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SIDELIGHTS ON THE 
 COURT OF FRANCE 
 
 By Lieut.-Colonel ANDREW C. P. 
 
 HAGGARD. D.S.O 
 
 Author of "Hannibars Daughter" . 
 
 • "Under Crescent and Star," dJc, 
 
 WITH A PHOTOGRAVURE FRONTISPIECE 
 AND SIXTEEN OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 New York: E. P. DUTTON 6 CO. 
 London: HUTCHINSON 6 CO. 
 
 1 903 
 
PRINTED BY 
 
 HAZELL, WATSON AND VINEY, LD., 
 
 LONDON AND AYLESBURY, 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
TO 
 
 H. MACNAUGHTON-JONES, M.D, 
 
 IN ADMIRATION OF HIS 
 WORK AND CAREER 
 
Although these *' Sidelights " cover the period from 
 Francois I. to Louis XIII., and his great minister 
 Richelieu, they are more particularly concerned with 
 Henri de Navarre and the League. The early chapters 
 are in a sense introductory to the story of the League, 
 while the later pages are indicative of its consequences. 
 
 ANDREW HAGGARD. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 Diane de Poitiers and the Sire de Jarnac 
 
 1523—1547 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Diane de Poitiers and the King. — Diane Mistress of Francois I. — 
 Of the Dauphin. — Anne de Pisselieu succeeds Madame de 
 Chateaubriant. — Is married and created Duchesse d'Etampes. — 
 Diane's Jealousy of her Influence. — She protects Catherine de 
 Mddicis. — Hatred between the Two Parties. — The Dauphin's 
 Calumny of Jarnac. — De la Chataigneraie takes up the Quarrel. 
 — Francois I. forbids the Duel. — The King dies March, 1547 . i 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The Stroke of Jarnac 
 
 July lot/i, 1547 
 
 Determination to kill Jarnac. — The Lists prepared and the Nobility 
 invited to be Present. — The Challenger prepares a Supper. — 
 The Bourbons leave the Lists. — Jarnac chooses Media^val 
 Weapons. — The Constable Montmorency decides for Fair Play. 
 — The Combat. — The Stroke of Jarnac. — The Young King's 
 Unfair Behaviour. — Chataigneraie like a Wild Beast. — The 
 King Furious, while Diane is Shamed. — Triumph of Jarnac. — 
 Henri II. slaughters the Crowd 10 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Troubles of Henri III. with the League 
 
 1574 and Later 
 
 Accession of Henri III. — His Friendship with the Venetians. — The 
 League. — Its Constitution. — Its Objects. — Its Ramifications. — 
 
 vii 
 
viii Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 France to become Subservient to Spain.— The Guises to rule.— 
 Catherine de M^dicis joins the League.— The Mignons of 
 Henri III., d'Epernon and Joyeuse.— Bussy d'Amboise i1//;^/z^// 
 of the Due d'Alencon.— His Romantic Death.— The Effete 
 Joyeuse commands the Army against the King of Navarre.— 
 Henri de Navarre defeats and slays him at Coutras, 1587.— 
 Immoral Dalliance of Henri de Navarre .... 20 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The League and Mary Queen of Scots 
 
 1582 
 
 Emissaries of the League.— Plottings against Elizabeth.— Imprudence 
 of the Jesuit Spies.— Gilbert Gifford.— Wisdom of Walsingham. 
 — Gifford his Tool- Reluctance of Elizabeth to proceed to 
 Extremes.— The League offers Boulogne to Philip II.— Antwerp 
 sacked. — The Romance of a Beautiful Queen.— Anxiety of the 
 Reformed Church.— Mary bequeaths England to Philip II.— 
 Folly of Babington.— Nau gives Details of Mary's Complicity. 
 —The Death of Mary owing to Clumsiness of the Leaguers.— 
 The Comparative Comfort of Mary for Fifteen Years.— France 
 and Spain her Real Executioners 28 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The Death of Henri de Guise 
 
 December 2yd, 1 588 
 
 Unhappiness of Henri III. — Spaniards, Priests, and Guise conspire 
 to raise the People.— The King a Prisoner in the Louvre. — 
 Henri de Guise aims at the Crown. — He reigns in Paris. — The 
 King flies to Blois. — Signs the Act of Union. — Gives Every- 
 thing to the Guise Family. — Almost starves at Blois. — The 
 Queen-mother a Leaguer also. — Lying Habits of Guise. — His 
 Charming Mistress. — His Protection of Ruffianly Followers. — 
 The King advised to kill Guise. — The Meeting of the Council 
 fixed as Date to murder him. — Henri III. personally super- 
 intends the Arrangements. — Guise Careless of Life. — Strives to 
 reassure Madame de Noirmontiers. — Walks into the Trap. — 
 Is assassinated in the King's Own Cabinet . . . -35 
 
Contents ix 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Tyranny of the League 
 
 1588 afid After 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Anarchy in Paris.— Mistake of Henri HI.— Spain behind the League. 
 — Death of Catherine de Medicis. — The Duchesse de Mont- 
 pensier seeks her Brother Mayenne. — The Sixteen. — The 
 Council General reduces Taxes. — Abolishes Rents. — Relieves 
 the Liability of the Clergy to pay Hotel de Ville Rentes.— 
 Women denounced by Preachers.— Religion a Pretext for 
 Accusation of Personal Enemies. — Amyot and Duranti done 
 to Death. — The Processions. — Women in Chemises. — The 
 Duchesse de Montpensier d. la Lady Godiva. — The Scandals 
 resulting from the Processions 46 
 
 CHAPTER Vn 
 The League murders Henri HI 
 
 1589 
 
 Henri de Navarre attempts a Reconciliation. — His Descent from 
 the Comte de Clermont. — His Complex Character. — His 
 Numerous Mistresses. — His Fear of Assassination. — Du Plessis- 
 Mornay writes a Peace Manifesto to Henri HL — Henri de 
 Navarre advances on Tours. — The King, alarmed, determines 
 on Friendship. — The Two Kings embrace. — The Armies 
 fraternise. — The Due de Mayenne attacks Saint Symphonic. — 
 Succour given to Henri \\\. by Chatillon. — The Leaguers foiled. 
 — Their Debauchery and Orgies. — The Forces of the Two 
 Kings advance on Paris. — The League trembles. — The Duchesse 
 de Montpensier determines to assassinate the King. — Jacques 
 Clement. — He stabs Henri II L — Courtiers vow Fealty to Henri 
 de Navarre in the Dying King's Presence 55 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Henri de Navarre defeats the League 
 
 1589 and 1590 
 
 Disappointment of the Duchesse. — Masses for the Murderer and his 
 Mother. — Coldness of the Courtiers. — Poverty of Henri IV. — 
 He wears his Predecessor's Clothes. — Spain refuses to support 
 Mayenne's Pretensions to the Crown. — Henri Cheerful. — He 
 
 b 
 
Contents 
 
 determines to Fight.— A Bom Leader of Men.— Retires to 
 Dieppe.— Entrenches himself at Arques.— Mayenne attacks 
 with a Large Army.— The Battle of Arques.— Utter Defeat of 
 Mayenne, September 21st, 1589.— Queen Elizabeth sends 
 Troops.— Venice sends an Embassy.— Henri sacks the Suburbs 
 of Paris.— Battle of Ivry, 1590.— Henri vanquishes the Leaguers. 
 —Shows great Personal Bravery, charging at the Head of his 
 Horse 
 
 PAGE 
 
 64 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 The League Besieged 
 
 1590 and Later 
 
 Distracted State of France.— Neglectful Behaviour of Henri IV.— 
 Advance on Paris.— Seizure of all Bread and Flour.— Death of 
 Cardinal de Bourbon.— King PhiHp II. behaves coldly towards 
 the Guises.— Spanish Clerics and Troops everywhere.— Duke of 
 Savoy invades Provence.— Spanish Troops but no Money for 
 Mayenne.— Monks as Mihtiamen.— They nearly shoot the 
 Pope's Legate by Accident.— Revenge of Henri III.'s Widow 
 on Jacques Clement's Prior.— No Real Religion in Paris.— 
 Debauchery of Monks and Nuns inside Paris.— Henri IV. 
 makes love in the Convents without the Walls.— Increasing 
 Misery in the City.— Children killed and eaten.— Henri allows 
 People to leave.— Prince of Parma takes Corbeil with Terrible 
 Atrocities.— He leaves France, but leaves the Leaguers no 
 Money.— Ferocious Sermons.— The Council of Ten.— They 
 hang Brisson by Treachery, with Approval of Spanish Embassy. 
 —The People of Paris struck with Horror.— La Rue declares 
 against "The Sixteen."— Mayenne allowed to enter Paris . 73 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Dissensions within the League 
 
 1590 and Later 
 
 Mayenne attacks the Bastille. — Hangs Five of The Sixteen. — 
 Disunion between the League and the Spaniards. — The Prince 
 of Parma joins Mayenne. — Henri IV. reconnoitres rashly. — 
 The Italian General is Gouty. — His List Slippers astonish Henri, 
 who is wounded. — Villars' Successful Sortie. — Prince of Parma 
 hemmed in. — His Arrival in Paris. — His Departure and Death. — 
 
Contents xi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Claims of Philip II. laughed at. — People turn to Henri. — 
 Abominable Excesses of the League Soldiery. — Will Henri 
 change Religion ? — Bellegarde shows Gabrielle to Henri IV. — 
 Gabrielle d'Estrees becomes the King's Mistress. — She inclines 
 towards the Catholic Faith. — Henri decides to take the Perilous 
 Leap 84 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 Conversion of Henri IV 
 
 1593— 1594 
 
 Gavaret attempts Assassination of King. — Barri^re attempts Assas- 
 sination of King. — Several Large Cities and Provence turn 
 Royahst. — Plot to enthrone the Atheist young Cardinal de 
 Bourbon. — Henri IV. frightened into CathoHcism. — Tries to 
 swallow its Tenets in a Lump. — An Unwilling Pupil. — Henri 
 swears to e.xterminate Heretics. — Gabrielle bears the King a 
 Son. — Her Ambition. — King's Ingratitude to Chatillon. — 
 Chatillon dies of Grief. — D'Aubigne, the Huguenot Satirist. — 
 Henri's Deserted Dog. — D'Aubigne's Interview with the King 
 and Gabrielle. — Henri stabbed upon the Lip by Chastel. — 
 He cringes for Absolution. — The Fall of Paris by Brissac's 
 Treachery. — His Reward. — Spaniards march out unmolested. — 
 The King Crazy with Childish Glee. — His Clemency to Catholic 
 Culprits. — He becomes friendly with the Guise Family . . 93 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 Henri overcomes the League 
 
 1594— 1598 
 
 Distracted Condition of France. — The Terrors of Religious Differ- 
 ences. — Henri neglects his Old Co-religionists. — Grovels to the 
 Pope. — Du Perron and d'Ossat. — The Pope and Philip II. 
 alike governed by Political Reasons. — D'Ossat and du Perron 
 flogged by Grand Penitentiary. — The Conditions of Henri's 
 Absolution. — Huguenots remain Faithful. — The King's Rewards 
 to his Enemies, — Absurd Terms to Villars. — War with Spain. 
 — Brilliant Victory of Fontaine-Frangaise. — Loss of Calais, 
 Cambrai, and Amiens. — Amiens retaken. — Henri Faithless to 
 his Allies. — Want of Money and Want of Men. — The Peace of 
 Vervins, 1598. — The Edict of Nantes. — Its Limited Advantages 
 to the Huguenots . . . . . 103 
 
xii Contents 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 Charmante Gabrielle 
 
 1589— 1599 
 
 PAGE 
 
 " Charmante Gabrielle," a Song composed by Henri IV. — The King 
 lives Maritalement with Gabrielle d'Estr^es.— Obtains Divorce 
 from Marguerite de Valois. — Is Anxious to marry Gabrielle. — 
 The Pope demurs to granting her a Divorce. — Her Rank and 
 Power. — Friendship of the King's Sister. — Of the Princess of 
 Orange.— The French Marriage or the Italian Marriage?— 
 Priests and Monks favour the Latter. — Attribute Satanic Visita- 
 tions to Gabrielle. — They preach against her. — Two New Plots 
 for Assassination of the King. — The Devil-possessed Martha. — 
 Henri falls Sick. — Recovers, and his Doctors cure Martha. — 
 Threatens the Parhament.— Gabrielle offends Sully. — The King 
 insults her. — Marie de M(^dicis offered to Henri. — Zamet the 
 Moor. — La Varenne the Go-between in Amorous Adventures. — 
 His Relations with the Jesuits. — Gabrielle sent to Zamet's House 
 for Easter. — La Varenne supposed to be her Safeguard. — The 
 Princesse de Guise her False Friend. — Gabrielle poisoned by 
 Zamet. — Complicity of La Varenne 112 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Mistresses and Wives of Henri de Navarre 
 
 1587 — 1610 
 
 Immorality of the King recognised. — Fifty-six Left-handed AUiances. 
 — Ladies of all Ranks. — Titles freely granted them. — Marquises, 
 Duchesses, and Abbesses. — Their Direct and Indirect Action on 
 the Monarch. — Flags from Coutras for Corisande, Gold Plate 
 from Calais for Gabrielle, and Banners from Savoy for Henriette. 
 — Henri " well out of it " when Gabrielle poisoned. — Ambas- 
 sadors' Condolences. — No Enquiry as to Cause of Death. — The 
 Buffoon La Varenne finds Marie Touchet's Daughter, — King 
 instantly charmed by Henriette d'Entragues. — Her Appearance 
 and Disposition. — Henri bargains for her. — D'Entragues sells 
 his Daughter.— A Written Promise of Marriage.— Henriette 
 handed over. — A Quarrel with Duke of Savoy. — Treachery of 
 Biron.— Marie de Mddicis and her Money.— Skill of Sully 
 against the Savoyard.— Biron befooled at Battle of Bourg-en- 
 Bresse.— King forgives him.— The Amours of Marguerite de 
 Valois.— Misfortune of Henriette. — Henri deceives her and 
 marries Marie.— The King disappointed with Marie de MMicis. 123 
 
Contents xiii 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 
 
 1589 — 1610 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Personal Magnetism of the King. — Peace to the Peasants and 
 Punishment to the Peasants. — Political Infidelities. — Neglect of 
 the Vaudois. — Inconsistent Action as regards Spain. — Double 
 Life with New Mistress and New Wife. — The Queen's Cavalieri 
 Sen>en/i. — -Inconsistent Behaviour to Marie and Henriette. — 
 Henri IV. and Biron. — La Fin's Disclosures. — Duplicity met 
 with Duplicity. — Sully visits Queen Elizabeth. — Biron sent to 
 Queen Elizabeth. — Biron's Guns taken by Trickery. — The King's 
 Kindness to Biron. — Biron in the Bastille. — The King causes 
 his Condemnation. — Biron baffles the Executioners. — Is be- 
 headed by a Ruse at One Blow. — Inconsistent Action of Henri 
 towards Other Conspirators 133 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 The Secret Plot of Henri IV 
 
 1602 a7id Later 
 
 The King thwarted at Every Turn. — His Illnesses.— A Change of 
 Policy. — Henri advances against Due de Bouillon. — Marie de 
 Medicis begs for Bouillon. — Bouillon deprived of Sedan for 
 Four Years. — The King's Conspiracy. — Sully the Other Plotter. — 
 Their Plot for a War of Humanity. — Sully amasses Money. — 
 Henri prepares for a Coalition of the Heart. — A Million Moors 
 to assist. — Duke of Savoy disappointed at Philip II.'s Will. — 
 He prepares to assist against Spain. — Elector of Bavaria ready 
 to join, — Henri's Plan. — Another Conspiracy. — Henriette and 
 d'Epernon conspire. — Marie de Medicis and Concini. — Leonora 
 Galigai. — Marie maiTies her to Concini. — Keeps Concini always 
 near her. — Henri Hopeless of Divorce. — Reasons for desiring the 
 King's Death. — Henriette Vicious. — The King's New Mistress. — 
 Henriette declares her Children's Legitimacy. — She hates the 
 King. — Combines with the Queen against Henri's Life . . 145 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 Was Henri IV. a Great King? 
 
 Henri the Foundation of Law and Order. — His Nobility of Action. — 
 Leniency to Assassins. — Protection of the Poor. — Of the 
 Magistracy. — Nobles forbidden to marry Great Heiresses. — 
 Improved Condition of the Louvre. — Workshops and Studios. — 
 
xiv Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Talent encouraged, Agriculture fostered. — Trade in Silk, Glass, 
 and Linen established. — Roads and Woods cared for. — 
 Cruelty of Nobles repressed- — Salmon, Trout, and other Fish 
 protected. — Taxation altered. — ProWncial Administration care- 
 fully watched. — The Royal Library, New Bridges, and New 
 Streets. — Fortresses and Artillery improved. — Great Accom- 
 plishments despite Continual Opposition. — Henri's Great Scheme 
 for Canals and Waten\'ay5. — Continual Plans for the Good of 
 his Countn'. — Ever striving for a Religion of Humanity. — 
 Henri IV. was Great -155 
 
 CHAPTER X\'in 
 
 HEXRI IV. A>'D THE NYMPH OF DiANA 
 
 1609 
 
 No Peace in the Palace. — Concini's Continual Insolence. — Bad 
 Temper of Marie de Medicis. — Henriette Maria Henri's Child. 
 — Henri's Horror of ConcinL — The Italian half killed by Pariia- 
 ment Clerks. — Henri's Continued Connection ^vith Henriette 
 d'Entragues. — Refuses to allow her to marry a Guise. — The 
 Due de Joyeuse. — D'Epemon finds a Tool in Henriette. — 
 Their Conspiracy known to the Queen and Concini. — The 
 Greatest Beauty in France. — Henri violently in Love with the 
 N)Tnph of Diana. — The Young Girl flattered and SNTnpathetic. — 
 Mademoiselle Charlotte Marguerite de Montmorency responds 
 to the King's Advances. — Her Engagement to Bassompierre 
 broken off. — Henri's Emotion upon Receipt of Portrait of 
 Charlotte Marguerite. — The King determines to marry her to 
 Young Conde. — The Beauty to be Conde's Wife in Name only. — 
 Conde's Doubtful Origin. — Constant Immorality in Royal Circles 
 entirely disregarded. — The King 111 from Love and Despair. — 
 Conde leaves his Wife Free for Ten Weeks. — Returns ^\-ith his 
 Mother and carries her off to Brussels. — Conde openly joins 
 with Spain 164 
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 The Doom of Henri IV 
 
 1609 — 1610 
 
 The Outraged Husband.— Not a Word about the Princesse.— 
 Conde's Manifesto an Incentive to Rebellion.— His Wife Anxious 
 to fly to Henri's .\rms.— Her Father the Constable her Accom- 
 plice. — The Love -distracted Monarch perturbed. — The Queen's 
 Importunities for Coronation.— Henri considers Queen's Con- 
 
Missing Page 
 
Contents xv 
 
 PAGE 
 
 secration his own Death-warrant. — Trouble in the Rhine 
 Provinces. — The Emperor declares Cleves and Juliers seques- 
 trated. — Henri deceives the Jesuit Cotton. — War declared and 
 Henri Cheerful once more. — Three Protestant Generals. — Anger 
 of the Due d'Epernon. — The Guises disregard Edict against 
 Duelhng. — D'Epernon too Wary for the King. — He prays for 
 his Friend's Life in Vain. — Spain pretends to back Conde's 
 Pretensions. — The King's Death determined. — The Instigation 
 of Ravaillac. — The Conspirators Careful not to compromise 
 themselves. — The King's Warnings. — Semi-silence of Sully. — • 
 Disregard by Sully of the Warnings of Mademoiselle d'Escoman 
 and Mademoiselle Gournay. .176 
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 Assassination of Henri IV 
 
 1610 
 
 Frangois Ravaillac. — His Evil Looks, but Kind Heart. — A Man of 
 Visions. — His Wanderings and Visitings. — Lagarde meets him 
 at Naples. — Jesuit Father Alagon endeavours to associate 
 Lagarde in the Murder-plot. — Lagarde warns Henri, who re- 
 assures him. — Henri confides in Sully. — The Queen's Conni- 
 vance. — Ravaillac himself endeavours to warn Henri. — The 
 True Cross of Christ in Cotton-wool. ^The Young Lady 
 d'Escoman. — Her Doubtful Reputation, but Loyal Heart. — Is 
 made a Tool of by Henriette d'Entragues. — She disregards 
 Personal Safety and determines to save Henri IV. — The Queen 
 will not see her. — The Jesuits treat her freezingly. — She 
 persists, and is imprisoned for Life. — Is Undaunted even in 
 Prison. — More UnavaiHng Messages to the Queen. — Mademoi- 
 selle d'Escoman sends Mademoiselle de Gournay to Sully. — 
 Sully for once fails in his Duty.— Henri laughs at his Son 
 Vendome's Fears. — Drives out with d'Epernon and Montbazon. 
 — Ravaillac stabs the King and kills him. — Triumph of the 
 Queen's Party. — D'Epernon overawes the ParUament. — Marie 
 de Medicis Queen-Regent. — The Young King chastised. — 
 Ravaillac tortured to Death 185 
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 The Fate of Concini 
 
 1610 — 1617 
 
 Indifference Nowadays to Death of Monarchs. — Difference in 
 France when Henri IV. died. — Change of Policy and Restored 
 Power of Nobles and Clergy. — Devil-worship, Witchcraft, and 
 
xvi Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Sorcery rampant. — The Seeds laid for the Terror of i793- — 
 Universal Howl of Rage against all concerned in Henri's 
 Death. — A Jesuit vainly preaches another Massacre of Hugue- 
 nots. — Ineptitude and Inaction of the Bourbon Princes. — 
 Soissons and Cond^ accept the Situation. — Concini's Presump- 
 tion at Queen-Regent's First Appearance before a Session 
 of the Parliament of Paris. — De Harlay reproves him. — De 
 Harlay reprimands d'Epernon. — Concini, now Mar^chal d'Ancre, 
 practically King. — The Bridge of Love. — Albert de Luynes the 
 Young King's Favourite. — His Origin. — The Queen-Regent's 
 Extravagance. — Exiguity of Young Louis XIII.'s Appointments. 
 — De Luynes his Tutor for Field Sports. — Louis XIII. sends de 
 Luynes to the Infanta. — Concini distrusts de Luynes. — Louis 
 practically a Prisoner after his Marriage. — De Vitry, Captain of 
 the King's Guards. — He hates Concini, and Hatred Mutual. — 
 How to kill Concini? — De Vitry selected. — Risk of de Vitry. — 
 He loses his Head and almost fails. — Death of Concini. — The 
 Young King shows his Approval. — Paris Delighted. — The 
 Marechal's Body burned and his Heart eaten. — The Queen- 
 Regent's Ingratitude to Leonora. — She is dragged to Prison. — 
 Is decapitated and her Body burned 198 
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 Arnoux, Berulle, and Richelieu 
 
 1617 — 1623 
 
 The Queen-mother banished to Blois. — De Luynes Omnipotent. — 
 Travail broken on the Wheel. — Queen-mother offers to disclose 
 All. — De Luynes stays Proceedings against Henri's Assassins. 
 — His Marriage. — Spain Friendly to de Luynes. — Father 
 Cotton replaced by Arnoux as King's Confessor. — The Influence 
 of the Jesuits. — Arnoux's Influence exerted to persecute 
 Huguenots. — Protestants deprived of all Privileges. — Deceived 
 by their own Leaders. — Louis marches to Beam. — Cruelties 
 to the B^arnese Women. — Civil War. — The Queen-mother's 
 Perilous Escape. — The King's Troops defeat her at Angers. — 
 Kiss and make Friends. — Richelieu. — His Origin and Appear- 
 ance. — His Instincts are Soldierly. — His Duplicity proved by 
 his Memoirs. — His Early Career. — Berulle. — He founds the 
 Oratorio. — Combines with Arnoux to work for Spain. — La 
 Vieuville. — He recalls Richelieu. — Combined Action against de 
 Luynes. — De Luynes dismisses Arnoux and dies. — Spain and 
 Austria devastate Protestant Germany. — La Valteline revolts 
 and joins Spain. — Venice and Savoy cry to France. — La 
 Vieuville makes a Treaty of Alliance with them . . .212 
 
Contents xvii 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 
 
 1624 — 162S 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The So-called Policy of Richelieu. — La Vieuville's Pohcy. — Richelieu 
 follows it. — Henriette Maria of France made the Means of so 
 doing. — The Duke of Buckingham. — His Libertinism in Madrid. 
 — A Maid under the Mantilla. — Aspirations to Catholicise 
 England. — The Pope plays BeruUe. — The Pope possesses him- 
 self of Valteline Forts. — Richelieu persuades Louis the Pope 
 practically despises him. — An Ambassador with an Army. — 
 D'Estrees drives out Papal Forces. — Strange Stipulations of 
 Henriette's Marriage Contract. — Buckingham plays the Beau 
 in France. — The Loves of Buckingham and Anne of Austria. — 
 Duchesse de Che^Teuse their Go-between. — The ^lan in the 
 Iron Mask their Son. — The Young Queen's Malpractices. — 
 Richelieu the Lover of Two Queens. — Richelieu and his Niece. 
 — The Queens join in a Plot to murder the Minister. — Monsieur 
 one of the Would-be Murderers. — Death of Chalais. — Banish- 
 ment of La Chevreuse. — Queen Anne condemned to Female 
 Societ>' only. — Folly of Henriette in England. — Berulle's Bel- 
 ligerent Desires baffled by Richelieu. — The Cardinal dons the 
 Sword. — Siege of Rochelle. — Buckingham a Traitor. — The 
 Women driven out of Rochelle. — Their Sad Fate. — Fall of 
 Rochelle a Blow to France. — The Expense of the Siege cripples 
 Richelieu. — It compels him to disband many Necessary 
 Regiments 227 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 Richelieu after Rochelle 
 
 1629— 1630 
 
 The Horrors of the Thirt>' Years' War. — Wallenstein's Mercenaries. 
 — Victories of Spain won by Spinola. — Wallenstein or Wald- 
 stein's Origin. — Germany devastated as brutally as France 
 devastated. — Horrors of Religious Persecution. — Richelieu 
 returns to Foes in Paris. — His Attitude. — He seriously reproves 
 the King, — Louis XIII. begs Richelieu not to desert him. — 
 Richeheu takes the King off to the War. — The Succession of 
 IMantua by Due de Nevers cause of the War with Spain and 
 Austria. — The Frightened Pope angles for Richeheu's Aid. — 
 The Cardinal's Convictions change. — The Two Queens' Un- 
 patriotic Intrigues. — Mantua threatened from the Alps. — 
 Unpatriotic Action of Crequi and Guise. — Duke of Savoy 
 
XX Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 — Mutinous Conduct of the Nobles causes Disaster. — France 
 invaded and the Queen's Court gratified. — Sublet du Noyer's 
 Incapacity. — France shorn hke a Sheep. — The Energy of 
 Richelieu produces a New Army from Paris. — Universal Pillage 
 by the Allies. — Louis XIII. and Richelieu gain Some Successes. 
 — Richelieu checkmated and the Empire strengthened. — The 
 Queen's Attractive Appearance at Thirty-seven. — Her Vanity 
 her Bane. — Her Criminal Relations with Enemies of France. — 
 Her Plot in 1637 and Betrayal of Laporte. — She offers Every- 
 thing ! — Coldness of Richelieu.— His Leniency and Forgiveness, 
 but the King Implacable. — A Strange Conspiracy in which La 
 Hautefort and La Lafayette are both engaged. — The Result, 
 an Heir to France after Twenty-two Years of Marriage ! — The 
 Cardinal's Digust too Deep for Expression 288 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII 
 
 The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 
 
 1638— 1641 
 
 Delight of France at Birth of the Dauphin. — Universal Detestation 
 of Richelieu. — The Nobility foiled by his Fiscal System. — The 
 Clergy close their Purse-strings. — French Arms defeated in 
 Catalonia, Low Countries, and Italy. — Weimar takes Breisach 
 for France, but keeps Alsace for himself. — His Convenient 
 Death. — Juhus Mazarino, later Cardinal Mazarin. — Generosity 
 of Richelieu, Avarice of Mazarin. — Wealth of the Church. — Du 
 Puy's "Gallican Liberties." — The Book alarms the Pope. — 
 Mazarin gets Richelieu to withdraw it. — D'Estree's Fruitless 
 Embassy to Rome. — Louis XIII. persuaded to accept Du Puy's 
 Book. — He demands Three Million Francs from the Clergy. — 
 The Bishops baffle the Cardinal. — Mazarin becomes Political 
 Pupil of Richelieu.— No Cardinal's Hat for Father Joseph ! — He 
 dies disappointed. — Mazarin makes Love to Anne of Austria, — 
 Birth of her Second Son. — Richelieu places Cinq Mars in the 
 King's Path. — Louis tries "to form'' him. — Becomes absurdly 
 attached to Cinq Mars.— Mademoiselle de Hautefort has a Will 
 of her own. — The Cardinal checks the King for bringing Cinq 
 Mars to the Council.— Louis weeps at his Favourite's Follies. 
 — Ruffianly Behaviour of Spanish Garrison in Catalonia. — 
 Louis Xlll. annexes Catalonia at Request of the Catalans. — 
 The Conspiracy of the Women.— It leads to Invasion of France, 
 headed by Comte de Soissons.— His Victory and his Death by 
 Treachery.— Delight of Richelieu.— His Insulting Play and its 
 Freezing Reception 001 
 
Contents xxi 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX 
 Last Days of Richeliklt, Marik de Medicis, and the King 
 
 1641—1643 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Cardinal's Continual Power. — He continually frustrates Con- 
 spiracies. — Another Plot against his Life. — j\Iadame de 
 Chevreuse again ! — Auguste de Thou made a Tool of by " La 
 Che\reuse.'— The A^ictini of I'^nrequited Love.— ?^Ladame de 
 Gucniene not so Keser\-ed with Retz. — Cinq ?ilars repeats Kingr's 
 Random Remarks. — Richelieu to be killed at Lyons. — Gaston 
 Faithless as Usual. — Richelieu's Retreat to Tarascon. — By 
 iMaz.irin's Ad\ice Anne will run no Risks. — She rex'eals the 
 Plot to the Cardinal. — Richelieu catches Gaston by a Risky 
 Ruse. — De Thou and Cinq Mars executed. — The King cringes 
 to the Cardinal. — Conde's Son d'Enghien and the Cardinal. — 
 His Peculiar Beha\iour after Marriage with Richelieu's Tweh'e- 
 ye;u-old Niece. — The Fury of Richelieu. — A Second Insult by 
 d'Enghien. — TeiTihc Rage and Terrible Oaths of the Cardinal. 
 — Terror of the Condes, Father and Son. ^Madame de Combalet 
 gives Good Adxice. — The Result, an Heir to the Line of Conde. 
 — Richelieu, still \'indictive, humiliates d'Enghien. — The Young" 
 Prince becomes the Cardinal's Sla\-e. — Richelieu carried to 
 Rueil. — A Final \'isit to Louis and Mutual Suspicion. — A Final 
 Gift and its ]\Iode of Acceptance. — A Decent and Devout 
 Death. — Richelieu's Last Words that he had no Enemies. — 
 What he was and what he did. — E\en in Death he is obeyed by 
 the King. — Death of Marie de Medicis at CologTie. — Death of 
 Louis XIII. — Discomfiture of Gaston. — Triumph of Anne and 
 Maiarin her Minister . . . . .316 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Henri IV., King of France .... 
 
 Francois I., King of France .... 
 
 Diane de Saint- Vallier, known as Diane de 
 Poitiers . 
 
 Mary Queen of Scots ... 
 
 Henri, Due de Guise, known as Le Balafre 
 
 Henri HI., King of France, the Last of 
 THE Valois 
 
 Philip H., King of Spain .... 
 
 Marguerite de Valois, Queen of France 
 AND Navarre. ... 
 
 Gabrielle d'Estrees, Duchesse de Beaufort 
 Marie de Medicis, Queen of France . 
 FRAN901S Ravaillac 
 
 Henri IV., King of France, First of the 
 Bourbon Kings, lying in State after 
 his Assassination .... • » » 196 
 
 Jean de la Valette, Due d'Epernon . . „ „ 204 
 
 Armand du Plessis, Cardinal de Richelieu „ „ 220 
 
 Louis XI II., King of France .... „ ,,264 
 
 Anne of Austria, Queen of France . „ „ 296 
 
 Julius Mazarino, known as Cardinal Mazarin „ „ 304 
 
 
 Frontispiece 
 
 Facing page 
 
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 46 
 
 
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 62 
 
 
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 88 
 
 
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 96 
 
 
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 112 
 
 
 )) 
 
 148 
 
 
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 184 
 
 XXlll 
 
Sidelio-hts on the Court of France 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Diane de Poitiers and the Sire de Jarnac 
 
 1523— 1547 
 
 Diane de Poitiers and the King. — Diane Mistress of Francois I, — Of the 
 Dauphin. — Anne de Pisselieu succeeds Madame de Chateaubriant. — 
 Is married and created Duchesse d'Etampes. — Diane's Jealousy 
 of her Influence. — She protects Catherine de Medicis. — Hatred 
 between the Two Parties. — The Dauphin's Calumny of Jarnac. — 
 De la Chataigneraie takes up the Quarrel. — Francois I. forbids 
 the Duel.— The King dies March, 1547. 
 
 " Sire ! I have come to demand from you grace for 
 my father, Saint Vallier, Captain of your Majesty's 
 Guards, at present condemned to death upon informa- 
 tion supplied by my husband, Mons. de Breze, the 
 Senechal de Normandie." 
 
 Thus boldly spoke the beautiful girl who afterwards 
 figures so largely in history under the sobriquet of Diane 
 de Poitiers. 
 
 "Oh! indeed, a very calm request," replied King 
 Francois I. ; " and would you perhaps ask me to pardon 
 the Due de Bourbon also ? " 
 
 " The Due de Bourbon is strong enough to look after 
 himself," boldly replied the self-possessed young lady, the 
 
 I 
 
2 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 proudest and most graceful woman in the kingdom, 
 " My father alone requires protection from his daughter, 
 and forgiveness from his King at that daughter's request, 
 and — the King will grant it." 
 
 *' And what will the fair Senechale grant to the 
 King in return for such a mark of the Royal favour ? " 
 answered King Francois, smiling meaningly at the 
 woman, who, wife of the grandson of Charles VII. and 
 Agnes Sorel, had hitherto been celebrated, in an immoral 
 age, for the rigidity of her behaviour. 
 
 "She will give herself," laconically replied Diane 
 de Poitiers. 
 
 Thus was the compact made. Saint Vallier was 
 spared ; and while, to keep him quiet, honours and 
 riches were heaped upon the Senechal de Normandie, 
 Diane de Poitiers became for a time the King's mistress. 
 This event took place in 1523. Although the liaison 
 was not a lasting one, it endured long enough to make 
 horrible that which occurred thirteen years later, in 1536. 
 Then Diane assumed the same position with the son, 
 the young Dauphin — afterwards Henri II. of France — 
 that she had formerly held with the father. 
 
 The causes that led to this must be detailed. 
 
 After his defeat and capture at the Battle of Pavia, 
 Francois I. was imprisoned for a long time in Madrid. 
 He only regained his liberty by yielding up to the 
 Emperor Charles-Quint his own two young sons, as 
 hostages for the fulfilment of a treaty which he never 
 fulfilled. 
 
 The result of his want of faith was that the children 
 were treated with such hardship in prison that one of 
 them died quite young, while the other was reduced 
 
Diane de Poitiers and the Sire de Jarnac 3 
 
 to a state of stupidity, and his nature brutified for life. 
 This was the Dauphin. 
 
 Meanwhile, Francois I., careless of his children's 
 fate, joined his mother, who had been Queen-Regent 
 during his captivity, at Mont-de-Marsan. His mother, 
 thinking to enliven him upon his release, had brought to 
 meet him a crowd of beautiful ladies, including the 
 charming Madame de Chateaubriant, who had been so 
 much to him, and upon whom, by his cruel neglect, 
 he brought so many and such great misfortunes. 
 
 Upon her, however, he turned his back : the Oueen- 
 mother having particularly brought to his notice a young 
 lady whom she thought more likely to cheer him up and 
 make him forget his captivity than the already unhappy 
 Madame de Chateaubriant, whose husband's constant and 
 violent jealousy had already brought her much trouble ; 
 in fact, he eventually starved her to death. 
 
 Indeed, if there were a young lady who was calculated 
 to make Francois I. forget the dark-browed ladies of 
 Spain, it surely was Anne de PisseHeu, the very juvenile 
 daughter of a noble family of Ficardy. 
 
 Her skin was of a dazzling whiteness; she was well 
 read and a good talker, she was charming, she was bold. 
 
 The King succumbed at once to the young girl's 
 charms, and she did not make him languish in despair. 
 
 This was the moment when his good and ever-faithful 
 sister Marguerite lost her influence over him, for ever ; 
 and with her went the hopes for the ascendency of the 
 Reformed reliction in France. Thenceforward the mis- 
 tress it was who reigned. The sister was, to get her out 
 of the way, married off against her will to Jean d'Albret, 
 King of Navarre, a king without a kingdom. From 
 
4 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 having been virtually Queen of France, the rest of 
 Marguerite's life was reduced to exile at Pau. 
 
 Meanwhile, according to the custom of the times, 
 the King lost no time in providing his new mistress 
 with a husband, who was paid to keep away from his 
 wife. 
 
 This was one La Brosse or Penthievre, who had 
 been a prominent follower of the disloyal Due de 
 Bourbon at the same time as Diane's father, Saint Vallier. 
 He was only too delighted to obtain his pardon and 
 return from exile, to live in wealth and happiness ever 
 after — alone, a good long way off, in Brittany. 
 
 The fair young Anne de Pisselieu, having been duly 
 married, was also duly created Duchesse d'Etampes. 
 This was in 1525, and from that date until the death of 
 Francois I. in 1547 she was never sent away by him 
 in favour of any other lady. The probable cause of 
 this, and of the enormous ascendency which for many 
 years the still young Duchesse d'Etampes obtained and 
 held in the kingdom, was the constant and terrible 
 illness of the King himself during the ten years before 
 his death. 
 
 For many of these years, although Diane de Poitiers 
 seems to have kept up a friendliness with the monarch, 
 there does not appear to have been any marked jealousy 
 between the haughty and stately Marechale and the 
 Duchesse d'Etampes. That, however, was to come, 
 and this is how it befell. 
 
 After the Dauphin had been released from a Spanish 
 prison, he seemed, although physically strong, not to 
 have an idea in his head. Francois was complaining 
 of this one day to Diane, who was now a widow of 
 
Diane de Poitiers and the Sire de Jarnac 5 
 
 several years' standing — and a very beautiful widow too. 
 She always dressed in white or black silk, because this 
 simple style, with very low-cut dresses, suited her 
 haughty, noble style of beauty. She was thirty-eight 
 at the date of this conversation, but she appeared much 
 younger ; indeed. Time had not left his mark upon her 
 at all, and never did so, owing to her frequent cold 
 baths and the generally healthy Ufe she led. 
 
 She laughed back at the King. 
 
 " Hand the Dauphin over to me. I will make him 
 my knight ; and, what is more, I will make a man of him." 
 
 The Dauphin, only eighteen years old at the time, 
 did not in the least mind being handed over to the 
 care of this handsome lady of nearly forty, who became 
 the mother of his daughter in 1537, although it was 
 pretended at first that the child was the daughter of 
 one of the ladies-of-honour. From the very com- 
 mencement of the connection, however, Diane became 
 a very important factor in the affairs of France, especially 
 as she had bound the powerful Constable Montmorency 
 closely to her interests. The great Lorraine family of 
 the Guises, also, she bound by degrees closer and closer to 
 her. The Dauphin's young and detested wife, Catherine 
 de Medicis, was tolerated simply at her request, and 
 was her spy and slave. Thus Diane was almost as 
 great a woman as the Duchesse d'Etampes, and that 
 long before the death of Francois I. 
 
 The jealousy which at length existed between the 
 two women, the old mistress of the Dauphin and the 
 young mistress of the King, appears to have shaken 
 the whole kingdom of France to its foundation. 
 
 There were two parties in France, nominally the 
 
6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 parties of the invalid King and the robust Dauphin — 
 really those of the beautiful young woman, and the 
 beautiful middle-aged one who always remained young. 
 
 The King's party numbered within its ranks poets, 
 painters, wits, and writers, whose sole raison d'etre 
 were the lampoons which they published in verse, prose, 
 or pictures of " the old woman," as the Duchesse 
 d'Etampes called her : advising her to get false hair, false 
 teeth, and so on. In reply Diane, when almost fifty, had 
 her portrait painted and a marble representation made 
 of her in the nude, and defied "" the young one " or 
 any youno^er woman of the Court to show such a perfect 
 human form. Great was the jealousy when it had to 
 be acknowledged that no young girl even had a more 
 exquisitely beautiful figure, or a face more absolutely 
 devoid of the signs of age. 
 
 Hatred between the parties increased to such an extent 
 as Francois I. got nearer his end, that at length Diane, 
 the Dauphin, and the Guises combined imagined that 
 they themselves were the reigning powers, and talked 
 openly of the redistribution of all the ofiices of State 
 among their friends. The King's fool, Briandas, over- 
 hearing their talk, came to the King. 
 
 " God help you, Francois de Valois ! you are no 
 longer King. And you, Mons. de Thais, you command 
 the Artillery no longer — Brissac has that. And you 
 again. Chamberlain, are so no longer — Saint Andre is 
 Chamberlain now. The Constable is going to make you 
 all walk with the aid of a stick." 
 
 This was too much for the King and the Duchesse 
 d'Etampes. Taking thirty men of the Scotch Guard, 
 they went off to the Dauphin's apartments. Not finding 
 
Diane de Poitiers and the Sire de Jarnac 7 
 
 him, they threw his pages out of the windows and broke 
 every article in his rooms. Had he been there, he would 
 either have followed them or gone first. After this event 
 the King took great care to avoid being poisoned by his 
 son's people ; but the Duchesse presently patched up the 
 quarrel, for she knew she would be defenceless when 
 Francois I. died. 
 
 The party of Diane did not, however, wait for the 
 death of the King to attack the Duchesse. 
 
 The Dauphin himself it was who opened the ball. 
 It is not to be supposed that, living for years a life 
 not much better than that of an invalid's nurse, the 
 youthful Duchesse had not sought consolation. Pre- 
 sumably with the King's own knowledge, since it was 
 known by all the Court, the consoler of the beautiful 
 young lady was a handsome, tall, delicate young man 
 whom she had married to her sister, in order to have 
 him constantly near her at Court. This elegant young 
 gentleman was named the Sire de Jarnac, and it was 
 through him that they sought to wound her. Jarnac 
 had a father living who had recently married again a 
 pretty young wife ; the father, moreover, was not rich. 
 Notwithstanding this fact, the young noble lived richly ; 
 it was therefore easy to see where the money came 
 from. Through Jarnac, then, did Diane de Poitiers 
 determine to strike the heart of Anne de Pisselieu, 
 Duchesse d'Etampes ; and the docile Dauphin set the 
 ball a-rolling. According to the plot, therefore, one 
 day the Dauphin thus addressed Jarnac : 
 
 " How is it that the son of a family whose father is 
 still living is able to live in such style as you do ? How 
 do you contrive to keep up the expense ? " 
 
8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 The unsuspecting young man fell into the trap, and 
 thought that he was making a diplomatic answer by 
 replying : 
 
 '' Oh ! it is because my step-mother keeps me ; she 
 gives me everything I want." 
 
 This was all that was wanted. The Dauphin went all 
 over the Court at once, maHciously declaring Jarnac had 
 said *' that he was on too intimate terms with his father's 
 wife." Naturally such a terrible scandal at once reached 
 the father, and came back from him to the son, who was 
 furious — and impotently furious, since, although he vowed 
 fire and flame against the prince, the heir to the throne 
 could not, of course, accept any challenge to fight one 
 of his father's subjects. 
 
 But the party of Diane had prepared beforehand the 
 man who was ready to fight the Sire de Jarnac — to 
 massacre him, indeed ! This was the strongest sword and 
 greatest bully, the greatest athlete and finest fencer in 
 the kingdom — a hanger-on of the Dauphin's, who called 
 himself, after his elder brother's seigniory, the Sire de la 
 Ch^taigneraie. This de la Chdtaigneraie instantly took 
 the quarrel upon himself. He went about everywhere 
 falsely saying that the scandalous story was perfectly 
 true, and that the Sire de Jarnac had often told him 
 (de la Chataigneraie) that he (de Jarnac) had improper 
 relations with his own father's wife. 
 
 Anything more blasting to the young man's reputation, 
 or hurtful to the Duchcsse d'Etampes through him, 
 could scarcely have been imagined. Chataigneraie next 
 demanded from King Francois leave to fight Jarnac ; but 
 even when Jarnac himself also begged for leave to fight 
 his persecutor, who continued his affronts, the King 
 
AJtcr the picture iit the Luuvie by Jean C/otict. 
 
 Photu />v Aeitit/cin. 
 
 FRANCOIS I., KING OF FRANC)': 
 
 [ To face p. 8 
 
Diane dc Poitiers and the Sire de Jarnac 9 
 
 absolutely declared that he would never allow such an 
 uneven duel, for it would be nothing more nor less than 
 a case of organised murder. 
 
 The death of King Francois I., however, occurred 
 upon March 31st, 1547; and then became possible the 
 duel, the death of Jarnac, and through his death the 
 vengeance of Diane de Poitiers upon Anne d'Etampes. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Stroke of Jarnac 
 
 July loth, 1547 
 
 Determination to kill Jarnac— The Lists prepared and the Nobility 
 invited to be Present. — The Challenger prepares a Supper. — The 
 Bourbons leave the Lists. — Jarnac chooses Mediaeval Weapons. — 
 The Constable Montmorency decides for Fair Play. — The Combat. 
 —The Stroke of Jarnac. — The Young King's Unfair Behaviour. — 
 Chataigneraie like a Wild Beast. — The King Furious, while Diane 
 is Shamed. — Triumph of Jarnac. — -Henri IL slaughters the Crowd. 
 
 No sooner was Francois I. dead than all the vengeance 
 of Diane and of the Dauphin, now King Henri 11., was 
 poured out upon the unhappy Duchesse d'Etampes. 
 
 The first thing they did was to stir up the husband, 
 who had been pensioned off, to bring a lawsuit against 
 his wife in the Parliament for unpaid arrears of pension, 
 owing to him, which she had retained herself. 
 
 Diane de Poitiers even sent the young King personally 
 to intervene with the judges against the Duchesse in 
 this indecent struggle between husband and wife. 
 
 Next they brought against her a false accusation — 
 
 that of having deliberately betrayed the late King and 
 
 the country, and of having been the means of bringing 
 
 the English, under Cardinal Wolsey, to within ten 
 
 10 
 
The Stroke of Jarnac ii 
 
 leaofues of Paris. For this false accusation she would 
 probably have lost her life, had it not been for the timely 
 gift, by one of her adherents, of a beautiful castle and 
 estate to the powerful Guises. After that the Guises 
 managed to put off the trial, saying " that it was 
 nothing to kill the Duchesse ; what was wanted was to 
 make her suffer first, to hunt her about and make her 
 come to her knees and beg for mercy." Accordingly 
 the affair against Jarnac was now proceeded with : it was 
 determined that he should be publicly killed by de la 
 Chataigneraie in a duel, to which all France was to 
 be invited. 
 
 King Henri 11. himself it was who arranged the 
 lists for the mortal combat of Saint Germain. Invita- 
 tions were sent out to all the nobles and ladies in the 
 provinces of France to come and see the slaughter of 
 an innocent man, one who had dared to allow himself 
 to be beloved by the younger rival of the King's own 
 ancient paramour. There was an additional reason for 
 vengeance upon Jarnac, in that he was a blood relation 
 to the poet Saint Gelais. Now, this poet Saint Gelais 
 it was who had been, in the late King's lifetime, one 
 of the principal manufacturers of epigrams against " the 
 old woman." Diane de Poitiers was indeed tasting 
 the joy of her vengeance, draining its cup to the lees 
 every hour that she lived. 
 
 The whole of the old nobility of France, all those 
 who had fought under Francois I. at Pavia and in 
 other wars, although broken down and ruined from the 
 hardness of the times, made an effort to come to Saint 
 Germain for the great show of ancient chivalry to be 
 made in modern times. All wished to see this wonderful 
 
12 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 combat which was to be conducted strictly on the lines 
 laid down in ancient knightly lore. 
 
 Every old ceremony was to be resuscitated upon this 
 occasion, when an innocent man was to be slaughtered 
 to satisfy the revenge of an old and most rapacious 
 wanton who had sucked all the revenues of France. 
 
 The country nobility were curious also to see what 
 sort of a woman was this — what sort of a man, too, 
 was this young King, twenty years her junior, whom 
 she had captured and dominated by her charms. 
 
 What, then, did they see at the lists that July loth, 
 1547.^ A saturnine young King, of strong build, but 
 heavy expression ; a tall, cold woman of noble attitude ; 
 and a young Italian Queen hanging upon this woman's 
 every word, striving to extract a smile from her. Her- 
 self probably the most avaricious woman who ever 
 lived, Diane was not, however, over-generous even of 
 her smiles to the Queen Catherine de Medicis, who 
 saw her own safety in them. 
 
 All day long, from six in the morning, the many 
 thousands of people sat in the lists. 
 
 At that hour Guienne the Herald fetched the chal- 
 lenger, la Chataigneraie. He marched in to the lists, 
 to the sound ot trumpets and drums, accompanied by 
 his sponsor for the occasion, Francois de Guise, and 
 three hundred gentlemen dressed in his colours, white 
 and carmine. After marching round the ground, he 
 was taken back to his tent, where he remained all day. 
 No wonder if this man's head was turned. He was 
 nothing but a bully ; he had nothing but what his 
 prince gave him ; but he saw in himself the conqueror 
 in advance, sure to be honoured above all when he had 
 
The Stroke of Jarnac 13 
 
 accomplished the vile deed which he was there to do 
 upon one far weaker than himself. 
 
 Chataigneraie had prepared an enormous supper in 
 his tent for all the Court, who were invited to partake 
 of it after the death of Jarnac. Most of the great nobles 
 had accepted his invitation, but one of the Bourbons had 
 refused. Another Bourbon, jealous of the Guises — it 
 was the Due de Vendome — demanded permission to be 
 sponsor or second to Jarnac ; but the King refused him 
 the permission, whereupon Jarnac had to take as his 
 second Boisy, an equerry, one of an old but decayed 
 family. Seeing this partiality, Vendome and other princes 
 of the blood rose and left the lists. 
 
 While expecting certain death, Jarnac had not 
 neglected ordinary precautions, and he had accordingly, 
 for the last two months, been taking lessons from an 
 Italian fencing-master, who was cunning to a degree. 
 This Italian knew that, owing to an old wound, 
 la Chataigneraie was rather stiff in his right arm, and 
 this gave him an idea. 
 
 Jarnac, being the person challenged, had a right to 
 choice of arms. Now, the question was, Would it be 
 better to choose Gothic weapons, heavy and awkward, 
 or the more modern and lig^hter ones of the sixteenth 
 century.^ According to right, as the whole combat was 
 to be upon ancient lines, he had a right to demand arms 
 such as had been used a couple of centuries previously, 
 which was what he did, to the great surprise of the 
 other side. For how could the stronger expect the 
 weaker to ask for heavy weapons ? 
 
 The Italian also made Jarnac ask for two daggers — 
 one a long one attached to the thigh, one a short one 
 
14 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 placed in the boot: these might come in handy to drive 
 into his foe's stomach, if Jarnac were thrown down with 
 la Chataigneraie upon the top of him. 
 
 Coats of mail and the daggers were accorded, also 
 long pointed swords with two edges ; but there was no 
 leg armour, on account of the heat of the day. Long 
 was the discussion on the point as to whether or no 
 should be allowed the long and stiff iron gauntlets of 
 a bygone age. These Jarnac demanded, and also a 
 shield of polished steel, likely to make the sword of 
 la Chataigneraie slip off in his furious onslaught. 
 
 Guise, as second, refused all these. The judges to 
 decide, however, were the Marshals of France, with the 
 Constable Montmorency at their head. 
 
 Wonder of wonders ! The Constable, the bosom friend 
 and accomplice of Diane, one who indeed had always 
 assisted her in her affair with the King when Dauphin, 
 decided in favour of Jarnac, and he carried the others 
 with him. Why did he do this ? The answer is 
 simple. He saw that Henri II. was becoming nothing 
 but the puppet of Diane and the Guises, and that he 
 himself would soon be Constable of France only in 
 name, unless he now made a stand. In decidinor for 
 fair play for Jarnac, he was deciding for fair play for 
 himself. 
 
 There was another cause. Montmorency's nephew, 
 the brave Coligny, was the Colonel-in-Chief of the 
 Artillery. Now, the Constable knew that the Guises and 
 the King combined proposed to cancel this appointment 
 of an excellent man, and to give the post to the braggart 
 la Chataigneraie instead, as a reward for the death of 
 Jarnac. 
 
The Stroke of Jarnac 15 
 
 Consequently, he did not wish the upstart bully to 
 have too many points in his favour ; he, for one, did 
 not want him to win the combat, though it seemed a 
 certainty. The Constable well knew, moreover, that all 
 the nobility of France would be with him in resenting 
 the appointment of a mere hector like Chitaigneraie to 
 such an important post instead of a man of tried valour 
 and ability. Thus, after long, long discussions lasting 
 until seven in the evening, all of which time the excited 
 spectators were waiting in the hot sun, these matters were 
 decided in Jarnac's favour. 
 
 At length, forth march the heralds, crying to the four 
 quarters, " It is forbidden to move, to cough, to spit, to 
 make a sign." Out, too, attired in their strange costumes, 
 a mixture of two ages, march the two champions, and are 
 solemnly led to their respective posts. 
 
 " Now let them go ! the good warriors ! " 
 
 Such is the cry ; and as the two steel-clad figures 
 march upon each other not a soul dares to move — not a 
 soul to draw a breath. 
 
 The great broad-shouldered Chataigneraie fiercely 
 dashes at his opponent. He thrusts and thrusts again ; 
 but his blows glance off the polished shield ; his cuts, too, 
 make no impression upon the armour of the long thin 
 knight who opposes him. 
 
 Suddenly, commending himself to God and neglecting 
 all guard, Jarnac lets fiy a blow at his enemy which smites 
 him in the hollow of the knee. He staggers and seems 
 giddy, and forgets to take advantage of the other having 
 dropped his shield. Again, and swiftly, Jarnac smites at 
 the same place. 
 
 The hamstrings are cut through ; the leg hangs. 
 
i6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Heavily now does la Chataigneraie fall to the ground 
 with a clang. 
 
 "Give me back my honour ! " demands Jarnac, "and 
 beg for mercy to God and the King." 
 
 But la Chataigneraie remains mute. 
 
 Jarnac left him lying, and, going across the lists, 
 knelt before the King. 
 
 " Sire ! I pray of you that you esteem me a man of 
 honour ! I give you la Chataigneraie. Take him, 
 Sire ! " 
 
 But the King would not reply or make a sign — a 
 cruel act of partiality ; for he wished to give the fallen 
 man time to rise and take Jarnac from behind. He 
 could not know how badly the man was wounded. 
 
 The excited onlookers, those both for and against 
 Jarnac, expected momentarily that something of the sort 
 would happen while the King delayed thus, intentionally. 
 
 But the conqueror also saw this, and therefore soon 
 returned to the scene of combat. He found that his 
 opponent still remained prone, losing blood. 
 
 He threw himself on his knees beside la Chataigneraie, 
 and, beating upon his own breastplate with his iron 
 gauntlet, commenced trying to recall him to conscious- 
 ness, in order to repeat a prayer after himself, which he 
 commenced, " Non sum dignus Domine." And he spoke 
 kindly to his fallen foe. 
 
 Suddenly, like a wild beast, Chataigneraie did indeed 
 come back to himself, and, seizing his sword, got up 
 upon one knee and struck at Jarnac violently, but 
 without effect. 
 
 "You had better remain still," said Jarnac, "or I 
 will kill you instead of praying for you." 
 
The Stroke of Jarnac 17 
 
 "Kill me then," said the other, with an oath; and 
 he fell back on the ground. 
 
 It is a wonder that Jarnac did not slay him then and 
 there, for he doubtless must have reflected that, if spared, 
 this wild beast would, on his recovery, never leave a 
 stone unturned until he had accomplished the death of 
 the too clement victor of the fight. 
 
 He did not deign to strike a fallen man, however 
 much he mio^ht have to fear from him and the Kingr 
 his protector, and from Diane de Poitiers also, whom 
 the King protected. He would not strike. 
 
 Instead, he marched back to the King, and again, in 
 the presence of all the people, knelt before him. 
 
 " Sire ! Sire ! " he begged, " let me give to you this 
 man's life, since he was brought up in your house. 
 Only recognise me as a man of honour. No one would 
 fight for you better than myself." 
 
 But the young King viciously kept his teeth gripped 
 together, obstinately refusing to speak. The thousands 
 of people in the arena were almost out of themselves 
 with excitement at this protracted scene. 
 
 Jarnac then returned once more to his fallen foe, 
 to succour him if possible, since no help came. He 
 took his sword from him, and said : 
 
 " My old companion, remember now your Creator — 
 come, let us be friends once more — and think of your God." 
 
 For sole reply the dying man strove to strike at him 
 with his dagger ; whereupon the Sire de Jarnac, taking 
 away all his weapons, gave them over into the hands of 
 the heralds ; after which, fearing that Chataigneraie would 
 die without help, the brave young man went for a third 
 time to the King, saying : 
 
 2 
 
i8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 " For the love of God, I pray your Majesty to take 
 his life at my hands." 
 
 The Constable also, having now descended into the 
 lists, came and begged the King to make some sign, 
 for the wounded man ought to be removed. 
 
 The King, however, was furious, and showed it, and 
 would not speak. An electric tremor seemed to thrill 
 through the crowd of onlookers ; an immense indignation 
 began to move every one against the King. Jarnac, 
 feeling it, regained his courage, and he took a step which 
 plainly showed to the public the object of the public 
 hatred. 
 
 He went straight to Diane, and, placing himself on 
 the Royal stand, cried out : 
 
 " Ah, madame ! you told me that it was to be so ! *' 
 
 There were thirty thousand people looking at her. 
 The terror of their glance broke her ; it frightened 
 even the King, who saw the rising hate. He said 
 sharply to Jarnac : 
 
 " Do you give him to me ? '* 
 
 *' Yes, Sire — but am I not a man of worth ? I 
 give him to you for the love of God." 
 
 But all that the King had the honesty to say was : 
 
 " You have done your duty, and ought to have your 
 honour given back to you." 
 
 He would not say, " You are a man of worth, or a 
 man of honour." 
 
 But now the crowd broke out with wild and frantic 
 cheers ; they carried off the dying man, and demanded 
 that Jarnac should be marched round the lists in triumph. 
 He had the sense to resolutely refuse the old-time honour 
 when the Constable Montmorency offered it to him. 
 
The Stroke of Jarnac 19 
 
 " No, no ! " he said ; " I belong to the King. I 
 want nothing else." 
 
 Then the Constable led him to the King, who had 
 perforce to embrace him, while saying that " he had 
 fought like Cassar, spoken like Aristotle." 
 
 Now the crowd threw themselves furiously upon the 
 provisions in the tent of la Chataigneraie, whom the 
 King allowed to die without ever going near him. And 
 then, in revenge, Henri turned his archers upon the 
 crowd, and many were killed, and many more were 
 wounded. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Troubles of Henri IIL with the League 
 
 1574 and Later 
 
 Accession of Henri III.— His Friendship with the Venetians.— The 
 League. — Its Constitution. — Its Objects. — Its Ramifications. — 
 France to become Subservient to Spain, — The Guises to rule. — 
 Catherine de Medicis joins the League. — The. Migno?isoi Yienn III., 
 d'Epernon and Joyeuse. — Bussy d'Amboise Migfioii of the Due 
 dAlen9on. — His Romantic Death. — The Effete Joj^euse com- 
 mands the Army against the King of Navarre. — Henri de Navarre 
 defeats and slays him at Coutras, 1587. — Immoral Dalliance of 
 Henri de Navarre. 
 
 Henri III. of France, second son of Catherine de 
 Medicis, succeeded his brother Charles IX. on the 
 throne of France in 1574, or two years after the 
 Massacre of St. Bartholomew. For this act of barbarity 
 he, as Due d'Anjou, was, with his savage mother, 
 far more responsible than had been his elder brother, 
 although Charles it was who obtained the chief credit 
 of the bloody act. Indeed, that King, after the massacre 
 had been committed, posed both to King Philip of Spain 
 and the Pope as having been the sole originator of the 
 sanguinary scheme. Especially to gain the political 
 good-will of Philip, Charles pretended to those two 
 powerful Catholic rulers that the Massacre of St. Bar- 
 tholomew had been a long-premeditated scheme on his 
 
 20 
 
Troubles of Henri III. with the League 21 
 
 part alone. By dint of much bribery on his mother's 
 part, the Due d'Anjou had been elected King of 
 Poland immediately after that tragic event ; but no 
 sooner did he learn of his brother's death than he left 
 his Polish subjects in the lurch and started for Paris, 
 taking Italy and Venice on his way. In Venice he 
 made many friends ; his effeminate manners suited the 
 Venetians, and their farces and buffooneries suited the 
 new King of France. 
 
 Of this friendship Henri III. had cause to be glad 
 later ; for when hemmed in on every side by his enemies, 
 he found ever one faithful ally against the tyranny of 
 the League in the shape of Morosini, the Papal Legate, 
 who was a Venetian. 
 
 Now that the League has been mentioned, the 
 questions arise : What was the League ? who were its 
 originators ? and what was its object ? 
 
 The League was probably the greatest conspiracy for 
 assassination and rebellion ever formed nominally in the 
 name of liberty and religion. In truth, it was a bond 
 against the King, against the real interests of France, 
 and in favour of the Spanish interests of King Philip II. 
 of Spain, who, throughout the troublous period of the 
 last of the Valois, strove to make of France a dependency 
 of Spain. 
 
 It was instituted by the Jesuits, headed by the 
 powerful family of the Lorraine Guises, backed up and 
 supported by Spain, and joined in France by almost 
 every one of the Catholic faith who held any position 
 or could wield any authority. 
 
 Even the Queen-mother, Catherine dc Medicis, at- 
 tached as she was to her second son, Henri III., joined 
 
22 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 with his enemies against him. She ran hand in glove 
 with Henri de Guise, and Mendoza, the Spanish Ambas- 
 sador, to compass this son's destruction ; for the love of 
 power and intrigue in this horrible woman's nature was 
 greater even than her maternal affection for the son 
 whom she most loved. The League was backed up by 
 ministers, by marshals, by all who had a hand and a 
 voice in the secrets of the State ; and all alike combined 
 to betray the King, to make a puppet of him, or to bring 
 him to a bloody end by assassination. It had rami- 
 fications in England, Scotland, Holland, and the Low 
 Countries. Indeed, to the action of the Jesuits and 
 Guises, in their campaign of murder in Scotland and 
 England, can be directly attributed the fatal end of 
 Mary Queen of Scots, herself half a Guise, whom, in 
 spite of her own wishes, Elizabeth was at length com- 
 pelled to sacrifice to the just indignation of her 
 ministers, Walsingham and others, and for the safety 
 of her kingdom. 
 
 This direful combination of princes, nobles, priests, 
 and bourgeoisie Henri III. found banded together against 
 him — nominally to crush the Huguenots in France and 
 the Reformed religion everywhere in Europe, but actually 
 to reduce France to a condition of dependency on Spain. 
 
 France was to be a second Spain, ruled by the Guises 
 and the priesthood combined — a second Spain, in which 
 the Inquisition should flourish, where the rack, the wheel, 
 the stake were never to be idle. All those, from the 
 King downwards, who resisted this institution of a second 
 Spain were to be done to death in the name of religion ; 
 and this though the King had already shown himself 
 the bloodiest enemy of the Reformed Church, and had 
 
Troubles of Henri IIL with the League 23 
 
 constantly declared his intention of having none but the 
 Catholic religion. He had, indeed, shown himself far 
 more intolerant in the matter of religion than his cruel 
 and sanguinary mother, Catherine de Medicis, since she 
 had made a favourable treaty with the Huguenots. He 
 had even joined the League against himself, just as his 
 mother had done, declaring " that he would show that 
 he was King, that he would only have one religion in 
 the kingdom, that he would force every one to this 
 opinion — even his mother." 
 
 Nevertheless, the League, while not giving him any 
 money, forced him into a war against the Protestants ; 
 also it intended to usurp his throne as soon as he became 
 sufficiently weak. Then his combined enemies meant 
 either to kill him straight away, or to shave his crown 
 and force him to become a monk. 
 
 For the purpose of the usurpation Henri de Guise 
 made out a fanciful genealogy, showing himself to be 
 the direct descendant of Charlemagne ; and this preten- 
 sion was backed up by Rome. Against such a powerful 
 combination the effeminate King Henri III. was prac- 
 tically alone. All that he had left to him as a support 
 in his Court was a group of young men of good family 
 who went by the name of " The Darlings " (^Les Mignons), 
 
 In spite of their nicknames some of these young 
 fellows developed very warlike natures ; but the Guises 
 took care to get rid of many of them, either by the 
 hired assassin or by instigating a succession of skilled 
 swordsmen to provoke them to duels to the death. 
 Two, however, of these Mignons survived to become 
 famous ; and these were two of the first blades of 
 France — Jean de la Valette, Due d'Epernon, and the 
 
24 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Vicomte de Joyeuse. The King's brother, d'Alengon, 
 who was also hated by the League, selected as his Mignon 
 a famous swordsman in the person of Bussy d'Amboise. 
 D'Amboise was the hero of innumerable duels, in which 
 he was invariably the victor. 
 
