sir Jas., 185, 220. 
 Lawe Ditch, 19. 
 Leigh Woods purchased, 259. 
 Levant trade, see Turkey. 
 Lewis family, 140, 142, 143. 
 Little Red Book, 12, 13. 
 Liverpool, Earl of, hon. freeman, 270. 
 Locke, John, 124, 131, 159. 
 Long, Richard, 124, 136, 151, 155, 158, 
 
 160, 161, 163 (2). 
 Lunell, W. P., accident to, 273. 
 Mariners, local Fraternity of, 19. 
 Mark's, St., Hospital estates, 37. 
 Masters of SociETy, list of, 326 ; badge, 
 
 273- 
 
 Mayors of the Staple, 12. 
 
 Mayor's Dues on shipping, 236-242. 
 
 Maze, Peter, 257. 
 
 Melville, Lords, hon. freemen, 270. 
 
 Mercantile System, The, 177. 
 
 Mercantile Marine Board, 255. 
 
 Mercers' Company, London, 14. 
 
 Merchant Guild, 1-9. 
 
 Merchant Adventurers of England, v., 
 13, 15, 39, 88, 106. 
 
 Merchant Staplers, 11. 
 
 Merchants' Company, Bristol, created by 
 Corporation, 15, 16, 23-35. 
 
 Merchant Venturers, Society of : 
 Petition to the Crown, 37 ; Charter of 
 Edward VI., 38, 39, 42 ; attempted trad- 
 ing monopoly, 38, 39, 46, 47, 52, 53, 66, 
 67, 82, 87, 107, 108, no; Charter of 
 Elizabeth, 46; Act creating a trade 
 monopoly, 47 ; Corporation procure its 
 repeal, 53, 55 ; attempts to revive, 82, 
 83; grant of arms to Society, 50; lease 
 of anchorage dues, 62 ; Society reor- 
 ganised by Corporation, 63 ; collects 
 wharfage dues, 65, 164; lease of dues, 
 164-5, 208 ; ordinances defining official 
 functions, admission of members, &c., 
 67-80; list of members (1618), 81; sup- 
 pression of piracy, 82, 123 ; infringe- 
 ments of rules, 83 ; edicts against 
 
344 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Merchant Venturers, Society of : 
 "foreigners," 85, 169; first Charter of 
 Charles I., 88 ; Charter Day fixed, 88 ; 
 ordinances revised, 97; second Charter 
 of Charles I., 105, 161; Charter of 
 Charles II., 109; seizure of Society's 
 records, m ; royal exactions, 115, 117, 
 118, 121; appeal to Long Parliament, 
 119 ; Custom-house extortions, i ig - 122 ; 
 protest against Ship Money, 123-4 ^ 
 declines to farm Customs, 128; Levant 
 trade, 137-140 ; license to export calf- 
 skins, 140 ; Welsh butter license, 143-6; 
 applies for wine licenses, 146 ; explor- 
 ing expeditions, 147-9 ; New England 
 project, 150 ; emigration to America, 
 151 ; privateering 152 ; Arctic expedi- 
 tion, 157; compulsory arbitration, 159; 
 gifts to King, &c., 161-2 ; rebel priva- 
 teers, 166; offer of East India Company, 
 167; Manor of Clifton bought, 167; the 
 Hot Well, see Clifton ; visitors enter- 
 tained, 172; a member expelled, 173; 
 civic gift of land, 176 ; resistance to 
 African Company, 178-183 ; progress 
 of Slave Trade, 179, 183-5 : defence of 
 thetrade,i85; appeal forsugar bounties, 
 187; Spanish "depredations," 188-9; 
 Walpole's Excise scheme, 189 ; policy 
 towards America, 190-1 ; and towards 
 Ireland, 192, 196-7 ; recruiting for the 
 Navy, 197 ; statue of William III., 200 ; 
 Patriotic Fund (1745), 201 — (1798), 205; 
 direction of war cruisers, 203 ; defence 
 of the port, 206 ; improvement of Avon, 
 &c. ,206 ; efforts on behalf of city docks, 
 208, 211-14; purchase of Champion's 
 dock ,210; New Hot Well, 215; votes 
 for improvements, &c., 219, 266; pre- 
 sents of wine, 220 ; fines for admission, 
 222, 267, 270-1 ; treatment of Quakers, 
 222 ; attendances at Halls, 223 ; upper- 
 class apprentices, 224 ; hon. members, 
 224, 270 ; Charter Day festivities, 226 ; 
 audit dinners, 227; pensions, 228 ; local 
 dues on shipping, 237 ; Municipal Cor- 
 poration inquiry, 243 ; cranage dues 
 surrendered, 245 ; Port and Pier Rail- 
 way, 251 ; Portishead Railway, Dock, 
 &c., 252-3 ; Avonmouth Dock, 252 ; 
 Downs granted to city, 260 ; Charter 
 Day on Sunday, 271 ; a protest disal- 
 lowed, 271 ; Master's casting vote, 271 ; 
 fee to Standing Committee, 271 ; badge 
 of Master, 273 ; changes in Hall busi- 
 ness, 273 ; benefactions, 274 ; takes 
 over the Trade School, 308 ; income 
 of Society, 324. 
 
