CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 Gift of 
 
 Herbert Fisk Johnson '22 
 
.- ^„.._.'^°''"^" University Library 
 E 125.V5L64 1851 
 
 THe life and voyages of Americus Vespuci 
 
 3 1924 020 421 867 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924020421867 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS; 
 
 iltastratifftts tmmm^ t\t |[aMptor, 
 
 THE DISCOVEEY OF THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 Agit grates, peregrinaetiue oscula terras 
 Fisit, et ignotos mantes agrosqne salutat. 
 
 Ovm, Met. iii. v. U. 
 
 BY C. EDWAEDS JESTER, 
 
 U. S. CONSUL rOR SIX TEAKS TO GENOA J AUTHOR OF " THE GLORY AND SHAMI 
 
 ;" " MT CONS! 
 
 ASSISTED BY 
 
 ANDREW FOSTER 
 
 SIXTH EDITION. 
 
 NEW HAVEN: 
 PUBLISHED BY HORACE MANSFIELT. 
 
 1855. 
 
P^'HQb^^.- 
 
 Emtered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by 
 
 HORACE MANSFIELD. 
 
 ^n the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United Stales, for the 
 
 Southern District of New Ycrk. 
 
DEDICATION 
 
 REV. T. ¥OODBRIDGE, 
 
 of austerlitz, n. y. 
 
 My Dear Uncle, 
 
 I should long ago have inscribed to you some one of my books, 
 if I had written one worthy of being dedicated to my earliest and 
 latest Teacher, and my truest Friend. Long study and calm reflec- 
 tion have made you familiar with almost every department of learn- 
 ing : and I am happy in the thought that, while you read this vol- 
 ume as a scholar, you will judge it as a friend. 
 
 One of my earliest recollections is of leading you through the 
 gardens, and maple grpves, and green fields of the home of my child- 
 hood ; when I looked up and saw serene cheerfulness always beam- 
 ing from your face, and heard you talk about all my little sports, I 
 could not then solve the mystery that one whose eyes the holy light 
 of heaven never visited, could sympathize so warmly with every- 
 thing around him. 
 
 Since then the lights and shadows of more than .twenty-five years 
 have fallen upon our path — nor have I ever, in aU my wanderings, 
 found a fellow-man, to whom you could not say, 
 
 " I see a hand yo-u cannot see ; 
 X hear a voice you cannot hear." 
 
 If I have accomphshed any thing in life worthy of your approba- 
 tion, I owe it chiefly to your sage counsels and generous encourage- 
 
IV DEDICATION. 
 
 ment. I liave never fled from the crowded city to breathe the calm, 
 pure country air without a kind greeting to your hospitable dwelling, 
 and I never left it without your benediction. I never returned from 
 my wanderings in other lands without your generous welcome. My 
 children, too, who now lead you round your own green fields, bear 
 your kind voice, and kneel before your household altar to recei-re 
 your blessing. 
 
 Around that altar may the richest blessings of Heaven cluster, ) t 
 many years. 
 
 Now, as always, your 
 
 Affectionate nephew. 
 
 C. EDWARDS LESTER. 
 New York. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Residing for some years in the land which gave birth to the two 
 great men who have divided the honour of discovering America, 
 my attention was frequently turned to the subject of this volume. 
 Without any fixed purpose of writing about Americus or his times, 
 I devoted the leisure I had, to the study of the era of Discovery, 
 and collected those books, charts, and MSS., which throw light 
 over the subject. 
 
 A superficial survey of my materials begat a feeling of surprise, 
 that no English or American historian had ever been attracted to- 
 wards so fine a theme, while a more diligent investigation at last 
 kindled a desire to possess my countrymen generally of information 
 which could not be found in the literature of our language. 
 
 But I was beset with uncommon difiiculties in the very begin- 
 ning of my labours. Various accounts of Americus and his Voy- 
 ages had appeared in Italian, Spanish, and German books, but no 
 writer of research or celebrity had thubwn much light over the 
 Life and Voyages of the Discoverer. A careful review of Canovai, 
 Bandini, and Bartolozzi, who are almost the only Italians that 
 have written much about Americus, with a minute examination 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 of Other authors, convinced me it would be no easy task to recon 
 cile their conflicting opinions, and separate history from fiction. 
 B\it the very obstacles I found in my way only served to show the 
 ylaims of the subject upon the historian. I wished to publish the 
 result of my studies before my return to Europe, but this would 
 have been impossible without essential aid from some one familiar 
 with the subject. For this purpose, I apphed last autumn to my 
 friend, Mr. Andrew Foster, of Boston, whose acquaintance with the 
 languages and literature of Modern Europe rendered his assistance 
 invaluable. He kindly complied with my request, and for several 
 months has devoted himself entirely to this work. It was but an 
 act of simple justice to insist that his name should appear on the 
 title-page, and to make this grateful acknowledgment, which I 
 do with unmixed pleasure. 
 
 It has been remarked of Petrarch, that " his verses and his let 
 ters, when read together, furnished a sort of running history of the 
 man." Though this remark cannot be applied in its fullest force 
 to Americus, yet it may be said to be partially true with regard to 
 him. His letters carry us through the scenes which he visited 
 during the most interesting part of his life, and though seldom 
 alluding to 'himself personally, it is easy to place him in the im- 
 agination in every position he describes. I thought it advisa- 
 ble to adopt a new arrangement of these documents, or rather to 
 follow the arrangement partially laid out by Canovai, and to divide 
 the-letter to Soderini into four parts, placing the different accounts 
 of each voyage together. 
 
 In preparing the translation of the letters many different editions 
 in Italian, Latin, and Spanish, have been consulted and compared, 
 The letter to Soderini follows principally the text of the Gruniger 
 
PREFACE. yii 
 
 edition, translated into Spanish by Navarrete, with some ahera- 
 vions and corrections of manifest errors. The letters to De Medici 
 ft^ere taken from the Itahan of Bandini and Canovai, with the»ex- 
 ception of the second letter, giving an account of the third voyage, 
 which was translated from the work of Bartolozzi. The I^aiiii 
 copy of the letter contained in the Novus Orbis of Grmaeus was 
 compared with the Italian. 
 
 The works of Mr. Irving, " The Life of Columbus " and " The 
 Companions of Columbus," have been carefully consulted. The 
 Paris edition has been used, and is the one referred to. It \s 
 the last- edition, and published under Mr, Irving's own eye, and 
 therefore in all probabihty the most correct. The Collection of 
 Senor Navarrete has been invaluable, and has brought to light 
 many facts of which all previous biographers of Americus were 
 ignorant. 
 
 Before concluding these prefatory sentences, I wish to express 
 my warm sense of obligation to Mr. Moore, the Librarian of the 
 New York Historipal Society, for his uniformly courteous treatment 
 and his kind aid in facilitating the researches necessary in the prep- 
 aration of this work. The Library itself is a fine collection of val- 
 uable historical works, and I doubt whether any one, with the excep- 
 tion perhaps of the Ehbehng collection, in the Harvard University 
 Library, is more rich in matter relating to the early history of 
 America. Indeed, there are some rare works found in the N. Y. 
 H. S. Library which are not readily met with in Europe. 
 
 I cannot close this account of my labours without petitioning tlio 
 reader to lay aside the prejudice so common in this country against 
 the very name of Americus. The learned have said that he 
 " usurped the name of the continent," and the vulgar have re- 
 
TUl PBEFACE. 
 
 peated it. How poorly the great Navigator has merited this charga 
 the following pages will show. The work is now given to the 
 Public, with the hope that the labours of the authors wiU not be 
 in vain. 
 
 0. EDWAEDS LESTEE. 
 New York. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 PART I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAQI 
 
 Introductory Remarks. — General View of the State of the Commerce of tlie 
 World previous to the Discovery of America. — Merchants necessarily 
 Travellers. — High Rates of Interest of Money. — Evidence of approaching 
 Change. — Italian Manufactories. — State of Civilization, 1400. — Effects of 
 the Conquest of the Eastern Empire. — Marco Polo. — Mandeville. — Inven- 
 tion of the Compass and Astrolabe. — Prince Henry of Portugal. — Rob- 
 ertson's Character of him. — His Zeal for the Cause of Discovery. — Vas- 
 00 De Gama — Doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 1497. — Progress of Dis- 
 covery. — Portuguese Expeditions to the Coast of Africa. — Papal Grants 
 of Dominion. — Death of Prince Henry. — Discoveries by Columbus. — ^What 
 moved him to attempt them. — Islands of St. Brandan and of the Seven 
 Cities. — Paolo Toscanelli. — Discoveries of the Scandinavians. — Italian 
 Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian Cabot. — Pre-eminence of particular 
 Ideas at particular Epochs. — Cotemporary Authors. — Fernando Columbus. 
 — ^Bartolomeo de Las Casas. — Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo. — Andrez Ber- 
 nal. — ^Antonio Herrera de TordesiUas. — Francisco Lopez de Gomara. — Pe- 
 ter Martyr. — Concluding Remarks, 21 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Birth of Vespucius, 1451. — His Parents. — Anastasio Vespucci and Elizabettr 
 Mini. — Origin of the Vespucci Family. — Peretola. — Extract from Ugolin 
 Verini. — Estates of the House. — Old Family Mansion. — Inscription ovei 
 its Door. — Simone Vespucci. — His great Wealth. — Offices of State of Flor- 
 ence held by the Vespucci. — Guido Antonio di Giovanni Vespucci. — Im- 
 mediate Relatives of Americus. — Antiquity of Family. — Destiny of Amer- 
 icns. — Commerce and Italian Bankers, . . 54 
 
 2 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PAsa 
 The Youth of Great Men.— Lack of Detail in this Respect.— Early Educa- 
 tion of Americus. — Georgio Antonio Vespucci. — His Uncle. — Brilliant Ex- 
 pectations of his Family. — Studies in Astronomy and Cosmography. — 
 Friendship for Piero Soderini.— Tomaso Soderini.— The Plague in Flor- 
 ence, 1478. — Dissolution of the School of the Friar "Vespucci. — Early Let- 
 ters of Americus. — Lorenzo de Medici — His Brilliant Administration. — 
 Paolo Toscanelli, th/5 Learned Florentine Physician. — Religious Educa- 
 tion' of Aniericus. — Letter of Americus to his Father, . . . . 62 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Period from 1480 to 1490. — Cosmography. — High Value of Maps. — Gabriel 
 de Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes of the Departure of Americus from Flor- 
 ence. — Girolamo Vespucci. — His Loss of Property. — Piero de' Medici 
 commissions Americus. — Spain. — Wars against the Moors. — Giovanni 
 Vespucci, the Nephew of Americus. — ^Account given of him by Peter Mar- 
 tyr. — Letter of Americus and Donato Nicollini. — Juan Berardi, 1492. — 
 The necessary Reflections of Americus. — An Epoch of Enterprise and Im- 
 provement, 70 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 Meeting of Americus with Columbus, 1492, '93. — Description of the Per- 
 sonal Appearance of Columbus. — Personal Appearance of Americus. — 
 Sketch of their different Views. — The- Problem of Longitude. — Discussion 
 at Salamanca. — Conversation between Columbus and Americus. — Singu- 
 lar Vow of the Former.— He repels the Imputation of Mercenary Motives. 
 — Doubts of Americus as to the Territories of the Kha?., drawn from the 
 Appearance of the Natives, &c. — His Ideas of a large Island between Eu- 
 rope and Asia. — Confidence of Columbus. — Consid-^rs himself Divinely 
 Commissioned.— His Plan of Attack upon the Infidels.— Cites Paolo Tos- 
 canelli. — Vespucius States Ms View of the Question of Longitude. Ter- 
 restrial Paradise. — Enthusiasm of Columbus on this Subject— Exaggera- 
 tion of Marco Polo. — Criticism of Americus, . . . . 78 
 
CONTEJTTS. Xi 
 
 CHAPTER YI. 
 
 PiAE 
 
 Death of Berardi. — Payments to Americus. — Wreck of Fleet fitted out by 
 him. — His Letter to Soderini. — Modesty displayed by him. — Position held 
 by Americus in his First Voyage. — Cosmography of Ilacomilo. — BiWio- 
 theca Riccardiana. — Rene, Titular King of Sicily and Terusalem. — Date 
 of the Voyage. — Herrera's Statements. — The Name of America. — Span- 
 ish Archives. — Voyages of Alonzo de Ojeda. — His Evidence in the Law- 
 suit of Don Diego Columbus. — Silence of the Cotemporary Historians. — 
 Negatiye Evidence. — Extract from Gomara on the Subject. — No Dispar- 
 agement of Columbus. — Authenticity of the Letters. — Feelings of Colum- 
 bus. — His Letter respecting Ahfiericus to his Son. — General Licenses of 
 the Crown for other Voyages, 93 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Sketch of the Life of Piero Soderini. — His Character. — Elected Gonfalo- 
 ni^re of Florence. — His Fall and Banishment. — His Death at Rome. — 
 Letter of Americus to him, describing his First Voyage. — His Reasons 
 for Writing. — Sails from Cadiz, May 10th, 1497. — Arrives at the Grand 
 Canaries. — Arrives at the New World. — -Appearance of the Inhabitants. 
 — Sails along the Coast. — Their Weapons and their Wars. — Mode of 
 Life. — Religion and Laws. — Their Riches. — Their System of Physic. — 
 Burial Rites. — Their Food. — Ignarai. — Finds trifling Indications of Gold. 
 — Venezuela. — 'Treachery of the Inhabitants. — Fight with them. — Five 
 Prisoners. — Their Artful Escape. — Singular Animals. — Fish made into 
 Flour. — Americus received by another Tribe with great Honour. — Laugh- 
 able Occurrence. — Establishes Baptismal Fonts. — Lariab. — Cannibalism. 
 — Repairing the Ships. — Sail for the Islands. — Battle with the Natives. 
 — Slave Prisoners. — Return Voyage. — Arrival at Cadiz, 15th of Octo- 
 ber, 1498, 109 
 
 CHAPTER Vni. 
 
 The Arrival of Columbus on the Coast of Paria, and at Hispanioja, August 
 30th, 1498. — Distracteii State of the Colony he had left. — Despatches 
 News of his Discovery of the Continent on 18th of October, 1498, from 
 Isabella. — Americus arrives at Cadiz, 15th of October, 1498. — News 
 
Xii COISTKNTS. 
 
 PASI 
 
 made Public. — Consequent Excitement. — Alonzo de Ojeda. — His Plan of 
 an Expedition. — Bishop Fonseca. — His Hatred of Columbus. — Commis- 
 sion of Ojeda. — His Companionship with Americus. — Interval between 
 First and Second "f"oyage. — Maniage of Americus with Maria Cerozo. — 
 He goes to Court. — Is Importuned by Ojeda. — Consents to go with him. 
 — Juan de la Cosa.— Preparations for sailing at Seville. — Lorenzo di Pier- 
 Francesco de' Medici. — Sketch of his Life, 140 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FIRST LETTER Or AMERIcnS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRANCESCO DE* MED- 
 ICI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS SECOND VOTAGE. 
 
 Departure from Cadiz, May 18th, 1499. — Makes the Canary Islands. — Ar- 
 rives at the New World in twenty-four Days. — Difficulty of Disembarca- 
 tion. — Freshness of the "Water at Sea. — Two large Rivers Discovered. — 
 Ascent of one of them. — Description of the Scenery. — Remarkable Cur- 
 rent. — Shadows of the Sun. — The Stars of the South Pole. — Remarka- 
 ble Passage in Dante. — Calculation of Distance from Cadiz. — Calculation 
 of Longitude, Aug. 23, 1499. — Occultation of Mars. — Sails Northwardly. 
 — Discovers an Island. — Description of the Natives. — Their Hospitality. 
 — Present of Pearls. — Voyage continued, — Meets with Unfriendly Na- 
 tives. — Cannibalism. — Battle with them. — Valour of a Portuguese Sail- 
 or. — A very large Race of Natives. — Venezuela. — Proceeds to Hispaniola. 
 — Refitting the Fleet. — #ontipne Homeward Voyage. — Take a Cargo of 
 Slave-prisoners. — Arrive at the Azores and Cadiz. — Conclusion of the 
 Voyage, 151 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 OONTINUATION OF THE LETTER OF AMERIcnS TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING 
 AN ACCOUNT OF HIS SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 Departure from Cadiz, May, 1499. — ^Arrival in the New World. — Signs of 
 Inhabitants. — Coasting the Shores. — San Luis de MaranhSg^-Chase and 
 Capture a Canoe. — Cannibalism. — Pearls and Gold. — Iniil^f^Natives. — 
 Chewing the Cud. — Want of Water. — Immense Leaves.— Island of Cura- 
 coa. — Large Islanders.— Visit to their Village. — Returning to Castile. — 
 
 Trade with the Indians. — Large Quantity of Pearls. — Visit Antilla 
 
 Take k Provisions.— Sail for Spain.— Arrival at Cadiz, June 8th, 1500, 17 
 
CONTENTS. Xiii 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Uijustifiable Perversion of the Words of Americus. — Attack of Sickness. — 
 New Spanish Fleet for him. — His Position in Spain. — Motives of the 
 King of Portugal in attempting to gain the Services of Americus. — First 
 Attempt by Letter. — Second Attempt by a Messenger. — Jnliano Giocondo. 
 — ^He leaves Spain secretly. — Goes to Lisbon. — Reception at the Court of 
 Emmanuel. — Importance of his Voyage to the Kingdom of Portugal. — Ex- 
 tract from Thomson's Seasons. — A Word respecting the Date of the Voy- 
 age. — Inaccuracy of Herrera, 186 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 SECOND I/ETTER OF AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRANCESCO DE MED 
 
 ICI, GIVING A BRIEF ACCOUNT OP HIS THIRD VOYAGE, MADE 
 
 FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 Departure from Cape Verd. — Arrival at the Continent. — Heavenly Bodies. 
 — Beauty of the Country. — Numerous Animals. — The Natives destitute of 
 Laws and Rehgion. — Their Food and Ornaments. — Longevity. — Mode of 
 Reckoning Time. — Their Wars and Cannibalism. — Climate. — Products 
 of the Country, . , . . 195 
 
 CHAPTER Xni. 
 
 SECOND LETTER OF AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRANCESCO DE' MED- 
 ICI, GIVING A FULLER ACCOUNT OF HIS THIRD VOYAGE, 
 MADE FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 Preamble respecting the First Letter of Americus to De Medici. — Sails from 
 Lisbon May 13th, 1501. — Arrives at the Canaries. — Coasts the Shores of 
 Africa. — Experiences violent Gales. — Provisions fall short. — Long Passage. 
 — Despair at their Situation. — Arrive at last at the Continent. — Ignorance 
 of the Pilots. — Astronomical Observations of Americus. — Coast along the 
 Shores of South America. — Intercourse with the Natives. — Thickly-inhaby 
 ited Country. — Singular Customs of the Natives. — Their Mode of Life. — 
 Cannibalism again. — Climate and Fruits. — Stars of the Antarctic Pole. — 
 Beautiful Iris or Rainbow. — Geometrical Calculations of Americus. — Grati- 
 tude to the Supreme Being. — Arrival at Lisbon. — Another Voyage in Con- 
 templation, ....... ... 203 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THK LETTER TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING A DESCRIP- 
 TION OF THE THIRD VOYAGE OT AMERICUS. 
 
 Stay at Lisbon after Second Voyage. — Letters from the King of Portugal. 
 — Juliano Bartoloraeo del Gioconrto sent from Lisbon to urge Americus to 
 sail in the Portuguese Service. — His Consent and Departure for Lisbon. 
 — Sails from Lisbon, 13th of May, 1501. — Encounters severe Storms. — 
 Arrives at the Continent. — Sails along the Shores. — Attempts to treat 
 with the Natives. — IVo of the Crew proceed Inland. — Treachery of the 
 Natives. — One of the Crew killed and eaten. — Learn the Death of the 
 other Two. — At length meet with Friendly Natives, — Continue the Voy- 
 age to the North. — April 7th, discover New L'and. — More severe Storms. 
 — Return to Lisbon. — Arrive on the Seventh of September, 1502, . 223 
 
 CHAPTER XT. 
 
 Reception at Lisbon. — Honours irt that City and Florence. — High Reputa- 
 tion of Americus.^His Astronomical Discoveries. — His Method of deter 
 mining Longitude. — The Southern Cross. — A New Expedition prepared. 
 — Gonzalo Coelho. — Sails fi'om Lisbon with six Ships on the 10th of 
 May, 1503. — Foolish Vanity and Obstinacy of the Commander Coelho. — 
 Loss of Part of the Fleet. — Great Inconvenience occasioned thereby. — 
 Americus pursues his Voyage. — Discovers an Island. — Very tame Birds 
 tffereon. — Arrives at the Continent. — Bay of All Saints. — Builds a Fort 
 there. — Leaves a Garrison. — Return Voyage. — Arrival at Lisbon, June 
 18th, 1504. — Commends his Family to the Notice of Soderini. — Conclu- 
 ding Remarks, ■••........ 23< 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Return of Americus to Spain, 1504. — At Court, February, 1505. — Colum- 
 bus.— Ill Treatment of him.— Death of Queen Isabella.— Effect oh the" 
 Fortunes of Americus.— Royal Grants to him.— New Expedition.— Vi- 
 cente Yanes Pinzon.— The Name of America.— False Assertion and De- 
 duction.— Reasons why the Name was first given. — Ilacomilo's Cosmog- 
 raphy.— First Use of the Name.— Extracts from an able Article in the 
 N. A. Review. — Canovai's Opinion, q^i: 
 
P^flB 
 
 CONTENTS. _^ 
 
 XT 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Difficulties of the New Expedition.— Perplexity of the Officials of the 
 Board of Trade. — Accession of Philip and Joanna.— Disagreements be- 
 tween Philip and Ferdinand.— The Board of Trade send Americus to 
 Court. — Their Instructions to him.— Death of King Philip.— Complaints 
 of the Portuguese Court.— The Voyage given up.— Ultimate Fate of the 
 Vessels composing this Fleet. — Great Expense occasioned by it. — Absence 
 of King Ferdinand, and his Return. — Americus ordered to Court. — His 
 Occupation there.— Appointed Chief Pilot.— His Death, February 22nd,. 
 1512 
 
 256 
 
 CHAPTER XVm. 
 
 Character and Writings of Americus, . . 265 
 
 PART II. 
 
 KULOGIUM OF AMERICUS TESPlTCnrs, WHICH OBTAINED THE PREMIUM FROM 
 
 THE NOBLE ETRUSCAN ACADEMY OF CORTONA, ON THE 15tH 
 
 OF OCTOBER, IN THE YEAR 1788. 
 