 In the end, however, Bussy d'Amboise fell roman- 
 tically, by treachery, as the result of the hatred of 
 Henri III. Having killed two of the King's Mignons 
 in 1577, he was obliged, owing to the fears of his 
 master, the Due d'Alen^on, to leave Paris, and to accept 
 the command of the Citadel of Angers, in Touraine. 
 There he formed the acquaintance of the youthful Diane 
 de Bertheret, wife of the Comte de Monsoreau, who 
 resided in the neighbouring Chateau de Constancieres. 
 
 The King took advantage in the following year of 
 the presence of the Comte de Monsoreau in Paris to instil 
 into his mind suspicions of the fidelity of his young 
 wife. Hereupon the Comte proceeded with a large 
 band of hired assassins to Constancieres, where he 
 discovered the favourite of the Due d'Alen^on in his 
 wife's oratory. The combat which ensued is historical. 
 The gallant Bussy d'Amboise made a noble struggle for 
 life, during which, by his prowess with sword and poig- 
 nard, he killed ten of his assailants, including the Comte 
 himself, and also wounded ten others, before he himself 
 fell covered with wounds at the feet of his lady-love. 
 
 The unhappy Diane retired to a convent at Angers, 
 where she ended her days ; but the death of d'Amboise 
 was a cause of unconcealed joy to Henri III. and his 
 mother, Catherine de Medicis, who also owed him a 
 grudge. Marguerite de Valois, however, who had 
 formerly entertained a lively affection for the dead hero. 
 
After the picture by Priiiiaticciu, by pcriinssion oj Mc 
 Macinillan <&■ Ca., Ltd. 
 
 DIANE DF. SAIXTA'ALLIER 
 Known as Diane di-: 1'oitii-:ks 
 
 [ To face p. 2i 
 
Troubles of Henry IIL with the League 25 
 
 is said to have mingled her tears with those of her 
 favourite brother, d'Alengon, upon the loss of this, the 
 most trusty of his adherents. 
 
 Henri III. had thus no support against the League 
 from his brother d'Alenc^^on, whom he hated and suspected 
 of endeavouring to poison him. This hatred is perhaps 
 not to be wondered at, since it may be ascribed in 
 the first instance to jealousy of a woman, and that 
 woman no less a person than their own sister, this very 
 Marguerite de Valois, the notorious first wife of Henri 
 de Navarre. 
 
 Li her own memoirs this shameless Oueen makes 
 mention, among innumerable other lovers, of her 
 brothers Henri IIL and the Due d'Alen^on. More- 
 over, at the time of the siege of the Protestants of 
 La Rochelle by Henri III. when Due d'Anjou, and 
 on later occasions, d'Alen^on was always to be found 
 on the opposite side, plotting against his brother or 
 openly allied with Henri de Navarre and the Protestant 
 Condes. Thus it ensued that, in the weakness of the 
 Royal House, in the imminent dismemberment of a 
 France terrorised by the ramifications of the League, these 
 two hot-headed young nobles, Joyeuse and d'Epernon, 
 were the sole supporters of French nationality. Also 
 they were the sole protectors, against the Lorraines and 
 the Spanish party, of a King who might well be described 
 as the Man-woman ; for so tar did the King's effeminacy 
 carry itself that at times he actually appeared with a 
 low neck, necklace, and ear-rings. 
 
 Of the two the King inchned the more towards 
 Joyeuse, to whom he married his own sister-in-law, 
 Marguerite de Lorraine, and who, anxious to cut a 
 
26 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 dashing show and to edipse if possible Henri de Guise, 
 threw his money away with both hands, striving also 
 to put d'Epernon in the shade. As for his adherent 
 d'Epernon, the King found him a harder taskmaster than 
 Joyeuse ; for d'Epernon wearied his effeminate sovereign 
 with endeavours to make him seem like a man. Now, 
 Henri III. had no wish to boot and spur or to mount 
 a horse to gain the support of the commons or the King 
 of Navarre ; nor did he wish to ride sword in hand to 
 a desperate conflict with his foes, the Leaguers, in the 
 very heart of Paris itself. 
 
 In a short time d'Epernon alone was left of the 
 pair ; for it was not long before the gay and giddy 
 Joyeuse lost his army and his life in a battle with 
 Henri de Navarre. 
 
 An army of German Protestants, chiefly paid by the 
 King of Denmark, invaded France to fight the League. 
 The King was not anxious to fight this army to the 
 advantage of his enemies, whereupon the Leaguers de- 
 clared, to discredit him, that he had himself called these 
 Germans into the country. As the League now gave 
 an army to Henri de Guise, the King was obliged to 
 set his own army in motion under the now Marechal de 
 Joyeuse, to attack the Protestant Henri de Navarre and 
 prevent a junction of his troops with the Germans. 
 The Due d'Epernon was, for his part, compelled to 
 join the League's army against the Germans. 
 
 The incapacity of Joyeuse saved Henri de Navarre. 
 He had a large army with him, which massacred freely 
 all Huguenots on the road ; but the day of retribution 
 came when he met the small Protestant force at Coutras. 
 Here the King's army was smashed to pieces by the 
 
Troubles of Henry IIL with the League 27 
 
 King of Navarre, the Protestant infantry alone massacring 
 over two thousand, after the artillery had thrown the 
 Catholics into confusion. Joyeuse was among the slain. 
 
 The chamber where Henri de Navarre dined that 
 night was full of the standards of the enemy ; as usual, 
 however, this brilliant and debauched soldier thought 
 more of women than of the results of his battles. 
 
 Before the fight, being deprived of the society of his 
 then mistress, en titre^ he took for a few days as a 
 plaything one Esther Imbert, the daughter of an honour- 
 able magistrate of La Rochelle, whom he afterwards 
 basely deserted, although she bore him a child. After 
 the battle, instead of following up his victory, he went 
 off with his armful of flag's to the arms of his mistress, 
 Corisande d'Audouins, Comtesse de Grammont, com- 
 monly known as La belle Corisande. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 The League and Mary Queen of Scots 
 
 1582 
 
 Emissaries of the League. — Plottings against Elizabeth. — Imprudence 
 of the Jesuit Spies. — Gilbert Gifford. — Wisdom of Walsingham. — 
 Gifford his Tool. — Reluctance of Elizabeth to proceed to Extremes. 
 — The League offers Boulogne to Philip H. — Antwerp sacked. — 
 The Romance of a Beautiful Queen. — Anxiety of the Reformed 
 Church. — Mary bequeaths England to Philip II. — Folly of Babington. 
 — Nau gives Details of Mary's Complicity. — The Death of Mary 
 owing to Clumsiness of the Leaguers. — The Comparative Comfort of 
 Mary for Fifteen Years. — France and Spain her Real Executioners. 
 
 That ultra-Catholic combination against the King of 
 
 France, the League, had ramifications in England and 
 
 Scotland, and its emissaries, the Jesuits, were in those 
 
 countries trying to serve its ends. These missionaries 
 
 of murder and intrigue in England and Scotland were 
 
 educated and indoctrinated at Reims, Brussels, Rome, 
 
 and all were en rapport with Philip II. at Madrid, or 
 
 with the Prince of Parma in the Low Countries. This 
 
 able tactician, who was just about to undertake the 
 
 famous Siege of Antwerp, counted assassination among 
 
 his methods of war. Accordingly he did not undertake 
 
 the siege until he had made several attempts to get 
 
 William the Silent of Orange murdered. He at length 
 
 succeeded by the hand of a man of Spanish origin. 
 
 28 
 
The League and Mary Queen of Scots 29 
 
 There is no doubt but that the murder of EHza- 
 beth would also have been accomplished by the secret 
 emissaries of the League, had it not been for the clever- 
 ness of Walsingham, the Queen's old minister. This 
 astute statesman met cunning with cunning, and sur- 
 rounded the Virgin Queen with police and spies, who 
 invariably knew what the Jesuit envoys were doing; he 
 thus contrived to frustrate their plans. Walsingham 
 always knew the moves of Reims, but Reims scarcely 
 ever knew the moves of Walsingham. 
 
 The fact was, the Jesuits had two faults in their 
 organisation. The one, as Mary Stuart noted herself 
 (April 9th, 1582), was that they were often very im- 
 prudent, thus compromising their own friends. Indeed, 
 she complains, and not without reason, that in their fury 
 for intrigue they made too many confidants, and played 
 with her life in consequence. The other fault was, 
 that they were injudicious in their choice of spies, 
 several of whom were bought by Walsingham, notably 
 Gilbert Gifford. 
 
 This young man had been educated for twelve years 
 at Reims and in Lorraine by the Jesuits. He was 
 young, well read, spoke several languages, and had 
 travelled in Europe, but not in England. When he 
 came to this country upon the mission which definitely 
 implicated Mary Queen of Scots in one of the murder 
 plots against Elizabeth, he was surprised to find such 
 a feeling of loyalty existing among the people. He 
 had been led to imagine that disloyalty was rife every- 
 where in England. 
 
 Walsingham already had under his hand the Jesuit 
 Ballard, whose movements he had been watching for 
 
30 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 years without deigning to take him. He had also his 
 eye on young Babington, who was in love with Mary 
 Queen of Scots, and plotting in her favour ; him also 
 he left alone for a time. But when Gifford came over, 
 Walsingham thought that here was a man worthy of 
 being made use of as a tool and a spy ; consequently 
 he soon clearly explained to him that if he wished for 
 regicide it had better, for his own sake, be the regicide 
 of Mary rather than that of Elizabeth. Gifford lent 
 himself to the minister, and became his spy and willing 
 tool. He agreed to act as the go-between of the 
 captive Queen and the conspirators, and he arranged 
 with a brewer of Chartley to fetch and carry in his 
 casks the letters of the conspirators to the Queen in 
 Chartley Castle, and hers in reply. 
 
 These letters, intercepted and copied, proved her ruin. 
 Although Queen EHzabeth hated the Queen of Scots, 
 and naturally mistrusted her as widow of Francois II. 
 of France, son of Catherine de Medicis, yet, believing^ 
 as she did strongly, in the Divine Right of Kings, the 
 English Queen would have saved Mary had she been 
 able. 
 
 In fact, the eye of Elizabeth was prophetic. She 
 clearly saw that, once the divine person of Royalty was 
 touched, there was no knowing how often its majesty 
 might be disregarded ; and the execution of Charles I. 
 proved that she was right. The ministers knew very 
 well that, if Queen Elizabeth were killed, they would 
 not themselves exist an hour ; they heard, moreover, 
 distinctly echoing in their ears the hammers and anvils 
 in every Spanish port forging the bolts for the mighty 
 Armada. 
 
The League and Mary Queen of Scots 31 
 
 It was well known to the Queen's ministers that, 
 although Henri III. strongly objected to delivering it 
 over to the Spaniards, the League had offered Philip II. 
 the port of Boulogne, but a few miles from the British 
 coast. Wisely, therefore, they were not disposed to wait 
 to see what mercy the beautiful Scottish captive would 
 deal out to them, if, Elizabeth murdered, Mary should 
 come riding into London as a Catholic Queen, accom- 
 panied by Farnese and all his veteran hosts from the 
 the Low Countries. 
 
 William of Orange had been murdered, Antwerp 
 taken, and the horrors of its sack by the Spanish 
 ruffians of this Italian leader had thrilled Great Britain 
 with terror. Crowds of half-naked and outrap^ed Flemish 
 women had arrived, only to die at many of the southern 
 British ports ; therefore the English women who had 
 succoured their dying co-religionists well knew what to 
 expect from the Spaniards, should they in turn take 
 London. But for all that the ministers, who also knew 
 what to expect, were by no means sure that the in- 
 habitants of Great Britain would resist the Spaniards. 
 Why ? Because there was a traitor within their gates, 
 a head to rally to, — the romantic head of a beautiful 
 Queen ; or, at all events, a Queen whom it had been 
 the interest of the League to represent as always young 
 and always beautiful, although it was about twenty years 
 since she had lost her youth and liberty, since, to save 
 herself from the result of her crimes in Scotland, she 
 had voluntarily surrendered herself to her English rival. 
 
 To raise her on a pinnacle, as being always young 
 and beautiful, was to inflame the chivalrous feelings of 
 the Catholic gentry of all the Catholic countries in her 
 
32 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 favour. This, then, the League did religiously. The 
 chances, therefore, were that, had Queen Elizabeth been 
 assassinated, there would have been an English army of 
 Catholics, and a Scotch army also, ready under Mary 
 to join the Spaniards on landing ; while the people at 
 large, afraid of the horrors of rape, murder, and pillage, 
 would only have been too ready to surrender without 
 striking a blow — only too eager to conciliate by large 
 gifts the invader whom they feared would take all 
 from them by force. And then would come the 
 monks, the rack, the torture, the desolation of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 No wonder that all those of the Reformed Church in 
 England prayed fervently for the death of Mary Queen 
 of Scots. 
 
 Now, what was the crime which actually cost Mary 
 her life, and left her no escape ? It was nothing less 
 than having made a will in which she bequeathed the 
 kingdom of England to Philip II. of Spain ; moreover, 
 she declared that if her son should refuse to make him- 
 self a Catholic she would deliver him over to Philip. 
 These damning words she wrote in a letter which her 
 friends, the Jesuits of the League, got out of her. 
 
 While this correspondence was going on, the Jesuits — 
 Parsons, Holt, and others — were working with the Guises 
 in Scotland, where an emissary of the League, having 
 gained the ear of the young King, had managed to bring 
 about the decapitation of the Regent Morton. Scotch emis- 
 saries, supported strongly by the Guises and the League, 
 were travelling backwards and forwards weekly to the 
 Court of Spain. Every one knew of these comings and 
 goings, and none viewed them with more disquietude 
 
The League and Mary Queen of Scots 33 
 
 than Henri III. of France, who sent an ambassador to 
 Scotland to find out what was in the air. At this 
 time the Scotch Catholics began openly celebrating Mass, 
 as if they had already gained the day. Indeed, all the 
 conspirators began conspiring openly, as if it were not 
 worth while to keep the secret longer. 
 
 The young gentleman Babington, who had declared 
 himself the captive Queen's lover, wrote to *' his dear 
 sovereign," and told her how six gentlemen of quality, 
 his good friends, had undertaken the certain execution 
 of the usurper Elizabeth. 
 
 Whereupon Mary replied, *' You must set the six 
 gentlemen to work," thus actually in these words ordering 
 the Queen's death. 
 
 Hereupon Babington became so crazy with delight 
 at his dear sovereign's reply that he had a large picture 
 painted of a group of the six gentlemen who were to 
 do the deed. Walsingham's spies found this picture 
 very convenient later on, as a means of recognising the 
 conspirators. 
 
 Philip II., having received his letter with the legacy 
 of England and Scotland, gave instructions to act, so 
 that, as soon as Queen Elizabeth was killed, Mendoza, 
 the ambassador in Paris, was to communicate the news 
 of her death to Farnese in Flanders, and to tell him 
 to cross with his army into England. 
 
 But there was no death of the Queen ! Walsingham, 
 thinking that things had been allowed to go far enough, 
 now arrested Ballard and Babington ; also Nau, Mary's 
 secretary. They all avowed their share in the plot, 
 and Nau gave details as to his mistress's complicity. 
 There was no doubt whatever of her guilt, not only 
 
 3 
 
34 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 at this time, but much sooner ; for Castelnau, the French 
 Ambassador, frankly declares that no sooner had she 
 taken refuge in England than she commenced to conspire 
 against Elizabeth. 
 
 The conviction and death of Mary Queen of Scots 
 was a terrible blow to the League. Had it not been 
 for the clumsiness of its agents, the probability is that 
 Mary's execution would never have taken place at all. 
 When it was accomplished, the Leaguers in France and 
 Spain were mad with impotent rage. 
 
 Of the ingratitude of this unfortunate Queen, and 
 also that she brought whatever hardships she had to 
 undergo entirely upon herself, there seems every evi- 
 dence. Her so-called captivity in England lasted for nine- 
 teen years ; but when, driven out of Scotland on 
 account of her crimes, she arrived at a place of refuge 
 in England, she was for fifteen years very kindly 
 treated. She was, so say the historians, distinctly the 
 Queen of her guardians, the Earl and Countess of 
 Shrewsbury. She made a lover of the former and a 
 friend of the latter ; their niece became such a friend 
 of hers that she used to share the same bed. She had 
 a Court consisting of twelve maids-of-honour, a stable 
 well supplied with horses, and numerous servants. She 
 had an income from Elizabeth ; she had besides a large 
 revenue as Dowager-Queen of Francois II. of France ; 
 she corresponded freely with whom she liked ; and she 
 had ambassadors in every Court. But the subtle 
 emissaries of the League brought her to a tragic end : 
 it was the plot to kill Elizabeth, emanating from 
 France and Spain, which caused the head of the un- 
 fortunate Queen of Scots to fail on the scaiFold. 
 
Fruin II ciititcuiporary picture 
 
 AIARY (JUI'.ICX OF SCOTS 
 
 [To face p. \\ 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 The Death of Henri de Guise 
 
 T>ecember lyd^ 1588 
 
 Unhappiness of Henri III. — Spaniards, Priests, and Guise conspire to 
 raise the People. — The King a Prisoner in the Louvre. — Henri 
 de Guise aims at the Crown. — He reigns in Paris. — The King flies 
 to Blois. — Signs the Act of Union. — Gives Everything to the Guise 
 Family. — Almost starves at Blois. — The Queen-mother a Leaguer 
 also. — Lying Habits of Guise. — His Charming Mistress.— His Pro- 
 tection of Ruffianly Followers. — The King advised to kill Guise. — 
 The Meeting of the Council fixed as Date to murder him. — 
 Henri III. personally superintends the Arrangements. — Guise 
 Careless of Life. — Strives to reassure Madame de Noirmontiers. — 
 Walks into the Trap. — Is assassinated in the King's Own Cabinet. 
 
 We have already noted the state of misery and un- 
 happniess to which France had been brought by the 
 action of the League ; but things went from bad to 
 worse. Henri III., the King, was eventually reduced 
 by the Guises and the League to such a condition that 
 he could not call his soul his own. He certainly was 
 King of France only in name. For several years he 
 had to suffer especially from the insolence of Henri 
 de Guise, whose machinations, in combination with the 
 Spaniards, had resulted in his being driven from Paris. 
 In this city, which was stirred up by the monks 
 and the priests, the populace had risen in open rebellion 
 
 35 
 
36 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 against their monarch. The Spaniards, the priests, and 
 Henri de Guise together instigated the mob, of which 
 Guise was the darUng, to raise barricades against the 
 King in every street, and, after considerable slaughter 
 of his followers, he was obliged to seek refuge in Blois. 
 
 It is indeed a matter for surprise that he ever con- 
 trived to reach that city alive, for he had been for 
 a considerable time practically a prisoner in his own 
 palace, the Louvre. In Blois he was especially exposed 
 to the insults and hatred of the young Comte de 
 Brissac, who had a personal spite against the King, and 
 openly vowed vengeance. This was in the year 1588, 
 just at the time of the departure of the Spanish Armada 
 for England. 
 
 It was not, however, to the interest of Guise, just 
 at this time, that the King should lose his life ; therefore, 
 while the agents of Spain, and above all the monks, 
 were urging the populace on to the last outrages. Guise 
 restrained them. He knew that the death of the King 
 would only make a worse civil war in France, and that 
 the King dead, a great part of the sympathy which 
 he and the Leaguers enjoyed during his lifetime would 
 be alienated from him. The only persons to profit 
 would be the Spaniards ; and though Henri de Guise 
 was willing enough to go hand in glove with the 
 Spaniards, he was by no means willing that Philip II. 
 should alone reap all the profit. He was not unwilling 
 himself to become King of France under Spain, but he 
 did not wish at all to see a Spanish ruler without 
 a Guise. The consequence was, that Henri III. was 
 allowed to depart, with his Swiss infantry and guards, 
 without being pursued by Guise with the cavalry. 
 
The Death of Henri de Guise 37 
 
 Guise, who was on very friendly and intimate terms 
 with the treacherous Oueen-mother, Catherine de 
 Medicis, was actually in her society when he was informed 
 that the King had departed. He merely feigned surprise, 
 and did not give any orders to attempt to stay the flight 
 of the Royal fugitive. Henri reached Blois in safety, 
 and there, in a miserable and half-starved condition, 
 without money and almost without friends, he established 
 such a Court as he could. 
 
 Guise was now practically King of Paris ; there he 
 reigned with the League, which only desired to wrest 
 from Henri III. one thing — his crown. 
 
 It was not long before the King practically sur- 
 rendered this, by a Treaty of Union which he was 
 forced to make with the League. He was helpless and 
 deserted. His hypocritical mother, who had stayed at 
 Paris with Guise, wrote him letters full of maternal 
 tenderness, telling him not to lose himself. Moreover, 
 his council was full of traitors. His Chancellor, Cheverny, 
 one of his mother's creatures, had married a female 
 relative of his to a Guise ; and his Secretary, Villeroy, 
 was a Leaguer at heart ; even his own wife's sympathies 
 were on the other side. 
 
 On the top of all this Henri III. was afraid of 
 being compromised by his one firm friend, the warlike 
 d'Epernon, and dared not follow his counsels. He 
 was also afraid of seeking the friendship and alliance 
 of the one man who at this period should have been 
 his natural ally against the Leaguers — that is, Henri 
 de Navarre. 
 
 Friendless thus, he gave way to all the League's 
 demands. D'Epernon, however, who was more Royalist 
 
38 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 than the King himself, declined to show a similar docility, 
 even when ordered by the King to do so, and flatly 
 refused to retire into his povernment of Provence. 
 
 o 
 
 The sturdy d'Epernon also refused to give up Metz, 
 the great position against the Guises ; he refused to 
 give up Angouleme, which was a means of communi- 
 cation with the King of Navarre ; and he refused to 
 yield up Boulogne, the port which the League wished 
 for, that it might be handed over to the Armada. The 
 timorous King hereupon sent orders to Angouleme that 
 d'Epernon was to be arrested if he should happen to 
 be there ; but he escaped by a miracle of courage and 
 presence of mind, and finally through help sent to him 
 by Henry of Navarre. 
 
 While affairs were in this parlous state, the King 
 signed the Act of Union with the League, which Act 
 simply guaranteed the Union his subjects were forming 
 to defend themselves against him. He vowed further 
 to pursue all heresy to the death, and to exclude from 
 the succession every heretic prince. This last clause was, 
 of course, aimed at Henri de Navarre. 
 
 He promised many things. In spite of d'Epernon, 
 he promised Boulogne, also Orleans, Bourges, Montreuil, 
 and Le Crotoy, to the Leaguers ; and, further than this, 
 he promised to submit his kingdom to the Pope. He 
 promised an army to Mayenne, one of the brothers of 
 Guise ; and to another brother he promised the province 
 of Lyonnais, which would enable him to join hands 
 with Savoy, the tool of Spain, against France. A third 
 brother, Cardinal Guise, he promised to get made the 
 Pope's Legate. 
 
 Miserable King ! — that was not all. He declared 
 
The Death of Henri de Guise 39 
 
 Henri de Guise himself Commander-in-Chief, Minister 
 of Justice and of the Military Police. 
 
 It seemed as if he could refuse nothing to his 
 enemies. One thing, however, he did refuse, which 
 was to go and show himself in Paris to be mocked at 
 by the mob. But he embraced the Guises tenderly 
 when he refused this request ; yes, actually embraced 
 Henri de Guise, whom he hated more, and had cause 
 to hate more, than anything or anybody on earth. 
 
 Shortly after this a Parliament consisting wholly of 
 Leaguers was imposed upon the King, which Parliament 
 assembled at Blois, and inflicted many further humiliations 
 upon Henri III., while refusing him any money at all. 
 
 Often he had not enough to eat in his castle : there 
 would not be any provisions in the kitchen either for 
 himself or for his courtiers, most of whom had to go 
 elsewhere in search of food. 
 
 At length Guise and the Oueen-mother came to 
 lodge in the same castle as the King, and to spy upon 
 every little action of his life. His mother lodged exactly 
 below him. Through her servants she knew everything 
 that went on, and informed Guise of all that he had not 
 learned already. 
 
 The King now shut himself up alone to read his 
 despatches. He thus kept his mother in the dark, and 
 took away from her entirely her role of go-between. He 
 also got rid of her tools, Cheverny and Villeroy, and 
 took instead one or two unknown advisers, notably one 
 Revol, recommended to him by d'Epernon as being 
 trusty. 
 
 Before long the King began to find that his few 
 remaining retainers were being practically killed off in 
 
40 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 a series of duels, and that his own life was in danger. 
 He determined in self-defence to kill Guise first. 
 
 About this period Henri de Guise began to lose 
 many of his men friends. This was chiefly owing to a 
 vicious habit he had of lying about them one to the 
 other. He would thus set them by the ears, out of spite 
 or simply to amuse himself. He was notorious for 
 his malice, and indeed habitually embroiled people in 
 quarrels by telling mischievous falsehoods. This made 
 him widely hated, and thus the King obtained a few 
 friends who were willing to assist him to kill his enemy. 
 The chief of these were the Marechal d'Aumont ; Mons. 
 de Rambouillet, a magistrate ; d'Ornano, a Corsican ; and, 
 bravest of all, that gallant captain — Crillon. It was the 
 Marechal who first said to the King, '*^ He must be 
 killed ; his insults are unendurable any longer." 
 
 Oddly enough, at this time, when Guise was most 
 hated by men, he was most beloved by women. They 
 loved and admired his little spiteful sayings and bitter 
 words, and he was in consequence the hero of many 
 affaires de civur. His great affair at this time was with 
 the charming Madame de Noirmontiers. 
 
 The presence of this new and charming mistress it 
 was that kept him in Blois, far more than any affairs of 
 State. Delayed by her charms, he stayed on there, even 
 after being warned repeatedly of the fact that the King, 
 past all endurance, was plotting " to remove him," as 
 assassination was termed in those days. 
 
 One cause of the growing unpopularity of this 
 powerful prince with the masses was his horror of touching 
 the dirty hands of the unwashed populace, adherents of 
 the League, who used to throng around him. 
 
The Death of Henri de Guise 41 
 
 This disgust of " the great unwashed " he scarcely 
 deigned to conceal. Therefore, as his tongue had 
 alienated also many of the great nobles, he became 
 obliged, in order to secure a following, to surround 
 himself with all sorts of scamps and rapscallions, no 
 matter what crimes they might have committed, and to 
 afford them his protection. Among others whom he 
 thus protected was a terrible scoundrel, one La Motte- 
 Serrant. This individual possessed a castle, and his 
 habit was to carry off, on the pretence of their being 
 Protestants, any persons of easy circumstances. These 
 he would throw into his dungeons, and there torture or 
 starve them to death to extort money. 
 
 Richelieu, the Grand Provost of the King, sought to 
 visit the castle and to take proceedings against this 
 infamous wretch ; but Guise interfered in his favour, 
 and the King was not even powerful enough to have 
 him arrested. 
 
 As the Marechal had said, the insolence of the 
 Due de Guise knew no bounds, and he had become 
 insupportable ; henceforward, if he stayed at Blois, his 
 doom was certain. 
 
 A few days before Christmas Day, 1588, a council 
 was held by him, consisting of his brother Cardinal 
 Guise, the Archbishop of Lyons, that most cunning 
 member of the League, Menneville of Neuilly, the 
 President of the Parliament ; and of Marteau, the 
 Provost of the Merchants. Of these, some advised 
 him to fly from Blois and raise once again the standard 
 of rebeUion ; others advised his seizing the King's 
 person, and acting first. He would not do either. He 
 could not bring himself to leave the seductions of 
 
42 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Madame de Noirmontiers. And thus indirectly this 
 powerful Henri de Guise, who already possessed a 
 beautiful wite of his own, brought his own death upon 
 himself by his devotion to the wife of another man. 
 
 The King decided that Guise was to die on 
 December 23rdj and ordered a meeting of the council 
 for a very early hour on that date. For this assembly 
 of the council a plot was arranged, by which, seemingly 
 by accident^ Guise was to be separated in the apart- 
 ments of the King from his followers, for he always 
 came with a large armed following. The King himself 
 was called at four o'clock that morning, and rose to 
 superintend the final arrangements for the death of 
 his foe. 
 
 These worked admirably, although on the previous 
 evening, when at supper with his mistress, and even 
 later, after retiring to rest with her, letters were 
 continually being brought in to Guise to warn him 
 of his danger. These he made light of to Madame 
 de Noirmontiers, not being willing that she should be 
 frightened. On one of these warnings, received at 
 supper-time, he scribbled the words, '^ He won't dare 
 do it " ; then threw it under the table. 
 
 It seemed, indeed, as though he were tired of life, 
 and did not care what happened. The last note that he 
 received he pushed under the pillow, saying, " Let us 
 sleep, and be off to bed yourself." The next morning he 
 dressed himself gaily for the council in a new grey satin 
 suit, and, with his mantle on his arm, repaired to the 
 council-room, where he was the last to arrive. 
 
 The King, who had posted his friends hours before, 
 was in a fever of impatience in his own cabinet, which 
 
The Death of Henri de Guise 43 
 
 was only separated from the council chamber by the 
 Knior's bedroom. 
 
 In the courtyard and on the stairs Guise found a great 
 many guards. These, headed by their captain, Larchant, 
 swarmed round him hat in hand, humbly asking for their 
 pay. Thus they separated him from his own followers 
 in the most natural way in the world. He politely 
 promised them their pay, and passed in. 
 
 In a moment the scene changed. The guard swept 
 the staircase and courtyard of aU the pages and servantry, 
 and the loyal Crillon closed the castle. 
 
 A message, sent in to Guise at the last moment by 
 his secretary, Pericard, sought once again to warn him. 
 But the handkerchief in which it was concealed was not 
 allowed to pass in. 
 
 Nevertheless he was uneasy enough the moment he was 
 inside, for he felt himself alone. He nearly became 
 faint, and asked for something to eat from the King's 
 cupboard ; he also requested that one of his pages might 
 be sent for to bring him a handkerchief, as his eye on 
 the scarred side of his face was weeping. (It may be 
 remembered that Henri de Guise was surnamed Le 
 Balafre, on account of the scar which defaced his 
 handsome features.) They brought him some prunes 
 to eat, and one of the King's handkerchiefs. 
 
 A minute or two later the King sent in Mons. 
 Revol to ask the Due de Guise to come to see him in 
 his old cabinet. Revol's cheeks were so pale before he 
 went on this message that Henri III. made him rub them 
 hard, saying that "he would spoil all," after which 
 Revol carried the message and returned instantly. 
 
 Guise rose, put some prunes into his comfit-box, and 
 
44 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 then, throwing the rest on the floor, said to the other 
 members of the council, " Gentlemen, who wants any ? " 
 Then, casting his mantle over his left arm, and taking 
 his gloves and comfit-box in the same hand, he said, 
 *' Adieu, gentlemen." He knocked at the door and 
 passed in. A groom-of-the-chambers closed the door 
 behind him. He saluted the eight gentlemen whom he 
 found present, but they did not all return his salute. The 
 Captain Longnac, who had chosen the gentlemen to kill 
 Guise, and selected those only who had both poignard 
 and rapier to do so, remained insolently seated on an 
 oak chest. 
 
 The others, standing up, followed him as if by 
 respect. The King was in the cabinet beyond ; and, at 
 two paces from the door, the Sieur de Montseriac seized 
 Guise by the arm and struck him with a dagger in the 
 left breast, exclaiming, '' Traitor, you will die of it ! " 
 Then Des Affravats seized him round the legs, while 
 de Semalens struck him, again in the chest, near the 
 throat. Then Longnac struck him a sword-blow in the 
 reins. The Duke cried out at each blow, " Eh ! my 
 friends ; eh ! my friends." And presently, when he 
 felt himself struck with a poignard on the rump by 
 the Sieur de Periac, he cried out louder than before, 
 " Mercy ! " And, although he had his sword all mixed 
 up with his cloak, and his legs were being held, he 
 managed to drag his assailants the whole length of the 
 room, falling at the foot of the King's bed. 
 
 Then the King came out of his cabinet before Guise 
 was quite dead, and ordered him to be searched. While 
 the Sieur de BeauHeu was so occupied, he said to the 
 dying man, " Sir, while you still breathe, ask pardon of 
 
The Death of Henri de Guise 45 
 
 God and the King." Hereupon, with a deep sigh, 
 Henri de Guise died. The King, with an expression 
 of hate and dehght upon his face, watched him die. 
 Then he kicked the still twitching body in the face, 
 saying, " Heavens ! how great he is ! — even greater 
 dead than living ! " 
 
 Guise dead, the King ordered the confinement of his 
 brother, the furious Cardinal, who had heard all from the 
 next room. He also ordered the body of Guise to be 
 burned in the courtyard. 
 
 After that, in the highest spirits, he went down to 
 taunt his mother, the infamous Catherine de Medicis. 
 "Now, madame," said he, "I am at length King of 
 France, for I have killed the King of Paris." 
 
 A few days later, as the raging Cardinal continually 
 vowed vengeance, Henry III. gave orders to have him 
 killed also. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Tyranny of the League 
 
 1588 and After 
 
 Anarchy in Paris. — Mistake of Henri III. — Spain behind the League. — 
 Death of Catherine de Medicis. — The Uuchesse de Montpensier 
 seeks her Brother Mayenne. — The Sixteen. — The Council General 
 reduces Taxes. — Abolishes Rents. — Relieves the Liability of the 
 Clergy to pay Hotel de Ville Rentes. — Women denounced by 
 Preachers. — Religion a Pretext for Accusation of Personal Enemies. 
 — Amyot and Duranti done to Death. — The Processions. — Women 
 in Chemises. — The Duchesse de Montpensier il la Lady Godiva. — 
 The Scandals resulting from the Processions. 
 
 When Henri III. had killed Henri de Guise and his 
 
 brother the Cardinal, he had by no means crushed the 
 
 League. On the contrary, this organisation seemed to 
 
 flourish as much as ever. The result before long was a 
 
 state of anarchy in Paris, which almost resembled that 
 
 of the Revolution of 1793. The fact was that Henri III., 
 
 after having had the courage to commit the double 
 
 assassination which might have restored him to actual 
 
 power, had not sufficient decision of character to employ 
 
 the only possible means to secure that end. This course 
 
 would have been an immediate alliance with Henri de 
 
 Navarre. He should have taken his one staunch adherent, 
 
 d'Epernon, with the two thousand troops upon which 
 
 that courageous leader could rely, and then have joined 
 
 46 
 
/ )uiii II I ijii/cnipormv j>i int 
 
 lli;.\RI, I)L( Di. (jUISI 
 Known as Lie liALAFKi: 
 
 {To t<ur p. 41 
 
The Tyranny of the League 47 
 
 hands with the Bearnese King. Navarre and his celebrated 
 cavalry and the King together should then at once have 
 marched upon Paris, which was not in the least prepared 
 for a siege. Indeed, since he had, by killing the Cardinal 
 de Guise, openly broken with Rome, it would seem as if 
 the last of the Valois had no other course left open to him 
 than to join with the Huguenot heretics. 
 
 A further reason for prompt action in this direction 
 was that Henri de Navarre was his legitimate heir. For 
 although the Cardinal de Bourbon, that prince's uncle, 
 had, as a Catholic, been declared by the League heir to 
 the throne, Navarre's was the only direct claim to the 
 succession. Some French historians have said that the 
 King's conscience, which reminded him constantly of 
 the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, of which he had been 
 the chief instigator, prevented his seeking an alliance 
 with the Huguenots at this time, because he did not 
 think their forgiveness possible. 
 
 Another reason was that he was afraid of becoming 
 embroiled in an open war with Spain if he entered 
 into an alliance with Navarre. For Spaiji, which was 
 already at the back of the League audaciously ruling 
 France in the name of the effeminate King, would in 
 all probability have sent a large army into the country 
 and endeavoured to conquer France, not for the League, 
 not for Henri III., but for Phihp II. In all the political 
 combinations of that day on the Continent, and especially 
 in France, Spain always had the last word. She invariably 
 held the trump card. And this notwithstanding her 
 tremendous loss of prestige through the defeat of the 
 Armada. For the great army of the Prince of Parma 
 in the Low Countries was always the bugbear of every 
 
48 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 party. Whichever side lost, Spain seemed sure to win 
 while she had that army within call. 
 
 It was probably because he looked at matters from 
 this point of view that, after the death of the two Guises, 
 Henri III. did nothing more, with the result that he was 
 soon in a worse position than ever. By way of compen- 
 sation, he had the good fortune to lose his horrible 
 mother, Catherine de Medicis. 
 
 This wicked, intriguing old woman died a very few 
 days after the death of her ally, the Due de Guise. She 
 died of spite, chiefly because, having been actually innocent 
 in the matter, the Cardinal de Bourbon, knowing of her 
 other innumerable wicked intrigues, roundly accused her 
 of being privy to the crime, saying, " Madame, this is 
 another of your tricks. You want to kill us all." He 
 would not believe in her asseverations of innocence ; and 
 thus, having now lost every shred of power and reputation 
 with all parties, she died of sheer spite. 
 
 Meanwhile, Paris was furious at the death of their 
 darling. His infidelities to his wife being forgotten, it 
 was to the Hotel of the Guises, where his widow was, 
 that all Paris precipitated itself, while vowing vengeance 
 on the King. 
 
 The unfortunate lady, who was just expecting her 
 accouchement, was compelled to come out on the balcony 
 to receive the plaudits of the crowd. With the usual 
 rhapsodies of Frenchmen, the mob vowed that Paris 
 would adopt the child that she was about to bear, that 
 it should know no other godmother than the city of 
 Paris. Then, still weeping and crying aloud with rage, 
 the Parisians returned to their homes ; while the frantic 
 Duchesse de Montpensier, a sister of Guise, rising from 
 
The Tyranny of the League 49 
 
 a sick-bed for the purpose, went off to Burgundy to 
 seek her brother Mayenne, whom she brought to Paris to 
 occupy her dead brother's place as leader of the League. 
 In this she succeeded, but she could not make Mayenne 
 win the affection of the populace as his brother Henri had 
 won it. 
 
 The Due de Mayenne held, for a Guise, a pretty clean 
 record. He was only known to have committed one 
 assassination. This was that of a young man who 
 informed him that he held his daughter's promise of 
 marriage. Mayenne soon freed the young lady from her 
 promise by drawing his poignard and stabbing the young 
 man to the heart. Upon his arrival in Paris he found 
 that, while the people had been declared by the Sorbonne 
 freed from their fidelity to the King, a new Government 
 had been already formed. There was in existence a kind 
 of council of head Leaguers known as " The Sixteen," 
 which had turned out the old Parliament, and, after 
 imprisoning its members in the Bastille, had formed a 
 new Government, called the Council General of the 
 Union. 
 
 This Council General consisted of Mayenne as Presi- 
 dent, twenty-two bourgeois of Paris, several bishops and 
 cures, and a few gentlemen. Their numbers amounted 
 to forty in all, and their real ruler was their secretary, 
 named Senault, who was one of The Sixteen. 
 
 After allotting themselves large salaries of one 
 hundred crowns a month, this assembly proceeded to 
 enact some extraordinary measures, the first and fore- 
 most of which was to diminish all taxes by a quarter. 
 This action was not, however, of much account, as the 
 King had already done the same thing. Moreover, 
 
 4 
 
50 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the payment of general taxes throughout the kingdom 
 had ceased ; whatever money was raised, was raised 
 locally by the governors of provinces or commandants 
 of towns, or by any one in authority having sufficient 
 force at his back to make the people pay out enough 
 for the expenses of the perpetual civil war. 
 
 Then the Council General made a much more 
 popular enactment — namely, one to excuse the people 
 from paying their rent. This was very highly appreciated 
 in Paris by all those who lived from day to day, and 
 they formed, in these miserable times, by far the greater 
 bulk of the population. 
 
 Thirdly, the clergy, who for thirty years past or 
 more had, much against their will, been constrained to 
 pay the rentes^ or interest, on the stock of the Hotel 
 de Ville, were now exempted from paying any longer, 
 to their great delight. 
 
 As the law exempting the lodgers and occupiers 
 from paying rent ruined many small proprietors, so 
 did also this exemption of the clergy from paying 
 the Hotel de Ville Rentes utterly ruin the thousands 
 of poor people who had a few hundred francs apiece 
 in this public investment. Naturally, while the clergy, 
 their aUies, the beggars, street-porters, charcoal-burners, 
 and ruffians of all sorts rejoiced at this treatment of 
 those a little better off than themselves, an enormous 
 element of discontent was let loose in Paris by these 
 enactments. For now that very Catholic bourgeoisie 
 which had fought against the Protestants, and joined 
 in massacring them at the St. Bartholomew, chiefly 
 because they accused them then of making the price 
 of victuals dearer, found itself ground down and ruined 
 
The Tyranny of the League 51 
 
 in turn by the terrorism of the League, the cunning 
 of the clergy. 
 
 But the terrorism of the League went further than 
 this. Acting through the pulpit and the confessional, 
 an ecclesiastical police was established, which ruined 
 many a woman, many a home. For many a woman 
 was denounced by name from the pulpit for little 
 delinquencies which the priests heard of through 
 servants, and many a man was seized and thrown into 
 prison and tortured owing to secrets which the females 
 of his household had divuIo:ed to their father-confessors. 
 A woman denounced or one whose personality was 
 even hinted at from the pulpit had small hopes of 
 mercy in those terrible days of the League, when once 
 she was outside the church doors. Her person was 
 not safe from the outrages ot the ruffians who waited 
 for her outside, nor was her house exempt from pillage. 
 No one was punished, for the ruffians were a part of 
 the League, and all were in league with the Jesuits, 
 monks, and priests, who had absolved these villains from 
 any payment of rent because of their nefarious actions. 
 At the same time it was mainly owing to the support 
 of this floating population that the priesthood had 
 in turn escaped from paying its own Hotel de Ville 
 taxes. 
 
 There were indeed terrible things that happened in 
 these days in the name of religion ! It was also quite 
 enough for any one to accuse his enemy of being a 
 partisan of the King, no matter how well known he 
 might be as a good Catholic. In this manner was the 
 excellent scholar and worthy almoner of Charles IX., 
 Amyot, hounded to death by the Franciscan monks, 
 
52 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 merely because, in his fear of the League, he had asked 
 for the protection of their rivals, the Jesuits. Another 
 ardent Catholic was the Magistrate Duranti, who, at 
 the expense of Pope Sixtus V., had published a book 
 on the ceremonials of the Divine Office. This Duranti 
 hated the Protestants, but for all that he was murdered 
 by the Bishop of Comminges and a horde of people. 
 His sole crime was maintaining the King's supremacy. 
 The people burned down the doors of the Dominican 
 Convent, where, with his wife, he had taken refuge. 
 He kissed his wife, and went to ask the rioters of what 
 crime he was accused. The sole answer was a bullet 
 in the heart. His body was exposed upon a pillory, and 
 the populace amused themselves all day by plucking 
 out the hairs from his beard. 
 
 While these terrible occurrences were everywhere 
 taking place, the people, especially the women of the 
 better classes, cast about in their minds for something 
 to do which should appease the priesthood of the 
 League. Anything to avoid appearing anti-clerical ! 
 Thus the idea of religious processions was fixed upon. 
 Very soon these were to be seen daily in the streets, 
 long lines of men, women and children, marching two 
 and two, with candles in their hands and with monks 
 bringing up the tail. Then the Parliament marched 
 in procession. Then they all marched in processions 
 with a shirt over their clothes. This was not thought 
 sufficient. A certain cure preached in the pulpit that 
 nothing was more agreeable to God than the delicate 
 little feet of women walking on the pavement of Paris. 
 After this the girls and women — ladies of all classes 
 mixed up with women of the town — marched in procession 
 
The Tyranny of the League 53 
 
 wearing no garment but a chemise. This again was not 
 sufficient. The Duchesse de Montpensier marched alone 
 through the city almost in the garb of a Lady Godiva. 
 She wore nothing above the waist, and she set the 
 fashion, not being in the least disconcerted by the 
 crowds. 
 
 The religious processions soon developed after 
 this into a hideous scandal. While young ladies and 
 married women paraded almost naked through the 
 streets, the young bloods of the day used to sit in the 
 windows and shoot sugar-plums at them with pea- 
 shooters, especially shooting at those whom they recog- 
 nised. But none, however modest, dared to abstain 
 from the processions, which often lasted until late at 
 night. Some terrible scandals ensued, as the rough 
 element among the men began to take part in them, 
 and in the dimly lighted streets it was by no means 
 difficult to separate the fair processionists from each 
 other. Many misfortunes took place in consequence, 
 and what happened to one young lady became public 
 property. The cure who had preached that '*^ nothing 
 was more pleasing to God than the delicate feet of 
 young women " was by all accused of being the father 
 of her child. But this did not stop the evil, since, for 
 a considerable time after this scandal had become the 
 joke of the demoralised town, the same abominable 
 scenes were continued in the name of religion. Especially 
 did the wives and daughters of unfortunate prisoners 
 in the Bastille thus pubhcly testify to their devotion. 
 They, above all, did not dare to abstain from the 
 humiliation of appearing in these ribald processions, 
 lest they and their imprisoned relatives should be 
 
54 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 denounced for want of piety by the terrible clergy of 
 the League. Eventually it became the fashion for the 
 processionists to cast their lighted candles on the ground, 
 and, stamping upon them, to say that they were snuffing 
 out the King and all the race of Valois from which 
 he sprang. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 The League murders Henri III 
 
 1589 
 
 Henri de Navarre attempts a Reconciliation. — His Descent from the 
 Comte de Clermont. — His Complex Character. — His Numerous 
 Mistresses. — His Fear of Assassination. — Du Plessis-Mornay writes 
 a Peace Manifesto to Henri HI. — Henri de Navarre advances on 
 Tours.— The King, alarmed, determines on Friendship. — The Two 
 Kings embrace. — The Armies fraternise. — The Due de Mayenne 
 attacks Saint Symphonic. — Succour given to Henri HI. by Chatillon. 
 — The Leaguers foiled. — Their Debauchery and Orgies. — The Forces 
 of the Two Kings advance on Paris. — The League trembles. — The 
 Duchesse de Montpensier determines to assassinate the King. — 
 Jaccjues Clement. — He stabs Henri HI. — Courtiers vow Fealty to 
 Henri de Navarre in the Dying King's Presence, 
 
 We left Henri III. doing nothing at Blois, while Paris, 
 in a state of fermentation, was amusing itself with its 
 religious processions, and was casting about for more 
 thorough means to compass the monarch's downf^ill. 
 Without doubt, he would soon have been crushed by the 
 Due de Mayenne, at the head of the Leaguers, had it not 
 been for the action of that very Henri de Navarre whom, 
 as head of the heretics, he was so unwiUing to approach. 
 
 Henri de Navarre himself it was who, stirred up 
 thereto by his excellent counsellor du Plessis-Mornay, took 
 the initiative in effecting a reconciliation with his brother- 
 in-law, whose lawful heir he was, although the claim to the 
 
 55 
 
56 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 succession of this first of the Bourbons went back a long 
 way. It came about thus. His ancestor Robert, Comte 
 de Clermont, was a brother of Louis IX., surnamed 
 St. Louis, who died in 1270. This Comte de Clermont 
 married an heiress of Bourbon, and had a son, Louis, Due 
 de Bourbon, whose descendant was Antoine, Due de 
 Vendome. This Vendome married Jeanne d'Albret, who 
 was in her own right Queen of the petty kingdom of 
 Navarre or Beam, on the slopes of the Pyrenees, in the 
 southernmost parts of Gascony. Henri de Navarre was 
 her son and heir, and was born a Huguenot. 
 
 Henri's character was a complex one. He had many 
 of the usual characteristics ot the Gascon : that is to say, 
 he was a boaster, he was avaricious, or perhaps we should 
 say miserly, although a gambler ; he was also of a most 
 forgiving temperament ; and, above all, full of fun and good 
 humour. It was probably this spirit of good humour 
 which always gained him so many friends. But other points 
 he had which did not savour of his Gascon origin. He 
 was indifferent to a degree — indifferent of his own life, 
 indifferent to religion, indifferent to his own interests, 
 indifferent to his friends. He was, further, with excep- 
 tion perhaps of the two Gabrielle d'Estrees and Henriette 
 d'Entragues, indifferent to the fifty-six women whom 
 history records as having been his mistresses. That he 
 had all the elements of the satyr in his composition is 
 more than apparent from these eternal strings of women 
 with whom, apart from his two wives, he managed to mix 
 himself up in his career. When one reads of the extra- 
 ordinary devotion of this wonderful man to any or every 
 petticoat, one feels inclined to exclaim with Henri de 
 Kock, " How on earth did he ever find time to fight his 
 
The League murders Henri III 57 
 
 battles ? How did he ever find time to reign ? " But he 
 did so, nevertheless, and his indifference to danger made 
 him one of the most foolhardy and courageous of warriors 
 who ever lived. There was, however, a length beyond 
 which even his courage could not go. Indifferent to 
 danger in war, he always feared in peace the knife of the 
 assassin. It was chiefly for this reason, as he was not 
 ashamed to own to his friends, that he changed his 
 religion, that he grovelled and crawled so at the feet 
 of the Pope. He hoped that by this means the hands 
 of the assassins of the League would be withheld. They 
 were so for a time ; but that his fears were just is proved 
 by the fact that Henri de Navarre eventually fell under 
 the da^g-er of the assassin Ravaillac. 
 
 But we are anticipating by more than twenty years, 
 and must now go back to the overtures made by Henri 
 de Navarre to Henri III. shortly after the murder of the 
 two Guises. 
 
 Soon after those tragic events Navarre caused du Plessis- 
 Mornay to write on his behalf to the King what may be 
 called a peace manifesto. In this he set forth the fact 
 that ten armies had been raised to suppress him during 
 the last four years, but that the only thing suppressed 
 had been the prosperity of France. He spoke tem- 
 perately of the misfortunes of France, which had 
 required the death of the two Guises, and further of 
 the misfortune which made it necessary in France for 
 every man to go continually armed. And he demanded 
 a solid, lasting peace — a peace with honour and liberty 
 of conscience. 
 
 Having sent this manifesto to precede him, the 
 Bearnese King set himself in motion with an army in 
 
58 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the direction of Tours, a town on the Loire not far from 
 Blois, to which the King had removed. 
 
 As he marched on, various CathoHc towns opened 
 their gates to him. More than this, they sent to him 
 friendly messages in advance. This fact had great weight 
 with the King, who was vainly trying to come to terms 
 with the Leaguers, who on their side, under Mayenne, 
 the implacable brother of the two murdered Guises, were 
 also advancing against him. The nearest danger was the 
 most pressing. Henri de Navarre was the nearest danger. 
 When he arrived with his army within only three leagues 
 of Tours, the King made up his mind in a hurry, and sent 
 messages to the King of Navarre, asking him to come in 
 peace, saying that for his part he was willing to shake 
 hands and make friends. 
 
 The following day there was the most wonderful 
 reconcihation, not only between the two Kings, but 
 between their two armies of Catholics and Protestants. 
 Everybody embraced everybody else, and old soldiers 
 covered with wounds, who had fought against each other 
 for years past in every part of France, might have been 
 seen helping to unharness each other's horses or helping 
 to boil each other's camp-kettles. It was a wonderful 
 scene. As for Henri de Navarre himself, he showed his 
 usual indifference to danger. Followed by but a few 
 of his nobles, he pressed forward into the heart of the 
 enemy's camp. His helmet, surmounted by the enormous 
 white plume, and his little red cloak over his dented 
 cuirass, made him an easy mark for treachery, had there 
 been but one treacherous hand among the throngs of his 
 ancient bitter foes. And thus, all undaunted, he pressed 
 on with difficulty through crowds of the King's soldiery, 
 
The League murders Henri III 59 
 
 until he espied the King himself walking in the park of 
 Plessis le Tours. From a distance, still separated by the 
 crowds of armed men,, the two Kings held out their arms 
 to each other ; they waved their helmets to each other 
 in salutation. And then, at length struggling through 
 the throng, Henri de Navarre reached his monarch, and, 
 falling on his knee, exclaimed, " Now I can die, for I have 
 seen my King ! " 
 
 That flattering phrase decided the future of France. 
 The followers on both sides fell into each other's arms, 
 and the alliance against the League was one, not of the 
 head only, but of the heart. The religious feelings of 
 the two armies were forgotten ; the Massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew was forgotten. There was now but one 
 army — a French one ; but one enemy — the League. 
 
 The King was the first to benefit by the alliance, 
 in the help that he received from the Huguenots. 
 Surrounded by traitors as he was, one of them, who had 
 formerly been a chancellor to Mary Stuart, sent word 
 to Mayenne to warn him of what had taken place. And 
 then he contrived to lead the Kins: into dano^er. At ten 
 o'clock in the morning he conducted him on some pre- 
 text into a suburb of the town known as Saint Symphonic, 
 at the very moment that Mayenne, after a forced march, 
 fell furiously upon the place with vastly superior numbers. 
 The King was warned by a miller, who recognis>.^d him by 
 his violet coat; thus he escaped. But his gallant adherent 
 Crillon, who made a splendid defence to this unexpected 
 attack, although badly wounded, saved the situation for 
 the time, and held the foe at bay until help came from 
 the King of Navarre. He had gone away with his troops 
 some little distance from Tours, but before evening 
 
6o Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 managed to send fifteen hundred arquebus-men, under 
 the gallant Mons. de Chatillon, son of the equally brave 
 Admiral Coligny, the Huguenot leader, who had been 
 murdered in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. 
 
 Vanily did the Leaguers cry out to the Huguenots, 
 " Brave Huguenots, we do not want to fight with you ; 
 our quarrel is with the others. Stand on one side ! " 
 The musket-balls of the Huguenots were the only 
 reply made to this summons, and the gallant fellows 
 fought until a third of their men were killed, while the 
 King in his violet coat came back under fire, and for 
 once behaved himself in a truly courageous manner. 
 The Huguenots had eventually to fall back, which they 
 did but slowly, still fighting, retreating foot by foot 
 on Tours ; but that place was saved. The chiefs of 
 the Leaguers, under the Due d'Aumale, after desecrat- 
 ing the church all that night with horrible scenes of 
 debauchery and orgie, withdrew in the morning ; but 
 their men in the meantime had behaved to the unfor- 
 tunate inhabitants of the Faubourg, both men and 
 women, in a way worthy of Farnese's Spanish soldiery 
 at the sack of Antwerp. Terrible indeed was the 
 revenge which the bloody soldiers of the League took 
 upon their co-religionists, the harmless inhabitants of 
 Saint Symphonic, for the disappointment caused them 
 by the timely interference of the Huguenot troops, 
 which saved the King. 
 
 There could be no possible doubt of the sincerity 
 of the good feeling between the soldiery of the two 
 Kings after this gallant affair ; and shortly afterwards 
 the allied forces gave the Leaguers a signal defeat under 
 the walls of Senlis, killing Menneville, one of their 
 
The League murders Henri III 61 
 
 leaders. The remainder, under one Balagny, who had 
 christened himself Prince de Cambrai, they drove back 
 pell-mell into Paris. The Leaguers were now so signally 
 defeated, and with such ridicule, that the fickle Parisians 
 commenced making sarcastic songs on the advantages 
 of their being able to run so quickly. Nevertheless, 
 Balagny became Governor of Paris. 
 
 After this event the army of the allied Kings swelled 
 rapidly, and, having been augmented by fifteen thousand 
 Swiss, soon reached the respectable number of thirty 
 thousand men. With this force Henri III. advanced 
 upon Paris as far as Saint Cloud. From the heights of 
 Saint Cloud the King viewed this city, which he hated, 
 and, looking over it, remarked that ^' the town was a 
 great deal too fat ; it required bleeding." 
 
 Meanwhile, he had been pitilessly bleeding such 
 towns as had resisted upon the line of his advance, and 
 Paris began to tremble. 
 
 As already mentioned, there were by this time in 
 the city a great number of malcontents who were weary 
 of the League. These the Due de Mayenne, whose forces 
 were diminishing as those of Henri III. and Navarre 
 increased, felt that he had good cause to fear. There 
 were also many men who had previously taken up arms 
 against the King, especially at the time of the barricades, 
 when he had escaped to Blois. These, indeed, had cause 
 to tremble for fear of the bleeding process which seemed 
 so near at hand. There were very many monks, too, 
 who had taken up arms. These remembered the fate 
 of the Cardinal de Guise. They wondered with pale 
 faces what sort of mercy would be meted out to 
 themselves in turn by their outraged monarch and the 
 
62 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Huguenot King combined. The whole League trembled 
 in its shoes ; and, to make things worse, in vain did 
 Mayenne appeal to Spain and to the German Catholics 
 for assistance — for none came. The Leaguers now began 
 to think once more of what was so much the custom 
 of the day — assassination. It was openly preached by 
 the monks, with the result that a band of braggart young 
 men vowed to treat Henri de Navarre as Judith had 
 treated Holofernes. Nothing came of this, however. 
 
 More successful was the sister of the Guises, the 
 Duchesse de Montpensier, who determined upon the 
 death of Henri III. She was a beautiful and seductive 
 woman, and easily contrived to bewitch with her wiles 
 and promises a foolish young Jacobin friar named Jacques 
 Clement. This young man was well known for his 
 carnal nature, for he had already committed a great crime 
 in a convent in the country whence he came. The prior 
 of the convent to which he had been sent in Paris now 
 exhorted him to do a great act to atone for his great 
 crime, and he incited him to do the King to death. 
 By way of encouraging Clement, he was first of all kept 
 for a time on very short rations in a room painted with 
 devils and flames, so that he should think about hell. 
 Then the beautiful Duchesse took him in hand, and, if he 
 succeeded, promised him heaven. She quite persuaded 
 the poor wretch that, should he kill the King, nobody 
 would dare to touch him ; that they would let him go 
 free, for fear of the vengeance of the League — and 
 that the League would make him a Cardinal. 
 
 Thus primed, off went the young monk to Saint 
 Cloud, armed with letters from some Royahsts and a 
 long knife up his sleeve. The letters procured him 
 

 HENRI III., KING OF FRANCE 
 The Last of the \'alois 
 
 [7^0 face p. 62 
 
The League murders Henri III 63 
 
 access to Henri III. in his bedroom. While he was 
 reading them Clement said that he had something to 
 communicate, which was for the Kingi's ear alone. 
 The King told the bystanders to retire to a little 
 distance, whereupon the friar instantly drove the long 
 knife into the King's belly, leaving it sticking in the 
 wound. The unfortunate King with great effort drew 
 the knife from the wound, and struck Clement with the 
 point upon the nose. At the same moment the Attorney- 
 General, who was standing by, drew his sword, and 
 drove it through the murderer's body, kilHng him on 
 the spot. 
 
 The King was well enough that afternoon to write 
 a letter to the Queen to reassure her ; but the next 
 afternoon, feeling himself dying, he sent for all the 
 nobility, and in his presence made them swear fealty 
 to Henri de Navarre. And then he died, leaving the 
 monarch who had now become Henri IV. of PVance to 
 struggle with that monster the League single-handed. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Henri de Navarre defeats the League 
 
 1589 and 1590 
 
 Disappointment of the Duchesse. — Masses for the Murderer and his 
 Mother. — Coldness of the Courtiers. — Poverty of Henri IV, — He 
 wears his Predecessor's Clothes. — Spain refuses to support Mayenne's 
 Pretensions to the Crown. — Henri Cheerful. — He determines to fight. 
 — A Born Leader of Men.— Retires to Dieppe. — Entrenches himself 
 at Arques. — Mayenne attacks with a Large Army. — The Battle of 
 Arques. — Utter Defeat of Mayenne, September 21st, 1589. — Queen 
 Elizabeth sends Troops. — Venice sends an Embassy. — Henri sacks 
 the Suburbs of Paris. — Battle of Ivry, 1590. — Henri vanquishes the 
 Leaguers. — Shows great Personal Bravery, charging at the Head 
 of his Horse. 
 
 When the Duchesse de Montpensier learned that the 
 
 assassination of Henri III. had been successfully carried 
 
 out, her joy knew no bounds. She absolutely fell upon 
 
 the neck of the messenger who brought her the glad 
 
 tidings. There was one bitter pill, however, in her cup 
 
 of joy. " Oh ! " she exclaimed, " if only he had known 
 
 that it was I who was at the bottom of it all — that it 
 
 was I who actually caused his death ! " 
 
 But her delirium of delight knew no bounds for 
 
 all that ; and although she could not fulfil her promises 
 
 to the foolish young friar who had struck the blow, 
 
 she tried to make up to the mother of Jacques Clement 
 
 64 
 
Henri de Navarre defeats the League 65 
 
 for the vengeful joy which the young assassin had pro- 
 cured for her and for every member of the League. 
 The mother of the murderer was sent for to Paris, 
 and there she was treated by the populace and the 
 priests as though she had been divine. Masses were 
 held in her honour, the priesthood blessing her and her 
 son in the pulpit in words applied to the Mother of 
 Christ herself 
 
 Meanwhile, Henri IV. did not find his accession 
 such an easy matter. No sooner was Henri III. dead 
 than it became apparent that the nobles and the favourites, 
 known as Mignons^ or Darlings, who had rallied to 
 the standard of the deceased monarch, had entirely 
 forgotten all feelings of gratitude which were due to 
 Navarre for the rescue of Henri III. at Tours. They 
 received the new King with cold looks, having given 
 one another the word not to acknowledge him as 
 such unless he immediately changed his religion. The 
 real reason of this conduct was not so much religious 
 feeling as the fact that most of these nobles had 
 governorships or provinces of their own, in which 
 they could grind down the poor at their leisure, and 
 they wished to make off to them. 
 
 Another potent reason was that Henri IV. was on 
 his succession so poor that they had nothing whatever 
 to expect from him. It is related of the new King that 
 so penniless was he that had he not obtained the late 
 King's own violet pourpoint, and, as he was a smaller 
 man, had it cut down for his ov/n use, he could not have 
 gone into mourning for him, Henri III. himself having 
 been in mourning, and violet the Court mourning colour 
 of those days. 
 
 s 
 
66 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 When the Chevaher d'O, one of the very worst 
 of Henri III.'s Mignons^ serving as spokesman to the 
 rest, informed the King of Navarre of the decision of 
 the nobles, Henri courageously refused to accede to 
 their demands until he had had six months in which 
 to think over the matter, and to consider the tenets of 
 the new religion he was called upon to adopt. Mean- 
 while, the haughty and courageous d'Epernon, saying 
 openly '' that he was not going to stay to serve a 
 ragged king of bandits," marched off to Angoumais 
 and Provence, over which provinces he held sway, and 
 many of the others followed his example. Not all, how- 
 ever ; for some few of the nobles remained — notably one 
 Givry, who embraced the King's knee, declaring that he 
 was " the monarch of the brave." 
 
 At this time the Due de Mayenne, urged thereto 
 by his sister the Duchesse de Montpensier, sought to 
 make himself King. Then it was that the League 
 found out how powerless was its organisation without 
 the backing of Spain. The King of Spain declared that 
 if there were any change of monarchy he now required 
 the kingdom of France for himself, or rather for his 
 daughter the Infanta, on the grounds that she was a 
 grand-daughter of Henri II. The Leaguers therefore 
 gave in apparently, leaving the old Cardinal de Bourbon 
 as their nominal claimant for the throne, until such time 
 as Mayenne, by Spanish help or otherwise, should have 
 become strong enough to seize the throne and hold it 
 against Henri IV. and against Spain. 
 
 Henri de Navarre, however, was not going to succumb 
 to his enemies without a good fight for his rights. He 
 seems never to have been more cheerful than he was at this 
 
Henri de Navarre defeats the League 67 
 
 time, when everything and everybody seemed to be against 
 him. He laughed gaily when he was advised by some 
 to retire to Germany, by others to Gascoiiy, to await 
 events. He laughed more gaily still Vv^hen recommended 
 to negotiate a partition of the kingdom with the Cardinal 
 de Bourbon. Then, while gaily wearing out the old 
 clothes of his predecessor, he set to work to see what he 
 could do with the remnants of their combined old armies. 
 
 At that period armies in France were not settled 
 establishments as they are nowadays. The ruling Powers' 
 lack of money made any regular payment of the mer- 
 cenary troops of all nations an impossibility ; it also 
 left the volunteer troops, who so largely composed the 
 fighting forces of the various leaders, absolutely free to 
 do as they liked. No one experienced this more than 
 Henri de Navarre. Sometimes a few thousands of young 
 nobles and their followers would join him for a fortnight 
 or so, bringing their own horses and provisions ; some- 
 times again, weary of fighting or camp life, his followers 
 would melt away like snow in a night. One feels in- 
 clined to wonder how, when the day of battle came, 
 there could be any kind of discipline among the hetero- 
 geneous masses which comprised for the moment either 
 his own forces or those of his opponents. 
 
 No doubt it required in those days, even more than 
 now, a born leader of men to lead to victory against a 
 far larger army a small force composed of antagonistic 
 elements ; but Henri de Navarre was a born leader of 
 men. His motto was " Conquer or die," and those 
 under him never saw him flinch in the hour of danger. 
 On the contrary, if his body was little, his heart was 
 big ; and underneath his huge waving crest he was ever 
 
68 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 to be seen acting up to his motto, cutting and thrusting 
 like a simple trooper in the very forefront of the battle. 
 
 When the new King found himself deserted by so 
 many of the late King's adherents, he went off to the 
 neighbourhood of Dieppe with those he could still rely 
 upon of both the Huguenot and Catholic factions ; 
 and here at Arques, with his back to the sea, he en- 
 trenched himself and his forces, and waited in the best 
 of possible humours to see what was going to happen. 
 He well knew that Mayenne was coming up, accompanied 
 by the Dues de Nemours and Aumale, and the so-called 
 Prince de Cambrai (Balagny) ; he well knew that the 
 implacable scion of the House of Guise had received 
 huge reinforcements from Philip II. of Spain, consisting 
 of Germans and of Swiss, of Walloon regiments and of 
 cavalry from the Low Countries. Did he despair while, 
 with his excellent old Marechal de Biron, he employed his 
 time in fortifying the position of his small army on what 
 the Leaguers held to be the last bit of ground, except his 
 grave, that the King would ever occupy in France ? 
 