 Merchants' Hall (see St. Clement's 
 Chapel) 21, 153 ; furniture, 154 ; re- 
 constructed, 221 ; civic and other 
 feasts, 226-30 ; balls, 230, 275 ; 
 decorated and extended, 274. 
 
 Merchants' Almshouse, 19, 22, 23, 82, 
 176, 277, 281. 
 
 Merchants' School (original), 82, 230 ; 
 
 for navigation, 230, 306. 
 Merchant Venturers' College, 304, 
 
 308; opened, 311; progress and cost, 
 
 318 20 ; co-ordination with Board and 
 
 Art Schools, 321 ; aid sought from 
 
 Technical Committee, 323 ; urgent 
 
 need of development, 324. 
 Merchants' Road, 266. 
 Meredith, Sir W., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Miles, Wm., 185, 211; P. W. S., 251; 
 
 hon. freeman, 270; P. J., 278. 
 Mints, Bristol, 161, 176. 
 Mohun, Lord, 135. 
 Monkton, manor of, 292-8. 
 Morgan family, Pill, 155. 
 Moseley, Canon, 304. 
 Municipal Corporations' inquiry, 243. 
 Navy, recruiting for, 197, 205. 
 Newfoundland, colonies at, 148, 149. 
 Newnes, Sir Geo., 262. 
 Nickalls, Jos., dock plans, 211, 212. 
 North, Lord, hon freeman, 191. 
 Northampton, Marquis of, 259. 
 Nugent, Rob. (Earl), 192, 193, 225. 
 Observatory, Clifton, 263. 
 Osborne family, 230, 276. 
 Patriotic funds, 202, 205. 
 Patrimony, freedom by, 32, 63, 75, 76, 268. 
 Paul, Capt., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Pembroke Road, 265. 
 Penke, John, 24. 
 Penny, Capt., letter of, 204. 
 Penpole, compass at, 172 
 Perkins, Thos., 247. 
 Peters, Edw., 131. 
 Pictures in Hull, 155, 221, 275. 
 Pill, gross abuses at, 155, 199 ; votes to, 
 
 207. 
 Pilotage regulations, 254. 
 Pinney, John, 186. 
 Piracy by Bristol merchants, 59 ; in 
 
 Bristol Channel, 82, 123, 159; Algerine, 
 
 123-7, 219- 
 Pitt, Wm., 83, 124, 153. 
 Pitt, Wm., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Pitts, Sam., gallantry of, 199. 
 Poor, Corporation of, 176-7. 
 Popham, John, M.P., 52, 148. 
 Popley, Derrick, 83, 124. 
 Popwell, Wm., 23. 
 Port improvements, see Avon. 
 Port and Pier Railway, 251-2. 
 Portishead, pier and docks, 242, 249, 252 
 Portland, Earl of, 120. 
 Portugal trade, 15, 82, 88. 
 Poulet, Earl, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Prescott, Geo., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Price, Sam., 176; John, 231. 
 Pring, Martin, 147, 148, 153, 206. 
 Prisage of wines, 112. 
 Privateers, Bristol, 152, 201, 202, 204. 
 Protheroe, Philip, 186. 
 Prynn, Edw. (first Master), 22, 38, 39. 
 Puritan emigration stopped, 150. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 345 
 
 Furrier, John, hon, freeman, 225. 
 Purveyance, abuses of, 112 to 117, 120. 
 Quaker refused admission, 222. 
 Queen Elizabeth's Hospital, 282 (2). 
 Raglan, Lord, hon. freeman, 270. 
 Raleigh, Sir W., piracy by, 59. 
 Redemption, freedom by, 33, 222, 267. 
 Ricketts, Fred., 257. 
 Rockingham, Lord, hon. freeman, 190. 
 Rodney, Adm., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Romney, Col. J., 146. 
 Rowe, John, expelled, 173. 
 Rowland, Thos., 51. 
 Rupert, Prince, 161 (2), 162 {2). 
 Sadleir, Sir Ralph, 22, 167. 
 Sandwich, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Sandy, Walter, 150. 
 Saumarez, Capt., gift to, 203. 
 Saville, Sir George, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Scrope, John, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Sheffield, Lord, hon. freeman, 186, 225. 
 Ship money writs, 60, 123, 129, 133. 
 Shipping, Bristol (1572), 57 ; excessive 
 