 Letter of the Etruscan Academy of Cortona, to Count John Louis of Durfort, 
 then Minister Plenipotentiary of France to the Royal Court of Tuscany, 
 accompanying the Premium Eulogy. — Praise, the Aliment of Genius. — 
 The Youth of Americus. — The Position of Americus. — The Spirit of Emu- 
 lation and its Effects. — The Eulogist imagines an Address to Americus. — 
 The Doubts and Decision of Americus. — ^The Advantages and Disadvanta- 
 ges of the Discovery of Americus. — Comparison of the Tracks of Columbus 
 and Americus. — Cosmographical Calculations of Americus. — Rejoicings at 
 Florence in consequence of the Discoveries of Americus. — The Voyages of 
 Americus in the Service of Portugal. — Importance of the Discovery of 
 Brazil. — Thoughts respecting the Civilization of American Aborigines. — 
 The Name of America, his £.eward. — Death and Memory of Americus. 
 
_j CONTENTS. 
 
 -Motives of Canovai in writing the Etdogium—The History of Tira- ^^^ 
 boschi 
 
 n. 
 
 A NARRATIVE ADDRESSED TO LORENZO DI PIER -FRANCESCO DE' MEDICI ; 
 
 Giving an Account of the Voyage and Discoveries of Vasco de Gama beyond 
 the Cape of Good Hope, the Anthorship of which, has been attnbnted to 
 Americas Vespucius.— Reasons of Canovai for discrediting the Narrative.— 
 The Arguments of Canovai considered.— The Relation of the Voyage of 
 Gama.— Discovery of Lands beyond the Cape of Good Hope.— Departure 
 from MeUnda.— Description of the City of Calicut.— The Moorish Mer- 
 chants of Cahcut.- The Currency of the Country.— Prices of the diflferent 
 Articles of Produce.— Precious Stones.— Arrival of Strangers at Calicut.— 
 The Monarch's Mode of Life.— Calculation of Distance from Lisbon.— 
 Productions of the Country, ^^'^ 
 
 III. 
 
 LETTERS OF PAOLO TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS. 
 
 Letters of Paolo Toscanelli to Columbus. — Letter of Toscanelli to Marti- 
 nez. — ^Distance from Lisbon, 330 
 
 IV. 
 
 MARCO POLO AND HIS TRAVELS. 
 
 Election of Visconti to the Papal Chair. — Friars sent by the Pope to accom- 
 pany the Polos. — The Polos pursue their Journey. — Marco Polo sent on 
 Embassies by the Khan. — Their Scheme to return to Venice. — ^Depart- 
 ure ftom Cathay. — Magnificent Letters Patent. — Arrival at Venice. — 
 Marco taken Prisoner by the Genoese. — Marriages of the Polo Family. — 
 Efiects of the Travels of the Polos. — Great Extent and Public Buildings 
 of the City. — Judicial Officers. — ^Private Residences and Domestic Hab- 
 
CONTENTS. XVll 
 
 PAoa 
 its. — Lake in the Neighbourhood of the City. — Palace of the King, and 
 
 his great Luxury. — Revenue of the Khan. — The Island of Cipango. — 
 Paper Money. — Immense Wealth of the Great Khan. — The Care and 
 Bounty of the Monarch towards his Subjects, 337 
 
 V. 
 
 FELLOW-VOYAGERS OF AMERICTJS. 
 
 Alonzo de Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa. — Juan de Vergara and Garcia de 
 Campos. — Settlement at Bahia Honda. — Quarrels of Ojeda and his Part- 
 ners. — Legal Process against Ojeda. — The Gold Mines of Veragua. — 
 Juan de la Cosa. — Voyage of Bastides. — Connection of De la Cosa with 
 Ojeda. — Bitter Feud between Ojeda and Nicuessa. — Departure from San 
 Domingo, 15th Nov., 1509. — Proclamation of Ojeda to the Indians. — De 
 la Cosa tries to dissuade Ojeda from settling in this Part of the Coun 
 try. — Death of Juan de la Cosa. — Character of De la Cosa. — Great Anxiety 
 on Board the Ships, and Escape of Ojeda. — Ojeda, with the Aid of Nicu- 
 essa, prepares for another Attack. — Settlement in the Gulf of Uraba. — 
 Ojeda Wounded. — Arrival of Talavera with scanty Supplies. — Departure 
 of Ojeda, and his Shipwreck. — Sufferings of the Spaniards in Cuba. — Ojeda 
 builds a Chapel in fulfilment of his Vow. — Sends a Message to Esquibel, 
 in Jamaica. — News of the Bachelor Enciso. — Last Days of Ojeda, . . 366 
 
 YI. 
 
 DOCtTMENTS RELATING TO AMEEIC0S VESPUCITTS : PRESENTED IN THE 
 COLLECTION OJ; NAVARRETB. 
 
 Documents of Navarr^te. — M. deHamboldt's Remarks on the Letter of 
 Santaren, • • 395 
 
 vn. 
 
 L£FTEB OF M. RANEE TO M. DE HUMBOLDT, RESPECTING THE CORRESPOND- 
 ENCE OF AMERICUS WITH SODERINI AND DE' MEDICI. 
 
 Letter of M. Ranke. — The Soderini Family. — Political Connections of the 
 Vespucci Family, ... 401 
 
Xviii CONTENTS. 
 
 vra. 
 
 THE VESPUCCI FAMILY. 
 
 The Vespucci Family. — Memorial to the generous American Congress.— 
 Letter to C. Edwards Lester, from Amerigo Vespucci, . . . 405 
 
PART 1 
 
 BIOGRAPHY. 
 
T«j^, 
 
Si» 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory Remarks. — General View of the State of the CommercB 
 of the World previous to the Discovery of America. — Merchants ne- 
 cessarily Travellers. — High Kates of Interest of Money. — Evidence 
 of approaching Change. — Italian Manufactories. — State of Civiliza- 
 tion, 1400. — Effects of the Conquest of the Eastern Empire. —Mar- 
 co Polo. — Mandeville. — Invention of the Compass and Astrolabe. — 
 Prince Henry of Portugal. — Robertson's Character of him. — His 
 Zeal for the Cause of Discovery. — Vasco De Gama — Doubles the 
 Cape of Good Hope, 1497. — Progress of Discovery. — Portuguese 
 expeditions to the Coast of Africa. — Papal Grants of Dominion. — 
 Death of Prince Henry. — Discoveries by Columbus. — What moved 
 him to attempt them. — Islands of St. Brandan and of the Seven 
 Cities. — Paolo Toscanelli. — Discoveries of the Scandinavians. — 
 Italian Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian Cabot. — Pre-eminence 
 of particular ideas at particular Epochs. — Cotemporary Authors. — 
 Fernando Columbus. — Bartolomeo de las Casas. — Gonzalo Fernan- 
 dez de Oviedo. — Andrez Bemal. — Antonio Herrera de TordesiUas. 
 — Francisco Lopez de Gomara. — Peter Martyr. — Concluding Re- 
 marks. 
 
 The commerce of the world until nearly the chaptbr 
 close of the fifteenth century was carried on chiefly '- — 
 
 Commerce 
 
 by means of land transportation. Voyaares of much "f *« "f- 
 
 ■' ^ J a teentn cen- 
 
 extent were almost unknown, and the mariner con- ^'^■ 
 fined himself to inland waters, or hovered along the 
 shores of the great Western Ocean, without venturing 
 out of sight of land. The principal marts of, Europe 
 were the Hanseatic cities — a league of mercantile 
 
22 LIFE AND' VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER towns, which was formed for the purpose of security 
 
 and mutual protection. 
 
 The thriving Republics of Italy were the carriers 
 of the world. For many centuries their citizens 
 were almost the only agents for commercial com- 
 munication with the countries of the East. Venice 
 and Genoa maintained establishments on the far- 
 thest shores of the Mediterranean and Black Seas. 
 Immense caravans crossed the deserts of Arabia 
 and Egypt, their camels laden with the costly fab- 
 rics of the Indies, which were received by the 
 Italian traders from the hands of the Mahometans, 
 and distributed over Europe. Here and there upon 
 the deserts, a green oasis with its bubbling spring 
 or fresh rivulet, served these mighty trains for a 
 resting-place, where man and beast halted to re- 
 cover from the fatigues of their weary journeys. 
 
 ouen dries Occasionally, on these spots, where the soil was 
 of sufficient fertility to sustain a population, villages 
 grew up. In rarer instances and in earlier ages, 
 large cities had been built upon these stopping- 
 places, and were for the time the centres of traffic. 
 Their warehouses, cumbered with the fruits, the 
 treasures, and the fabrics of India, tempted the tra- 
 ders of all nations to their gates, and their market- 
 places resounded with the busy hum of a crowded 
 population. While the current of business flowed 
 in that direction, all vrithin their walls evinced 
 life and activity, but as soon as a new channel was 
 adopted by merchants, they fell into insignificance, 
 and were once more abandoned to the solitude of 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 23 
 
 the desert. Travellers of the present day occasion- chapter 
 ally visiftheir sites, and tell tales of wonder of the — - — ■ 
 •gigantic ruins of some Balbec or Palmyra of the 
 wilderness. 
 
 In the fifteenth century merchants were, of ne- system oi 
 
 business in 
 
 cessity, travellers. They could not, as in the present J^^™''^'"® , 
 day, sit quietly in their counting-rooms, and transact 
 business with all parts of the known world, re- 
 ceiving by each day's post communications from 
 distant agents, and issuing orders for future opera- 
 tions, with the certainty of their receipt and prompt 
 execution. The stranger was regarded as an ene- 
 my by the laws of most countries, and the foreign 
 merchant was looked upon with distrust and appre- 
 hension. There existed little confidence in mer- 
 cantile honor, and bills of exchange were rarely 
 resorted to, except in cases of emergency and dan- 
 ger. The exorbitant rates of interest which were 
 in all cases demanded for the use of money, mate- 
 rially checked active commercial operations. 
 
 Absurd as it seems in the present day, an idea False idew 
 generally prevailed, that the receipt of interest for 
 loans came within the scriptural denunciation of 
 usury, and, notwithstanding the enlightened views 
 which were beginning to gain ground, there were not 
 wanting learned doctors of the church who main- 
 tained the guilt of those who received pay for the 
 risk they took in loaning their capital. The mer- 
 chants of Italy, or, as they were called in the North 
 of Europe, the Lombards, were the bankers as well 
 as the carriers of the age, and finding themselves 
 
24 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER engaged in a business which was considered dis 
 
 '■ — graceful and irreligious by the mass of the people; 
 
 naturally became extravagant in their demands in 
 the ratio of the infamy of their transactions. The 
 consequence was, that extravagant profits were 
 required to remunerate traders, and traffic was con- 
 fined almost exclusively to barter and exchange. 
 The merchant accompanied his goods to their des- 
 tination, sold them himself, and purchased a new 
 stock, which was saleable in his own countr)' ; and 
 in most cases this transaction was effected without 
 the medium of gold or silver. 
 E-4denee of But evideucc of an approaching change was not 
 'mercalta^ Wanting. The demands of advancing civilization 
 
 afiiurs. 
 
 had begun to. develop a vast alteration in the face 
 of Europe. The increasing demand for the fabrics 
 of the Eak stimulated the enterprise of the inhabi- 
 tants of the South of Europe, and efforts were made 
 to cultivate the plants of India, while manufactories, 
 already established in Italy, gave fair promise of 
 success and profit. The looms of her silk- weavers 
 had already begun to clothe her citizens in gar- 
 ments which heretofore, from their costliness, could 
 only be obtained by princes and nobles, 
 compara- It is cunous to Contemplate the vast difference in 
 
 tive luxuiy -in 
 
 rfiatiins. juxiu-y and comfort which existed oetween those 
 countries which, from their natural geographical 
 position, were placed in the course of trade, and 
 those more secluded or out of the way of travellers. 
 In England, for instance, an isolated comitry, many 
 of the inhabitants of her largest towns lived in huts, 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. , 25 
 
 without window or chimney. The fire was built chapter 
 
 on the ground, in the centre of the house, and its '■ — 
 
 smoke was left to find its way out by the door, or 
 escaped by a hole in the roof Chairs and tables, 
 the commonest articles of domestic utility, were al- 
 most unknown to the largest part of the population. 
 How different the scene in Ghent, or Bruges, or 
 Venice, or Genoa ! There, costly palaces for the 
 wealthy, furnished with most of the luxuries of later 
 times, and comfortable habitations for the poorer 
 classes, every where abounded. Art and literature 
 flourished by the side of commerce, and universities 
 and schools were established, which disseminated 
 knowledge far and wide among mankind. 
 
 The manufacturing spirit of Southern Europe conqnest u 
 
 ° •'^ J^^ the Eastern 
 
 was brought to life mainly by the fact that the old- Emj'i«- 
 established ways of transporting goods A^om India, 
 which had gradually been growing more and more 
 precarious, were then almost entirely abandoned, 
 on account of their danger. The Turks, a nation 
 of ferocious religious warriors, had overrun the 
 Greek provinces of Asia bordering upon the Medi- 
 terranean, and annihilated the Christian power in 
 the East by the conquest of Constantinople. They 
 were as a people little adapted to commercial pur- 
 suits, even had they possessed the willingness to 
 engage in them which characterized their prede- 
 cessors, and their lawless character and ma;rauding 
 habits rendered the passage of the deserts, even 
 by their own countrymen, a task of great uncer- 
 tainty and danger. 
 
26 LIFE AND VOYAGES 0* 
 
 CHAPTER It was not to be supposed that the shrewd spirit of 
 ^ mercantile enterprise and speculation would remain 
 
 Efforts to , , ^ . Z. . rn 1 • 
 
 find a new dormant in this state of affairs. Traders m every 
 
 route to In- 
 dia- part of Europe were alive to the advantages to be 
 
 derived from the discovery of a new route of trans- 
 portation. Several efforts were made, and in some 
 few cases attended with immense profit and suc- 
 ' cess, to communicate with India by the long and 
 arduous journey round the Black Sea, and through 
 the almost unexplored regions of Circassia and 
 Georgia. The far-off shores of the Caspian were 
 reached by some travelling traders, and the geo- 
 graphical knowledge they circulated on their re- 
 turn gave a new impulse to the growing spirit of 
 adventure. Apocryphal as the narratives of Mar- 
 co Polo and Mandeville appeared, there was a suf- 
 ficient mixture of truth with exaggeration to stimu- 
 late the minds of men, ever greedy of gain, and the 
 endless wealth of the Grand Khan and his people 
 were the subjects of many eager and longing antici- 
 pations. 
 Invention of The iuvcntions of the Compass and the Astrolabe, 
 
 Uie compass 
 
 *n^^tro- while they increased the facilities of navigators most 
 opportunely, added greatly to the confidence of 
 merchants. They began to perceive that they must, 
 in future, rely mainly upon water carriage in trans- 
 porting their goods, and^ships and seamen multipli- 
 ed rapidly in consequence. Ability to define their 
 position with accuracy led mariners to undertake 
 longer voyages, and at length nautical enterprise 
 was powerfully roused by the influence of a saga- 
 
AMERICUS VESPtJCIUS. 27 
 
 cious mind, whose energies for many years had chapter 
 
 been devoted to the elucidation of a grand problem. 
 
 This was no less than the possibility of reaching 
 the Indies by the circumnavigation of Africa. 
 
 Prince Henry of Portugal is justly entitled to the Prince Hen. 
 
 ry of Portu- 
 
 grateful remembrance and respect of the world, gai. Robert- 
 
 *■ son's char- 
 
 The character which is given by Dr. Robertson of ac^profhim. 
 this truly great man is indeed enviable. " That 
 prince," he says, "added to the martial spirit 
 which was the characteristic of every man of 
 noble birth at that time, all the accomplishments 
 of a more enlightened and polished age. He cxil- 
 tivated the arts and sciences, which were then 
 unknown and despised by persons of his rank. 
 He applied with peculiar fondness to the study of 
 geography, and by the instruction of able masters, 
 as well as by the accounts of travellers, he early 
 acquired such knowledge of the habitable globe, 
 as discovered the great probability of finding new 
 and opulent countries by sailing along the coast 
 of Africa. Such an object was formed to awaken 
 the enthusiasm and ardour of a youthful mind, 
 and he engaged, with the utmost zeal, to patron- 
 ize a design that might prove as beneficial as it 
 appeared to be splendid and honourable. In order 
 that he might be able to pursue this great scheme 
 without interruption, he retired from court imme- 
 diately after his return from Africa, and fixed his 
 " residence at Sagres, near Cape St. Vincent, where 
 the prospect of the Atlantic Ocean invited his 
 thoughts continually towards his favourite project, 
 
88 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER and encouraged him to execute it. In this retrea 
 
 '■ — he was attended by some of the most learned men 
 
 in his country, who aided him in his researches. 
 He applied for information to the Moors of Bar- 
 bary, who were accustomed to travel by land into 
 the interior provinces of Africa, in quest of ivory, 
 gold-dust, and other rich conmiodities. He con- 
 sulted the Jews settled in Portugal. By promises, 
 * rewards, and marks of respect, he allured into his 
 service several persons, foreigners as well as Por- 
 tuguese, who were eminent for their skill in navi- 
 gation. In taking those preparatory steps, the 
 great abilities of the Prince were seconded by his 
 private virtues. His integrity, his affability, his 
 respect for religion, his zeal for the honour of his 
 country, engaged persons of all ranks to applaud 
 his design, and, to favour the execution of it. His 
 schemes were allowed by his countrymen to pro- 
 ceed neither from ambition nor the desire of 
 wealth, but to flow from the warm benevolence 
 of a heart eager to promote the happiness of man- 
 kind, and which justly entitled him to assume a 
 motto for his device that described the quality by 
 which he wished to be distinguished, — The talent 
 of doing good."^ t 
 
 Vmco de It is impossible to avoid a feeling of regret that 
 
 Gamadoub- o o 
 
 ^Ca^^of this great Prince was, not permitted to live long 
 **^- ' enough to behol-d all his ardent aspirations realized. 
 
 I Vide Robertson's History of progress, and has been of much 
 
 America, vol. i. p. 43, 44. This service, which is gratefully ac- 
 
 volume has been frequently re- knowledged. 
 ferred to while this chapter was in 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 2£ 
 
 Wlien, at last, in the year 1497, Vasco de Gama, chapter 
 proceeding from the port of Lisbon, with four ships, 
 
 Vasco de 
 
 coasted the shores of Africa to their farthest extent, Gama, 1497 
 and doubled the Cape of Good Hope, he must have 
 regarded with A^eneration the memory of the able 
 and patriotic Prince who first prompted to the de- 
 sign he had now brought to such a glorious con- 
 clusion. It is worthy of remark, that the Portu- 
 guese Admiral found in use, among the mariners of 
 the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, a nautical instru- 
 ment answering, very nearly, the description of the 
 astrolabe, which that noble prince had so recently 
 assisted in perfecting in Portugal.' 
 
 ' Vasco de Gama was bom in 
 Portugal, in the town of Synis. 
 The historians who have recorded 
 his discoveries have omitted to 
 give many particulars of his life 
 previous to his departure for the 
 Indies. It was the current opinion 
 at the time De Gama sailed, that 
 there existed on the eastern shores 
 of Africa a nation of Christians 
 under the dominion of a powerful 
 prince, whom they called Prester 
 John, and the Portuguese, who had 
 so recently seen the magnificent 
 discoveries of Columbus enuring 
 to the benefit of Spain, were stim- 
 ulated to a determination of find- 
 ing this country, which they ima- 
 gined would bring equal advan- 
 tage to their own nation. 
 
 De Gama set sail with a small 
 fleet on the 8th of July, 1497, and 
 arrived on the 17th of December 
 at the point where the discoveries 
 of Diaz had ceased. There the 
 Portuguese entered the seas of In- 
 
 dia for the first time, and stretch- 
 ed away to the North. 
 
 In the early part of March he 
 arrived before the city of Mozam- 
 bique, then iiihabited by Moors 
 and Mahometan Arabs, under the 
 dominion of a prince of their own 
 faith. 
 
 These people carried on an ex- 
 tensive commerce with the Red 
 Sea, and the hope of commercial 
 connection with a new people led 
 them to give a friendly reception 
 to De Gama. But their friendship 
 was of short duration, and as soon 
 as tljey discovered them to be 
 Christians, they formed a plan to 
 massacre them. The admiral, 
 however, escaped from their snares, 
 and" proceeded on his voyage, 
 touching at various places, until 
 he arrived at Calicut, on the 20th 
 of May, 1498. 
 
 This was the richest and most 
 commercial city of India at the 
 time, and was under the rule of a 
 
30 
 
 LIFE jlND voyages OF 
 
 CHAPTER 
 I. 
 
 Early dis- 
 coveries. 
 
 The earliest efforts for maritime discovery were 
 of the most trifling nature, and impeded by the most 
 fanciful fears and apprehensions. Accustomed to 
 think nothing of a passage across the ocean, the 
 mariners of the present day can have no idea how 
 extensive and important, appeared to the Portu- 
 guese an undertaking to explore the coast of Africa 
 beyond Cape Non. The very name of the Cape 
 itself, Was indicative of the impossibility of sailing 
 
 monarch called Zamorin. Luck- 
 ily for De Gama. he found there a 
 Moor who, with the aid of one 
 who accompanied the fleet, acted 
 as interpreter, and was the means 
 of his opening a communication 
 with the king. The Portuguese 
 naturally distrusted the faith of 
 the Mahometans; but their com- 
 mander was not to be deterred by 
 any ordinary danger, and selecting 
 twelve brave men from the fleet, 
 he landed. 
 
 He was obliged to go about five 
 miles into the mterior to a country 
 palace where Zamorin resided, 
 and was followed through the city 
 of Calicut by an immense crowd 
 of persons, all anxious to gaze at 
 the newly-arrived strangers. He 
 was at first received favourably, 
 but after a while, jealousies and 
 suspicions rose in the minds of 
 the natives, and rendered it ne- 
 cessary to re-embark and set sail 
 somewhat suddenly upon his re- 
 
 Afl& refitting his ships at some 
 neigl^uring islands, he steered a 
 homeward ct arse, stopping on his 
 way back at Melinda, where he 
 ^ook on boaxd his fleet an ambas- 
 
 sador to the King of Portugal from 
 the ruler of that country. This 
 nation was the only friendly one 
 which the Portuguese found in 
 India. 
 