 Did he despair, even when he received news from 
 Paris that windows were already letting at high prices 
 in the Rue Saint Antoine to see the Bearnese King 
 brought in, tied hand and foot, by Mayenne ? Far 
 from losing spirit, far from fretting, this is how we 
 find Henri de Navarre writing to his mistress Corisande, 
 a day or two before the Battle of Arques : 
 
 ''Dear Heart, — It is wonderful what I live upon 
 and the work that I get through ; but I never felt 
 better, and my affliirs are splendid. I am only just 
 waiting for them to come on, and, by God's help, I 
 
Henri de Navarre defeats the League 69 
 
 think they will find that they have made a bad bargain. 
 I send you millions of kisses from the trenches of 
 Arques." 
 
 This is not exactly the letter of a despondent man, 
 and yet at the very time he wrote it Henry was usually 
 so hard up for a meal that he was compelled to invite 
 himself to dine with any of his officers who happened 
 to have some food. 
 
 At length the attack was made by the Due de Mayenne, 
 in a thick sea-fog on September 21st, 1589. 
 
 The position which Henri and old Biron had fortified 
 was a good one. On the front of the left flank and 
 on the left rear there was a very swampy little river. 
 In front of the centre there was a wood, behind which 
 the Marechal de Biron had dug a deep ditch, and the 
 right flank was protected by the cannon of the fortifica- 
 tions of Arques — useless, however, at first, in the fog. In 
 the centre of the deep trench and the wood a passage 
 had been left, by which the cavalry could issue forth 
 fifty abreast. 
 
 Henri had purposely not occupied with his forces 
 the adjacent town of Dieppe ; for, consisting as they 
 did of one-third Huguenots, one-third Swiss, and one- 
 third Catholics, he never knew what plots might not 
 be stirred up against him by the leaders of his own 
 Catholic troops in the town. It appears that they were 
 all on speaking terms with the leaders of the League, 
 with whom they are said to have even interchanged com- 
 pliments at the beginning of the fight, which commenced 
 as follows : 
 
 Trying to cross the river on the left, Mayenne met 
 
70 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the King face to face, and was driven back by the 
 King's artillery. Then Henri's cavalry charged vigor- 
 ously out of the opening in the centre ; but Mayenne's 
 German foot soldiers, passing through the wood in the 
 fog, suddenly found themselves close to the muzzles of 
 the King's musketeers across the ditch. Thereupon 
 the Germans cried that they were Royalists, and had 
 come to join the King. Henri IV. and old Biron came 
 to help them across the trench, and shook hands with 
 their leaders. Presently, in a gallant counter-charge, 
 Mayenne's cavalry thrust in as far as the camp. Here- 
 upon the treacherous Germans took back their allegiance 
 to the King and turned upon the Royalists. Some of them 
 threw the Marechal de Biron from his horse ; another 
 one held the point of his spear to the King's breast, 
 ordering him to surrender. Henri's cavalry, charging 
 down, rescued their monarch, who, with his usual for- 
 giveness of spirit, really extraordinary upon such an 
 occasion, ordered them to let this man go scot-free. 
 
 Then Henri de Navarre let loose the Huguenot 
 portion of his little force, hitherto held in reserve. 
 Singing the 68th Psalm in unison, and headed by 
 Coligny's gallant son Chatillon, five hundred of these 
 old war-dogs soon cleared out all the Germans and 
 shot down the Leaguer cavalry. At the same moment, 
 the fog lifting, the cannon of Arques thundered out 
 upon the foe, who retired in disorder. 
 
 Meanwhile, old Biron, furious at the treachery of 
 which he had just been a victim, pursued Mayenne's 
 disordered forces with cavalry and several culverins, 
 and killed four hundred of the steadiest soldiers who were 
 doing their best to cover the retreat. Mayenne now 
 
Henri de Navarre defeats the League 71 
 
 endeavoured to throw himself into Dieppe ; but Henri IV. 
 and Biron together entirely foiled his attempt, and 
 drove him away in disorder from this town also. The 
 defeat of Mayenne was decisive ; and, after this disas- 
 trous affair of Arques, his army melted away for a time, 
 in the same manner as had that of the King during 
 the month before the battle. 
 
 For a time the moral prestige gained by winning this 
 important battle was of no value to the courageous King ; 
 for his Catholic followers commenced to quarrel and fight 
 with his Huguenot soldiers ; they also stirred up the Swiss 
 soldiers against them to such an extent that it became 
 impossible for the Huguenots to hold their religious 
 services anywhere but in the open air. 
 
 However, the beneficial effects of this moral prestige 
 declared themselves shortly. First of all, Queen Elizabeth 
 sent a fleet with four thousand Scotch and English 
 soldiers to reinforce this Huguenot King who had 
 made such a bold stand in defence of religion. And 
 then came a far greater surprise to on-looking Europe. 
 
 Catholic Venice, the tool of Spain, by the aid of 
 whose brave fleet it was that the Spaniard had won the 
 Battle of Lepanto — 'Venice, so much the tool of Spain 
 that Philip IJ. had, without asking, forcibly impressed 
 a dozen of her ships to fight for him in the Spanish 
 Armada — openly sided with Henri IV. 
 
 To the astonished gaze of the civilised world, there 
 was now to be seen traversing France a Venetian Embassy, 
 proceeding to congratulate the Bearnese King upon his 
 victory. It may be remembered that Henri III. and 
 Venice had always been great friends. Now the 
 Venetians execrated the name of the League as the 
 
72 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 murderer of Henri III., and they simply worshipped 
 the name of Henri IV. as the scourge of that League. 
 Any old daub of a picture which was called Henri IV. 
 could at this time be sold in Venice almost for its 
 weight in gold. Philip II., frightened at this outbreak, 
 sent an ambassador to Venice with a Papal Legate. 
 He gained nothing except rudeness. He was told 
 bluntly that Venice knew of no other claims to the 
 French Crown than those of Henri IV. 
 
 Meanwhile, that King marched upon Paris, and 
 sacked the suburbs, killing nine hundred men, after 
 which he returned to Tours, laden with spoils, to meet 
 the Venetian Ambassador. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, with only about eight or nine 
 thousand men, he fought Mayenne with the troops of 
 the League at Ivry. This battle was fought in the 
 open, and Mayenne and the League had been largely 
 reinforced by Spain. The Prince of Parma sent him 
 six thousand musketeers and twelve hundred Walloon 
 cavalry. He also received an army from Lorraine, the 
 home of the Guises. His total numbers reached twenty- 
 five thousand men ; but Henri vanquished this Spanish 
 army, for such it was. With a huge white plume on 
 his helmet and another upon his horse's head, he 
 gallantly headed every charge and drove Mayenne from 
 the field ; while every one of the German soldiers was 
 massacred by the King's orders, in memory of the 
 treachery at Arques. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 The League Besieged 
 
 1590 and Later 
 
 Distracted State of France. — Neglectful Behaviour of Henri IV. — 
 Advance on Paris. — Seizure of all Bread and Flour, — Death of 
 Cardinal de Bourbon. — King Philip II. behaves coldly towards the 
 Guises. — Spanish Clerics and Troops everywhere. — Duke of Savoy 
 invades Provence. — Spanish Troops but no Money for Mayenne. — 
 Monks as Militiamen. — They nearly shoot the Pope's Legate by 
 Accident. — Revenge of Henri III.'s Widow on Jacques Cle'ment's 
 Prior. — No Real Religion in Paris.- Debauchery of Monks and Nuns 
 inside Paris. — Henri IV. makes love in the Convents without the 
 Walls. — Increasing Misery in the City. — Children killed and eaten. — 
 Henri allows People to leave. — Prince of Parma takes Corbeil with 
 Terrible Atrocities. — He leaves France, but leaves the Leaguers no 
 Money. — Ferocious Sermons. — The Council of Ten. — They hang 
 Brisson by Treachery, with Approval of Spanish Embassy. — ^The 
 People of Paris struck with Horror. — La Rue declares against "The 
 Sixteen." — Mayenne allowed to enter Paris. 
 
 The defeat of the Leaguers and Spaniards at Ivry 
 occurred on March ijth, 1590 ; after it followed a 
 very iriteresting epoch in the career of the League, 
 culminating in its downfall. This epoch also witnessed 
 the conversion of Henri IV. to the Catholic Faith, if 
 that can be called conversion which was simply a matter 
 of policy ; and, further, his practical abandonment of his 
 old co-religionists and followers, the Huguenots. 
 
 Seeing the distracted state of France at this time, 
 
 73 
 
74 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 and the necessity for a firm leader whom all parties 
 could follow, there may have been some excuse for the 
 conversion of Henri de Navarre. But for the shameful 
 way in which he deserted and neglected his own people 
 after that conversion there was absolutely none. This 
 neglect and desertion have rendered base a name that had 
 been glorious, making it impossible for the student of 
 French history to read through to the end the career of 
 Henri de Navarre without feelings of disgust. We do not 
 here allude to another cause for disgust : his cruel neglect 
 of some of the women whom he made his mistresses ; for 
 as a rule these women deliberately brought that neglect 
 upon themselves, having sold themselves to the King for 
 money or ambition in the first instance, and afterwards 
 showing themselves neither faithful to him nor to the 
 state of v/hich he was the ruler. 
 
 Our present business is, however, with the Siege of 
 Paris, towards which city — the hot- bed of the League — 
 Henri leisurely advanced after his triumph of Ivry. 
 
 There is an amusing story told with reference to 
 this advance, which bears witness at once to his bodily 
 energy and to his avaricious Gascon nature. The day 
 after the battle in which he took the town of Mantes, 
 he played the game of -paume^ or tennis, the whole day 
 long with all the bakers of the town. They beat him 
 in the game, and then refused to give him his revenge. 
 In order to get level with them, the King had bread 
 made all night, and then ordered it to be sold next 
 day at half the price the bakers usually asked. The 
 result of this was, that the bakers themselves came and 
 offered to play as long as he liked, if only the King would 
 not undersell them. As he advanced upon Paris, the 
 
The League Besieged 75 
 
 King treated both the millers and bakers everywhere else 
 far worse than he had those of Mantes ; for he seized 
 all flour, all bread, all places for making bread, with the 
 result that the big and populous city began to feel 
 the want of bread even before the King had reached 
 the walls. 
 
 In the meantime the King of the League, Henri's 
 uncle, the old Cardinal de Bourbon, died. There was 
 therefore now no legitimate prince left to dispute 
 the succession with him. The Spaniards had, however, 
 been thronging into Paris, and on the death of the 
 old Cardinal the clergy of all denominations rallied to 
 the flag of Spain. 
 
 The chances of the brother of Henri de Guise, 
 Mayenne, becoming king were now indeed small. 
 When his sister, the violent Duchesse de Montpensier, 
 rushed ofi^ to Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, with 
 news of the death of the League's Pretender, expecting 
 that her brother's turn to be recognised had now come, 
 she met with a very cold reception, being told that 
 nothing was to be done henceforward except by direct 
 orders from King Philip IL The House of Guise was 
 indeed on its downward path about this time ; for all 
 the Leaguers everywhere were rushing into the arms 
 of Spain, while Spanish Jesuits and monks came to 
 Paris to magnanimously assure The Sixteen of their 
 protection. 
 
 Spanish troops were to be found in all parts of 
 France ; even the eldest member of the Guise family, 
 the Due de Mercoeur, had a httle army of Spaniards 
 of his own in Brittany, w^here he was living apart from 
 the rest of his family and fighting entirely for his own 
 
76 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 hand. The Duke of Savoy also invaded Provence with 
 an army of Spaniards and Savoyards. This prince was 
 a son-in-law of Philip II., and thought that, from his 
 connection with Spain, he had as much right to the 
 throne of France as any one else. For that matter, it 
 seemed as if France herself was all for Spain, This was 
 what the League had brought her to. It was in vain 
 that Mayenne sought monetary assistance only from 
 Phihp II. That astute monarch smiled sardonically. He 
 sent Spanish troops, but no money wherewith to enable 
 the League to raise French troops to fight the Huguenots. 
 Notwithstanding this Spanish influx, this Spanish feeling 
 in the country, Henri IV. opened fire on Paris in 
 May, 1590, whereupon many of the priesthood deter- 
 mined to fight as soldiers with the bourgeois militia, 
 which was a kind of National Guard. Their first efforts 
 at firing off their muskets were only too successful ; 
 for they managed, when saluting the Pope's Legate, 
 to shoot his almoner by mistake, and nearly killed the 
 Legate also. 
 
 In addition to the Spaniards there were a good 
 many German mercenaries in Paris, and some French 
 soldiers as well ; but all ere long were starving with 
 hunger. In the meantime Henri IV., outside the 
 walls, managed to get hold of the prior of the convent 
 to which Henri III.'s assassin, Jacques Clement, had 
 belonged, when, to please Louise de Lorraine, the 
 widow of the murdered King, the miserable prior was 
 torn to pieces by cart-horses. 
 
 Just about this period, when everything done by 
 the Leaguers, when every act of tyranny or oppres- 
 sion, every act of government, was done in the name 
 
The League Besieged 77 
 
 of religion, it is interesting to note what an utter 
 absence of any real religion there was in Paris. 
 While on the one hand the priests were hurling de- 
 nunciations from the pulpits and openly preaching the 
 policy of assassination, on the other hand the doors 
 of the monasteries and convents were unlocked, and 
 the monks and nuns openly gave themselves over to 
 unbridled licence. On the one side it was a party of 
 Carmelite monks who, surprised by a police sergeant 
 with women of the town in a cabaret, went unpunished 
 when they beat him to death ; on the other it was 
 the pretty young nuns who, with faces rouged and 
 powdered, could now be seen nightly tripping about 
 Paris, hanging on the arms of the young gallants of 
 the League. They were not in the least abashed, says 
 the most worthy chronicler of those times, Lestoile, to 
 be seen kissing their noble young lovers openly. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that that terrible ladies' 
 man King Henri IV. would let slip any opportunities 
 at a time when the feminine religious element was 
 showing itself so amiable to his deadly foes. Quite 
 the contrary, for we have it on the authority of the 
 Marechal de Biron himself that, while besieging Paris, 
 the Protestant King took a very early opportunity of 
 convincing Marie de Beauvilliers, the charming abbess of 
 Montmartre, that her first duty was to her monarch. 
 After this, when Henri changed his quarters to another 
 nunnery of young girls, that of Longchamp, Biron good^ 
 humouredly and sarcastically laughs at the King, saying, 
 " At all events no one could reproach his Majesty for 
 a change of religion." For in this convent it was a 
 young nun named Catherine de Verdun who was honoured 
 
78 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 by the smiles of the fickle monarch. She was afterwards 
 made the Abbess of Vernon. 
 
 While Henri was amusinor himself thus outside 
 
 o 
 
 the walls, the unfortunate inhabitants of Paris were 
 soon starving within. Rats, cats, and dogs were 
 eaten ; a lady and her servant salted down and ate 
 the dead child of the former ; a soldier killed and 
 ate a little boy. Even the cemeteries were searched 
 for bones, which were ground down and made into 
 bread. Life within the walls was one terrible, prolonged 
 agony for the poor, who, greatly to the surprise of 
 the religious houses, broke into them, and seized the 
 abundance of victuals stored therein. 
 
 Henri IV. took the opportunity at this crisis to 
 act nobly to the besieged. He gave full and free 
 permission to whoever chose to leave the city to do 
 so unmolested. Only, no one was allowed to return ; 
 and any parties of foragers who, attracted by the 
 waving cornfields that could be seen from the walls, 
 dared to issue forth and endeavour to reap a few ears 
 of corn for bread, were ruthlessly shot down. 
 
 A great number of people, including numbers of 
 the better classes, took the opportunity of leaving the 
 town, many of them going to the outlying places near 
 at hand, such as Charenton and Corbeil. 
 
 The wretched ladies who took refuge in Corbeil 
 had cause to regret having done so shortly after ; for 
 a large army, under the command of the famous Prince 
 of Parma, came from the Low Countries, nominally to 
 assist the Due de Mayenne, really to make Mayenne 
 look small and to establish Spain firmly in Paris. 
 
 In making Mayenne look small, the decrepit old 
 
The League Besieged 79 
 
 Farnese, who was carried along in a litter, easily 
 succeeded by the unexpected capture of Lagny. Alone, 
 with his main body, he wrested from Henri this very 
 important victualling station for Paris ; and he never 
 informed Mayenne, whom he had sent off to occupy 
 the King's troops elsewhere, that he intended to make 
 the attempt. Mayenne felt himself covered with ridi- 
 cule by the way he had been treated in this matter. 
 Then, after many severe attempts upon Corbeil, the 
 Spanish leader took that place also. 
 
 Now it was that the Prince of Parma thought the 
 time had come for him to give his ferocious soldiery 
 a treat. He had hitherto, on his march through 
 France, treated his Spanish, Italian, Comtois, and 
 Walloon miscreants with regular Roman discipline. 
 Every night of their march an entrenched camp had 
 been formed by his army, surrounded by carts and 
 waggons in laager, in the Roman style. Every offence 
 had been visited with Spartan severity. On the fall 
 of Corbeil, however, Farnese entirely relaxed all the 
 reins of discipline ; he let his ruffians loose upon the 
 place, like a huge pack of bloodhounds falling upon 
 one defenceless child. And they hterally tore Corbeil 
 to pieces. The historian Lestoile, whose own wife, 
 just having been brought to bed of a child, had to 
 pay a ransom of five hundred crowns for her liberty, 
 tells us what happened. The wretched ladies from 
 Paris who survived the horrors of that awful sack 
 struggled back to the city more dead than alive. 
 
 The Parisians were not so keen on their Spanish 
 allies after this event. They resisted by force the 
 establishment of a Spanish garrison in Corbeil, and 
 
8o Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Informed Farnese more plainly than politely that they 
 had had enough for the present of such a terrible 
 friend. So the Prince of Parma marched off again 
 with his force, leaving Mayenne and the Leaguers 
 behind him gnashing their teeth with rage. But he 
 cared little ; for, as he was borne away in his litter, 
 this invalid old man with the iron will was able to 
 grin sardonically, as he reflected that he had obeyed 
 his sovereign's behest. He had made Mayenne look 
 silly ; he had raised the siege of Paris ; and, above 
 all things, he had shown the might of Spain. 
 
 Not for long, though, was the siege of Paris raised. 
 The wily Italian was not a hundred miles away before 
 that indomitable fighter Henri de Navarre was back again 
 as cheerful as ever, and as successful as ever. With his 
 small army he was once more besieging Paris, while 
 detaching some cavalry to harass the rear of the Spanish 
 army. He then retook Lagny and Corbeil at his first 
 assaults. Meanwhile, they were still hungry in Paris, for 
 there had not been enough time or opportunity to get in 
 anything like sufficient provisions for such a large city. 
 Moreover, Parma's troops had ravaged the surrounding 
 country far more than those of Henri de Navarre had 
 ever done, so there had not been much food to bring in 
 even when the gates were open. 
 
 Greatly to the disappointment of the Guises and the 
 Leaguers generally, the Spaniards left neither gold nor 
 the riches of the newly conquered Indies behind them. 
 No ; faithful to the precepts of his Spanish master, old 
 Farnese did not leave so much as a crown-piece in gold. 
 But he left what, in spite of himself, Mayenne was con- 
 strained to accept — three Spanish regiments. 
 
The League Besieged 81 
 
 Meanwhile, as the misery within the walls increased, 
 so did the state of revolution and anarchy increase. 
 Vainly did the starving people implore that arch- 
 Leaguer the Archbishop of Lyons for bread ; vainly 
 did they implore Brisson, the milk-and-watery President 
 of the Parliament, to negotiate terms with the King 
 outside. The former was only thinking of negotiating 
 a Spanish marriage with the Infanta for the young Due 
 de Guise, who had just escaped from captivity. As for 
 poor Brisson, he was as helpless as he was harmless, and, 
 had he but known it, this unhappy magistrate himself 
 was at this very time the marked-down prey of the 
 assassin ; for the priests were preaching the doctrine of 
 assassination more ferociously than ever. 
 
 So frantic and ferocious were the sermons of the Cure 
 Boucher that the people used to turn round uneasily 
 and look at the door, expecting him to spring down 
 among them like a mad dog and tear them to pieces 
 with his teeth. But he was merely denouncing his 
 enemies, and stirring up his hearers to the same hatred 
 of them as he felt himself. At this time another cure 
 was saying, *' There has been enough connivance, gentle- 
 men ; now has come the time for the knife ! " Again, 
 this abominable priest, who was the Cure of Saint Jacques, 
 said, " Enough of connivance, gentlemen ; now has come 
 the time for hanging ! " As a result of all this, a secret 
 Council of Ten sprang into existence for the arrest and 
 execution of " suspects." 
 
 After robbing and selling the goods of a certain 
 number of suspects, the Council of Ten — the chief of 
 which was one Bussy Leclerc — determined upon the 
 murder of Brisson. He had done nothing ; but that did 
 
 6 
 
82 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 not matter. The Cure of Saint Come obtained th( 
 Spanish Embassy's approval of the crime, and very earb 
 on a wintry November's morning the horrible deed wa 
 
 committed. 
 
 The unsuspecting Brisson, with two of his councillors 
 was decoyed to the Hotel de Ville on pretence of urgen 
 business. Here a scoundrel named Crome, whose fathe 
 Brisson had formerly prosecuted for stealing, was lyin^ 
 in wait with others. All three of the magistrates wer 
 seized, and at once strung up to a beam in a prisoj 
 known as Le Petit Chatelet ; and then, still before day 
 light, their three bodies were at once taken and suspendec 
 on a gallows at the usual place of execution — The Greve 
 
 It was one of the most horrible and unprovoke( 
 
 crimes ever recorded in history. Moreover, it entire!^ 
 
 failed in the results which the Council of Ten and th< 
 
 savage priests had hoped to obtain from it. It was ii 
 
 vain that the minions of Bussy Leclerc rushed abou 
 
 among the people, preaching that the murdered men wer 
 
 traitors who would have betrayed Paris, and, further, tha 
 
 they were rich men, and their goods belonged by righ 
 
 to the people. Nobody stirred when exhorted by Thi 
 
 Ten to kill all the accomplices of the murdered men 
 
 On the contrary, the people looked in sad silence, witi 
 
 horror and disgust, at the murdered corpse of the cleve 
 
 and good-natured magistrate hanging there in his shirt 
 
 and the expected grand popular massacre did not tak( 
 
 place. Instead, La Rue, one of The Sixteen, declarec 
 
 against the rest, and vowed to cut their throats. And th( 
 
 mother of the Guises also failed to give her approbatior 
 
 to these conspirators, whose sole object was to offer th( 
 
 throne to Spain, the. first step towards which was to obtair 
 
The League Besieged 83 
 
 possession of Paris. The mother of the Guises sent for 
 Mayenne, who, quitting the field against Henri IV., came 
 to the gates of Paris with two thousand men. The 
 Sixteen, thinking themselves sure of him, allowed him 
 to enter the city. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 Dissensions within the League 
 
 1590 and Later 
 
 Mayenne attacks the Bastille. — Hangs Five of The Sixteen.— Disunion 
 between the League and the Spaniards. — The Prince of Parma joins 
 Mayenne. — Henri IV. reconnoitres rashly. — The Italian General 
 is Gouty. — His List Slippers astonish Henri, who is wounded. — 
 Villars' Successful Sortie. — Prince of Parma hemmed in. — His arrival 
 in Paris. — His Departure and Death. — Claims of Philip II. laughed 
 at. — People turn to Henri. — Abominable Excesses of the League 
 Soldiery. — Will Henri change Religion? — Bellegarde shows Gabrielle 
 to Henri IV. — Gabrielle d'Estr^es becomes the King's Mistress. — 
 She inclines towards the Catholic Faith. — Henri decides to take the 
 Perilous Leap. 
 
 It was at'the end of November, 1590, that the learned old 
 magistrate Brisson, President of the Leaguer Parliament, 
 was so horribly murdered in Paris by the ruffian Crome, 
 at the instigation of Bussy Leclerc and others of The 
 Sixteen. And it was at the end of the same month that 
 the Due de Mayenne with his two thousand men obtained 
 an easy entrance into Paris. For first The Sixteen made 
 him a harangue at the gates, to which he listened without 
 a murmur, and then they asked him to a supper, which 
 invitation he accepted. 
 
 After this they thought that they were going to 
 have no trouble with Mayenne — that he was about to 
 
 84 
 
Dissensions within the League 85 
 
 swallow without a murmur the hanging of the worthy 
 President and of his two equally unoffending councillors. 
 They were soon undeceived ; for, on the first day of 
 December, he turned all the cannon which he could obtain 
 from the Arsenal against the Bastille, where Bussy Leclerc 
 had established himself with a garrison. Thereupon that 
 worthy promptly surrendered. The Sixteen, who had 
 wrought this bloody crime in the interests of Spain, 
 thought that now was the time for the Spanish troops 
 in Paris to rise up like men and come to their rescue. 
 Although The Sixteen begged and implored, not a 
 Spaniard moved. Mayenne therefore, emboldened by 
 this immobility on the part of the Spanish garrison, 
 seized upon five of The Sixteen, and hanged them as 
 they had hanged Brisson. Crome managed to escape 
 among the ranks of the Spaniards, who, by their in- 
 action upon this occasion, had lost the golden opportunity 
 which they should have seized. 
 
 Henceforward the League and the Spaniards, with 
 their backing of Jesuits and monks, were two separate 
 bodies, with entirely different aims and feelings. For- 
 merly they had formed but one unit ; and, whatever 
 their respective feelings might have been, their aims 
 at all events had been the same — the downfall of the 
 monarchy in France. Yet the open alliance between 
 the League and Spain continued ; and Mayenne, whose 
 action the Spaniards had not opposed, was soon after 
 this to be found asking once more for the assistance of 
 the Prince of Parma, with an army from the Netherlands. 
 This time it was for the purpose of driving Henri de 
 Navarre away from the walls of Rouen ; for the King 
 was besieging that important place vigorously, while 
 
86 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Villars, the commandant, was making a most spirited 
 defence. 
 
 Farnese, having exacted from Mayenne his payment 
 in advance, was soon on the move once more with a 
 large and well-disciplined force, and by the beginning of 
 February had reached Aumale. Here Henri IV. pro- 
 ceeded to reconnoitre his enemy's forces, and, as usual, 
 did so in the most foolhardy manner. Such was the 
 intrepidity of the Bearnese King, and such his curiosity 
 to observe the methods of the Prince of Parma, that he 
 very narrowly escaped with his life, or at all events being 
 taken prisoner. 
 
 Having ridden with but a small escort of cavalry 
 
 close up to the well-ordered ranks of the Spanish army, 
 
 Henri soon became vastly interested in what he saw. 
 
 The doughty old Italian General was, as usual, in the 
 
 very worst of health ; he was at this time suffering 
 
 severely from an attack of gout. From a distance 
 
 Henri could see him driving up and down the lines 
 
 in a little chariot. Drawing nearer and nearer as his 
 
 curiosity led him on, the King soon perceived that the 
 
 old man, who was thus ordering his forces, had his feet 
 
 tied up in bandages and huge list slippers. The sight 
 
 interested him so vastly that he forgot all about his 
 
 own personal safety or that of his escort, and Henri 
 
 therefore drew nearer and nearer to get a better view 
 
 of such an extraordinary general ; whereupon Farnese's 
 
 cavalry, suddenly recognising from Henri's white plume 
 
 that it was their enemy, the Huguenot King, who was 
 
 taking such an interest in the proceedings, at once 
 
 charged. Henri lost most of his escort, but managed 
 
 to fight his way back with only a slight wound himself. 
 
Dissensions within the League 87 
 
 Meanwhile, Villars in Rouen mistrusted the Spaniards. 
 In collusion with Mayenne, he determined to make a 
 sortie before the Spaniards could get into Rouen to assist 
 him. For he rightly thought that, if the troops of 
 Philip II. should, even in the guise of friendship, occupy 
 the place, it would be a very difficult matter to get them 
 to quit it again. 
 
 The sortie which the Due de Villars made was a most 
 furious one and highly successful. The King lost several 
 thousands of his troops. Mayenne, however, owing to 
 his jealousy of the Spaniards, contrived to cause the 
 Prince of Parma to act in such a manner that this 
 astute commander lost the opportunity of immediately 
 advancing upon the King, and so of reaping the advan- 
 tages of Villars' success. On the contrary, he it was 
 who found himself shortly after, wounded and virtually 
 besieged by Henri, on a peninsula at the mouth of the 
 Seine, Mayenne being with him. The Prince managed 
 to escape in the most marvellous way from this trap 
 into which the jealousy, or possibly the incapacity, of 
 Mayenne had led him. Under cover of night he got 
 vast numbers of boats from Rouen. These boats were 
 covered with planks, and a bridge formed across the 
 very wide mouth of the river. In the morning Henri 
 and his army could literally not see his heels for dust. 
 He had crossed to the left bank, and was making the 
 very quickest march for Paris ever known. There was 
 no fear of Henri overtaking even the tail of his army, 
 for in only three days he covered the extraordinary 
 distance of forty leagues. The Prince of Parma was 
 actually in Paris, and dining with the young Guise and 
 the princesses, before Paris had had time to organise 
 
88 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the grand reception which it was intended should be 
 given to him. Half the city did not even know that 
 he had arrived. 
 
 The words of the Spanish commander at this dinner 
 were but few : " Now the people are calmed down, 
 nothing else is of any consequence ; you soon will not 
 require us any more." His almost immediate departure 
 from Paris was followed by his almost immediate death ; 
 and now more than ever it became evident that Spain 
 had lost her chance, by not rising in support of The 
 Sixteen against the action of Mayenne. From being 
 imposing, even awe-inspiring, the name of Philip II. 
 was becoming ridiculous, A few hundreds of rabid 
 priests and monks might still support the claims which 
 he advanced through his ambassadors ; but the vast 
 majority of the Leaguers, and the people generally, now 
 turned a cold ear to his proposals. 
 
 These consisted in demanding the crown of France 
 for his daughter the Infanta, the establishment of a 
 Spanish archduchy, and other terms ; in fact, Spain de- 
 manded the whole of France, while anything that Spain 
 did not want the Guises might have. When the French 
 Assembly refused the throne of France to the Infanta, 
 which it did abruptly, the ambassadors fell back on the 
 idea of a marriage of the Infanta with the young Guise. 
 France, however, was tired of the now bankrupt and 
 discredited King of Spain, and began to turn her eyes 
 towards the Huguenot King. There seemed no doubt 
 that the League was breaking up, and that ever since 
 the infamous and wanton hanging of poor Brisson many 
 who had formerly been Leaguers now looked upon its 
 leaders with horror. The people were tired of anarchy ; 
 
From an engraving' by Vcrhic, djlcr the pidmc hv Titian 
 PHILIP II., KING OF SPAIN 
 
 iTo fan- />. 8S 
 
Dissensions within the League 89 
 
 they had had, it is true, an incHnation towards revolu- 
 tion for a time ; now they only longed for a settled 
 Government. 
 
 The continual licence, the unbridled actions of the 
 soldiers, caused the people to abhor the League. It is 
 recorded that in these days the excesses of the soldiery 
 were so abominable that there was not a woman in the 
 Faubourgs of the town safe from their attacks. They 
 habitually roamed about like bands of bandits from house 
 to house, and violently ill-treated all the occupants of 
 each. They pillaged the houses into the bargain. No 
 wonder the terrified and unhappy people sought for a 
 refuge from this reign of terror. That refuge they began 
 to hope they should find in Henri IV. The only question 
 was : Would he abjure the Protestant Faith and embrace 
 the Church of Rome ? Should he do this, his popularity 
 and universal supremacy were certain. Even should he 
 not do so, his supremacy, without popularity, seemed 
 likely to be certain at no distant date. The question of 
 a change of religion for Henri very much depended, 
 however, upon the feelings and wishes of his new and 
 beautiful young mistress, Gabrielle d'Estrees, or, as she 
 had become by her farce of a marriage, Gabrielle de 
 Liancourt. 
 
 While Spain was weakening, while the Due de 
 Mayenne, worried and threatened by a gang of fanatics, 
 was weakening ; while the mob of cobblers, street-porters, 
 and bourgeois militia was weakening in allegiance to the 
 others, Henri IV. was pursuing the even tenor of his 
 way, in love and war. He was falling in love as usual, 
 and at the same time commencing once more to press 
 Paris closely and to keep out the provisions. His 
 
C)0 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 attachment for the celebrated Gabrielle began through the 
 imprudence of her lover, Mons. de Bellegarde, a young 
 and handsome noble, who had formerly been Grand 
 Equerry to Henri III., and whose name was associated 
 with hers, somewhat to the King's dishonour, later on. 
 "Will you come and see the woman of my choice.^" 
 said the young boaster one day to the inflammable King. 
 " She is a real beauty, and cares for none but me, although 
 I warn you, Sire, that her father is a Tartar." 
 
 The handsome Roger de St. Larry, Due de Bellegarde, 
 had, when he spoke, no thought of jealousy of the King, 
 who was of small build, had a face of the nutcracker type, 
 and whose hair was already turning grey. The Kinp^, of 
 course, was ready for the adventure. Together through 
 the forests they travelled to the Castle of Coeuvres, where 
 the King saw the lovely young girl, and caught fire at 
 once. Bellegarde soon had instructions not to think 
 anything more about her ; while the adventurous Henri, 
 in order to see her again, disguising himself as a peasant, 
 shortly after passed through two forces of his enemies 
 with a sack of straw upon his head. 
 
 When he arrived in the presence of the imperious 
 young beauty, she laughed at him in his peasant's 
 dress, saying, "You really cannot expect me to think 
 anything about you — you are far too ugly." Her father 
 soon forbade the King to visit her, or, rather, forbade 
 her to receive the King, of whom Gabrielle seems 
 very rapidly to have got over her inclination to make 
 fun. Indeed, she seems to have herself plotted with 
 him to elude her father's vigilance and yield to his 
 wishes. Her independence, it was arranged, was to be 
 achieved by means of a marriage with the stupid and 
 
Dissensions within the League gi 
 
 very ugly Mons. de Liancourt. This ridiculous personage 
 the King had selected for her, it is to be supposed with 
 her father's consent. She wept and lamented bitterly, 
 it is true, that she should have to undergo marriage with 
 such a man; but the King promised to come and bear her 
 off upon her wedding day, directly after the ceremony. 
 This consoled her; but, owing to his being detained at 
 the war, the marriage became a real one, as the King 
 could not come. This was made a circumstance of much 
 ridicule at Court, especially in rather broad verse by the 
 witty Abbe du Perron, who was later on the principal 
 instructor of the Kiuq- in the tenets of the Roman 
 Catholic Faith. If the King could not come to the lady, 
 however, the lady both could and would go to the King. 
 Leaving her husband, she set off with an aunt, Madame 
 de Sourdis, and joined the King at the siege of Chartres. 
 She was then in the perfect flower of her youthful 
 beauty ; and for ten long years Gabrielle, although 
 notoriously unfaithful to him with Bellegarde, never 
 lost the hold which she had from the first upon her 
 royal lover's affections. 
 
 It was to the ambitious girl a matter for considera- 
 tion, in the event of the King's changing or not changing 
 his religion, how the ministers of religion on one side or 
 the other would treat her liaison with him. At first she 
 herself inclined to the Protestant Faith. The ministers, 
 however, of that faith lectured the King, preached at him 
 about living in open sin, and made themselves generally 
 disagreeable, which proved a very bad policy for them 
 and their co-religionists. The Catholics, on the other 
 hand, pleasantly hinted at the possibility of the King's 
 obtaining a divorce from his beautiful but immoral wife. 
 
92 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Marguerite de Valois, and of his being then able to 
 marry Gabrielle. 
 
 This it was which settled the question of religion 
 for that young lady. She threw all the weight of her 
 opinion on the side of the Catholics, with the result 
 that shortly after Henri wrote to her : " I am about to 
 take the perilous leap — I send you sixty cavaliers to bring 
 you back to me." 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 The Conversion of Henri IV 
 
 1593— 1594 
 
 Gavaret attempts Assassination of King. — Barriere attempts Assassination 
 of King. — Several Large Cities and Provence turn Royalist. — Plot 
 to enthrone the Atheist young Cardinal de Bourbon. — Henri IV. 
 frightened into Catholicism. — -Tries to swallow its Tenets in a Lump. 
 — An Unwilling Pupil. — Henri swears to exterminate Heretics. — 
 Gabrielle bears the King a Son. — Her Ambition. — King's Ingratitude 
 to Chatillon. — Chatillon dies of Grief — D'Aubigne, the Huguenot 
 Satirist. — Henri's Deserted Dog. — D'Aubigne's Interview with the 
 King and Gabrielle.— Henri stabbed upon the Lip by Chastel. — He 
 cringes for Absolution. — The Fall of Paris by Brissac's Treachery. — 
 His Reward. — Spaniards march out unmolested. — The King Crazy 
 with Childish Glee. — His Clemency to Catholic Culprits. — He 
 becomes friendly with the Guise Family. 
 
 Before Henri IV. wrote to the young and beautiful 
 Gabrielle d'Estrees the memorable letter, '* I am about 
 to take the perilous leap — 1 send you sixty cavaliers to 
 bring you back to me," there had been considerable 
 and weighty causes to induce him to think seriously 
 of changing his religion. By no means the least of 
 these were two attempts to assassinate him by persons 
 acting for the League. 
 
 On the first of these occasions it was a certain 
 Captain Gavaret who had instructions to murder the 
 King. This man was in Henri de Navarre's own 
 
 93 
 
94 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 service, and somehow the King had obtained informatior 
 of what was about to take place. When Gavaret cam( 
 to him on horseback, intending to pistol him and fly 
 the King therefore did not give him time. 
 
 " That is a very nice horse that you have there 
 Captain Gavaret. Kindly get down and let me trj 
 him, will you ? " 
 
 Of course Gavaret had to comply ; and no soone] 
 was the King in the saddle than he opened the holsters 
 took out the pistols, and fired them off. Then, turning 
 to Gavaret, " Now, my man," said Henri, " I knov 
 perfectly what you came here for, but I do not requin 
 the pleasure of your presence any longer. Be of 
 at once out of my sight, and never let me see yoi 
 again." 
 
 This rebuke was all the punishment that the crest 
 fallen and terrified assassin ever received. 
 
 The next plot to assassinate the King was equalb 
 unsuccessful. As has been already seen, the school o 
 assassination in connection with the League was chiefly 
 directed by the priesthood. The murder-plots agains 
 William the Silent of Orange, against d*Alen^on, agains 
 Elizabeth, and against Henri III. were instigated o 
 aided by the priests, monks, and Jesuits ; and now 
 after Gavaret's ill-success, we soon find them at worl 
 once more. 
 
 There was an old retainer of the Guise family namec 
 Barriere. This man had formerly been a good and deter 
 mined soldier ; the priesthood thought that they saw in hir 
 the makings of a good assassin also. At Lyons he wa 
 encouraged to murder the King by a priest, by a Capuchii 
 monk, and by a Carmelite monk. Coming to Paris, h 
 
The Conversion of Henri IV 95 
 
 was further instructed by a cure, and by a Jesuit named 
 Varade. 
 
 The way this plot was discovered was as follows. 
 
 The Grand Duke of Tuscany had at that time in 
 Paris a certain spy, a Jacobin father, Seraphino Bianchi. 
 The would-be murderer confided his intention to assassi- 
 nate Henri IV. to Bianchi, whereupon Father Bianchi 
 instantly gave information to the King himself, who 
 thus was saved a second time. 
 
 It must be owned that the King had cause to pause 
 and think after these events, before definitely refusing 
 the cry of the greater number of the people ; for there 
 were masses of his Catholic subjects only too anxious 
 for any excuse to rally to his standard. Indeed, many 
 did not wait for the King's conversion to do so. The 
 towns of Orleans, Bourges and Lyons declared themselves 
 Royalist and opened their gates, the inhabitants of the 
 last-named city imprisoning at the same time their 
 governor, that prominent Leaguer the Due de Nemours, 
 who was of the Ducal Family of Savoy. In Provence 
 also two factions who had been at enmity for twenty 
 years joined hands for the King and against d'Epernon, 
 who ruled there. 
 
 For all this growing loyalism to the Protestant King, 
 there was a plot, favoured by the Pope's Legate, to oust 
 the King and put in his place a so-called Catholic — 
 the young Cardinal de Bourbon. Formerly the old 
 Cardinal, a Catholic, had been the Leaguers' nominee. 
 Now, this young Cardinal, as was well known, was not 
 a Catholic, but an atheist. However, he was not a 
 Huguenot — that was all that was required. 
 
 Some of the most suspicious and untrustworthy of 
 
96 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Henri IV. 's courtiers, notably the debauched d'O and 
 other Royalists who had come over after the assassination 
 of Henri III., took advantage of this plot to frighten the 
 King, and to persuade him that the only way to prevent 
 the success of the plot and to rally the Catholics to his 
 side was to become a Catholic himself. 
 
 At last the King, as he told his worthy counsellor 
 Mornay, felt himself compelled to yield ; he said he 
 felt himself upon the brink of a precipice if he did not 
 do so. But, once having made up his mind, he wished 
 to please his Huguenot co-religionists by swallowing 
 down the whole tenets of the Catholic Faith in one big 
 dose. In fact, he promised them that he would take it 
 all in a lump, and not allow himself to be instructed first. 
 
 This, however, did not suit the Catholics, they 
 would have lost half their triumph so. Therefore, 
 whether he wished to or no, the irritated and impatient 
 King was obliged to undergo long instructions from the 
 Archbishop of Bourges and the witty Abbe du Perron 
 before he was allowed to embrace the Catholic Faith. 
 
 He was, so it appears, by no means a docile pupil. 
 It is on record that, when the priests were instructing 
 the King on the subject of prayers for the dead, he 
 struck. 
 
 '* Let us go on," said he, ^' to something else. I 
 have got no fancy for dying just now. As for your 
 purgatory," he continued, " I am perfectly wilhng to 
 believe in that for various reasons. First, because the 
 Church believes in it, and I am becoming a son of the 
 Church ; but chiefly merely to give you pleasure, because 
 it is through the masses for souls in purgatory that you 
 clergy make such excellent revenues." 
 
iM^-- 
 
 iLr" 
 
 
 V:^.Sf- 
 
 f 
 
 "■■■*^v 
 
 
 
 
 -'JT^ 
 
 , * 
 
 MARGUERITE DE VALOIS, QUEEN OF FRANCE AND NA\'ARRE 
 
 [To /ace p. 96 
 
The Conversion of Henri IV 07 
 
 A few days after these remarks Henri heard Mass 
 and received the Sacrament of Penitence. Moreover, 
 he solemnly swore to exterminate the heretics, and this 
 without moving a muscle. 
 
 Having now become a good Catholic, he sent, as 
 above recorded, for Gabrielle de Liancourt. Ten months 
 later she brought into the world a son, who was publicly 
 acknowledged by the King and created the Due de 
 Vendome, which had been the title of the King's own 
 father. This child, who should legally have been a 
 Liancourt, and who was popularly believed to be the 
 son of Bellegarde, was thus invested from his birth 
 with the rank and status of a royal prince. 
 
 A vast field was thereby opened to Gabrielle's 
 ambition. Henri had no children by Marguerite de 
 Valois, Why, then, she argued, should not her son 
 become the future Kino^ of France ? On the first 
 opportunity, accordingly, she asked for Cambrai for her 
 son ; and again, in the following year, when Henry 
 drove the Spaniards out of the rich province of Franche- 
 Comte, she asked for that also for the little Due de 
 Vendome. Not an occasion did she miss of seeking 
 his aggrandisement — of making sure of anything which 
 might pave for him the path to the throne ; while the 
 King seemed able to deny her nothing. 
 
 When Henri had changed his religion, he neglected 
 his old friends and comrades the Huguenots ; in fact, 
 he behaved to them with the greatest ingratitude. There 
 was one notable instance of this almost directly after 
 Gabrielle first joined him with Madame de Sourdis : 
 he was basely ungrateful to the gallant Chitillon, son 
 of the brave old^ Admiral Coligny. This noble Chatillon 
 
 7 
 
98 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 was still quite a young man ; yet he had repeatedly 
 proved himself as brave in battle as was Henri IV. 
 himself. He had, indeed, proved the King of Navarre's 
 right-hand man on many occasions. At Tours he came 
 to the rescue of Henri III. with the fifteen hundred 
 Huguenots who fought so bravely ; at the Battle of 
 Arques he it was who, with five hundred men singing 
 the 68th Psalm in unison, rushed upon the flank of 
 the Leaguers and rolled up the German foot-soldiers ; 
 and at the Siege of Paris he again it was who captured 
 the Faubourgs. Yet Henri IV. completely cold- 
 shouldered him ; and after the fall of Chartres, which 
 town Chatillon himself had taken, he actually gave 
 the government of it to Francois d'Escoubleau, Marquis 
 de Sourdis, instead of to Chatillon, merely because 
 Madame de Sourdis had escorted the beautiful Gabrielle. 
 The blow was such a cutting one to the noble Chatillon 
 that he died of it shortly afterwards. 
 
 This was only a solitary instance of the callous way 
 in which Henri treated his friends. But men were not 
 the only beings he neglected. D'Aubigne, the Huguenot 
 historian and satirist, who himself showed great courage 
 in approaching the King, when he had been warned not 
 to do so, has put on record a touching story about a 
 faithful dog of Henri's which he had been wont formerly 
 to have frequently to sleep upon his bed. Yet d'Aubigne 
 found this poor brute running about starving in the 
 streets of Agen : the King had callously left it there 
 to starve. The deserted animal recognised d'Aubigne, 
 and fawned upon him with piteous cries ; whereupon, 
 more humane than their common master, who had 
 deserted both, the worthy Huguenot established the 
 
The Conversion of Henri IV 99 
 
 poor spaniel in a home with an endowment for its 
 lifetime. 
 
 It was not until some time after the fall of Paris 
 that this same Theodore d'Aubiorne, in the interests of 
 his co-religionistSj visited the King, who had abandoned 
 them; and, as he well knew, he did so at the risk of his 
 hfe. The way Henri received him was typical of the 
 man ; for, in spite of the fact that he had sworn his death 
 if he approached him, the King, as usual, was good-natured 
 enough, and most friendly, when d'Aubigne did appear 
 before him in Gabrielle's house. Indeed, although he 
 at first received him with a sneer, calling him " Mon- 
 seigneur " d'Aubigne, the King embraced him, told 
 Gabrielle to kiss him, kept him with him a couple of 
 hours, and treated him kindly. 
 
 Henri had just then narrowly escaped from a third 
 attempt at assassination, a young man named Chastel 
 having struck at him with a dagger, but he merely 
 succeeded in wounding him on the lip. When he 
 showed this wound to d'Aubigne, the Huguenot spoke 
 out boldly. 
 
 '' Sire," said he, '' since you have merely denounced 
 God with your lips. He has only allowed you to be 
 wounded on the lip. Should you denounce Him with 
 your heart, He will surely strike you in the heart." 
 
 '^ Fine words," said Gabrielle, *' but badly employed." 
 
 "Badly employed indeed," replied the undaunted 
 Huguenot, " because they will be of no use." 
 
 Henri merely laughed ; and, causing the baby Due 
 de Vendome to be brought in perfectly naked, made 
 the zealous reformer take it in his arms. He did not in 
 the least resent the bluntness with which his old follower 
 
100 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 spoke. But that was like him — even when Chastel struck 
 at him with a dagger he told the people around to spare 
 his life. On this occasion he behaved as bravely and as 
 generously as he usually did. But at the same time he 
 was showing great moral cowardice, by cringing at the 
 feet of the Pope, and whining for a document of 
 absolution. This was for a long; while denied him. 
 
 Since we have mentioned the fall of Paris — and that 
 event may perhaps be looked upon as the real breaking 
 up of the power of the League — it will be as well to 
 mention here how it took place. 
 
 The Leaguers in Paris were not true to each other, 
 and, all being thoroughly sick of the siege, the only 
 question among them was, who should first betray the 
 others, and so obtain the most advantageous terms for 
 himself. Thus it came about that first a Spanish 
 colonel of a Walloon regiment, and then one Belin, 
 the Governor of Paris, endeavoured to be the traitors. 
 But when the Due de Mayenne managed to thwart 
 their plans, and to place the Comte de Brissac in Belin's 
 place, he was only replacing one traitor to the Leaguer 
 cause by another — one who was an arch-hypocrite into 
 the bargain. This Charles de Cosse, Comte de Brissac, 
 was the same who had so violently hated King Henri III. 
 that, in spite of the Due de Guise, he would gladly have 
 caused that King's death at the time of the Barricades 
 in Paris, in May, 1588. His hatred of that King had 
 been a purely personal matter, Henri III. having shghted 
 or snubbed him upon some occasion. Now, however, 
 when he had become Governor of Paris, he contrived 
 to keep friends both with the Spaniards, by whom he 
 was considered merely an amiable idiot, and with the 
 
The Conversion of Henri IV loi 
 
 Jesuits and priesthood generally, by whom he was 
 believed to be a bigoted and devout Catholic ; for 
 he deceived them both, and played the parts he believed 
 would best deceive them each in turn. 
 
 Meanwhile, he was, in collusion with Lhuillier, the 
 Provost of the Merchants, plotting with King Henri IV., 
 and making terms to deliver over the city to him. 
 This was at length successfully accomplished, the King 
 and his troops unexpectedly entering the city almost 
 without bloodshed from several gates at once, and 
 being welcomed by the frenzied plaudits of the famine- 
 stricken inhabitants. The only resistance met with after 
 the gates were opened was from some German foot- 
 soldiers, and they were all thrown into the Seine. 
 Brissac received for his treachery to the League 20,000 
 francs a year, the sum of 600,000 francs down, the 
 governorships of Mantes and Corbeil, and was made a 
 marshal of France. 
 
 Henri IV. was so delighted at his entry into Paris 
 that he behaved almost like a boy out for a holiday, 
 so excited did he become on that occasion. He sent 
 word to the Duque de Feria that he must leave with all 
 his Spanish troops, giving them his word that they 
 could go in safety, although they were at his mercy. 
 Then Henri placed himself at a window to see them 
 march out before him. 
 
 It was a humiliating blow to Feria, who had thought 
 of resistance, until he was convinced by friends of the 
 folly of such a proceeding. As the Duque marched out of 
 Paris, in front of the King by the Saint Denis Gate, the 
 haughty Spaniard saluted the triumphant monarch stiffly 
 and gravely, in the Spanish manner. And after he had 
 
102 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 passed, so crazy was the King with joy, that, like a 
 child, he repeatedly amused himself by imitating the 
 Spaniard's melancholy salute to all those surrounding 
 him, who were much astonished. 
 
 With this marching out of the Spaniards from Paris, 
 and with the subsequent expulsion of the Jesuits after the 
 attempted murder of the King by Chastel, commenced 
 the decHne of the power of the League in France. But 
 such was the clemency of Henri — or, rather, such his 
 regard for his new religion, and such his desire to stand 
 well with the Pope — that, if he could have done so, he 
 would have saved from punishment even those priests 
 who had instigated this last crime against himself He 
 accordingly gave orders that the principal culprit, Father 
 Gueret, v/hen " put to the question," was to be tortured 
 but lightly — so as not to make him speak. He tried thus 
 to save the honour of the religious party. But the 
 Parliament insisted upon hanging Gueret and another 
 priest, and the Jesuits were expelled from France, 
 although their expulsion was not due to the action of 
 the King. 
 
 From the date of the fall of Paris, however, Henri 
 became hand in glove with all those who had formerly 
 been his enemies. He disgusted even his foes when 
 he went to such lengths as to become on the friendliest 
 terms with the family of the Guises, and especially 
 with the bloodthirsty Duchesse de Montpensier, who 
 had been the principal agent in procuring the murder 
 of Henri III, 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 Henri overcomes the League 
 
 1594— 1598 
 
 Distracted Condition of France. — The Terrors of Religious Differences. — 
 Henri neglects his Old Co-religionists. — Grovels to the Pope. — Du 
 Perron and d'Ossat. — The Pope and Philip II. alike governed by 
 Political Reasons. — D'Ossat and du Perron flogged by Grand 
 Penitentiary. — The Conditions of Henri's Absolution. — Huguenots 
 remain Faithful. — The King's Rewards to his Enemies. — Absurd 
 Terms to Villars. — War with Spain. — Brilliant Victory of Fontaine- 
 Frangaise. — Loss of Calais, Cambrai, and Amiens. — Amiens retaken. 
 — Henri Faithless to his Allies. — Want of Money and Want of 
 Men. — The Peace of Vervins, 1598. — The Edict of Nantes. — Its 
 Limited Advantages to the Huguenots. 
 
 It is difficult to imagine or to describe the disorganised 
 condition of affairs throughout the whole of France 
 in the concluding years of the sixteenth century. 
 For the troubles of that unfortunate country were 
 by no means ended with the entry of Henri IV. into 
 Paris in March, 1594; his bloodless expulsion of the 
 Spaniards, under Feria, from that city ; and the practical 
 breaking up of the League, that powerful organisation 
 for evil. 
 
 Nor is this to be wondered at, when it is remem- 
 bered that for nearly fifty years every corner of that 
 distracted kingdom had been the scene of internecine 
 
 and bloody warfare. Hundreds of thousands of men 
 
 103 
 
104 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 had been killed and maimed, thousands of homes 
 rendered desolate ; there had been governments within 
 governments, and the ruler of to-day had been the out- 
 cast of to-morrow. The great nobles, to whom provinces 
 or governments had been granted by the various kings, 
 had held them more as separate kingdoms of their own 
 than in the interests of their monarchs ; and the unfor- 
 tunate people had groaned in vain under the oppression 
 of these little kings, from whose extortions there was no 
 appeal, no redress. 
 
 The advent of the Reformed religion into France 
 had but intensified and increased the horrors of the 
 situation. The bitterest hatred was engendered by 
 religious differences ; and when the Catholic forces 
 occupied a town or a fortress which had been held by 
 the Huguenots, the massacre was frequently indiscrimi- 
 nate. These terrors but too frequently led to bloody 
 reprisals, when it came to the turn of the others to be 
 uppermost. For, strange as it may seem, until quite 
 modern times, it has ever been in the so-called interests 
 of religion, in the name of a merciful God, that the 
 most unmerciful actions, the most barbarous cruelties, 
 have been perpetrated. Remembering this, the student 
 of history feels almost inclined to smile, on reading the 
 words of the King of Navarre and France, just before 
 changing his religion — so much was he before his time 
 in the results that he fancied he was about to achieve. 
 He said, while speaking to Mornay : " Perhaps the 
 difference between the two religions is not so great 
 as the animosity of those who preach them. One day, 
 by my authority, I will try to arrange all that." If 
 only he had tried to arrange it ! 
 
Henri overcomes the League 105 
 
 But no : once he had " taken the perilous leap," to 
 quote his own words to Gabrielle d'Estrees, he delibe- 
 rately left his old comrades and co-religionists in the 
 lurch, to side with their enemies against them — to grovel 
 at the feet of the Pope of Rome, from whom he sought 
 an absolution which was for long withheld. 
 
 When at last, having crushed the power of Spain 
 in France, Henri IV. obtained this absolution, how and 
 why did he obtain it, and what did he say ? He obtained 
 it through the two, what we may call, " smart " men 
 whom he sent to Rome as his emissaries — the clever 
 and witty du Perron, now Bishop of Evreux, and the 
 Gascon d'Ossat, who at this period held the Bishopric 
 of Rennes. These two were assisted in Rome by the 
 very Jesuit faction who had just been expelled from 
 France as a result of the last attempted assassination of 
 the King ; and that assistance was given in the hope 
 of getting back to France once more. It was the 
 Jesuit Father Tolleto who assisted the two envoys to 
 arrange matters with the Papal Chair. This clever man 
 had been appointed by the Pope as his own theologian 
 and critic ; consequently his political weight was immense. 
 Although himself a Spaniard, he pointed out to the Pope 
 that Philip II. was done, was bankrupt ! — that nothing 
 more in the way of assistance could be expected from a 
 monarch to whom two hundred Castilian towns had just 
 flatly refused to pay tribute, a monarch who was reduced 
 to begging from door to door for the monetary assistance 
 he had no longer the power to compel. He pointed 
 out that in future it was to France that Rome must 
 turn for support and alliance. And the Pope saw it in 
 that light at last. The wonder is that he had not done 
 
io6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 so previously, upon the occasion when, for merely 
 political reasons, the " Most Catholic King " had seen 
 fit to butcher two thousand Portuguese monks in cold 
 blood. But the truth is that merely political reasons 
 ruled the Pope then, just as much as they ruled 
 Philip II. himself. Fear had accordingly compelled him 
 to close his eyes to the slaughter of a few thousand 
 good Catholic monks here or there, by a monarch who, 
 in Spain and in the Low Countries, was burning and 
 torturing heretics by the thousand — a king who imposed 
 the terrors of the Inquisition wherever his arms were 
 successful. 
 
 The much-begged-for absolution was accordingly pro- 
 nounced upon Henri de Navarre. His two emissaries, 
 d'Ossat and du Perron were solemnly flogged as his 
 proxies by the Grand Penitentiary ; and the King — the 
 ex-Huguenot King — entered into the following engage- 
 ments. He promised to do penance — which, as just 
 shown, was done for him ; he vowed, as an expiation for 
 ever having been a Protestant, to found a monastery in 
 every province ; he promised to exclude those very 
 Huguenots who had shed their blood for him and made 
 him King from every sort of public employment ; and 
 he ended up by the crowning declaration that, " if he 
 did not exterminate them entirely, it was simply and 
 solely not to recommence the war." 
 
 Both Arnaud d'Ossat and Jacques du Perron were 
 eventually elevated to the dignity of the Cardinalship, 
 as a reward for the flagellation which they had received 
 on behalf of the apostate monarch and for the success 
 of their diplomatic efforts in establishing a union between 
 Henri IV. and the Papacy. 
 
Henri overcomes the League 107 
 
 And yet, in spite of all this, the strange fact remains 
 that the ill-treated, the deserted Huguenots continued 
 to love him. They could not but believe that he would 
 change and come back to them. The party, as a whole, 
 felt towards their King and old valiant leader and captain 
 as an indulgent father does to an erring child. They 
 thought it impossible but that he must see the error of 
 the ways into which he had wandered. But he did not — 
 he never really came back again. All that he gave them 
 was — the Edict of Nantes ! 
 
 Before we come to the Edict of Nantes, however, 
 before we show how little that amounted to, let us 
 go back and see with what a generous hand this idol 
 of France — still an idol in the nation's memory — could 
 bestow gifts upon his enemies. 
 
 After Henri had made himself safe in Paris, he was 
 burning with impatience to secure Rouen, where the Due 
 de Villars still held out against him. In all probability 
 he would only have had to wait a few months, just 
 long enough to allow the weathercock of public opinion, 
 which had veered to his side in Paris, to do the same 
 in Rouen ; then the place would have fallen through 
 inanition. Villars could not possibly have held it 
 longer. But could Henri wait ? 
 
 No — in spite of the ever-faithful Due de Sully, his 
 Protestant and able Financial Minister, whom Gabrielle 
 d'Estrees was the means of first bringing into his 
 favour — the King insisted upon giving Villars everything 
 that he asked for, in return for surrendering the town. 
 And this everything almost amounted to a kingdom ! 
 Twelve hundred thousand francs down, the position of 
 Admiral of France, the government of Normandy, the 
 
io8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 income arising from many abbeys which had previously 
 been granted to the King's own faithful adherents — to 
 the bitter discontent of the Kind's friends and his old 
 followers — all these were freely given to this arch- 
 Leaguer, who deserved rather the reward of the 
 gallows. 
 
 Having obtained Rouen, the King declared war 
 against Spain. For, strange though it may seem, 
 although there were Spanish armies in several parts 
 of France, the two countries were not at war. The 
 Spaniards were there ostensibly as the friends of 
 the League. The League, during the last years of 
 the lifetime of Catherine de Medicis and Henri III., 
 had, through the Guises, practically governed in the 
 name of the King, of whom it was the bitterest foe. 
 Therefore, when Henri IV. succeeded Henri III., 
 France was still not at war with Spain. Nevertheless, 
 while making friends in Paris with the mother and 
 sister of the assassinated Henri de Guise — that prime 
 leader for so many years of the League, whose sister 
 was, by proxy, the assassin of Henri III. — Henri de 
 Navarre was unable to cease waging war against their 
 kindred. He could not possibly overlook the fact 
 that the eldest brother of the Guises, the Due de 
 Mercoeur, was still maintaining himself by the aid of 
 a Spanish army in a state of independence in Brittany ; 
 while Philip II., who supported him there, proclaimed 
 his daughter, the Infanta, archduchess of that province. 
 Nor was he able to forget the fact that the other 
 brother of Henri de Guise, the corpulent Due de 
 Mayenne, aided by Spanish troops, was still in arms 
 against him in the province of Burgundy. 
 
Henri overcomes the League 109 
 
 War being declared with Spain, Henri showed his 
 usual reckless gallantry, and it was the series of successes 
 he gained over the Spaniareis which brought the Pope 
 to reason. Some of these had better be mentioned. 
 He took the town of Laon under the very eyes of 
 the combined Spanish armies which had come from 
 Brittany to prevent him ; he defeated Mayenne, who 
 surrendered Dijon to him ; and he drove back the 
 army of the Constable of Castile. 
 
 This last action, which he fought in June, 1595, 
 was one of the most gallant, the most foolhardy, and 
 at the same time the most glorious feat o arms for 
 which the name of Henri de Navarre is so justly 
 renowned. It took place at Fontaine-Fran^aise, and 
 the King had only with him three hundred horsemen, 
 with whom he was making one of his usual imprudent 
 reconnaissances. He turned his reconnaissance into a 
 violent attack, and drove back the whole of the army 
 of Spain. No wonder that the King covered himself 
 with glory by such a victory ! 
 
 He was destined to suffer, however, several serious 
 reverses before the end of the war. First it was Calais 
 which he lost — that important place which, having been 
 lost by Bloody Mary of England to France, her sister 
 Elizabeth had never ceased importuning the French 
 King for back again, as the price of her assistance. 
 Although she had aided Henri IV. with four or 
 five thousand men on several occasions, it is to his 
 credit that he never would consent to return to England 
 that key of the Channel. The Archduke Albert, how- 
 ever, who was Governor of the Low Countries, compelled 
 the garrison to surrender. Cambrai also was lost ; and 
 
110 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 then, a crowning blow, the Spaniards took Amiens. 
 Upon the fall of Amiens the French nobles from far 
 and near flocked to Henri's standard ; Elizabeth's 
 troops also aided him, and he retook the city. 
 
 It was after retaking Amiens that Henri IV. once 
 more showed how ungrateful he could be to his friends. 
 Although he had solemnly vowed to his allies, England 
 and Holland, never to treat for peace without them, yet 
 this is what he immediately did : he concluded peace by 
 the Treaty of Vervins, signed in the year 1598. 
 
 It can only be attributed to two causes that Henri 
 was guilty of such a disgraceful action as thus to desert 
 his allies, after having even himself written a short time 
 before, to his emissary d'Ossat, the memorable words, 
 '^ My sword and my faith belong to my allies, who 
 after God have been the means of putting my crown 
 upon my" head." 
 
 These two reasons, however, it must be admitted, 
 were weighty ones : want of money, for he was almost 
 destitute, even wanting food himself at times ; and want 
 of any regular army. As regards the latter, he was 
 chiefly dependent upon voluntary assistance, by which 
 means it was that he retook Amiens ; but immediately 
 after this event all the nobles and gentry who had come 
 to fight with him for a few days gaily rode off to their 
 homes again, according to their wont. Henri had 
 often been similarly treated. Of a truth it was only 
 the indomitable energy of the man and his enormous 
 personal magnetism which, penniless as he was, ever 
 gained or retained for him any following at all. 
 
 The Peace of Vervins gave everything to the 
 Catholics, to the Jesuits, and especially to the principal 
 
Henri overcomes the League ill 
 
 Leaguers, all of whom received grants of money and 
 pensions, while the Protestants were left out in the 
 cold. While their enemies — and the King's — were all 
 made so much of, as a reward for their faith and 
 fidelity to their monarch throughout his long evil days 
 of misfortune, the Huguenots were granted their Edict of 
 Nantes. By it they were allowed, it is true, liberty 
 of conscience ; but they were not allowed free liberty of 
 worship. This was only granted in certain places under 
 certain limited conditions. Their places of asylum, by 
 means of which they had hitherto been able not only 
 to preserve their own existence, but to live to fight for 
 Henri de Navarre, were, by this Edict of Nantes, to be 
 left to them for a period of eight years only. 
 
 One's heart bleeds even nowadays, when pondering 
 over this immense ingratitude, the heartless neglect 
 meted out to those gallant souls who had staked every- 
 thing, lives, fortune, home, for their King and their 
 religion. It seems almost impossible to believe that this 
 modified form of recognition was the sole recompense 
 to those who had fearlessly, not once, but a hundred 
 times, rallied to, and charged home behind, the white 
 plumes in the crest of their cherished leader, Henri de 
 Navarre. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 Charmante Gabrielle 
 
 1589— 1599 
 
 "Charmante Gabrielle," a Song composed by Henri IV, — The King 
 lives Maritalcmeiit with Gabrielle d'Estr^es. — Obtains Divorce from 
 Marguerite de Valois. — Is Anxious to marry Gabrielle. — The Pope 
 demurs to granting her a Divorce. — Her Rank and Power. — Friend- 
 ship of the King's Sister. — Of the Princess of Orange. — The French 
 Marriage or the ItaUan Marriage? — Priests and Monks favour the 
 Latter. — Attribute Satanic Visitations to Gabrielle. — They preach 
 against her. — Two New Plots for Assassination of the King. — The 
 Devil-possessed Martha. — Henri falls Sick. — Recovers, and his 
 Doctors cure Martha. — Threatens the Parliament. — Gabrielle offends 
 Sully. — The King insults her. — Marie de M^dicis offered to Henri. 
 — Zamet the Moor. — La Varenne the Go-between in Amorous 
 Adventures. — His Relations with the Jesuits. — Gabrielle sent to 
 Zamet's House for Easter. — La Varenne supposed to be her Safe- 
 guard. — The Princesse de Guise her False Friend. — Gabrielle 
 poisoned by Zamet. — Complicity of La Varenne. 
 