 dues, 236 to 244. 
 Slave trade, see African trade, extent of 
 
 179, 183-5 ; men-of-war engaged in, 
 
 181 ; food of slaves, 184 ; agitation 
 
 against, 184; barbarities, 185-6; profits 
 
 of, 185. 
 Small Street Gate removed, 218. 
 Smeaton's dock schemes, 208, 212. 
 Smith, Sir Jarrit, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Smyth, Sir Greville, 259, 261. 
 Snygge, Sir Geo., 114, 115. 
 Soapmakers oppressed, 108, 131. 
 Somerset, Lord G., Lord E., and Lord F., 
 
 hon. freemen, 257, 270. 
 Somerset, ship money in, 62. 
 Southwell, Edw., hon. freemen, 225 (2). 
 Spain, trade with, 11, 15, 58, 59, 61, 82, 88. 
 Spanish Co., 62, 63; "depredations," 
 
 188-9. 
 Span, Sam., 185, 195-6. 
 Spencer, Earl, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Spencer's Hall, iwBack Hall. 
 Staple Court, 11, 12, 13, I5«. 
 Stapleton Palace bought, 299. 
 Star Chamber abuses, 121, 137. 
 Stogursey, see Monkton. 
 Steamships introduced, 242. 
 Strangers' goods, see Foreigners. 
 Stubbs, Bishop, on guilds, 7. 
 Sturmy, Robt., 16. 
 Subscribers, list of, 336. 
 Suffolk, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Sugar, export bounties, 186-8. 
 Sussex, Earl of, hon. freeman, 225. 
 
 Taylor, John, 83, 151, 158, 160 (2), T.T., 
 Tea, local imports, 254. [251. 
 
 Technical Instruction Com., 314-8. 
 Theatre, Jacobs' Wells, 215. 
 Thomas, Chris. J., 251. 
 Thome, Robt., 15. 
 Thurlow, Lord, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Tobacco imports forbidden, 130; home 
 
 cultivation, 171 ; smoking, 171. 
 Tomlinson, John, 124, 130, 158. 
 Town Wall, ig, 176. 
 Town Dues, excessive, 236 to 244. 
 Townshend, Chas., hon.' freeman, 225. 
 Trade School, 301-6; taken over by 
 
 Society, 308, see M. V. College. 
 Treasurers, Society's, 334 ; gifts to, 220. 
 Tucker Street, 10. 
 
 Turkey Co.'s monopoly, 137-140, 190. 
 Tynte, Sir C. K., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Vaughan, Rich., 26; Rich., 185. 
 Vawer, Alderman, 64. 
 Vick, Willm., his bridge bequest, 257. 
 Victoria Rooms, hovels near, 266. 
 Vintners' Comp., London, 118. 
 Volunteers, Bristol, 205. 
 Wales, F., Prince of, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Wansey, Wm., hon. freeman, 225. 
 Ward, W. W., on Monkton manor, 293. 
 Wardens, List of, 326. 
 Water Works, proposed Clifton, 263. 
 Water Company, Bristol, 264. 
 Weare, John F., 185. 
 Weavers, see Cloth Trade. 
 Wertheimer, Julius, Principal, 314. 
 Wellington, Duke of, hon. freeman, 270. 
 Westmorland, Earl of, hon. freeman, 
 
 225, 229. 
 Wharfage Dues created, 64 ; leased to 
 
 Society, 164, 165, 208 ; reduced, 248 ; 
 
 surrendered, 256. 
 Whiteladies Road, 265. 
 Whitson, John, 62, 64, 66, 82, 112, 124, 
 
 127, 140, 145, 147, 153, 221, 
 William III., statue of, 200. 
 Wine, Royal, at Bristol, 3 ; royal exac- 
 tions on, 112 to 119; Society's gifts of, 
 
 157, 220. 
 Wine licenses, local, 146. 
 Woad trade, 23. 
 Worcester, Marquis of (Dukeof Beaufort), 
 
 172 ; Marquis, hon. freeman, 225. 
 Worrall, Samuel, 230. 
 Wyatt, Willm., 131, 162. 
 Yate, Robt., 169. 
 Yeamans, Wm., 145. 
 York, Archbishop of, on local abuses, 153. 
 York, Duke of, hon, freeman, 225. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page i6, 5th line from foot, for " xx " read " xv." 
 
 Page 33, line 21, for " eny " read " evy." 
 
 Page 33, i2th line from foot, for " enj' " read " evy.'' 
 
 Page 35, line 4, ditto. 
 
 Page 35, line 22, ditto. 
 
 Page 35, line 27, foy " alwey " read " awey." 
 
 Page 40, line 4, for " habend " read " hand." 
 
 Page 40, 4th line from foot, for " ac " read " et." 
 
 Page 41, line 3, for " huiusmodo " read " huiusmodi." 
 
 Page 41, line 6, for " existend " read " existen." 
 
 Page 42, line 6, fov " aditaut " read " aditant." 
 
 J. W. Arrowsmith, Printer, Quay Street, Bristol, 
 
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