 The fleet doubled the Cape of 
 Good Hope once more in March, 
 1499, and arrived in Lisbon in 
 September of the same year, af- 
 ter an absence of more than two 
 years. 
 
 Emmanuel received De Gama 
 with the greatest honours and 
 rttagnificence, and created him 
 Admiral of the Indies. The ad- 
 miral subsequently made another 
 voyage with a powerful armed 
 fleet to the Indies, and compelled 
 by force of arms his old enemy, 
 Zamorin, to admit of Portuguese 
 establishments in his dominions. 
 He was afterwards created Vice- 
 roy of the Indies, but died soon 
 after his arrival fi-oih his third 
 voyage to take control of his new 
 dominions. 
 
 A history of his discoveries was 
 written by Barros, and published 
 in 16'4^ Camoens, it is weU 
 known, made him the subject ol 
 his Lusiad. — Biog. Univ., U xvi, 
 p. 398 — 404. 
 
AMERICUS YESPUCIUS. 3| 
 
 beyond it, and even after it was passed, more than chapter 
 
 twenty years elapsed ere the timid navigators ven '- — • 
 
 tured beyond the rocky promontory of Bajador, less 
 than two hundred miles distant, an exploit, which, 
 when it was at last accomplished, was proclaimed 
 over Europe as one of the most daring and intrepid 
 actions, ever recorded in the pages of history. 
 
 The belief which generally prevailed, that the False ideas 
 torrid zone was a region of impassable heat, where founded ap- 
 
 prehensicna. 
 
 no vegetation existed, and where the very waters 
 of the ocean boiled as in a caldron, under the in- 
 fluence of a vertical sun, had effectually checked 
 any attempts at discovery ; and as the Portuguese 
 penetrated within the tropics, the sights they saw, 
 all tended to confirm the old opinion. 
 
 Beyond the Senegal River they found a new race 
 of beings, with complexions black as ebony, with 
 hair crisped as though burnt, with features flat and 
 inexpressive, and evidently possessing intelligence 
 vastly inferior to their own. This was all attribu- 
 ted to the fatal influence of the climate, and they 
 dreaded any further exploration, lest by some sud- 
 den catastrophe, they also might be reduced to the 
 state in which they found the unhappy denizens of 
 Africa. 
 
 The active and capacious mind of Prince Hen- 
 ry alone xipposed itself to the representations which 
 they made to him. The discoveries which th«y 
 had already made, served to undermine his con- 
 fidence in the views of the ancient geographers, 
 and supported in his determination by his brother • 
 
32 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER Pedro, who then ruled in Portugal, as guardian of 
 
 his minor nephew, Alphonso, he persevered in hia 
 
 plans with eagerness. 
 Sanction of C)ne circumstance contributed materially to ani- 
 tiM- Church, j^^^g ^jjg hearts of the Portuguese navigators, 
 which must not be overlooked. Well knowing 
 the effect which an apparent sanction of liis move- 
 ments by the Church would have upon the bigoted 
 minds of his countrymen. Prince Henry applied 
 directly to the Head of the Chiu-ch, and, by repre- 
 senting the labours and religious zeal with which 
 he had exerted himself for many years to discover 
 unknown regions then sunk in the darkness of 
 Paganism, with a view to their conversion to the 
 true faith, he obtained from the Pope a Bull, con- 
 ferring upon the crown of Portugal the exclusive 
 right of dominion over all the countries which they 
 might discover on the coast of Africa, as far as the 
 Indies. Absurd as this grant appears at the pres- 
 ent day, no power then existed, that disputed the 
 right of the papal see to make it, or that ventured 
 to interfere with it. The religious zeal of the dis- 
 coverers was highly inflamed by the encomiums 
 bestowed upon them, and they were encouraged to 
 prosecute their undertakings by a new and power- 
 ful motive. 
 Death of In 1463 the cause of discovery received a severe 
 ry,T643!°' blow in the death of Prince Henry. From that 
 time until the accession of John H. to the throne 
 of Portugal, little worthy of note was added 
 . to the maritime knowledge of the world. The 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 33 
 
 new monarch, however, entered at once into the chapter 
 
 schemes of his grand uncle, and revived them with 
 
 great vigour. Powerful fleets were despatched 
 from time to time; forts were erected along the 
 African coast, and at length when the line was cross 
 ed, the delusions which had long held the minds 
 of men in bondage, were dissipated. Two great 
 errors of the ancients were exposed : the first, that 
 respecting the unconquerable heat of the tropics ; 
 the second, that the continent of Africa increased 
 in breadth as it extended to the south. 
 
 The return of Barthdemew Diaz, a mariner of Barthoi- 
 great sagacity and boldness, who, in 1486, had "^""use.'^^' 
 coasted the shores over a thousand miles, and 
 finally reached the southernmost point of Africa, 
 filled the sanguine mind of the king with the 
 warmest hopes of success. In the plenitude of his 
 joy, and confident that he had at last attained the 
 great object of his enterprises, he re-named the 
 promontory which Diaz had appropriately desig- 
 nated, Cabo Tormentoso, or the Stormy Cape, and 
 gave it the more euphonious and attractive title, 
 The Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 Active preparations were immediately com- 
 menced to bring to a conclusion their long and 
 arduous labours. But, notwithstanding the skill 
 which the Portuguese sailors had gained, the 
 reports which the companions of Diaz widely cir- 
 culated filled the minds of all with fear, and some 
 years dgapsed before they were sufficiently calmed 
 to take advantage of the knowledge already ao- 
 
 5 
 
34 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 GHAPTER quired. While the possibility of douhling in safety 
 
 a cape, washed by seas so tempestuous, was eager- 
 ly debated, Europe was electrified by the astound- 
 ing discovery of a new world in the Western 
 Ocean, a direction which the boldest in nauti- 
 cal affairs had hitherto scarcely dared to contem- 
 plate. 
 Growth of The impetus which was given to the spirit of 
 olsTOvery. discovery by these voyages of the Portuguese, may 
 be compared with the vast conceptions, and mag- 
 nificent projects, which have followed the applica- 
 of the power of steam in the present day. The 
 public mind was excited beyond measure, and the 
 wildest tales of imaginary regions beyond the 
 trackless waste of waters, hitherto unexplored, 
 found ready and enthusiastic believers, who were 
 willing to peril life and reputation in efforts to test 
 their truth. As is almost always the case, those 
 who were most earnest in their faith, possessed 
 the smallest means to carry out their views. 
 
 But their day of success was fast approaching. 
 The science of cosmography became the favourite 
 subject of specvilation among philosophers and 
 learned men, affording, as it did, a brilliant field 
 for the imagination, and, at the same time, an op- 
 portunity of deep research. The works of ancient 
 writers were ardently sought for, and diligently 
 collated ; the vaguf Ijypotheses of some of the old 
 geographers were revived; theories which had lain 
 uadisturbed beneath the dust of ages were brought 
 to light again ; and, when compared with the ac- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUOIUS. 35 
 
 counts of Eastern travellers, lent a semblance of chapter 
 
 truth to the dim visions of distant islands in the '■ 
 
 Atlantic, which haunted the minds of navigators ; 
 the coast of Africa gave immense scope to nautical 
 enterprise, and the court of Portugal, hitherto hard- 
 ly known in Europe, became at once the resort of 
 hardy adventurers from all nations, while the king- 
 dom rose immediately from the inferior position it 
 had previously occupied, to one of the greatest im- 
 portance. Lisbon was in a continual fever of ex- 
 citement, which affected all classes of society, and 
 the constant succession of new expeditions which 
 were fitted out were eagerly joined by men of 
 rank and celebrity, as well as the more common 
 class of mariners. 
 
 The idea of a passage by the west to India was speculation 
 
 . . , .on the sub- 
 
 not, even at tliat time, one of recent date. Various jectofapas. 
 
 mdefimte accounts were current of seamen driven indies. 
 by tempestuous gales far out of their course, who, 
 on their return, had reported that they had fallen 
 in with land, which was supposed to be a part of 
 the islands on the eastern coast of India. The re- 
 discovery of the Grand Canaries, in the fourteenth 
 century, the Fortunate Islands of the ancients, from 
 which Ptolemy calculated longitude, had familiar- 
 ized navigators with the wide waters of the Atlan- 
 tic, and occasionally, for a century past, they had 
 ventured even farther out on the ocean, in the 
 doubtful hope of meeting with the fabled Atalan- 
 tis of Plato, or the equally visionary islands pf the 
 
36 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER Seven Cities and St. Brandan.^ Each of these 
 '■ phantasies found firm believers, and the age re- 
 quired only a master-mind to arrange the crude 
 
 ' The fabulous history of both 
 of these islands is full of romantic 
 interest, which the reader may- 
 gratify by the perusal of Mr. Ir- 
 ving's account of them in the ap- 
 pendix to his history of 'Cohimbus. 
 A short sketch is all that our space 
 admits, and is abridged from that 
 work. 
 
 The story which was current at 
 the time of Columbus, respecting 
 the Island of the Seven Cities, 
 was to this effect. When the 
 Moors overrun and conquered the 
 countries 'of Spain and Portugal, 
 seven bishops of the Christian 
 church fled by sea, and abandon- 
 ing themselves to the waves, wei-e 
 cast upon an island in the midst 
 of the ocean, where they destroy- 
 ed their ships to prevent the de- 
 sertion of their followers, and foun- 
 ded seven cities. This story was 
 very generally credited at the time 
 of Prince Henry, who was said to 
 have received accounts of the is- 
 land from some Portuguese sailors, 
 and in the maps of the era it was 
 located in the Atlantic under the 
 name of Antilla. 
 
 The origin of the belief in the 
 •Island of St. Brandan is still more 
 singular. It was supposed by 
 many to be identical with the Is- 
 land of the Seven Cities, and ori- 
 ginated in a very remarkable op- 
 tical delusion of the inhabitants 
 of the Canaries. They imagined 
 ■diatin clear weather they could 
 see from the summits of their high- 
 est hills, an island, apparently 
 
 about ninety leagues in length, and 
 varying in distance from the point 
 of view from fifteen to one hundred 
 leagues, according to the accounts 
 of different persons. The name 
 was derived from that of a Scotch 
 abbot, St. Borondon, who went 
 vnth a numerous train of monks 
 and enthusiasts, as the tale was 
 told, in search of a terrestrial par- 
 adise in the ocean, and who at 
 last were thrown upon this island. 
 
 It is astonishing how many ex- 
 peditions were fitted out and sailed 
 in search of this imaginary coun- 
 try, but it alwajrs eluded the pur- 
 suit of the navigators. Even as 
 'late as the year 1721 a fleet was 
 sent in search of it, and in 1755 it 
 still figured in some geographical 
 ■charts. In a letter written by a 
 Franciscan monk from the Island 
 of Gomara in 1759, it is distinctly 
 described as having been seen by 
 himself and upwards of forty wit- 
 nesses, whom he called to verify 
 his own eyesight. He describes 
 it as consisting of two high moun- 
 tains, with a valley between, and 
 when viewed through a telescope, 
 the ravine appeared filled with 
 trees and verdure. A belief in 
 the existence of this island is still 
 prevalent among the more super- 
 stitious of the lower classes in the 
 Canaries. 
 
 Unwilling to disbelieve what 
 appears to them to be the evidence 
 of their senses, they prefer to at- 
 tribute the impossibihty of reach- 
 ing it to supernatural causes, and 
 
AMERICUS VKSPUCIUS. 37 
 
 imaginings which were rife, and direct them to a chapter 
 useful end. Such a mind existed. — - — ■ 
 
 For many years previous to his first voyage, Thereflec 
 Columbus pondered over the idea of a western christo- 
 passage to India; he collected by degrees all the lumbMs. 
 information which was to be derived from the 
 works of the ancients, and from the accounts of 
 certain recent travellers who had penetrated the 
 countries of Eastern Asia, far beyond the regions 
 described by Ptolemy. The narrations of Marco 
 Polo and Mandeville, who visited Asia in the thir- 
 teenth and fourteenth centuries, and gave marvel- 
 lous accounts of the wealth and grandeur of the 
 potentates who inhabited those unknown coim- 
 tries, were diligently studied and connected with 
 more trifling evidence. The inhabitants of the 
 newly discovered Canaries, or of the Azores, had 
 foimd on their shores pieces of wood strangely 
 carved, or of trees unknown in Europe, and once, 
 it was said, there had come to their islands two 
 messengers from the far-off land, whose swollen 
 and disfigured lips, could they have spoken, might 
 have told of a new race of beings and a new 
 world. They were speechless corpses, yet their 
 lineaments were strange, and it was evident that 
 
 maintain that it is inaccessible to above the sea. The inhabitants 
 mortals. If such sights are still on the borders of the great Amer- 
 seen, they" are undoubtedly the ef- ican lakes sometimes witness a 
 facts of atmospherical deceptions, phenomenbn very similar, when 
 similar to that of the Fata Mor- the Canadian shore is distinctly 
 gana, seen at times in the Straits visible, though at a distance be- 
 ef Messina, where the town of yond the possibility of actual ob- 
 Reggio is reflected in the air servation. 
 
38 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER the blood which had once circulated in their veins, 
 ■ ' came not from the same source as that of the won- 
 dering islanders. 
 
 Columbus gave heed to these and many other 
 similar circumstances, and his views were strength 
 ened almost to certainty by the receipt of a lettei 
 from a learned cosmographer of Florence, by name 
 Paolo ToscaneUi, with whom he had opened a 
 correspondence, and who had sent him a map, 
 projected according to Ptolemy in part, and in part 
 from the accounts of Marco Polo.^ Therein ap- 
 
 ' Toscanelli (Paul del Pozzo) or 
 Paul the Physician, was bora at 
 Florence in 1397. He dfevoted 
 himself with great ardour to the 
 study of astronomy, and became 
 so celebrated for his learning that 
 at the age of thirty years, in 1428 
 he was appointed one of the cu- 
 rators of the valuable library which 
 Niccoli had placed under the care 
 of the most illustrious citizens of 
 Florence. 
 
 The reading of the travels of 
 Marco Polo excited the imagination 
 of Toscanelli, who compared his 
 accounts with the information he 
 derived froin some Eastern mer- 
 chants, and pondered incessantly 
 upon the means of opening a com- 
 munication with the magnificent 
 countries which he described. 
 
 After a while he conceived the 
 idea of a passage by the west, 
 and in reply to the letter of Co- 
 lumbus, who, hearing of his learn- 
 ing, wrote to consult him, he sent 
 a long explanatory letter, accom- 
 panied by a hydrographical chart. 
 
 On this chart a line was pro- 
 
 jected from Lisbon, on the western 
 extremity of Europe, to the great 
 city of Quinsai, on the opposite 
 shores of Asia. This line was 
 divided into twenty-six spaces of 
 two hundredand fifty miles each, 
 making the total distance between 
 the two cities sixty-five hundred 
 miles, being, as Toscanelli suppo- 
 sed, one-third of the circumference 
 of the earth. His ideas took strong 
 hold of the mind of Columbus, and 
 influenced him in all his voyages. 
 In consequence of his constant 
 study of the heavenly bodies, 
 many of the superstitious of his 
 day were disposed to look upon 
 him as an astrologer, but he did 
 nothing to encourage the notion, 
 and was free from any of the ab- 
 surd views which many astrono- 
 mers still kept alive. He replied 
 to those who questioned him on 
 the subject, that he found in his 
 own case a proof of the fallacy 
 of astrological calculations, for he 
 had attained to a gi-eat age in spite 
 of the constellations which figured 
 in his horoscope, and which al' 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 39 
 
 peared the eastern regions of Asia, invitingly pic- chaptee 
 
 tured at a few days sad from tlie western shores '■ — • 
 
 of Europe, while, as stopping-places for the weary 
 navigator, at convenient distances lay the wealthy 
 islands of Cipango and Antdla. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the researches Discoveriei 
 
 , , oftlieScan- 
 
 whieh Columbus was engaged in, left him ignorant ciinavians. 
 of the wdd accounts of the discoveries of the 
 Northmen, some centuries before. Mysterious 
 legendary tales, of a land beyond the Thule of the 
 ancients, must have reached his ears. He saUed 
 himself, in 1477, in the direction indicated by the 
 Scandinavian mariners. If tliQ autiquarian re- 
 searches of the nineteenth century are to lae credit- 
 ed, these adventurous voyagers were not content- 
 ed with the discovery of Greenland and Vinland, 
 but coasted the shores of North America to a 
 low latitude, and left upon the rocks of New- 
 England sculptured evidence of their daring navi- 
 gation. But whatever reliance may be placed 
 upon the accounts of their voyages now, in the 
 days of Columbus they were effectually lost to the 
 world, and were of no more advantage to him in 
 the prosecution of his plans, than the wildest tales 
 of the inhabitants of the Canaries.^ 
 
 predicted an early death. Not- celebrated Digliton Rock, one of 
 
 withstanding his longevity, he did the most remarkable remains al- 
 
 not have the satisfaction of know- luded to, is extracted from a letter 
 
 ing the discoveries of Columbus, addressed by Thomas H. Webb, 
 
 He died at Florence, 15th of May, Esq., Secretary of Rhode Island 
 
 1482. — Biog. Univ., tom. xlvi., Historical Society, to the Royal 
 
 p. 303—306. Society of Northern Antiquarians, 
 
 > The following account of the which is published in theit great 
 
40 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER 
 I. 
 
 Cotempo- 
 rary Navi- 
 gators, na- 
 tives of 
 Italy. 
 
 The mention of Columbus naturally, brings- to 
 mind other navigators of his own country and 
 epoch. It vs^ould reasonably be supposed that 
 
 ■work on the subject nf Scandina- 
 vian remains in America. 
 
 Providence, R. I., Sept. 22, 1830. 
 » » * « * Ti^at tiig gx. 
 
 istence of the continent of Amer- 
 ica was known to European na- 
 tions at a period anterior to the 
 voyages of Columbus, has long 
 been the received opinion of many 
 of our most learned antiquaries. 
 In the western parts of our coun- 
 try may still be seen numerous 
 and extensive mounds similar to 
 the tumuli met with in Scandina- 
 via, Tartary, and Russia; also the 
 remains of fortifications that must 
 have required for their construc- 
 tion a degree of industry, labour, 
 and skill, as well as an advance- 
 ment in the arts, that never char- 
 acterized any of the Indian tribes. 
 Various articles of pottery are 
 found in them, with the method 
 ofmanufacturing which, they were 
 entirely unacquainted. But, above 
 all, many rocks inscribed with un- 
 knovm characters, apparently of 
 very ancient origin, have been dis- 
 covered, scattered through differ- 
 ent parts of the country — rocks, 
 the constituent parts of which are 
 such as to render it almost impos- 
 sible to engrave on them such 
 writings, without the aid of iron, 
 or other hard metallic instruments. 
 The Indians were ignorant of the 
 existence of these rocks, and the 
 manner of working with iron they 
 /earned of the Europeans after the 
 settlement of the country by the 
 EngUsh. ***»»» 
 
 A rock similar to those alluded 
 to above, lies in our vicinity. It 
 is situated about six and an half 
 miles south of Taunton, on the 
 east side of Taunton River, a few 
 feet from the shore,, and on the 
 west side of Assonet Neck, in the 
 town of Berkeley, County of Bris- 
 tol, and Commonwealth of Massa- 
 chusetts : although probably from 
 the fact of being generally visited 
 from the opposite side of the river, 
 which is in Dighton, it has always 
 been known by the name of the 
 Dighton Writing Rock. It faces 
 northwest toward the bed of the 
 river, and is covered by the water 
 two or three feet at the highest, 
 and is left ten or twelve feet from 
 it at the lowest tides. It is also 
 completely immersed twice in 
 twenty-four hours. The rock does 
 not occur in situ, but shows indu- 
 bitable evidence of having occu- 
 pied the spot where it now rests, 
 since the period of that great and 
 extensive disruption, which was 
 followed by the transportation of 
 immense boulders to, and a deposit 
 of them in, places at a vast dis- 
 tance from their original beds. It 
 is a mass, of well-characterized, 
 fine-grained greywacke. Its true 
 colour, as exhibited by a fresh 
 fracture, is a bluish grey. 
 
 There is no rock in the imme- 
 diate neighbourhood which would 
 at all answer as a substitute for 
 the purpose for which the one 
 bearing the inscription was se- 
 lected, as they are aggregates oi 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 4] 
 
 those nations whose extended commerce gave chapter 
 
 them the greatest opportunities to acquire famUi 
 
 arity with nautical affairs would have derived the 
 widest benefit from the experience of their citi- 
 zens, but such was not the case. It is worthy of 
 remark, that while all the prominent powers of 
 Europe availed themselves of the services of Ital- No itaUan 
 ian navigators in prosecuting the discovery of new Ke nT4 
 
 • / 1 . . . . World. 
 
 regions, and m acquirmg new possessions; not a 
 foot of territory was obtained by any of the govern- 
 ments of that country. The skill in nautical 
 science, which the citizens of her republics had 
 acquired, in the course of a long and prosperous 
 career of mercantile enterprise, was rendered en- 
 tirely useless to them by the petty feuds -and fac- > 
 tions which occupied the attention of their rulers. 
 
 the large conglomerate variety. 
 Its face, measured at the base, is 
 eleven feet and an half, and in 
 height it is a little rising five feet. 
 The upper surface forms with the 
 horizon an inclined plane of about 
 sixty degrees. The whole of the 
 face is covered, to within a few 
 inches of the ground, with un- 
 known hieroglyphics. There ap- 
 pears httle or no method in the 
 arrangement of them. The lines 
 are from half an inch to an inch 
 in width, and in depth generally 
 one third of an inch, though gen- 
 erally very superficial. They 
 were, inferring from the rounded 
 elevations and intervening depres- 
 sions, pecked in upon the rock, and 
 not chiselled or smoothly cut out. 
 The marks of human power 
 
 and manual labour are indelibly 
 stamped upon it. No one who 
 examines attentively the work- 
 manship will believe it to have 
 been done by the Indians. More- 
 over, it is a well-attested fact, that 
 nowhere throughout our wide- 
 spread domain is a single instance 
 of their recording, or having re- 
 corded, their deeds or history on 
 stone. — Antiquitates Americana, 
 p. 356—358. 
 
 The work from which the above 
 is taken contains evidence, col- 
 lected with great pains and ability, 
 and proving conclusively the dis- 
 coveries of the Northmen, and 
 will well' repay the antiquarian 
 reader. It is published in the 
 Danish language, with a Latin 
 translation subjoined. 
 