 When by the Treaty of Vervins in the year 1598 
 
 King Henri IV. of France and Navarre had definitely 
 
 triumphed over Spain and his enemies of the League, it 
 
 might have been supposed that he would have been able 
 
 to enjoy a period of peace, or at any rate of repose. 
 
 Restless as was the King by nature, and untiring as 
 
 was his undaunted energy, it is probable that he himself 
 
 anticipated, for a while at least, a cessation from all kinds 
 
 of strife with the greatest feelings of relief. 
 
 112 
 
(iABRIELLE D'KS TREES, DUCHl-.SSE de BEAUFORT 
 
 \_To fare p. 112 
 
Charmante Gabrielle 113 
 
 As, war-worn and tired, he flew back to the arms of 
 his beloved Gabrielle d'Estrees — the Charmante Gabrielle 
 of that song which still lives in France, composed by 
 the King and dedicated by him to her — we And his first 
 act is to write off joyously to his little native country 
 of Beam and make preparations for enjoying good cheer 
 in her company. He asks for the fattest geese that the 
 country can produce — " geese such as will do honour to 
 his birthplace." Evidently he expected that at last the 
 time had come when he might be able to enjoy peace 
 and plenty, and the pleasures of a home life with the 
 beautiful young woman who had enchained his volatile 
 affections, and who retained them for a period of nearly 
 ten years. 
 
 For, strange to say, despite the amorous nature 
 which made Henri de Navarre ever fly about Hke a 
 butterfly from one pretty flower to another, he had 
 distinctly developed latterly the instincts of a family 
 man, for whom the pleasures of his own fireside with 
 his wife and children over-balanced all others, 
 
 Gabrielle d'Estrees, who was created successively 
 Marquise de Monceaux and Duchesse de Beaufort, was 
 to Henri his wife in all but name, and the two sons that 
 she had borne him had been openly recognised by the 
 King as his own, while princely titles had been bestowed 
 upon them. Indeed, having at last obtained a. divorce 
 from his notoriously hbertine wife, Marguerite de Valois, 
 the King was at this period evidently anxiously awaiting 
 the opportunity of conferring the titles of wife and Queen 
 upon the mistress whom — no matter how she had been 
 talked about with Bellegarde — he loved so dearly. 
 
 There was only one little hitch : she was still bound 
 
 8 
 
114 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 legally to her husband, Mons. de Liancourt — the dummy 
 husband, whom, when quite a young girl, she had merely 
 married at the King's bidding, so that she might thereby 
 procure emancipation from a stern father at home — the 
 husband from whose side she had almost immediately 
 flown to join Henri de Navarre in his camp before a 
 beleaguered city. 
 
 Hitherto, unfortunately for the charming Gabrielle's 
 aspirations, to say nothing of the King's own apparent 
 wishes, the Pope had not granted the divorce which 
 was to make her a free woman. There seemed, how- 
 ever, no reason why the Papal Bull should be much 
 longer withheld ; and so sure did Gabrielle feel herself 
 of the intentions of her Royal lover that at the beginning 
 of 1598 she actually had her regal wedding and coronation 
 robes ready. 
 
 Meanwhile, so highly was she placed, so great, up 
 to the time of the Peace of Vervins, was her power 
 over the King, that the greatest princesses, including 
 Marguerite de Valois herself, treated her as their equal, 
 while the highest nobles cringed before her. Upon one 
 occasion, when she wished to obtain something. Marguerite 
 de Valois descended so far as to call her '' my sister and 
 my protectress." Being, for what reason is not definitely 
 understood, strongly suspected of Protestant leanings, 
 two of the women who showed her the greatest friend- 
 ship were Protestant princesses. One of these was the 
 King's sister Catherine, afterwards married to the Due 
 de Bar ; the other was a very important lady indeed, 
 and one whose name stood very high for rectitude and 
 for unimpeachable virtue. 
 
 This was the widow of the murdered William the 
 
Charmante Gabrielle 115 
 
 Silent, the great Prince of Orange. She had been his 
 second wife, and had borne him a son during their one 
 short year of marriage. She herself was a Cohgny, 
 daughter of the great Admiral Coligny, who was the first 
 victim of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and sister of 
 that brave Chatillon who died broken-hearted owing to 
 the King's neglect. Her own first husband had been 
 a charming and generally beloved young man named 
 Teligny, who himself had met with a violent death 
 shortly after their nuptials. Tragedy, indeed, had sur- 
 rounded her on every side. This lady, then, it was who, 
 at a time when her political importance was immense in 
 Europe, openly bestowed her protection upon Gabrielle — 
 who came from Holland to see her, and proclaimed 
 herself a partisan for " the French marriage." 
 
 The other alternative was *' the Italian marriage " ; 
 for there was another aspirant in the field to the 
 honour of the hand of the King of France, and France 
 was divided into two camps upon the subject. This 
 was the cause of Henri having no peace at home, 
 even after crushing the power of the Spaniard. As 
 usual in these times, the greatest disturbers of the public 
 peace were the priests and the monks, who favoured 
 the ItaUan marriage, in the hopes of getting the banished 
 Jesuits once more back again into France. 
 
 The agitation of the priests and monks took two 
 forms. One consisted in spreading reports of signs and 
 wonders, of visitations of Satan, of his causing the 
 death of various persons in high places, and of people 
 being possessed by him. All of these evils were attri- 
 buted to the wickedness of the King, who in living 
 with Gabrielle gave Satan power. The stories were 
 
ii6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 circulated with a view to frightening the people and to 
 discrediting the French marriage. The other form of 
 agitation consisted in violently preaching against the 
 King and Gabrielle, and also of making use in the 
 pulpit of language and threats calculated to intimidate 
 the members of Parliament, and to prevent that body 
 from ratifying the Edict of Nantes. The Parhament, 
 as newly constituted, consisted largely of ex-Leaguers 
 and ex-Royalists of the time of Henri III. There was 
 therefore not much difficulty in persuading them to 
 refuse to ratify the Edict, slight indeed as were the 
 benefits it conferred upon the Huguenots, and they did 
 so resolutely. Another and more drastic method was 
 adopted for preventing the French marriage, two new 
 attempts being made by the priesthood to assassinate the 
 King. One of the would-be assassins was a Dominican 
 monk from Flanders ; the other, a Capuchin monk from 
 Lorraine. Although the King, with his usual good 
 nature, wished the culprits to be spared, especially as 
 he was anxious not to offend Rome, they were, in spite 
 of his wishes, both duly executed. 
 
 While all these disturbances were taking place, 
 while the priests were leading about from place to place 
 a certain Martha, who was daily to be seen possessed 
 of a devil and daily exorcised by a monk, the King 
 fell into bad health ; in fact, became seriously ill in 
 several ways. But while his enemies were rejoicing 
 openly, saying that now at all events his connection 
 with Gabrielle would perforce cease, the King, furious 
 with them all, called all his energy to his aid. He 
 had a serious but successful operation performed for 
 one disorder, he contrived to shake off another malady, 
 
Charmante Gabrielle 117 
 
 he checkmated the priests by causing his doctors to com- 
 pletely cure the devil-possessed Martha, and he went to 
 the Parliament, There, in a furious speech, he told its 
 members that he would '' shorten " them and the priests 
 also if they did not immediately ratify the Edict of 
 Nantes, which threat made that body obey him like 
 sheep. 
 
 As regards Gabrielle, moreover, far from his ceasing 
 to live with her as her husband, she became enceinte for 
 the third time shortly after these events. If Gabrielle's 
 star had seemed at all upon the wane, it was now once 
 more in the ascendant; all would have gone well with her 
 but for her own folly, or rather the folly of her relations, 
 who were too greedy. 
 
 Of all the ministers and councillors whom the King 
 had, there was at this time none so clever, so powerful, 
 or so useful to him as the Due de Sully;, his Minister 
 of Finance. This man, a Protestant, had, as previously 
 mentioned, been given to him originally by Gabrielle 
 herself. He was of Scotch descent, being a Beaton or 
 Bethune by birth, and remarkably British in appearance, 
 having piercing blue eyes and a bright colour even in old 
 age. An old and tried soldier, he was also a wonderful 
 organiser. He alone it was who possessed the knack of 
 producing money when wanted by the needy King ; he 
 also had found the millions wherewith Henri had satisfied 
 his enemies the Guises and others, especially the eldest 
 Guise, the Due de Mercosur, to whose infant daughter 
 Henri betrothed his young son by Gabrielle, the Due de 
 Vendome. 
 
 It may be easily imagined that at such a time a 
 man of Sully's stamp was not one to be ignored or 
 
ii8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 trifled with. For, by his wonderful art of producing 
 money for everybody when it was wanted, he contrived, 
 Protestant though he was, to be very much courted 
 and made up to by others, as well as strongly protected 
 by the King. 
 
 Yet Sully it was whom Gabrielle contrived to offend 
 bitterly, by allowing her father, old d'Estrees, to take 
 for himself a post which Sully coveted exceedingly — 
 that of Commandant-General of Artillery. The Finance 
 Minister showed himself openly her enemy from that 
 hour, and it was in vain that she tried to appease him. 
 Nor did she go to work at all in the right way with 
 the King either : when speaking of Sully, she called him 
 a mere flunkey. The king rephed coarsely and brutally, 
 *' I would rather have one such servant than ten mistresses 
 such as you." This, too, to the woman whom he had 
 been longing for an opportunity to make his wife! 
 
 The fall of poor Gabrielle and the much-debated 
 Italian marriage both became possible as soon as that 
 brutal phrase had left the King's lips. Gabrielle her- 
 self winced under it, and felt how fatally her power 
 had weakened. There is evidence that within a week 
 it was reported to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and 
 repeated at the Courts of Spain, Savoy, and Rome. 
 
 Now, the Grand Duke of Tuscany it was who wished to 
 marry his half-Austrian niece, Marie de Medicis, to Henri. 
 Moreover, as she was to have a handsome dowry, the 
 idea was highly approved of by Sully. Above all, it 
 was the Tuscan Grand Duke who had in days gone 
 by lent money repeatedly to Henri IV.-lent it m 
 such large sums that he had been, until qmte recently, 
 drawing all the taxes of France by the hands of his 
 
Charmante Gabrielle IIQ 
 
 own receivers, Gondi and Zamet. Of these, the former 
 was an ItaHan ; the latter was a Moor, who had originally 
 been a shoemaker in Italy, at Lucca. Now, it chanced 
 that he had been the only man who could fit the effemi- 
 nate Henri III. with a shoe. That in itself made his 
 reputation to start with — his fortune later. For he was a 
 lender, this adroit Moor ; and a lender who, when he 
 made money by usury from others, knew how to lend 
 it without usury to kings and princes — even knew how 
 to lend it and never to ask for it back again. That is, 
 he never asked for it back again directly, but he got it 
 somehow. He never even made Henri IV. pay him 
 his card debts ; but would lend him money wherewith 
 to play against himself, in the beautiful retired little 
 palace or palazzo which he built as a house of pleasure 
 in the Italian style, in Paris. It was a house to which 
 the King was always a welcome guest. 
 
 This Zamet was a merry fellow — a buffoon, a jester 
 perhaps — and enlivened the King at odd times. What 
 his relations were with the Grand Duke of Tuscany no 
 one probably knew for certain except himself. Others, 
 however, must surely have guessed them ; probably Sully 
 did ; certainly La Varenne did — another buffoon, one of 
 the wags who entertained the King by his merry ways 
 and sayings. 
 
 La Varenne was another clever scamp of the same 
 kidney as Zamet the Moor, and was hand in glove 
 with him. He had originally been a cook ; and Henri, 
 who had picked him out of his sister's household as a 
 merry rascal, had found him a useful go-between on 
 his amorous messages. As La Varenne got rich he 
 made friends with the Jesuits, and in the long-run 
 
120 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 neither was the loser. Eventually the return of the 
 Jesuits to France was the doing of La Varenne alone ; in 
 return for this they made one of his sons an enormously 
 rich dignitary of the Church. He was rich enough 
 himself, and powerful enough too, to leave his other son 
 a great lord. 
 
 These two merry knaves played a very important part 
 in the sad ending of the beautiful Gabrielle. For when 
 at her very zenith she fell suddenly, as a star, from 
 the heights whereto she had soared, into the blackest 
 realms of darkest night, probably these twain alone 
 knew the true secret of her terrible and lonely death. 
 
 It took place as follows. When Eastertide was 
 approaching in the year 1599, she was with the King at 
 Fontainebleau. Now, the custom was for the kings of 
 France to confess and publicly receive the Holy Sacrament 
 at Easter ; but the confessor of the King, from interested 
 motives, insisted upon it that the King must not be 
 living in open sin with GabrielJe upon the occasion. 
 He had a Bishopric to gain from Rome, and was sus- 
 pected of Protestant leanings, hke Gabrielle herself This 
 was enough to make him far more severe than he would 
 otherwise have been. 
 
 In any case, the fiat had gone forth. The King 
 was to separate from Gabrielle for a week before 
 Easter ; and he acccordingly, with deep regret, told her 
 that she must, during that period, retire to Paris, where 
 she could herself confess, and receive the holy rites. 
 Vainly did she beg and pray to be allowed to remain, 
 for she dreaded the separation. She knew her enemies, and 
 feared their power, if she were alone. The King pooh- 
 poohed her fears, although from the tenderness he 
 
Charmante Gabrielle i2i 
 
 showed to her at parting it ahnost seems as if they 
 must have been shared by him. At any rate, he ac- 
 companied her to Melun with all his Court, and there 
 they parted with tears and many embracings — and, as it 
 happened, parted there for ever. At Melun she em- 
 barked in a boat to descend the Seine, there being with 
 her — to guard her with their lives — La Varenne, and 
 Montbazon, the Captain of the King's Guards. On 
 arrival in Paris she went, not to her own house, but 
 to Zamet's Italian palace, where she was visited by a 
 Princess of Guise, a woman of more than light reputa- 
 tion, who falsely pretended to be her friend, and who 
 accompanied her to afternoon service next day. 
 
 This lady was Louise Marguerite de Lorraine, who 
 afterwards was married to the deat and semi-idiotic Prince 
 de Conti, the brother of the Prince de Conde. She had 
 various causes of jealousy against Gabrielle, not only 
 having herself been the King's mistress, but also having 
 vainly aspired to become his Queen. In addition, she 
 was carrying on a love affair of a very doubtful character 
 with Gabrielle's own avowed lover, the handsome Due de 
 Bellegarde. 
 
 After the death of Henri IV. the Princesse de Conti 
 gave vent to her spite against the dead King by publish- 
 ing a scurrilous book of memoirs called " Amours du 
 Grand Alcandre." 
 
 Before going to church, however, Zamet had given 
 Gabrielle one of the excellent dinners for which he was 
 celebrated. It used to be his pride to prepare the food 
 himself on such occasions, and one could dine nowhere 
 as in his house. On returning from church, she fell down 
 in a faint ; on recovering from which she insisted upon 
 
122 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 being instantly taken out of that house — she evidently 
 suspected poison. No one accompanied Gabrielle save 
 La Varenne ; all her women and the Princesse de 
 Guise deserted her, but La Varenne remained with her 
 as sole attendant during her frightful illness of several 
 days. When the poor creature, in her mortal agony, 
 wrote imploring the King to come to her, La Varenne 
 contrived that Henri should not come. First he wrote to 
 the King that the Duchesse de Beaufort was suffering 
 from the results of a miscarriage, and then he wrote to 
 the King that she was dead, while the unfortunate woman 
 was still alive and writhing in her agony. The doctor 
 called in refused to attend her, fearing that he should 
 be accused by the priests of poisoning her himself; 
 for he was one of those who had exposed the impos- 
 ture about the devil-possessed Martha. Thus, instead 
 of becoming Queen of France, Gabrielle d'Estrees died 
 miserably and alone. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Mistresses and Wives of Henri de Navarre 
 
 1587 — 1610 
 
 Immorality of the King recognised. — Fifty-six Left-handed AHiances. — 
 Ladies of all Ranks. — Titles freely granted them. — Marquises, 
 Duchesses, and Abbesses. — Their Direct and Indirect Action on the 
 Monarch. — Flags from Coutras for Corisande, Gold Plate from 
 Calais for Gabrielle, and Banners from Savoy for Henriette. — 
 Henri " well out of it " when Gabrielle poisoned. — Ambassadors' 
 Condolences. — No Enquiry as to Cause of Death. — The Buffoon La 
 Varenne finds Marie Touchet's Daughter. — King instantly charmed 
 by Henriette d'Entragues. — Her Appearance and Disposition. — Henri 
 bargains for her. — D'Entragues sells his Daughter.— A Written 
 Promise of Marriage. — Henriette handed over. — A Quarrel with 
 Duke of Savoy. — Treachery of Biron. — Marie de Medicis and her 
 Money. — Skill of Sully against the Savoyard. — Biron befooled at 
 Battle of Bourg-en-Bresse. — King forgives him. — The Amours of 
 Marguerite de Valois. — Misfortune of Henriette. — Henri deceives 
 her and marries Marie. — The King disappointed with Marie de 
 Medicis. 
 
 To US dwellers in a more enlightened age it is simply 
 deplorable to consider the gross condition of open 
 immorality in the highest places which obtained in 
 France through century after century. 
 
 In the time of Henri IV. the immorality of the 
 King himself appears to have been recognised as a 
 regular institution, for if he had not got one mistress 
 it seems always to have been to the interests of 
 
 123 
 
i24 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 somebody to provide him with another. And these 
 mistresses appear to have been the puppets of fortune 
 or of their relatives,— sometimes to have been almost 
 omnipotent, with princes and ministers grovelling at 
 their feet ; at other times the most neglected of woman- 
 kmd, deceived and betrayed by everybody from the 
 King downwards. And yet that there seems to have 
 been no lack of aspirants for the honour, or dishonour, 
 of a left-handed alliance with the King is shown by 
 an old French work compiled from well-known records by 
 M. de Lescure. In this book an authentic list is given, 
 by name, of no less than fifty-six ladies who figured 
 at one time or another as the King's mistresses. Many 
 of them were, it is true, but the playthings of a day 
 or two, or a month or two ; but many of them were 
 ladies of the very highest rank, including countesses, 
 duchesses, and princesses ; for even, as mentioned above, 
 one of the princesses of the House of Guise figures in 
 the hst, in the shape of that treacherous Mademoiselle 
 de Guise, afterwards Princesse de Conti, who deserted 
 the unhappy Gabrielle d'Estrees when dying of poison, 
 and afterwards wrote a book full of the vilest abuse 
 of one whose friendship she had courted while living. 
 
 Those ladies who, though of noble blood, did not 
 possess titles of their own to start with, were soon 
 furnished with the prefix of Marquise or Duchesse ; 
 while should the lady, as was in some instances the 
 case, have happened to belong in the first instance to 
 Holy Mother Church, she was rewarded with the title 
 of Abbess for her complaisance to the King. Thus 
 we find Gabrielle d'Estrees made Marquise de Mon- 
 ceaux and Duchesse de Beaufort, Henriette de Balzac- 
 
Mistresses and Wives of Henri de Navarre 125 
 
 d'Entragues blossoms out into the Marquise de Verneuil, 
 while the nuns Catherine de Verdun, and Angelique 
 d'Estrees, sister of Gabrielle, become respectively Abbesse 
 de Vernon and Abbesse de Maubuisson. A third nun 
 was Marie de Beauvilliers, Abbesse de Montmartre. 
 
 Fortunately for the historian, he does not find it 
 necessary to follow up carefully the career of many of 
 these free-and-easy ladies, since their connection with 
 the King does not seem to have had any direct political 
 importance. And yet the names of some of them cause 
 him to pause and think awhile as he scans the intermin- 
 able list. Must not these women, even the least known 
 of them, have had at times some indirect action upon 
 the King whose polygamous couch they shared ? 
 
 When, for instance, we pause at the name of Esther 
 Imbertj who was the daughter of a worthy Protestant 
 magistrate of La Rochelle, and remember how shamefully 
 she was deserted and left to die in want, simply to please 
 the King's then reigning Catholic mistress, does not her 
 sad fate resemble the neglect meted out to her co- 
 religionists by the renegade monarch ^ May not the 
 neglect of both have sprung from the same cause ? 
 
 Again, does not the name of the Duchesse de Villars 
 seem to suggest a reason for the unnecessarily enormous 
 rewards given by the King to the Leaguer Villars as 
 the price of the surrender of Rouen ^ 
 
 And more, may not the monarch's temporary liaison 
 with Mademoiselle de Guise have had something to do 
 with his extremely easy — nay, extravagantly generous — 
 treatment of her brothers, those most determined of his 
 enemies, the Due de Mercoeur and the Due de Mayenne ? 
 
 These are only passing thoughts, and they may be 
 
126 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 unwarranted ; but when we consider the character of 
 Henri IV., and how, quite regardless of all appearances, 
 he would commit any folly to please the woman he was 
 interested in at the moment, there may be something in 
 them after all. Have we not seen him, while still only 
 King of Navarre, careless of everything else, post off 
 from the battlefield of Coutras with his armful of flags 
 to Corisande d'Audouins, Comtesse de Gramont, known 
 to history as La belle Corisande .? Did he not give 
 to Gabrielle d'Estrees presents which he should only 
 have offered to his Queen, such as the gold plate upon 
 which he received the keys of Calais, and the ring with 
 which he espoused France at his consecration ? Again, 
 shall we not see him, a little later on, openly sending to 
 Henriette d'Entragues the banners which he had brought 
 back from his victories in Savoy ^ This, too, only a 
 few days before his marriage by proxy was celebrated 
 in Florence with his second wife, Marie de Medicis. 
 With these examples before our eyes of what he could 
 do to please these three, the best known of his mistresses, 
 can there be any doubt that many of his follies, many 
 of his mistakes, many of his injustices, were inspired 
 by his connection with some of the others .? 
 
 However, we will leave this question for others 
 to solve, and proceed to consider the career of that 
 Henriette d'Entragues whose name has already occurred 
 twice in the few preceding lines. But first a few words 
 as to her predecessor's end. 
 
 Gabrielle d'Estrees died in April, 1599, presumably 
 of poison administered by Zamet the Moor, assisted or 
 shielded by La Varenne, the true instigators of the 
 murder being in Florence, Rome, and Madrid. The 
 
Mistresses and Wives of Henri de Navarre 127 
 
 poor creature was still actually suffering in terrible agony 
 when the King, on his way to see her, was prevented 
 from doing so by a series of apparent accidents, such 
 as a boat not being ready, a messenger being delayed, 
 and so on. Then he received the false intelligence from 
 La Varenne that she was dead, but still he wished to 
 push forward on horseback for the four remaining leagues 
 which separated him from Paris. This had all been 
 foreseen, and measures were taken to persuade the King 
 to return to Fontainebleau. The unhappy Gabrielle 
 really did not die until the following day, but the 
 required ends had been gained. Thus Henri never saw 
 her poor distorted features. 
 
 In his grief, which was undoubtedly sincere, he was 
 surprised to find his ministers and friends of all parties 
 taking the same method in their efforts at consolation. 
 This practically amounted to each one saying the same 
 thing, but in different words : " Yes, it is dreadfully 
 sad, your Majesty ; but how much sadder for you if 
 she had lived ! " One old soldier and comrade, named 
 Fervaques, had the courage to say his thoughts straight 
 out : " Well, you're well out of it now." Eventually 
 Sully came, and, with his austere Huguenot face and 
 language, said the same thing as the others, but in 
 Biblical language, referring Henri to the Psalms. The 
 fact was that every one about the Court was rejoiced, 
 for they all wanted, not the French marriage which 
 had seemed so probable had Gabrielle lived, but the 
 Italian marriage, and the Italian dowry so much needed 
 in the impoverished Court. 
 
 The King went into mourning for three months, 
 wearing black, not the usual violet; he sent everybody 
 
128 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 about the Court to the funeral ; he stayed at home himself 
 at Fontainebleau, and received there the condolences of 
 the foreign ambassadors and of the Parliament. But he 
 made not the slightest enquiry into the cause of Gabrielle's 
 death, nor did any of the members of the late Duchesse 
 de Beaufort's family agitate for any enquiry either. 
 
 It would seem as if both the King and the d'Estrees 
 family were animated by the same feeling — fear to stir 
 up the mud, fear to find out too much, lest perforce there 
 would be too much publicity, too serious consequences. 
 Thus poor Gabrielle was left in her tomb all unavenged, 
 and negotiations went on merrily for the Italian marriage 
 with the daughter of Francis of Tuscany and Jane Arch- 
 duchess of Austria. 
 
 Meanwhile, to divert the grief-stricken King and 
 keep him in good humour while the long-drawn-out 
 bargaining over the amount of the dowry to be paid 
 was going on, that go-between and poisoner, the 
 buffoon Varenne, found for the King another probable 
 mistress. And he found her in, of all people, the 
 young daughter of Marie Touchet. This Marie 
 Touchet had been the dearly loved mistress of the late 
 Charles IX., and she had married d'Entragues, the 
 Governor of Orleans, a man who had been in very bad 
 odour at Court ; indeed, he did not dare to show his 
 face there. This did not prevent La Varenne from 
 inducing the King to visit the house of the new young 
 beauty he was told so much about ; and when he saw 
 the girl he was captivated at once. She was of a very 
 different type to the late good-natured, kind-hearted, 
 and plump Gabrielle. Henriette, although brought up 
 rigidly by the now devout Marie Touchet, who was so 
 
Mistresses and Wives of Henri de Navarre 129 
 
 rigid that she once herself poignarded a page whom 
 she found a httle free with her daughters, had, like 
 her sisters, her father, and her brother, considerably 
 more than a spice of the devil in her. She was eighteen 
 years of age, of ardent temperament, was very pretty, 
 slight, but well made, had a very caustic, witty tongue, 
 and was disputatious by nature. It was her tongue, and 
 her smart, sharp sayings, more than her looks, which 
 captivated the King. He accordingly bargained with the 
 father for her, who was quite ready to sell his daughter. 
 D'Entragues thereupon, with her own connivance, sold 
 his daughter to the King for the Marquisate of Verneuil. 
 But he would not hand her over to his Majesty until they 
 had also received the neat little sum in cash of one 
 hundred thousand crowns, and also a written promise of 
 marriage, to hold good under certain circumstances. 
 
 Here is the promise of marriage which the King 
 wrote before the girl was handed over to him. It was 
 dated Malesherbes, October ist, 1599 : 
 
 ^' Mons. d'Entragues giving us as a companion 
 his daughter. Mademoiselle Henriette, in the event that 
 in six months* time she should become enceinte, and 
 should she bear a son, then at once we will take her 
 to wife. — Henri." 
 
 This document having been duly signed and delivered, 
 the young lady was, apparently without any objection 
 on her own part, handed over into the King's keeping. 
 
 While these charming negotiations had been going 
 on, affairs had been taking place which had convinced 
 the ministers, and especially Sully, and apparently the 
 King himself also, that the Italian marriage had become 
 
 9 
 
13^ Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 more than ever a necessity. This was a quarrel with 
 Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, the son-in-law of 
 Philip II. and a tool of Spain. It chiefly concerned the 
 province and marquisate of Saluzzo or Saluces, inhabited 
 by the Italian Protestants and Vaudois, which had formerly 
 belonged to France ; and the more than ambiguous action 
 of this humpbacked, ill-favoured Prince was such as to 
 make war an absolute necessity. He was being backed 
 up secretly by Charles de Gontault, Due de Biron, the son 
 of the old Marechal, the gallant warrior of Arques, who 
 was as treacherous to his King as his father had been 
 faithful. But to wage war Henri wanted money, for he 
 had no standing army ; and money he had none available 
 for the purpose. It was, however, procurable easily 
 enough. The King had only to take Marie de Medicis 
 and six hundred thousand crowns. He decided to do so, 
 but asked for the money first, and obtained it. 
 
 The war which ensued was a triumphant proof of 
 the military skill of Henri, and of Sully, who had a 
 genius for artillery, and who had all his artillery over 
 the border, and bombarding the mountain forts and 
 towns in the Savoyard's territory almost as soon as war 
 was declared. 
 
 The history of this war is amusing, from the fact 
 that, although Biron, who was Governor of Burgundy, 
 was giving every information to the enemy the whole 
 time, he was forced by the officers whom Sully had 
 judiciously placed under him to defeat that enemy, in 
 spite of himself, at Bourg-en-Bresse. In rage and fury, 
 he saw all his plans, for helping the Duke of Savoy into 
 France, miscarry. Above all, he was disappointed that 
 he had not managed to get the King killed by picked 
 
Mistresses and Wives of Henri de Navarre 131 
 
 shots among the Savoyard troops, in the manner which 
 he had designated. 
 
 The King had come personally to observe the 
 Governor of Burgundy's operations in the province of 
 La Bresse, and was aware of Biron's treachery, but was 
 only good-humouredly amused about it. He had 
 showered favours and honours upon this noble, who 
 had previously proved himself a very doughty man of 
 war ; but he forgave him his enmity and treachery, as 
 he always forgave his enemies, no matter what the 
 nature of the injury they had attempted against him. 
 The strange thing is that he was as personally attached 
 to Biron after these treacherous actions as he had been 
 before ; and he therefore willingly pardoned him, when, 
 upon peace being signed, Biron came to him at Lyons 
 and made some avowals. For the Due knew he was sus- 
 pected, and hoped to save himself, which he did for a 
 time. However, as he immediately most ungratefully 
 had further treacherous dealings with the Duke of Savoy, 
 to the prejudice of Henri, in the matter of the treaty 
 of peace, he involved himself to such an extent that 
 before long he caused his own downfall. 
 
 We have not, however, got to do with Biron here. 
 Our present business is with the pretty young damsel 
 who was now under the King's protection, with a promise 
 of marriage should she bear him a son, that King being 
 at the very time about to marry another woman, while 
 also his first wife. Marguerite de Valois, was still alive, 
 and had been but recently divorced by him. Were we 
 here dealing with Marguerite de Valois and her infideli- 
 ties, the amours of that Royal Princess would be found 
 to be almost as innumerable as those of her husband. 
 
132 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Indeed, they had commenced long before her marriage, 
 when she was quite in her childhood, one of her earlier 
 lovers having been the famous Henri de Guise. But 
 her history, that of an absolutely unprincipled woman, 
 does not concern us here. 
 
 The young Henriette d'Entragues had a great mis- 
 fortune just before the King's marriage was celebrated 
 by proxy with the Florentine Princess. The lightning 
 striking the room wherein she was, she brought into 
 the world a dead child. There were no hopes of 
 marriage possible for her now, although Henri, to soothe 
 her and quiet her fears, gave her an accredited agent to 
 d'Ossat, his envoy at the Court of Rome, to annul the 
 contract for the Italian marriage, on the grounds of his 
 prior engagement to Henriette. This was merely a blind 
 on the King's part ; for as soon as Henriette had left him 
 at Chambery during the Savoyard war, Henri detained 
 the messenger, who was a monk named Travail. His 
 marriage with Marie de Medicis became an accomplished 
 fact shortly after, and that young Princess landed at 
 Marseilles in such state that it would have been impos- 
 sible to send her back, for she came escorted by three 
 fleets, and with an army of seven thousand men. It 
 was a regular invasion of France by Italy. It was 
 some time, however, before the King could leave the 
 war in Savoy ; but when he did so, he eventually 
 was able to join Marie at Lyons, where the marriage 
 was consummated, notwithstanding that Henri was 
 much disappointed in the personal appearance of his 
 new bride. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 
 
 1589 — 1 6 10 
 
 Personal Magnetism of the King. — Peace to the Peasants and Punishment 
 to the Peasants. — Political Infidelities. — Neglect of the Vaudois. — 
 Inconsistent Action as regards Spain. — Double Life with New 
 Mistress and New Wife. — The Queen's Cavalieri Servaiii. — 
 Inconsistent Behaviour to Marie and Henriette. — Henri IV. and 
 Biron. — La Fin's Disclosures. — Duplicity met with Duplicity. — Sully 
 visits Queen Elizabeth. — Biron sent to Queen Elizabeth. — Biron's 
 Guns taken by Trickery. — The King's Kindness to Biron. — Biron in 
 the Bastille. — The King causes his Condemnation. — Biron baffles 
 the E.xecutioners. — Is beheaded by a Ruse at One Blow. — Incon- 
 sistent Action of Henri towards Other Conspirators. 
 
 That there was an enormous personal charm in Henri 
 de Navarre seems a matter which admits of no possible 
 doubt. It was a charm which made itself felt in spite 
 of his inconsistencies, and his whole career was but one 
 long tale of inconsistency. But the recollection of the 
 charm remains in the minds of men even after his death. 
 D'Aubigne, his old Huguenot follower, one of those 
 who had had to sufFer more from his inconsistencies than 
 most people, writes of him that " he had many faults, 
 but for all that he was a great man, a great king," 
 and further speaks of him generally in affectionate terms. 
 This in itself is sufficient to show what must have been 
 his personal magnetism ; and it is this very personal 
 
134 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 magnetism of his which made France what she became 
 during his reign, which made of her a nation instead 
 of what she was before — a disorganised conglomeration 
 of brawling provinces. The fact is, it was the King 
 himself alone who consolidated France — King Henri IV. 
 was France. Without him there might have been a new 
 Spain on that portion of the map represented by France 
 nowadays : with him there was a new France instead. 
 Because he gave the people peace and personally went 
 about among the peasants, the farmers, and the bourgeoisie, 
 enquiring into their complaints and endeavouring to 
 hghten their burdens, he was beloved by them. And 
 yet he punished those very people when they rose in 
 revolt against the great nobles who crushed them down 
 with excessive octroi duties on the towns. However, an 
 example of his inconsistency is to be seen in the fact 
 that, while he punished the peasants, he at the same 
 time caused the nobles to abolish, or greatly to lighten, 
 the octroi duties. 
 
 Nothing is more remarkable than the history of 
 what we may call Henri's political infidelities and in- 
 gratitudes. We will take his attitude towards Italy as 
 an example, commencing with Venice. After the victory 
 of Arques, when Henri de Navarre was still a Protestant, 
 who had been the very first to give him a political 
 leg-up, as it were, in the eyes of all Europe ^ Venice, 
 who had despatched an embassy to him to recognise 
 him as King — Venice, in whose streets his name was so 
 popular that any fanciful old portrait which was called 
 by the name of Henri de Navarre could be sold for a 
 fabulous figure. And yet what did Henri do in return } 
 When Venice sent to the now powerful King of France, 
 
Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 135 
 
 to beg him to support their ally, the gallant Duke of 
 Ferrara, against the Pope, he turned a cold ear to her 
 entreaties. Ferrara was, in consequence, annexed to the 
 Papal Dominions. 
 
 Again, when the Queen of the Seas was herself in 
 trouble with Rome and threatened by Spain, and she 
 appealed to him for at least moral support, what answer 
 did this old favourite of Venice make to her ? He told 
 her *' to have patience — that no doubt everything would 
 come all right." 
 
 Once more. After his glorious conquest of Savoy in 
 1 601, what return did he make to all the Italian Pro- 
 testants, to all the Vaudois in the province of Saluzzo, 
 who were looking with longing eyes to him for protection, 
 who had indeed written him a most noble appeal, offering 
 him their hearts, their Hves, their fortunes, so long ago 
 as 1594? He deliberately handed back Saluzzo to the 
 Duke of Savoy, the friend of Spain, the almost Spaniard, 
 the son-in-law of Philip II. ; that is to say, he deliberately 
 handed them back to the Inquisition and the rack, for 
 Fuentes, the Spanish Governor of Milan, was near at hand. 
 
 At this very moment Henri was consummating his 
 marriage with an Italian princess — Italian, that is, on her 
 father's side — Marie de Medicis, niece of the Grand 
 Duke of Tuscany. Would not this act in itself have 
 seemed to betoken that Henri IV. wished to be more 
 nearly drawn to Italy ? But no ; he gave himself away 
 to all that was Spanish, and abandoned those who would, 
 he knew, have been faithful to him. And he gave 
 away much more than the hearts and liberties of the 
 Vaudois and the Italian Protestants by the extreme 
 clemency with which he treated the Duke of Savoy, 
 
136 Sidelights on the ^ourt ot rrance 
 
 from whom, however, he did take back the formerly 
 French province of La Bresse, to the east of Burgundy. 
 He gave away the whole of the Protestant cause of 
 Europe, which should have been dear to him at that 
 moment, if only as a means to the preservation of his 
 own kingdom. For there had but recently begun a 
 terrible conflict of Northern Europe against the bands 
 of banditti of all nations, called Spanish soldiers ; it was 
 the commencement of what is known as the Thirty 
 Years' War. 
 
 Maurice of Orange, at the head of an army of 
 Protestants — Dutch, German, French, and English — 
 had just crushed the Spaniards flat, almost annihilated 
 them in a defeat at Nieupoort. Their prestige was utterly 
 lost by the blow, and by Henri's conquest of Savoy at 
 the same time. But the inconsistency of the King of 
 France, in giving back all of Savoy except La Bresse, 
 restored their courage and their prestige at once. The 
 Duke of Savoy, and Fuentes the Spaniard at Milan, 
 were thus enabled to recommence their plottings with 
 de Biron, d'Epernon, de Bouillon, and other traitors to 
 France. Henri was perfectly well aware of all this. 
 Why, then, did he commit an action so opposed to his 
 own interests, so very likely to bring more trouble upon 
 himself at once P We can only imagine that it was 
 done to please the ultra-Catholics — the pro-Spaniards, 
 his own enemies. 
 
 Without going further into the inconsistencies of the 
 King's political life, the examination of the double Hfe 
 that he was leading with his new mistress and new wife 
 at this time displays more glaring inconsistencies still. 
 When, after the brilliant success of his army in Savoy, 
 
Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 137 
 
 Henri went for the first time to join the Italian Princess, 
 who had just landed on French shores from a bark 
 all encrusted with pearls and precious stones, he was 
 committing an act of double-facedness ; for, as has been 
 told, he had just a few days before vowed to the youthful 
 Henriette d'Entragues that he would instantly send off 
 to Rome her emissary Travail to get the marriage 
 annulled before it was consummated. Despite this, he 
 joined the new Queen, and instantly lived with her as 
 his wife. 
 
 Marie de Medicis, who was twenty-seven at the 
 date of her marriage, was half Austrian, and had all 
 the traits of the German type. She was tall, fat, heavy, 
 had little round eyes, and had none of the brightness 
 and vivacity of the Frenchwoman whom he had just 
 left. However, the new Oueen had not come to him 
 alone ; she was accompanied by three young men, who 
 were her ciscisbei^ or cavalieri se^^venti. These were 
 Virginio Orsini, Paolo Orsini, and the handsome Concini. 
 
 What her relations were with them from the very 
 first is more than doubtful ; as to what these relations 
 were, with Virginio Orsini very shortly afterwards, and 
 with Concino Concini for a long period both before and 
 after the King's death, history does not express any doubt. 
 It is, however, on record that the King looked very 
 grave the day after he had first joined the Queen late 
 at night. Presumably it was either because he then 
 for the first time learned of the presence of these three 
 young nobles, or because the young Queen had not come 
 up at all to his expectations. It must be remembered 
 that the very flattering portrait that he had had forwarded 
 to him of Marie de Medicis had been painted no less 
 
138 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 than ten years previously. In spite of his disappointment 
 or discontent, he remained with his bride for at least a 
 month ; although, as she knew but little French and it 
 is not on record that the King could speak Italian, 
 it seems not at all improbable that the time must have 
 proved heavy enough to both of them. Then, making 
 an excuse about business requiring his attendance else- 
 where, he posted off to join Henriette d'Entragues, 
 leaving the Queen with her three young men. 
 
 When once Henri was back with the vivacious beauty, 
 he seems really to have contemplated trying to get a 
 second divorce ; for he despatched at once the long- 
 delayed messenger to Rome, to represent that his previous 
 engagements with Henriette had made his marriage with 
 Marie de Medicis illegal. Yet before leaving the Queen 
 he had had the marriage ceremony, only previously per- 
 formed by proxy, celebrated by the Pope's Legate between 
 him and his wife. There could now, one would think, 
 be no doubt as to the validity of the union. Then, a 
 few days after sending off to Rome to get this marriage 
 annulled, we find Henri back again, amicably passing 
 three or four days by his wife's side. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that it now became known 
 that the Queen was already enceinte, this does not seem 
 to have made any difference to him. He did not recall 
 Henriette's messenger, who was negotiating for a divorce 
 in Rome, although he received but little encouragement 
 from that quarter. Henriette was also expecting to 
 become a mother at the same time, and the ministers 
 were naturally very anxious ; for, if Henriette's child 
 should happen to be a son and that of the Queen a girl, 
 a divorce would certainly have been obtained. Then 
 
Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 139 
 
 Henriette would have married the King, and her child 
 would have been legitimatised. Of one thing however, 
 Sully and the other ministers were resolved — that, should 
 the Queen's child prove to be a son, they would never 
 allow the King to obtain a divorce, or to raise any 
 question about the legitimacy of that child. The future of 
 France and of the succession was of far too great import- 
 ance. Thus, should the Queen bring a son into the world, 
 then he would be the undoubted Dauphin and heir to the 
 crown. When the Queen actually bore a son, the King, 
 to the surprise of everybody, showed the greatest signs 
 of joy and satisfaction, notwithstanding that a few days 
 later Henriette gave birth to a son also. Could any- 
 thing be more inconsistent than the whole line of 
 conduct of Henri throughout this business ? 
 
 To revert to a subject previously alluded to. As 
 might have been expected from his previous record, 
 that great and warlike noble the Marechal Due de 
 Biron, did not, after the peace with Savoy, lose any 
 time in recommencing his plots with the Duke of that 
 state. This was the more treacherous on his part, since, 
 knowing himself more than suspected, he had come to 
 the King at Lyons and made him a partial confession. 
 By this confession he represented to the King that his 
 apparent partiality for the Duke of Savoy was merely 
 a matter of expediency or necessity, as his affairs were 
 deeply involved, and that Prince had promised him the 
 hand of his illegitimate daughter, with a very large 
 dowry. Henri, with his usual good nature, accepted 
 the explanation ; but he took care at the same time 
 not to give into the powerful hands of the Governor 
 of Burgundy that important place Bourg-en-Bresse, just 
 
140 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 taken from Savoy. Biron had had the effrontery to 
 ask for it. The King knew perfectly well that, were 
 Bourg in the traitor's hands, he would simply use it as 
 a gateway for Spain into France. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Biron's connection and confidant, 
 the ever-intriguing and restless Jacques de Lanode, Sieur 
 de la Fin, having been dismissed after a quarrel, showed 
 to the King papers which established beyond doubt that 
 Biron was once more plotting to betray his country into 
 the hands of that country's enemy. Indeed, La Fin's 
 disclosures appalled the King and Sully : they proved 
 so indisputably that many of the great nobles were 
 secretly unfaithful to him. Among them was actually 
 the Constable of France, Montmorency, whom the King 
 always treated as an intimate friend : even he was found 
 to have a secret treaty with Savoy. 
 
 The King, however, treated duplicity with duplicity. 
 The Siege of Ostend by the Spaniards had drawn him 
 and Elizabeth together. While the English Queen was 
 anxiously listening for the echo of the Spanish guns at 
 Dover, Henri was employed in a similar manner at 
 Calais. Sully was sent backwards and forwards with 
 friendly messages from the one to the other. In the 
 course of these Sully explained the condition of afi^airs 
 to the Virgin Queen — that his master did not feel himself 
 secure enough in his own dominions to join her in a 
 war against the Spaniards ; and then Sully told Elizabeth 
 about the treachery of Biron and the other nobles. As 
 a result of this conversation, Henri IV. sent Biron himself 
 on an embassy to the English Queen shortly afterwards. 
 Elizabeth spoke very plainly to the Due de Biron on the 
 subject of traitors, and warned him severely of the error 
 
Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 141 
 
 of his ways. She is even said to have displayed to him 
 the head of her own favourite Essex on a stake at the 
 Tower gates, as an example of what he would bring 
 himself to if he did not amend. 
 
 But it seems somehow as if, according to the ethics 
 of those days, the powerful French nobles did not con- 
 sider treachery to be treachery, but more as if it were 
 a pastime which they had a perfect right to indulge 
 in at their own sweet will. At any rate, we find Biron 
 shortly after this upon familiar terms with the King — indeed, 
 speaking to him with that familiarity which would almost 
 seem to have betokened contempt. He evidently thought 
 himself too strong to be touched; for he knew that, on 
 account of his father's warlike deeds as a leader and his 
 own personal prowess as a fighter, he was far more 
 popular with the people than he deserved to be. Besides, 
 was he not the ruler of all the strong places in Burgundy ? — 
 whither he repaired to continue his conspiracies. 
 
 It was only because the King was also seeking to 
 entrap the great Protestant Due de Bouillon in the north, 
 who was the almost independent ruler of Sedan, and the 
 warlike d'Epernon in the west, that Biron was allowed to 
 go for a time. When the King found that he was not 
 strong enough to instantly compel the simultaneous attend- 
 ance of these powerful nobles — for they declined to come 
 upon being invitingly written to by Sully — he determined 
 to at any rate draw Biron's teeth by a trick. He showed 
 the very greatest friendship for him, writing to him affec- 
 tionate letters, saying that he did not believe one single 
 word of the things alleged against him. And then, as a 
 pledge of his friendship, he promised to send him new 
 guns for his fortresses. Sully, however, wrote requesting 
 
142 Sidelights on tH^Xourt oF France 
 
 the return of the old ones first, with which demand Biron, 
 after hesitation, complied. 
 
 The trick succeeded ; and then, when his teeth had 
 been drawn, the King wrote urgently to request the 
 presence of " his dear cousin " at Fontainebleau. Vowing 
 fire and sword against Sully, Biron temporised until he 
 found that Spain was too busily occupied elsewhere to 
 come to his support through Savoy. Then, banishment 
 as an outlaw being his only alternative, the Due went 
 to his King, who received him affectionately with an 
 embrace. 
 
 The King's real intention was indeed merely to humble 
 Biron, to discredit him in the eyes of the people, and 
 of the other nobles almost as guilty as himself, and then 
 to let him go again. Now that he had, by deception, 
 got the better of this arch-deceiver, he only asked one 
 thing from him — his confession. He did not inform 
 him of all the damning proofs of his unbounded treachery 
 which he possessed in Biron's own handwriting : he 
 simply said kindly, " Come, my dear cousin, confess the 
 truth about Spain and Savoy, and all will go well with 
 you yet." 
 
 A monkish emissary of Spain had unfortunately already 
 reached the haughty noble, exhorting him to be silent. 
 Biron, therefore, repeatedly and obstinately denied every- 
 thing, while even truculently demanding the death of his 
 accusers. The King saw no help for it at length. One 
 night, after a game of cards, he gave the traitor one last 
 chance, when again he violently denied everything. Upon 
 his leaving the room, therefore, the captain of the guard 
 demanded of this obstinate fool his sword in the King's 
 name ; and, swagger and bluster as much as he liked and 
 
Duplicities and Inconsistencies of Henri IV 143 
 
 did, the Due de Biron had to yield up his well-tried 
 weapon, and retire under arrest to his apartment. 
 
 The following day he was removed to the Bastille ; 
 and although nearly half the nobility of France tried 
 to save him, and every noble refused to sit in judgment 
 upon him, the King was, for once, wisely firm. He 
 forced the Parliament, without any nobles, to try Biron, 
 and exerted his personal pressure to obtain a condemna- 
 tion. But, true to his usual methods of duplicity — 
 probably for fear of hurting the tender feelings of Spain 
 or the dangerous French nobles — Henri kept back all 
 the most recent evidence against the culprit. He was 
 only tried for his older offences, of which there was, 
 however, ample evidence to obtain a sentence of death — 
 a sentence which Biron never dreamed would be carried 
 out, so powerful were his friends. 
 
 The story of his execution, which for various con- 
 siderations was not a public one at the Gr^ve, is interesting, 
 but excessively painful. The Due de Biron, who was 
 a large and most powerful man, refused to be bound, 
 refused to have his eyes bandaged, stormed and raved 
 at everybody, insulted the executioner, and threatened 
 to smash the guards' heads in — absolutely terrifying the 
 assistants. For two hours it was impossible to carry 
 out the sentence of the Parliament. At last it was only 
 accomplished by a ruse. Approaching him respectfully, 
 the executioner pointed out to him that it would be 
 as well if he were at all events to occupy the delay 
 in offering up a prayer. Biron agreed to this, probably 
 thinking to obtain more delay. But, even as he put 
 himself in an attitude of prayer, swift as thought the 
 executioner seized the sword from an assistant, and 
 
144 Sidelights on the Court oi France 
 
 instantly dealt a mighty blow with unerring precision ; 
 for it completely severed the bull neck of the mighty 
 warrior, and sent the unsuspecting traitor's head spinning 
 across the platform. 
 
 Having made an example of Biron, Henri showed 
 his inconsistency once more by not pursuing to the bitter 
 end his lawful vengeance against the Comte d'Auvergne, 
 the son of Charles IX. and Marie Touchet, and half- 
 brother of Henriette, who afterwards became Due 
 d'Angouleme. He also let the other nobles who had 
 been plotting against him go scot-free. Henri preferred 
 good-naturedly to let their cases alone ; he was tired 
 of vengeance and punishment, and the trouble that it 
 all entailed. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 The Secret Plot of Henri IV 
 
 1602 and Later 
 
 The King thwarted at Every Turn. — His Ilhiesses. — A Change of Policy. — 
 Henri Advances against Due de Bouillon. — Marie de Medicis begs 
 for Bouillon. — Bouillon deprived of Sedan for Four Years. — The 
 King's Conspiracy. — Sully the Other Plotter. — Their Plot for a 
 War of Humanity. — Sully amasses Money. — Henri prepares for a 
 Coalition of the Heart. — K Million Moors to assist. — Duke of Savoy 
 disappointed at Philip U.'s Will. — He prepares to assist against 
 Spain. — Elector of Bavaria ready to join. — Henri's Plan. — Another 
 Conspiracy. — Henriette and d'Epernon conspire. — Marie de Medicis 
 and Concini. — Leonora Galigai. — Marie marries her to Concini. — 
 Keeps Concini always near her, — Plenri Hopeless of Divorce. — 
 Reasons for desiring the King's Death. — Henriette Vicious. — The 
 King's New Mistress. — Henriette declares her Children's Legitimacy. 
 — She hates the King. — Combines with the Queen against Henri's 
 Life. 
 
 It is a difficult task for us nowadays to go into the 
 details of the various conspiracies which were aimed 
 not merely at the life o^ King Henri IV., but at his 
 good intentions and his good works. This applies 
 equally to his good intentions as regards his external 
 policy, and to his good works as regards the internal 
 management of his kingdom for the amelioration of 
 his people. It is impossible to deny that, in spite of 
 all his inconsistencies, all his immoralities, all his follies, 
 
 145 10 
 
146 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Henri was a progressive king, labouring in a good cause. 
 Henri IV. was a reformer — the first reformer of his day. 
 He would have been alone in his efforts, had he not 
 ever, consistently and throughout, been supported and 
 backed up by his faithful minister, the Protestant Due 
 de Sully. 
 
 The lot of the reformer, whether prince or peasant, 
 has ever been an arduous one ; and Henri found con- 
 tinually that the very grandeur of his position, the very 
 plenitude of his rank, attracting as they did all eyes to 
 the reforms he sought to introduce, made it all the harder 
 for him to carry his endeavours to a successful issue. 
 The consequence was that he found himself thwarted at 
 every turn — that the last few years of his reign were one 
 continual struggle against open and secret foes alike, 
 both without and within the kingdom of France. 
 
 In addition to the personal foes that Henri de 
 Navarre had to struggle against, we find the poor, 
 worn-out warrior, time after time, stricken down with 
 severe and painful illnesses. So much was this the case, 
 that, starting from, say, the year 1600, the open ques- 
 tion used to be, '' Will the King die by the hand of 
 God or the hand of the assassin ^ " By none probably 
 was this question asked more often than by the King 
 himself. He struggled nobly against his illnesses, re- 
 covering repeatedly, as it were from the mere force of 
 }^is will — as if he were determined to disappoint the 
 enemies who wished to see him die. We know that 
 he sought to escape from the hand of the assassin by 
 truckling to Rome and the ultra-Catholic faction, by 
 loading his enemies with honours. 
 
 But the time came when Henri realised that, do 
 
The Secret Plot of Henri IV 147 
 
 what he would — humble himself to Rome, reward his 
 enemies for their enmity — it was all of no use. Those 
 who hated him before would hate him still, no matter 
 what he might do to appease them. He therefore deter- 
 mined to change his policy, to show a bold front where 
 he had hitherto shown a weak one ; and we may say 
 that the initiation of this change of policy commenced 
 with the trial and execution of the powerful traitor 
 Biron. 
 
 That execution almost cost the King his life — not 
 by the hand of man, but by the hand of God. So much 
 upset was he at having been forced to execute one 
 whom he himself had always treated as a friend, and by 
 discovering also how deeply other nobles, some of whom 
 he trusted as friends, were implicated, that he fell 
 seriously ill. We find the Spanish Ambassador writing, 
 a week after the just punishment of his treason had been 
 meted out to Biron, that, " to see the King's appearance, 
 one would almost imagine that he it was who had been 
 executed, rather than the traitor." 
 
 For the time being Henri left that powerful Protestant 
 conspirator the Due de Bouillon to his own devices in 
 the north ; that ultra-Catholic conspirator the Due 
 d'Epernon he also left to his own devices in the west. 
 
 When, some four years later, he did advance with 
 an army into the north, Henry never punished the Due 
 de Bouillon, who opened his strong places to the King 
 without resistance : he merely contented himself with 
 making Bouillon look thoroughly foolish before his 
 co-rehgionists, the Huguenots. But the Queen, Marie 
 de Medicis, herself a mixture of Italian, Austrian, and 
 Spaniard, and wholly a Spaniard at heart, begged the 
 
148 Sidelights on the Court oflrrance 
 
 King not to be hard on this Protestant prince of the 
 north, this friend of Spain. 
 
 Though the Due de Bouillon richly deserved to share 
 the fate of Biron, the only measure accordingly that 
 Henri took against him was to place another governor 
 in Sedan for the space of four years. This did not 
 occur, however, until Henri had been impelled by the 
 see-saw of his policy to throw himself once more into 
 the arms of the Huguenots, after having made friends 
 with and re-estabUshed the Jesuits. For, while there 
 were other conspiracies going on at home against the 
 King, — notably that in which the family of his pretty 
 and petulant mistress, Henriette d'Entragues, was in- 
 volved ; father, brother, and sister all being in league 
 with Spain, — the King himself may be said to have 
 become a conspirator also. 
 
 The plotters in Henri's conspiracy were but two. 
 They were the King himself, and that faithful soldier, that 
 able man of business, the hard-working, if hard-hearted, 
 Maximilien de Bethune, Due de Sully. And the object 
 of the conspiracy was the salvation of Europe. While 
 Marie de M^dicis and her favourite and lover the Italian 
 Concini, while that amiable priest of the pretty pastorals, 
 Francois de Sales, while those indefatigable Jesuits Fathers 
 Ignace and Cotton, who never left his side after once the 
 buffoon La Varenne had succeeded in placing them there, 
 were all plotting round the King for the double Spanish 
 marriage, the King and Sully, keeping their plans dark, 
 were plotting against Spain. Europe was overrun with 
 the Spanish hordes ; the prolonged Siege of Ostend had 
 made the world re-echo with the reports of the Spanish 
 cannon ; the Catholic priesthood was becoming once 
 

 
 From an old print 
 
 MARIE DE MEDICIS, QUEEN OF FRANCE 
 
 {To fiice p. n 
 
The Secret Plot of Henri IV 149 
 
 more rampant and triumphant everywhere ; the Pro- 
 testant princes and Protestant religion were being wiped 
 out completely : all was chaos, disaster. In Poland, 
 on the Rhine, at Cleves, in Holland, in Italy, the power 
 of the most Catholic King, combined with that of his 
 close ally Ferdinand of Austria, ruled supreme ; while 
 hordes of bandits — for the soldiery were no better — spread 
 their barbarities, with fire and sword, from end to end 
 of the Continent. It seemed, indeed, as if all were 
 finished with Europe ; and Europe in tears, in deep and 
 dire distress, looked in but one direction for salvation. 
 Every eye, every heart, every hope of the oppressed, 
 of the miserable war-stricken inhabitants of many states 
 turned but one way, sought but one hand in succour ; 
 and that was, he knew it well himself, the hand of 
 Henri de Navarre, King of France — the only possible 
 help to the wretched. 
 
 Thus it happened that the King, who was only 
 anxious for the power, and only awaiting the oppor- 
 tunity to extend that hand, was plotting with Sully 
 to declare a war — not a war of religion, not a war 
 of policy, but a war of humanity. While all those 
 around him, even those at his own bed and board, were 
 plotting for a closer union with Spain, by a double 
 marriage between two Spanish Royal infants and two 
 French Royal infants, Henri, keeping his own counsel, 
 especially from his faithless Queen, was planning with 
 Sully and preparing to crush the ogre, the cruel and 
 bloodthirsty dragon, that breathed fire and flame with 
 devastating breath over many a deserted homestead. For 
 terrible indeed was the destruction wrought by the 
 dragon of death during that Thirty Years' War. 
 
i50 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 While, by good management of the revenues, ^Sully 
 was laying up money in the Bastille for the purpose of their 
 united design, the King was preparing for himself a coalition 
 of the heart — a coalition of men of all religions, to be 
 his allies in the war of humanity which he intended to 
 wage. Among others, he could count upon the Moors 
 in Spain, who well knew that their general massacre was 
 being discussed, and who were writing to him to beg 
 for his protection from universal slaughter. The assist- 
 ance of a million or so of Moors would have made easy 
 for Henri a war carried right into the heart of Spain 
 itself. Bold and able commander as he was, this was no 
 doubt the design that Henri had in his head. While Spain 
 was greatly depleted ot forces and of her able commanders 
 employed elsewhere, he would have swooped down 
 like an eagle from his native Pyrenees, gathering up the 
 masses of the Moors with him, as he rolled along like an 
 avalanche, and he would have enveloped Philip III. and 
 his forces in the Escurial itself. Thus, before assistance 
 could have come from the Spanish armies, closely beset 
 by the combined forces in Holland or on the Rhine, 
 Henri would have settled the Spanish question once 
 and for all. It was an idea worthy of a great King. 
 
 In the meantime Henri knew of others, besides the 
 Moors, although old enemies of his, upon whom he could 
 count when the time came. First and foremost there was 
 the humpback Duke of Savoy, whom he had recently 
 conquered, but treated so leniently. This potentate, son- 
 in-law of Philip II. of Spain, had not been particularly 
 pleased at finding that the sole thing left to him in his 
 father-in-law's will was a crucifix. He who, in his 
 ambition, had almost expected to have had the throne of 
 
The Secret Plot of Henri IV 151 
 
 Spain for himself, or for his children, did not deem a 
 simple crucifix a commensurate exchange. He was now, 
 therefore, perfectly prepared to fight against his Spanish 
 relations, especially after the birth of an heir to Philip III. 
 Then there was the Elector of Bavaria, one of the most 
 bigoted of Catholics. He, however, despite his religion, 
 was bursting with jealousy and hatred of Ferdinand of 
 Austria. Henri felt, therefore, that he could count upon 
 him. He saw further opportunities of dividing others of 
 the Catholics against each other. For instance, he well 
 knew that Pope Paul V. was sick of the Spaniard in 
 Italy, and would not at all object to seeing Philip III. 
 bundled out bag and baggage from Milan. 
 
 Henri's plan, which he disclosed to Sully, was simple. 
 " Let us offer the Empire to Bavaria ; let us marry my 
 daughter to the son of the Duke of Savoy and make him 
 King of Lombardy ; and, as for the Queen, since she 
 wants to join us to Spain by a double marriage, I will 
 leave her in doubt as towards which side I lean." 
 
 While the King and Sully were thus secretly arranging 
 together their plan of action, the execution of which was 
 temporarily delayed by the hesitating timidity of the Duke 
 of Savoy, Holland, being quite worn out, concluded a 
 truce with Spain upon her own account. The execution 
 of the plot had therefore to be deferred for the present. 
 
 In the meantime another conspiracy was being 
 planned — not by the King, but against him. This 
 was a plot for Henri's assassination, agreed upon at 
 a meeting in church between the Due d'Epernon and 
 Henriette d'Entragues ; and there is not the slightest 
 doubt but that, during the three years that it dragged 
 out its length, the King's wife, the Austrian-Spaniard- 
 
152 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Italian, Marie de Medicis, was a prime mover in the 
 whole horrible affair. When we say Marie de 
 Medicis, we must include Concini also, the handsome 
 braggart Italian who had usurped the place of her two 
 Orsini cousins in the Queen's affections. Concini was 
 what we should call nowadays a prig. He came of no 
 particular family, and was not rich. He was, however, 
 a boaster and an empty-headed swaggerer ; but he was 
 ambitious. He rode a horse well and looked well upon 
 one, and knew it. The Queen knew it also ; and she 
 insisted upon having various harmless tournaments and 
 tiltings, greatly to the King's displeasure and at an 
 enormous expense, simply that her favourite might shine 
 in carrying off the ring, and in performing therein, as 
 her acknowledged champion, other elegant feats of horse- 
 manship against all comers. 
 
 If the King was openly immoral, the Queen was 
 not in any way behind him from the time of her first 
 cominor i^to France. That she mi^ht have some 
 kind of an excuse for keeping Concini about her 
 person she married him to her foster-sister and favourite 
 hand-maiden, the daughter of a carpenter. This woman's 
 name was Leonora Dosi or Galigai : she was very 
 swarthy, ungraceful, and almost a dwarf; and she had, 
 in spite of her ill looks, a great admiration for Concini, 
 to whom she had given a large sum of money. All 
 of this he swaggeringly expended upon the purchase of 
 a magnificent horse, which he presented to the King. 
 Afterwards, at the Queen's request, he married this ill- 
 favoured lady-in-waiting, thus enabling the Queen herself 
 to keep him always at hand without open scandal. 
 Leonora was, much against the King's wishes, made 
 
The Secret Plot of Henri IV 153 
 
 Mistress of the Robes to the Queen in the place of 
 Madame de RicheHeu, wife of the Grand Provost of 
 France. For years Concini ruled the Oueen ; and, 
 object as much as he might, and even although he 
 offered to give up Henriette altogether, the King could 
 not obtain from Marie the dismissal of her favourite. 
 Moreover, as year by year the Queen had an addition to 
 her family, the King gave up any hope of a new divorce. 
 In those days it seemed indeed hopeless to expect to 
 obtain a divorce from a Queen of France who had borne 
 several children, whereby the succession was assured. 
 
 Now, let us consider what were the motives of the 
 principal personages in this drama, which made them 
 desire the death of the King. As regards the Queen, 
 she wished to be Queen-Regent of France, and to procure 
 the double Spanish marriage. To ensure the former, she 
 obtained her consecration and coronation from Henri with 
 great difficulty. He well knew why she insisted on it, and 
 for long declined to attend a ceremony which he rightly 
 believed to be the signing of his own death-warrant. 
 As regards Concini, he wished for the position which he 
 afterwards held for years — that of principal ruler of the 
 Queen, with the means of amassing unlimited wealth. 
 
 When we come to d'Epernon, we find a different 
 reason actuating him. One of the principal efforts of 
 the King had been to reduce the enormous power of the 
 great nobility, and to prevent oppression of the lower 
 orders. It was one of the noblest efforts of his reio^n, 
 and gave alleviation to much misery. The Due 
 d'Epernon had been very hard hit by Henry's endeavours 
 in this direction, since he had been summarily prevented 
 from levying all kinds of arbitrary taxes upon the poor 
 
154 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 in the governments where he ruled. Moreover, the 
 King had taken away from d'Epernon, and into his own 
 hands, the strong place of Metz. This was quite enough 
 to render furious a noble who had always been against 
 the King from his very accession. 
 
 With reference to Henriette d'Entrag^ues and her share 
 in the plot against the life of the man by whom she had 
 two children, the King had but himself to thank. For 
 he always had played with her as a cat with a mouse. 
 She was herself cat-like, vicious, and vindictive ; but her 
 tempers used to amuse the King, and make her the more 
 attractive to him. At the time of the first plot, that 
 when the whole of the d'Entragues family conspired 
 against him, he sent her away temporarily, while imprison- 
 ing her half-brother the Comte d'Auvergne, and also her 
 father, both of whom richly deserved their punishment. 
 But to be especially avenged upon that little spitfire 
 Henriette he openly took a new mistress, Mademoiselle 
 de Bueil, a lovely orphan, whom he created Comtesse de 
 Moret. When he knew that he had made Henriette 
 hate him, he compelled her to return to him once more, 
 although she declared that she abhorred his caresses. In 
 addition to all this she maintained that her own children 
 were the only legitimate ones, since she had the King's 
 promise of marriage in the case of her bearing a son 
 before he, for purely State reasons, married Marie de 
 Medicis. It must be conceded that Henriette had 
 suffered such insults at Henri's hands, had been so 
 deceived by him, so humiliated, so bitterly disappointed, 
 that it is small wonder if she hated him. Nevertheless, 
 it is strange to find her combining with the Queen, of 
 all persons, in her conspiracy against Henri's life. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 Was Henri IV^ a Great King ? 
 