42 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER Venice, Genoa, Florence, and Pisa, though fully 
 
 awake to the importance of the undertakings which 
 
 the itaiLn Were in progress, and sensible that their success 
 ^'^" "■ would inevitably be the beginning of ruin to their 
 own commerce, were yet so much engrossed in the 
 unfortunate conflicts of the times, they heeded 
 not the warnings which occasionally reached them. 
 While Columbus was giving a new world to Cas- 
 tile, while Sebastian Cabot projected immense and 
 proniising plans of vast commercial advantage to 
 England, for which that country owes him a debt 
 of imperishable gratitude ; while Vespucius, in the 
 service of Portugal and Spain, added immeasurable 
 regions to the dominion of both powers, and while 
 Verazzani, another noble Florentine, braved the 
 dangers of the Atlantic, and coasted the shores of 
 the New World, in the employment of France, 
 they all remained passive spectators of the prog- 
 ress of discovery, and, as it were, unconcerned at 
 their own impending fate. 
 
 What a lesson for the statesmen and philoso- 
 phers of modem times does the position of the 
 Italian States, in the fifteenth century, present ! 
 Divided aniong themselves, they possessed no ex- 
 ternal power, and expended all their resources in 
 contemptible efforts to add a few roods of ground 
 to the territories of their own particular cities 
 a:nd principalities, at the expense of some weaker 
 neighbour, while continents were divided among 
 the more sagacious nations of Eutope. Even 
 Rome, once the mistress of the world, displayed 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 43 
 
 her pitiable imbecility, in grants of domains more chapter 
 
 extensive than the broadest empires of the Caesars, ^^— 
 
 and reposed sluggishly upon her seven hUls, vi^hile 
 greater prizes than ever before had tempted her, 
 w^ere within her grasp. 
 
 How different would have been the case had a 
 federative union subsisted in Italy in the fifteenth 
 century ! Each separate province, linked with the 
 others in bonds of common interest and unity, and 
 directing their joint efforts for the common good,. 
 Genoese, Florentine, and Venetian, all alike Ital- 
 ians ! Once more might Italy have been the cen- 
 tre of the universe, and Rome have received the 
 tribute of the world. 
 
 A short sketch of the lives of Verazzani and 
 Cabot may not be without interest to the reader, 
 and is given in this place, although both are wor- 
 thy of a more elaborate notice. 
 
 Giovanni Verazzani, a Florentine navigator, was gu ,,^ni 
 bom towards the close of the fifteenth century. 1524. 
 He was of noble descent, and was employed by 
 Francis I. to make discoveries in the northern part 
 of America. Authors differ concerning the date of 
 his departure ; but it appears that he went to sea 
 before the month of July, in the year 1524, since, 
 on the 8th of that month, he wrote a letter to the 
 French monarch, informing him, that, in conse- 
 quence of a violent gale, he had been obliged to 
 put back into a port of Brittany. 
 
 On the 17th of January, in the same year, he set saua in th« 
 sail with the frigate Dauphin, which he com- ''"'' 
 
44 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER manded, from a desert island near Madeira, where 
 
 '■ he had previously come to anchor. After having 
 
 experienced a violent hurricane, he coasted the 
 shores of some parts of North America. 
 
 FatcofGio- His letters give a curious description of the sava- 
 razzani!" ges he met with, and of the plants, birds, and ani- 
 mals of the unknown region. His discoveries were 
 considered highly important at the time, as he 
 visited more than seven hundred leagues of coast, 
 running from 30° north latitude as far as New- 
 foundland. It is said, by some authorities, that he 
 met with a horrible fate on these inhospitable 
 shores ; having been taken, with many of his com- 
 panions, and roasted alive by the Indians. Others, 
 however, with less appearance of truth, say that he 
 was taken prisoner by the Spaniards, who sent 
 him to Madrid, where he was hung. 
 
 In the library of the Palazzo Strozzi, at Flor- 
 ence, is preserved a cosmographical description of 
 the coasts and countries which Verazzani visited, 
 while seeking for a passage to the East Indies by 
 the north, which was the great object of his voy- 
 ages, as it was of almost all the enterprises of the 
 day. An account of his voyage, which was origi- 
 nally sent by him to the King of France, may be 
 found in the collection df Ramusio.^ 
 
 Sebastiai Sebastian Cabot was bom in Bristol, England, 
 in 1467, whither his father, John Cabot, had gone 
 from Venice, to propose to the king a scheme for 
 
 < Vide BiograpMe Universelle, torn, xlviii. p. 158. 
 
AMERICUS VESPDCIUS. 45 
 
 the discovery of a passage to Cathay and the East cHAPrEK 
 
 Indies. The whole family, consisting of the father ^ — • 
 
 and his three sons, were treated with great atten- 
 tion by Henry VII. 
 
 An authentic decree is extant, dated March 5th, Decree oi 
 1495, in which that king grants to him and his 
 children the liberty of navigating in all seas under 
 the English flag, and authorizes him to forai estab- 
 lishments and build forts, ceding to him and his 
 heirs a monopoly of commerce ui all the countries 
 he might discover. 
 
 The only fragments of any voyages made by this Cabot'a 
 family of navigators which have been preserved, 
 mention the name of Sebastian alone. It seem 
 that, setting sail from England, he chose the north- 
 west route, and fell in with land which tended to 
 the north. He endeavoured to discover a gulf 
 stretching to the west, but after sailing as high as 
 56° north latitude, and finding that the course of 
 the land was easterly, he despaired of meeting 
 with a passage, and turned in a southerly direction 
 and proceeded as far as the southernmost Cape of 
 Florida. 
 
 Ramusio gives no account of the voyages of Se- 
 bastian Cabot, but contents himself with quoting, 
 in the preface to his third volume, a passage from 
 a letter which he had received fr6m him. It ap- 
 pears to be from the pen of a man of much experi- 
 ence and uncommon acquirements in th^ arts of 
 navigation and cosmography. Subsequently he 
 transcribes part of his letter, from which it appears 
 
46 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER that Cabot advanced as far as 67° north latitude, 
 — - — and sailej^ behind many of the islands vphich he 
 found upon the coast. Peter Martyr relates, in his 
 History of the East Indies, that Cabot met with 
 icebergs, which impeded his progress towards the 
 north. The same author adds, that in this part of 
 the sea there was no night, and that at midnight it 
 was possible to see with as much distinctness, as in 
 the twilight of other countries. 
 
 If these accounts can be relied upon, it would 
 seem that Cabot had gone as far as Hudson's Bay, 
 but it is more probable that he only penetrated the 
 Gulf and River of St. Lawrence. 
 Cabot goes After liayiug made these discoveries for the 
 paon. j^-jjg ^^ England, Cabot went to Spain and made 
 several voyages in Spanish vessels, in one of which 
 he ascended the River La Plata. At the death of 
 Vespucius, in 1512, he succeeded him in the office 
 ' of chief pilot. This office he only held a short 
 time ; but, disgusted with the ignoble commence- 
 ment of the reign of Charles V., he returned to 
 England, where he found honourable employment 
 under Henry VIII., and performed another wester- 
 ly voyage in 1517, which, however, resulted unsuc- 
 cessfully. In 1518 he again went to Spain, but 
 finally returned to England to end his days. 
 There he exercised a general superintendence of 
 the English maritime expeditions, receiving a hand- 
 some salary. 
 
 It #as at his instigation that the important ex- 
 pedition was undertaken which resulted in the 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 47 
 
 opening of a trade with Russia; and in the charter chapter 
 
 of the company of merchants, which was granted — ^- 
 
 by the government, his name was mentioned as 
 "the chiefest setter forth" of the project. Cabot 
 lived to a very advanced age, and died in London ; 
 but neither the date of his death nor the place of 
 his interment is authentically known. 
 
 On his last voyage he satisfied himself that the variation of 
 variation of the needle was regulated by fixed 
 natural laws, and disclosed his discovery of the * 
 
 principles of that remarkable phenomenon to Ed- 
 ward VI. on his return. This discovery alone 
 should render his name immortal.^ 
 
 In reading the pages of history, it is impossible inteiiectua/ 
 not to be struck with the prevalence, or, so to different 
 speak, the pre-eminence, of particular ideas* and 
 phrases in particular epochs. In all the works 
 originating in the thirteenth and fourteenth centu- 
 ries, which have come down to modern times, the 
 Crusades and Crusaders are almost inevitably con- 
 stant themes. This is but an example, but the 
 same remark applies equally well to other periods 
 of the world. For a while the Reformation weighed 
 down the pens of authors, and all their writings 
 were, as it seemed involuntarily, tinged with the 
 colouring of that great event. In this nineteentli 
 century, who does not recognize the marked effect 
 of that most astonishing of all the astonishing oc- 
 currences in the annals of nations, the French 
 
 > Biog. Univ. Art. Cabot. 
 
I. 
 
 Letters. 
 
 48 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER Revolution'? Thus it was in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury. One great idea filled the minds of men, and 
 vras made as familiar as household words in all 
 the writings of the era. It appeared in all shapes, 
 and scarcely a volume was written that was not 
 sympathetically infected with it, to a greater or less 
 degree. It was the great event of the discovery of 
 a new world. 
 
 Rfi'v-ivaiof How fortuuate it was for succeeding ages that 
 this discovery took place at a period when the 
 reviAal of letters and civilization had brought forth 
 authors competent to record the remarkable events 
 which attended it with accuracy and judgment 
 The fall of the Eastern Empire not only shifted 
 the current of the commerce and enterprise of the 
 world from the course in which it had flowed for 
 ages, but it was the means of bringing to the light 
 of day valuable stores of learning and wisdom. 
 The literature of the ancient world had to a great 
 extent beenponcealed, though preserved, by recluse 
 Byzantine scholars, whom the Moslem conquest 
 forced from their retirement, and drove out as wan- 
 derers over the face of Europe. 
 
 On the capture of Constantinople they fled to 
 Italy, bearing with them their precious parchment 
 scrolls of ancient lore, like the old prophets when 
 they fled from the falling temples of Judah. Re- 
 ceived by the princes and republics of the penin- 
 svda with enthusiasm, these exiled scholars repaid 
 their hospitality by the instruction of youth and 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 49 
 
 the dissemination of the valuable works which chaptee 
 they had brought with them from the East. • 
 
 The recent invention of the printiner-press was invention 
 brought mto full play, and copies of rare manu- printing. 
 scripts were multiplied a thousand-fold. The 
 value of many of these may be estimated, when it 
 is considered that they were the only known copies, 
 existing in the world, of the works of some of the 
 ancient classics and philosophers. Men of letters 
 perceived immediately how much might have been 
 lost to themselves, and lamenting their own wants, 
 turned their eyes to posterity, and chronicled the 
 times in which they lived, for the benefit of their 
 children. 
 
 This spirit spread rapidly, and infected not only 
 those who had been, from their professional pur- 
 suits, accustomed to wield the pen, but the actors 
 themselves in the important scenes of the new 
 drama which was in progress, applied themselves 
 to the task of perpetuating their doings for the 
 benefit of succeeding ages. The writers whose 
 works bear most immediate reference to the dis- 
 covery, and are of the greatest value in furnishing 
 correct statements, are of the latter class. 
 
 The son of Columbus, the venerable Bishop 
 Las Casas, Bemal, the Curate of Los Palacios, 
 Oviedo, and Americus Vespucius, are entitled to 
 the gratitude of the world on this account. These 
 cotemporaries were followed by another class of 
 authors, whose writings, dating from the sixtftnth 
 century, are scarcely of less importance. They 
 
 7 
 
60 * LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER were enabled to collect and examine the accounts 
 
 '- of their predecessors, to compare and revise them, 
 
 to fill up "the gaps which were unavoidably left, 
 and supply from authentic documents any inad- 
 vertent omissions. Among these Gomara and Her- 
 rera are the most prominent. The lives of all of 
 these writers are full of interest, but only a trifling 
 sketch of them can be given in this work. 
 Fernando Femaudo Columbus was the natural son of the 
 
 Columbus. 1 Ani-/ mi 
 
 great admiral, and was bom about 1487. Though 
 stiU a boy, he accompanied his father on his fourth 
 expedition, and received great praise from him, for 
 the fortitude with which he bore its hardships and 
 privations. His most important work is his his- 
 tory of his father's life, which is really invaluable 
 to the American antiquarian. He was the author 
 of other works, however, which might have been 
 of equal importance, had they been preserved to 
 modem times. Devoted to literature, he made a 
 collection of nearly twenty thousand books and 
 manuscripts of great value, which, at his death, he 
 bequeathed to the cathedral church of SeAdlle, 
 where he died on 12th July, 1559. Notwithstand- 
 ing his relationship, he writes of his father with 
 great fairness and clearness; and from the facili- 
 ties which he enjoyed of examining his charts and 
 papers, is entitled to the highest credit. 
 Barthoio- Bartliolomeo de Las Casas was born at Seville, 
 *CMas. in the year 1474, and went to America soon after 
 its discovery. He was subsequently made a bish- 
 op in the newly-found diocese, and devoted a long 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 5J 
 
 life to the service of the Indians, who were cruelly chapter 
 
 oppressed and enslaved by their Spanish ponquerors. '- — 
 
 He was the author of several works on the Indies, 
 of which his " i&eneral History," from the period of 
 their discovery to the year 1520, is the most im- 
 portant. Las Casas has been accused of counsel- 
 ling the Spaniards to import slaves from Africa, 
 rather than use the Indians in this way, and thus 
 to have been the originator of the slave traffic ; but 
 the assertion has in later times been contradicted 
 and disproved. Las Casas returned to Spain in 
 1564, and died at Madrid in 1566. 
 
 Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo was born ua conzaio 
 Madrid, in the year 1478. He was descended from de Oviedo. 
 a noble family, and went, in 1513, to the New 
 World, to superintend the gold mines. His works 
 are very voluminous, for he was a most industrious 
 writer and compiler. Among other things, he 
 wrote a Chronicle of the Indies, in fifty books. 
 An eyewitness of most of what he describes, his 
 works contain a great many valuable and curious 
 particulars concerning the New World, and the 
 manners and habits of the natives. He held, at 
 his death, the appointment of Historiographer of 
 the Indies, conferred upon him by Charles V. 
 
 Andrez Bernal, who is generally called The Andrea 
 
 Bernal. 
 
 Curate of Los Palacios, was a warm supporter of 
 Columbus, and wrote a history of the reign of Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella, into which he introduced a 
 narrative of his voyages. No work of his was ever 
 published, but it still exists in manuscript, and is 
 
52 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER often quoted by historians. He was a believer in the 
 
 '■ tales of Mandeville, and frequently quotes him with 
 
 much approbation. His visionary ideas of a terres- 
 trial paradise, which affected materially the imagina- 
 tion of Columbus also, were derived from this author. 
 Antonio Herrera de Tordesillas was born in- the 
 Antonio year 1565, and died in 1625. He was appointed 
 by Philip II. to the post of Historiographer of the 
 Indies, and wrote many books, the most celebrated 
 of which is his General History of the American 
 Colonies. From his position in Spain, he ought to 
 have been much more accurate in his accounts, 
 than he actually was. All the royal archives were 
 thrown open to him ; yet, though he availed him- 
 self freely of them, he frequently was guilty of sup- 
 pressing facts and altering circumstances, which 
 tended to injure the character of his countrymen. 
 Still he was an industrious writer, and his work 
 contains a great deal of information not to be found 
 in other quarters, although much of it is, in a mea- 
 sure, liable to be received with suspicion, on ac- 
 count of his prejudices and partiality. A large 
 part of his work is little more than a transcript 
 from the manuscripts of Las Casas, who deserves 
 much more credit as a faithful historian. In a 
 subsequent part of this work, this author's attempt 
 to injure the reputation of Vespucius will be the 
 subject of remark.^ 
 
 ' The above sketches of cotem- hus, though in our estimate of 
 
 porary authors have been abridged Herrera, it is our misfortnne to 
 
 from the accounts given of them difier materially from him 
 by the author of the life of Colum- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. . 53 
 
 Francisco Lopez de Gomara was bom at Seville, chapter 
 
 in 1510, and for many years filled the chair of the ~ — 
 
 Professorship of Rhetoric at Alcala. He was well Lo^ez de 
 versed in ancient and modem history, and particu- 
 larly in that of his own coimtry. His style is more 
 polished and pure than that of any historian of the 
 time. His most important work — ^A General His- 
 tory of the Indies — was published in 1558, and 
 contains many valuable facts. 
 
 Peter Martyr is another cotemporary writer, who Peter 
 must not be forgotten. He was bom in MUan, ia 
 1455 ; was educated at Rome, where he early ac- 
 quired a distinguished reputation for learning, and 
 was invited by the Spanish ambassador at the 
 Papal See to proceed to Spain. He wrote an ac- 
 count of the discovery of the New World in Ten 
 Decades, origiaally in Latin ; but the most interest- 
 ing of his works are his letters, which he addressed 
 daily to distinguished persons, giving statements of 
 the events which were taking place around him. 
 A collection of these epistles was published in 
 1530. He died at Valladolid, in 1526. 
 
 It appeared desirable, before commencing the 
 narration of the life of one of the prominent navi- 
 gators of the age, to give the foregoing general view 
 of matters which bear immediate reference to the 
 discovery of the New World. This, though very 
 imperfectly accomplished, wUl serve to prepare the 
 reader for the occurrences which follow in the life 
 of the distinguished man, whose name and fame are 
 so intimately linked with that great event. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Birtli of Vespucius, 1451. — His Parents. — Anastasio Vespucci and 
 Elizabetta Mini.— Origin of the Vespucci Family. — Peretola. — Ex- 
 tract from Ugolino Verini. — Estates of the House. — Old Family 
 Mansion. — Inscription over its Door. — Simone Vespucci. — His great 
 Wealth. — Offices of State of Florence held by the Vespucci. — 
 Guido Antonio di Giovanni Vespucci. — Immediate Relatives of 
 Americus. — Antiquity of Family. — Destiny of Americus. — Com- 
 merce and Italian Bankers. 
 
 CHAPTER Amerigo Vespucci, or, as he will be designated 
 • in this work by his Latin name, Americus Vespu- 
 
 Birthof . -^ . ' . . -^ 
 
 Americus cius, was the third son of Anastasio Vespucci and 
 
 Vespucius, ^ 
 
 1451. Elizabetta Mini, and was born in Florence, on the 
 ninth day of March, A. D. 1451. At the time of 
 his birth, his family was in moderate circumstances 
 in respect of wealth ; but they traced their descent 
 through a long line of noble progenitors, and took a 
 high rank among the aristocratic families of the 
 Republic. His earliest biographer, Bandini, devotes 
 a number of pages of his work to an account of the 
 illustrious members of the Vespucci family who 
 preceded Americus, and as every thing connected 
 with him becomes a matter of interest, some parts 
 of this genealogical narrative are extracted, divested 
 as much as possible of unnecessary detail.^ 
 
 ' Bandini, Vita e Lettere, chap. i. p. 1 — 24. 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 65 
 
 The family originated in the town of Peretola, chapter 
 
 distant only a few mUes from Florence, where they '■ — ■ 
 
 possessed considerable estates, and were celebrated th^SSuiy 
 
 , , ^ of the 
 
 for their hospitality, and the patronage they be- Vespucot. 
 stowed upon men of letters. Ugolino Verini com- 
 memorates them in a Latin poem, and says, 
 
 Venit et ex isto soboles Vespuccia vico 
 Egregiis omata viris, nee inhospita musis.' 
 
 About the commencement of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury the Vespucci family removed to Florence. It 
 was then the custom for the noble families of the 
 Republic, to establish their residences near the 
 gates of the city, whigh led to their country 
 estates. 
 
 There was more of the leaven of democracy in 
 the Florentine constitution than in that of any other 
 of the Italian republics, and as the nobles never 
 gave up their power till they were finally crushed 
 by the people, the state was, in consequence, more 
 liable to sudden convulsions and outbreaks. It 
 was almost a matter of necessity for the prominent 
 famUies to provide for themselves some easy way 
 of escape fronk these turmoils, and they conse- 
 quently adopted the course, of living as close as 
 possible to that outlet of the city which was near- 
 est to their strongholds in the country, where they 
 could a!t least find temporary security. 
 
 The house of the Vespucci stood in the quarter pucdfemiij 
 
 ■■- - ^ mansion, 
 
 ' Bandini, Vita e Letters, chap. i. p. 3. 
 
56 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES GP 
 
 OHAPTKR of S. Lucia di Ogni Santi, adjacent to the Porta 
 — - — della Cana, which^ at the present day, is known as 
 the Porta del Prato. In the street called Borgon- 
 gnisanti, of modern Florence, may now be seen, by 
 any traveller whose curiosity leads him to the spot, 
 a large edifice, occupied as a hospital for the sick 
 poor, under the direction of the monks of San Gio- 
 vanni di Dio, which, for centuries before the dis- 
 covery of America, was the dwelling-place of the 
 ancestors of Americus Vespucius, and his own 
 birthplace. Over the doorway of this mansion, a 
 worthy abbot, by name Antonio Salvini, caused a 
 marble tablet to be placed, in the beginning of the 
 18th century, which is still in existence, and on 
 which the following inscription appears : 
 
 AMERICO VESPVCCIO PATRICIO FLORENTINO 
 
 OB REPEETAM AMERICAM 
 
 SVI ET PATIiE NOMINIS ILLVSTRATORI 
 
 AMPLIFICATOEI. ORBIS. TERARTM. 
 
 IN HAC GLIM VESPVCCIA DOMO 
 
 A TANTO VIRO HABITATA 
 
 PATRES SANCTI lOANNES DE DEO CVLTORES 
 
 GRATiE MEMORI-E CAVSSA. 
 
 MDCCXIX.' 
 
 The family were possessed of many houses in this 
 same quarter of the city, if the number of doora 
 
 To Americus Vespucius, a noble Florentine, 
 
 "WTio, by the discovery of America, 
 
 Rendered his own and his country's name illustrious, . 
 
 The Amplifier of the World, 
 
 Upon this ancient mansion of the Vespucci, 
 
 Inhabited by so great a man, 
 
 The Holy Fathers of St. John of God, 
 
 Have erected this Tablet, sacred to his memory, 
 
 A.D. 1719. 
 
AMERJCUS VESPUCIUS, 
 
 57 
 
 II. 
 
 over which their coat-of-arms appeared is any evi- chapter 
 dence. Their wealth was acquired chiefly by an 
 ancestor, Simone di Pero Vespucci, who left a me- 
 morial of his liberality to the church, as well as of 
 his riches. He embarked largely in mercantile 
 operations, and devoted no inconsiderable portion 
 of his gains to the erection of hospitals for suffering 
 
 " This morning the young Cav- 
 dliere Amerigo Vespucci called to 
 go with me to the house in which 
 his illustrious ancestor was bom. 
 It is a stately and massive build- 
 ing, and in any other land than this, 
 might have been the palace of a 
 prince, but there is nothing to dis- 
 tinguish it in its architecture from 
 an hundred other houses of the 
 old nobility of the Florence of the 
 Medici. Over the entrance a huge 
 marble scroll is placed, on which 
 the following inscription is cut, 
 offering only a just tribute to so 
 great a name. 
 ******* 
 
 " I always feel almost as great a 
 desire to visit the precise house 
 where an illustrious man was bom, 
 or the place where he ended his 
 days, as I do even to read his his- 
 tory. So many associations of 
 deep interest are connected with 
 all that one sees in such spots. 
 AVTien we stood in the frescoed 
 hall of the mansion, or wandered 
 through the different apartments, 
 it seemed, as Monti beautifully 
 says, like " walking through the 
 frescoed gallery of time," and I 
 could almost see the family of the 
 navigator collected under their 
 own roof. We talked in the 
 
 chamber where Vespucius was 
 bom, of his early days, and of the 
 little that was accurately knovsm 
 of them ; and in the saloon, of the 
 wealthy and enterprising nobles 
 who used to congregate there. 
 When we turned to go avf ay, with 
 mv mind occupied with other 
 thouj,, <■«, I forgot, until too late, 
 the usual ceremony of giving a 
 small douceur to the porter, for 
 his trouble in showing us the house 
 — and only remembered it when 
 he slammed the great door vio- 
 lently behind us, before we had 
 left the steps. For an instant the 
 blood suffused the cheek of the 
 young cavalier, and a half-sup- 
 pressed look of indignation told 
 his feelings, though he said not a 
 word. The time had been, when 
 the porter who guarded that pon- 
 derous door bowed low as any one 
 passed in whose veins flowed the 
 blood of the Vespucci, but now, 
 the only hving descendant of that 
 proud race, was like any other 
 stranger in the halls of his fathers. 
 There was food enough for reflec- 
 tion in the change which time pro- 
 duces, and we walked on in silence 
 together." — JfSS. Note Book, 
 Florence, \bih March, 1845. 
 
 8 
 
gg LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER poor. Jointly with his wife he biiilt a magnificent 
 ' — - — chapel in the church of Ogni Santi, in the centre 
 of which, his tomb is placed.' 
 Florentine The citizcns of Florence availed themselves very 
 by'theVes- frequently of the services of the members of the 
 Vespucci race, and continually, for a long series of 
 years, elevated them to oflices of great distinction. 
 Three of the name were, at different times, Gon- 
 faloniere di Justiria, which was the highest office 
 in the state. No less than twenty-five of the family 
 became Priori, and numerous others are inscribed 
 upon the records of the Republic, as the occupants 
 of posts of distinction. In the year 1336, the office 
 of Secretary of the Republic, in those days one of 
 considerable importance, was filled by Amerigo di 
 Stagio Vespucci, which is the first instance on 
 record, where the pre-name Avhich descended to the 
 navigator is found. 
 
 The immediate relations of Americus, living ir 
 his own day, were numerous, and although the 
 
 ' This sepulchre still exists, and on the tomb is the following in- 
 scription in Gothic characters : 
 
 Sepulcrum Simonis Petri De Vespuccis 
 
 Mercatoris ac Filiorum et descendentium, 
 
 Et uxoris, (]u33 Fieri ac Pingi fecit 
 
 Totam istam capellam jiro anima sua, 
 
 Anno MCCCLXXXIII. 
 
 The tomb of Simone Piero Vespucci, 
 
 A merchant — and of his chiJilren and descendants, 
 
 And of his wife, who caused tliis Chapel to be erected 
 
 And decorated, for the salvation of her soul. 
 
 A. D. 1383. 
 
 Bandini, Vita, &c., ch. i. p. 12 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 59 
 
 wealth of the family had in a great measure disap- chapter 
 
 peared, still maintained the respectability of their '■ — 
 
 house. His father was the Secretary of the Signo- 
 ri, the Senate of the Republic. His uncle Juliano 
 was ambassador to Genoa, and subsequently Gov- 
 ernor of Pistoia. Nor was Americus the only 
 navigator of the family. His cousin Piero com- 
 manded the Florentine fleet of galleys, destined for 
 an attack upon the Corsairs of Barbary, and was 
 afterwards sent Ambassador to the King of Naples, 
 by whom he was highly honoured, and returned to 
 his own country, covered with dignities conferred 
 by that monarch. 
 
 In his time, also, appeared Guido Antonio di Guido An. 
 
 tonio Ve». 
 
 Giovanm, who was distmgmshed m letters, and for pucci. 
 his profound knowledge of law. He established a 
 court of purely mercantile jurisdiction in Florenee, 
 and served his country on many important em- 
 bassies.^ 
 
 1 Andrea D'azzi, a celebrated epitaph upon this Antonio Ves- 
 literary character of the 15th oen- pucci : — 
 tury, wrote the following quaint 
 
 Interpres gravis utriusque juris, 
 
 Qui se mellifluae fluore linguae 
 
 Non vespse ast apium genus probavit, 
 
 Guido Antonius hoc jacet sepulchro, 
 
 Is, quem vivere oportuit perenne, 
 
 Vel nunquam superum videre lumen. 
 
 A sound interpreter of the law, 
 
 Who by the flow of his mellifluous language 
 
 Proved himself more of the genus of the bee than of the wasp, 
 
 Guido Antonio, lies in this sepulchre. — 
 
 He, who should have lived forever, 
 
 Or else never have seen the light. 
 
 Bandini, ch. i. p. 16. 
 
60 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER *These family details, to which much might be 
 — - — added, did space permit, are in themselves of trifling 
 importance, except in so far as they show what 
 must have been the natural early associations of 
 Americus in his youth. Fernando Columbus, in 
 his life of the Admiral, whose origin he leaves in 
 obscurity, well remarks, that he thinks it better to 
 content himself with dating his descent from the 
 glory of his father, than to waste time in researches 
 to prove that his father was noble by birth. An- 
 tiquity of blood is, in truth, a paltry score on which 
 to exalt oneself; yet, differing from Fernando, many 
 places contended, after his death, for the honour of 
 being the birthplace of Columbus, and many efforts 
 were made to attach his name to a lordly line ; but 
 where, as in the case of the family of Vespucius, 
 those best ornaments of a genealogy, personal merit 
 and distinguished virtue and talent, appear, it be- 
 comes the biographer not to pass them over in 
 silence. 
 PrevaiKng A custom had loug prevailed among the noble 
 
 Custom of i 
 
 Florentine families of Floreuce to select one of the younger 
 
 feanilies. •' ° 
 
 members of each, and devote him to mercantile 
 pursuits. It was not then considered as deroga- 
 tory to the loftiest and purest blood among them, 
 to engage in honourable traffic. A nation of 
 merchants, and ruled by a family who were in- 
 debted for their rank and celebrity mainly to their 
 successful business operations, they appreciated the 
 position which an intelligent merchant occupies, 
 and were not restrained from embarking in com- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. g^ 
 
 merce by any ndiculous pride of birth. Florentine chapter 
 
 bankers and capitalists had more than once, before ^ — 
 
 the time of Americus, made their influence felt with 
 powerful effect in the affairs of nations ; and pros- 
 perity in business brought not only wealth, but 
 high consideration in the state, in its train. Ameri- 
 cus was accordingly chosen by his father, almost 
 from his birth, to advance the fortunes of his family 
 by commerce, and high hopes were entertained of 
 his success. It was not within the power of hu- 
 man wisdom to foresee, that his after life would con- 
 tribute more to prejudice the mercantile interests 
 of his native city, than to his own benefit, or that 
 of his relatives. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Youth of Great Men. — Lack of Detail in this Respect. — Early 
 Education of Americus. — Georgio Antonio Vespucci. — His Uncle. — 
 Brilliant Expectation? of his Family. — Studies in Astronomy and 
 Cosmography. — Friendship for Piero Soderini. — Tomaso Soderini. — 
 The Plague in Florence, 1478. — Dissolution of the School of the 
 Friar Vespucci. — Early Letters of Americus. — Lorenzo de Medici. 
 — His Brilliant Administration. — Paolo ToscaneHi, the Learned 
 Florentine Physician. — Religious Education of Americus. — Letter 
 of Americus to his Father. 
 
 CHAPTER The saying has been attributed to Bacon, tha 
 
 ^ — the youth of a great man often furnishes data of 
 
 more importance than any other portion of his life, 
 in guiding posterity to a just estimate of his charac- 
 ter. The traveller who looks off from the hjlls 
 where a river rises, can easUy determine the direc- 
 tion it must take as it pursues its course. Some- 
 times its passage is obstructed by a mountain, around 
 whose base the stream must flow, and sometimes 
 a winding valley leads it away from its nearest track 
 to the sea. In like manner, circumstances over 
 which a man can have little or no control determine 
 the course of his life. His parentage, his country 
 and its institutions ; the times in which he is bom, 
 and the character of those by whom he is in ejarly 
 life surrounded, decide in a great measure his future 
 history. The first acquisition, therefore, of the biog- 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 63 
 
 rapher should be, an enlightened and philosophical chapter 
 understanding of those events which have influ — — 
 
 -'to 
 
 enced the life or coloured the history of his hero. 
 
 It is true that the youth of many of the most dis- 
 tinguished of mankind is veiled in obscurity, but 
 all the historian needs, to form a correct idea of their 
 character, is generally preserved in the few facts 
 that escape oblivion. It would be easy to supply 
 this deficiency in the case of Arfiericus, for there 
 are not wanting ingenious accounts of the history 
 of his early days, in antiquated Italian books and 
 manuscripts, and equally incredible stories are still 
 told by his countrymen. 
 
 But, not to follow the uncertain gleamings of 
 traditionary light, and believing that the materials 
 in hand may be made serviceable to the scholar 
 and inquirer of the present and future times, an 
 attempt wUl be made to give a clear and impartial 
 account of all which has been gathered that is au- 
 thentic and interesting in the Life and Voyages of 
 Americus. 
 
 All the advantages derived by Aftiericus from his GeorgioAn- 
 patrician descent, were trifling in comparison with '""ucd.^^' 
 the education which his connexion with an eminent 
 teacher of that day procured for him. His paternal 
 uncle, Georgio Antonio Vespucci, had been from his 
 youth distinguished as a scholar. Devoted in early 
 life to the church, he became a monk of the order of 
 San Marco, and won much reputation both for learning 
 and piety. About a year before the birth of Amer- 
 icus, he opened a school in his convent for the sons 
 
64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER of the principal nobles of Florence ; and there, as 
 
 — soon as his years permitted, in company with many 
 
 youthful Florentines, Americus daily repaired, to 
 ponder over the mysteries of grammar and mathe- 
 matics. 
 End kept in In his education, it may reasonably be supposed 
 edSonf that the worthy friar was not unmindful of the 
 claims of consanguinity, and that he paid particular 
 attention to the progress of one, who, in the imagi- 
 nation of his parents, was destined to restore, by 
 his success ill commercial affairs, the decaying .for- 
 tunes of his family. While this end was kept stu- 
 diously in v^w, and his young mind continually ex- 
 ercised by "plication to the more abstruse sciences 
 of astronomy and cosmography, no small portion 
 of his attention was directeid to the acquisition of 
 classical lore, and he left the hands of his uncle, an 
 accomplished scholar, in an age when it was difficult 
 to find many such out of the cloister or the university. 
 That such was the case, the subsequent life of 
 Americus sufficiently proves ; while, at the same 
 time, it affords another demonstration of the fallacy 
 of human expectations. Little dreamed the worthy 
 friar, Georgio Antonio, that the rudiments he daily 
 instilled into the mind of his pupil would be of 
 small avail in the acquisition of worldly goods, and 
 still less thought he, that, when disgusted with the 
 vicissitudes of commerce, those same instructions 
 would open to his nephew a new path to honour, if 
 not to fortune.^ 
 
 > Bandici, Vita, &o., p. 19. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 65 
 
 At this period Amerixius contracted a friendship chaptee 
 with Piero Soderini, a noble youth, of his own age, — -^ — 
 who was also a pupil of the friar, which continued, wSiTpiero 
 with unchanging constancy, through his lifetime, 
 and was the source of much gratification and pride 
 to the future navigtor. Soderini afterwards became 
 the Gonfaloniereof Florence ; and to him, in all the 
 confidence of early friendship, are addressed those 
 letters which will* appear in another part of this 
 work, and which give the most interesting account 
 of the subsequent voyages of Americus. 
 
 Piero was the son of the celebrated Tomaso So- 
 derini, who, at the death of Pietro de Medici in 1469^ 
 was at the head of the most powerful family in 
 Florence. He was treated with the greatest rever- 
 ence, as the leader of the commonwealth, both by 
 foreign princes and citizens ; but modestly and with 
 patriotism declining the honours they would have 
 bestowed upon him, protected the fortunes of the 
 young princes Lorenzo and Juliano, the first of 
 whom afterwards became so celebrated, and who 
 always, in his youth, adhered closely to the counsels 
 of his protector.^ 
 
 The studies of Americus were suddenly inter- TOepiMna 
 i-upted by the appearance of the plague in Florence, 
 in the year 1478. This terrible visitor always 
 brought in its train general consternation and con- 
 fusion. The utter want of precaution and pre- 
 ventive sanatory regulations, which can scarcely be 
 said to have existed at all in that age, rendered it 
 
 ' Bandini, Vita, &c., p. 25. 
 9 
 
66 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER peculiarly violent, and almost uncontrollable. All 
 
 '■ — business and pleasure vp^ere alike suspended; the 
 
 ties of relationship and affection vpere in most cases 
 forgotten, and the universal feeling was selfish re- 
 gard for personal safety. Even the quiet institu- 
 tions of learning felt its malignant influence, and 
 those who were most secluded from social inter- 
 course dreaded and fled from its attacks.' 
 
 The school of the Friar Vespucci was at once 
 broken up, and his pupils scattered in various di- 
 rections. Americus was taken by his parents into 
 the country, to await the disappearance of the pes- 
 tilence, and there for the first time, as far as any 
 evidence exists, employed his pen. Some letters 
 which are still preserved, written while in this 
 temporary seclusion, give strong proof of a mind 
 earnest for instruction; and though showing a 
 gravity of thought hardly consistent with his years, 
 are full of enthusiastic impulse and love of adven- 
 ture. Although tempered throughout l\y filial re- 
 spect and affection, they foreshadow the subsequent 
 career of the man, and are replete with the sinceri- 
 ty and modesty which characterized his later pro- 
 ductions. 
 Tempta- The coutagion had barely subsided, when Ameri- 
 norencein cus resumed his studies with renjewed ardour. 
 This is the more remarkable, when the temptations 
 which surrounded the noble youth of that day are 
 
 ' Bandini, Vita, &c., p. 28. See this, and gives a thrilling descrip- 
 also Machiavelli's account of the tion of its horrors. — Ojiere de Nic- 
 plague in 1528, which speaks of colo Machiavelli, torn. viji. p. f ?. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 67 
 
 considered. Lorenzo, the Magnificent, in the flush chaptee 
 
 of youth and power, rendered the city of Florence '■ — 
 
 and his own court the centre of attraction to all the 
 gay nobility of Italy and Europe. Festivals of 
 unequalled splendour drew an immense concourse 
 of strangers to his capital, and the pity was ^d 
 with dissipation and extravagance. ' 
 
 In the midst of all, and exposed to most of these 
 allurements, Americus diligently occupied himself 
 with the pursuits of learning. He gave particular 
 devotion to the study of geometry and cosmography, 
 and frequently surprised the sagest professors of 
 those sciences by the acuteness of his remarks and 
 conjectures. 
 
 Among the cosmographers of the times, he en- ToscaneUi, 
 countered frequently the celebrated ToscaneUi, who tine Ph™" 
 is mentioned in the introductory chapter, and de- 
 rived from him many of the views respecting the 
 position of the Indies, which that philosopher after- 
 wards communicated to Columbus by letter.' 
 
 The subsequent celebrity of Americus was main- 
 ly owing to the direction of his labours at this time, 
 and it appears that his chief ambition was to excel 
 as a geographer ; so that when he quitted the mon- 
 astery of the good brother of St. Mark, he was, in 
 all probability, better fitted to astonish the world 
 with novel theories, than to acquire the fortune for 
 which his family had destined him. 
 
 Only one portion of his uncle's instructions re- 
 mains to be noticed. He cultivated in the mind of 
 
 » Bandini, Vita, p. 29. 
 
68 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER his nephew a warm and profound sense of depend- 
 
 '■ — ance upon the protection of God, which supported 
 
 him in many trials and suflFerings of his after life, 
 and nerved his soul to the accomplishment of heroic 
 achievements, which have been reserved by Provi- 
 dence for those men who have reposed with the 
 litest confidence upon its arm. The reader of 
 his letters I cannot fail to be struck with the ready 
 reliance upon the favour of Providence, which 
 many of his actions evinced, and his often recurring 
 acknowledgment of thanks for protection received. 
 Letter from The translation of a short letter from Americus 
 . Jus father, to his father, written while he was residing at the 
 country estate of the family, during the prevalence 
 of the plague in Florence, will close this chapter. 
 It was originally written in Latin. 
 
 To the Excellent and Honourable Signer 
 Anastasio Vespucci. 
 
 Honoured Father — 
 
 Do not wonder that I have not written to you 
 within the last few days. I thought that my uncle 
 would have satisfied you concerning me. In his 
 absence I scarcely dare to address you in the Latin 
 tongue, blushing even at my deficiencies in my own 
 language ; I have, besides, been industriously occu- 
 pied of late in studying the rules of Latin compo- 
 sition, and will show you my book on my return. 
 Whatever else I have accomplished, and how I 
 have conducted myself, you will have been able to 
 leaara. from, my uncle, whose return I ardently de- 
 
AME3.ICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 69 
 
 sire,. that, under his and your own joint directions, I chapteb 
 may follow with greater ease both n^^ studies and — — — 
 your kind precepts. Georgio Antonio, three or 
 four days ago, gave a number of letters to you, to 
 a good priest, Signor Nerotto, to which he desires 
 your answer. There is nothing else that is new to 
 relate, unless that we aU. desire much to return to 
 the city. The day of our return is not yet fixed, 
 but soon wiU. be, imless the pestilence should in- 
 crease, and occasion greater alarm, which God 
 avert. 
 
 He, Georgio Antonio, commends to your con- 
 sideration a poor and wretched neighbour of his, 
 whose only reliance and means are in our house, 
 concerning which, he addressed you in full. He 
 asks you, therefore, that you woidd attend to his 
 affairs, so that they may suffer as little as possible 
 in his absence. 
 
 Farewell, then, honoured father ; salute all the 
 family in my behalf, and commend me to my 
 mother and all my elder relatives. 
 
 Your son, with due obedience, 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci.^ 
 
 'IHvio Mugdli, Oct. 19, 1478. 
 
 1 Bandini, Vita, p. 29. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 • 
 
 Period from 1480 to 1490'.— Cosmography. — High Value of Maps.— 
 Gabriel de Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes of the Departure of Americus 
 from Florence. — Girolamo Vespucci. — His Loss of Property. — Piero 
 de' Medici commissions Americus. — 'Spain. — Wars against the 
 Moors. — Giovanni Vespucci, the Nephew of Americus. — Account 
 given of him by Peter Martyr. — Letter of Americus and Donate 
 Nicollini. — Juan Berardi, 1492. — The necessary Reflections of Amer- 
 icus. — An Epoch of Enterprise and Improvement. 
 
 CHAPTER History throws little light upon that period of 
 '■ — the life of Araericus comprised between the com- 
 pletion of his studies and his departure for Spain, 
 which took place some time in the year 1490. It is 
 probable that he resided in Florence during the 
 whole of this time, and it may be, that he was en- 
 gaged in commercial pursuits in his native city, 
 although no evidence of it has come down to mod- 
 ern times. Whether such was the case or not, it is 
 well known that he continued to pursue his re- 
 searches in cosmography.^ 
 High price He was Very curious in collecting all the best 
 ttnd cilrte. maps, charts, and globes, of the time, the works of dis- 
 tinguished projectors. The value of these maps was 
 most extraordinary, even considering that their scar- 
 city enhanced their price ; and the projectors were 
 so highly esteemed, that the making of one good 
 
 1 Bandini, chap. iii. p. 33. 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 7J 
 
 map, rendered the name of the cosmographer illus- chapter 
 
 IV. 
 
 trious. The Venetians struck a medal in honour of 
 Mauro, an eminent friar, who drew a map which 
 was considered the most accurate of the time, and 
 it is recorded that Americus paid the high price of 
 one hundred and thirty ducats, which is equal to 
 five hundred and fifty-five Spanish dollars of the 
 present day, for a map of sea and land, made at 
 Mallorea, in 1439, by Gabriel de Velasca.^ 
 
 The immediate cause of his departure from Italy Misfortunes 
 
 I . . . , of Girolamo 
 
 appears to liave arisen m some measure from the Vespucci. 
 misfortunes of another person, although there is lit- 
 tle doubt he had contemplated a long absence, for 
 many previous years. His elder brother Girolamo, 
 following the bent of an enterprising spirit, had left 
 Florence about the year 1480, to seek his fortune 
 in foreign climes, and had established himself in 
 business in one of the Grecian cities of Asia Minor. 
 For some time he was extremely prosperous in his 
 negotiations, and by degrees, with the view of in- 
 creasing his means of operation, had taken the con- 
 trol of a large portion of the family property. 
 Every thing went on fortunately with him, until one 
 disastrous day, in the year 1489. While attending 
 the matin service, at a convent in the neighbourhood 
 of his residence, his house was broken open by 
 thieves ; and, as he writes to Americus, he was 
 robbed of all he possessed, including the property 
 of his father, and the accumulation of nine years of 
 incessant toil and watchfvdness. 
 
 ' Irving's Works, Paris edition, vol. ii. p. 613. 
 