 Henri the Foundation of Law and Order. — His Nobility of Action. — 
 Leniency to Assassins. — Protection of the Poor. — Of the Magistracy. 
 Nobles forbidden to marry Great Heiresses. — Improved Condition of 
 the Louvre. — Workshops and Studios. — Talent encouraged, Agricul- 
 ture fostered. — Trade in Silk, Glass, and Linen established. — Roads 
 and Woods cared for. — Cruelty of Nobles repressed. — Salmon, 
 Trout, and other Fish protected. — Taxation altered. — Provincial 
 Administration carefully watched. — The Royal Library, New Bridges, 
 and New Streets. — Fortresses and Artillery improved, — Great 
 Accomplishments despite Continual Opposition. — Henri's Great 
 Scheme for Canals and Waterways. — Continual Plans for the Good 
 of his Country. — Ever striving for a Religion of Humanity. — 
 Henri IV. was Great. 
 
 It is a very natural question for us to put in this 
 twentieth century, when we are able to view a civiHsed 
 France whose institutions all run with the regularity of 
 clockwork — a France of peace and plenty, of law and 
 order. We are apt to take all this for granted, to 
 imagine that things were always so, and to fail entirely 
 in tracing this spirit of law and order back to its 
 foundation. 
 
 Now, that foundation was Henri IV. Yes, Henri IV., 
 the man of many battles, the man of many loves, did 
 more in his day for the kingdom over which he estab- 
 
 155 
 
156 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 lished his sway, after hard fighting, than did any monarch 
 before his time, or several who came after him. He 
 set an example. No matter if that good example was 
 not always followed : its recollection remained for 
 beneficent purposes. 
 
 When we say that Henri set a good example, we 
 should rather say that he set many, and the first of 
 these was tolerance. He was the first king whose motto 
 was " Humanity." This was made plainly evident to 
 the whole world, for the first time perhaps, upon the 
 occasion of his entry into Paris in 1594. What other 
 king would, in those days, have allowed his enemies 
 to depart in peace, unmolested, before his very eyes, 
 as Henri allowed the Duque de Feria to depart with 
 his Spanish soldiers ? It is true that he was guilty at 
 the same time of childishly mimicking to his courtiers 
 the grave and stiff salute with which the noble Spanish 
 grandee had acknowledged his disgrace as he defiled 
 past the King with his troops. That puerility hurt 
 nobody ; it was done in the natural exuberance of his 
 spirits upon obtaining a long-striven-for success. It 
 does not take away from the kindness of heart, the 
 nobility of action, of a King who, waiving vengeance, 
 allowed his bitterest foes to march away scot-free when 
 he had such an absolute opportunity of rendering them 
 innocuous for the future either by putting them to 
 death or by imprisoning them. 
 
 Another example of his generosity was at the Battle 
 of Arques, when he bade his followers, " Spare that 
 man." On this occasion the German lansquenets^ after 
 having surrendered, treacherously rose again suddenly 
 against the troops of Henri de Navarre when the Due 
 
Was Henri IV. a Great King? 157 
 
 de Mayenne seemed to be gaining the advantage. There- 
 upon one of them, presenting the point of his spear 
 to the King's breast, bade him yield ; but the King 
 forgave him. 
 
 Once again, after his victory at Ivry, Henri cried 
 out to his troops to spare the French troops of the 
 Leaguers, and only to slay the Germans who had behaved 
 so treacherously at Arques. 
 
 When various attempts were made from time to time 
 upon his life, he again and again showed his generosity 
 of mind — his humanity. Although the great fear of 
 Henri's life was the assassin's knife — a fear which threw 
 him into the arms of the Jesuits and at the feet of the 
 Pope, a fear, too, which was eventually justified by results — 
 he always bade the bystanders spare the life of the 
 assassin. Occasionally, when the matter was entirely in 
 his own hands, and he was not compelled to listen to 
 the voice of his ministers, he actually let the would-be 
 murderers go entirely unpunished. Such extraordinary 
 good nature was a thing utterly unknown until the time 
 of Henri IV. : the rack, the stake, the wheel, tearing 
 to pieces by wild horses, were the usual punishments 
 considered by the injured monarch himself as most 
 befitting to the would-be regicide. 
 
 Putting the King's personal humanity on one side, 
 other claims to greatness on behalf of Henri may be 
 made. He sought to protect the poor from the rapacity 
 of the nobles ; he instituted great public works in Paris 
 and the provinces ; he found employment for numberless 
 labourers and artisans who, oppressed by the trades guilds 
 of that day, were starving for want of employment. 
 Then, again, he instituted measures, by establishing 
 
158 Sidelights on the C^ourt ot France 
 
 heredity and fixity of tenure, to protect the magistracy 
 from being nothing but the tool of the great lords. 
 When the men of the gown found that it was no longer 
 necessary to cringe, hat in hand, bowing down to the 
 ground, whenever a noble of the Court came their way, 
 justice began to be done in the land. For it was no 
 longer the grand seigneur s privilege, nor was it in his 
 power, to oust from his office one who should offend 
 him by daring not to decide a lawsuit in his favour. 
 The nobles resented greatly this enactment of Henri's, 
 and he showed great courage in carrying it through. 
 
 What they resented still more, however, was what we 
 must think a singular method of striking an even severer 
 blow at the great princes of the land. This was to forbid 
 them to make grand marriages — to marry heiresses. 
 Hitherto it had been the custom of the powerful nobles, 
 especially the Guises, to make themselves more powerful 
 still by appropriating to themselves all the greatest 
 heiresses. Henri put his foot down upon this custom, 
 and formally forbade it. In future they were to have 
 no great heiresses nor conclude any matrimonial alliance 
 without the King's permission. Naturally the Guises 
 hated him bitterly for this severe blow aimed at their 
 power ; but he held firm. 
 
 It is a proof of his greatness, at a time when the great 
 nobles were practically kings in their own provinces, that 
 he had sufficient strength of purpose to impose his will 
 upon them ; tor that these powerful nobles were prac- 
 tically kings is a fact. For instance, Montmorency, 
 Constable of France, was as much Kinor of LanPfuedoc 
 as Henri himself was King of France. For generations 
 past the only ruler, the only name, the people had known 
 
Was Henri IV* a Great King? 159 
 
 was Montmorency — a name, too, which we hear again 
 later, when we have the King's last love affair forced upon 
 our notice. 
 
 In the meantime let us continue to consider what 
 Henri did for France — what he intended to do for 
 France. 
 
 For Paris itself he built all the upper structures of 
 that magnificent palace the Louvre. Besides that part 
 of the Louvre used as a Royal residence, which owed 
 its origin to Francois L, a considerable portion of what 
 now constitutes the ground floor was erected by Catherine 
 de Medicis. Above this Henry, employing all the 
 workmen who were starving for want of work elsewhere, 
 reared storey upon storey. While using these upper 
 storeys and galleries in the way they are used now — 
 that is, as picture-galleries and storage-places for national 
 art-treasures — his object was to create down below a 
 series of workshops and studios, where artists and clever 
 artisans might work in a noble and befitting manner. 
 Living in his palace of the Louvre, he would have these 
 workshops under his personal supervision and surveillance: 
 thus he could more easily encourage talent found upon 
 the premises. 
 
 Li the country Henry was fostering agriculture, and 
 abolishing serfdom, which still existed ; while in the city 
 he encouraged the workman, and was a patron of the arts 
 and sciences. He almost started in France — certainly he 
 gave an enormous impulse to — the silk trade, the glass 
 trade, and the linen trade, and, with a view to encouraging 
 the first, ordered mulberry-trees to be planted every- 
 where. Not only were they planted in all public places, 
 but the King set the example of utility by himself having 
 
i6o Sidelights on the Court ol hVance 
 
 such trees planted in the Tuileries Gardens and at his 
 palace of Fontainebleau. Moreover, he ordered ten 
 thousand mulberry-trees to be planted in every diocese. 
 Therefore, if there is a silk trade in France at the 
 present day, it most distinctly owes its origin to Henri IV. 
 
 While looking after the agriculturist and the artisan, 
 Henri and his great minister Sully were not forgetting 
 other important matters hitherto altogether neglected in 
 France. These were roads, woods, rivers, and streams. 
 As regards the first, when Henri IV. came to the throne, 
 their condition throughout the whole country was execrable 
 in the extreme. It is a matter of marvel how the troops 
 were able to travel about as they did — under Henry 
 himself they moved with considerable celerity ; while the 
 journeys undertaken by private individuals, or by the 
 nobles in their coaches on their way from the provinces 
 to attend the Court, must indeed have been long, 
 laborious undertakings. This, too, notwithstanding that 
 the nobles themselves had charge of the roads and levied 
 heavy tolls upon all traversing them. These toll-dues 
 were rigorously exacted ; the lords who levied them put 
 the money into their pockets, and did nothing to the 
 roads whatever. 
 
 Sully, whom the King appointed Grand Voyer, or 
 principal road surveyor, took this matter in hand. He 
 forced the nobles to repair the roads ; when they would 
 not, he punished them. When they were repaired, he 
 made use of the roads all the more frequently, to see 
 what was going on, to discover what new barbarous 
 oppression there was to redress. 
 
 That there were some horrible cruelties exercised by 
 the lords is sufficiently patent. A notable instance was 
 
Was Henri IV. a Great King? i6l 
 
 that of a certain young noble, only twenty years of 
 age, living in Brittany, who practised indescribable 
 cruelties on the poor peasantry. And despite the fact 
 that many great lords, relations of this young noble, 
 begged the King to overlook his barbarous offences, 
 Henri very properly caused him to be broken on the 
 wheel. The nobility stood aghast — all their ancient 
 privileges were being taken from them ! 
 
 As regards the woods, they were infested with 
 poachers and banditti, chiefly disbanded old soldiers of 
 one faction or the other. These Sully, under Henri's 
 orders, suppressed with a heavy hand. 
 
 The rivers also, as we have mentioned, came in for 
 their share of attention. Hitherto there had been no 
 kind of care taken of them. The salmon, trout, and 
 all other kinds of fish were killed indiscriminately, at 
 any time of the year, so that the waters were becoming 
 entirely depleted. This was put a stop to ; it was made 
 a heavy penalty to fish in the spawning season. There 
 seems to be no point, nothing bearing on the good of 
 the country, to which Henri IV., with his abnormal 
 activity, did not find time to devote his attention. 
 
 Last, but by no means least, the whole system 
 of taxation was altered. When the Navarrese King 
 came to the throne, he found the taxes of France being 
 farmed by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, through his 
 agents, among whom were such men as Gondi, and 
 the abominable Moor, Zamet, who murdered Gabrielle 
 d'Estrees. Henri himself had to borrow large sums from 
 this princely usurer, who had squeezed all the money avail- 
 able out of the people ; and this was one of the reasons 
 why he found himself compelled to marry the Florentine 
 
 n 
 
i62 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 potentate's niece, Marie de Medicis. However, this 
 abuse was also abolished ; the tax-farming was redeemed, 
 and taken into the indefatigable Sully's own hands. 
 
 When, in addition to all the above reforms, we find 
 that the King adopted the custom of placing some high 
 officer of his own at the side of any of the governors 
 of great towns or provinces, to watch his administration, 
 it must be admitted that he certainly did his utmost for 
 his country's welfare. 
 
 Yes, Henri IV. was distinctly a great king. It is 
 not merely by the beautiful building of the Louvre, 
 upon whose stones we can see his initials interwoven 
 with those of the unfortunate Gabrielle d'Estrees, that 
 he can found the claim to this title. It is not only 
 that he opened the Royal Library to the people of Paris, 
 where all who would run might read. Nor is it by the 
 creation of new bridges over the Seine, by the consoli- 
 dation of Paris, the laying out of many new streets, and 
 the erection of houses and buildings therein, that his title 
 to greatness must remain unchallenged. Nor because he 
 improved the lower course of the Seine ; built a series 
 of fortresses to cover the north ; established a most 
 formidable arm of artillery ; made an army in France 
 of Frenchmen strong enough to enable him to do without 
 the hordes of Swiss and other foreign mercenaries whom 
 it had always hitherto been necessary to employ. Do 
 these things in themselves alone constitute his greatness ^ 
 No ; the chief greatness of Henri lay in the fact that he 
 did all these things practically alone ; that he did them 
 in spite of continual thwarting and opposition ; that he 
 designed and carried them out in a France which he had 
 found impoverished and torn by faction ; above all, that 
 
Was Henri IV. a Great King? 163 
 
 he accomplished them in a seething era of tumult, in the 
 midst of continual foreign and also of frequent factious 
 domestic broils. 
 
 Above all, did this exceedingly active and far-seeing 
 monarch manifest his greatness in the further designs 
 that he formed, but never lived to carry out. Such, for 
 instance, as the establishment of an enormous garden of 
 choice trees for the people, a pleasure resort which would 
 also have given instruction ; again, in his proposed 
 Museum of the Trades ; and perhaps, to crown every- 
 thing, in the projected formation of a vast system of 
 canals and waterways, to render France navigable from 
 end to end, even as it is nowadays, three hundred years 
 later. 
 
 The King who, living in the midst of such a 
 seething turmoil of war and intrigue, of religious strife 
 and bitter party hatreds, could yet find time and means 
 to introduce and establish such immense reforms, who 
 could continually plot and plan for the good of his people 
 and his country, must surely be pardoned much. Yes, 
 we can forgive him his perpetual see-saw between Pro- 
 testant and Catholic, his forgetfulness of his friends, and 
 his eternal love affairs. Faults he had, but he strove 
 throughout for a rehgion of Humanity. Therefore, 
 judging solely by what he accomplished for Humanity, 
 we must acknowledge that Henri IV. was great. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 Henri IV* and the Nymph of Diana 
 
 1609 
 
 No Peace in the Palace. — Concini's Continual Insolence. — Bad Temper 
 of Marie de Medicis. — Henriette Maria Henri's Child. — Henri's 
 Horror of Concini. — The Italian half killed by Parliament Clerks. — 
 Henri's Continued Connection with Henriette d'Entragues. — Refuses 
 to allow her to marry a Guise. — The Due de Joyeuse. — D'Epernon 
 finds a Tool in Henriette. — Their Conspiracy known to the Queen 
 and Concini. — The Greatest Beauty in France. — Henri violently in 
 love with the Nymph of Diana. — The Young Girl flattered and 
 Sympathetic. — Mademoiselle Charlotte Marguerite de Montmorency 
 responds to the King's Advances. — Her Engagement to Bassom- 
 pierre broken off. — Henri's Emotion upon Receipt of Portrait of 
 Charlotte Marguerite. — The King determines to marry her to Young 
 Conde. — The Beauty to be Conde's Wife in Name only. — Condi's 
 Doubtful Origin.— Constant Immorality in Royal Circles entirely 
 disregarded. — The King ill from Love and Despair. — Conde leaves 
 his Wife Free for Ten Weeks. — Returns with his Mother and carries 
 her off to Brussels. — Conde openly joins with Spain. 
 
 At a time when, according to the Memoirs which Sully 
 has left us, Henri was dwelling upon the idea of even- 
 tually establishing throughout the world an eternal peace 
 — universal amity between states — that peace was further 
 than ever removed from the immediate surroundings of 
 the King, more than ever a stranger to his own breast. 
 
 To begin with. In 1609 he was preparing to carry 
 into execution his long-planned war with Spain, the 
 
 164 
 
Henri IV. and the Nymph of Diana 165 
 
 warlike preparations for which kept him constantly at 
 the Arsenal with Sully. Then, again, there was no 
 peace in his own household. The Queen, Marie de 
 Medicis, becoming more and more under the thumb of 
 her Italian lover, the handsome braggart Concini, not 
 only treated the King with every want of consideration 
 herself, but she constantiy allowed her favourite to take 
 the most outrageous liberties — liberties which were 
 naturally most offensive to the King. In the Royal 
 household it was distincdy the Queen who had the 
 upper hand ; she did not omit any opportunity of 
 making herself disagreeable and of avenging herself 
 upon Henri, because he would not fall in with her 
 views as to a double Spanish marriage for her two 
 elder children, still quite infants. On the contrary, he 
 was, as we know, meditating other alliances for them, 
 with a view to securing allies in his projected war against 
 the Spaniard. 
 
 The insolence of bearing of Concini at length became 
 so great, and the general tone of the courtiers around 
 the Queen showed such an absolute neglect of, such a 
 complete disregard for the King, that Henri withdrew 
 himself for a time from the Louvre. Finding his own 
 house becoming utterly insupportable, he got Sully to 
 arrange a room or two for him in the Arsenal. He 
 hated the constant disputes with the Queen as much as 
 he hated her sulky looks and ways. Moreover, he 
 found it monotonous to have to dine alone, since the 
 Queen would not dine with him. Further, it was un- 
 pleasant, when he sent her daints' dishes from his own 
 table to her private apartments, to have them returned, 
 because Concini had told the Queen that the King 
 
i66 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 intended to poison her — and she believed the calumny. 
 That she should have believed Henri de Navarre 
 capable of doing such a thing shows Marie de Medicis 
 to have been a woman of the very smallest intelligence ; 
 but the fact was she wished to believe any of the tales 
 brought to her by her favourite Concini, or by that 
 lady-in-waiting, or rather waiting-woman, the avaricious 
 Leonora Galiga'i, her foster-sister. 
 
 Marie was indeed implacable ; and although the King, 
 by a great effort, put up with all her bad tempers and 
 re-established marital relations with her for a time, she 
 seems to have become all the more furious with him 
 when she found that she was about to become mother 
 to a child that did not, according to the reports 
 commonly believed at the Court, owe its parentage to 
 Concini or to either of the two Orsinis. 
 
 This child was Henriette Maria, afterwards wife of 
 Charles I. of England, and she was the sole offspring 
 of the Queen who seems to have been of undoubted 
 Bourbon blood, or to have had anything of the Bourbon 
 in her appearance. As for the Queen's eldest son, 
 afterwards Louis XIII., he was a thorough little Italian 
 of the Orsini type, not even showing any traces of the 
 distinctly German features of his half Austrian mother. 
 
 While this terribly unhappy state of things was 
 obtaining at Court, the discerning eye of Henri saw 
 deeper than the discomfort arising from domestic broils. 
 You will see what it will be," he said to Sully ; 
 that man will surely be the cause of my death. The 
 sight of him gives me the horrors." And indeed he 
 had cause to fear the Italian. That, however, did not 
 prevent the King from decidedly refusing, when some of 
 
 
Henri IV* and the Nymph of Diana 167 
 
 those faithful to him offered to kill the man. Nor did 
 it prevent him from mocking the swaggering Italian 
 when, by his bumptiousness, he had brought the greatest 
 ridicule and also a good and well-deserved thrashing 
 upon himself. This happened when Concini, for the 
 second time, arrogantly outraged the ancient privileges 
 of the Parliament by entering it covered, booted, and 
 spurred, and by remaining covered in the presence of 
 '' the men of the robe," when far greater men than he 
 uncovered respectfully, as they were bound to do. On 
 the first of these occasions, when, relying upon his favour 
 with the Queen, the Italian ventured to take such liber- 
 ties, dared to behave with such signal disrespect, the 
 President of the Parliament himself administered a 
 fitting rebuke. Seguier took the plumed hat from the 
 head of the Queen's favourite and threw it on the floor. 
 Upon his repeating the offence, and moreover entering 
 the precincts of Parliament bearing arms, which was 
 against all precedent, the clerks in the House fell upon 
 him. Although he had come with an escort of some 
 ten persons, this did not save him. In spite of his 
 sword he was beaten by the clerks with fists and rulers, 
 knocked down, and half killed by them. Eventually 
 he was rescued alive from their hands with much 
 difficulty. 
 
 When Concini came to complain to the King, Henri 
 merely laughed at him, and said sarcastically, '' It seems 
 to me that the point of their pens is sharper than the 
 edge of your sword." When the Queen heard of this 
 remark, she became more embittered than ever against 
 the King, — all the more so because there was truth in the 
 remark. For although Concini had been able to carry off^ 
 
i68 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the palm in the tilting at the ring, in the extravagant 
 tourneys which the Queen had instituted solely that he 
 might shine therein, the only use that he had ever had 
 for his sword had been to wear it at his side. He 
 pretended to be a man of arms — everybody, the Queen 
 herself included, knew him to be nothing but a good- 
 looking dummy with a sword on. 
 
 Life in common having become impossible for the 
 King and Queen, it is probable that he either withdrew 
 or else forgot the offer which he had spontaneously made 
 to the Queen, that if she would only consent to dismiss 
 Concini he would see no more of Henriette or any other 
 mistress. He still kept up a sort of connection with 
 Henriette d'Entragues, although he well knew that, 
 simply out of bravado and to show that they were as 
 good as the King, one member of the Guise family 
 after the other became on intimate terms with her. She 
 herself thought that she might have married one of 
 them, and asked the King to give her permission to vdo 
 so. These were Henri, Due de Guise, and his younger 
 brother, fourth son of " Le Balafr(^," Claude de Lorraine, 
 Due de Joyeuse, who subsequently became Prince de 
 Joinville. Eventually, upon his marriage with the widow 
 of the Due de Luynes, the celebrated Duchesse de 
 Chevreuse, he was known as the Due de Chevreuse. 
 Claude de Lorraine was perhaps the most madcap of all 
 the Guises ; and after giving the King much trouble, 
 owing to his love affairs with Henriette d'Entragues and 
 Madame de Villars, he was sent away for a time to 
 fight against the Turks. In spite of having been, more- 
 over, imprisoned for a time in the Bastille upon his 
 return, the lesson seems to have been entirely lost upon 
 
Henri IV. and the Nymph of Diana 169 
 
 him. For soon after his release we find him involved 
 in a love ai^ir with another of Henri's mistresses. This 
 -w^.s ttifi^^oung and lovely Jacqueline de Bueil, Comtesse 
 de Moret. The King, in his rage upon discovering this 
 renewed insult, ordered Joinville to marry the youthful 
 Jacqueline. To avoid compliance with the order, this 
 ill-regulated scion of the Guises fled the country. 
 
 But, to return, the King was not inclined to allow 
 Henriette d'Entragues to ally herself definitely with the 
 family that had always hated him. He therefore refused. 
 It was a great mistake on his part, since it only em- 
 bittered her the more against him. He might as well 
 have given the permission. There was not one of the 
 Guise family who really thought of marrying her ; 
 they simply pretended that they possibly might do so 
 in order to annoy the King and to irritate Henriette 
 against him. They succeeded admirably, at all events 
 in the second part of their programme, since, as a 
 result of their devices, the pretty and petulant beauty 
 was now plotting with the Due d'Epernon against the 
 King's life. 
 
 The King had before long a suspicion of the plot as 
 regards d'Epernon, but he did not know that Henriette 
 also would slay him if she could. As for d'Epernon — well, 
 he might try ! The King well knew that he had deprived 
 him of a free hand in Metz ; moreover, that he had struck 
 a blow at his income by prohibiting some of his exorbitant 
 levies upon the peasantry. This was quite enough for 
 d'Epernon ; he only now sought an opportunity for 
 revenge and a willing tool. The willing tool he found 
 in Henriette. Not long before she had been thinking 
 of rushing off to Spain with her children, and declaring 
 
lyo Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 her eldest son to be the only legitimate Dauphin ; indeed, 
 she always called him her "Dauphin." The Spaniards 
 had encouraged her for a time with vague promises. But 
 now she had reached the stage when she wanted some- 
 thing more than promises from anybody, Frenchman 
 or Spaniard ; and this something was revenge. Since 
 d'Epernon was inspired by the same admirable sentiments, 
 it does not seem remarkable that the two were able to 
 set on foot a conspiracy to deprive the King of his life. 
 This took a year or two in the hatching, and did not 
 remain a conspiracy of the two alone : the Queen herself 
 and Concini were certainly privy to it ; while Madrid and 
 Milan, even the Papacy, seem to have been also making 
 their arrangements with reference to the approaching 
 death of the King. We had almost said the '' unsuspect- 
 ing " King ; but that would have been a misnomer. The 
 King was not unsuspecting, only he never knew exactly 
 from which direction to look for the blow which he 
 always expected. 
 
 In the meantime he fell in love. Yes, fell deeply 
 and terribly in love ! — for the last time. It was the 
 simplest thing in the world. The Queen had resolved 
 upon a dramatic entertainment. The King and she, 
 as usual, being at daggers drawn, Henri refused to 
 attend at the rehearsals. One day, passing the door or 
 the saloon, he looked in, to catch the eye of a young 
 beauty — the greatest beauty in France, a girl between 
 fifteen and sixteen years of age. And she smiled at 
 him ! Then two people — one a man of fifty-eight, the 
 other a girl of fifteen — fell in love with each other at 
 first sight. That is to say, the King, at all events, 
 was instantly " knocked perfectly silly." It is a slang 
 
Henri IV. and the Nymph of Diana 171 
 
 phrase, but is the true one which suits the case. For 
 Henri became crazy with emotion when he saw the lovely 
 young girl aiming at him the dart which she carried as 
 a nymph of Diana. As for the beautiful young thing 
 herself, she saw the effect that she created on the King. 
 Is it then to be wondered at if — a mere child — even in 
 those days when women were women at fourteen, she was 
 flattered ? Is it astonishing her sympathy was instantly 
 aroused for, and all her interest awakened in, the greatest 
 personage of the day, when she saw him thus absolutely 
 overcome by her charms. In the English language there 
 are scarcely any but slang phrases — phrases which seek to 
 make light of serious matters — which are applicable to 
 the commotion of mind which seems to have been created 
 in the King's brain upon this first meeting. In French it 
 is different ; those emotions can be expressed in appropriate 
 terms, and in such they have been recorded for us by the 
 historians of the time. 
 
 The King enquired who this dream was, as they 
 both remained staring at each other — the nymph of 
 Diana entirely forgetting her part, to the Queen's dis- 
 pleasure, while engaged in the more delightful task of 
 fascinating and being fascinated by Henri de Navarre, 
 the victor of a hundred battles, the conqueror of a 
 hundred hearts. What a brilliant conquest for the 
 nymph of Diana ! 
 
 "The dream" turned out to be Mademoiselle 
 Charlotte Marguerite de Montmorency, the daughter 
 of the Constable of France, the King of Languedoc, 
 She was ambitious, if she was young ; and the King 
 had no cause of complaint to make that the young lady 
 showed any coldness in responding to his advances. 
 
172 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 But how was she to become his ? It appeared that 
 she was already promised in marriage ; and a girl of her 
 high rank could not, according to the peculiar ethics of 
 the day, become the King's mistress without first going 
 through the marriage ceremony with somebody else. 
 She would have to come to him as *' Madame " : Henri 
 could by no possible means take the daughter of the 
 House of Montmorency straight from her father's 
 home as mere Mademoiselle. She had no mother living, 
 by-the-bye ; her mother, who was popularly supposed to 
 have sold herself to the devil in order to make a grand 
 match, had died suddenly a year or two previously, when 
 it was rumoured, his Satanic Majesty had openly come to 
 fetch her. There had been a great deal made of this 
 circumstance in the days of the League, and it had been 
 much used by the priests in their violent preachings 
 against King Henri III. Whatever the truth of the 
 report, the lady had undoubtedly left a couple of beautiful 
 children behind her. When Henri IV. enquired about 
 the deliciously attractive young creature who was one of 
 them, he found that she had been engaged to the Baron 
 de Bassompierre, the colonel of the Swiss troops, an empty- 
 headed profligate. 
 
 Henri was furious that a great heiress of her rank 
 should have been betrothed at all without his know- 
 ledge, and above all to a man like Bassompierre, whom 
 he knew well as a gambling companion and buffoon. The 
 man was also a coxcomb, who had previously, like Belle- 
 garde, boasted that he had been very intimate with the 
 King's mistresses, a fact of which his Majesty was well 
 aware. Henri, therefore, very soon knocked on the head 
 the marriage between Mademoiselle de Montmorency 
 
Henri IV. and the Nymph of Diana 173 
 
 and Bassompierre. But, since she could not pass directly 
 from her father's house to his, and she had to be 
 married to some one, whom should he select ? It was 
 the subject of many anxious conversations down at the 
 Arsenal, between the frantically in love Henri and his 
 indefatigable minister Sully. At last the King's near kins- 
 man, adopted as nephew, the Prince of Conde, was selected 
 as the puppet husband for this beautiful young wife. 
 
 It is typical of the times that nobody seems to 
 have objected to the affair at all. Certainly neither 
 the girl herself nor the girl's father, the Constable 
 of France, Montmorency. She was employing her 
 time by secretly having her portrait painted to send 
 to the King, and he nearly died with emotion when 
 he received it, which was not until after her marriage. 
 Again, it was not the intended bridegroom, young 
 Conde, who made the slightest objection at being 
 called upon to marry a lovely young lady, whom 
 he well knew he was not actually to make his wife, 
 simply for the benefit of his uncle and benefactor, the 
 King. He was to get the enormous dowry, two hundred 
 thousand crowns — that was all that this very poor and 
 very avaricious young man cared about. He was indeed 
 well known to be a hater of women — that was why the 
 King had selected him for the honour of espousing the 
 greatest beauty in France ; and he was content to receive 
 her immense dowry as sole result of the union. 
 
 A few words here seem necessary about this Conde, 
 who was not a Conde, and would never have been recog- 
 nised as a Conde if it had not been for the good-will of 
 the King. His mother was convicted by the Protestant 
 Courts of Beam in 1588 of adultery and the murder of 
 
174 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 her husband, his supposed father, Henri de Bourbon, 
 Prince de Conde. Her paramour, who fled, was a 
 Gascon page. The youth who was to marry Made- 
 moiselle de Montmorency was born in a prison, where 
 his mother was ordered to be confined for life. However, 
 she changed her religion, and the Roman Catholics let her 
 out and whitewashed her. Henri, moreover, having no 
 male heirs at the time, recognised the lad and was very 
 kind to him, although it distressed the King to find 
 that all the youth cared for was money. Moreover, 
 he was constantly intriguing against Henri, who merely 
 smiled good-naturedly when he knew it, for he generally 
 knew everything. 
 
 Looking back at the history of those days, only three 
 hundred years ago, when the world of Europe was 
 thoroughly civilised, when indeed we had entered into the 
 epoch of modern times, it fills the historian with disgust 
 to have to record the continued long list of immoralities 
 in high places. Over and over again it is the same 
 story. This Conde, for instance, was notoriously not 
 the son of his father, yet we find him accepted by the 
 King as if he were so — accepted also, a little later, by 
 Spain, who sought to set him up against Henri's first 
 child by the Florentine Marie de Medicis. This was 
 upon the grounds that Louis, afterwards Louis XIII. , was 
 no son of the King, but a bastard, whose father was an 
 Orsini. 
 
 As far as the kings of those days go, however, their 
 bastards are only made dukes and lords — they cannot 
 inherit the crown ; but, as in this case of the son of Marie 
 de Medicis, a queen's unlawfully begotten offspring may 
 alter the succession. The horrible thing, however, about 
 
Henri IV^ and the Nymph of Diana 175 
 
 it all is, that nobody seemed to think the worse of 
 any personage in the Royal circle, no matter how 
 glaringly, how openly immoral, his or her conduct 
 might have been. 
 
 Now, for instance, that the King was openly 
 enamoured of this beautiful young Montmorency no- 
 body thought any the worse of him for it ; but it 
 caused him a great deal of trouble, and he obtained 
 no satisfaction, and indeed suffered eventually only 
 political discomfort. For he became ill the evening of 
 the day of the marriage, from sheer despair and 
 vexation at the marriage taking place ; and although 
 young Conde promptly abandoned his wife for three 
 months and a half, so that the King might take her into 
 his household, Henri was unable to do so, owing to 
 continued illness. Then at last Conde came back with 
 his mother, and claimed his lovely young wife ; and 
 there was subsequently a public scandal, when Henri 
 visited her, first at Saint- Valery, then at Breteuil, 
 disguised as a postilion. It is a lamentable story. 
 Eventually Conde and his mother dragged off the 
 unwilling young wife to Brussels, where the youthful 
 Prince openly allied himself with Spain. 
 
 If Henri had now declared his projected Spanish 
 war, all Europe would have said it was solely to 
 regain possession of the pretty young girl he loved 
 to distraction ! 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 The Doom of Henri IV 
 
 1609 — 1610 
 
 The Outraged Husband. — Not a Word about the Princesse.— Conde's 
 Manifesto an Incentive to RebeUion. — His Wife Anxious to fly to 
 Henri's Arms. — Her Father the Constable her Accomphce. — The 
 Love-distracted Monarch perturbed. — The Queen's Importunities for 
 Coronation. — Henri considers Queen's Consecration his own Death- 
 warrant. — Trouble in the Rhine Provinces. — The Emperor declares 
 Cleves and Juliers sequestrated. — Henri deceives the Jesuit Cotton. 
 — War declared and Henri Cheerful once more. — Three Protestant 
 Generals. — Anger of the Due d'Epernon. — The Guises disregard 
 Edict against Duelling. — D'Epernon too Wary for the King. — He 
 prays for his Friend's Life in Vain. — Spain pretends to back Conde's 
 Pretensions. — The King's Death determined. — The Instigation of 
 Ravaillac. — The Conspirators Careful not to compromise themselves. 
 — The King's Warnings. — Semi-silence of Sully. — Disregard by 
 Sully of the Warnings of Mademoiselle d'Escoman and Mademoiselle 
 Gournay. 
 
 When, in the middle of the year 1609, the young 
 Prince de Conde fled with his beautiful young wife to 
 Brussels, nominally to protect her from the King's 
 assiduities, he was in reality playing a part for which 
 the Kino-'s beloved " Nymph of Diana " formed but 
 an excellent stalking-horse. By playing the outraged 
 husband — which, considering the circumstances of his 
 marriage, he had scarcely the right to do — he was tem- 
 porarily alienating public sympathy from Henri IV., 
 
 176 
 
The Doom of Henri IV 177 
 
 while himself hatching plots calculated to do him 
 infinitely more damage. 
 
 For, from the shadow of the Spanish protection 
 which he enjoyed at Brussels, we soon find the young 
 Conde launching forth a manifesto calculated to stir up 
 the people in France. He does not say a word about 
 the Princesse in it, for he has entirely dropped the role 
 of outraged husband ; he simply calls attention to the 
 misrule of his uncle, the King : the whole document is 
 a direct incentive to revolt, to civil war. He maintains 
 that it is in the interests of the people alone that he 
 has taken refuge with the enemies of his country. He 
 cannot bear to see them oppressed and overtaxed — 
 and so on. 
 
 While Conde was launching his manifestoes, his 
 beautiful young wife, who had never forgotten the fact 
 that for ten whole weeks after her marriage he had been 
 entirely oblivious of her charms, was secretly trying to 
 obtain a divorce, so that she might fly to the King's 
 arms. It seems probable that both she herself and 
 her powerful father, the Constable Montmorency, were 
 secretly in league with the King, and that he had made 
 them certain promises, or held out certain hopes. For 
 there is no doubt about the matter : what they were 
 aiming at was a present share of the throne for the 
 young lady whose husband was aiming at that throne, 
 or at the succession of that throne, for himself. The 
 possibilities of the King obtaining a second divorce and 
 getting rid of Marie de Medicis did not perhaps seem 
 to both father and daughter too utterly remote — he 
 certainly had quite sufficient and permanent provocation, 
 in the scandalous way in which she kept the Italian 
 
 12 
 
178 Sidelights on the v^ourt 01 rrance 
 
 Concini about her, and the liberties which she openly 
 allowed him. Be this as it may — and it seemed, indeed, 
 within the range of reason that Henri would at length 
 be goaded into taking violent action — there were so many 
 political events just then to occupy the mind of the poor 
 love-sick King that the matter was never seriously taken 
 in hand. 
 
 In the meantime, while suffering tortures of grief at 
 his separation from his inamorata, he was seriously con- 
 cerned at the mutinous action of her husband, which 
 was compromising his plans for an approaching war 
 with Spain. For to wage war it was necessary to raise 
 money by increased taxes, which the manifesto of Conde 
 made most difficult, especially as that young man had 
 long since surreptitiously won over to his side many 
 influential members of the Parliament. These were 
 now willing to oppose the King's policy — quite as 
 much, indeed, as the Queen and her favourite were 
 themselves ready to thwart him at every turn. 
 
 While things were in this state the perturbed mind 
 of the love-distracted monarch had cause for greater 
 perturbation still, and this in two places at once — at 
 home and abroad. At home the Queen, encouraged 
 thereto by Concini, was constantly urging him to permit 
 her public consecration at Saint Denis. Vainly did the 
 King, who knew the meaning of this proposed step, 
 oppose to it the enormous expense the coronation 
 would entail. 
 
 It was unavailing. Tired to death with the Queen's 
 importunities, Henri was at length sadly compelled to 
 yield ; and the ceremony, which he felt to be fatal to him, 
 was carried out with great magnificence. Well might 
 
The Doom of Henri IV 179 
 
 the King be sad ! He saw in that consecration of the 
 Queen his own death-warrant. Well did he know that 
 the sole reason the Queen, backed by Concini and all 
 who hated him, desired her crowning was to render 
 her available for the post of Queen-Regent upon his 
 own death. And it was so. The murderer, Ravaillac, 
 whom for long past d'Epernon, Henriette, and the 
 priests had been working up for the part he was to 
 play, himself said, after the crime had been accomplished, 
 that he would never have struck the King had not the 
 public peace been assured by the Queen's having been 
 made eligible for the Regency. This, then, was the 
 King's trouble at home. The trouble abroad concerned 
 the action of the Emperor upon the Rhine provinces. 
 
 Some years previously Henri had declared that there 
 was one event which he would never tolerate ; this was 
 the establishment of the Spaniard or the Austrian at 
 Cleves and Juliers. The Duke of Cleves being then 
 living, the question of the succession of Cleves had 
 been one of the burning questions of the day ; hence 
 Henry's declaration of policy in the matter. Now, the 
 Duke of Cleves having died in the previous year, the 
 very event which Henri had declared that he would 
 never permit had become un fait accompli in the 
 beginning of 1610. For Spain hurriedly patched up 
 the truce with tired-out Holland before Henri could 
 throw the weight of his arms into the balance, and the 
 ally of Spain — Austria — instantly seized upon Cleves 
 and Juliers. The Emperor, seeing the internal troubles 
 caused the King by the action of Conde, was emboldened 
 to declare these places sequestrated, and to instruct his 
 cousin Leopold to occupy them. 
 
i8o Sidelights on the Court ot France 
 
 It was now that Henri finally eluded the Jesuits, of 
 whom Fathers Cotton and Ignace had never left his 
 side for a day, since first La Varenne had persuaded 
 him to allow them a place there. Cotton, finding the 
 King continually thinking of his love affair, distrait and 
 saddened, thought that he would be able to make 
 him swallow this pill of Cleves. He therefore offered 
 him a sure Jesuit envoy to go as a messenger of 
 peace to the new Catholic ruler of that place and Juliers. 
 Spain, at the same time, more than ever anxious to keep 
 Henri quiet, held out to him as a bait the promise of 
 returning Conde into his keeping. 
 
 But Henri was not to be taken in by Spain. More- 
 over, he deceived the astute Cotton ; for, while pretending 
 to lend an attentive ear to his suggestions, he secretly 
 sent off another messenger, who concluded for him 
 treaties of alliance with all the Protestant states. Then 
 he declared war, having prepared three armies at home, 
 each of the three under the command of a Protestant 
 general. The King himself became almost joyous again. 
 He ordered himself a new suit of armour, covered with 
 gold fleurs-de-lis, and looked forward with pleasure to 
 meeting in it the Spanish commander. As usual when 
 there was war in the air, however ill, however wretched, 
 he might be, Henri did not waste any time. He 
 despatched at once his artillery to the various frontiers, 
 and the infantry and cavalry were set in motion directly 
 afterwards. 
 
 When the Jesuits found that they had been tricked — 
 for their own champion, d'Epernon, although holding 
 the rank of Commandant-General of Artillery, had not 
 been given any command whatever — it is probable that 
 
The Doom of Henri IV 181 
 
 they thought the time had come to hurry up the blow 
 which had for so long been determined upon, especially 
 as the Due d'Epernon himself was particularly angry with 
 the King just then. 
 
 One of Henri's most earnest endeavours on behalf 
 of humanity and civilisation had been the suppression of 
 duelling. He had published several very stringent orders 
 on the subject ; but, simply to flout him, they had been 
 very openly disregarded by some of the nobles. Need- 
 less to say that some members of the Guise family had 
 instantly disobeyed the order, but they were obliged 
 to seek safety in flight from the King's displeasure. 
 They proceeded to Naples, which was a hotbed of con- 
 spiracy, and joined themselves there to Hebert, who had 
 been, after La Fin, the trusty secretary of the great traitor 
 Biron. After the execution of Biron, this Hebert had 
 found a residence in Naples more healthy than a sojourn 
 in France. He had, indeed, formed there the nucleus or 
 centre round which all plotters and conspirators against 
 Henri IV. had gravitated. 
 
 While the young Guises had made ofl^ in safety to 
 Naples, and had remained there, the King in Paris had 
 been treating d'Epernon with the greatest consideration 
 and friendliness. He seemed, indeed, to make a great 
 deal of him, although he mistrusted him thoroughly. 
 In aU probability it was just because he did mistrust 
 d'Epernon and fear his machinations that he kept on 
 showing politeness and apparent friendship to an old 
 enemy of this calibre — a strong man in every sense of 
 the word, one, indeed, who had been the rooted opponent 
 of Henri de Navarre ever since he had first picked 
 up the mantle from Henri III. The fact was, that 
 
i82 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Henri IV. had never found himself strong enough to 
 crush d'Epernon. He had, as upon the occasion when 
 he compelled Biron to come to Fontainebleau, made one 
 or two attempts to do so ; but the Due had ever been 
 too wary for the King, and had always, unlike Biron, 
 successfully contrived to keep his hberty — and his head. 
 He had, however, been considerably shorn by the King, 
 both of his power and emoluments. 
 
 If there had been any additional cause to make 
 d'Epernon hate the King, it was furnished by this very 
 edict against duelling. D'Epernon had a friend and 
 protege who openly set at defiance the King's stringent 
 instructions. He fought a duel with a man, and killed 
 his adversary. This was an offence which Henri abso- 
 lutely refused to excuse. Although the haughty d'Epernon 
 begged and prayed to the King for his protege's Hfe, 
 as he had never begged to living man before, Henri 
 would not listen to him. Accordingly the head of the 
 insolent duellist fell on the block under the hand of 
 the public executioner. 
 
 While d'Epernon was still smarting bitterly under 
 this shght, there came the new one of his being left 
 without any command in the armies which were to operate 
 against Spain and Austria, while Sully, Lesdiguieres, and 
 La Force — all of them Protestants — had each been given 
 an army. That settled the matter ! The Queen had 
 been duly crowned : the Regency was now, therefore, 
 secure. She had several children, no matter how doubtful 
 their paternity. Thus the succession to the crown was 
 secure, unless Spain should seriously back up Conde's 
 pretensions, which was most improbable. It was well 
 enough for the Spaniard to amuse himself by pretending 
 
The Doom of Henri IV 183 
 
 to do so while Henri was alive — just to perplex and 
 hamper the King ; but, Henri dead, it seemed far 
 more probable that the whole of the Conde business 
 would be allowed to fall back into the obscurity it 
 deserved, while Spain heartily joined hands with those 
 who offered her the double Spanish marriage. 
 
 So argued d'Epernon and the rest who had deter- 
 mined on the King's death. Accordingly they resolved 
 without further delay to let go the arrow which, duly 
 feathered, had been for long resting in its groove, ready 
 to fly. And now that we are drawing nigh the last 
 attempt at assassination of the King — an attempt which 
 was not, alas ! like so many previous ones, to prove 
 abortive — it is riorht that we should consider a little 
 
 o 
 
 the man who was to be the instrument, and the methods 
 which had been followed to assure a firm hand and a 
 successful issue to the crime. 
 
 There is no doubt that it was more by indirect 
 suggestion than by direct instigation that the somewhat 
 weak mind of Ravaillac, the assassin, was worked upon 
 for a considerable period before the crime took place. 
 He had become quite accustomed to hearing it predicted 
 that the King was to die. From the moment that 
 Henri had allowed the establishment of a Protestant 
 Church at Charenton, near Paris, the clergy had preached 
 against the King in the churches, denouncing him as 
 inimical to the Pope and to the true Catholic religion, 
 much in the manner of the violent preachings in the 
 churches of Paris in the time of Henri III. In this 
 way the man, who had been already primed, did not 
 forget his lesson : he had been taught that it was a 
 religious duty to destroy the enemy ot the holy Pope 
 
CHAPTER XX 
 
 Assassination of Henri IV 
 
 1610 
 
 Francois Ravaillac. — His Evil Looks, but Kind Heart. — A Man of Visions. 
 — His Wanderings and Visitings. — Lagarde meets Him at Naples. — 
 Jesuit Father Alagon endeavours to associate Lagarde in the 
 Murder-plot. — Lagarde warns Henri, who reassures him. — Henri 
 confides in Sully. — The Queen's Connivance. — Ravaillac himself 
 endeavours to warn Henri. — The True Cross of Christ in Cotton- 
 wool. — The Young Lady d'Escoman.— Her Doubtful Reputation, but 
 Loyal Heart. — Is made a Tool of by Henriette d'Entragues. — She 
 disregards Personal Safety and determines to save Henri IV. — The 
 Queen will not see her. — The Jesuits treat her freezingly. — She 
 persists, and is Imprisoned for Life. — Is undaunted even in Prison. 
 — More Unavailing Messages to the Queen. — Mademoiselle 
 d'Escoman sends Mademoiselle de Gournayto Sully. — Sully for once 
 fails in his Duty. — Henry laughs at his Son Vendome's Fears. — 
 Drives out with d'Epernon and I\Iontbazon. — Ravaillac stabs the 
 King and kills him. — Triumph of the Queen's Party. — D'Epernon 
 overawes the Parliament. — Marie de Medicis Queen-Regent. — The 
 Young King chastised. — Ravaillac tortured to Death. 
 
 Francois Ravaillac, the murderer of Henri de Navarre, 
 
 was a great burly ruffian, with a most villainous cast of 
 
 countenance. He possessed literally what is called " a 
 
 hanging face." So true was this, that once, when a 
 
 murder had been committed in his native town of 
 
 Angouleme, and there was no clue to the murderer, they 
 
 arrested Ravaillac^ put him in prison, and kept him there. 
 
 1S5 
 
i86 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 For they said that a man with a face like that, red- 
 black shaggy hair, and a beard like an old goat, must 
 certainly be the author of the crime — that his personal 
 appearance alone was a sufficient proof. Despite his 
 unprepossessing looks, Ravaillac was at heart not a 
 scoundrel at all. He was really a kind-hearted man, 
 with a strong bias towards religion. So strong was this 
 bias that it warped his brain, and, like Joan of Arc 
 before him, he began in his solitude to see visions. 
 Like Joan of Arc also, he had ideas of becoming the 
 saviour of France, especially after the priests had ex- 
 plained to him the meaning of his visions, of which he 
 could not understand the full import without spiritual 
 guidance. A man with visions was the kind of man 
 required just then by the Due d'Epernon. Therefore, 
 since Angouleme was one of d'Epernon's places, it is 
 no wonder that, soon after the visions begin, we find 
 Ravaillac out of prison and travelling to Paris with 
 letters in his pocket to Henriette d'Entragues. From 
 Henriette we find him going to pay a visit to and staying 
 in the house of a young lady named d'Escoman — a young 
 lady who was not renowned for the moral probity of 
 her life, and who was moreover the confidante of 
 Henriette. From '^ La d'Escoman " we find Ravaillac 
 travelling to the Court, to Naples, back to Paris again, 
 then once more to Angouleme ; taking many journeys, 
 in fact, for a poor man, and visiting priests, monks, 
 important personages, rebels, spies, ladies — here, there, 
 and everywhere. At Naples he seems openly to have 
 been recognised as the man who was to kill the King — 
 recognised, at all events, upon one occasion, for he seems 
 to have been twice to that hotbed of revolution, where 
 
Assassination of Henri IV iS^ 
 
 Were present at this period all of the malcontents who 
 had made France too hot to hold them. 
 
 It was at Naples that Lagarde met him, at a dinner 
 party at the house of the traitor Hebert — the man who, 
 after the defection of La Fin, had formerly been the go- 
 between for Biron and the Savoy and Spanish combination 
 against Henri. This Lagarde was a Norman soldier who 
 had been to the Turkish wars, and he was on his way 
 home to France, when he seems by chance to have found 
 a lodging with Hebert. At this dinner he saw a big man 
 dressed in violet, who spoke openly of his intention of 
 killing the King of France. He learned that this man was 
 the Due d'Epernon's messenger to the members of the 
 Guise family and to other ex-Leaguers then in Naples, all 
 of whom were aware of his mission. Further than that, 
 they strove to associate Lagarde himself with Ravaillac 
 in this matter of killing the King. Although taken to 
 a Jesuit Father named Alagon, who was the uncle of 
 the principal minister of Spain, and who tried to talk 
 him into it, Lagarde held firm internally, although out- 
 wardly he did not positively refuse to do what he was 
 asked. This was to attack the King on horseback while 
 out hunting, at the same time that Ravaillac was to 
 attack him on foot. That there could be no doubt of 
 what Lagarde stated, he was able to show to the King 
 himself, to whom he immediately hurried with it, a letter 
 which he had received from the conspirators after he left 
 Naples ; for it was of a most pressing nature and had 
 been sent after him. In this letter they urged him 
 strongly to keep up his courage, and by no means to 
 fail to kill the King. 
 
 Henri strove to reassure the loyal soldier. He 
 
i88 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 spoke kindly and calmly to Lagarde. " Friend," he 
 said, " do not disturb thyself, but keep thy letter 
 secure ; I shall want it some time. But as for the 
 Spaniards — thou shalt see ; I will make them so little 
 that they will be able to work us no harm." 
 
 For all his brave words, the King went about with 
 a terrible load on his heart after this interview, which 
 took place just at the time that Marie de Medicis was 
 insisting upon her consecration. It was hard for the 
 King to bear his trials alone, living as he was under 
 the shadow of his own approaching assassination. Above 
 all things, he was discouraged at finding himself, who had 
 loved his people and who had believed himself beloved 
 in turn, now hated by so many of them. It was a 
 terribly bitter medicine for him to swallow, more so 
 still to know for certain that a good deal of the 
 brewing of the bitter potion was going on constantly 
 in his own household — that some of the principal com- 
 pounders of the draught were the Queen herself, Concini 
 her favourite, and the courtiers who surrounded her. 
 Henri bravely bore it all alone for a time ; then 
 he made a confidant of Sully, to whom he revealed 
 all his sad thoughts and fearful misgivings for his 
 future. 
 
 Lagarde's revelation to Henri of the fact that there 
 was a plot did not immediately precede his death. In- 
 deed, it is almost as difficult to preserve chronologically 
 the comings and goings of Ravaillac as it is to follow 
 his own changes of mind and determination, or to lay 
 hands upon the exact persons who strengthened that 
 determination up to the striking-point at the last. One 
 thing is very certain, which is, that Henri need never 
 
Assassination of Henri IV 189 
 
 have been killed if the Queen had not willed it ; the 
 evidence of the unfortunate lady d'Escoman proved 
 that plainly. Henri could easily have been preserved 
 by timely warnings, which had been given the Queen, 
 had she communicated them to him. 
 
 Strange to say, even Ravaillac himself strove to warn 
 Henri in person upon one occasion, but was thrust back 
 when he cried out to the King that he had something 
 of the very gravest importance to communicate to him. 
 Indeed, he stated on his trial that he made three efforts 
 to see the King, since it was against his conscience to 
 kill an unsuspecting man ; moreover, that he wished to 
 ask of the King two questions before he killed him, 
 and then he intended to warn him if the answers were 
 unfavourable. 
 
 These questions were : first, whether it was true, 
 as the soldiers said, that he was about to make war 
 against the Pope ; second, whether what the monks 
 said was true — that all good Catholics were about to be 
 murdered by the Huguenots. 
 
 It is evident that the poor man had been rendered 
 half crazy by all the promptings that he had received. 
 Had he not been so, and his conscience really in doubt 
 as to the righteousness of the act he was meditating, 
 how could he have stood in the street and shouted to 
 the King before all the onlookers, " Sire, for the love 
 of our Lord and the Holy Virgin, let me have a word 
 with you ! " Moreover, it came out in his evidence 
 later that he had been to various monks of different 
 orders to put the case hypothetically before them : 
 '' Was it right or wrong for a man to kill a bad king ? " 
 They gave him no satisfaction sufficient to make his 
 
IQO Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 conscience easy ; but a certain canon at Angouleme 
 gave him a heart of cotton-wool containing a piece of 
 the true cross of Christ, which would *' render him 
 invisible and protect him." One of the saddest things 
 in the history of the whole drama is the terrible grief 
 and disappointment with which this poor wretch was 
 overcome later on, when he was shown that this was 
 an imposture, that there was nothing at all inside the 
 cotton-wool ! Nevertheless, he behaved with a lamb- 
 like resignation and courage on his trial, when every 
 Jesuit priest whom he had consulted either flatly denied 
 ever having seen him at all, or denied any recollection 
 of any conversations that had taken place. No, they 
 were not then going to incriminate themselves for the 
 sake of the unhappy man whose miserable soul they 
 had previously lured on to destruction with pieces of 
 the true cross made of cotton-wool. 
 
 But we must now leave Ravaillac to return to the 
 young lady d'Escoman, of whom mention has been 
 made. Her fate was a sad one. This lady, although 
 enjoying a rather doubtful reputation on account of 
 her habits of gallantry, undoubtedly possessed a good, 
 kind heart ; and it was owing to her listening to the 
 dictates of her heart that she brought upon herself a 
 terrible fate. It is evident that, although the confidante 
 of Henriette d'Entragues, she cannot have been aware 
 of the whole terrible import of the plot in which she 
 was mixing herself up, when she first, at the bidding 
 of the d'Entragues family, welcomed Ravaillac to her 
 house in Paris. It is true she was at first appalled by 
 the sinister countenance of the man who came to her 
 escorted by a valet from the King's mistress, and with 
 
Assassination of Henri IV 191 
 
 a letter of recommendation. But after she had kept 
 him in her house a day or two, she found that his 
 manners had the mildness of a Httle child ; her mis- 
 givings therefore wore off. And so he came and 
 departed in peace upon the first occasion of his visit- 
 ing her. A time came, however, when the young lady 
 had thrust upon her, without any possibility of doubt, 
 the terrible certitude of the fact that the man whom 
 she had harboured under her roof was the destined 
 murderer of the King. How she knew is not certain ; 
 whether she obtained her information from Henriette 
 or from Ravaillac himself is not apparent. It may 
 have been from either or from both. However this 
 may be, from the very second that she was convinced 
 in her mind that there was imminent danger to her 
 monarch, Mademoiselle d'Escoman cast all ideas of her 
 own personal safety to the winds. She did not care 
 what risks she might run from the hands of the 
 infuriated conspirators, should she ruin their deep-laid 
 designs. Of one thing she was determined — to save 
 the King. 
 
 It is evident that she could not possibly have 
 known how deeply implicated were the most highly 
 placed at Court, for the first attempt that she made 
 to prevent the crime was to see the Queen. She had 
 no difficulty in getting a message to her Majesty, 
 but to have a personal interview she soon found was 
 another matter. And this greatly to her astonishment, 
 since the message that she had sent to Marie de Medicis 
 was to the effect that she had the very gravest tidings 
 to give affecting the King's safety. To prove to 
 the Queen that she was not talking wildly, she offered. 
 
192 Sidelights on the L.ourt 01 r ranee 
 
 should the Queen consent to see her, to have seized 
 for the morrow certain compromising letters, about to 
 leave for Spain, which would reveal everything. Marie 
 de Medicis sent back word that she would see her, 
 but that she was to wait. She kept her waiting for 
 three days ; then went away to the country without 
 granting any interview at all. If anything were wanted 
 to establish the Queen's compHcity, it seems to be 
 effectually supplied by her conduct upon this occasion. 
 
 Astounded at finding such indifference to the safety 
 of the King's life in his consort. Mademoiselle d'Escoman 
 next thought of going to the King's confessor. She 
 therefore repaired to the Jesuit Father Cotton, or rather 
 to the Jesuits' establishment in the Rue Saint Antoine, 
 where he was lodging. Her reception here was a bad 
 one : they made all sorts of excuses for preventing 
 her from having access to the father-confessor. Not to 
 be denied, the poor young lady insisted upon seeing the 
 head of the establishment. He treated her freezingly, 
 and would not even promise to give a message from 
 her to Father Cotton. He merely said that he would 
 himself demand counsel from heaven as to what would 
 be the right course to pursue, and he added that she 
 was to *' go in peace and pray to God." Almost 
 driven out of her wits by such callousness, the young 
 lady cried out, '* But, my Father, they will kill the 
 King ! " To which she received the brutal reply, 
 '' Mind your own business ! 
 
 But Mademoiselle d'Escoman, undismayed and 
 determined to save her King, now threatened the 
 Jesuit ; whereupon he pretended to relent, and said 
 he would go off" himself to Fontainebleau. She left 
 
Assassination of Henri IV 193 
 
 him but half convinced, but still feeling that, come 
 what might, she had done her duty to God and the 
 King, and hoping that perhaps the Jesuit would keep 
 his word. Little did she know, as she turned from 
 the steps of the Jesuits' house that day, that she was 
 walking the streets of Paris for the last time in her 
 life. Yet so it was. The next day the unhappy 
 young lady found herself a prisoner between four walls, 
 and never again in her lifetime did she issue forth. 
 She died in prison many years later. Who was it 
 that had dared to issue the warrant for her committal ? 
 Undaunted, however, during her first imprisonment, 
 the brave girl never ceased struggling to save the King ; 
 and she managed to get more messages to the Queen 
 through the Court apothecary, and one to the Due 
 de Sully and his wife through Mademoiselle de 
 Gournay. It was then that, for once in his life, Sully 
 seems to have failed in his duty to his master, by 
 suppressing names, whereby Henri paid but little 
 attention to this particular warning, for it was nothing 
 new to him to be threatened in general terms. It 
 may, however, have been the King's own fault that 
 Sully was not more open with him, as Henri was 
 just at this time in one of his vacillating moods — those 
 moods so common to him, wherein he would sway like a 
 pendulum from one party to the other. He seemed like 
 one who knew that he was going to his death — to have 
 become dispirited, discouraged, to have lost his old con- 
 fidence in everybody, even in his faithful minister. To 
 Sully he had shown recently some mistrust, in not 
 allowing him to make on his own responsibility some 
 important contract with reference to the coming war. 
 
 13 
 
194 Sidelights on the Liourt ot France 
 
 At the same time, Henri had once more lately shown 
 signs of renewed confidence in Henriette, of whom, from 
 information he had received, he had every cause to 
 be suspicious. In reality, he was so unhappy, so 
 harassed, so disappointed, that he was striving to catch 
 at straws of friendship where they seemed to be eluding 
 him, while fearful of grasping too tightly the old staff 
 upon which he had leaned for so long, dreading per- 
 chance that, like so many others he had leaned upon in 
 his time, it might prove rotten and snap within his grasp. 
 
 Henri was by no means superstitious by nature ; but 
 he could not quite avoid being moved by the prediction 
 which had been made — probably by those who knew — 
 that his life would come to an end on May 14th, 16 10, 
 just three days before he proposed to take the field 
 against Spain at the head of his armies. He was very 
 dispirited that day, although he laughed good-humouredly 
 at the lad's fears, when the young Due de Vendome, 
 his son by Gabrielle d'Estrees, begged him not to go 
 outside the Louvre. The Queen also, who seemed 
 very alarmed and excited — indeed, frightened — now that 
 she knew the time of his death was at hand, begged 
 him to keep within doors. After an early dinner, 
 however, he called in one of the guards to ask him 
 the time. He was lying down for a rest in a dis- 
 couraged sort of way ; and the man, seeing him so, 
 said to him fiimiliarly — for he never objected to 
 famiharity — " Why don't you go out and take an 
 airing i^ — it will do you all the good in the world, and 
 cheer you up a bit." 
 
 " I believe you're right, my man," answered the 
 King. " Order my carriage." 
 
Assassination of Henri IV 195 
 
 Henri drove out, taking the Due d'Epernon with him, 
 but without any escort, and went to pay a visit to one 
 of the most beautiful young ladies in Paris, He wished 
 to make of her a mistress for his son Vendome, upon 
 whom he thought she would have a good influence — 
 make a man of him, in fact ; for he was addicted to 
 evil habits which the King much deprecated. Her 
 father's name was Paulet, a rich financier ; she herself 
 was full of wit and brightness, and possessed the most 
 wonderfiil voice. The King himself was always fond of 
 music, so he thought all the more of the girl on account 
 of her remarkable vocal gifts. 
 
 Whether the Due d'Epernon or Mons. de Mont- 
 bazon, who was also in the carriage, was aware of the 
 circumstance or not, Ravaillac was following. Presently 
 a couple of carts got in the way, and the carriage 
 stopped. Instantly Ravaillac sprang up upon a boundary- 
 stone, and struck the King a blow with the knife which 
 he had for long kept, pointed and sharpened, ready for 
 the occasion. As the King raised his arm, crying, " I 
 am wounded," the murderer struck again, a blow which 
 pierced the heart. Henri IV., the famous Henri de 
 Navarre, victor of so many battles, fell back dead — 
 slain after all, as he had so often feared, by the felon 
 hand of the assassin. The Due d'Epernon threw a 
 cloak over the dead body, and returned with it to the 
 Louvre to inform the Queen. But, in some miraculous 
 way, Marie de Medicis had already been informed by 
 her favourite Concini that she was a widow, and pre- 
 sumably Oueen-Regent. 
 
 It was a moment of triumph for aU — for the Queen, 
 for the Italian Concini, for Henriette, for d'Epernon, 
 
196 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 whose revenge was accomplished. None of them cared 
 for anything that the murderer might say — the instiga- 
 tion had been so carefully managed ; besides, should he 
 mention names during the torture, they would be kept 
 secret. In the meantime d'Epernon kept Ravaillac 
 secure, and, as Colonel-General of the Infantry, secured 
 the Louvre and Paris generally for the Queen, placing 
 guards everywhere. Then he proceeded to the Parliament 
 House, where were many friends of the Prince de Conde. 
 D'Epernon, with his hand on his sword, loudly threatened 
 the legislators with bloodshed that night if they did 
 not instantly recognise as king the eight-year-old boy 
 Louis, and still more so if they did not declare that 
 Marie de Medicis was Queen-Regent. A man of energy 
 and action was d'Epernon indeed ! He coerced the 
 frightened men of the robe without difficulty : Conde 
 had no chance against him. The required message was 
 humbly sent to the Queen, while d'Epernon waited thus, 
 threatening, sword in hand. 
 
 The next morning the little King, Louis XIIL, was 
 made to come to the Parliament and himself formally to 
 hand over his throne to his mother. He even gave 
 her instructions to chastise himself when necessary ; and 
 he was chastised accordingly, by his mother's orders, 
 very effectually, less than a fortnight afterwards, on 
 May 29th. The young King, while submitting to the 
 castigation, which was for some childish fault, sullenly 
 warned Mons. de Souvre, who inflicted it, that he would 
 never forget it, when it came to be his turn to reign. 
 
 As for the unfortunate Ravaillac, the conspirators 
 let him go by the board altogether. Every horror which 
 an infuriated Paris demanded was wrought upon his 
 
From an old prin/ 
 HENRI IV., KING OF FRANCE, FIRST (JF THi: BoURBON KINGS 
 Lying in Static aftkr mis Assassination 
 
 \_To fan' />. igo 
 
Assassination of Henri IV 197 
 
 wretched body ; thus he was a mere living mass of sores, 
 from hot pincers, molten lead, boiling oil, and sulphur, 
 before he was eventually torn limb from limb by horses. 
 Even then his powerful body would not die until 
 pierced by swords. But he never divulged anything 
 until actually on the scaffold between tortures : what he 
 said then was written down, concealed for a time, and 
 then destroyed. 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 
 The Fate of Concini 
 
 1610 — 1617 
 
 Indifference Nowadays to Death of Monarchs. — Difference in France 
 when Henri IV. died. — Change of Policy and Restored Power of 
 Nobles and Clergy, — Devil-worship, Witchcraft, and Sorcery ram- 
 pant.— The Seeds laid for theTerror of 1793. — Universal Howl of 
 Rage against all concerned in Henri's Death. — A Jesuit vainly 
 preaches another Massacre of Huguenots. — Ineptitude and Inaction 
 of the Bourbon Princes. — Soissons and Cond6 accept the Situation. — 
 Concini's Presumption at Queen-Regent's First Appearance before a 
 Session of the Parliament of Paris. — De Harlay reproves him. — 
 De Harlay reprimands d'Epernon. — Concini, now Marechal d'Ancre, 
 practically King. — The Bridge of Love. — Albert de Luynes the 
 Young King's Favourite. — His Origin. — The Queen-Regent's Extra- 
 vagance. — Exiguity of Young Louis XIII.'s Appointments. — De 
 Luynes his Tutor for Field Sports. — Louis XIII. sends de Luynes to 
 the Infanta. — Concini distrusts de Luynes. — Louis practically a 
 Prisoner after his Marriage. — De Vitry, Captain of the King's 
 Guards. — He hates Concini, and Hatred Mutual. — How to kill 
 Concini.? — De Vitry selected. — Risk of de Vitry. — He loses his 
 Head and almost fails. — Death of Concini. — The Young King shows 
 his Approval. — Paris delighted. — The Marechal's Body burned 
 and his Heart eaten. — The Queen-Regent's Ingratitude to Leonora. 
 — She is dragged to Prison. — Is decapitated and her Body 
 burned. 
 
 At the present day the life or death of one man, though 
 
 he be a monarch, has but little effect upon the life and 
 
 fortunes of those who survive him — his erstwhile subjects. 
 