72 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER This severe blow greatly cramped the resourees 
 
 '■ — of the vfhole family ; and on the receipt of his 
 
 brother's letter, dated July 24th, 1489, which was 
 forwarded to him by a Florentine pilgrim, who had 
 been to Jerusalem to visit the holy sepulchre, and 
 was on his return to his native city, Americus at 
 once determined to attempt to retrieve, in some 
 measure, his brother's losses ; and for that purpose 
 to pjL "ceed to Spain, where fair prospects in mer- 
 cantile life were opened to him.^ 
 Americus is At this time, Loreuzo de' Medici, cousin of Loren- 
 
 edbyLo- zo the Magnificout, who had some matters of im- 
 Medici. portance to attend to in Barcelona, commissioned 
 Americus as his agent ; and he accordingly set sail 
 from Leghorn, for the Spanish city. The domin- 
 ions of Ferdinand and Isabella just then afforded a 
 fine field for profit in merchandise. The splendid 
 court of those illustrious sovereigns, and the wars 
 they had for a long time prosecuted against the 
 Moors, had drawn from all quarters of Europe large- 
 numbers of the chivalrous young nobility of the 
 age, who were anxious to gain reputation and mili- 
 tary experience on the field of battle, and regarded 
 the contest with the infidels on the hills of Grenada-, 
 in the hght.of another Christian crusade. 
 
 Italian merchants and bankers were not back- 
 ward in taking advantage of the wants occasioned 
 by this great influx of foreigners, and such exten- 
 sive military movements. A great many of them 
 were to be found m aU parts of the Peninsula, and 
 
 1 Bandini, ch, iii. p. 32. 
 
AHERICUS VESPUCIUS. ^■3 
 
 in the records of Simaacas, various royal decrees re- chapter 
 
 specting them are extant. Among them is a war — — 
 
 rant, dated in 1486, granting a safe conduct to Juan 
 Berardi and other Florentine merchants, from Bar- 
 celona to Seville. The connexion of Americus 
 with this individual, as will subsequently appear, 
 was of much consequence, and must have taken 
 place soon after his arrival in Spain, if not before. 
 It is not at all improbable that it originated in Flor- 
 ence, but no accurate information can be obtained 
 on the subject.^ 
 
 On his departure from his native city, he was en- Giovanni 
 
 V GS"DUPf*l 
 
 trusted with the charge of a number of youthful the nephew 
 Florentines, who were placed by their friends under icus. 
 his care, and who went with him to acquire the ad- 
 vantages of travel. He took with him also his ne- 
 phew Giovanni, a promising youth, to whom he was 
 warmly attached, and who subsequently accom- 
 panied him in all his voyages, and became a skilful 
 navigator. The following extract from a letter 
 which is preserved by Bandini, was copied by that 
 biographer from a manuscript in the handwriting 
 of Americus, which was preserved in his time, in 
 the collection of the Abbot Scarlatti.^ 
 
 1 Navarrete, Collecion de Via- ties, as it were, by inheritance af- 
 
 ges, torn. iii. p. 315. ter his death, for he was a very 
 
 * Bandini, chap. iii. p. 35. Ir- expert master in the knowledge of 
 
 ving, vol. ii. p. 883. his card, his compass, and the ele- 
 
 Peter Martyr speaks of this vation of the Pole star by the 
 
 Giovanni Vespucci in the highest quadrant. Vespucius is my very 
 
 terms, and says, "Young Vespu- familiar friend, and a witty young 
 
 cius is one to whom Americus man, in whose company I take 
 
 Vespucius, his uncle, left the exact great pleasure, and therefore use 
 
 knowledge of the mariner's facul- him oftentimes for my guest." 
 
 10 
 
74 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER It indicates clearly what were his occupations as- 
 
 '- — late as the early part of 1492 ; and is worthy of a 
 
 translation, if only as a specimen of the style of 
 mercantile correspondence of the age. 
 Extract " And as it is necessary for one of us, either Amer- 
 
 from a Let- . tt-. i . i . t-,, 
 
 lerof Amer- icus Or Douato, to proceed m a short time to Flor- 
 ence, we shall be able to give you better informa- 
 on all points by word of mouth than can possibly 
 be done by letter. 
 
 As yet, it has been impossible to do any thing 
 respecting the freight of salt, for want of a vessel. 
 For some time past, we are sorry to say, no ship 
 has arrived here which was not chartered ; be con- 
 soled, if no one arrives here, that we shall be active 
 for your interests. 
 
 You will have learned from the elder Donato the 
 good fortune which has happened to his Highness 
 the King ; assuredly the most high God has given 
 him his aid ; but I cannot relate it to you in full — 
 God preserve him many years, and us with him ! 
 
 There is nothing new to communicate. Christ 
 preserve you ! 
 
 We date, January 30th, 1492. 
 
 DoNATO NiCOLLINl. 
 
 Americus Vespucius.'" 
 
 The NicolUni who signs the above letter jointly 
 with Americus, was undoubtedly connected with 
 him in business, at that period ; but nothing further 
 concerning him can be determined, and it is equally 
 
 • Bandini, chap. iii. p. 35, 36. ' 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 75 
 
 doubtful when he first became acquamted with chapter 
 
 Berardi. It must, however, have been soon after '■ — 
 
 this time ; for very shortly after the date of this let- 
 ter, Americus went to Seville, where Berardi was 
 established. 
 
 After the return of Columbus from his first voy- contiact of 
 age, Ferdinand and Isabella contracted with Berar- Govemmem 
 di to furnish and equip four armaments, to be for- Berardi. 
 warded at diiFerent times to the New World, and 
 Americus is found to be busily occupied, in con- 
 nexion with him, receiving payments and entering 
 into obligations in his behalf and name. Some 
 havie supposed that he was only the agent of Be- 
 rardi in these transactions ; but it is more probable 
 that he became a partner in the house, as, after 
 the death of Berardi, Americus still continued to 
 manage all the affairs of the armaments, and was 
 paid large sums of money by the government, for 
 equipments previously effected.^ 
 
 It has been thought, by some historians, that 
 Americus accompanied Columbus upon his second 
 voyage ; but there is no evidence, which is of 
 
 ■ Entre yarias partidas de ma- del flete y suelde que hobiesen de 
 
 ravedis que en cuenta del flete de liaber, segun el asiento, que el 
 
 estas naves se abonaron a Berardi, dicho Juanoto hizo con ellos, y 
 
 por el tesorero Pinelo, de drden de del mantenimiento, &c. Para lo 
 
 D. Juan Fonseca, hay dos que re- cual recibio — Amerigo de Pinelo 
 
 cibio Amerigo Vespuche a nombre 10.000 maravedis en 12 de Enero 
 
 del mismo Berardi, y habiendo de 1496." Siguio Vespucio dis- 
 
 este fallecido, en Diciembre de poniendo todas las cosas hasta des- 
 
 1495 — "Vespuche se encargo de paoharla armada en San Lucar. — 
 
 Jener la cuenta con los Maestres NavarrHe, torn. iii. p. 315 — 317. 
 
76 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER much weight, to sustain the opinion, and his own 
 '■ — accounts tend to contradict it.' 
 
 Animpor- The period at which Americus may he said to 
 
 tant epoch ■*■ *^ 
 
 ^ ^iS?""^' have first commenced active life was, without doubt, 
 
 1490, ' ' 
 
 the most important epoch in modem history. If 
 it were possible to transport oneself back, in propria 
 persona, to the year 1490, it would be easy to ana- 
 lyze the probable condition of his mind at the date 
 of his departure from Florence, and imagination 
 can only partially supply the vacuum, which is felt 
 in the lack of any writings of his own. Remark- 
 able events had followed each other with startling 
 rapidity, during the century which was then draw- 
 ing to its close. The sudden advancement of liter- 
 ature, the revival of art, and the improvement in 
 the science of navigation, must each have exerted 
 a direct influence over his mind. He was no 
 longer a youth, but in the fullest vigour of man- 
 hood, competent to think, and think deeply, on all 
 
 1 The four voyages of Vespu- in error in his statement. — Bandi- 
 cius arfe described by Munster, in ni, ch. iv. p. 58. Canovai says, 
 his Cosmography, printed in Latin •• Accordingly, in 1493 Vespucius 
 in 1550. He says, " Americus was deputed by Ferdinand to ac- 
 Vespucius, after having been sent company Cohimbus in his second 
 by Ferdinand, King of Castile, voyage, in the quality of an ap- 
 about the year 1492, in company prentice." But he gives no au- 
 with Columbus, to seek out un- thority but Munster for his state- 
 known lands, after a few years ment.— Canovai, Vita, Icc.tomAi. 
 elapsed, being learned in naviga- p. 50. Irving says, " The first 
 tion, made voyages by himself,— notice of a positive form which 
 two for the said King Ferdinand, we have of Vespucci as resident 
 and two for Emanuel, King of Por- in Spain is early in 1496." This 
 tugal, and wrote concerning them is as manifest an error, as that of 
 in the following manner." But it is Munster. — /m»^, vol. ii. p. 881. 
 rendered certain that Munster was 
 
AMEEICUS VESPUCaUS. 77 
 
 the great subjects of thought which agitated the chapter 
 
 age. It was an age, too, of great intellectual activi ^ — 
 
 ty, resembling more nearly the present, than any 
 which had preceded it. Knowledge was taking 
 vast strides. No solitary subject of contemplation, 
 like the Crusades, occupied the minds of all, to the 
 exclusion of every thing else. Every science, every 
 theory of politics or religion, every department of 
 art, attracted and received its share of attention. 
 
 It may reasonably be supposed that Americus 
 experienced his proportion of the restlessness and 
 anticipation which filled the public mind. He, 
 with the rest of the world, was looking out anx- 
 iously, though with indefinite hopes, for the coming 
 of great events. Perhaps, even as he entered the 
 ship which was to bear him from his native coun- 
 try, he felt in his heart a presage of his future 
 fame ; and while visions of yet undiscovered lands 
 floated before his eyes, inwardly resolved to take a 
 prominent part himself, in the drama of progress 
 and improvement then being enacted in the theatre 
 of the worl^. • 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Meeting of Americus with Coliimbus, 1492, '93. — Description of the 
 Personal Appearance of Columbus. — Personal Appearance of Amer- 
 icus. — Sl^tch of their dififerent Views. — The ProblenJ of Longi- 
 tude. — Discussion at Salamanca. — Conversation between Columbus 
 and Americus. — Singular Vow of the Former. — He Repels the Im- 
 putation of Mercenary Motives. — Doubts of Americus as to the Ter- 
 ritories of the Khan, drawn from the Appearance of the Natives, 
 (fee. — His Ideas of a large Island between Europe and Asia. — Con- 
 fidence of Columbus. — Considers himself Divinely Commissioned. 
 — His Plan of Attack upon the Infidels. — Cites Paolo Toscanelli. 
 — Vespucius States his View of the Question of Longitude. — Ter- 
 restrial Paradise. — Enthusiasm of Columbus on this Subject. — Ex- 
 aggeration of Marco Polo. — Criticism of Americus. 
 
 CHAPTER It is hardly necessary to recall to the reader's 
 . — - — mind the great event of the year 1492. After a 
 long series of disappointments and reverses, Colum- 
 bus had induced the Spanish sovereigns to lend 
 their ears to his representations ; and that memo- 
 rable year, an epoch nearly as familiar to the mem- 
 ory of aU, as that of the coming of the Saviour, 
 crowned his hopes with triumph. 
 Personal It must have been soon after his return from his 
 ''oFc^- first voyage of discovery, when the acquaintance of 
 Americus with the admiral commenced. Colum- 
 bus is described by his contemporaries as being of 
 a commanding personal appearance. TaU and 
 muscular, and well proportioned in form, he hap- 
 
 ttP] 
 
 bus. 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 79 
 
 pily blended in his address a certain suavity and chapter 
 
 affability of manner, with the greatest dignity. His '- — 
 
 complexion was fair, and his hair, which had once 
 been light, had changed to grey. Piercing grey 
 eyes, which, when he was engaged in discussion or 
 conversation, would kindle and flash with peculiar 
 brightness, gave life to features otherwise rather 
 melancholy in their general efTect. His temper was 
 naturally hasty, but he seldom allowed it to appear 
 in his conversation by any want of courtly in his 
 language.^ 
 
 Americus is described as being of about the middle Personal 
 
 ml appearance 
 
 height, of rather a brawny and thickset frame. The of Ameri- 
 shape of his head was peculiarly striking. His 
 forehead was low and retreating, but of great breadth 
 and massiveness, and his temples were unusually 
 expanded. One look at the formation of his skull, 
 which showed that there existed a vast preponder- 
 ance of the intellectual, over the animal develop- 
 ments of the brain, would have satisfied a phrenol- 
 ogist that he beheld a remarkable man. His eyes 
 were large and black, his nose aquiline, and his 
 cheek bones rather prominent. His mouth was 
 singularly expressive of firmness mingled with 
 amiability. His complexion was dark, and inclining 
 to sallow. His hair was originally black, but at 
 this time was slightly mixed with grey. His beard 
 was thick and bushy, and was preserved entire. 
 The portrait of him, from which was taken the en- 
 graving that appears at the commencement of this 
 
 ' Irving's Works, Paris Ed., vol- ii. p- 613. 
 
80 a^IFE AND VOYAGES OK 
 
 CHAPTER volume, was painted many years after the date of 
 
 '■ — his first interview with Columbus, when he had 
 
 become nearly bald. In his address, although pos- 
 sessed of less dignity of demeanour than Columbus, 
 there was a gentleness and retiring modesty, which 
 was highly attractive. His temper was mild and 
 equable, and he never suffered it to gain the mas- 
 tery over him dn his speech. 
 
 Such, as nearly as can be ascertained at this pe- 
 riod, wa*the personal appearance of the two grea^ 
 men, when they first came together. Amerious, as 
 has been said before, was greatly excited by the re- 
 ports of the discoveries of Columbus, and had 
 eagerly investigated them. There is evid^ace in 
 his writings, that he arrived at very different conclu- 
 sions as to their ultimate tendency, from tliose of 
 the admiral ; and it is scarcely probable that two 
 such men should have met as th^y did, without 
 an interchange of their peculiar saitiments, on a 
 subject which was engrossing the attention of both. 
 It has seemed best to set before the reader a brief 
 sketch of some of the different views which influ- 
 enced them, in the form of a friendly dialogue be- 
 tween the two, rather than in the shape of a dis- 
 sertation. 
 
 Different Care has been taken that no idea should be at- 
 
 views 01 
 
 Americus tributed to either which their several writings do 
 
 and Coluiji- . ,..,. ., , 
 
 bus. not mdicate as existmg m their own mmds. At the 
 same time, it must not be supposed that the views 
 expressed by Americus were the settled convictions 
 of his mind ; they were rather the speculations of 
 
CU^Vl^USATlDX BETW EEX AMlilUCL'.S A^T) CULVJICU.- 
 
AMERICUS' VESPUCIXJS. g] 
 
 an active spirit, acting upon the natural doubts chapteu 
 suggested by inquiry into a subject, where all was 
 
 vague and undecided. Columbus appears, as he 
 really existed, in all the confidence of enthusiasm ; 
 Americus rather as a sceptic, anxious to extract 
 the truth from the mass of mingled truth and error, 
 which lay before him. That neitlier of the two 
 was free from error, is not to be wondered at ; but 
 that the speculations of Americus were much the 
 most divested of absurdities, subsequent discoveries 
 have amply proved.^ 
 
 The greatest doubt which existed in the mind of The doubts 
 Americus, was in relation to the distance between cus. 
 Europe and the eastern shores of Asia. He always 
 discredited the measurement of longitude, which 
 was invented by Toscanelli, and communicated to 
 Columbus, and the recent discoveries of the latter 
 tended to strengthen those doubts, rather than to 
 .abate them. 
 
 The conversation which follows, should be looked 
 upon as the commencement of a discussion, and 
 not as a discussion itself. Abstruse and minute 
 calculations were doubtless .entered into by the two 
 navigators, to confirm their peculiar views. Co- 
 
 1 Mr. Irving says, " When Ves- tinct continent, &c." — Irving'i 
 
 pucci wrote his letters, there was Works, Paris Ed. p. 885, 886. 
 
 not a doubt entertained but that This admission is striking, inas- 
 
 Columbus had discovered the main much as the Letters of Americus 
 
 land in his first voyage. Cuba were all written; previous to 1508, 
 
 being always considered the ex- and contain ample confirmation of 
 
 tremity of Asia, until circumnavi- the opinion that he thought he had 
 
 gated in 1508. Vespucci may arrived at a new continent. — Vide 
 
 have supposed Brazil, Paria, and infra, Letter to Soderini. 
 the rest of that coast part of a dis- 
 
 11 
 
82 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 oHAPTEk lumbus was a man ever ready to receive suggf- 
 
 '■ — tions and acquire information from whatever source, 
 
 and it is not to be supposed that he considered the 
 opinions of Americus, though materially at variance 
 witli his own, as he did the absurd objections whicli 
 were raised to his' first voyage by some of the over- 
 wise doctors at Salamanca. , Though pertinacious 
 in his adherence to his OAvn enthusiastic theories, 
 he was ever ready to give ear to any doubt which 
 carried with it the semblance of reason, or was 
 susceptible of being supported by plausible argu- 
 ment.' 
 
 1 The two navigators agreed 
 upon many important theories en- 
 tirely. The great difference of 
 their discussion, from that which 
 Columbus held with the conclave 
 at Salamanca, will be better un- 
 derstood after a perusal of the ac- 
 coui^t of the absurd objections 
 which were then raised to his the- 
 ories, which is found in Mr. Ir- 
 ving's Life of the Admiral. He 
 says, 
 
 " At the very threshold of the 
 discussion, instead of geographical 
 objections, Columbus was assailed 
 by quotations from the Bible and 
 the Testament, the Book of Gene- 
 sis, the Psalms of David, the 
 Prophets, the Epistles, and the 
 Gospels. To these were added 
 the expositions of various saints 
 and reverend commentators, St. 
 Chrysostome and St. Augustine, 
 St. .Terome and St. Gregory, St. 
 Basil and St. Ambrose, and Lac- 
 tantjus Firmianus, a redoubted 
 champion of the faith. Doctrinal 
 points were mixed up with philo- 
 
 sophical discussions, and a mathe- 
 matical demonstration was allowed 
 no truth, if it appeared to clash 
 with a text of Scripture, or a com- 
 mentary of one of the fathers. 
 Thus the possibility of antipodes 
 in the southern hemisphere, an 
 opinion so generally maintaineJ 
 by the wisest of the ancients, as to 
 be pronounced by Pliny the great 
 contest between the learned and 
 the ignorant, became a stumbling- 
 block with some of the sages of 
 Salamanca. Several of them 
 stoutly contradicted diis basis of 
 the theory of Columbus, support 
 ing themselves by quotations from 
 Lactantius and St. Augustine, 
 who were considered in those days 
 as almost evangelical authority. 
 But .though these writers were 
 men of consummate erudition, and 
 two of the greatest luminaries of 
 what has been called the golden 
 age of Ecclesiastical learning, yet 
 their writings were calculated to 
 perpetuate darkness in respect to 
 the sciences 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 83 
 
 Columbus 
 
 CHAPTEE 
 V 
 
 It grieves me much, worthy Signor Vespucci, to Dialogue 
 learn from our friend the Signor Berardi, that you Amrrtcus 
 
 °- 1 J andColmu- 
 
 bus. 
 
 " The passage cited by Lactai;- 
 tius to confute Columbus is in a 
 strain of gross ridicule, unworthy 
 of so grave a theologian. ' Is 
 there any one so foolish,' he asks, 
 ' as to believe that there are an- 
 tipodes with their feet opposite to 
 ours ; people who walk with their 
 feet upwards and their heads 
 hanging down ? That there is a 
 part of the world in which all 
 things are topsy-turvy ; where the 
 trees grow with their branches 
 downward, and where it rains, hails 
 and snows upward ? The idea of 
 the roundness of the earth,' he 
 adds, ' was the cause of inventing 
 this fable of the antipodes with 
 their heels in the air: for these 
 philosophers having once erred, 
 go on in their absurdities, defend- 
 ing one another.' More grave ob- 
 iections were urged on the autho- 
 rity of St. Augustine. He pro- 
 nounces the doctrine of the an- 
 tipodes incompatible withUhe his- 
 torical foundations of our faith ; 
 since to assert that there were in- 
 habited lands on the opposite side 
 of the globe, would be to maintain 
 that there were nations not de- 
 scended from Adam, it being im- 
 possible for them to have passed 
 the intervening ocean. This 
 would be, therefore, to discredit 
 the Bible, which expressly de- 
 clares, that all men are descended 
 from one common parent. 
 
 " Such were the unlooked-for 
 
 prejudices which Columbus had 
 to encounter at the very outset of 
 his conference, and which certain- 
 ly relish more of the convent than 
 of the university. To his simplest 
 proposition, the spherical form of 
 the earth, were, opposed figurative 
 texts of Scripture. They observed 
 that in the Psalms, the heavens 
 are said to be extended like a hide, 
 that is, according to commenta- 
 tors, the curtain, or covering of a 
 tent, which, among ancient pasto- 
 ral nations, was formed of the 
 hides of animals ; and that St. 
 Paul, in his epistle to the He- 
 brews, compares the heavens to a 
 tabernacle or tent, extended over 
 the earth, which they thence in- 
 ferred must be flat. Columbus, 
 who was a devoutly religious 
 man, found that he was in danger 
 of being convicted, not merely of 
 error, but of heterodoxy. Others, 
 more versed in science, admitted 
 the globular form of the earth, 
 and the possibility of an opposite 
 and inhabitable hemisphere, but 
 they brought up the chimera of 
 the ancients, and maintained that 
 it would be impossible to arrive 
 there in consequence of the insup- 
 portable heat of the torrid zone. 
 Even granting this could be pass- 
 ed, they observed, that the cir- 
 cumference of the earth must be 
 so great as to require at least three 
 years for the voyage, and those 
 who should undertake it must 
 
64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER do not estimate, as I do, the result of our recent 
 
 '■ — navigation in the West. With your well-known 
 
 skilHn cosmography, I fear me, you combine more 
 of noubt than would be becoming to a Christian 
 navigator. 
 
 Americus. 
 
 Your Excellency mistakes my views greatly, or 
 has been misinformed of them. Far from under- 
 valuing the effect of the discoveries which your ge- 
 nius has acpomplished, I am the rather disposed to 
 place a greater estimate upon them,4than does the Ad- 
 miral Colon himself If I judged them in the light 
 in which they are viewed by the most of those 
 who hope to profit by them, then indeed the impu- 
 tation would be just, considering that I have freely 
 expressed what has occm-red to my ovrai thoughts : 
 but I look not to such things, and well I know that 
 your own mind is above them. 
 
 Columbus. 
 
 In that respect you do me but justice. If I look 
 for gain in aught that I have undertaken, it is only 
 that I may devote it to a holy purpose. Have I 
 
 perisli of hunger and thirst, from the least absurd objection advan- 
 the impossibihty of carrying pro- ced was, that should a ship even 
 visions for so long a period. He succeed in reaching, in this way, 
 was told, on the authority of Epi- the extremity of India, she could 
 curus, that admitting the earth to never get back again, for the ro- 
 be spherical, it was only inhabita- tundity of the globe would pre- 
 ble in the Northern Hemisphere, sent a kind of mountain, up which 
 and in that section only was can- it would be impossible for her tc 
 opied by the heavens; that the sail with the most favourable 
 opposite half was a chaos, a gulf, wind." — Irving, vol. ii. p. 627. 
 or a mere waste ■ef waier. Not 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. gt, 
 
 not, even within the last few days, recorded my chapter 
 
 solemn oath that I would, in the event of my pros ~ — 
 
 perous arrival at the wealthy capital of the Grand 
 Khan, (whom, by the favour of God, I hope*" to con- 
 vert to the true faith), employ the riches I shall 
 acquire in the equipment of a force of four thou- 
 sand horse and fifty thousand foot, for the recovery 
 of the holy sepulchre from the hands of the infidels 1 
 I am unwilling to think that your speech tends to 
 the end of imputing to me mercenary motives, but 
 wherein do we differ 1 Is not the way opened, and 
 will not the intercourse I mean to establish with 
 the Pagan monarch contribute greatly to the pur- 
 poses I keep in view 7 The holy father at Rome 
 himself lends me encouragement in my undertaking, 
 and regards with approbation my efforts to lead 
 into the true church so mighty a potentate.^ 
 
 Americus. 
 
 With all the deference that is due to your Excel- 
 lency's superior wisdom and experience, I would 
 state, that therein lies the very point of our difference. 
 
 ' " While the mind of Columbus now to accrue to himself^ he made 
 was thus teeming with glorious a vow to furnish within seven 
 anticipations, his pious scheme for years an army consisting of four 
 the deliverance of the Holy Sep- thousand horse and fifty thousand 
 idchre was not forgotten. It has foot, for the rescue of the Holy 
 been shown that he suggested it Sepulchre, and a similar force 
 to the Spanish sovereigns at the within the five following years. 
 time of first making his proposi- It is essential to a full comprehen- 
 tions, holding il; forth as the great sion of the character of Columbus. 
 object to be effected by the profits that this wild and visionary pro- 
 of his discoveries. Flushed with ject should be borne in recollec- 
 theideaof the vast wealth thatwas tion." — Irving, vol. ii. p. 680. 
 
86 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER I deem it by no means certain that your ships have 
 
 —7- touched the territories of the Grand Khan at all, 
 
 but rather a land which has hitherto been alike un- 
 kna|?n to him and to us. Thousands of leagues 
 may yet intervene between that land and his do- 
 minions, whether of sea or earth remains to be dis- 
 covered ; and I judge in this wise, as well from the 
 accounts of cosmographers, who have written upon 
 tlie svibject, as from tlie description of the barba- 
 rous natives, which you yourself have fallen in 
 with, in your recent discoveries. The accounts of 
 those wlio have penetrated to the distant regions 
 of the East, lead us to understand that the subjects 
 of the Grand Khan live in the midst of the most 
 profuse wealth and luxury, and bedeck themselves 
 with superfine garments, and much gold and jew- 
 elry. These people, however, are naked and wild, 
 and may be looked upon as little superior to the 
 beasts, and I think cannot be in any way connected 
 with a monarch of such magnificence. My own 
 thoughts lead me to the conviction, that there ex- 
 ists near unto the lands you have visited, an im- 
 mense country, which may possibly belong to, and 
 be part of, the Kh^an's dominions, though I doubt if 
 such be the case. Marco Polo himself speaks of 
 an island lying far out in the ocean which washes 
 the eastern shores of Asia, the great Cipango, 
 abounding in riches and precious stones, which has 
 never been subdued by the sovereign of Cathay, 
 although he has made .many attempts to conquer it. 
 This island I deem it necessary to discover, in the 
 
AMERICUS TESPUCIUS. gy 
 
 first place ; then, even after it is circumnavigated or chapteu 
 
 passed over, and the last may be the easiest way, ^ '- — . 
 
 a voyage of long duration will still have to be ac- 
 complished before the empire of Cathay is reached. 
 When I speak of a passage over this unknown 
 island, I do so in view of its great extent, as I ec^^"- 
 mate it to be of such size, that it might more prop- 
 erly be designated Terra Firma, being, according to 
 my calculations, as large, if not larger, than the 
 whole of Europe. And herein do I estimate most 
 highly the worth of the discoveries which your ex- 
 cellency has made, and their importance to this 
 realm, as it will now be comparatively easy to pass 
 the lands you have fallen in with, by sailing either 
 in a more northerly or a more southerly direction, 
 in either case striking the country I have in my 
 mind.^ 
 
 Columbus. 
 
 Nay, nay, good Signor Vespucci, I have the con- 
 fidence in my heart that you are mistaken. I feel 
 persuaded, by the many and wonderful manifesta- 
 tions of Divine Providence in my especial favour, 
 that I am the chosen instrument of God in bringing 
 
 1 Vide infra — Letter to Sode- of Marco Polo, of countries teem- 
 
 rini, chap. vii. — where A-mericus ing with wealth,, and cities whose 
 
 says, " We sailed so rapidly that very domes and palaces flamed 
 
 at the end of twenty-seven days with gold, he will have but a faint 
 
 we came in sight of land, which idea of the splendid anticipations 
 
 we judged to be a continent, being of Columbus when he discovered, 
 
 about a thousand leagues west of as he supposed, the extremity of 
 
 the Grand Canaries," &c. Asia." — Irving, vol. ii. p. 906. — 
 
 " Unless the reader bears in Also, vide supra, the first note to 
 
 mind these sumptuous descriptions this Chapter. 
 
88 LIFE AND VOYAGES. OF 
 
 CHAPTER to pass a gi^eat event — ^no less than the conversion 
 
 '■ — of millions w^ho are now existing in the darkness of 
 
 Paganism.^ I would, indeed, provide for the good 
 of the poor natives we have already met Avith, as 
 ' well by building cities on their islands, and culti- 
 
 vating their lands, as by the erection of churches, 
 and the establishment of holy priests and Christian 
 worship. But I would by no means forget the 
 greater end in view: namely, that of bringing to 
 bear upon the infidels the wealth and power of the 
 vast kingdom of Cathay ; that thus, being encom- 
 passed on all hands by armies from Europe on the 
 one side, and by the innumerable hosts of Asia on 
 the other, they may be utterly destroyed, and the 
 tomb of our Lord be again placed in the possession 
 of true believers. I will not think that so enlight- 
 ened a sovereign as the Grand Khan is represented 
 to us, would refuse to submit at once to the au- 
 thority of Holy Mother Church ; but if he does, it 
 will become our duty to convert him by the sword 
 of faith. In these things I marvel much at your 
 incredulity, Signor Vespucci, seeing that you have 
 had often opportunities of conversing with the 
 
 ' On one occasion during the intimates in his journal that this 
 first voyage of Columbus, there swelling of the sea seemed prov- 
 was a heavy swell of the sea du- identially ordered to allay the ri- 
 sing a perfect calm, a phenomenon sing clamours of his crew — com- 
 which is now perfectly understood paring it to that which so provi- 
 by mariners, and which occurs very dentially aided Moses when con- 
 fi-equently. " Columbus, who con- ducting the children of Israel out 
 Bidered himself under the imme- of the captivity of Egypt." — Ir- 
 diate eye and guardianship of ving, vol. ii. p. 643. Navarrile, 
 Heaven in the solemn enterprise, torn. i. Journal of Columbus. 
 
AffiEEKICUS VESPUCIUS. gtj 
 
 learned physician Paolo, your own countryman, chapter 
 
 (peace be to his ashes,) who, in his lifetime, coin- '- — 
 
 cided so neskrly with me in opinion. 
 
 Americus. 
 
 I have, indeed, as your Excellency observes, often- 
 times disputed and argued with the venerable Tos- 
 canelli, and to him is due much of the little knowl- 
 edge I have been able to acquire in cosmography 
 and astronomy. But from him I also learned, that 
 the descriptions which are given by Marco Polo 
 were considered by many wise men as not alto- 
 gether beyond the reach of doubt, and irrefutable. 
 And even to his own apprehension there were 
 many apparent exaggerations and mis-statements. 
 If, then, he is in error in some particulars, how 
 shall we draw the line, and say wherein he speaks 
 the truth of his own knowledge 1 And how could 
 he know the distance which exists between Cathay 
 and the western shores of Europe, save by hearsay 
 and the reports of mariners on that unknown 
 shore, who themselves must have been falsifiers, as 
 it is well known that not one of them has ever ap- 
 peared here, who might have estimated the distance ? 
 I cannot think that we are so near to Cathay as 
 your Excellency supposes, and had much rather 
 follow the opinion, that you have possibly ap- 
 proached the shore, that has been hitherto repre- 
 S3nted as inaccessible to mortals.-' 
 
 1 Both Americus and Columbus trine of the existence of a terres- 
 (vere inclined to beheve in the doc- trial paradise. With Americus, 
 
 12 
 
90 LIFE AND VOyAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 ^" Columbus. 
 
 You speak of the Paradise, which sto many sound 
 and able divines assert to be stUl in existence on 
 the earth. 
 
 Americus. 
 
 I do ; though not as firmly believing in the re- 
 lation as they do. If there is such a place existing 
 as is described by the eloquent St. BasU, methinks 
 it must be near unto the balmy islands which you 
 have discovered, so similar in climate and ver- 
 dancy. 
 
 Columbus. 
 
 Such, indeed, has often been my ovra opinion, 
 and I deem it not to be inconsistent with the other, 
 which holds to the proximity of Cathay. Oh that 
 I might, through the grace of God and intercession 
 of the saints, ever arrive at that blessed spot, where 
 
 however, it was rather a subject nary spot and its presumed locali- 
 
 of pleasant contemplation than ac- ty. — Some placed it in the grand 
 
 tual belief. He speaks respecting oasis of Arabia, others in the Holy 
 
 it always with a qualification: "If Land, and others again in India, 
 
 there be a terrestrial paradise on Wherever located, it was the gai- 
 
 earth, doubtless it cannot be far den of Eden, and the waters of 
 
 from these places." — Vide infra, the great fountain therein, are said 
 
 Letter to Piero de Medici. by St. Ambrose to have emptied 
 
 Columbus, on the contrary, was themselves into an immense lake, 
 
 fall of enthusiasm upon the sub- with such awful noise that all the 
 
 .ject, and looked upon it as having people living in the neighbourhood 
 
 an undoubted existence. These were bom deaf. Columbus thought 
 
 opinions are not to be wondered that the immense mass of fresh 
 
 at, as they were entertained by water, which filled the Gulf of 
 
 many philosophers of that and pre- Paria, came from this fountain. — 
 
 vious ages. The most fanciful Irving, vol. ii. p. 922 — 924. 
 accounts were given of this imagi- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 9 J 
 
 all is beauty and happiness ; where the harmonious chapter 
 
 notes of the birds ever fall gratefully on the ear ; '■ 
 
 where the air is filled with the aroma of sweet 
 flowers, and a perpetual spring, combining with its 
 own beauties those of every other season of the 
 year, continually prevails ; where the limpid waters 
 flow smoothly and gently, or gush forth in pm-e 
 fountains, ever ready for the thirsty mouth, the 
 liquid exhilarating, but never cloying ; where all 
 is perennial youth, and neither decay nor death are 
 known. But I perceive, Signor Vespucci, that you 
 are incredulous, also, as to this blissful region, and 
 even smile at my belief. Remember, then, that 
 herein I only follow the opinions of wise and 
 learned fathers of the church ; but in regard to 
 Cathay, that I am supported by ample proof, from 
 the discoveries of travellers and the relations of 
 cosmographers. 
 
 Americus. 
 
 I am ever willing to yield to proof; but methinks 
 that the foundation of the error under which I con- 
 ceive- your Excellency to labour is this : that you 
 do not make a sufficient allowance for exaggeration 
 in the accounts of the great traveller, Marco Polo. 
 It appears to me that he has deceived himself as to 
 the extent to which he penetrated, and that there- ^ 
 by he has carried out the eastern coast of Cathay 
 too far into the ocean. That being done, the 
 learned physician, my countryman, in following 
 him, finds it necessary to shorten the extent of 
 
92 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 V. 
 
 ocean, which intervenes between Cathay and Eu- 
 " rope, in order to render accui'ate his estimate of the 
 circumference of the globe. 
 
 Columbus. 
 
 I note your objections, but cannot deem them 
 correct, and yet hope to deliver the letters of our 
 sovereigns, with which I was charged in my recent 
 voyage, to the Grand Khan in person. But let us 
 examine accurately into this question of longitude, 
 for therein I am interested deeply, and have small 
 doubt that I can turn you to my opinions. 
 
 Americus. 
 
 Most gladly will I do so, noble Admiral, for I am 
 strongly moved to tempt the ocean myself, in the 
 hope of adding something to the knowledge of 
 mariners. 
 
 It requires but a slight effort of the imagination, 
 to fancy the two great navigators seated at a table 
 covered with charts, and busily occupied in explain- 
 ing to each other their peculiar views. Intense 
 thought is pictured on the countenances of both. 
 Both are striving to fill up the vast void of the At- 
 lantic, as it was drawn on those imperfect maps, 
 with new islands and continents, and as the world 
 grows, as it were, beneath their hands, they seem 
 themselves half amazed at the boldness of their 
 own conceptions, and turn, one to the other, for en- 
 couragement and approval. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Death of Berardi.— Payments to Americus. — Wreck of Fleet fitted 
 out by him. — His Letter to Soderini. — Modesty displayed by him. 
 — Position held by Americus in his First Voyage. — Cosmography 
 of Ilacomilo. — Bibliotheca Riccardiana. — Rene, Titular King of 
 Sicily and Jerusalem. — ^Date of the Voyage. — Herrera's State- 
 ments. — The Name of America.— Spanish Archives. — Voyages of 
 Alonzo de Ojeda — His Evidence in the Lawsuit of Don Diego 
 Columbus. — Silence of the Cotemporary Historians. — Negative Ev- 
 idence. — Extract from Gomara on the Subject. — No Disparagement 
 of Columbus. — Authenticity of the Letters — Feelings of Colum- 
 bus. — His Letter respecting Americus to his Son. — General Licen- 
 ses of the Crown, for other Voyages. 
 
 In consequence of the death of Juan Berardi, chapteu 
 which occurred in the month of December, 1495, ^'- 
 the entire management of their business affairs de- ^^tl^, 
 volved upon Americus, and he devoted himself ^*^^' 
 steadily to the settlement of all the outstanding ac- 
 counts of the house, while he continued to con- 
 duct the preparations for the forwarding of new 
 fleets to the Indies. The researches and industry 
 of Navarrete have brought to light many documents 
 bearing upon this period of his history. The pay- 
 ment of various sums of money in liquidation of the 
 old demands of the house, and orders of the public 
 officers for various other sums, clearly indicate the 
 occupation of his time. On the 12th of January, 
 1496, Bernardo Pinelo, the treasurer of the king- 
 
94 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER dom, paid to Americus the sum of 10,000 marave- 
 
 VI. 
 
 dis, on account of the pay and subsistence of the 
 
 mariners of one of the expeditions which Berardi 
 had forw^arded. An armament which was in course 
 of preparation at the time of his partner's death, 
 under the contract which he held with the govern- 
 ment, was despatched by Americus on the 3d of 
 February, 1496. This expedition, on the 18th of 
 the same month, was overtaken by a violent gale 
 and totally wrecked ; the crews, with the exception 
 of three men who were lost, barely escaping with 
 their lives.^ 
 
 Letter fo Pi- Wlicu the pubHc records cease to mention the 
 
 ero Soderi- 
 
 ni,fiUmgthe name of Americus, his own letter to Piero Soderini, 
 
 gap in hia _ ' 
 
 history, his old schoolmate and friend, which is given in the 
 next chapter, and which describes the events of the 
 first voyage of the navigator to the New World, op- 
 portunely fills up the gap which was left in his his- 
 tory. There, in his own words, exists an interest- 
 ing and minute account of the perils of the naviga- 
 tion and of the strange countries which he visited 
 in his absence, with the manners and customs of 
 their inhabitants. It is only to be regretted that 
 the modesty of the writer did not permit him to 
 dwell more at large upon his own personal adven- 
 tures, and the immediate part which he took in the 
 prosecution of the discoveries. 
 
 There is no way of determining the rank or posi- 
 tion which Americus occupied in his first expedi- 
 
 1 See Translation of Documents from tbn Collection of Navarr^te. 
 — See also Irving, vol. ii. p. 881. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. qr 
 
 tion. It is evident, however, from his own letters, chapter 
 
 as well as from the records of the times, that he did ~ 
 
 not hold the command. He says himself that he 
 was chosen to " assist" in the discoveries by the 
 King of Spain, and that expression confirms the 
 view which is taken below, that he accompanied 
 the fleet as an aid to the commanders in their navi- 
 gation, and as a private agent of the king ; that he 
 occupied a position analogous to that of the mem- 
 bers of scientific corps, who are usually despatched 
 at the present day in exploring voyages. It is pos- 
 sible, however, that he might have held a recog- 
 nized rank, and that the movements of the ships 
 might have been in some measure under his control, 
 for he is spoken of by some historians who have 
 written concerning, him, as " one of the principal 
 pilots and sea captains."^ 
 
 It would not be proper to lay the letter of Amer- proper ad- 
 ieus to Piero Soderini before the reader, without 'fette°rof'* 
 noticing, as briefly as possible, consistently with a 
 fair statement of the case, the question which has 
 been discussed by historical critics, touching the ac- 
 curacy of its date and its authenticity. It seems 
 hardly worth while to enter into any argument re- 
 specting the direction of the epistle, although this 
 also has been the subject of much dispute among 
 authors. As far as can now be ascertained, the 
 most ancient impression of the letter is found in a 
 volume of cosmography, written by Martin Ilaco- 
 
 * Dissertazione Giustificativa, torn. iii. p. 101. Giuntini, torn. ii. 
 Questione III. sec. 25. Canovai, p. 832, 833. 
 
90 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER milo, which was published in Latin at Strasburg, in 
 
 the year 1509. Neither of the biographers, Bandini 
 
 or Canovai, appear to have been cognizant of this 
 edition, and in it the letter is addressed to Rene, 
 Duke of Lorraine and Bar, and King of Jerusalem 
 and Sicily. All the letters in the work of Bandini 
 are taken from records in the celebrated collection 
 of the Bibliotheca Riccardiana, from the text of 
 Ramusio, and from a pamphlet which Canovai calls 
 the edition of Valori.^ 
 
 ■ Canovai, torn. i. p. 11. The 
 edition of Valori was a pamphlet 
 of sixteen maps, with the four voy- 
 ages of Americus attached to it, 
 which Canovai found in the pos- 
 session of the Marchese Gino Cap- 
 poni, whom he describes as " a 
 great and very studious lover of 
 good books." He says, moreover, 
 that " this edition exhibits correc- 
 tions in various places ; and time, 
 and if I am not mistaken, fire, has 
 done considerable damage to the 
 margin of many pages." He calls 
 it "the edition of Valori," because 
 Bacci Valorii, x''Wi was found 
 written on the title-page. Ramu- 
 sio, in the first volume of his col- 
 lection of voyages, preserves the 
 two voyages of Americus in the 
 service of Portugal and the second 
 letter to Lorenzo de' Medici. 
 
 Rene H., Duke of LoiTaine and 
 Bar, was bom in the year 1451, 
 and succeeded his grandfather 
 Nicholas on the throne of the 
 duchy in 1473. This prince was 
 much celebrated in the age in 
 which he lived. He was more 
 than once expelled from his do- 
 
 minions by the Duke of Burgun- 
 dy, with whom he carried on con- 
 tinual wars, which ended at last 
 in the death of his rival, in a fierce 
 battle fought under the walls of 
 his capital, Nancy, In the year 
 1486, the Neapolitan jiobility, who 
 were in insurrection against their 
 king, Ferdinand, offered him the 
 throne of that kingdom. He made 
 an attempt to take possession of it 
 aided by French troops, but was 
 obliged to return without success 
 to his own domains, in consequence 
 of troubles which the King of 
 France caused there. Neverthe- 
 less, he assumed the title of King 
 of Sicily and Jerusalem, and quar- 
 tered their arms with his own. 
 It was but an empty title, how- 
 ever, for he never succeeded in es 
 tablishing his claims. He died on 
 the 10th of December, 1508. 
 