 For them the world goes on just the same: the stocks 
 
 198 
 
The Fate of Concini 199 
 
 go up or the stocks go down, as they did previous to the 
 sad removal of their ruler ; if the country is at peace, 
 it remains at peace ; if at war, the war is prosecuted as 
 before, — there is a continuity of policy. The sole differ- 
 ence is that there is another figurehead to the State, 
 another person who is called King or styled Queen, 
 another individual who has to be addressed with bended 
 back and bated breath as '' Your Majesty," 
 
 To those who are not about the Court, and who, 
 therefore, have no stars or honours to expect, as the 
 result of long time-serving in the past — to the country 
 gentleman or peasant, to the city merchant or shopkeeper, 
 to the old officer or soldier who has retired to end his 
 days upon a beggarly pension — -there might just as well 
 be one king as another, for all the effect that the depar- 
 ture of one or advent of another will have upon the 
 bounded horizon of his own personal sphere of interest. 
 And since the old motto " Ex uno disce omnes " dis- 
 tinctly holds good, we may say that nowadays, upon the 
 death of any monarch, save for a sentiment of personal 
 regret if a good one has gone, or of personal satisfaction 
 if the reverse, the country at large suffers nothing, feels 
 nothing whatever. 
 
 Very different was the condition of things in France 
 at the beginning of the seventeenth century. When, 
 upon May 14th, 16 10, the long-prepared knife of the 
 assassin Ravaillac laid low the life of King Henri IV., 
 the far-famed Henri de Navarre, wide-reaching and 
 long-continued were the effects of the loss. 
 
 For many years — ay, for centuries to follow — not 
 France alone, but the whole of Europe felt the ill effects 
 of that dagger-thrust — a deadly blow which made possible 
 
200 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 in the present the Thirty Years' War, which made 
 necessary in the future the horrors of the French 
 Revolution to which it paved the way. For the death 
 of Henri de Navarre brought with it an instant and 
 entire change of policy both abroad and at home. The 
 hated Spaniard, an accomplice to the murder, against 
 whom, and his cousin of Austria, Henri was at the 
 moment of his death about to lead his armies in person, 
 was now the honoured guest, the secret — nay, almost the 
 open — ruler in the land. The nobles again, to suppress 
 whose rapacity and oppression Henri, with his faithful 
 minister Sully, had striven so hard, once more recovered 
 their sway. Their insolence was redoubled, and the con- 
 dition of the poor peasantry was soon no better than that 
 of the beasts of the field. Indeed, so far from the 
 realisation of Henri's dream, " that every peasant should 
 have a fowl in the pot for his Sunday's dinner," human 
 beings were now, in some instances, soon reduced to 
 feeding upon grass like the veritable cattle. All that 
 was not seized for the Court or the nobles became the 
 dues of the priesthood and the continually increasing 
 religious organisations. Thus everything was taken, 
 unto the uttermost farthing, by those who themselves 
 paid nothing towards the maintenance of the State, from 
 those who received neither benefits nor protection from 
 that State. 
 
 No wonder that the devil-worship of the Middle 
 Ages, with all its horrors of witchcraft and sorcery, 
 became once more rampant in the country ; no wonder 
 that midnight revels, in which Satan was adored with 
 every horrible and immodest rite which could denote 
 hatred and contempt of the lords and priests of the 
 
The Fate of Concini 201 
 
 land, were for many years to come of frequent occurrence 
 throughout all the districts of France. And thus, with 
 the hatred born of a misery so great that it sought for 
 relief in the hell of Satan from the hell of living, was 
 handed on from father to son that hope of revenge 
 some day against the nobles and the priesthood which 
 was realised in the Revolution of 1789, in the Reign 
 of Terror of 1793. 
 
 Thus did the premature death by assassination of 
 Henri IV., the immediate misrule to which it gave rise, 
 in which may be included, as one of the most important 
 factors, the breach of all promises made to the Huguenots 
 and their renewed persecution, bring about more radical 
 changes for the worse than ever were caused previously 
 by the death of one man, one ruler, even although that 
 one man were himself what Henri IV. was not — a model 
 of virtue. 
 
 Although immediately after the assassination that 
 chief of the conspirators the Due d'Epernon had shown 
 himself a man of metal by, sword in hand, coercing the 
 frightened Parliament into acknowledging Marie de 
 Medicis as Queen-Regent, yet, had the Bourbon leaders 
 shown but the slightest personal bravery or firmness, 
 matters could never have ended so. For, in spite of 
 the boldness of d'Epernon and his prompt action, as 
 Colonel-General of the Infantry, in placing guards 
 everywhere about the Louvre and elsewhere in Paris, 
 neither his own life nor that of Concini, nor probably 
 even that of the Queen herself, would have been worth 
 a moment's purchase, had but the Bourbon Princes acted 
 with the least manliness. For not only Paris, but most 
 of France, which had imagined that it hated Henri IV. 
 
Missing Page 
 
Missing Page 
 
204 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 like his uncle Soissons, kisses the Queen's hand, shakes 
 vigorously those of d'Epernon and Concini, and troubles 
 his head no more about either avenging the late King 
 or succeeding him. And this was his motto throughout 
 his life : '' If I am paid, I care not what happens to 
 any one else." The wretched Huguenots found this out 
 a few years later to their dismay, for they had vainly 
 put their trust in him, and, as it proved, to their utter 
 undoing. 
 
 There was a Royal Sitting of the Parliament almost 
 directly after Henry's death, at which the Queen-Regent 
 was present. As a matter of course, the irrepressible 
 Concini was present also ; and, for the third time in his 
 career, contrived to have a snub administered to himself 
 within those walls. For, upon calling out, without any 
 right to interfere in the proceedings, " The Queen 
 should now descend," old de Harlay, the President of 
 the Parliament, turning upon him roughly, said, " That 
 has got nothing whatever to do with you ! " This 
 de Harlay, who was now nearly eighty years old, was 
 probably at this time and for many years previously the 
 most honest — we had almost said the only honest — man 
 in France. For many years he had, strange to say, 
 contrived to run smoothly in couples with the un- 
 scrupulous Catherine de Medicis, the widow of Henri II. 
 and mother of three kings — Francois II., Charles IX., 
 and Henri III. ; also mother of Marguerite de Valois, 
 the first wife of Henri IV., who was divorced on account 
 of her almost innumerable immoralities. 
 
 How de Harlay had managed to exist so long in 
 such society, and yet not only maintain his head but his 
 honesty, is astonishing ; but it is nevertheless a fact. 
 

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 wMl^:W^_ 
 
 
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 lEAX DE LA V.\LETTE, DL( ' D'EI'ERXUX 
 
 [To face p. 204 
 
The Fate of Concini 265 
 
 After the declaration of the regency of Marie de Medicis 
 he proved one of the greatest enemies of d'Epernon, 
 vainly striving for a year or two to have the case brought 
 forward against the Due of complicity in the murder of 
 Henri IV. Vainly did the Due approach him, trying 
 to get the unfortunate d'Escoman and the soldier Lagarde, 
 who were held in prison, for safety we must suppose, put 
 into a safer place still — underground ! But old de Harlay 
 would not hear of the suggested murder. Moreover, 
 when d'Epernon appealed to him " as a friend," he 
 answered brusquely, " I have no friends — I am your 
 judge." 
 
 Naturally, after the manner of those days, might in 
 the end proved right. The case was never really brought 
 against d'Epernon, because the Queen's name would have 
 been in it too. The wretched Mademoiselle d'Escoman 
 was walled up until she died, in the corner of a courtyard, 
 in a home for so-called reclaimed prostitutes, where 
 she could only be fed, when fed at all, through a hole 
 in the wall. The soldier Lagarde was confined for life 
 in the Bastille ; and any other witnesses against the 
 important personages concerned in the murder of the 
 King were after a year or two released, for they had, 
 fortunately for themselves, no evidence of any importance 
 to give, while the others who had were prisoners. As 
 for the old President de Harlay, at the age of eighty he 
 was forced to sell his office to a nominee of the Court. 
 
 Meanwhile, things were going on merrily in that Court. 
 After Marie de Medicis became Queen-Regent, Concini 
 became for a few years practically King. The newly 
 created Marechal d'Ancre had indeed constructed, from 
 his residence across the moat which surrounded the 
 
2o6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Louvre, a bridge which communicated with the Queen- 
 Regent's apartments. This the Parisians used mockingly 
 to call "The Bridge of Love." His own wife, the black- 
 browed Leonora Dosi or Galiga'i, also remained in favour 
 with the Queen. Her duties appear to have been to 
 work the sale of offices for her Majesty ; and she seems 
 to have been to the end the faithful adherent of an 
 infamous woman, who basely deserted her in her hour of 
 trial. Leonora was always very much alive to her own 
 interests, and therefore took very good care to prevent 
 her husband, Concini, from allying himself with Albert 
 de Luynes, the young King's favourite, by giving him 
 his niece in marriage, when, a year or two later, Luynes 
 demanded this alHance. For the Marechale foresaw 
 that a combination of the King, de Luynes, and 
 Concini would mean the downfall of the Queen-mother, 
 her own death, and probably a new wife for Concini 
 himself. 
 
 It is now time to speak about de Luynes, who became 
 a very important person in the history of this epoch, 
 and founder of a house which exists nowadays, there 
 being still a Due de Luynes in France. 
 
 To begin with, there were several Luynes, all of whom 
 were good soldiers in the Bourbon cause. One of them 
 became a priest and a canon ; and, as was not unusual in 
 those days, this canon had two illegitimate sons. One of 
 these sons became surgeon to Henri IV. ; another one 
 successfully fought a duel to the death for him in his 
 presence. The former lent Henri twelve thousand crowns 
 in his misfortunes, and in return for this money the King 
 took the son of the latter into his service as stable page 
 and afterwards as house page. This lad was the de Luynes 
 
The Fate of Concini 207 
 
 who became years later the abnost sole protector of the 
 youthful Louis XIII. When Marie de Medicis had 
 become Queen-Regent, she troubled herself very little 
 about her son. To keep in with Spain, to spend with her 
 favourites or upon them all the millions that Sully and 
 Henri IV. had amassed for the improvement of the State 
 and the people, was the sole care of this Italian woman. 
 Fetes and tourneys of the most extravagant description 
 were of frequent occurrence ; and the Guise family, 
 d'Epernon, Concini, and Conde all took thousands and 
 thousands of francs for their respective good offices. 
 Thus there was not much money left to spend upon 
 the little boy King. However, as, whenever it suited 
 him, Concini bullied the Queen into giving him not only 
 more and more money, but places which brought in 
 money, in revenge the Regent sometimes took into 
 favour the handsome Bellegarde for a change — that is, 
 when she dared do so. 
 
 To resume. As the years rolled on, de Luynes, who 
 was an adept at hawking and hunting, became the young 
 King's instructor in those noble arts, and thus almost his 
 sole companion. The juvenile Louis cared for nothing 
 but sport ; and de Luynes was so humble and unassuming 
 in his manner that for a long time neither Concini nor 
 any one else considered him at all dangerous. It was not 
 until the double Spanish marriage, of young Louis to the 
 Infanta and of his sister to the King of Spain, which double 
 marriage Henri IV- may be said to have given his life to 
 prevent, was actually about to take place, that de Luynes 
 really came under the jealous notice of the Queen-Regent 
 or of any one about the Court. Then, in 16 15, Marie 
 de Medicis accompanied her boy of thirteen and his sister 
 
2o8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Elisabeth de France to the frontier, in order that the 
 former might marry the Infanta Anne of Austria, while 
 the latter espoused Philip IV. of Spain. 
 
 Then it was for the first time that Louis XIII. 
 asserted himself in any matter whatever. At Bayonne 
 he insisted that de Luynes, instead of any greater per- 
 sonage, should be the one to go and present his 
 compliments and respects to his intended bride. From 
 that moment Concini held de Luynes in distrust. 
 
 However, for a few years after the marriage, as 
 the boy King paid no attention to his pretty young 
 bride, but went on solely with his hawking and 
 hunting, Albert de Luynes still remained his faithful 
 attendant and friend. He did not desert him, even 
 when the machinations of the Italian conspirators, 
 including the Queen-mother herself, seemed to point 
 to a possible ^' removal " of the young Louis in favour 
 of his younger brother Gaston, Due d'Orleans, known 
 by the title of '^ Monsieur," by which substitution 
 the regency could have gone on longer. At this time 
 Louis became practically a prisoner in the grounds of 
 his own palace. Thus there is no doubt that the lad 
 was greatly alarmed for his life, and probably with 
 reason. More than ever was this alarm aroused when 
 the Queen removed his Guards and sent them off to 
 the army. In addition to de Luynes, one friend remained 
 to him, in the shape of young de Vitry, Captain of his 
 Majesty's Guards, who stayed behind at the Louvre 
 when his men were drafted off elsewhere. 
 
 Neither this Louis de Vitry nor his father before him, 
 who had held the same post, had ever taken Concini's 
 hand. The Marechal d'Ancre hated him accordingly, 
 
The Fate of Concini 209 
 
 and had resolved upon his destruction, with that of 
 de Luynes, at the first favourable opportunity. 
 
 There was great alarm in the small coterie of the 
 young Monarch ; for none felt their lives safe — all 
 felt that it was a case of he who strikes first wins. 
 How to kill Concini, yet to do so in a manner that 
 would clearly show that the death of the Queen-Regent's 
 lover had the young King's approval, was the serious 
 question frequently discussed. One quite young fellow 
 named Montpouillan, not more than the King's own 
 age, volunteered to attack Concini with a dagger when 
 he was visiting in the King's apartments. This plan was 
 rejected as dangerous to Louis XIII., for he himself 
 might get killed in the fray. At last it was determined 
 that de Vitry should compass the death of the all-powerful 
 Italian plotter, who had been one of the conspirators 
 to slay the King's father, and who might ere long 
 slay de Vitry himself. 
 
 It was a hazardous enough enterprise, there being 
 no guards in the King's chambers In the Louvre, while 
 Concini, who valued his own safety, never moved about 
 with less than thirty armed persons of various ranks 
 around him. 
 
 The appointed morning arrived; and de Vitry, having 
 fished up here and there any one whom he could find, 
 and whom he believed to be faithful to the King, 
 posted them with concealed pistols. Meanwhile, it was 
 settled that he himself should boldly go up to the 
 Marechal d'Ancre, and say to him that he arrested 
 him. The rest would follow. 
 
 Naturally de Vitry himself ran a considerable risk of 
 being slain. Then, too, there was the risk of treachery 
 
 14 
 
210 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 from some one or other of the fourteen or fifteen, 
 who were all whom he could get to protect the Khig. 
 Eventually the plot nearly miscarried. Concini came, 
 as usual surrounded by his people, to visit the King. 
 He had reached the bridge leading into the Louvre, when 
 all of Concini's followers, recognising de Vitry, began 
 one after another saluting and talking to the Captain 
 of the King's Guards. He, being full of the projected 
 assassination, quite lost his head amidst all these people, 
 and utterly failed to see Concini. 
 
 "Where is the Marechal ? " he asked at last. "I 
 cannot see him anywhere," said he, abruptly and rudely 
 interrupting the polite phrases being addressed to himself 
 
 " Why, there he is : do you not see him by the 
 gate of the Louvre ? " 
 
 De Vitry rushed to Concini, and seized him by 
 the sleeve. 
 
 " I arrest you in the name of the King." 
 
 '* Arrest me ^ Here ! — help ! help ! " 
 
 But his cry came too late. Three or four pistols 
 went off at once, fired by the concealed persons. The 
 wonder is that the shots did not kill Vitry also; but no, 
 they made short work of Concini, and hit no one else. 
 
 The faithful old Corsican d'Ornano instantly took 
 hold of the young King, and held him up to the people 
 from the window above, for he was not tall enough 
 to see out of it. Only one of Concini's people so 
 much as drew a sword ; indeed, so soon as Concini 
 was dead, and the King showed his approval, there 
 was no more resistance. The game was now in the 
 King's hands. He and Albert de Luynes had saved 
 all the honours and the odd trick. 
 
The Fate of Concini 211 
 
 The people of Paris, delighted at Concini's death, 
 burned his body, and even roasted and ate his heart. 
 The Queen could see this most horrible sight going on 
 from the windows of her apartments, to which, all her 
 Guards having been taken from her, she was confined 
 a close prisoner. She displayed meanwhile not any 
 concern for Concini, nor any whatever for his wife. 
 She only showed fear for herself, and refused even to 
 give refuge to Leonora in her apartments. 
 
 Meanwhile, the mob broke into the apartments of 
 Leonora Galigai, and found that, wanting shelter else- 
 where, Concini's wife had undressed and gone to bed. 
 They soon dragged her out of the bed upon which she 
 had thrown herself. In the mattress of the bed she 
 had concealed a great quantity of property of her own, 
 and also the Oueen's crown diamonds. All of these 
 were ruthlessly stolen, while Leonora herself was dragged 
 off naked to prison. A few days later, such was the 
 injustice of the French in those days, for want of 
 a better charge against her, she was sentenced to death 
 on the absurd grounds of witchcraft. 
 
 Poor Leonora was decapitated, and her body was 
 burned ; but she showed the greatest fortitude both 
 during her farce of a trial and on her way to execution, 
 while being dragged there in a tumbril. 
 
 De Vitry was rewarded for his share in these pro- 
 ceedings by being created a Marechal de France by the 
 boy King. His brother-in-law was made Lieutenant of 
 the Bastille, and given charge of the Prince de Conde, 
 whom the Oueen-Regent had recently imprisoned, while 
 his brother succeeded him in command of the King's 
 Guards. 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 
 Arnoux, Bemlle, and Richelieu 
 
 1617 — 1623 
 
 The Queen-mother banished to Blois. — De Luynes Omnipotent. — 
 Travail broken on the Wheel. — Queen-mother ofifers to disclose All.— 
 De Luynes stays Proceedings against Henri's Assassins. — His 
 Marriage. — Spain Friendly to de Luynes. — Father Cotton replaced 
 by Arnoux as King's Confessor. — The Influence of the Jesuits. — 
 Arnoux's Influence exerted to persecute Huguenots. — Protestants 
 deprived of all Privileges. — Deceived by their own Leaders. — Louis 
 marches to B^arn. — Cruelties to the Bearnese Women. — Civil 
 War. — The Queen-mother's Perilous Escape. — The King's Troops 
 defeat her at Angers. — Kiss and make Friends. — Richelieu. — 
 His Origin and Appearance. — His Instincts are Soldierly. — His 
 Duplicity proved by his Memoirs. — His Early Career. — Bdrulle. — 
 He founds the Oratorio. — Combines with Arnoux to work for 
 Spain. — La Vieuville. — He recalls Richelieu. — Combined Action 
 against de Luynes. — De Luynes dismisses Arnoux and dies. — 
 Spain and Austria devastate Protestant Germany. — La Valteline 
 revolts and joins Spain. — Venice and Savoy cry to France. — La 
 Vieuville makes a Treaty of Alliance with them. 
 
 The assassination of Concino Concini, Marechal d'Ancre, 
 
 favourite-in-chief to Marie de Medicis, Queen-Regent 
 
 and mother of Louis XIII., was successfully accomplished 
 
 at the gate of the Louvre on April 24th, in the year 
 
 1617. By this blow the young King was reheved at 
 
 once from the hateful domination of his mother and of 
 
 the Italian ; moreover, from the perpetual fear in which 
 
 212 
 
Arnoux, B^rulle^ and Richelieu 213 
 
 he stood of losing his own life, so that he might be 
 supplanted by his younger brother Gaston, or Monsieur, 
 to give the child his proper title — the heir to the 
 throne. 
 
 The conspiracy to attain this condition of things, 
 with a view to a longer continuation of the Regency, 
 being now happily knocked on the head, and the body of 
 Concini having being duly burned in expiation before 
 the statue of Henri IV., there was a little breathing- 
 space in Paris, and things for a time seemed to go 
 more comfortably — at any rate, they did so for young 
 Louis XIII. His mother being banished to Blois, he 
 was now his own master. It is true he always did what 
 de Luynes suggested to him ; but was not that successful 
 conspirator his saviour — moreover, the sweetest-mannered 
 of men ? Thus, when his chief instructor in the noble 
 art of hawking became the chief man in the kingdom of 
 France, having taken for himself all the immense wealth 
 that the defunct Concini and his beheaded wife left 
 behind them, the boy King did not find his rule a 
 heavy one. De Luynes, while doing as he liked him- 
 self, was — for some years, at all events — by no means a 
 hard taskmaster, and allowed the juvenile Louis to do 
 pretty well as he chose. The Head Falconer was not 
 a man of great capacity ; he had no exalted views of the 
 destiny either of the monarchy or of France. On the 
 contrary, so long as de Luynes himself and his brothers 
 could roll in riches and make great marriages, while at 
 the same time keeping friends with Spain, he did not 
 trouble himself much about the burning question of the 
 day — such as the guilt, or the contrary, of Marie de 
 Medicis and the Due d'Epernon in the matter of the 
 
214 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 assassination of Henri IV. He even protected the 
 Queen-mother from a friend of his own and the King. 
 This was the celebrated Capuchin Travail, who had 
 assisted in the matter of the death of Concini, for which 
 he had been promised the archbishopric of Bourges. 
 When the reverend father, full of bitterness against 
 the Queen-mother, openly declared that he would 
 now " arrange matters so that she should be torn to 
 pieces by the mob," de Luynes seized him, and, 
 instead of rewarding him, had him broken alive on 
 the wheel. 
 
 So far as the case against the Queen-mother and 
 her chief supporter d'Epernon went, the former displayed 
 the most abject condition of fear as soon as de Luynes 
 had arrested a lady named du Tillet, an ex-mistress 
 of d'Epernon. This woman had been some time pre- 
 viously placed by d'Epernon in the same cell with the 
 unhappy lady d'Escoman, to find out if possible how 
 much she knew of the plot against the life of Henri IV. 
 Upon this arrest being made, the Queen wrote piteously 
 from Blois, saying that she "would disclose all her 
 counsellors and their advice if she were released." But 
 de Luynes, instead of proceeding further in the matter, 
 caused a decree to be issued to the effect that, owing 
 to the high rank of those accused, all proceedings should 
 be stopped. Thus the miserable Mademoiselle d'Escoman 
 remained lying naked, starving, in a bricked-in chamber 
 in a courtyard, as sole reward for her noble endeavours 
 to save the King ; and there was never any further 
 attempt at the prosecution of the assassins. De Luynes 
 evidently feared that some day the Queen-mother might 
 return to favour, and thus timidly did not choose to 
 
Arnoux, B^rulle, and Richelieu 215 
 
 proceed too far ; in fact, he feared ofFending Spain, the 
 intimate friend of Marie de M6dicis. To keep d'Epernon 
 in order, the soldier Dujardin Lagarde, who had warned 
 Henri IV. of the plot, was still paid a pension, 
 although forced to stay in prison, the King fearing that, 
 were he set at liberty, he might be assassinated. 
 
 From Spain, perhaps owing to the gende manner in 
 which he treated the Queen-mother, de Luynes received 
 nothing but benefits. Among others, his youngest 
 brother, Cadenet, who became Due de Chaulnes, was 
 given the richest heiress of the epoch in marriage by 
 the Spanish Infanta at Brussels — an heiress who had 
 been brought up with the Infanta herself. This young 
 lady was a Demoiselle de Piquigny, of a noble family in 
 Picardy. Previous to this marriage the Prince de Conde 
 while in prison had promised his own sister, Eleonore de 
 Bourbon, to de Luynes for his brother Cadenet. This 
 Princess of the Royal Blood was the widow of Philip 
 Duke of Orange. When, however, by de Luynes 
 action, Conde was eventually released, either the Prince 
 himself backed out of this promise, or else his sister 
 refused to marry a young man so far beneath her in birth. 
 Accordingly the offer made by the Archduke Albert, 
 who ruled over the Low Countries, of the hand of this 
 great heiress came as a very agreeable salve to wounded 
 feelings. 
 
 Albert de Luynes selected as his own spouse a 
 charming and witty, as well as beautiful, daughter of a 
 very noble family. She was Marie de Rohan, daughter 
 of the Due de Montbazon, whose personal title of 
 Duchesse de Chevreuse was so frequently heard a few 
 years later, in connection with her numerous intrigues, 
 
2i6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 political and otherwise. In an age of freedom and 
 flirtation the libertine Duchesse de Chevreuse was 
 probably the greatest flirt of the day. Immediately 
 after her first marriage she commenced to exercise her 
 
 o 
 
 wiles upon Louis XIII. himself. The King was, how- 
 ever, alarmed and disgusted, and hung back from her 
 too readily extended arms. 
 
 Owing to the general situation of affairs, de Luynes 
 was unable to do without the friendship of the Jesuits ; 
 yet he preferred that the young King should no longer 
 have imposed upon him as confessor that Father Cotton 
 who had been confessor to his father Henri de Navarre, 
 and who, to all appearances, had been for long privy to 
 the murder-plot. He was accordingly sent packing, 
 and a new Jesuit priest, one Father Arnoux, brought in 
 to replace him. Cotton had in his time striven in vain 
 to oust Henri's faithful Finance Minister, Sully — the 
 Protestant who did so much for France under the 
 Navarrese King. Although he had utterly failed in this, 
 the Spanish party of the Queen and Concini had still 
 contrived to retain him in his position when his efforts 
 to displace Sully had been realised. 
 
 Now, however, Spanish influences, working upon those 
 in power at the Court, were all in favour of keeping 
 France employed at home — in a civil war, if possible — 
 so that the great combined war of Spain and Austria 
 for the devastation of Protestant Germany might be 
 prosecuted without molestation from France. This war, 
 the Thirty Years' War, was just at the starting-point, 
 when it was recognised that what was now needed was 
 a Jesuit priest, bold enough, violent enough, warhke 
 enough, to keep the King of France actively and entirely 
 
Arnoux, Berulle, and Richelieu 217 
 
 occupied with fighting his own people, persecuting his 
 own Protestants at home. This man was found in 
 Father Arnoux. 
 
 The influence of the Jesuits was felt in every one 
 of the religious houses, and these were increasing most 
 enormously at this period. The women of many of 
 the convents had access to many of the women of 
 society ; and, indeed, both men and women of society 
 visited at the convents. Whenever a political string 
 had to be pulled, it was drawn, at this period, through 
 the almost endless vista of religious houses, and extended 
 through their occupants, male and female. Thus was 
 started, in the time of Father Arnoux, the word for 
 the universal and continued persecution and irritation 
 of the Huguenots. This caused the desired effect, in 
 time, of a civil war at home. Thus France had her 
 hands quite full ; while Spain and Austria were left a 
 free hand elsewhere for the dismemberment of Europe, 
 the wholesale slaughter of hundreds of thousands, the 
 destruction of many thousands of homes, the robbery 
 under arms, amid bloodshed and conflagration, of every- 
 thing, to the last farthing, from vast Protestant popula- 
 tions, who were left to starve in misery. 
 
 The means of persecution of the Huguenots at 
 this period consisted in the repeated denial to them of 
 all the rights which had been granted by the Edict 
 of Nantes. Soon there was no justice whatever for 
 the Protestant. Even the so-called mixed assemblies 
 for settlement of Huguenot affairs had eliminated from 
 them the Huguenot element. Protestants were judged 
 by hostile Catholic judges, Protestant worship and 
 Psalm-singing were prohibited. Again, the people were 
 
2i8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 raised up 'by priestly influences everywhere to pretend 
 alarm and to declare affrightedly that the Hugue- 
 nots were arming to slay them. This led to riotous 
 attacks upon and murders of Huguenots, who, though 
 long-suffering in the extreme, were at length driven 
 in certain places to arm for self-defence. This was 
 exactly what was wanted by their tireless persecutors. 
 At length scarcely a Protestant funeral was allowed 
 without the coffin and its bearers being stoned, and 
 even the corpse torn from the ground after interment 
 and dragged around the streets by yelling boys and 
 girls, while older people looked on encouragingly or 
 assisted at the sacrilege. Even an Englishman, a 
 Protestant resident in France, was himself compelled to 
 bury his young daughter by night in a secret place to 
 avoid the desecration of her coffin. 
 
 The misplaced faith which the unhappy Huguenots at 
 this period repeatedly placed in their own leaders, and 
 through them in the King, would have been amusing, 
 were it not pathetic. All of their leaders, excepting 
 Rohan, the son-in-law of Sully, proved traitors. La 
 Force in Beam was a traitor, Lesdiguieres as well. Even 
 Chatillon, the grandson of the famous Admiral Coligny, 
 who was murdered for his religion at the Massacre of 
 St. Bartholomew, wilfully deceived those who trusted in 
 him, while making terms at Court for himself. As for 
 Conde — the so-called Prince of Conde — this man was 
 always a traitor to every one. It was this son of a Gascon 
 page who was responsible for first luring the Huguenots 
 to destruction, by conveying to them, through foolish, 
 honest old Plessis de Mornay, the King's lying, but not 
 written, promise of speedy redress of their grievances, and 
 
Arnoux, BeruIIe, and Richelieu 219 
 
 then himself denouncing them in the Parliament as being 
 worthy of condign punishment. 
 
 Strange, indeed, was the young King's method of 
 redressing the grievances of the Huguenots. While they, 
 relying upon his kingly word, made no opposition to his 
 progress, he marched with an army to Protestant Beam, 
 whence came his putative father, Henri de Navarre. 
 When he arrived with his army in this Basque province, 
 the warlike people of which could easily have combined for 
 resistance, had they not believed the King's promise given 
 through Conde, what do we find the young King's actions 
 to be .? First, having issued an edict that in future French, 
 not the Basque language, should be used, all the people 
 were ordered to become Catholics. In addition to the men 
 being vilely ill-treated, all women who were about to 
 become mothers were driven by the soldiers with sticks 
 to the churches, which were turned into Cathohc 
 churches, and there not only were they forced to abjure 
 their faith, but to vow solemnly to bring up their 
 expected offspring as Catholics. Meanwhile, the King's 
 Catholic soldiers outraged the other women of Beam, and 
 then, if their husbands or fathers resented the atrocity, 
 killed the men ! No cry for pity or mercy was listened to 
 by the young Louis XIII. The taking away wholesale ot 
 property from Protestants to be given to Catholics was 
 another abomination which was perpetrated. No wonder 
 that the plans of Spain and Austria worked well ! There 
 soon was, indeed, a civil war in the land of France. 
 
 But now we must return for a while to the Queen- 
 mother, Marie de Medicis; for this is the point in the 
 proceedings of the time where she seems most naturally 
 to fit in once more. 
 
220 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Surely not one of those who have surveyed the 
 numerous presentments of this fair lady's portly charms 
 upon the canvases of the Louvre would ever have 
 imagined her capable of descending by a rope, or the 
 very roughest kind of a ladder, the walls of a tower 
 one hundred feet high. This is nevertheless what she 
 did at Blois, after sticking for a time in a window 
 however ; being with infinite difficulty lowered from the 
 last terrace, tied up in a cloak ; for Marie utterly lost 
 her nerve in the perilous descent. After her escape, 
 being joined by d'Epernon and some forces, she took 
 the field against her son. The foolish Huguenots, still 
 without arming, sent her messages of congratulation upon 
 her safety, and proposed to help her. 
 
 Meanwhile, her son's troops defeated her outside the 
 gates of Angers. Through the good offices of her 
 minister, the " Oratorien " Father Berulle, friendship 
 was at once established all round. It was a case of 
 " kiss and make friends " between mother and son ; 
 and then they agreed to let loose their combined armies 
 upon the Huguenots, the Jesuit Arnoux and the Oratorien 
 Berulle agreeing upon this step. This was in 1619, 
 and Richelieu was elsewhere at the time : he had some 
 time previously come under the familiar notice of the 
 Queen-mother, and had been her minister before her 
 banishment to Blois. 
 
 It would be as well were we now to give a sketch 
 of the early career of this great minister, who became 
 the famous and powerful Cardinal familiar to readers 
 of history. 
 
 Armand Jean du Plessis de Richelieu was the grand- 
 son of that Provost of France of Henri III, who, after 
 
From a cun/ciiiporarv engraving 
 
 ARMAND DU I'LESSIS, CARDINAL DE RICHELIEU 
 
 [To face />. juo 
 
Arnoux, BeruIIe, and Richelieu 221 
 
 Henri de Guise had been assassinated, burned his body 
 in the courtyard, and caused the ashes to be thrown into 
 the river. He was a man of a hard, bitter temperament, 
 almost sinister in his aspect, certainly so in his ways ; 
 but in his young days he was by no means ill-looking. 
 Perhaps it was the look of budding genius shining 
 through his already determined — or shall we say cunning ^ 
 — features which attracted the widow of Henri IV. Who 
 knows ? At all events, she was first attracted to him by 
 his good looks. He was twenty years her junior, when, 
 having lost her Concini, and being tired of the still 
 handsome Bellegarde, she was in want of some new 
 object upon which to shower her middle-aged affections. 
 
 Richelieu was one of three sons, and was born in 
 Paris in 1585. His eldest brother had employed all the 
 family means in buying himself a place about the Court, 
 where he gambled and drank until killed in a duel. His 
 second brother became Bishop of Lu^on ; and Richelieu 
 himself, who had become a great scholar, having no other 
 career open to him, also entered Holy Orders. He 
 would not have done so if he could have helped it ; 
 but what other course had he open to him ? It is 
 quite evident that he had really all the instincts of a 
 soldier rather than those of a priest. But his brother 
 at the Court was the soldier and swaggerer ; therefore 
 the two younger sons perforce had to be priests. How 
 his brother, in those days of buying places, obtained 
 the bishopric of Lugon, and did so no doubt at a very 
 early age, is not certainly known ; but fortunately for 
 Richelieu, when his brother joined a monastery of 
 Carthusian monks, he managed in 1607 to hand over his 
 bishopric of Lu^on to his younger brother. However, 
 
222 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the opposition of his soldierly instincts and his priestly 
 robe was no doubt the ffreat cause of Richelieu's success- 
 ful career ; this stirred up in him all his bad temper 
 and the determination that it engendered, and it was this 
 determination which so often made him go in for neck 
 or nothing. Of the milk of human kindness Richelieu 
 had next to none. Courage he had, and also perversity, 
 great resistance, great ideas, and great duplicity. In 
 nothing is his duplicity more evident than in his 
 own memoirs, written so evidently for posterity. For 
 Richelieu to pretend that his poHcy was always anti- 
 Spanish, and as a consequence anti-Papal, is absurd. To 
 the meanest intelligence it is evident that he could never 
 have made his debut in politics under Concini and 
 Marie de Medicis, with d'Epernon thrown in, without 
 having been at first a Spaniard of the Spaniards, like the 
 rest of the crew. When, after a time, the fact of his 
 anti-Spanish policy had become patent to all, he thought 
 it just as well to pose before the world, upon leaving it, 
 as always having had only one policy. But where is the 
 politician nowadays who would not, if he could, forget 
 a great many of his earlier flights ? Unfortunately 
 the newspapers preserve the earlier speeches in this 
 epoch. In the days of Richelieu there were no news- 
 papers — no reporters. 
 
 When the Queen-Regent first took a fancy to 
 Richelieu, she appointed him as her Almoner : this 
 happened in the year 1616. But she did not leave 
 him there. He had several other posts, including 
 one of ambassador to Spain in the early part of the 
 same year. He did not go to Spain, and therefore 
 was able to take, in addition to his other posts, those 
 
Arnoux, BeruIIe, and Richelieu 223 
 
 of Minister of War and Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 Then the Queen made him President of the Council 
 of Ministers, even over the head of Villeroy, an old 
 minister of the days of Henri IV. Nevertheless, 
 Richelieu was preferred before him. This was certainly 
 pretty rapid advancement for a young man. 
 
 When Concini was murdered, and Marie de Medicis 
 was sent off by de Luynes to Blois, our young minister 
 asked permission to follow her out of Paris, so that 
 he might be at hand to counsel her in her adversity. 
 Readily did de Luynes accord the desired permission for 
 absence — only he very plainly suggested that he con- 
 sidered the air of Avignon, a few hundred miles farther 
 south, more likely to agree with the Bishop of Lu^on 
 than the more chilly atmosphere of Blois. 
 
 Thus her Majesty was deprived for a considerable 
 period of the pleasure of the society of Richelieu, who, 
 during that time, was able to employ himself with 
 nothing more interesting than polemical writings against 
 the Protestants. In the meantime Marie de Medicis 
 had her Berulle — the founder of the Congregation of 
 the Oratorio, or Oratory. A most excellently natured 
 man in many ways was Berulle, but an egregious fool, 
 since he it was who was responsible for the fatal war 
 against the small Protestant republic of La Rochelle. 
 La Rochelle really amounted to a republic of self- 
 governing French mariners, who might and should 
 have been employed to fight for France against Spain. 
 Richelieu pretended, just to keep up his own credit, 
 that he went willingly into this war against La Rochelle, 
 when at last he had been absolutely forced into it by 
 circumstances and by Berulle, entirely against his own 
 
224 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 judgment and his evident intentions. At present, how- 
 ever, we must see how he came back into the ministry 
 — or we should perhaps say into any ministry — and 
 how, having been brought back into power, he behaved 
 towards those who brought him there. 
 
 When this worthy priest Berulle was young, he 
 was a friend of everybody — notably of de Luynes, of 
 the Oueen-mother, and also of St. Francois de Sales 
 and the Jesuits ; he was, in addition, the friend and 
 confessor of d'Epernon. It was in the time of 
 Henri IV., during the exile of the Jesuits, that he, so 
 to speak, outclassed them at their own game, by founding 
 that institution which he called the Oratorio. It was 
 an ecclesiastical institution which, while being artistic 
 and musical, was not monastical. It was established on 
 lines independent from Roman surveillance and subjec- 
 tion. This Oratorio became very soon immensely 
 popular among the French priesthood and bishophood, 
 if such a word may be allowed, and there were soon 
 from fifty to a hundred houses of the Oratorio in 
 existence. Berulle, who was a great converter of women, 
 soon contrived to divide up and win over to his own 
 order many of the religious female houses which had 
 previously been devoted to the Jesuits ; but the affair 
 seems to have been amicably arranged between the 
 sects after a squabble of considerable intensity. 
 
 After Berulle had arranged the peace between Marie 
 de Medicis and her son, he and Father Arnoux had 
 but one sole idea in their hearts — namely, to work 
 with Spain and to begin the siege of La Rochelle. And, 
 willy-nilly, at the instigation of the Breton soldier 
 La Vieuville, now become a leading minister, they 
 
Arnoux, Berulle, and Richelieu 225 
 
 dragged Richelieu out of his retirement and back to 
 the Court, that he might help in this noble piece of 
 Catholic work. It was felt that his help would soon 
 be wanted to undermine de Luynes, as the Favourite 
 evidently was going too fast. Indeed, he went faster 
 than he expected ; since, by dragging the King off to 
 the siege of Montauban, he exposed him to a severe 
 defeat at the hands of the Protestants. As Louis had 
 already commenced to show impatience of his control, it 
 is probable that for this mischance the favourite would 
 never have been forgiven, had he not himself almost 
 immediately died from the effects of exposure — not, 
 however, until he had lived long enough to send 
 Arnoux about his business, when he suspected him 
 rightly of trying to undermine his influence. 
 
 In the meantime, before joining the Council of 
 Ministers once more, Richelieu, to his unbounded 
 delight, succeeded in getting himself made a Cardinal. 
 So delighted was he when he first learned that his 
 Cardinal's hat had been granted him, which was at 
 Lyons in 1622, that he danced about the room like a 
 young schoolgirl. This was the first and the last time 
 in his career that Cardinal Richelieu ever allowed himself 
 to unbend before witnesses. Three minutes after he had 
 become Cardinal he regained his composure and assumed 
 his Cardinalian dignity — so much so that he even in- 
 formed those who had witnessed his ebullition of joy that, 
 if they would preserve their heads, they would be wise 
 to keep their tongues quiet about this little outbreak. 
 
 Before Richelieu's return to office La Vieuville had 
 assumed the reins of government, and the state of 
 afli^airs in Europe was as follows. 
 
 15 
 
226 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 While France was wearing herself out in a most 
 unnecessary and foolish civil war, all of the Germanic 
 Protestant States were being swept by the Spaniard and 
 the Austrian. They, with their ally the Bavarian, 
 already held the whole of the Rhine along the French 
 frontier from Strasbourg to Holland, while elsewhere 
 a small slice of European territory had changed hands 
 with serious results. A small but important district 
 to the north of Italy was a valley of the Alps which 
 ran from near Milan up to the Tyrol. This valley, 
 with its adjacent heights, was called La Valteline, and 
 it was subject to the Protestant Swiss Confederation of 
 Les Grisons, the allies of France. The inhabitants, 
 however, revolted, and gave themselves to the Spaniards 
 of Milan. Henceforth there was accordingly absolutely 
 free communication between the Spaniards in Italy and 
 their Austrian cousins to the north. 
 
 The result of this was that Italy, especially Venice, 
 was immediately in the death-grips like Germany, for 
 she was being throttled. No wonder that a despairing 
 cry came from Venice and Savoy to France for assistance. 
 Even before the coming of Richelieu that brave soldier 
 La Vieuville dared to give this assistance, though it 
 was dead against the national policy. On February 
 7th, 1623, he signed a treaty with Savoy and Venice, 
 promising to each twenty thousand men, if they, for 
 their part, would put twelve thousand men apiece in 
 the field. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 
 
 1624 — 1628 
 
 The So-called Policy of Richelieu. — La \*ieuville's Policy. — Richelieu 
 follows it. — Henriette Maria of France made the Means of so 
 doing. — The Duke of Buckingham. — His Libertinism in Madrid. — 
 A Maid under the Mantilla. — Aspirations to Catholicise England. — 
 The Pope plays Berulle. — The Pope possesses himself of \'alteline 
 Forts. — Richelieu persuades Louis the Pope practically despises 
 him. — An Ambassador with an Army. — D'Estrees drives out Papal 
 Forces. — Strange Stipulations of Henriette's IMarriage Contract. — 
 Buckingham plays the Beau in France. — The Loves of Buckingham 
 and Anne of Austria. ^Duchesse de Chevreuse their Go-between. — 
 The Man in the Iron Mask their Son. — The Young Queen's Mal- 
 practices. — Richelieu the Lo\-er of T-\\o Queens. — Richelieu and 
 his Niece. — The Queens join in a Plot to murder the Minister. — 
 Monsieur one of the Would-be Murderers. — Death of Chalais. — 
 Banishment of La Chevreuse. — Queen Anne condemned to Female 
 Society only. — Folly of Henriette in England. — Berulle's Belligerent 
 Desires batfled by Richelieu. — The Cardinal dons the Sword. — 
 Siege of Rochelle. — Buckingham a Traitor. — The Women driven 
 out of Rochelle. — Their Sad Fate. — Fall of Rochelle a Blow to 
 France. — The Expense of the Siege cripples Richelieu. — It com- 
 pels him to disband many Necessary Regiments. 
 
 The irony of fate is o^reat ! Who would have thouo-ht 
 that the so-called policy of Richelieu — that new policy 
 of France by which, for the first time for years and 
 years, Spain was thwarted and the Papacy combated — 
 was not the policy of Richelieu at all, but that of another 
 
 man, and this man the Breton soldier La Vieuville ? It 
 
 227 
 
228 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 is certainly not the readers of the memoirs of Richelieu 
 who would have suspected anything of the sort ; but 
 it is nevertheless true, and there is plenty of evidence, 
 if required. RicheHeu meanly strove to take to himself 
 another man's merits, and that man he who called him 
 to office in April, 1624, Richelieu showing his gratitude 
 by kicking out La Vieuville in August of the same 
 year. The irony of fate, with regard to the commence- 
 ment of this " policy of Richelieu," is all the more 
 remarkable if we consider for what purpose it was that 
 La Vieuville — the one straightforward, although, alas ! 
 not strong, man of his time — persuaded the Jesuit 
 Arnoux and the Oratorien Berulle to call back to the 
 ministry this friend of Marie de Medicis. It was 
 merely as a concession to the Queen-mother, to Arnoux, 
 and to Berulle, who were fighting against him, that 
 La Vieuville demanded the recall of a man of whom 
 the Spanish Ambassador had said, " There are not 
 two in France so zealous for the service of God, for 
 our crown, and for the general good " ! 
 
 La Vieuville's policy was that of the late King 
 Henri IV. He wished to give Henriette Maria, the young 
 sister of Louis XIII. , in marriage to Charles, the son 
 of James I. of England ; he wished to form an alliance 
 with James, in order to reinstate that monarch's son- 
 in-law, the Elector Palatine, who had been ousted from 
 his possessions ; he wished to thwart Spain, to humble 
 Austria. The civil war with the Huguenots he would 
 have stayed, in order that France might become strong 
 once more under a united banner, not a mere fluttering 
 rag tearing itself to pieces. 
 
 That this laudable object might be accomplished, 
 
RichelieUt Buckingham^ La Rochellc 229 
 
 the excellent and unsuspicious La Vieuville, as a sop to 
 keep his adversaries of the Spanish party quiet while he 
 worked his own will and gave help to Savoy and to Venice, 
 made a present to those adversaries of the supposed 
 tool of Spain and of Concini : a present of — Richelieu ! 
 And then, what is the wonderful transformation that 
 we see ? Lo ! and behold, this man of Spain adopts 
 all of La Vieuville's ideas — adopts them with greater 
 intensity even than that worthy Breton soldier had 
 formulated them for himself. Only he becomes the 
 enemy of the originator of those ideas. He with his 
 own strength soon puts him with his weakness out of 
 the ministry, even contrives that he shall be imprisoned ; 
 he takes his place and his policy — a policy to be called 
 for ever after, forsooth, " The policy of Richelieu " ! 
 
 But how was he, the newly made Cardinal, of all 
 men, to be able to initiate, still more to carry out, against 
 the Queen-mother and Berulle, such a radical reversal 
 of the policy of France as to oppose Spain, and with 
 Spain the Pope, who was at this time behind Spain ? 
 There was only one way of doing it : through the 
 ambition of Marie de Medicis for her daughter Henriette ; 
 again through the vanity of the old fool Berulle, who 
 would naturally feel his own glory greatly enhanced, if he, 
 the moderate Oratorien, could accomplish by his policy 
 what the violent Jesuits had failed to achieve — namely, 
 the conversion of Protestant England. Therefore this 
 is how Richelieu took his opponents. All would, how- 
 ever, have been useless had it not been for the pro- 
 ceedings in Spain of that egregious coxcomb and rake 
 the young Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 James L of England, as is well known, was for a 
 
230 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 time on such good terms with the Papacy and with 
 Spain that he actually proposed to marry his son, 
 afterwards Charles I., to the Infanta. Accordingly, 
 Spain being only too willing to form the alliance, the 
 Prince of Wales, Charles, was sent to Madrid, accom- 
 panied by Buckingham, in order to make the acquaint- 
 ance of his future bride. Here all went merry as a 
 marriage bell for a time — fetes, balls, parties, being 
 the order of the day. And the marriage would 
 undoubtedly have taken place in due course, and the 
 whole history of the continent of Europe would have 
 been changed, had it not been for the action of that 
 giddy libertine the Duke of Buckingham. Not content 
 with more easy conquests among the amiable ladies of 
 the Spanish Court, of which there seem to have been 
 no lack, he took it into his flighty head to make violent 
 love to the wife of Olivares, the first minister of Spain. 
 Whether it was the action of the exalted lady herself, 
 or whether it was a farce played by her husband, is not 
 apparent, but the fact remains that the coxcomb had 
 administered to him a most tremendous rebuff^. Hurrying, 
 as he thought, to an assignation of love with the beautiful 
 wife of the powerful minister, what does the envoy of 
 King James discover, upon impatiently snatching away 
 the mantilla which conceals the lady's face P Not, 
 alas ! the proud features of his haughty inamorata, but 
 the humble visage of one of the meanest of her maids. 
 Furious at what he was pleased to consider a deadly 
 aflront, Buckingham instantly broke off all negotiations 
 for the royal marriage, and forthwith hurried the young 
 Prince out of the country. 
 
 This circumstance made a marriage between Henriette 
 
Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 231 
 
 of France and this same Prince now a possibility, 
 although it would give umbrage to Spain, who really 
 had greatly desired the English alliance. Nevertheless, 
 the fancied glory of being able to Catholicise England 
 was too much for BeruUe. Louis XIIL and the Queen- 
 mother were both of the same opinion as he. The 
 only difficulty seemed to be how to obtain the Pope's 
 dispensation for a union with the Protestant Prince, 
 especially considering the political situation at the 
 moment. Berulle said that he would go off to Rome and 
 see the Pope ; he flattered himself that he could arrange 
 it easily. It did not, however, prove by any means such 
 an easy matter as he anticipated. The Pope put Berulle 
 off for months, until the worthy man almost wept from 
 pique and disappointment. And in the meantime, to 
 make matters worse for France, the Pope with his troops 
 took over from the Spaniards possession of the forts of 
 the Valteline, garrisoned them strongly, and absolutely 
 declined to give them back to Les Grisons, the ally of 
 France, Despite all the urgent instances of the French 
 Court, Urban VIIL made a thousand excuses for not 
 being able to oblige France in the one matter any more 
 than in the other. The cause of all this resistance 
 was really to be found in the insistent pressure brought 
 to bear upon the Pope by his rich Florentine nephews, 
 the Barberini, who had an eye on the Dukedom of 
 Urbino, of which principality they wanted to regain the 
 fief from the Papacy. To effect this, they wished for 
 the favour of the Spaniards, and were thus not willingly 
 going to offend them by allowing his Holiness, their 
 uncle, to fall in with the opposing views of France. 
 It was hard for a minister of France, Cardinal though 
 
232 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 he might be, to pit himself against the Pope ; for the 
 chances were not ten but a thousand to one against 
 the clergy following him ; and in those days the clergy 
 were more omnipotent than even the nobles themselves. 
 But by negotiations which Richelieu successfully made 
 with the Sultan of Turkey, by which the establishment 
 of the Christian Church was allowed in Jerusalem, he 
 obtained an enormous prestige. Moreover, he established 
 the very warmest relations with the English Catholics. 
 Thus he obtained a very strong priestly backing ; and, 
 in addition, he was clever enough to stir up the 
 young King almost to boiling point by showing 
 Louis XIII. that the Pope was utterly disregarding 
 him — in fact, treating him like a person who was not 
 worth the slightest consideration. 
 
 From the moment that the King felt that his precious 
 *' honour of the crown " was at stake, he was with 
 Richeheu hand and glove ; and the minister felt, for 
 the time at all events, that he could brave the Pope 
 with impunity. Without delay he sent off as ambassador 
 to Switzerland d'Estrees, the brother of Gabrielle, who 
 took with him a large amount of money for distribu- 
 tion. All Switzerland at once rose for France ; and 
 three thousand French troops appearing opportunely, 
 d'Estrees put on a soldier's jacket, and led them Into 
 the passes of the Valteline, where the Papal forces 
 pusillanimously quitted the forts at his first appearance. 
 There was one little battle ; the Pope's troops were 
 defeated and mostly captured, and then the Valteline 
 was once more in the hands of France, to give back to 
 Les Grisons if she so chose. 
 
 Urban VIII. was for a time utterly terrified ; he 
 
Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 233 
 
 expected to see an advance on Rome ; but after a while, 
 seeing no danger approaching, he sent a legate to Paris 
 to demand an explanation and an apology at the very 
 least. 
 
 Meanwhile, before the arrival of the legate, the Pope 
 and Berulle the Oratorien between them had settled 
 the matter of the marriage with the son of James I. of 
 England, and tied him hard and fast with almost 
 impossible conditions — conditions, indeed, which ought 
 never to have been listened to for a moment in a 
 Protestant country. They were not only hateful, but 
 ridiculous, and helped from the very outset to shake 
 the stability of the Stuarts' throne ; for the hatred of 
 the Papacy was at this time excessive in England, far 
 more so than the French and Papal ministers had any 
 idea of. To demand — a demand which was enforced — 
 that the young Queen Henriette should bring with her 
 a bishop and a number of clergy and nuns, who were 
 to be allowed to parade the streets of London in their 
 religious costumes, was a foolish action, for it was cal- 
 culated to make the French alliance unpopular from its 
 inception. 
 
 Another excessively foolish stipulation of the mar- 
 riage contract the young Queen herself was instructed 
 to demand. This was no less a favour than that 
 the English Catholics should, after her marriage, be 
 exempted from swearing the oath of allegiance. This 
 article was calculated to help Charles L well upon 
 his way towards the scaffold ! Before the marriage 
 took place, however, the Duke of Buckingham came 
 to Paris in the same manner as he had previously 
 visited Spain — only this time he came unaccompanied 
 
234 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 by the Prince of Wales ; and soon there were " high 
 jinks" at the Court of France. For the handsome 
 young Spanish Queen of Louis XIII. , Anne of Austria, 
 fell in love with the magnificent Buckingham from the 
 very second that she first cast her eyes upon him ; and 
 it is not to be supposed that the ex-adorer of Madame 
 Olivares could remember that lady long enough not to 
 be able at a moment's notice to reciprocate the flame 
 which he had kindled in another breast, and that the 
 breast of the prettiest and highest Queen in all Europe. 
 
 The vicious Duchesse de Chevreuse, who after 
 the death of her husband, de Luynes, had married 
 the Prince de Joinville, one of the Guise family, favoured 
 the amours of the Oueen and Buckingham, and con- 
 trived various opportunities for their secret meetings ; 
 but they behaved so indiscreetly, even in public, that 
 the secret was soon no secret at all. It was said, and 
 generally believed, that the famous " Man in the Iron 
 Mask," who was confined for life in the Bastille, was 
 the elder brother of Louis XIV., being in truth the 
 son of Anne of Austria by the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 While upon the subject of Buckingham and Anne 
 of Austria, a few words about this Infanta of Spain 
 may not be out of place. She was really an excessively 
 pretty woman, although her face is described as having 
 been somewhat characterless, owing to her retrousse nose. 
 Her skin was of a dazzling whiteness, and she was 
 in her youth of an excessively lively disposition, 
 inclined to treat everything as a joke and a cause for 
 rippling laughter. What, however, she found to laugh 
 at did not always bring the smile to other faces, 
 notably to those of the Court of Spain. There the 
 
Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 235 
 
 news of the arrival of an heir to the throne of France 
 would have been the most welcome tidings. These, 
 however, were tidings they had to wait many a year 
 to receive, owing to the malpractices of the Duchesse 
 de Chevreuse. This lady, who was perversity personified, 
 had hitherto instructed the Queen of France in evil 
 and pernicious arts, by which, whenever an heir to the 
 throne was expected, a budding life was destroyed. 
 Under the fostering care of the wicked and gay young 
 Duchesse de Chevreuse, Anne of Austria seems, indeed, 
 to have early developed into a thoroughly unprincipled 
 flirt, one who cared for neither her own honour nor 
 that of her husband. 
 
 As for Louis XIIL, if he found himself neglected, he 
 only had himself to blame ; for, from her first appearance 
 at his Court as a child-queen, he had never paid much 
 attention to Anne of Austria. It is true he did not, 
 after the fashion of those times, run after other women 
 and publicly exhibit himself with one mistress after 
 another ; he was, on the contrary, austere in his habits. 
 Still, the young Queen did not readily forgive the 
 three years of absolute neglect to which she was treated 
 after her first arrival at the Louvre. Thus her escapade 
 with the Duke of Buckingham, of which the King 
 could not but become aware, was but one of many of 
 less notoriety — that is, until the time of Cardinal Mazarin. 
 As for the rumour that Richelieu himself was once in 
 love with her, and attempted to make up to her, there 
 was apparently some truth in it ; but it was only for 
 a short time in 1631. Richelieu had commenced his 
 career by being one of the beloved ones of the Queen- 
 mother, Marie de Medicis. After he ceased to be her 
 
236 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 lover, he never again for long paid any attention to, or 
 took interest in, any other woman save his own niece, 
 who kept house for him. This young lady was a widow, 
 Madame de Combalet ; and although she twice took 
 the vows of the Carmelite Order, Richelieu himself it 
 was who obtained from the Pope, through the inter- 
 cession of the Ambassador of France, an interdict to 
 prevent her from ever entering any convent. She 
 therefore remained with him until his death ; and, though 
 always modest and humble in her behaviour at Court, 
 had to suffer many a bitter word and gibe from the 
 two Oueens. Just before his death the great Cardinal 
 gave her a fortune and a title — that of Duchesse 
 d'Aiguillon. 
 
 The mention of the two Queens here brings to 
 mind a powerful conspiracy entered into by them, 
 which had for its object the murder of Richelieu. The 
 Duchesse de Chevreuse, through the young Henri de 
 Talleyrand, Prince de Chalais, her lover for the moment, 
 seems to have acted as the keystone of the whole affair. 
 But the list of names of those implicated is appalling. 
 They included Monsieur, the brother of the King ; two 
 of the Princes — that is, Vendome and another of the 
 legitimatised sons of Henri IV. ; also the Comte de 
 Soissons, in whom Richelieu had hitherto put the greatest 
 trust; and the Due de Longueville. 
 
 The chances are that, had Richelieu been murdered 
 as arranged, at an apparently improvised dinner party, 
 to which all these notables suddenly invited themselves 
 at his house, the death of the King would probably 
 soon have followed that of his minister. For Anne of 
 Austria was flirting now with his brother Gaston — 
 
Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 237 
 
 Monsieur — and she had told him pointedly not to allow 
 himself to be married off by the King to one of the 
 richest heiresses of the Guise family. The plain 
 inference was that, after the death of Louis XI IL, 
 Anne intended to marry his brother. He, at all events, 
 understood it so himself. The whole plot failed, owing 
 to de Chalais having informed a friend of it. This friend 
 declared straight out that he would go to the King and 
 Richelieu at once unless the Prince himself should disclose 
 the conspiracy. This de Chalais accordingly did. He 
 was eventually the only one to pay the death penalty ; but 
 the Duchesse de Chevreuse was banished, Monsieur was 
 forced to allow himself to be married to the rich heiress 
 of the Montpensiers, and the Comte de Soissons was 
 obliged to flee the country. The Queens had to 
 put the best face on the matter that they could, Anne 
 being sentenced for the future to female companionship 
 only ; while Spain had to renounce, for the time being, 
 the delights of making spies and traitors to Louis XIIL 
 out of the highest ladies in his kingdom. 
 
 For the moment Richelieu was decidedly the 
 victor ; but he had some rough times before him. 
 Not only was Denmark, now being assisted by 
 French money and the main support of the German 
 Protestants, utterly defeated, but, owing to the out- 
 rageous behaviour of Henriette de France and of her 
 enormous Catholic suite in England headed by Berulle, 
 there was such a breach made between England and 
 France that Charles found himself compelled to make 
 preparations for war against his wife's compatriots. 
 What they did was indeed outrageous ! It was no less 
 than to proceed, with the Queen at their head and the 
 
238 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 rest in canonical robes, all across London to Tyburn, 
 and offer up prayers beneath the gallows of the mis- 
 creants of the Guy Fawkes Gunpowder Plot, whose 
 bodies were hanging there in chains. This was too 
 much for Charles, who instantly had all the Queen's 
 French Catholic priests and nuns turned out of London. 
 It was because he by force removed the Queen's hands 
 from the bars of the window to which she was clinging, 
 while frantically shrieking a last farewell to her priests, 
 that she afterwards made so much outcry, alleging 
 personal injury. The Pope was appealed to for redress ; 
 and his Holiness in turn informed the Spanish King 
 through his ambassador that, as a good knight, the 
 very least he could do was to draw the sword to defend 
 a Catholic lady in distress. Moreover, the Queen of 
 Spain, Henriette's sister, also the Infanta at Brussels, 
 the Queen-mother, the young Queen Anne, and the 
 worthy Father Berulle, all together attacked Cardinal 
 Richelieu, telling him that, as head of the Church in 
 France, his evident duty was to go to war at once. 
 They urged him to attack that very England of whom 
 he had, so he had hoped, but recently made a firm 
 ally ; just as he had endeavoured to make allies of 
 the other Protestant countries — Holland and Denmark — 
 because he desired to thwart Imperial aggression in 
 Germany. The peace which the Cardinal had sought 
 to make with the Protestants in France was now im- 
 possible ; he found himself, willy-nilly, committed deeper 
 than ever to a policy of aggression. 
 
 The siege of Rochelle, that home of all the prin- 
 cipal maritime Protestants of France, at which the King 
 himself had already been playing, had now to be under- 
 
Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 239 
 
 taken in earnest ; and the Cardinal himself it was who 
 had to don the sword and superintend the operations. 
 These were for a long period rather those of an 
 army of masons and bricklayers than those of soldiers ; 
 for when it came to actual fighting, the Rochellois 
 always had by far the best of it, and drove the Royalists 
 pell-mell before them. For two long years was the 
 siege continued, during which time all the troops and 
 all the money which France could raise were con- 
 centrated around that one little point on the western 
 French coast, opposite to the lie de Re, only about 
 eight hours by sea from the Spanish frontier, and nearly 
 opposite to the mouth of the River Charente. 
 
 Although, at the beginning of the siege, it was 
 undoubtedly the suspicious behaviour of the Rochellois 
 themselves towards Buckingham and his fleets which 
 prevented their speedy relief — for they feared annexation 
 by England, and said so — later on it was not, perhaps, 
 so much what appeared to be the absolutely efl^ete 
 nature of Buckingham's generalship as his secret 
 treachery to his own country which prevented the 
 sea-boom from being broken by his ships, the town 
 provisioned, and the siege raised. For Buckingham 
 was still in constant correspondence with his divinity 
 Anne of Austria, and she urgently asked him not to 
 make things too hard for the King her husband, and 
 for France in general. When at length Buckingham 
 met with his well-deserved end at the hands of the 
 Puritan assassin Felton, which end only forestalled the 
 attainder which awaited him at the hands of an indig- 
 nant Parliament, he was succeeded in command of the 
 powerful British fleet by Lord Montagu. This com- 
 
240 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 mander was no better than the former ; he sailed 
 backwards and forwards off La Rochelle, sending to 
 and receiving from the Cardinal complimentary messages, 
 and eventually he sailed away to say in England that 
 the boom in front of Rochelle was unbreakable. This 
 desertion, to the eternal shame of England, finished off 
 Rochelle. The sea smashed to pieces the boom less 
 than a week later ; but the surrender of the bravest 
 garrison that ever held a fortress — a garrison of living 
 skeletons — had taken place in the meantime. 
 
 Long before this all the useless mouths, consisting 
 of the old men, widows, and maidens, had been driven 
 out of the town to Richelieu's besieging army. The 
 men were hanged, but the poor ravenous women were 
 glad to sell themselves to the soldiers for a piece of 
 bread. 
 
 It was one of the most awful sieges on record ; 
 but its results were as fatal to the conquerors as to 
 the conquered, for it destroyed maritime France. All 
 the surviving inhabitants of La Rochelle emigrated to 
 Holland, now become a free country, where liberty of 
 conscience was tolerated. 
 
 Thus the services of these gallant sailors could not 
 be used for their own country's good when they were so 
 greatly needed, and their town, their very province, 
 became a ruin. Moreover, the State was ruined by 
 the terrible efforts, the excessive outlay, which it had 
 cost Catholic France to reduce Protestant Rochelle. 
 As for Richelieu, during the rest of his career his 
 policy had repeatedly to be modified, owing to the 
 check to his early schemes for retrenchment and 
 economy caused by this most disastrous siege. The 
 
Richelieu, Buckingham, La Rochelle 241 
 
 weight of the loans which had to be raised for the 
 siege not only made his intended succour of Italy 
 impossible and prevented his saving Mantua, but this 
 same dead weight constantly reduced him to the miser- 
 able expedient of having to disband many regiments 
 at a time just when they were most urgently needed 
 for the service of his country. 
 
 16 
 
CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 Richelieu after Rochelle 
 
 1629 — 1^30 
 
 The Horrors of the Thirty Years' War. — Wallenstein's Mercenaries. — 
 Victories of Spain won by Spinola. — Wallenstein or Waldstein's 
 Origin. — Germany devastated as biTitally as France devastated. — 
 Horrors of ReHgious Persecution. — Richelieu returns to Foes in 
 Paris. — His Attitude. — He seriously reproves the King. — Louis 
 XIII. begs Richelieu not to desert him. — Richelieu takes the 
 King off to the War. — The Succession of Mantua by Due de Nevers 
 cause of the War with Spain and Austria. — The Frightened Pope 
 angles for Richelieu's Aid. — The Cardinal's Convictions change. — 
 The Two Queens' Unpatriotic Intrigues. — Mantua threatened from 
 the Alps. — Unpatriotic Action of Crequi and Guise. — Duke of Savoy 
 surprised by Storming of Susa. — Spaniards and Austrians invest 
 Mantua and Casal. — Louis XIII. in Languedoc. — Protestants 
 massacred at Privas. — Waldstein victorious at Worms. — Swabia 
 and Strasbourg submit to Waldstein. — Gaston and Duke of Lorraine 
 suggest Invasion of France to Waldstein. — The Famous Father 
 Joseph. — The Minister's Morals. — His Pretty Young Niece. — The 
 Cardinal makes a Cloak of the Capuchins. — Treacherous Nature 
 of Father Joseph. — His Methods of Secret Police and spying on 
 State Prisoners. — Two more Italian Expeditions. — Cardinal marches 
 through Savoy to Saluzzo. — The Queens induce Louis to linger 
 at Lyons. — His Illness There. — Michelet's Description of the Sack 
 of Mantua. 
 
 Dreadful indeed was the state of affairs in Europe at 
 
 the end of the year 1628, which brought with its close 
 
 the fall of the Protestant La Rochelle, after a terrible 
 
 siege of two years' duration. What had been going on 
 
 elsewhere during the period of many months that the 
 
 242 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 243 
 
 great Cardinal Richelieu had, by the force of circum- 
 stances, found himself constrained to waste like water the 
 men and the money of France, and to exhaust his own 
 time and energies for the subjection of one French city, 
 inhabited by Protestant mariners ? 
 
 Nothing more nor less than continuous wholesale 
 slaughters^ rapes, arsons, and robberies, committed every- 
 where by licensed mercenary banditti, acting nominally in 
 the name of religion. Even before the two years of the 
 Siege of Rochelle Europe had become one vast camp, its 
 hills and valleys one continual blazing conflagration ; the 
 Spaniard and the Austrian had loosed upon the world the 
 foulest fiends the world has ever known in human shape — 
 the bloody mercenaries of the Thirty Years* War. 
 
 Mercenaries, indeed ! Yet often these hordes were 
 unpaid ; for frequently their terms of enlistment, especially 
 under the terrible Waldstein or Wallenstein, were that 
 they were to keep what they could get and to take what- 
 ever they chose. In any case they were to live upon 
 the country that they passed through. These being the 
 simple conditions of warfare, little did it matter to the 
 so-called soldiers of the Emperor Ferdinand II. or to those 
 of Philip IV. of Spain upon whose territory they might 
 find themselves. Whether it were that of allied friend 
 or open foe, with equal impartiality did they deal out 
 death and destruction to the men, outrage to the women 
 and even to the children, utter and pitiless starvation to 
 most of those who survived their dreaded appearance. 
 
 This condition of affairs was scarcely new, for the 
 wars of those days were more frequently than not fought 
 by alien soldiers. To say, for instance, that Hungary 
 was fighting against Austria or Turkey would by no 
 
244 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 means mean that merely the inhabitants of those respective 
 countries were bearing arms. This was notably the case 
 with Spain, and had been for some time past. All her 
 principal victories in the Low Countries had been won 
 for her, not by Spanish soldiers, but by an army of Italian 
 and other mercenaries, under a Genoese bravo of great 
 military talent, named Spinola. This Spinola made of 
 war a trade. He owed allegiance to no man, and the 
 soldiers of his army were his own subjects, whom he hired 
 out with himself to Spain. 
 
 Whenever, at this period in history, the Spanish tried 
 to do anything important with their own troops consist- 
 ing of actual Spaniards, we find that they always failed 
 ignominiously. When Spinola fought for them, such 
 was his skill in the art of warfare, the Spanish standard 
 ever floated victorious over the battle-field or the walls 
 of the beleaguered city. 
 
 If, however, Spinola had an army of his own, that 
 other and far more terrible speculator in the art of 
 wholesale massacre and plunder, Waldstein to wit, had 
 various enormous armies of scoundrels and brigands, in 
 the midst of which he lived in an assumed unapproachable 
 seclusion. Waldstein was by origin of Bohemian birth, 
 having been born at Prague of Protestant parents ; but 
 his parentage seems to have been of mixed nationalities. 
 For the sake of a large dowry he became a renegade 
 to his faith when he took a wife. Then he made a 
 practice of speculating in confiscated estates, buying for 
 a song to sell again. He also speculated in mercenary 
 soldiers, taking all the ruffianly rifF-rafF that were dis- 
 banded from, or had deserted from, any other armies, 
 no matter whose. Thus, after the cruellest suppression 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 245 
 
 by Ferdinand of the rising of his Protestant subjects in 
 Bohemia, by the time that Jesuit instigation had pushed 
 the bigoted Emperor to wage war upon all the Protestant 
 German States, there was found ready to his hand a 
 ruthless machine to grind out the blood of Europe until 
 its rivers ran red. 
 
 The long - continued horrors perpetrated by the 
 ruffians of Waldstein were such as an awe-struck world 
 had rarely hitherto even dared to conceive in its most 
 awful moments of aiTrighted nightmare. And thus had 
 the blood been flowing, the roof-trees blazing, and the 
 unavailing screams of maltreated matrons and maidens 
 been rising unavenged to a pitiless heaven throughout 
 the whole of the Germanic principalities. Meanwhile, 
 in France, Frenchman had been cutting the throat of 
 Frenchman ; brother plundering brother. The Protestant 
 bread-winner was mercilessly massacred by one who spoke 
 his own tongue, while, despite their piteous cries for 
 mercy, the miserable widow and children had been treated 
 by the Cathohc soldier with no less brutality than the 
 peasantry of Germany by that scourge of Satan, Wald- 
 stein. Should any doubt this, let them get their histories 
 and read once more the record of the events in Beam 
 in 1620, or any other details of the awful civil war which 
 fortunately terminated shortly after the fall of Rochelle. 
 
 Meanwhile, whether in the civil war in France or 
 elsewhere in Europe, there were holy Jesuit Fathers 
 present with every army to raise the banner of the 
 Church at each successive sack of town or village. Then 
 joyfully marching in, they would celebrate a Catholic 
 service in the church, of which the Protestant priest 
 was probably lying dead on the threshold, while the 
 
246 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 piercing screams of his wife and daughters could be 
 heard above the jubilant mumblings of the Latin Mass. 
 
 Such, then, was the state of affairs in Europe at the 
 end of the year 1628, and such did they continue for 
 many years more. O Religion ! Religion ! how terrible 
 have been the horrors perpetrated in thy name ! 
 
 When Cardinal Richelieu returned triumphant from La 
 Rochelle to Paris, while returning nominally to a grateful 
 Court ready to welcome him with laurels, he was really 
 marching into a camp of foes who hated him far more 
 bitterly than those whom he had just subdued. And 
 at the head of these foes were two women, both Queens. 
 One of them, Marie de Medicis, the Queen-mother, 
 widow of Henri IV., although so much his senior, had 
 indeed formerly made of him a lover ; the other, Anne 
 of Austria, wife of Louis XIII., lived to see the time 
 when she offered him her love — and he declined it with 
 a bow of ceremony. It is true the Cardinal had not 
 in the interim always been quite so insensible to the 
 lady's charms ; but time and circumstances alter cases, 
 and there were a good many ups and downs in the 
 careers of both the young Queen and the Cardinal 
 before Anne of Austria suffered this rebuff at the hands 
 of the powerful minister. 
 
 Behind the two Queens there was also Monsieur, the 
 King's brother ; likewise the King's confessor, the mealy- 
 mouthed Jesuit Suffren ; and behind them all was Spain. 
 
 How these powerful enemies had been fighting 
 treacherously against Richelieu during his absence, and 
 against the interests of France which he was striving 
 to protect, will be shown presently. It is important 
 now to consider the attitude which he, one man alone, 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 247 
 
 took up before the King in the presence of all these, his 
 bitter foes — an attitude which was almost sublime. 
 
 Carefully and point by point did the great minister 
 lay bare his actual situation, explain how he had 
 obtained every crown that he possessed, show how 
 each one of those crowns was expended, disclose the 
 enormous bribe of a million that he had refused from 
 dishonest financiers, touch again on the many proffered 
 Offices, the Pensions, of which he had refused the 
 charges. Then frankly, alleging openly the personal 
 danger to his life, to which he knew himself to be 
 exposed by the machinations of those before whom he 
 spoke, did he demand permission to retire from Office 
 — at any rate for a time. 
 
 While demanding that permission, did he shrink 
 from speaking out the truth ? Far from it ! Boldly 
 and straightforwardly did he dare to point out to the 
 King his faults, and warn his master against what errors 
 he would have to guard himself when he should find 
 himself without his minister. Coldly and judicially he 
 pronounced sentence upon his monarch, — reproaching 
 him for his lightness of character, his foolish suspicions 
 and jealousies ; reproving him for his want of assiduity, 
 for his ingratitude, his forgetfulness of services rendered. 
 Richelieu did not forget to impress upon Louis XIII. 
 how utterly lacking he had found him in application to 
 the really great matters of State, nor did he omit to 
 blame him for too great precipitancy of action at the 
 wrong moment. Thus, like a judge or a man who 
 feels that he is going straight to his death, and there- 
 fore has nothing to fear in this world, did he pronounce 
 sentence upon his King. 
 
248 Sidelights on the L.ourt ot hrance 
 
 No wonder if the Queen-mother, while trembling 
 with anger, trembled also with fear before the man 
 who dared in such a presence to speak so plainly ; no 
 wonder if the oily Jesuit was silent and humiliated. 
 
 But the King — the sickly young King, whose health 
 was so uncertain — what did he do in this crisis ? He 
 turned from the Queens to the minister who had braved 
 them all, and, almost with tears in his eyes, pitifully 
 did he beg of Richelieu not to leave him, not to 
 desert him, to help him yet a little longer. 
 
 After a while, whether it were a comedy or no, the 
 man of iron will allowed it to seem as though that will 
 for once were broken. He gave up his declared intention 
 of leaving the King and the Court ; he consented to be 
 once more the staff upon which his monarch could 
 lean. And he determined to take at once his own 
 precautions to prevent the King from falling again 
 under the pernicious influence of both open and insidious 
 foes ; he resolved to take him off under his own personal 
 charge to the war just commencing in Italy. 
 
 Italy ! What a stumbling-block that name, that 
 country, has been for France ever since the time of 
 Charles VIII., and yet now once more she calls for 
 the intervention of the French arms ! 
 
 The cause was a simple one — merely the succession 
 to the Dukedom of Mantua and Montserrat of Charles 
 de Gonzaga, Due de Nevers, a French subject, but by 
 descent the legitimate heir to perhaps the most important 
 Italian principality of the day. 
 
 The Due de Nevers succeeded his kinsman Vin- 
 cent II., Duke of Mantua, in the last few days of the year 
 1688. The Spaniard and the Austrian, however, glutted 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 249 
 
 for a time with the spoils of the Protestant Churches 
 of the north, had commenced once more to turn their 
 eyes towards Mantua, that city of art and learning ; 
 also towards that key of the Alps, Casal, the fortress 
 that covered Montserrat. And the Pope was alarmed ; 
 he feared another invasion of the Papal territories by 
 the savage hordes of Waldstein — an invasion far more 
 to be dreaded than the storming of Rome by the 
 rebellious Due de Bourbon in the time of Francois I. 
 The frightened Pope, that very scion of the Barberini 
 family Urban VII I., against whom Richelieu had not 
 long before made war, had recently been truckling to 
 Richelieu and dangling out to him a big bait for his 
 assistance. This bait was the suoro-estion that the Cardinal 
 should be made his Papal legate for Hfe. Richelieu had 
 more than nibbled at this tempting morsel, which was 
 to give him supreme religious as well as temporal 
 power in France. 
 
 As Walpole said, " Every man has his price" ; and 
 the ardent wish to be " Legate in Latere " was quite 
 price enough to cause the Cardinal to reverse his previous 
 Gallican policy, and to become thoroughly Ultramontane. 
 He had, however, almost to use force to induce some 
 of the principal priesthood in France, whom he had 
 indoctrinated in one set of views, to follow him suddenly 
 in another exactly the contrary. 
 
 While, however, Richelieu had been detained at the 
 siege of La Rochelle, the Queens, as mentioned above, 
 had been acting against both him and the interests of 
 France, with fatal results. Although the Due de Nevers 
 had been successful in raising an army of twelve thousand 
 men in France, to come to the succour of Mantua and 
 
250 Sidelights on the L-ourt ot h'rance 
 
 Casal, the Queens' tool, the Oratorien Berulle, managed 
 to prevent its ever passing far beyond the French border. 
 Not only did the Queen-mother write to the Marquis de 
 Crequi, the Governor of Dauphine, to withhold food from 
 the expedition, which instructions he most unpatriotically 
 complied with, but other steps were taken. The Spanish 
 forces and their friend the Duke of Savoy, brother-in-law 
 of Louis XIII., were warned from the French Court 
 to be on the look-out. They soon were so ; and together 
 they attacked the starving French army, routed it com- 
 pletely, and drove it back into France, where it disbanded 
 from sheer inanition. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Austrian and Spanish troops crossed 
 the Alps and threatened Mantua. 
 
 These events took place shortly before Richelieu 
 returned to Paris from La Rochelle. He now took 
 the King away from Paris entirely alone, and in the 
 dead of winter went with him to Dauphine and 
 Provence, to re-form the army with the small sum of 
 two hundred thousand francs, which was all that he 
 could raise. In spite of the actual presence of the 
 King, both Crequi in Dauphine and Guise in Provence, 
 who had been told to prepare ships, obeyed secret 
 instructions, to delay, from the Queen-mother. Thus 
 they did all that they could to retard matters, and so 
 spoil all hopes of success for the expedition led by her 
 own son in person. 
 
 Without cannon, without provisions, and without 
 ammunition did the King and Richelieu, gallantly seconded 
 by the newly created Marechal, Bassompierre, bravely 
 storm the barricades, walls, and ditches erected by the 
 Duke of Savoy at the Pass of Susa. Although Louis XIII. 
 
Richelieu^ after Rochelle 25! 
 
 had only been able to obtain six rounds of ammunition 
 per man of his force, he gave his brother-in-law a 
 good thrashing ; after which he and the Cardinal marched 
 triumphantly through Savoy into Italy, and contrived 
 to revictual Casal. 
 
 That these two sick men — for Richelieu also was in 
 poor health — should have performed such an exploit, 
 and, moreover, have passed the Alpine mountains at 
 the beginning of March through snow and ice, astonished 
 the world. Unfortunately the King did not feel himself 
 strong enough to remain in Italy ; but, leaving five 
 thousand men behind him, marched back into France. 
 This was the signal for the Spanish and Austrian brigands 
 to advance with a vengeance. They poured in their 
 troops, and invested Mantua and Casal in earnest. 
 
 While the Imperial brigands were overrunning the 
 north of Italy, ravaging gaily their friend the Spaniard's 
 Milanese possessions, also Les Grisons and La Valteline, 
 at the same time as they were attacking the French and 
 their ally of Venice, Louis XIII. returned with his army 
 into Languedoc. 
 
 Here he set himself the task of crushing the re- 
 maining Protestant cities which were in arms — a task 
 which was completed with infinite barbarity. At one 
 town, Privas, he massacred the whole of the garrison 
 which had surrendered, and hanged the greater number 
 of the harmless burghers. The usual horrors of sack 
 and rapine were not forgotten. After this, being anxious 
 to get north once more, the King and Richelieu granted 
 peace to the surviving Huguenots, leaving behind them 
 a good army of ardent Jesuit priests and Capuchin 
 monks to convert them. Richelieu is said to have 
 
252 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 recommended " moderation " in their methods of con- 
 version to those burning spirits of the Cathohc Faith 
 he left behind him ; but history shows that there were 
 in those times various ways of translating the word 
 " moderation " ! 
 
 Short as was the time the Kino; and the Cardinal 
 had been away, their enemies had not been idle. Not 
 only had Waldstein overrun Swabia, occupied the cities 
 of Frankfort and Worms in the Palatinate, but also 
 Strasbourg in Alsace, and a place in the Bishopric 
 of Metz. 
 
 This was the doing of the madcap Duke of Lor- 
 raine — the relation of the Guises ; while his friend 
 Gaston, the King's brother, was planning even worse 
 things. At the very time the Duke of Lorraine was play- 
 fully inviting the hordes of Waldstein into his territories 
 on the borders of France, the heir to the throne was in 
 epistolary communication with this arch-robber and 
 murderer, the subject of the correspondence being nothing 
 less than the suggested invasion of France by way of 
 the province of Champagne. Thus the Due d'Orleans 
 and his unpatriotic followers were actually in treaty with 
 Waldstein to re-enact the part of Attila the Hun upon 
 the plains of Chalons. To our minds at the present day 
 such treachery seems incredible ; but no treachery was 
 too base for the Frenchman of the seventeenth century, 
 no matter how high his rank in either Church or State. 
 
 o 
 
 There is an old saying that '^ dog will not eat dog " ; 
 yet not only would Frenchman first eat Frenchman for 
 a time, but, after lying down beside him in peace in the 
 same political kennel until all suspicions were allayed, 
 would once more bite savagely behind, if his kennel 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 253 
 
 companion should but so much as look outside to 
 obtain a sniff of fresh air. 
 
 To none, perhaps, does this simile of the treacherous 
 kennel companion apply more aptly than to the Capuchin 
 du Tremblay, the famous Father Joseph, for years 
 the spy and comrade of Richelieu. This man was an 
 intriguer by nature. The Cardinal not only so early as 
 1625 made him his under-minister, giving him four 
 Capuchins to act under him as his officials, but he 
 lodged him continually with him in the same palace. 
 There is no doubt that for a number of years he was 
 of immense service to Richelieu. Firstly, the odour of 
 sanctity, with which a band of monks established 
 in his palace surrounded him, was a support to the 
 Cardinal in his dealings with the bigoted young King. 
 For the great Cardinal's morals were often violently 
 attacked, more frequently than not without just cause, 
 as he was a semi-invalid. 
 
 What better reply could there be to the King, should 
 he echo to his minister the well-known and universally 
 believed scandal that the Cardinal made a mistress of 
 his niece, the pretty young widow Madame de Combalet, 
 than that not only did the young lady herself habitually 
 wear the dress of the Carmelite Nuns, but that the 
 palace she lived in with her uncle was inhabited by 
 none but holy Capuchin Friars ? This installation of the 
 intriguing du Tremblay in the Cardinal's palace also 
 served as a suitable reply to the bitter attacks made against 
 Richelieu of being at heart with the Protestants, when 
 at length, finding the Pope deceiving him and Catholic 
 Bavaria failing him, he turned his eyes to the Lion 
 of the North. For, in order to save Germany and 
 
254 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 to aggrandise France, the Cardinal concluded a treaty 
 with that hero of all times, the Protestant giant 
 Gustavus Adolphus. But how could a man possibly 
 be a Protestant when a Father Joseph was his most 
 intimate friend ? 
 
 Thus, although there were some accusations to which 
 Richelieu must have found it indeed difficult to reply — 
 such, for instance, as his old intimacy with the Queen- 
 mother, or of his having been the father, by Madame 
 de Bouthillier, of Leonde Chavigny, his one firm friend 
 and intimate associate to the last — he still posed, not only 
 to the King, but to the whole of the religious orders 
 in France, as a man of religion, owing to the constant 
 presence of the Capuchins under his roof. 
 
 To return to Father Joseph : he was a diplomatist, 
 a spy, a police agent, and possessed of immense talent 
 in all of these capacities. But he was twice basely 
 treacherous to his closest friend, Richelieu, and all but 
 caused his fall by his treachery in the matter of 
 the Peace of Ratisbon. Notwithstanding this, Richelieu 
 forgave him and took him back into his confidence, 
 for he was by far too valuable a man to let go. There- 
 fore he kept him as Assistant Minister, while watching 
 him closer than he had ever done before — indeed, by day 
 and night. 
 
 Not only did Father Joseph organise, through the 
 religious orders, male and female, through the priest- 
 hood and the confessional at large, a secret police, which 
 was wonderfully far-reaching in its effects, but he also 
 was able to work the same method of spying upon the 
 State prisoners in the Bastille, of which his brother 
 was Governor. Thus there was little going on in the 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 255 
 
 kingdom, and even beyond it, which did not come to 
 the Cardinal's ears. It was the cheapest secret police 
 service ever established, besides being one of the most 
 efficacious. 
 
 There was another reason for which Richelieu main- 
 tained Father Joseph so long, even after his first 
 treachery. When a violent counsel was necessary, and 
 there was no other means of working upon the bigoted 
 King, who frequently distrusted the Cardinal, that counsel 
 was given to his Majesty by Father Joseph, as being 
 what he personally considered both right and righteous. 
 For instance, this was done in the matter of the sending 
 away of the Queen-mother. None the less did Father 
 Joseph subsequently show his treachery once more 
 to Richelieu, by secretly, for his own selfish ends, 
 advising the King in the year 1638 to recall Marie 
 de Medicis. 
 
 The mention of the treachery of Father Joseph in 
 the matter of the Peace of Ratisbon leads us back 
 naturally to the events following the return of Louis 
 and his minister to Paris, after the suppression of the 
 Protestants in the south of France. 
 
 This return was followed during the next year or so 
 by two more expeditions of Cardinal Richelieu, both ex- 
 tending a short way into Italy, through Savoy ; and by 
 his somewhat brilliant capture of the towns of Pignerol 
 and Saluzzo, The King accompanied the Cardinal 
 during the second of these ; but the two Queens, trying 
 as usual to hamper Richelieu's efforts against Spain and 
 Austria, followed as far as Lyons, and, after delaying his 
 movements, eventually managed to induce Louis to return 
 to that place from the Alps, where he was with his troops. 
 
256 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 He was careful to avoid the lower grounds of Italy, on 
 account of the terrible visitation of the plague that year. 
 
 The young King was, for long, very dangerously ill at 
 Lyons. But in the meantime the now plague-stricken 
 town of Mantua fell into the hands ot the equally plague- 
 stricken Imperial hordes. This terrible event took place 
 upon July 17th, 1630, as the result of a night attack upon 
 two points at once. After the Duke of Mantua (Nevers) 
 had escaped with his daughter, we had better leave to 
 the historian Michelet the account of the subsequent 
 tragedy : 
 
 " Was there a population still ? Alas ! only too 
 many, and the brigands knew well how to find them. 
 They were all the rich, the nobles who had escaped 
 the plague, people able all the better to feel the long 
 torture they had to undergo. The soft delicacy of Italy, 
 the princesses of Tasso, fell back fainting before the 
 scoundrelly visage of some red-faced rustic hardened by 
 twenty years of slaughtering. What could they do 
 against these torturers ? 
 
 " The living madonnas were as shamefully ill-treated 
 by them as those on the walls of the museums, which 
 these louts delighted in tearing to pieces instead of 
 selling for millions. Religion saved no one ; moreover, 
 the very churches were violated, and all this under the 
 flag of the Emperor who had married a princess of 
 Mantua. There was a peculiar horror in the sack of 
 this plague-stricken city seen nowhere else. 
 
 *' Everything took place in great peace, in calm and 
 silence, excepting the screams here and there of the 
 women, or the cries of some one whom they were 
 roasting to make him disclose the hiding-place of his 
 
Richelieu after Rochelle 257 
 
 money. The ruffians had every security and ample 
 time — three long days, three frightful nights — to torture 
 slowly, outrage at leisure ; and when all seemed ex- 
 hausted, another supply arrived of new executioners, to 
 recommence with more energy than the others. They 
 respected absolutely nothing, not even the plague itself, 
 and tortured the dying while running the risk of dying 
 on the morrow themselves." 
 
 Such, then, was the fall of Mantua, which Richelieu, 
 as Gustavus Adolphus had already truly foretold, had not 
 proved strong enough to save. The fundamental cause 
 of this inability had been the Protestant war and the 
 siege of La Rochelle, which had crippled France so 
 much that, in the month of August, 1629, the Cardinal, 
 for want of money, had been compelled to disband no 
 less than thirty regiments at once. 
 
 17 
 
CHAPTER XXV 
 
 The Lyons Crisis and ^^ The Aurora '' 
 
 1630 
 
 Louis XIII. very III at Lyons. — The King disgusted with his Wife's 
 Immoralities and Intrigues. — Monsieur afraid to strike again at the 
 Cardinal. — Louis relies on Richelieu as a Support. — Not on Marital 
 Terms with the Queen. — The Queen Enceinte.— She awaits with 
 Complacency the King's Death. — Struggles around the Sick-bed. — 
 The Cardinal's Secret Journal.— Queen Anne and Madame de 
 Fargis fight over the Testament against Monsieur's Followers. — 
 Beringhen, the Valet-de-Chambre. — Shameless Behaviour of 
 Madame de Fargis with Beringhen. — Beringhen won over. — The 
 King's Miraculous Recovery. — Richelieu pushes the War. — Mazarino, 
 later Cardinal Mazarin, declares Peace signed. — Treachery of 
 Father Joseph and Brulart. — The King Irresolute. — His Appearance 
 and Tastes. — His Indifference to the Fair Sex. — A Beauty as a Bait. 
 — Jesuit Casuistry. — Mademoiselle de Hautefort " The Aurora." — 
 The Royal Footstool for "The Aurora." — The King's Girl-playfellow. 
 — A Platonic Friendship does not satisfy the Intriguers. — The 
 Doctor's Indiscretion. — The Young Queen endeavours to increase 
 the Intimacy. — Indelicate Action of "The Aurora" and Anne of 
 Austria. — The King's Salvation with the Silver Tongs. — Abject 
 Behaviour of Richelieu to Marie de M^dicis. — The Crisis of " The 
 Day of Dupes." — Triumph of the Cardinal. — His Wholesale Dis- 
 covery of Conspirators. — Disgrace of the Queens' Party and Flight 
 of Marie de Medicis. — Madame de Fargis banished and Duchesse 
 de Chevreuse recalled. — Monsieur ; biting Sarcasms. 
 
 In the year 1630 King Louis XIII., who had, under 
 
 Cardinal Richelieu's tutelage, proceeded for a second 
 
 time through Savoy to the war with the Emperor in 
 
 the north of Italy, returned to Lyons. His return to 
 
 258 
 
The Lyons Crisis and ** The Aurora ** 259 
 
 Lyons was owing to the machinations of the two Queens, 
 his mother Marie de Medicis, and his wife Anne of 
 Austria, who were fighting for Spain and Austria against 
 the Cardinal and the King hiinself. 
 
 Louis was already very ill with fever when, at the 
 end of August, he returned from the mountains of Savoy 
 to the society of his wife, whom he had not seen since 
 the month of May preceding. He had parted from 
 her bad friends, and he was scarcely on speaking terms 
 with her upon his return. For the immoralities of his 
 pretty wife, commencing with her affair with Buckingham, 
 were well known to this devout young King. Moreover, 
 he was sickened by her repeated political intrigues, in 
 company with his mother, with the old Queen's inti- 
 mate favourite, the musician and astrologer Vaultier, with 
 his brother Monsieur, with the Due de Lorraine, Bassom- 
 pierre. Guise, Crequi, Bellegarde, the two Marillacs — one 
 being the Keeper of the Seals and the other a Marechal 
 de France — and with a host of others, their friends 
 and associates. Among them had been, until she 
 was banished, the shameless Duchesse de Chevreuse, and 
 latterly the still more shameless Madame de Fargis. 
 
 All of these intrigues were aimed firstly at the policy 
 and even the life of Richelieu ; but a goodly share of 
 the hatred of the minister fell also upon the King, his 
 master. After the failure of the plot against Richelieu 
 for which Chalais had been beheaded, Monsieur was 
 afraid to strike again at the life of the Cardinal while 
 the King, his brother, was alive ; for the Queens told 
 him that, should Gaston compass the Cardinal's death, 
 the Prince's own head would assuredly fall. For in 
 the time of his boyhood, Louis' then mentor and 
 
26o Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 favourite, de Luynes, had carefully impressed upon him 
 that the death of Charles IX. had apparently resulted 
 from a sinister combination between Catherine de 
 Medicis and her favourite younger son, who succeeded 
 his brother as Henry III. Therefore Louis felt in- 
 stinctively that, should his prop Richelieu be removed, 
 his own death would probably also be compassed to 
 make room for Monsieur, who was his heir ; there 
 being, so far as he knew, no prospect of any heir by 
 the Queen, with whom he was not living maritalement^ 
 nor had been for long past. 
 
 Nevertheless, although it was not known at first, 
 about the time that the King's state of health seemed 
 to betoken his own approaching death, Anne of Austria, 
 counselled by her intimate associate the unprincipled 
 Madame de Fargis, reahsed the necessity of having an 
 heir. Fortune seemed to favour her ; she became enceinte ! 
 With this secret in reserve, she felt herself more strongly 
 situated upon the approaching demise of her husband. 
 She would not now be dependent upon the Queen- 
 mother ; nor would she be driven to a marriage with 
 her dissolute brother-in-law, whose rich young wife had 
 recently died in childbirth, leaving only a daughter. This 
 rich wife was Mademoiselle de Montpensier, to whom 
 Richelieu had forcibly married him off. 
 
 Gaston, with his biting tongue, had said so many 
 humorously satirical things about her, her love affairs, 
 and her miscarriages, that, apart from his absolutely 
 unreliable character, she was strongly disinclined to 
 follow this course — a course which would make her 
 subservient not only to him, but to the Queen-mother 
 also. As the King grew worse and worse at Lyons, 
 
The Lyons Crisis and ^^ The Aurora ^^ 261 
 
 where he remained, the excitement gradually grew more 
 and more intense as to what his testament would be, 
 especially with reference to a council of regency. 
 Would he insert in his will, or would he not, the words 
 which were then customary, even while recognising 
 his brother as his successor ? These words were, " Sauf 
 le cas ou notre tres chere epouse seroit enceinte." The 
 insertion of these words, seeing her actual condition, 
 would make her Queen-Regent. It all depended upon 
 whom he hated more at the time of his last moments, 
 his wife or his brother, whether he inserted them or 
 whether he left them out. 
 
 In addition to his political memoirs, there fortunately 
 remained in existence, at the death of Cardinal Richelieu, 
 a private journal of his, which throws a very clear light 
 upon all the secret events of this period. It came 
 through the Cardinal's heir into the possession of the 
 Prince de Conde, who, at time of the Fronde, when he 
 was quarrelling with the Queen, had it made pubHc 
 through the press. From this it appears that the Cardinal 
 was fully aware of the state of affairs ; but we do not 
 know whether he informed the King or not until the 
 following March, when by artificial means the Queen 
 procured a miscarriage. Probably he did not ; foi 
 although, owing to her bitter antagonism, Richelieu was 
 bound to fall, certain indeed to lose his life, when the 
 King died, he seems to have treated her chivalrously at 
 this time of his own greatest danger. Also he appears 
 to have handled her personally with kid gloves after 
 the sudden and unexpected recovery of the King had 
 saved his own life. Richelieu then merely contented 
 himself with making Anne of Austria furious by his 
 
262 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 frequent satirical messages to enquire after the state of 
 her health. 
 
 To return to the sick-room in the very indifferent 
 quarters where the dying King and the Court were lodged 
 at Lyons. Here as the days went on the doctors bled 
 him daily, despite his frequent hasmorrhages ; and the 
 storm of the parties raged around the sick monarch's 
 couch with ever-increasing intensity. 
 
 The Queens, having aheady obtained from the 
 King a promise that he would dismiss Richelieu " as 
 soon as ever peace was made," had secretly sent off 
 instructions to Brulart, the nominal ambassador to the 
 Emperor, and to Richelieu's confidant and so-called 
 friend Father Joseph, the real ambassador, to betray 
 their King, his minister, and their country. While it 
 remained to be seen if they were base enough or not 
 to betray their trust, the conflict in the matter of the 
 testament was waged by Anne of Austria and Madame 
 de Fargis against the followers of Monsieur, the great 
 nobles with whom the city of Lyons was thronged. 
 There was no privacy, and everybody came and went 
 as they chose in the sick-room. But, fearing poison, 
 there was only one hand from which the King would 
 accept food. This was that of a very handsome and 
 trustworthy young man, his head valet-de-chambre, named 
 Beringhen ; and when he was out of the sick man's 
 apartment, it was round this Beringhen's person that 
 the war of the interested parties now raged, as each 
 was seeking to win him to their interests. 
 
 Dropping with fatigue, and striving to obtain a 
 little peace and rest, the young man installed himself 
 in his bed on the floor of the passage outside the 
 
The Lyons Crisis and ^^ The Aurora^* 263 
 
 King's chamber. What do we then find Madame de 
 Fargis, the wife of the former ambassador to Spain, 
 capable of doing in her Royal mistress's interests ? 
 Careless of all who might come or go, she shamelessly 
 installed herself under the blankets by Beringhen's 
 side. After this disgusting act of effrontery, it was con- 
 sidered that the testament was surely won in the terms 
 the Queen desired, especially as Beringhen made the King 
 more furious than ever against Monsieur by informing 
 him of the sudden influx into the town of his brother's 
 followers, who had come to see him die. 
 
 Suddenly, however, instead of dying, the King sat 
 up and sent for Richelieu. The unexpected had 
 happened. An abscess, of the existence of which the 
 doctors had no idea, had burst, and gave the sufferer 
 instant relief — a relief which proved permanent. The 
 King was soon on the fair way to recovery. This 
 wonderful event occurred on October 2nd, 1630. 
 Immediately do we find Richelieu making superhuman 
 efforts to continue the war successfully, and not only 
 to save the fortress of Casal, the property of Nevers, the 
 French Duke of Mantua, but to push the war vigorously 
 against both the Imperial troops and the Spaniard. He 
 had obtained money and men by desperate efforts ; and 
 he also immediately obtained the King's signatures to 
 certain important letters. The envoys at Ratisbon were 
 thus ordered not to make peace ; and the three marshals, 
 Schomberg, d'Effiat, and the treacherous Marillac, were 
 commanded to push ahead at once and crush the foe. 
 
 But what happens, on the very field of battle, as 
 the opening volleys commence between the armies ? 
 An Italian abbe, one Mazarino, throwing himself before 
 
The Lyons Crisis and ** The Aurora ^* 265 
 
 become furious with the two Oueens, or have kept his 
 promise made to them to dismiss Richeheu " after peace 
 was made." He did neither. On the contrary, although 
 he allowed himself to be recaptured by the Queens, 
 owing to a tempting bait which they held out to him 
 just at this time, he also retained the Cardinal. 
 
 It seems as well here to consider a little what kind of 
 a young man was this Louis XIIL From the portraits 
 that are extant of him, he was purely of the Italian 
 type, which might have been expected, seeing that one 
 of the Orsinis was almost certainly his father. He was 
 dark, sHght, with a long oval face and black moustaches. 
 His tastes also were Italian ; he was musical and fond 
 of composing music. He was, moreover, a dilettante 
 dabbler in other arts, such as painting and letters, being 
 a fairly good artist and a maker of pretty little verses. 
 His nature was essentially one fond of the aesthetic, 
 of beauty in the abstract. 
 
 As far as his health was concerned, it was nearly 
 always wretched, at all events after he had grown 
 up. In spite of this he was by no means devoid 
 of personal bravery, as he showed in the wars upon 
 several occasions, notably when at the Pass of Susa 
 he, with Richelieu, stormed the entrenchments of his 
 brother-in-law of Savoy. 
 
 In religion he was devout to a degree, without 
 being bigoted after the Spanish fashion ; while, so far 
 as his morals went, he was austere. Indeed, his sickly 
 disposition was in this respect very different from the 
 sanguine natures of some of the kings who had recently 
 preceded him on the throne of France, notably Francois I., 
 Henri II., and Henri IV. As was seen by the way 
 
266 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 in which he neglected even his own beautiful young wife, 
 Anne of Austria, for the first three years after marriage, 
 he never, for many years at least, was at all attracted 
 by the female sex. 
 
 Nevertheless, the bait with which the Queens angled 
 for the King, now a man of thirty, was nothing less 
 than that of a very pretty girl of just half his age. 
 With this tempting morsel they hoped to wean him 
 altogether from RicheUeu. She was instructed, while 
 being at the beck and call of the Queens, to win him 
 over for herself, and through her influence, above all, 
 to point out to the King the detestable policy of 
 Richelieu, especially in the one great matter he was 
 latterly strongly suspected to be contemplating. This 
 was nothing less than an alliance with Gustavus Adolphus, 
 the Protestant King of Sweden, and with the Protestant 
 States of Germany. There was a suggestion of Spanish, 
 of Jesuit casuistry, in this plot. What could be more 
 laudable than to encourage a little peccadillo on behalf 
 of the King, if its result were to be but the union of the 
 family, the downfall of the universally detested Richelieu, 
 the complete crushing of the Protestant, the supremacy 
 of the Catholic Faith throughout Europe ? 
 
 This was the idea. Now, let us see how it was 
 worked out. It probably owed its inception to the 
 Queen-mother's charlatan, that doctor, musician and 
 astrologer all in one, Vaultier. It was he who, at all 
 events, first found, somewhere down in the south, the 
 attractive young girl Mademoiselle de Hautefort, then 
 only little more than fifteen years old. This young 
 lady was fair and ruddy, with a beautifully fresh com- 
 plexion. Pier very voluminous locks were ruddy also, 
 
The Lyons Crisis and ** The Aurora ** 267 
 
 between gold and red. She was well developed for 
 her age, had wonderfully speaking blue eyes, and was 
 sprightly, witty, and full of merriment. Her old grand- 
 mother does not seem to have had many scruples, on 
 learning the distinguished fate that was designed for the 
 innocent maiden. At any rate, the grandmother readily 
 listened to the propositions made to her ; and when she 
 had distinctly formulated to her the offer of the post of 
 Keeper of the Robes to the Queen, she packed up her 
 trunks and hurried off with her most attractive grand- 
 child to the Court of Lyons. Here the Queen soon 
 made a conquest of the child, who was not only ready 
 to be taught, but wonderfully apt to learn the part 
 she had to play. The first act took place in the 
 church of St. Jean at Lyons, when the still debilitated 
 King was present at a service to return thanks for 
 his recovery. 
 
 The charming maiden was intentionally placed near 
 him in a situation where the golden lights of the stained 
 glass, falling upon her wonderful, almost saint-like head, 
 more than ever justified the nickname given to her of 
 *' The Aurora." As the King looked during the service 
 upon that illuminated head, his aesthetic nature was fully 
 aroused. It seemed to him, indeed, as if the dawn were 
 suddenly displayed to him after the weary, dark days 
 of a long and dreary illness. 
 
 Careless of the onlookers, upon observing that the 
 beautiful young creature was without a hassock to 
 kneel on, he caused his own hassock to be carried 
 across to her. With a look of gratitude and a slightly 
 heightened colour, but without the slightest trace of 
 any conscious gaucherie^ the young goddess bowed her 
 
268 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 acknowledgments to his Majesty. But, while respect- 
 fully placing the Royal footstool at her side, she did 
 not use it. No ; it was too precious, too sacred, for 
 her to profane. Her aplomb was wonderful to all the 
 beholders of the little scene. 
 
 Thus, then, was commenced the acquaintance of 
 Louis XIII. with the young de Hautefort — one that was 
 to last for many a day. 
 
 It was not long before the King had made of the 
 girl his little playfellow. He attached himself to her 
 seriously, now nightly visiting the Queen, to whom he 
 scarcely addressed a syllable, simply for the sake of 
 the budding beauty. Before long, finding out her 
 readiness of wit and intelligence, he talked to her con- 
 fidentially about everything, from the details of the war 
 to his ministers, the politics of the day especially not 
 being forgotten. And for her soon he was painting 
 pictures, composing music, writing little sonnets and love 
 ditties. Very shortly Louis could scarcely do without 
 the constant companionship of the lovely young girl ; 
 and Richelieu's influence seemed to be daily waning, as 
 she strove to follow out her lesson, and lead the King 
 in the pathway pointed out for her by the two Queens. 
 
 However, by the time that Mademoiselle de Haute- 
 fort had reached her sixteenth year, while the young 
 Queen's own situation had now become more than 
 equivocal and apparent to all, the King, to her distress, 
 had committed himself in no way beyond platonic 
 friendship with " The Aurora." To make matters worse 
 for the Queen and her party, although there had been 
 stormy scenes between the old Queen and the King, 
 he still would not dismiss Richelieu. The Spanish party 
 
The Lyons Crisis and ** The Aurora ^* 269 
 
 at Court was in despair. It was decided to push matters, 
 but the first attempt was scarcely a success. It was 
 undertaken by the King's physician, the worthy Dr. 
 Bouvart, who one day at Saint Germain preached him a 
 long homily upon the subject of too much chastity not 
 being good for him. This the austere Louis failed to 
 understand ; and when at length the physician had to 
 explain that it simply meant that he had better establish 
 closer relations with Mademoiselle de Hautefort, he was 
 scandalised. 
 
 Nevertheless, the virtuous Louis did not by any means 
 relinquish the delightful society of the charming young 
 lady. She, by the way, although perfectly ready and 
 willing to give her life, or even her honour when required, 
 to please her mistress the Queen, always behaved, lively 
 though she was, with a certain amount of decorum. The 
 girl was good enough at heart, but she knew the 
 enormous stake there was to play for, and quite realised 
 that she was herself only the loaded die upon the board. 
 Later on, if things went as they should, she would become 
 the principal player at the table. 
 
 Another attempt to push the King to precipitate 
 matters was made by '' The Aurora " and the Queen 
 combined, shortly after the failure of the worthy Bouvart. 
 ''The Aurora," one night, teased the King with a 
 letter that she had in her hand, of which he fruitlessly 
 endeavoured to obtain possession. She, however, pursued 
 by the King, ran round and round the room with merry 
 jests, getting behind the furniture ; it was, in fact, a 
 regular game of romps. 
 
 At last his Majesty captures the young runaway in a 
 corner. Now, for sure, the letter is his ! But no ! with a 
 
270 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 laugh of triumph the little minx plunges the billet deep 
 down into the open bosom of her dress. Then she stands 
 smiling at him provokingly. The King dropped her 
 hand in an embarrassed manner, but did not accept her 
 evident challenge. The Queen, however, as Madame de 
 Motteville writes, was " determined that he should love 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort." Seizing the young girl's 
 hands, her Majesty held them behind her back, leaving 
 her defenceless, should the King choose to extract from 
 its delicate retreat the desired epistle. 
 
 Louis, however, saw the snare ; he understood his 
 wife's complaisance, and recognised fully that a trap 
 was being laid to compromise him with the young 
 beauty. But in no sense did he fall. Looking round the 
 apartment, he espied a pair of silver tongs ; then tenderly, 
 gently, without touching the satin skin with his Royal 
 hand, did he withdraw the letter from its hiding-place. 
 
 The whole story reminds one somewhat of the episode 
 of the Grisette in Sterne's " Sentimental Journey." But 
 those silver pincers probably saved Richelieu. For 
 although the Queen-mother was still raging in fury at 
 her son to make him get rid of the minister, he now 
 sent the two Queens away from him for a time, and 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort as well. Shortly afterwards 
 there was a crisis which placed the Cardinal once more 
 firmly at the top of the tree. 
 
 Knowing the extreme danger in which he stood, 
 should the policy of " The Aurora " prove in the end 
 successful, the Cardinal now for a time lowered himself so 
 far as to pay the most abject court to the Queen-mother. 
 For a whole week, in a vessel on the Loire, might his 
 Eminence have been seen daily, after the fashion of the 
 
The Lyons Crisis and **Thc Aurora'* 271 
 
 times, on his knees upon silken cushions by the bedside of 
 Marie de Medicis, while the two, with hatred in their 
 hearts, exchanged affectionate and extravagantly compli- 
 mentary phrases in Italian. It was all, however, unavail- 
 ing ; and upon November nth, 1630, in the Palace of 
 the Luxembourg, which date was afterwards known as the 
 Day of Dupes, the Queen-mother furiously demanded 
 from the King the instant dismissal of the minister. 
 Even as the King had consented, the Cardinal strove to 
 enter : he was locked out ! Running round, he entered 
 by another door, only to find the King quite steeled 
 against him. While Marie de Medicis abused the 
 Cardinal roundly, Louis made his escape and drove off 
 to A^ersailles. 
 
 Instantly Richelieu drove off to Versailles after him, to 
 anxiously await events under the same roof He had a 
 friend upon the premises, one Saint Simon, afterwards the 
 Due de Saint Simon, a squire who attended the King 
 hunting, one who never meddled in politics. Suddenly that 
 night, the King, being anxious about events, remarked 
 to this squire, "I wonder where the Cardinal is now.^" 
 
 " Why, he is here. Sire, of course," replied Saint Simon. 
 
 An hour later everything was reversed ; for Richelieu 
 clearly exposed to the King the existence of secret intrigues 
 of the Queen, concocted in the convent of Carmelite 
 Nuns, with Mirabel the Spanish Ambassador and other 
 Spanish sympathisers. He also explained to Louis all the 
 policy of duplicity which had led to the Peace of Ratisbon. 
 
 Orders were immediately given for the arrest of the 
 two brothers Marillac — the Keeper of the Seals and the 
 treacherous Marechal. A day or two later the Cardinal 
 was fortunate enough to secure the capture of one of 
 
272 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 the King's doctors, named Senelle, on his way from 
 Lorraine, loaded with letters which seemed to expose 
 a plot for the King's death. Every one was compro- 
 mised beyond dispute : both of the Queens, Monsieur, 
 Madame de Fargis ; to say nothing of the smaller fry, 
 such as Vaultier, Guise, his sister the Princesse de 
 Conti, two more duchesses of the Guise family, also 
 Bassompierre, Elboeuf, and Bellegarde. In the face 
 of the damning evidence, each of the three, Marie de 
 Medicis, Anne ot Austria, and Monsieur, gave each 
 other away without a twinge of compunction. Moreover, 
 one of those compromised, that former mistress of the 
 Due d'Epernon, Mademoiselle du Tillet, gave the most 
 convincing proofs of the guilt of Madame de Fargis, 
 who took refuge in a flight which Richelieu permitted, 
 as he did not wish to expose the Queen too deeply. 
 Marie de Medicis, the Queen-mother, was also allowed, 
 or rather induced, shortly after to leave the country, 
 while Monsieur fled to Spanish territory in Franche 
 Comte. Sentences of death and the galleys were dealt 
 out with a liberal hand to those who were not of Royal 
 blood. Owing, however, to the miserable condition in 
 which the Queen, who was still enciente, now found 
 herself without her adviser Madame de Fargis, Richelieu 
 considerately recalled the Duchesse de Chevreuse to her 
 from banishment. This gave Monsieur in his exile an 
 opportunity to utter another of his biting phrases against 
 the Queen. He said that they had recalled La Chartreuse 
 so as to give the Queen greater facilities to have a child, 
 no matter of what parentage. But shortly after the 
 return of the dissipated Duchesse the Queen ceased to 
 be enceinte. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 The Lion of the North and the 
 Jackal of France 
 
 1630 — 1632 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus lands in Germany. — German Princes False to him. 
 — Richelieu, deceived by the Pope, turns to Gustavus. — Makes 
 Definite Proposals, offering Money. — Gustavus signs Treaty with 
 Richelieu, April 22nd, 1631. — Falseness of Richelieu at Same Period. 
 — The Barbarities at Magdeburg by Tilly's Army. — German Princes 
 join Gustavus. — Strategy and Tactics of Gustavus Adolphus. — His 
 Discipline and Good Nature. — The Generals he formed. — Signal 
 Defeat of Tilly at Leipzig, September 7th, 1631. — Terrible Pursuit by 
 the Peasantry. — Alarm of Richelieu at the Swede's Successive Suc- 
 cesses. — His Mean Action to his Ally. — Punishment of the Duke of 
 Lorraine. — Other Profits accruing to France from Victories of Gus- 
 tavus. — The Lion of the North will not be turned aside. — His 
 Jocular x\ddress to the Burghers of Frankfort. — He defeats and 
 kills Tilly. — The Humiliation of Spain an Acceptable Morsel for 
 the Jackal Richelieu. — Enables him to crush the Queens, Monsieur, 
 and their Adherents. — Death of the I\[arillacs. — Defeat of Gaston 
 at Castelnaudary. — The Execution of Montmorency and Terrible 
 Punishments to his Followers. — Richelieu makes Love to Anne of 
 Austria. — The King speaks only to Mademoiselle de Hautefort. — 
 Louis leaves Anne to Richelieu. — The Cardinal suddenly 111.— 
 Anne and the Court desert him at Bordeaux. 
 
 Called to their succour by the Protestant States of 
 Germany against the terrible hordes of Waldstein, 
 Gustavus Adolphus, the Lion of the North, landed in 
 Germany in June, 1630. Immediately upon setting foot 
 on German soil near the Isle of Rugen, he wrote off 
 
 273 18 
 
274 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 an account of the causes of his quarrel to the bigoted 
 Emperor Ferdinand II. The complimentary tone of 
 this letter and of one which the Emperor sent in reply 
 was amusing. That jolly, good-tempered giant the 
 Protestant King of Sweden addresses the author of alJ 
 the shedding of Protestant blood as '* our friend and 
 dear Uncle " ; while the Jesuit-ridden Emperor humbly 
 replies that " he cannot call to mind any occasion upon 
 which he has hurt the feelings of the King of Sweden." 
 Despite these amenities, it was to be henceforth war — 
 bloody war — between the pair. 
 
 For some time, however, after his disembarkation 
 Gustavus Adolphus did not find the war he had expected. 
 Indeed, he seemed to find a difficulty in meeting with 
 either friend or foe ; both shunned him alike. The 
 Prince of Pomerania, the Electors of Brandenburg and 
 Saxony — indeed, all those who had called him — once he 
 had arrived, kept as far from him as possible, writing 
 all the while secretly to the Emperor ; while the inhabi- 
 tants of the starved-out country fled before the would-be 
 protecting Swedes, as they had before the face of the 
 brigands of Waldstein. This is not to be wondered 
 at : for how could the poor peasants know that he who 
 had now come upon them was Justice personified ; that 
 even in a hostile country he punished pillage by hanging ; 
 that he paid for all that he received ; that he brought 
 relief instead of devastation ^ 
 
 Until the following year, when Cardinal Richelieu 
 had realised definitely that the Pope had played him 
 false, in the matter of making him legate for life, there 
 was no definite combination made between the Minister 
 of France and the King of Sweden — between the 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 275 
 
 oppressor of the Protestant upon Gallic soil and the 
 defender of the Protestant upon Germanic territory. 
 By the beginning of the year 1631, however, it was 
 palpable enough to the man who ruled Louis XIII. that 
 the Pope was actually now helping the combined enemy, 
 Austria and Spain, since in the latter country he 
 authorised — indeed, ordered — that gift of money from 
 the Church to the State for which Richelieu so vainly 
 demanded the authorisation in France. The lesson 
 taught by the sack of Mantua was evidently not lost 
 upon Urban VIII, ; he clearly recognised which was 
 the stronger side, and he did not accordingly choose to 
 offend that side by granting to France the sinews of 
 war through ecclesiastical assistance. 
 
 The Cardinal had for some time past been keeping 
 a military attache — or perhaps we might rather say a 
 military envoy — with Gustavus, in the shape of an 
 eminent soldier, Charnace, and there had been already 
 some desultory talk of an alliance ; but, owing to the 
 shifty policy of Richelieu, it had amounted to nothing. 
 For the Cardinal was rather endeavouring, in some tricky 
 manner, to inflame Catholic Bavaria against Catholic 
 Austria — that Bavaria the usurpation by whom of the 
 Palatine Electorate showed in a marked manner the 
 Catholic ascendency of the day. 
 
 Discovering the lukewarmness of the German States, 
 the straightforward Swede was at first far more inclined 
 to an alliance with Richelieu than he was later on. 
 Eventually, however, having become all-powerful at 
 Court, having also, by the discovery of the traitorous 
 letters brought by the doctor Senelle from Lorraine, been 
 enabled at one and the same tirne to crush the Spanish 
 
276 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 party, the Queen-mother, Monsieur, and the Queen, 
 Richelieu made definite proposals of alliance to the Lion 
 of the North. Gustavus Adolphus was offered — a poor 
 offer, certainly — the sum of three hundred thousand 
 francs yearly under certain conditions. Money was 
 very short with the gallant Swede, when at length he 
 found himself compelled to accept the subsidy, with 
 the conditions attached. These were a block indeed ; 
 for, in his exaggerated idea of maintaining a balance 
 of power, Richeheu demanded of the northern giant 
 that he should abstain from touching not only Bavaria, 
 but the rich ecclesiastical prince bishoprics on the Rhine. 
 The Swede was starting with his forces in Northern 
 Germany, the Bavarian General Tilly was approaching 
 him with a large army, Waldstein, who had been in 
 temporary enforced retreat from his command, was also 
 forming another large army to advance against him, 
 when, in the beginning of 1631, Gustavus Adolphus 
 put his pen to paper and signed the contract. This 
 was on April 22nd ; and though the Cardinal was 
 almost at the very same date signing two other treaties 
 adverse to Gustavus, — one at Cherasco with the Em- 
 peror, making peace on Italian soil ; one with Bavaria, 
 the declared enemy of Gustavus, — the results of the 
 treaty were at once apparent. For, against Richelieu's 
 crafty wishes, Gustavus instantly published to the world 
 the fact of an alliance between himself and France, 
 and thus both were instantly lifted up and immensely 
 strengthened. There was, indeed, now a fluttering of 
 the dovecots in Germany among the lukewarm, " facing 
 two ways " principalities ; they began to think that 
 they were making a mistake with their secret letters to 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 277 
 
 the Emperor, that they had better have thrown in their 
 lot with the Swede. 
 
 If anything more were needed to convince them of 
 this, it was soon furnished by the barbarities of Magde- 
 burg. In the holy name of reUgion, with the cry of 
 the names of Jesus and Mary on their lips, the men 
 of Tilly cut the throats of forty thousand men at 
 Magdeburg. The usual atrocities were inflicted on the 
 women, and the city was then destroyed by fire. The 
 Bavarian General himself writes complacently about this 
 awful occurrence, " There has absolutely been nothing 
 at all seen like it since the fall of Jerusalem " ! Shortly 
 afterwards two hundred burning villages announced the 
 approach of Tilly and his murderers to the confines of 
 Saxony, the drunken Elector of which state now quickly 
 rushed to Gustavus, the magnanimous, for assistance. 
 Three or four of the other long-hesitating states, under 
 the spell of the horror of Magdeburg, wrote at once 
 to tender their adhesion. Notably did the little Land- 
 grave of Hesse boldly offer his allegiance, or rather 
 repeat an offer already made, and that despite his 
 isolation in a country infested by Spaniards and Im- 
 perialists, far away across Germany, on the Main and 
 the Rhine. 
 
 The treaty, which we can hardly call other than 
 perfidious, that Richelieu had concluded with the Em- 
 peror at Cherasco set free from Northern Italy the 
 hordes which had not long before committed such 
 unspeakable atrocities in the plague- stricken city of 
 Mantua. For these Tilly decided to wait, thinking that 
 with the combined armies he could easily crush the 
 Swede, and then eat up Saxony at his leisure. 
 
278 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Here it seems that a word or two regarding the 
 strategy and tactics of Gustavus Adolphus may not be 
 out of place. His tutor in the art of war was a 
 Frenchman, one Jacques de la Gardie, son of Pontus 
 de la Gardie, who, with many other French Protestant 
 refugees in Holland, had, after learning the art of war 
 in that country, passed into Sweden during the twelve 
 years' truce between Holland and Spain. Gustavus him- 
 self was a most highly instructed man, his huge body 
 in no way being nourished, as is sometimes the case 
 with very tall and corpulent men, at the expense of 
 his brain. He spoke German, Dutch, Italian, Latin, 
 and French, and he also wrote these languages. He 
 also had a knowledge of Russian and Polish, which 
 proved very useful to him in his wars in the countries 
 around the Baltic. 
 
 It is therefore no wonder that a man of his high 
 mental calibre had speedily developed, under the tuition 
 of the talented La Gardie, into a brilliant general. 
 Gustavus it was who first of all elaborated what we 
 may consider as modern warfare ; for he discarded almost 
 entirely the use of that cumbrous defensive armour 
 in which, until his day, the unfortunate soldiers used 
 to crawl about like snails in their shells. Moreover, 
 he gave up fighting in deep serried formations, preferring 
 to fight in thin lines, which, if broken by cavalry, could 
 easily reform without confusion. Further, he developed 
 a light, quickly movable field artillery, which he could 
 rapidly fling about to one flank or the other, as required. 
 Despite the rigid discipline of death for plunder, which 
 he enforced notwithstanding his known cheerful good- 
 nature, despite also the absence of the steel defences 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 279 
 
 to which they were accustomed, soldiers of merit, men 
 of undoubted valour, flocked readily to his standard, 
 so great was his renown. Under his eye some great 
 generals were formed, two of whom, the German Rantzau 
 and the Bearnese Gassion, fought afterwards for France, 
 nominally under Turenne and Conde, whose battles, 
 however, they occasionally won for them. Notably was 
 this the case at the great Battle of Rocroy, which victory 
 Gassion distinctly was the cause of Conde gaining, only 
 five days after the death of Louis XIII. 
 
 To return now to the Bavarian Tilly. It did not 
 by any means suit the Swedish monarch to wait until 
 the Imperial general was ready for the fray. He took 
 the initiative at Leipzig on September 7th, 1631, and 
 brought into play in earnest his new tactics, to the utter 
 discomfort of the Imperial troops. 
 
 The instructions he gave to his men were : to wait 
 and not to fire until they could plainly see the whites 
 of the eyes of the enemy, and to stab the horses of the 
 heavy-armed cuirassiers as they bore down upon them. 
 These instructions being implicitly obeyed by his army, 
 and the light artillery doing terrible execution, despite 
 the fury with which Tilly's men fought to the end, 
 they were utterly crushed and broken. 
 
 Never was there a more signal defeat ! It was, 
 however, nothing to the carnage in the rout of Tilly's 
 troops which followed it. For all the famished peasantry 
 of the Hartz Mountains joined in the pursuit, which 
 lasted for days. 
 
 Thus was taken indeed a terrible revenge for the 
 horrors of Magdeburg and the burned villages. Those 
 who had inflicted the torture now learned in turn the 
 
28o Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 meaning of the verb "to suffer " ! For it is not to be 
 supposed that the furious fathers of outraged daughters 
 or the husbands of maltreated wives were any too lenient 
 in the manner in which they put to death those of the 
 routed force whom they tracked down exhausted in the 
 corners of the forests. 
 
 The result of the crushing of Tilly's army was that 
 it placed all Germany at the mercy of the Swedish 
 conqueror. Sending off the Saxons to wage war against 
 the Emperor in his own self-ravaged provinces of 
 Bohemia, Gustavus calmly marched on to the Rhine, 
 overthrowing all obstacles with ease, including the foolish 
 Duke of Lorraine, who was one of those who put himself 
 in the way. 
 
 Richelieu, who now became alarmed at the unprece- 
 dented ease with which this successor of the Kings of 
 the Goths carried all before him, tried in vain to stop 
 his ally's onward progress. Marching with King Louis 
 into Lorraine, while sending messengers urgently asking 
 Gustavus to avoid a state here, a principality there, 
 he meanly suggested to all the petty rulers that they 
 should now observe an attitude of strictly armed neutrality, 
 and, while not fighting against the Swede, that they 
 should by no means help him. And he and the King 
 promptly paid themselves for the Battle of Leipzig, in 
 which they had had no share, by taking under their 
 so-called protection a good part of Lorraine, including 
 the profitable salt works from which the Duke Charles 
 derived most of his revenue. In two successive in- 
 cursions into Lorraine during the next few years, they 
 practically annexed the rest of the Duke's dominions. 
 It is perfectly true that he deserved all that he received, 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 281 
 
 as punishment for the manner in which he constantly 
 backed up Monsieur in his treasonable enterprises against 
 his brother the King. Not the least of the offences of 
 this foolish madcap prince was that, although warned by 
 Richelieu that such an alliance would be distinctly 
 distasteful to the King of France, he secretly gave his 
 own eighteen-year-old sister Marguerite as second wife 
 to Gaston. The fact that the Pope recognised this 
 marriage was not sufficient to induce the Cardinal to 
 allow the religious King Louis to put up tamely with 
 such an insult. 
 
 Not only in '*the gleaning in" of Lorraine did the 
 jackal Richelieu pick up the spoils rightly belonging to the 
 lion Gustavus. The mere name of the combination " France 
 and Sweden " weakened and discouraged the Spaniards 
 on the Rhine, thus they were easily beaten by a small 
 body of Swedes. But when, going to reap the results of 
 their victory over the Catholic ally of Spain, the Arch- 
 bishop Prince of Treves, the Swedes thought to occupy 
 Coblentz, they found themselves forestalled. A French 
 flag was already flyiug over the citadel ; the Archbishop 
 himself had given the means to a French garrison to 
 occupy the place. 
 
 In spite of the constant semi-treachery of Richelieu 
 to his ally Gustavus Adolphus, the latter was not to 
 be turned aside from his object — the freeing of the 
 German States from the thrall of the Emperor, this in 
 spite of themselves and in spite of the armed neutrality 
 they adopted at the promptings of the Cardinal. The 
 great Swede's downright frank outspokenness at Frankfort 
 was entertaining. The inhabitants of that city calmly 
 asked him to pass on his way and leave them alone, 
 
282 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 on the grounds that if they harboured his troops the 
 Emperor would deprive them of the privilege of their 
 fairs. 
 
 *' You talk to me of your fairs," said Gustavus 
 Adolphus ; '^ but what about conscience and liberty? 
 If I have found the key of all the places from the 
 Baltic to the Rhine, I shall find that of Frankfort 
 also. Did I come here for myself? No ; it was for 
 you and your liberties ! " 
 
 The timid Frankforters then said, " But at least 
 your Majesty will allow us to consult my Lord the 
 Archbishop of Mayence ? " 
 
 " Rubbish ! " replied the King. '^ Jt is I who am 
 my Lord the Archbishop of Mayence, and as such 1 
 will give you full absolution. Further, as for Bavaria, 
 you need not turn your eyes to her ; I have already 
 taken her cannons, and can make you hear them." 
 
 Then he gave them jocularly a little advice : '' Now 
 I am not your enemy, but I want your town. Your 
 old Germany is a sick body which requires powerful 
 remedies to cure it. Be patient ! if you find them 
 a little bit too strong. I have plenty of patience. Do 
 you think that 1 came here to amuse myself? I sleep 
 on the hard ground with my men ; while at home I 
 have a beautiful young wife, with whom I have not 
 slept for long past. To come to the point, gentlemen 
 of Frankfort, you hold me out the tips of your fingers ; 
 well, if I am to give you my hand, I want the whole of 
 yours. Understand ! I see thoroughly your manoeuvres, 
 better than those of your brave soldiers. As for words, 
 the only word I rely upon is the word of God, with 
 my own proper precautions to back it." 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 283 
 
 And thus, in spite of the petty jealousy of the 
 German principahties that he had come to help, did 
 the Swede proceed placidly upon the even tenor of his 
 way, once again to defeat and now to kill Tilly, and 
 make Spain utterly ridiculous in the eyes of Europe. 
 
 It was this very humihation of Spain which was, 
 perhaps, the most advantageous morsel snapped up by 
 the jackal Richeheu ; for it enabled him, in France itself, 
 to crush at his leisure the friends of the two Oueens, 
 the friends of Monsieur — the friends of Spain. 
 
 The first to be crushed was the Marechal Louis 
 
 de Marillac. This was the brother of Michel de 
 
 Marillac, one of the many lovers of Anne's now 
 
 exiled friend Madame de Fargis, he who had been 
 
 Keeper of the Seals until the Cardinal replaced him by 
 
 Chateauneuf, on the memorable day at Versailles that 
 
 Richelieu won his great victory over the Oueen-mother. 
 
 When this Marechal de Marillac, who in the Italian 
 
 expeditions had shown himself a thorough traitor, was 
 
 arrested, great was the outcry by the Spanish party. 
 
 The Queen-mother and Monsieur sought by threats to 
 
 overawe the commission appointed to try him, and 
 
 most insolent messages and menaces were sent from the 
 
 Spanish headquarters in Brussels. In spite of this 
 
 Richelieu, who could now afford to laugh at Spain, 
 
 had him condemned and beheaded, having told the 
 
 commission to put all the blame upon him. This 
 
 was in May, 1632 ; and Michel de Marillac also, being 
 
 imprisoned in the Fortress of Chateaudun, died suspiciously 
 
 of some occult disease. 
 
 Monsieur, now being in open insurrection and, with 
 a band of two thousand Spaniards, having invaded 
 
284 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 France, Richelieu sent the Protestant General Schom- 
 berg against him. He himself and the King were 
 meanwhile putting to the sword two Lorrahie regiments 
 outside Naticy, and annexing the second of the slices 
 of Lorraine. 
 
 Fighting at Castelnaudary with equal numbers, and, 
 of the great nobles of France, being only supported by 
 the universally beloved Henri de Montmorency, the 
 hereditary Governor of Languedoc, Gaston was easily 
 defeated. For the prestige of Sweden and the Swedish 
 victories was behinci the King's forces. Thus the forces 
 of the heir to the Crown had not the heart to fight. 
 Montmorency, however, charging gallantly with a few 
 followers, all of whom were killed, was himself wounded 
 and made prisoner. One of those who emulated the 
 gallantry of his father Henri IV., and perished in the 
 forefront of this dashing charge, was the young Comte 
 Antoine de Bourbon de Moret. He was the son of 
 Flenri de Navarre by Jacqueline de Bueil, Comtesse de 
 Moret, and his birth had been legitimatised by his 
 father's orders. 
 
 rhe chicanery ^vith which Monsieur was treated after 
 this defeat was worthy of the Cardinal. It prevented 
 him, until too late, from attempting to escape or to retire, 
 and so join six thousand Spanish troops coming to his 
 assistance. But the Due d'Orleans rode a very high 
 horse at first, as though he it was who had been the 
 victor. But when he found that he was utterly cut off 
 from the sea and from the coming reinforcements, the 
 Prince perforce had to accept the terms offered him. 
 These were, that, if he would be spared himself, he 
 should not attempt to say a word in favour of any 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 285 
 
 one of his late followers. Gaston made a hard struggle 
 not to swallow this bitter pill ; but even the Due de 
 Montmorency's own wife pressed Monsieur to do so, 
 the poor woman hopefully thinking that he would be 
 able to evade the conditions after making them, if 
 only once his own safety were secured. 
 
 Alas for the foolhardy and gallant Montmorency ! 
 who had only risen against the Cardinal on a foolish 
 question of money ; for he was doomed ! Richelieu, by 
 his system of intendants, had lately been regularising the 
 taxation, to the benefit of the State, but to the loss 
 of the governors of provinces. Montmorency had thus 
 lost one hundred thousand francs, and that was the 
 simple cause ot his joining this Spanish-aided rebellion. 
 He had formerly been a good Iriend to the Cardinal, 
 and had indeed volunteered to help him to leave Lyons, 
 at the time that the King's expected death had placed 
 the minister's own lite in apparent danger. 
 
 This did not save him now. Although he did not 
 himself personally push the King to insist to the Council 
 upon the death of this powerful and popular noble, 
 there is no doubt that, instigated by hirn, the wily 
 Capuchin Father Joseph did so. 1 here was, in any 
 case, the motive of jealous anger to make Louis, as 
 he proved to be, inexorable. For, belore the coming 
 of Buckingham, that there had been many tender love 
 passages, between Anne of Austria and the brilliant 
 young noble, the King was well aware. Therefore, to 
 the horror of all France, to the terror of Spain, de 
 Montmorency, after being condemned by the Council, 
 was so also by the Provincial Parliament in Toulouse, 
 in his own Languedoc, and was beheaded the very 
 
286 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 same day, October 30th, 1632. A number of his 
 nobles and grentlemen who had followed him were 
 beheaded also ; and, worse than all, a crowning act of 
 shame, one of his gentlemen was actually sent to the 
 galleys to mix with the convicts. 
 
 This was the greatest shock that the now scarcely 
 remaining feudal system had ever undergone in France ; 
 but it immensely strengthened the arm of the law. 
 Richelieu was now looked upon with horror and fear 
 throughout the length and breadth of the land ; but the 
 threat of Monsieur that there were thirty gentlemen 
 ready to assassinate him proved a vain one. 
 
 On the contrary, this was the very period when, 
 feeling himself strong, having crushed Spain and Spanish 
 sympathisers, he seems to have " lightly turned his 
 thoughts to love ! " For it was immediately after all 
 these executions that he commenced making love to 
 Anne of Austria, and, whether from fear or other 
 reasons, knowing that the King detested her, the 
 Queen seems rather to have encouraged the Cardinal's 
 attentions than otherwise. The apparent pretext which 
 he openly alleged for the invitations to the Queen to 
 stay under his roof, and for the series of magnificent 
 fetes that he now organised in her honour, was that 
 these attentions were paid with a view to the re-establish- 
 ment of thoroughly friendly relations with Spain, with 
 whom the Cardinal had deemed that the moment after 
 the death of Montmorency was a fitting one for 
 making a treaty of peace. 
 
 The King, who was also in the south at the time 
 of the executions — where, too, Anne of Austria herself 
 had been taken, as a sort of hostage, to be on her 
 
The Lion of the North and the Jackal of France 287 
 
 good behaviour — now left for Paris. He had scarcely 
 spoken to Anne or to any one of the Queen's Court, 
 save to his beautiful young friend Mademoiselle de 
 Hautefort, during his presence. It appears as if he, 
 out of malice prepense^ now intentionally left the Oueen 
 to Richelieu's devices. Whatever would have been the 
 final upshot of it all can never be known ; for just 
 as he was at the very zenith of success the Cardinal 
 was suddenly struck down with a violent illness at 
 Bordeaux. Here, to make the failure of his hopes 
 more bitter, was then present the old traitor d'Epernon, 
 the governor of the province, who hated the Cardinal 
 and gloated over his misfortunes. 
 
 In the meantime the Queen and her Court left the 
 invalid, and all went off" to enjoy the fetes and balls at 
 La Rochelle, without the embarrassing presence of the 
 man who had organised them. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII 
 Feminine Influences and an Heir 
 
 1632 — 1638 
 
 The Court dancing for Joy because Richelieu seems dying. — The 
 Cardinal's Spies inform him of Queen's Flirtation. — His Pangs of 
 Disappointed Love. — Richelieu's Recovery. — Death of Gustavus 
 Adolphus. — The Cardinal the Defender of Protestant Germany. — 
 His Influence or that of Mademoiselle de Hautefort ? — He finds a 
 Beauty of a Warmer Type. — Louis XIII. not permitted to have any 
 Friends. — Told to drop "Lade Hautefort."— King's New Favourite 
 related to Father Joseph. — A Brunette, Young and Ardent. — Louis' 
 Heart on Fire. — His Proposal to divorce Anne of Austria alarms 
 Philip IV. — Pope asked in Vain for a Divorce.— The Young Lafayette 
 takes the Veil. — The Cardinal aims at the Aggrandisement of 
 France. — War without Proper Preparations. — Richelieu's Satirical 
 Play. — Mutinous Conduct of the Nobles causes Disaster. — France 
 invaded and the Queen's Court gratified. — Sublet du Noyer's 
 Incapacity. — France shorn like a Sheep. — The Energy of Richelieu 
 produces a New Army from Paris. — Universal Pillage by the Allies. 
 — Louis XIII. and Richelieu gain some Successes. — Richelieu 
 checkmated and the Empire strengthened. — The Queen's Attractive 
 Appearance at Thirty-seven. — Her Vanity her Bane. — Her Criminal 
 Relations with Enemies of France. — Her Plot in 1637 and Betrayal 
 of Laporte. — She offers Everything ! — Coldness of Richelieu. — His 
 Leniency and Forgiveness, but the King Implacable. — A Strange 
 Conspiracy in which La Hautefort and La Lafayette are both 
 Engaged. — The Result, an Heir to France after Twenty-two Years 
 of Marriage ! — The Cardinal's Disgust too Deep for Expression. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1632 Cardinal Richelieu, 
 who a day or two before had been so high, so successful, 
 that every one, even the handsome Queen Anne, was at 
 
 his feet, was very much alone. When he was suddenly 
 
 288 
 
Feminine Influences and an Heir 289 
 
 struck down by a violent illness at Bordeaux, the Queen 
 and Court went away elsewhere to enjoy the festivities 
 that he had prepared for the former, and to dance for 
 joy. Yes, they actually danced for joy, just because 
 they believed there was no hope of recovery for the 
 unhappy man ; and, between their dances, all they talked 
 about was their dehght at the approaching death of 
 Richelieu. But in his agony, deserted and alone, 
 apparently dying as he was, Richelieu still had his spies, 
 who told him all that was going on. From them he 
 learned of the merriment and the coarse jests that the 
 Queen's Court indulged in with reference to his agonising 
 disease of the bladder ; from them, too, he learned that 
 his heretofore faithful ally the Marquis de Chateauneuf, 
 whom he himself had recently made the new Keeper of 
 the Seals, was already deceiving him. Moreover, he was 
 aware that he was flirting with the Queen, and receiving 
 now from the handsome Anne those wreathed smiles for 
 which he had himself been sighing but a few days before, 
 and for which, so great was he then and so powerful, the 
 fickle Spanish woman had not seemed at all disposed 
 to make him languish. After a few days the Queen sent 
 her confidential valet, Laporte, back to Bordeaux from the 
 gaieties of La Rochelle to see for certain if he was alive 
 or dead : doubtless she hoped the latter. Although the 
 great minister knew perfectly well all that was going 
 on, he could not restrain himself, in his jealous anxiety, 
 from asking Laporte if Mons. de Chateauneuf went often 
 to see the Queen, and if he remained with her late ! 
 
 It is sad to realise that one so great should thus in his 
 isolation feel, even more than the jealousies, the hatreds, 
 the dangers that surrounded him, the pangs of a dis- 
 
 19 
 
290 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 appointed and ill-requited love for a woman whose light 
 and worthless character none had had better opportunities 
 of judging than himself. But such is fate ! 
 
 Suddenly, however, the laughing, dancing Court 
 learned, to its terror, that the crisis had passed, that 
 the dreaded Cardinal had recovered sufficiently from his 
 attack to be already on the way to Paris, and that the 
 King was on his way to meet him. 
 
 Another very serious piece of information came to 
 hand almost at the same time. This was nothing less 
 than the death by treachery of the great, the noble 
 Lion of the North. Gustavus Adolphus was dead — 
 murdered in the moment of victory, after the Battle 
 of Lutzen, by a German princeling, one of those who 
 had already changed sides several times. While riding 
 homewards towards the camp with the King of Sweden, 
 who was as usual placid and good-natured, indeed as 
 unflurried as if to utterly crush Waldstein were nothing, 
 the treacherous companion fired a shot, then rode away, 
 making straight for Vienna. And, his evident mission 
 in the world but half completed, the noble-hearted 
 champion of the Protestant cause lay dead upon the ground. 
 This act of treachery took place upon November i6th, 
 1632, and it left no one in Europe to support the 
 Protestant cause but the recently resuscitated Cardinal, 
 himself a Catholic of the Catholics, since he had for 
 long aspired to be Papal Legate, although certainly not 
 such a thorough bigot as the King, his master — the 
 King, of whom he himself was the master, would 
 perhaps be the more correct expression. Nevertheless, 
 it seems indeed a strange irony of fate that this literary 
 genius Richelieu, who, when not ruling France, was 
 
Feminine Influences and an Heir 291 
 
 either writing satirical plays to irritate his opponents, 
 or else writing polemical works against the Protestants, 
 should find himself constrained by the force of circum- 
 stances to plunge at length into the fray on behalf of 
 Protestant Germany. Yet such was the case. 
 
 In doing this, the Cardinal felt himself more than 
 ever alone, for the King's real sympathies were not 
 with him. And any day the influence of the charming 
 young Mademoiselle de Hautefort, who worked always 
 in the Spanish interests of the Spanish Queen, might 
 turn the King against him. The Cardinal, being fully 
 aware of this fact, found at length another beauty, one 
 of a warmer type than La de Hautefort, whom he 
 purposely put in the King's way. 
 
 Louis himself was almost as much alone at this 
 period as was his minister, for he was allowed to have 
 no friends. Richelieu saw to that, exposing to his 
 master the machinations of one after another. Neither 
 mother, wife, nor brother being faithful to him, the 
 poor King, whose ill-health prevented him from following 
 up his early interest in sporting pursuits, had greatly 
 pinned his faith, his innocent affections, upon this 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort. Now he was plainly told 
 by the Cardinal that he must drop her — that she was 
 dangerous and treacherous like the rest. On the other 
 hand, if he wanted a female friend — well, there was one 
 already to hand, in the shape of a relation of the wily 
 Father Joseph. She was a Mademoiselle de Lafayette, 
 a brunette, young and ardent ; and for once in his life the 
 cold blood of the King caught fire, and that very soon 
 after making her acquaintance. It was not, indeed, 
 very long before Louis asked her to " become everything 
 
292 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 to him." In the mouth of a religious king like Louis 
 the expression did not, however, carry the significance that 
 it would have done if proceeding from the lips of a Henri 
 de Navarre. It simply meant that, utterly sickened of 
 the plots and light mode of living of his Anne of 
 Austria, he intended to divorce her, and to marry the 
 young brunette. 
 
 That there was terrible alarm in the heart of 
 Philip IV. of Spain at the approaching and apparently 
 merited disgrace of his sister may be easily imagined. 
 To avoid such a miserable issue of his sister's marriage, 
 he sent his ambassador to Richelieu, with the most abject 
 messages, the most fulsome compliments — literally to beg 
 for mercy. This did not prevent the eventual despatch 
 of the shifty Mons. de Crequi, Governor of Dauphine, 
 a man who was a great favourite in Rome, to demand 
 a divorce from the Pope. Needless to say, he did not 
 obtain it. Thoroughly alarmed at the hatred that she 
 had aroused in the Queen's breast, pushed to it also 
 by her relatives, who were as terrified as herself, the 
 young Lafayette suddenly took the veil and entered 
 the Carmelite Convent of the Visitation, where the 
 King used to visit her frequently for hours at a time. 
 
 When, after the death of Gustavus, Richelieu at 
 length plunged into the war with the Imperial and 
 Spanish troops, as the apparent champion of the Pro- 
 testant cause, he had a very real object in view. This 
 was no less than the aggrandisement of France : first, 
 by the annexation of the Spanish Franche Comte, which 
 fertile province had always hitherto been treated tacitly as 
 neutral ground in all the wars ; secondly, by the partition 
 with Holland of the Spanish Netherlands. Naturally, 
 
Feminine Influences and an Heir 293 
 
 indeed, the House of Austria, the close relation of Spain, 
 was burning to avenge this intended insult — almost as 
 much, indeed, as the other great insult, the proposed 
 divorce of the Spanish Princess, Anne of Austria. 
 
 The Cardinal, who for want of money had plunged 
 into this war without sufficient preparation, and also with- 
 out understanding the temper of the French nobles, 
 whom he had expected to fight his battles for him, very 
 soon found himself getting the worst of it at the hands 
 of the allied forces. To tell the truth, just before he sent 
 off his army to the Rhine, he had done his best to offend 
 the partisans of the Queen and the Court of which it 
 was largely composed. This was by presenting as the 
 opening piece in his theatre, a play written by himself 
 with the assistance of Corneille and others. It was called 
 " The Tuileries," and, while full of witty sarcasms, 
 was extremely offensive to all those whom, by his own 
 terrifying presence in his box at the performance, he 
 compelled to laugh at it. The nobles who had laughed 
 at the play took their revenge when, under the orders 
 of the priestly commander the Cardinal de la Valette, 
 they arrived at Mayence. They flatly refused to obey the 
 Cardinal and march further into Germany. What, they 
 asked, was the use of their attempting now to join the 
 Swedes, since their allies of Saxony and Brandenburg 
 had made treaties with the Emperor ? They refused 
 to fight out of France. Thus La Valette had to beat a 
 precipitate and disgraceful retreat, and, what was worse, 
 his troops at once inspired with the spirit of mutiny 
 the new troops which were sent to reinforce them. 
 
 Meanwhile, the army under the Marquis de Breze, 
 the brother-in-law of Cardinal Richelieu, which had been 
 
294 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 sent to the north, had gone into Holland to help the 
 Dutch, and could not return. 
 
 Thus, while the Cardinal was punishing by death, 
 degradation from the nobility and the galleys, those who 
 had refused to hght, the whole of France was left open 
 to a counter-attack. And this is what soon took place. 
 To the joy of the Court at the blow to Richelieu, France 
 itself was invaded, and a foreign force of plunderers 
 and pillagers were soon far on the way to Paris. For 
 once in the history of those days a sensible combina- 
 tion between Spain and Austria was not only evolved, 
 but carried out simultaneously and unexpectedly against 
 France. This consisted of an army of twenty-two 
 thousand Spanish foot-soldiers, which, coming by way 
 of Liege, joined fifteen thousand Imperial horsemen, 
 under the bloodthirsty Johann Werth. At the same 
 time the Duke of Lorraine entered Burgundy ; and 
 Gallas, another Spanish general, entered that very 
 Franche Comte which Richelieu had so complacently 
 been proposing to invade himself. 
 
 Never was there such a bitter counter-stroke, such 
 a terrible upset of the Cardinal's deep-laid designs ! 
 For once indeed was he overreached at his own game, 
 and all the more so because he had been so badly served 
 by those whom he had trusted. Some time previously, 
 with characteristic foresight, he had taken the precaution 
 to have made what he imagined to be a most thorough 
 and efficient inspection of the fortresses of the north, and 
 it was in this very direction that the unexpected tornado 
 burst with the greatest fury upon affrighted France. 
 For this purpose he had sent a man who, although a 
 fool, dangerous, spiteful, and venomous to a degree, 
 
Feminine Influences and an Heir 295 
 
 was yet an enormous worker, one ever ready to under- 
 take anything, no matter what. This was Sublet du 
 Noyer. Richelieu, greatly taken up with his own 
 outside policy, had trusted far too much to this du 
 Noyer at home. Unfortunately this hard-working but 
 dangerously self-sufficient individual did not understand 
 the least thing about forts and fortresses. Therefore, 
 though he had reported to the Cardinal that all was in 
 apple-pie order, when the avalanche came, no resistance 
 worthy of the name was possible. 
 
 The whole north of France was shorn like a sheep, 
 and that with every variety of barbarity and outrage it 
 was possible for the Imperial troops to invent. The 
 Croatian hordes ere long marched to within a few 
 leagues ot Paris. While the Court were mockingly 
 sneering at him, and half Paris was flying to Orleans, 
 Richelieu, rousing himself from his despair, proved 
 himself a great man. Alone, day after day, despite his 
 danger, he drove about through the crowded streets of 
 excited citizens, striving to inspire them with the courage 
 to rise and arm ; above all, striving to induce the 
 merchants and tradesmen to give him a little of the 
 money which he found it almost impossible to extract 
 from the fathers of the Church. While he was working 
 so nobly for France, his intimate friend Father Joseph, 
 who had played him already such a scurvy turn in 
 the matter of the signing of the Peace of Ratisbon, 
 was once more playing him doubly false ; for he was 
 secretly urging the King to recall from her self-imposed 
 exile that enemy of Richelieu and friend of Spain, 
 Marie de Medicis, the Queen-mother. 
 
 Happily for France, the Cardinal's spirited efforts 
 
296 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 were successful. The burghers of Paris rose at his 
 bidding and formed an army. 
 
 Meanwhile, the allied troops were melting away out 
 of France from sheer inanition. Pillage was what they 
 had come for, not conquest ; and soon, the deserting 
 soldiers all having gone off with their respective cart- 
 loads and waggon-loads of plunder, there was scarcely 
 any one left for Richelieu to drive out but the deserted 
 generals. Although Franche Comte was Spanish property, 
 it was by no means upon that account spared by the 
 Spanish troops in this universal pillage. That miserable 
 province, previously so rich, did not recover itself again 
 for generations to come, so bare was it swept by the allies 
 from end to end. Thus, this devastation of Franche 
 Comte stands out as a notable instance of the dangers often 
 incurred by the employment of the mercenary hordes. 
 
 Towards the close of this invasion Richelieu was 
 enabled to amuse the King once more by taking him 
 to the war. Between them they besieged and recaptured 
 the town of Corbie from the Spaniards, who, however, 
 suffered far more severely in the bloody fighting in front 
 of a little town called Saint Jean de Losne, on the banks 
 of the Saone. Here, fearing the last horrors, which had 
 befallen their sisters elsewhere, the women of the town 
 fought as desperately as the men. Here also it was that, 
 for the first time, Rantzau, a general whom Richelieu 
 employed after the death of Gustavus Adolphus, parti- 
 cularly distinguished himself. The river also came to 
 the assistance of the gallant little place, by overflowing 
 its banks and almost drowning the besiegers. 
 
 Eventually, the combined forces of Spain and Austria 
 having retired with their spoils, the French troops remained 
 
\)'2c 1-cint miqiitie 
 .Anna, Man a » -^^-r: 
 dt ooci Quccnc o\ 
 
 Jiinrcf^c 
 J^Iauntia. i^r the' Qracc 
 
 and a. ra Clous 
 
 'he 
 
 iauarrc. 
 
 From (I ci>ii!ciupoiaiy print 
 
 ANNE OF ATSTRIA, tjUEEN OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE 
 
 [To face f). 206 
 
Feminine Influences and an Heir 297 
 
 the nominal victors, in a country so absolutely devastated 
 that ere long almost three-quarters of a million died of 
 starvation. Nothing was left to eat but the stones ! 
 
 The result of this campaign was that Richelieu was 
 entirely checkmated in Europe. The determined and 
 successful attempt of Gustavus Adolphus to crush the 
 Empire, to prevent the continuance of an old farce, had 
 not been maintained. Now all the German princes 
 tendered their submission, and servilely consolidated anew 
 the almost played-out institution of the Holy Roman 
 Empire by declaring the son of Ferdinand II. King of 
 the Romans. It was, however, chiefly owing to the 
 immense original expenditure incurred by the war 
 against the Protestants, which terminated in 1629, that 
 Cardinal Richelieu failed so signally in the year 1636. 
 This was the more unfortunate because, from the time 
 that he first emancipated himself from the thrall of the 
 Queen-mother, Richelieu was the one man in France 
 who displayed real patriotism. 
 
 In the following year the Queen, then thirty-seven 
 years old, was still handsome and attractive ; her hair 
 was perhaps a trifle less blonde in hue than in her 
 earlier years ; but her freshness of complexion, all lilies 
 and roses, had not deteriorated. She still remained 
 at heart, what she had always been, a coquette. It 
 still was true of her what was said by her own confi- 
 dante, the Duchesse de Chevreuse, to that debauched 
 and cunning scamp Jean Francois de Gondi or Retz, 
 joint Archbishop of Paris, who played such a dubious 
 part subsequently at the time of the Fronde. This is 
 what the Duchess, that arch-coquette, said of one whom 
 she had so well instructed in the arts of coquetry : " If 
 
2g8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 only you put on a dreamy manner, forget everything else 
 in your admiration of her lovely skin and shapely hand, 
 you will get anything you like from her." This was all 
 true ; and thus, owing to her vanity, was Anne of Austria 
 far more often a tool in the hands of cunning rascals of 
 both sexes than herself an evil-minded woman. None 
 the less, it is undoubtedly the fact that she was more 
 often than otherwise in criminal secret relations with 
 the enemies of France during the greater part of her 
 husband's lifetime. 
 
 In the year 1637 the Cardinal, by the seizure of 
 her correspondence, discovered her in yet one more 
 plot. The Queen now showed the most miserable and 
 base ingratitude, and betrayed to the triumphant Minister 
 her ever-faithful valet Laporte, who was imprisoned in 
 the Bastille, where he continued to show his faithfulness 
 to his fickle mistress. 
 
 Once more the intriguing Duchesse de Chevreuse was 
 allowed to seek refuge in flight, with money, however, 
 which was courteously furnished to her by the Cardinal 
 himself to assist her to make good her escape. For Riche- 
 lieu did not choose to be too hard upon the Queen ; and 
 he was even good to Laporte for her sake, not allowing 
 him to be put to the torture when he courageously denied 
 things that were known already through Anne herself. 
 It was upon this occasion that the Queen said caressingly 
 to the man who had so ardently sought her favours 
 only a year or two previously, " Oh, how good and kind 
 you are to me, Monsieur le Cardinal ! How can I prove 
 to you my gratitude ? If only you will help me out of 
 this scrape, you shall never have anything whatever to 
 complain of me again." She offered him her hands — 
 
Feminine Influences and an Heir 299 
 
 indeed, history says more ; but the Cardinal was now no 
 longer the anxious lover of 1632. Coldly he left the 
 Queen, after stiffly saying that he would report to and 
 consult with the King. 
 
 After his consultation with his Majesty, Richelieu 
 returned, but only to extract from the Queen a full 
 detailed confession in writing of all her plottings, all 
 her glaring misdeeds. The Cardinal himself forgave 
 her ; but not so the King — he would not speak to her, 
 his disgust and loathing were too great for words. 
 
 Into such disgrace was she now fallen that even 
 all the Court deserted the unhappy Anne. No one 
 would hold communion with her except the constant 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort, the now relio^Ious Made- 
 moiselle de Lafayette in her Convent of the Visitation, 
 and Caussin, the Jesuit confessor of the King. These 
 three continually strove to induce him to make friends 
 with his wife, to cease the war, and to send away 
 Cardinal Richelieu. A plot of Caussin's at this time 
 was to replace Richelieu with the King by the Due 
 d'Angouleme, formerly Comte d'Auvergne, the bastard 
 son of Charles IX., by Marie Touchet, daughter of an 
 apothecary at Orleans, who was afterwards Comtesse 
 d'Entragues and the mother of Henriettc, the celebrated 
 mistress of Henri IV. It was discovered by Angouleme 
 himself, in his fear of the Cardinal, revealing it to 
 him personally. Richelieu marched Angouleme straight 
 into the King's presence, and boldly asked his Majesty 
 what excuse he had to offer for such dishonest truckling 
 with his foes. The King humbly begged pardon for 
 his sins, like a naughty school-boy ; and thus once 
 again was the Cardinal-Due, for such Richelieu had 
 
300 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 become in 1632, more firmly than ever at the top of 
 the tree. 
 
 In spite of this there was now set on foot another 
 conspiracy — one in which both the innocent virgins, 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort and Mademoiselle de 
 Lafayette, were involved, and by which the King should 
 becorhe the father of an heir to the throne. 
 
 There were also concerned in this strange affair, 
 which eventually supplied the world with a Louis XIV., 
 Guitaut, the Captain of the Queen's Guards, and espe- 
 cially his very handsome, brave, and romantic nephew, 
 de Comminges, whom afterwards Cardinal Mazarin, 
 when he became, as some historians say, actually the 
 husband of Anne, sent away from her through jealousy. 
 It is not necessary to enter here into the tortuous 
 details of the sinister plottings, but the result was the 
 birth of a Dauphin upon September 5th, 1638. The 
 King was unmoved and calm, indeed quite inhuman, 
 upon the night of the Queen's accouchement. He 
 showed not the slightest interest in what was taking 
 place, but only caused Mademoiselle de Hautefort to 
 read to him all night long the history of Biblical 
 kings who, becoming widowers, had married their fair 
 subjects. 
 
 Richelieu, stifling with rage, found scarcely a word 
 to say to the Queen, when, by this wonderful coup 
 of the miraculous Dauphin after twenty-two years of 
 marriage, she had conquered him at last ; for her 
 position was now indeed firmly assured. All that the 
 furious Cardinal could sputter out, with a choking voice, 
 was, '* Madame, there are some joys so great that they 
 cannot be expressed ! " 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII 
 
 The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq 
 
 Mars 
 
 1638—1641 
 
 Delight of France at Birth of the Dauphin. — Universal Detestation of 
 Richelieu. — The Nobility foiled by his Fiscal System. — The Clergy 
 close their Purse-strings. — French Arms defeated in Catalonia, 
 Low Countries, and Italy. — Weimar takes Breisach for France, but 
 keeps Alsace for himself. — His Convenient Death. — Julius Mazarino, 
 later Cardinal Mazarin. — Generosity of Richelieu, Avarice of 
 Mazarin. — Wealth of the Church. — Du Puy's " Galilean Liberties." — 
 The Book alarms the Pope. — Mazarin gets Richelieu to withdraw 
 it. — D'Estrees' Fruitless Embassy to Rome. — Louis XIII. persuaded 
 to accept Du Puy's Book. — He demands Three Million Francs 
 from the Clergy. — The Bishops baffle the Cardinal. — Mazarin 
 becomes Political Pupil of Richelieu. — No Cardinal's Hat for 
 Father Joseph ! — He dies disappointed. — Mazarin makes Love to 
 Anne of Austria. — Birth of her Second Son. — Richelieu places Cinq 
 Mars in the King's Path. — Louis tries "to form" him. — Becomes 
 absurdly attached to Cinq Mars. — Mademoiselle de Hautefort has 
 a Will of her own. — The Cardinal checks the King for bringing 
 Cinq Mars to the Council. — Louis weeps at his Favourite's Follies. — 
 Ruffianly Behaviour of Spanish Garrison in Catalonia. — Louis XIII. 
 annexes Catalonia at Request of the Catalans. — The Conspiracy of 
 the Women. — It leads to Invasion of France headed by Comte de 
 Soissons. — His Victory and his Death by Treachery. — Delight of 
 Richelieu. — His Insulting Play and its Freezing Reception. 
 
 When, towards the close of the year 1638, the young 
 Dauphin, who afterwards ruled for seventy years as 
 Louis XIV., appeared upon the scene, great was the 
 
 301 
 
302 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 delight of France. The unreasoning joy of the Court 
 and the people was probably not so much that they 
 looked forward soon to a second female regency, such 
 as that of Henri IV. 's widow Marie de Medicis, 
 whose Concini was not yet forgotten, as that all 
 rejoiced at the blow to Cardinal Richelieu. All felt 
 that, should the sickly King, whose health became worse 
 instead of better, now die, the man of craft and iron 
 will, who had hitherto ruled him and France despite 
 the Queen's plottings, would die also. Certain indeed 
 would be his political decease ; very probably he would 
 end by leaving the world, as he had caused many others 
 to leave it, the shorter by a head. 
 
 That there was some reason for the almost universal 
 detestation of the great Cardinal, this patron of art and 
 letters, it cannot be denied. For unhappy, groaning, 
 starving France, miserably moaning under increasing 
 taxation, was sick to death of the perpetual war. And 
 in Richelieu they saw the spirit of the war ; indeed, 
 he was the war. If unable to tax the nobles, all 
 the repeated burdens falling upon the peasants and 
 bourgeoisie^ yet did the great nobles themselves in 
 a measure feel the weight of the minister's fiscal 
 system ; and thus they hated him, even as the un- 
 fortunate Due de Montmorency had hated him, and 
 had risen in rebellion when his pocket was touched by 
 one who had formerly been his friend. For the 
 Cardinal, by his system of intendants, thirty-five of 
 whom he had estabhshed in various parts of France, 
 was now able to divert direct to the Crown a very 
 large proportion of the money wrung from the starving 
 poor. This money had formerly stopped half-way, in 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 303 
 
 the hands of the nobles themselves. Had the Cardnial 
 only been able to touch the Church, as he strove so 
 hard to do, far lighter would have been the burdens 
 which he found himself compelled to impose upon the 
 wretched people. Here, however, owing to the Pope's 
 refusal to give the necessary orders, as he had done in 
 Spain to help the Spanish arms against France, Richelieu 
 found himself helpless — found himself opposed, indeed, 
 by a stone wall of resistance far more solid than those 
 of any of the cities against which his armies were 
 operating in Flanders, in Catalonia, or in Italy. 
 
 Successive monarchs before him, from the time of 
 Francois I., had striven to solve the same problem, and 
 found the same hard nut to crack. The clergy had 
 the money, enormous wealth, but would not part with 
 it to the State. Francois had sought to obtain it by 
 roundabout means, rewarding his faithful adherents with 
 bishoprics and benefices. No sooner, however, had they 
 become part of the Church than they became imbued 
 with the spirit of that close corporation, and drew close 
 their purse-strings as tightly as the rest. 
 
 Thus, being unable to tax the nobles, and with a 
 clergy who refused to assist, things were looking very 
 badly in France ; and her armies, improperly supplied, 
 were being defeated in every direction. The young 
 Cond6 especially, then known as the Due d'Enghien, 
 was, with de Sourdis, getting himself most lamentably 
 trounced in Catalonia ; while affairs in the Low Countries, 
 in alliance with the Duke of Orange, were going equally 
 badly. As for the war in Italy, it was a deadly failure 
 Indeed, the only arms of France which were successful 
 at the time of the birth of Louis XIV. did not really 
 
304 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 belong to France at all, although Richelieu falsely 
 claimed their successes as his own. These were the 
 victories on the Rhine of a mercenary general, of the 
 Spinola or Waldstein type, whom Richelieu subsidised. 
 His name was Weimar ; and after defeating the enemy 
 four times and taking Breisach, he established himself as 
 a little independent king in Alsace. There was some- 
 thing very suspicious about the fever which suddenly, 
 in 1639, removed Weimar to a better world, when the 
 Cardinal found that he was determined to keep his 
 conquests for himself ; but it is quite possible that the 
 Cardinal was guiltless in the matter. 
 
 To return to the subject of the struggle for gold 
 between Richelieu and the Church. It was owing to 
 this struggle that Julius Mazarino, a man of infamous 
 character, known later as Cardinal Mazarin, first obtained 
 a footing in France. It is worthy of remark in passing 
 that Richelieu only desired gold for the State, not for 
 himself. Indeed, he always gave freely of all that he 
 ever possessed, not only for the support of art and 
 letters, but to defray the cost of the fetes and public 
 rejoicings necessary from time to time to maintain the 
 dignities of the State. How different a man was the 
 grasping Italian Mazarin history teaches only too well. 
 
 At the time that this handsome but debauched 
 young man first came as the Pope's Nuncio to France, 
 the Church was wonderfully rich, owning an amount 
 which can be approximately assessed at twelve hundred 
 millions of francs of modern money. For the clergy 
 had entirely given up using for the support of the 
 poor, for the maintenance of broken-down soldiers, 
 for schools, hospitals, or for other public works, the 
 
From n contemporary engraving 
 
 JL'LIUS MAZARINO 
 Known as Cardinal Mazakin 
 
 [ To face /'. 304 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 305 
 
 manifold goods which had been made over to the 
 Church for those purposes in the Middle Ages, before 
 the State, properly speaking, existed. The real State 
 was then itself. Now that there was another and 
 actual State, the Church kept all the money. What is 
 more, she traded with it in these hard times, buying 
 provisions cheap and selling dear, but giving nothing. 
 
 Richelieu, who several times changed his poHcy 
 from Gallican to Ultramontane, then back again to 
 Gallican, and in changing strove with partial success 
 to carry the bigoted King with him, was strongly 
 suspected of being, in his irritation, about to establish 
 himself as an independent Patriarch, entirely free from 
 the thraldom of the Pope. It seems more than likely 
 that he would have adopted this means of forcing the 
 clergy of France to obey him and part with some of 
 their ill-gotten spoils, had he only been able to carry 
 Louis XIII. with him as far as he wished to go himself. 
 Louis, however, had too much fear of and respect for 
 the Papal authority. 
 
 Thus was Richelieu compelled, for the time at all 
 events, to content himself with instructing the savant 
 Pierre du Puy to write an enormous controversial 
 compilation called " Gallican Liberties." The meaning 
 and sense of it all was : *' The Church is unable to 
 possess property." 
 
 It was the pubhcation of this fulminating work 
 against the clergy which frightened the Pope almost as 
 much as did the idea of the Cardinal establishing a 
 Patriarchate. To reason with the great minister, he 
 despatched a man whose handsome countenance and 
 soft, charming manners seemed to betoken him as best 
 
 20 
 
3o6 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 fitted for the purpose. This man he found in the 
 person of one of his powerful nephews' followers — indeed, 
 almost a domestic. He had discovered him in that 
 very Julius Mazarino who was the tool of Father Joseph, 
 and had as such interposed, white flag in hand, to foil the 
 French generals and stop the fighting at the time of Father 
 Joseph's disgraceful and treacherous Peace of Ratisbon. 
 
 Wonderful was Mazarin's first success with Riche- 
 lieu ! He actually obtained from him the withdrawal of 
 Pierre du Puy's book. For this piece of work he 
 vainly hoped that he himself would be rewarded with 
 a Cardinal's hat ; but he was deceived at that time. 
 Meanwhile, he buoyed up Richelieu with false hopes, 
 and persuaded him to send off an ambassador to the 
 Pope, that he might obtain the longed-for order to 
 make the clergy disgorge. The ambassador who was 
 sent was that very d'Estrees, the brother of the 
 unfortunate Gabrielle, who had, a ftw years previously, 
 so summarily ejected the Pope's own troops from the 
 mountain forts and the valleys of the ValteHne. 
 
 Needless to say, the Pope did not give the necessary 
 authority, and diplomatic relations were soon broken 
 off. Richelieu now brought the bigoted King to 
 accept and approve of du Puy's book, and to declare 
 to the clergy that he had the right, if he so wished, 
 to take all their hoards. The declaration to this effect 
 was made with all the bluster of a King Henry VIII. ; 
 but Louis had not by any means the courage of 
 a Henry VIII. where the spoliation of the Church 
 was concerned. Thus with the demand by the King 
 of merely three million francs at that time, January, 
 1640, the matter ended. It is true that in 1641 the 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 307 
 
 actual sum of five and a half million francs was yielded 
 up by the clergy ; but Richelieu was defeated all along 
 the line by the six bishops whom he had assembled 
 in congress to discuss the matter. In a furious rage 
 he sent them ofF to their respective dioceses ; but he 
 remained for ever after conquered, so far as gaining 
 possession of the goods of the Church was concerned. 
 
 During and before the end of this contest of Richelieu 
 with the Pope and the clergy, Mazarin, who had been 
 recalled to Rome, took fright, when he found that the 
 Cardinal would not climb down from the lofty position 
 which he had assumed before the Pope ; in which matter, 
 especially as regards the sending of d'Estrees, Richelieu 
 had acted upon the shifty Nuncio's own valiant advice, 
 tendered when in Paris. Richelieu, amused at Mazarin's 
 alarm, wrote him a piquant letter, laughing at the 
 cowardice which he displayed when once back again in 
 Rome. 
 
 Mazarin, however, was really frightened at the 
 possible visitation of the Pope's displeasure upon his 
 own head. Therefore, without beat of drum, he departed 
 secretly from Rome, and, having hurried back to France, 
 humbly asked of the Cardinal if he would accept him as 
 his pupil. 
 
 Richelieu well knew the cunning, tricky, unreliable 
 nature of the man ; but he foresaw that he would have 
 his uses, especially at that moment — not the least of 
 which would be to keep a check upon that old fox 
 Father Joseph. To him, if to any one, Mazarin ought 
 to have been grateful for bringing him first to notice ; 
 but the Cardinal knew that the Italian was as devoid of 
 gratitude as of any other moral quality. And, as he 
 
3o8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 had his own very valid causes for revenge against 
 Joseph, once having accepted Mazarin for his pupil of 
 policy and lodged him with his own reputed son, the 
 sombre Chavigny, Richelieu now proceeded to push 
 him secretly for that very Cardinal's hat which Joseph 
 was dying to obtain. This the King, apparently as a 
 reward for his treachery to Richelieu, was honestly 
 endeavouring to procure for Joseph ; but the minister 
 so managed the intrigue that the Father's hopes, after 
 being frequently tantaUsed, were eventually frustrated. 
 Hereupon the worthy Capuchin monk, already ill from 
 anxiety, actually died from disappointment. 
 
 It was some considerable time before the Cardinal's hat 
 was procured for the handsome but scoundrelly Italian. 
 In the meantime, however, the minister had important 
 work for him to do — namely, to make love to the Queen. 
 For, after the birth of the Dauphin had, by assuring 
 her supremacy in the event of the King's death, placed 
 him at such an evident disadvantage, Richelieu's first 
 fearful thought was, " Who will now be her next lovers, 
 and how will they act upon her as regards myself.^ " 
 
 He determined accordingly that, if possible, the next 
 lover should be a tool of his own, one whom he could 
 control by hope and fear. Such a one he had in Mazarin. 
 Richelieu presented him to the Queen with the very sug- 
 gestive remark that the young Italian priest was remark- 
 ably like the deceased Duke of Buckingham in feature. 
 That this suggestion was not without its immediate effect 
 upon the flighty imagination of her Majesty is proved 
 by the birth of a second son, afterwards the Due d'Orleans, 
 about whose paternity there appears to be no kind of 
 a doubt. He was an Italian to the backbone, and was 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 309 
 
 born September 22nd, 1640. This Prince was the 
 ancestor of King Louis PhiHppe. 
 
 Some historians have maintained, but without sufficient 
 grounds for the statement, that Louis XIV. himself was 
 the son of the man who afterwards was for so many years 
 minister to the Queen, and whom, it would appear, was 
 also secretly married to her, with a Papal dispensation. 
 But everything seems to point to the falsity of this 
 statement. Whoever was the father of Louis XIV., he 
 was a Frenchman, not an Italian — all his characteristics 
 showed it from early youth. 
 
 Having supplied the Queen with a favourite, the 
 Cardinal now set about supplying the King with a 
 favourite also, but with a less guilty intention. When 
 he supplied his Majesty with the handsome seventeen- 
 year-old youth Cinq Mars, it was partly that Louis 
 might have the pleasure of forming him, of becoming 
 in fact his preceptor, and making of him a beloved pupil, 
 whom he could scold and chastise whenever he should 
 so please. Louis had already displayed his inclination 
 towards acting the revered schoolmaster with two young 
 men previously — Baradas and Saint Simon. He does 
 not seem to have had much success in " forming" either ; 
 they were not suitable patients for the process. The 
 former was too manly, the latter too mediocre and 
 unimaginative in character and temperament. To 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort, also, he had utterly failed 
 to act as much in the nature of a schoolmaster as he 
 would have desired. That young lady was too sprightly 
 and witty by far, and if she was scolded would scold 
 back again, or else make fun of the King. Therefore, 
 as regards her education, he had to content himself 
 
310 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 with writing verses, drawing pictures, or studying music 
 in her society. 
 
 The handsome young Cinq Mars, however, seemed 
 to the King just the very kind of lad he required for 
 his purpose. He was the son of the Cardinal's late 
 firm ally, the Mar^chal d'Effiat ; and his sister had married 
 the Cardinal's relation, the General la Meilleraye. Being 
 thus in some sort a relation of the minister, Richelieu 
 thought that he could place him profitably at all events as 
 a spy about the King's person, if only to hear what he said 
 to the Queen's accomplice. Mademoiselle de Hautefort. 
 Finding him lolling and sleeping about the rooms in 
 corners, this was the very opportunity his Majesty 
 desired. He commenced by acting the pedagogue at 
 once, and reproving Cinq Mars seriously for so obviously 
 enacting the part of a spy, explaining how wicked a 
 proceeding it was. From that introduction Louis led 
 his pupil on to a course of instruction in military 
 matters, worrying him to death with plans he himself 
 drew of fortresses, pictures of sieges, cross-examinations 
 in tactics, and so on. His lectures to the youth, who 
 soon acted the part of a thoroughly spoiled child and 
 became headstrong and obstinate, used often to develop 
 into very stormy seances ; for the lad was by no means 
 contented to listen in silence to what a modern school- 
 boy would call the King's " continual jaw." 
 
 Moreover, he had even thus early developed bad 
 habits, and to the King's grief would mount a horse 
 and gallop away at night from Saint Germain to Paris, 
 to resort to bad society with other young men, or to 
 mix with fine ladies, who were only too ready to give 
 him lessons in gallantry far more to his taste than those 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 311 
 
 of his worthy preceptor. Before long, however, the 
 King became so idiotically attached to young Cinq Mars, 
 so drivellingly infatuated about him, that he even took 
 him off to the wars in his train, — bore him to the Siege 
 of Hesdin, where Mademoiselle de Hautefort was unable 
 to go ; and during the siege he never could be five 
 minutes without asking, " Where is Cinq Mars ? " 
 
 The lad, taking advantage of the situation, declared 
 that he loved the King in return for all this kindness, 
 but that he wished to be alone, and asked that La de 
 Hautefort might be told to frequent the Royal presence 
 no longer. Accordingly she was soon told to keep 
 away. But that young lady had a will of her own, and 
 could not be kept out. No matter what orders the 
 King gave, Louis still found himself meeting her at 
 every turn, in every corridor. The Cardinal, however, 
 pushed Cinq Mars to the front, and told him to ask for 
 all that he wanted, no matter what. And, strange to 
 say, this King, who hitherto had passed all his spare time 
 merely in writing plans of campaign, sending little 
 articles to the Gazette de France^ goi"g to the kitchen 
 to learn cooking, and so on, now seemed to have no 
 other pleasure in life than to oblige this lad of seventeen 
 or eighteen. Soon it was the Cardinal himself who had 
 to pull the King up sharply, when he found Louis bring- 
 ing the lad to consultations with him upon the most 
 important affairs of State ; indeed, Richelieu refused to 
 allow a sitting of the Council to take place until the lad 
 was ejected. 
 
 In the meantime, however, the boy had made the 
 King buy for him from that beau of earlier days, the 
 now old Due de Bellegarde, the post of Grand Equerry ; 
 
312 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Cinq Mars absurdly getting with it the usual title about 
 the Court of " Monsieur le Grand." 
 
 Before long we find the handsome youth modestly 
 demanding from the monarch the command of an army, 
 but the Cardinal prevented the granting of this ridiculous 
 request. He was, however, allowed to have command 
 of the corps of gentlemen volunteers, all young nobles 
 of France, at the important field operations during the 
 great Siege of Arras. When he had behaved with 
 sufficient courage, and had had a horse killed under 
 him, the King would not allow him to risk his precious 
 life any longer. The whole drivelling conduct of the 
 King about the lad was ridiculous to a quite incom- 
 prehensible degree. 
 
 While the King was thus playing with Cinq Mars, 
 or rather being so played with by him that he often 
 foolishly complained with tears of his favourite's mis- 
 conduct, things were improving for the Cardinal at the 
 war ; indeed, they were improving in all directions. 
 This was the result of two revolutions which broke 
 out simultaneously against Spain — that of Portugal and 
 that of Catalonia. The Catalans, who had been handling 
 the young Conde so roughly, had now changed round ; 
 this was owing to the folly of the old minister Olivares 
 in p)lacing in Catalonia, as a garrison against the French, 
 some of the brigands who had already been serving in 
 Italy. These ruffians behaved in Catalonia much after 
 the same fashion as the Spanish army under Gallas had 
 behaved in Franche Comte. There was no safety in 
 the country : married women and girls were treated as 
 though at the sack of a city ; while the gallant peasantry 
 who had fought so long and bravely against the French 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 313 
 
 were plundered, robbed, and murdered as though they 
 were the worst of enemies. Thus the Catalans in their 
 great misery cried aloud from their present friends to 
 their late foes. The result was that Louis XIII. declared 
 a monarchy over Catalonia, with the goodwill of the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 While affairs were going everywhere against Spain 
 so far as open warfare was concerned, one of the usual 
 cabals was hatching in the heart of France to undo by 
 treachery all that had been wrought by honest warfare. 
 This new conspiracy might ahnost have been called the 
 Conspiracy of the Women. If there had been women 
 at the bottom of some of the previous plots against 
 Richelieu, here they originated the conspiracy and were 
 present from top to bottom. To begin with, there 
 was Oueen Anne, as usual ; then there was the wife 
 of the ' Due de Guise, likewise the Italian-Flemish 
 wife of the Due de Lorraine. In addition to these, 
 the Queen-mother, Marie de M6dicis, in her exile 
 in England and the Low Countries, was pulling at 
 another end of the string ; while perhaps a still more 
 violent element was the young Catholic wife of the 
 hitherto Protestant Due de Bouillon, the ruler of Sedan, 
 who had done good service previously in Holland, 
 Mademoiselle de Hautefort was in the conspiracy also ; 
 this was, of course, because the Oueen had requested 
 her to join the combination. But at the bottom of the 
 whole affair was that queen of gallantry, that empress 
 of intrigue, the ever-restless Duchesse de Chevreuse. 
 She it was who in London recruited the Catholic Lords 
 Montagu and Holland and all the French refugees ; 
 and in Brussels, not only the Due de Lorraine, but the 
 
314 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 man who was to be in command of the invasion — for 
 such it was to be. This was the Comte de Soissons, a 
 cousin of the Due de Bouillon, and, like him, a prince 
 of the blood Royal. Even the King may be said 
 to have been concerned in the conspiracy in a slight 
 measure, through young Cinq Mars, who reported all 
 that Louis XIII. said in occasional fits of petulance 
 against the Cardinal, although Cinq Mars himself had no 
 active part in the ramifications of this wonderful affair. 
 
 It was a cabal in reality against the Cardinal ; but 
 it was formed nominally as a league of peace. 
 
 Although the Comte de Soissons, with his seven 
 thousand Imperial troops, won a victory over the half- 
 hearted troops, under de Chatillon, that Richelieu sent 
 against him, the Cardinal, ever awake, had already 
 provided for him. For, while proceeding for treason 
 against the Dues de Bouillon and Guise, the wily 
 minister, knowing that he could not attaint one so close 
 to the throne as Soisson in this manner, had concocted 
 other measures for getting rid of the leader of the 
 alien hordes in France. 
 
 Already before the fight had the restless Sublet du 
 Noyer started on a mysterious journey with a fat bag 
 of money ! What wonder then if, when, like Gustavus 
 Adolphus, the Comte de Soissons was watching the rout 
 of the King's troops, an unexpected shot was fired from 
 no one knew where, and he fell dead ! 
 
 Thus ended the conspiracy of peace ! For, after 
 the death of the French leader, the affair became merely 
 a foreign invasion. As the Spaniards never arrived to 
 help, it soon fizzled out in a complete failure. 
 
 Richelieu, in his delight at crushing so many foes 
 
The Appearance of Mazarin and Cinq Mars 315 
 
 at once, wrote a play called '' Mirame," and opened a 
 new theatre with it, afterwards called the Theatre 
 Franc^ais. All the Court, the Queen and every one 
 else, were bound to attend and listen to the insults 
 which for five acts the Cardinal playwriter poured out 
 against them in his triumph. But they had their revenge 
 upon the author, who was present. The whole house 
 listened to the performance from start to finish in a stony, 
 a glacial silence ! 
 
CHAPTER XXIX 
 
 Last Days of Richelieu^ Marie de Medicis 
 
 and the King 
 
 1641— 1643 
 
 The Cardinal's Continual Power. — He continually frustrates Conspiracies. 
 Another Plot against his Life. — Madame de Chevreuse again ! — 
 Auguste de Thou made a Tool of by " La Chevreuse." — The Victim 
 of Unrequited Love. — Madame de Gucmene not so reserved with 
 Retz. — Cinq Mars repeats King's Random Remarks, — Richelieu 
 to be killed at Lyons. — Gaston Faithless as Usual. — Richelieu's 
 Retreat to Tarascon.— By Mazarin's Advice Anne will run no Risks. 
 — She reveals the Plot to the Cardinal. — Richelieu catches Gaston 
 by a Risky Ruse. — De Thou and Cinq Mars executed. — The King 
 cringes to the Cardinal. — Conde's Son d'Enghien and the Cardinal. 
 —His Peculiar Behaviour after Marriage with Richelieu's Twelve- 
 year-old Niece. — The Fury of Richelieu. — A Second Insult by 
 d'Enghien. — Terrific Rage and Terrible Oaths of the Cardinal, — 
 Terror of the Condcs, Father and Son, — Madame de Combalet 
 gives Good Advice. — The Result, an Heir to the Line of Conde. — 
 Richelieu, still Vindictive, humiliates d'Enghien. — The Young Prince 
 becomes the Cardinal's Slave. — Richelieu carried to Rueil. — A Final 
 \'isit to Louis and Mutual Suspicion,— A Final Gift and its Mode 
 of Acceptance, — A Decent and Devout Death. — Richelieu's Last 
 Words that he had no Enemies. — What he was and what he did. — 
 Even in Death he is obeyed by the King. — Death of Marie de 
 Medicis at Cologne. — Death of Louis XI H. — Discomfiture of Gaston. 
 — Triumph of Anne and Mazarin her Minister. 
 
 A NOTICEABLE subject for surprise to the student of 
 
 the annals of the Court of France is the remarkable 
 
 manner in which the great Cardinal maintained his 
 
 316 
 
Last Days of Richelieu and the King 317 
 
 power to the very end of his life. And this is the 
 more remarkable when it is considered how very much 
 alone he was — how almost universally detested ; and 
 how, no sooner was one plot against the State or 
 his own life discovered and frustrated by him, than 
 another one was immediately set on foot. 
 
 In the year 1641 there was the insurrection headed 
 by that Royal Prince the Comte de Soissons. No 
 sooner was the Comte dead, and his right-hand man, 
 the Due de Bouillon, sent for sole punishment into 
 exile in cornmand of an army in Italy, than a yet 
 more dangerous plot was organised, — more dangerous, 
 that is, for the Cardinal ; for it was his hfe which was 
 now aimed at, his murder being carefully planned. 
 Some of the women who had been concerned in the 
 previous affair picked up and united the broken threads — 
 the Duchesse de Chevreuse, for iiistance, and the Duchesse 
 de Bouillon. But the nominal head of the cabal to 
 assassinate the Cardinal was Gaston, the King's brother : 
 the Queen kept herself this time well in the background, 
 although privy to the whole concern. If the nominal 
 head was Monsieur, the actual leaders in the concern were 
 two young men, both prepossessing in appearance, and 
 one, at all events, possessing real merit and ability. This 
 was Franc^^ois Auguste de Thou, son of the President, 
 Jacques Auguste de Thou, the celebrated historian, a 
 man who, like his father, was employed as the King's 
 Librarian. Francois Auguste was also employed as an 
 Intendant for the Army. Thus, although a man of the 
 robe, being a brave young fellow, as a volunteer he 
 frequently proved himself to be a man of the sword 
 also. In his capacity as Intendant of the Army de Thou 
 
3i8 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 had the opportunity of meeting many of the great officers, 
 including Monsieur. In his capacity about the Court 
 he was able to meet the great ladies, including her Majesty 
 Queen Anne herself. 
 
 This de Thou it was, then, that Madame de Chevreuse 
 made use of as the thread to bind the various separated 
 strands together, and to make withal a very dangerous 
 rope for the hanging of Richelieu. The bane of the 
 excessively intelligent Auguste de Thou was, what has 
 been the bane of many a man before and after him, 
 unrequited love ! This it was which made him such 
 a ready tool to the delicate fingers which manipulated 
 him. Slighted love it was which made him ready to 
 show what a man he was in the Queen's eyes, and 
 still more so in those of a frisky young goddess beloved 
 of the Queen and also of the handsome Auguste, who 
 sighed in vain for the lady's favours. This, however, 
 was not the sad plight of that very plain-looking but 
 most dangerous ladies' man Retz, the joint Archbishop 
 of Paris at the time of the Fronde, in which he played 
 such a prominent part. The frivolous lady was a certain 
 Madame de Guemene, and de Thou's efforts to outshine 
 Retz in her good graces cost him his life. The other 
 young man, whose name is indeed usually chiefly coupled 
 with this conspiracy for the assassination of his benefactor, 
 was Henri Coiffier, Marquis de Cinq Mars, the by far 
 too much beloved young confidant and friend of the 
 King. Cinq Mars it was who repeated, only too foolishly 
 and often, the sayings of the sickly King, who, in his 
 peevish moments of ill health, would often make use of 
 random expressions against the Cardinal, such as *' How 
 can I ever get rid of the man .'^ " or "Will nobody ever 
 
Last Days of Richelieu and the King 319 
 
 free me from him?" Thus it came to be generally 
 believed that his Majesty himself would not care how 
 soon the Cardinal might breathe his last. 
 
 The conspirators arranged that Richelieu was to be 
 killed at Lyons. There was something pathetic about 
 the way in which both the invalid King and the invalid 
 minister were once again, in that year of 1642, going 
 to the war in Spain. Each was carried in a litter, and 
 the King was about a day's journey in front of the 
 Cardinal. 
 
 Thus, the master having gone on, the minister, 
 according to arrangements made, ought to have been 
 slaughtered at Lyons when passing through there alone, 
 save for his Guarcis. The King's brother the Due 
 d'Orleans, however, according to his wont, did not carry 
 out his part of the plot. It had been expressly arranged 
 that he was to be present at Lyons to give his counte- 
 nance to the murder. Monsieur, however, preferred to 
 stop at Blois. Consequently the Cardinal passed through 
 Lyons in safety as far as Narbonne. But Richelieu had 
 by this time got an inkling of what was going on. 
 Instead, therefore, of following the King into Spain, 
 he declared himself too ill to go to the war, and had 
 himself carried off a long way, to the strong fortress 
 of Tarascon in Provence. From Tarascon he sent forth 
 letters to the various chiefs of the armies, especially to the 
 valiant Gassion, also to the Duke of Orange, stating 
 his danger, and saying that now was the time for his 
 friends to help him, for the King was willing to counte- 
 nance his destruction. 
 
 Nevertheless the wide-awake Cardinal did not know 
 quite how far things had gone until his cunning pupil 
 
320 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Mazarin, so intimate already with the Queen, pointed 
 out to Anne the risks she ran. He explained to her 
 that Cardinal de Richelieu was not by any means dead 
 yet, that the chiefs of the army were with him, and that, 
 should the plot succeed, Gaston would reap the benefit 
 instead of herself, since he would prevent her from 
 holding the regency when the King died, and, moreover, 
 probably would succeed in having her son the Dauphin 
 declared illegitimate. This decided the Queen. She 
 sent to Richelieu a secret messenger, and, while revealing 
 to him every detail under promise of secrecy being 
 observed as regards herself, told about the treaty Gaston 
 had made with Spain. Only she made a bargain, which 
 was, that her two sons were not to be removed from her 
 own keeping, for this the Cardinal had threatened Anne 
 that he would advise the King to do. 
 
 Once in possession of facts related verbally, the Cardinal 
 had great difficulty in getting at facts which could be 
 corroborated. Moreover, upon the King returning from 
 the Siege of Perpignan, Richelieu's supposed son, Leon 
 Bouthillier, commonly known as the Comte de Chavigny, 
 had at first much trouble in making him pay attention 
 to the Cardinal's messages about the plot and the secret 
 treaty. In order now to entrap him, messages were sent 
 to Monsieur, falsely stating that a copy of the treaty 
 that he had made with Spain had been found in an 
 abandoned ship off the coast of Catalonia, and he was 
 promised immunity if he would confess. Once more, cur 
 that he was, Gaston confessed everything, and, while 
 abjectly demanding pardon for himself, revealed the names 
 of his associates. The result of his revelations was, 
 that the unfortunate de Thou and the overweeningly 
 
Last Days of Richelieu and the King 321 
 
 presumptuous young Marquis de Cinq Mars were 
 seized and executed. 
 
 For the latter had at length disgusted the King 
 beyond all forbearance with his repeated impertinences, 
 not only to himself, but to all the generals. The young 
 man at first tried to escape from Narbonne ; then sought 
 concealment ; but upon the declaration being made that 
 any one concealing Cinq Mars would be sentenced to 
 death, a gentleman took him from his wife's bed, where 
 he was hidden, and delivered him up. When the hand- 
 some lad and the love-lorn de Thou were decapitated, there 
 was a great scene of sympathy. Especially when the 
 executioner nervously bungled the affair, and took several 
 blows to chop off the unfortunate de Thou's head, the 
 fury of the onlookers knew no bounds ; they threw so 
 many and such huge stones at the headsman, while yelling 
 opprobrious epithets at him, that it was with great diffi- 
 culty that he at length completed his bloody job. 
 
 After this double execution the King and the Cardinal 
 became sworn enemies. When, borne in his litter, the 
 sick King came to Tarascon, to be placed before the bed 
 of the sick Cardinal, he appeared before his all-powerful 
 minister cringing like a convicted criminal ; for he knew 
 that the conspirators, including the Due de Bouillon and 
 his own brother, had distinctly stated that it was merely 
 owing to his own intemperate expressions that they had 
 sought Richelieu's life. 
 
 During these concluding scenes of his life's eventful 
 history, there were four persons who still seemed to 
 remain attached to the great Cardinal's fortunes, although 
 only one of them appeared to have any real affection for 
 him. This was Leon, Comte de Chavigny, nominally 
 
 21 
 
322 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 son of Bouthillier, the man of whom rumour said that 
 Richelieu was himself the parent. He was, whatever 
 truth there may have been in the rumour, which seemed 
 supported by the personal resemblance between the pair, 
 at any rate a man of whose talent Richelieu always had 
 the very highest opinion. The other three were Mazarin, 
 the ever-restless du Noyer, and the young Prince de 
 Conde. The first of the three the Cardinal still retained 
 through fear ; the other two were held by interest 
 mingled with fear. 
 
 The excessive greed of the young Prince de Conde 
 caused, for a time, however, a violent breach. This 
 young man, while still called Due d'Enghien, whose 
 father had been shamefully enriched by the Cardinal 
 with the possessions of the Prince de Condi's own 
 brother-in-law, the decapitated Montmorency, had, when 
 aged twenty, been married by his father to the Cardinal's 
 own niece. This was Mademoiselle de Breze ; and, at 
 the time of the marriage, she was only a child of twelve. 
 Under pretext of her youth, even as time went on, 
 d'Enghien entirely avoided his young wife — the reason 
 being that the young man had other and higher views 
 for himself. He hoped to obtain a divorce upon the 
 grounds that the marriage with the Cardinal's young niece 
 had never been consummated, and then to obtain from 
 the King the hand of the fabulously rich Mademoiselle 
 de Montpensier, the daughter of Monsieur. He, with 
 this object in view, ingratiated himself greatly with both 
 the King and the Queen, by the efforts he made to enrich 
 the CarmeUte shrine in which both were interested. 
 
 By the time of the discovery of the Lyons plot 
 against the Cardinal's life, Richelieu had become 
 
Last Days of Richelieu and the King 323 
 
 infuriated with the young Prince. What ! was not the 
 blood of the Cardinal's family good enough for a 
 Conde, the circumstances of whose own father's birth 
 had been more than shady ? Did not the Cardinal 
 himself, moreover, in his robes of purple, take prece- 
 dence even of the blood Royal, remain seated in the 
 presence of the Queen herself? It was an outrage not 
 to be heard of! 
 
 Another insult, however, had been put upon Riche- 
 lieu's family by this young d'Enghien, who was later 
 known, on account of his victories, as the great Conde. 
 This was, that in passing through Lyons he altogether 
 avoided the Cardinal's brother, the Archbishop of Lyons, 
 who had himself also been created a Cardinal. This 
 prelate had made great preparations for the entertainment 
 of his nephew by marriage, when the young Prince 
 disdainfully went elsewhere. 
 
 It is said of Richelieu that, when he heard of this 
 renewed act of disdain, he got into one of his occasional 
 furies which were awful to behold. '' He swore so 
 terribly that his servants were aghast with horror ! " 
 
 The elder Conde heard of this, and was filled with 
 terror. But the mere fact of the Prince sending his son 
 to demand pardon from the enraged minister was not 
 sufficient. On the contrary, the Cardinal sent post-haste 
 to stop his mortal enemy, the King's brother Gaston, who 
 was just now on his way to exile in Venice. RicheHeu 
 sent Monsieur word that he need go no farther than 
 Savoy. For, in his anger, he intended to set the 
 Due d'Orleans up against the Cond6s, whose loss of 
 all emoluments and position seemed now inevitably at 
 hand — perhaps even their lives might be at stake. 
 
324 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 Terrified at length into abject submission, it was from 
 the Cardinal's favourite niece de Combalet, now Duchesse 
 d'Aiguillon, that the Due d'Enghien enquired what he 
 could do to appease the terrible wrath of the terrible 
 minister. " There is only one possible method of 
 escape from the dire consequences of the wrath of 
 the Cardinal-Due," said Madame d'Aiguillon : " you 
 must instantly make of your young spouse a wife in 
 fact as well as a wife in name. Then perhaps you may 
 be forgiven." Filled with terror, the young man with- 
 out delay sped all across France to his wife. When 
 shortly afterwards it was made known that there was 
 the prospect of an heir to the race of Conde, young 
 d'Enghien hoped that he had earned forgiveness. 
 
 The Cardinal had not, however, done with him yet. 
 To humiliate him further, he now ordered the trembling 
 Prince to go and apologise to Monseigneur de Lyon. 
 To make this task the more unpleasant, the vindictive 
 Richelieu instructed his brother to proceed at once to 
 the uttermost parts of Provence, so that the young 
 man was forced to traverse the whole of France to 
 accomplish his disagreeable mission. After this the 
 scion of the Condes was cowed, and remained com- 
 pletely at the beck and call of the Cardinal. 
 
 The Greatest Minister who ever figured in history 
 had, however, but a short time to live when he was 
 carried back by his personal Guards to his home at 
 Rueil. For Richelieu had for many years past insisted 
 upon having his own Corps of Body Guards, just as 
 the King had his, or the Queen hers. 
 
 Shortly before his end, when anxious to visit the sick 
 Louis Xin. at Saint Germain, the employment of these 
 
Last Days of Richelieu and the King 325 
 
 Guards became a burning question. The attitude of 
 mutual suspicion between Richelieu and Louis was such 
 that the former refused to visit his monarch without a 
 strong guard, unless the King consented to send away 
 several persons who, to his certain knowledge, had 
 volunteered to make an end of him. In the end the 
 Cardinal, as usual, had his own way, after a long 
 negotiation. 
 
 Even after the final visit had been paid, and the 
 dying minister had made over his own Palais Cardinal 
 to his Majesty as a parting gift, the attitude of mutual 
 suspicion was, if possible, only the more accentuated 
 between the pair. Immediately upon notification of 
 the gift, Louis sent off his own Guards to occupy the 
 Palais Cardinal, so as to make quite sure of being able 
 to retain it. 
 
 A very short time after this, towards the end of the 
 year 1642, the great Cardinal made a most decent and 
 religious ending, attended in his last moments by the 
 Cure of St. Eustache. The Cure exhorted him to forgive 
 his enemies. To him the dying statesman replied, in 
 broken accents, " Enemies ! I never had any, save those 
 of the State." And this was, in a measure, true. 
 
 The Cardinal Due de Richelieu may have been a 
 man of infinite political contradictions ; moreover, an 
 indifi^erent rhymester, a vain-glorious playwriter, an 
 occasional libertine, a hard taskmaster, an implacable 
 foe. But, for all that, his foes were invariably those 
 of the State, and, in a very evil period, he was the 
 best product of the time. 
 
 Despite the constant clamour against him for con- 
 tinuing the war, despite also occasional reverses and 
 
326 Sidelights on the Court of France 
 
 invasions, he undoubtedly saved France from complete 
 ruin at the hands of scoundrelly myrmidons, of the 
 Waldsteins and the Werths, who made such awful 
 havoc of the rest of Europe. He made her warhke, 
 and left behind him troops and generals worthy of 
 the name. As for his own name, so great was the 
 terror he left behind him at his death, that the 
 chronicler of the time, Monglat, says that they did 
 not dare to publish his death even in foreign countries, 
 lest by an effort of will he should return. 
 
 Even in dying, he imposed his will upon the monarch, 
 who survived him but for the space of six short months ; 
 for he left to Louis a poHtical testament, imposing upon 
 him as advisers Mazarin, Bouthillier, de Chavigny, 
 and Conde. In addition, he instructed the King to 
 steadfastly refuse pardon to any political prisoners in 
 the country, and to all political exiles out of it. 
 
 From the principal of these, however, the great 
 Cardinal had the satisfaction of knowing, in his dying 
 moments, that there was nothing more to feared. For 
 Marie de Medicis, the Queen-mother, she whose name 
 had ever been the synonym for conspiracy and intrigue 
 against her son and his minister, had, five months 
 previous to his own death, preceded Richelieu to " that 
 bourn whence no traveller returns." The unhappy 
 woman, being, owing to her ever-restless nature and 
 unceasing plottings, forced to leave in disgrace one 
 Court after another, including that of her son-in-law 
 Charles I. of England, died eventually in great poverty 
 in the house of Rubens the painter, at Cologne, in the 
 middle of the year 1642. 
 
 The Cardinal in his turn having died, Louis XIIL 
 
Last Days of Richelieu and the King 327 
 
 followed his advice to the letter until his own latter 
 moments, when, under the influence of religion, he 
 relaxed his severities, and the exiles came trooping 
 back again. 
 
 Meanwhile, her vivacious Majesty Anne of Austria, 
 had been acknowledged by the dying King as one of 
 the Council of Regency. No sooner was he dead, on 
 May 14th, 1643, than Monsieur found himself quite 
 ousted from the political importance for which he had 
 so long striven and plotted. There was a general 
 revulsion of feeling in favour of the Queen : the 
 Parliament, the town, the people, the country, were all 
 for her ! And thus, to the unstable Anne and to her 
 lover or husband, the wily, debauched, and avaricious 
 Mazarin, were now left the manifold manipulations of 
 the future fortunes of France. 
 
 FINIS 
 
 Printed by Hazell, Walson <$= I'iney, Ld., Loudon and Aylesbury, England. 
 
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