 This Prince was noted as well 
 for his love of literature as for 
 the prowess of his arms, and ren 
 dered his capital and court a fa- 
 vourite resort for learned men of 
 all countries. It is more than 
 probable that he caused the pub- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 97 
 
 Bandini considers it useless to speculate upon chaptee 
 
 this subject of the direction, and accovuits for the '■ — 
 
 fact that it is different in different copies, by sup- 
 posing that after the original had been sent to So- 
 derini, Americus forwarded copies to various friends 
 and persons of quality, one of which was afterwards 
 published by the King of Sicily and Jerusalem' as 
 directed to himself Navarrete adopts tlie Latin 
 edition above mentioned, and gives the same ad- 
 dress, but it is said that since the publication of his 
 collection of voyages, the original Latin manuscript 
 itself has been discovered among the scrolls of the 
 Riccardi palace, which is directed to Soderini. As 
 far as any judgment can be formed from the inter- 
 nal evidence of the document itself, the address was 
 that which is given in this work, for it speaks of 
 the old student-friendship of the writer with his 
 correspondent, in a manner which he would not 
 have been likely to have made use of toward a per- 
 son of a royal birth. ^ 
 
 Whatever may be the opinion of critics as to the Authendci- 
 
 J r ty of tiie let. 
 
 address, the authenticity of the letter itself is un- *^^'™|°^^ 
 doubted. No one undertakes to question that it ^"°et^"' 
 was written by Americus himself; and, vmtil the 
 publication of the History of Herrera, in 1601, it 
 was received by all literary and scientific men as 
 an accurate and veracious account. That writer 
 
 lication of the accounts of Amer- from St. AllaVs L'Art de verifier 
 
 icus, as addressed to himself, with les dates des fails Historiques, torn. 
 
 a view of adding to his literary xiii. p. 410 — 412. 
 celebrity. — ChronologieHistorique ^ Letter to Soderini, chap. vii. 
 des Rois et Dues de Lorraine-, 
 
 13 
 
98 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER asserted, without a particle of proof, and on his 
 
 • own unsupported authority, tliat Vespucius had 
 
 artfully and wilfully falsified in his narrative, and 
 that he did so with the view of stealing from Co- 
 lumbus the honour of being the discoverer of the 
 continent of America, changing, for this purpose, 
 the date of his first voyage, from 1499 to 1497. 
 Spanish authors of that day, and ever since, have 
 gladly seized upon this charge, and given it cur- 
 rency in their writings ; while foreign historians, 
 from indifference to the subject, or want of means 
 of correct information, circulated the slander. In 
 this way it became the generally received opinion 
 of the world, and most people consider Americus 
 Vespucius as little better than an impostor, while 
 the few who acquit him of intentional fraud, attrib- ' 
 ute the mistake, as they are pleased to consider it, 
 to an error of the press, or some similar accident. 
 Historical This latter class of critics, as well as the malign - 
 
 evidence of ^ 
 
 ihe accura- ers of the naviffator, assume, that one of the princi- 
 
 eyof Amer- a i i a 
 
 pal effects of this change of date was, to confer 
 upon the new continent the name of America. 
 That this, at least, was not the case, will be satis- 
 factorily shown to the reader in another place. If 
 a plausible, though hardly a fair argument, had 
 been wanting to substantiate the accuracy of Amer- 
 icus, surely the fact that his name was attached to 
 the New World so soon after his voyages, might 
 be adduced, and brought to bear with much more 
 force in his favour than it could ever be "used 
 against him. But it is much more satisfactory and 
 
 ey 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 99 
 
 convincing to examine the proof whicii history chapter 
 
 affords, than to speculate upon probabilities. The " — 
 
 Spanish archives of the day make no mention of 
 Americus after the year 1496, until 1505, an inter- 
 val of about eight years ; while, both before that 
 interval and subsequently, his name appears very 
 often in the documents which have been brought to 
 light. If he did not sail in 1497, why did not 
 Herrera inform the world how and in what Avay he 
 was occupied from that time till 1499 '? That his- 
 torian and Navarrete, who follows in his footsteps, 
 admit his connexion with Berardi, the agent of 
 the fleets of Columbus, and the latter finds evidence 
 of his continued connexion with the business, but 
 only until 1496. Now Columbus sailed in 1498, 
 and it is probable that Americus would have aided 
 in the fitting out of his third voyage, as he did of 
 the second, had he been in Spain at the time. 
 Herrera himself, though accusing Americus of un- 
 blushing impudence and fraud, copies the principal 
 portion of his narrative of the first voyage of Alonzo 
 de Ojeda, from the letter to Soderini. He mingles 
 in his account many of the occurrences of the 
 second voyage of Americus, with matters relating 
 exclusively to Ojeda; and then, being unable to 
 deny that the Florentine navigator actually made 
 two voyages, in the service of Spain, makes Ameri- 
 cus accompany Ojeda in the second voyage of the 
 latter, which took place in 1502. But in 1502 it 
 appears, from indisputable evidence, the authority 
 of Gomara and many others, besides that of the 
 
100 LIt'E AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER navinjator himself, that Americus was in the service 
 
 VI. ° ' 
 
 of Portugal. 
 
 Evidence of The evideiice Oieda srave in the lawsuit which 
 
 Ojeda in the •' ° 
 
 vTe^Tco *^^^ ^^^ °^ Columbus, Don Diego, commenced after 
 luinbus. ^i^g death of his father, and prosecuted against 
 the crown of Spain, is much relied upon to prove 
 inaccuracy in the date of this letter. He testifies, 
 that when he sailed in 1499, "he took with him 
 Juan de la Cosa, Americus Vespucius, and other 
 pilots." Admitting that Americus did sail with 
 Ojeda at this time, it by no means follows that he 
 did not make a previous voyage in 1497, and it is 
 unfair to infer that he did not. The silence of the co- 
 temporary historians of the day, with respect to this 
 voyage, is the main reliance of Dr. Robertson, when 
 he follows the lead of Herrera. Gomara, Benzoni, 
 Peter Martyr, and Oviedo do not, it is true, mention 
 the fact of this discovery in 1497 ; but if an argu- 
 ment drawn from this source proves any thing, it 
 undoubtedly proves too much. Neither Gomara 
 nor Oviedo allude at all to the voyages of Ojeda, 
 any more than they do to the voyages of Americus, 
 yet it is universally admitted that both of these 
 mariners, either singly or in company, did make 
 two voyages to the New World at about this time. 
 Martyr also neglects Ojeda more than he does 
 Americus, and only speaks of the third voyage of 
 the navigator, which was performed in the service 
 of the King of Portugal, while he omits the com- 
 panion of Columbus altogether. Benzoni did not 
 pretend to write a history of the discovery, bu* 
 
AMERICrS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 101 
 
 mertily gives an accoimt of what he himself saw chapter 
 and did when he went to the New World in 1541, — ~ — 
 nearly half a century after the disputed event.^ A 
 solution of this difficulty may be found in the state- 
 ment of Gomara himself, who says: "Learning 
 that the territories which Christopher Columbus 
 had discovered were very extensive, many persons 
 proceeded to continue the exploration of them. 
 Some went at their own expense, others at that of 
 the king ; all thinking to enrich themselves, to ac- 
 quire honour, and to gain the royal approbation. 
 But as most of these persons did nothing but dis- 
 cover, memorials of all of them have not come 
 to my knowledge, especially of those who sailed 
 towards the north, nor even of all those who went 
 in the direction of Paria, from the year 1495 to the 
 year 1500."^ 
 
 Another, and perhaps the strongest argument Absence of 
 
 testimony ill 
 
 adduced by the followers of Herrera to support their *'' lawsuit 
 
 •' ■■■ ^ IS but nega- 
 
 views, is taken from the absence of any testimo- •iyeevi- 
 
 ' ^ J dence. 
 
 ny in the same lawsuit concerning the alleged 
 discoveries of Americus. The object of this pro- 
 
 1 Robertson, History of Ameri- ganar faraa, y medrar con los 
 ca, vol. i. note 22. Reyes. Pero como los mas de 
 
 2 Gomara, Historia de las In- ellos no Mcieron sino desoubrir, y 
 dias, chap, xxxvi., from Barcia's gastarse, no quedo memoria de to- 
 Early Histories of the West Indies, dos, que yo sepa: especialmente 
 vol. ii. de los que navtgaron acia el norte, 
 
 "Entendiendoquangrandissimas — ^ni aun de todos los que fueron 
 
 tierras eranlas que Christoval Co- por la otra parte de Paria, desde 
 
 Ion descubria, fueron muchos a con- el ano de mil quatro-cientos y no- 
 
 tinuar el descubrimiento de todas ; venta y cinco hasta el de mil y 
 
 unos k sua costa, otros k la del quinientos." 
 Rey, y todos pensando enriquecer, 
 
VI. 
 
 102 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER ceeding, on the part of Don Diego Columbus, waa 
 to obtain from the crown the government of cer- 
 tain territories on the mainland of America, and a 
 share of the revenue arising from them, according 
 to the stipulations of the government with his 
 father ; and the crown, in contesting this claim, are 
 supposed to have brought forward all possible proof, 
 that Columbus did not discover the coast of Paria. 
 
 In this trial nearly one himdred witnesses were 
 examined on oath, yet no mention is made of the 
 voyage of Americus in 1497, but on the contrary, 
 Ojeda testifies directly that Columbus discovered 
 Paria. On being asked how he knew this, he re- 
 plied that he had seen the map which Columbus 
 sent home to the government, of the lands he had 
 discovered in 1498, and immediately started himself 
 on a voyage of exploration, on which he used the 
 map, and found it to be correct. It is mrged that 
 Ojeda must have known the fact, if Vespucius had 
 made a previous discovery, because, he accompanied 
 him in 1499 : and the crown must have known it 
 also, and would have insisted upon it in this suit, if 
 it had ever taken place.^ 
 
 All this is but negative evidence at the best, and 
 should weigh but lightly against the positive state- 
 ments of one whose integrity, good sense, and char- 
 acter are unquestionable. It is easy to conceive 
 of numerous reasons which might have prevented 
 the government from bringing forward evidence of 
 this voyage ; and the very fact that Ojeda navigated 
 
 1 Navarrete, Oolleccion, &c., torn. iii. p. 539.' 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 1(I3 
 
 in 1499, with a chart which Columbus had sent cHAPTBa 
 
 home in 1498, while Americus himself was on '■ — 
 
 board of his fleet, may have been the reason which 
 led him to look upon Columbus as its first discov- 
 erer, and to forget the date of the expedition of 
 ■ Americus in 1497, which, according to the state- 
 ment of Gomara, was one out of many that were 
 undertaken about that time. It must not be for- 
 gotten, that this evidence was given in the latter 
 part of the year 1512, and the commencement of 
 1513, after the death of Americus had taken place, 
 and at a distance of nearly fifteen years from the 
 date of the events concerning which Ojeda testifies.^ 
 
 After all that can be said, it is unimportant to come a decision 
 
 of the ques 
 
 to any decision on this point. Even if Americus ti"" is aftei 
 
 •' ■"■ all import- 
 
 did discover the mainland before Columbus by a ^nt. 
 
 few months, the fact takes nothing from the name 
 and fame of that great man. He at any rate ar- 
 rived at the continent without assistance from any 
 source but his own strength of mind, and to him, 
 whatever may have been the good fortune of any 
 of his cotemporaries, belongs the glory of the grand 
 discovery of a New World. The first glimpse that 
 he obtained of the luxuriant islands of the Western 
 Ocean rendered him immortal, and all subsequent 
 discoveries followed his own almost as a matter of 
 course. 
 
 The character and renown of Columbus belong 
 to the world, and it is impossible to sympathize 
 with any of those historians who strive to deprer 
 
 • Navarr^te, torn. iii. p. 538. 
 
104 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 cuAPTEK date .either, for the sake of exalting a favourite or 
 
 '■ — fellow-countryman of their own, Americus needs 
 
 no such advocacy, and the subject has been consid- 
 ered in the foregoing pages solely to relieve his 
 character from the gross aspersions which have 
 been cast upon it, by those who foolislily consider 
 this secondary question as one aifecting materially 
 the reputation of Columbus. " In fact," as is well 
 observed by the distinguished author of the life of 
 the great Admiral, "the European who first reached 
 the mainland of the New World was most probably 
 Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, sailing in the 
 employ of England. In 1497 he coasted the shores 
 from Labrador to Florida, yet neither the English 
 nor the Venetians have set up any pretensions on 
 his account."^ 
 Gener&i ar- It is much more charitable to attribute an error 
 
 gmnents in 
 
 favor of the [jy ^^e date of the first voyage, if the reader can sup- 
 accuracy of J n 7 r 
 
 Ajnericus. pggg j^^y such to cxist, after a candid consideration 
 of the arguments on both sides of the question, to 
 the negligence of the early publishers, rather than 
 to a wilful deception on the part of the writer. It 
 would have been strange indeed, had he attempted 
 any misrepresentation of the kind. The letters are 
 universally acknowledged to have been written with 
 the pen of Americus himself; they purport to be the 
 account of an eyewitness of the events which he 
 describes ; they were addressed to persons of gieat 
 celebrity in the world, whom it certainly would 
 have been a hard, if not a perilous task, to deceive ; 
 
 ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 886. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 105 
 
 they give full accounts of events which, from their chapter 
 
 extraordinary nature, must have flown upon the '- — ■ 
 
 wings of the wind to the remotest quarters of civil- 
 ized Europe ; if falsified in any particular, there 
 were hundreds who stood ready to contradict and 
 expose to public indignation their author ; yet that 
 author occupies, for years after the contested ac- 
 counts are published and translated into various 
 tongues, a high and responsible post at the court in 
 whose service the voyage in question was made. 
 No voice is raised to condemn the shameless im- 
 postor ; for such Americus must have been, if his 
 calumniators spoke the truth ; but so far from it, the 
 very man whose honours and merits he was en- 
 deavouring to appropriate remains his warm friend, 
 and commends him to his own son, in a letter 
 which has been fortunately preserved to us, as one 
 well entitled to his esteem and affection. 
 
 Can any one suppose that Columbus would have Letter of 
 
 ■' 1 Columbus 
 
 written a letter like the one which follows, con- lughiy com 
 
 mending 
 
 cerning a man who was wickedly engaged in in- Americus. 
 juring the reputation so dear to him 1 
 
 To my very dear Son, Don Diego Columbus. 
 
 At the Court. 
 
 My dear Son, 
 
 Diego Mendez departed from this place on Mon- 
 day, the third of this month. After his departure, I 
 held converse with Americus Vespucius," the bearer 
 of this letter, who goes to court on some business 
 wnnected with navigation. He has always been 
 
 14 
 
106 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER desirous of serviag me, and is an honourable man, 
 
 '■ — though fortune has been unpropitious to him, as to 
 
 many others, and his labours have not been as prof- 
 itable as he deserves. He goes on my account, and 
 with a great desire to do something which may re- 
 dound to my advantage, if it is in his power. 
 
 I know not, here, what instructions to give him 
 that will benefit me, because I am ignorant what 
 will be required there. He goes determined to do 
 for me all that is possible. See what can be done 
 to advantage there, and labour for it, that he may 
 know and speak of every thing, and devote himself 
 to the work; and let every thing be done with se- 
 cresy, that no suspicions may arise. I have said to 
 him all that I can say touching the business, and 
 have informed him of all the payments which have 
 been made to me, and what is due. 
 
 This letter is intended also for the Adelantado, 
 that he may avail himself of any advantage and ad- 
 vice on the subject. His highness believes that his 
 ships were in the best and richest portion of the 
 Indies, and if he desires to know any thing more on 
 the subject, I will satisfy him by word of mouth, 
 for it is impossible for me to tell by letter. May 
 our Lord have you in his holy keeping. Done at 
 Seville, February 5th, 1505. 
 
 Thy father, who loves thee better than himself, 
 Christopher Columbus.^ 
 
 1 Navarr6te, torn. i. p. 351 . Irv- The signature of Columbus ia 
 ing, vol. ii. p. 882. curious. It is written thus, ap» 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 107 
 
 In rescuing this letter from the dust of the Span- chapter 
 
 ish archives, Navarrete has done good service in '■ — 
 
 the cause of truth, and furnished an important link 
 in the chain of evidence which will establish, it is 
 trusted satisfactorily, in the mind of the reader, the 
 credibility of Americus. But if any thing be still 
 wanting to confirm him in such an opinion, the fact 
 that Fernando Columbus, the biographer of his fa- 
 ther, who throughout his work gives constant proof 
 of his sensitiveness with regard to anything touch- 
 ing the honour and renown of the Admiral, makes 
 not the slightest mention of any attempt on the 
 part of Americus to appropriate to himself any por- 
 tion of his father's fame. Is it probable, that he 
 would have passed it over in silence, had such an 
 attempt been made 1 
 
 As far as was possible, a candid statement of the General u 
 
 cence grant 
 
 point in dispute, with the reasoning on both sides ed by the 
 of the question, has been given, and with but one <"her j"y- 
 
 jiended to this letter as well as in, savouring very strongly of the 
 
 other documents. pedantry of his times. Xristv^, 
 
 S. Sancta Maria, Josephus, is one 
 
 S. A. S reading; Salva me Xristus, Maria, 
 
 X M Y Josephus, another. Neither ap- 
 
 XPO FERENS pears very satisfactory, and the 
 
 In the early part of his life Co- reader has the same right to exer- 
 
 lumbussubscribed himself, Colum- cise his ability in deciphering it, 
 
 bus de Terra Rubra, according to and may arrive as nearly at the 
 
 the history of Fernando his son, truth as any conjectures of the 
 
 but when he had acquired celebri- critics will lead him. It is un- 
 
 ty, he adopted the form above.- A doubtedly a pious exclamation, 
 
 great many opinions have been which it was very customary in 
 
 formed as to the meaning of these those days to prefix to writings as 
 
 characters, which are an incon- well as signatures. — Fernando Co- 
 
 gruous mixture of Greek and Lat- lumhus, chap. xi. 
 
108 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER additional suggestion, the subject will be dropped, 
 
 '■ — It is a weU-known fact that for a number of years 
 
 previous to his departure upon his third voyage, 
 Columbus vpas annoyed and persecuted by the 
 attacks of his enemies at court, and by the doubts 
 and vacillation of King Ferdinand ; and as Herrera 
 emphatically declares, he made frequent remon- 
 strance against the various expeditions which were 
 undertaken, under the general license which had 
 been given by the crowTi for private adventurers, to 
 prosecute discoveries m the Indies, and only suc- 
 ceeded, after long solicitation, in obtaining a small 
 squadron for his enterprise in 1498. There is 
 nothing to contradict the supposition that the expe- 
 dition of Americus was one of those which the 
 Admiral supposed to interfere with his own rights : 
 a private undertaking altogether, but at the same 
 time one in which Vespucius went, at the command 
 of the king, to " assist in the discoveries." With 
 this view of the case, it is easy to account for the 
 non-appearance of any public documents in the 
 archives relating to the voyage. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Skettii of the Life of Piero Soderini. — His Character. — Elected Gan- 
 faioniere of Florence. — His Fall and Banishment. — His Death at 
 Rome. — Letter of Americus to him, describing his First Voyage. — 
 His Reasons for Writing. — Sails from Cadiz, Maj' 10th, 1497. — 
 Arrives at the Grand Canaries. — Arrives at the New World. — Ap- 
 pearance of the Inhabitants. — Sails along the Coast. — Their Weap- 
 ons and their Wars. — Mode of Life. — Religion and Laws. — Their 
 Riches. — Their System of Physic. — Burial Rites. — Their Food. — 
 Ignami. — Finds trifling Indications of Gold. — Venezuela. — Treach- 
 ery of the Inhabitants. — Fight with them. — Five Prisoners. — Their 
 Artful Escape. — Singular Animals. — Fish made into Flour. — ^Amer- 
 icus received by another Tribe with great Horlour. — Laughable Oc- 
 currence. — Establishes Baptismal Fonts. — Lariab. — Cannibalism. — 
 Repairing the Ships. — Sail for the Islands. — Battle with the Natives. 
 — Slave Prisoners. — Return Voyage. — Arrival at Cadiz, 15th of Oc- 
 tober, 1498. 
 
 PiERO Soderini, to whom the following letter was chaptek 
 addressed by Americus, was bom in Florence, in 
 
 *' ' ' Sketch of 
 
 the year 1450. He was the son of Tomaso Sode- *« ^^f 
 
 rini, of whom mention has been made in a previous 
 chapter, and was educated by the good Friar Geor- 
 gio Antonio, in company with the navigator. As 
 he grew up, the friendship which subsisted between 
 the two young men was strengthened by a great 
 similarity of character in many respects. Both 
 were devotedly attached to their country, and both 
 \ived to do it honour. 
 
 When, a few years after the death of Lorenzo the 
 
 Piero Sode. 
 rini. 
 
^0 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER Magnificent, the Florentines returned to their an 
 
 — cient democratic form of government, and expelled 
 
 Piero, his son, veith all the members of that pow^er- 
 ful family from the city, they sought among their 
 distinguished citizens for one whom they might 
 trust to restore and presei-ve their rights and liber- 
 ties. The state was in great confusion and anarchy, 
 and it behooved them to select for their chief magis- 
 trate a man of undoubted patriotism, who would 
 administer the laws with prudence and firmness. 
 After much deliberation, their choice fell upon Piero 
 Soderini. His known probity, his wealth, his love 
 for the arts and sciences, and the prominent part he 
 took in the measures which resulted in the revolu- 
 tion, all influenced his election, and, on the 16th of 
 August, 1502, he was unanimously called to preside 
 over the destinies of the republic, with the title of 
 Perpetual Gonfaloniere. 
 HisChaiac- Tlie character of Soderini was too mild and amia*- 
 ble to allow him to abuse the privileges of his high 
 station. On the contrary, he hardly insisted suffi- 
 ciently upon his rights, to ensure the stability of his 
 power. He loved to lend his patronage to men of 
 letters and artists, and his palace was thronged with 
 all the sculptors and painters of the day who had 
 attained any celebrity in their professions. Poets 
 and philosophers flocked to his court as they did to 
 that of the great Lorenzo, but, unlike him, Soderini 
 left more memorials of his devotion to literature and 
 art, than of his statesmanship. During his admin- 
 :::tration, however, the republic waged war with 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. il] 
 
 Pisa, with great activity, and finally, in the year chapter 
 1509, succeeded in subduing that city. — 
 
 The assistance of the French had been of great His depon- 
 assistance to Sodenm, in the expulsion of the Medi- banishment 
 ci and his own elevation, and he always remained 
 warmly attached to that nation. He gave his con- 
 sent to the measure which Louis XII. projected, of 
 assembling a council at Pisa for the purpose of de- 
 posing Pope Julius II., and that pontiif never for- 
 gave him for the affront. When the French evacu- 
 ated Italy in 1512, he stimulated the Viceroy of 
 Naples in Tuscany to attempt the re-establishment 
 of the Medici family. The movement' was success- 
 ful. . The city was taken by surprise on the 30th of 
 August, 1512, and was given up to pillage and mas- 
 sacre. The partisans of the Medici broke into the 
 public palace tumultuously, and surprised Soderini 
 in his apartments. They confined him in chains, 
 and the next day the Signory passed an act depo- 
 sing him from his office, after he had served the state 
 for upwards of ten years, without giving occasion for 
 the slightest murmur of dissatisfaction among the 
 peaceable citizens. 
 
 The day following his deposition, he was con- 
 ducted to the frontiers of the republic, escorted by a 
 strong guard, and banished for ever. He went im- 
 mediately to Ragusa, where he remained till the 
 election of Leo X. to the papal chair. Though a 
 Medici himself, this pontiff was too generous to 
 cherish an old enmity, and invited Soderini to 
 Rome, remembering rather the services of the fa- 
 
112 LIFE AND VOYAGES CF 
 
 CHAPTER ther of Piero towards his family, than the more re- 
 
 ^ — cent doings of the son.' At the pontifical court he 
 
 was received with much distinction, although he 
 never wavered in his attachment to the rights of his 
 countrymen a"nd the cause of liberty. He ended his 
 days at Rome, and died regretted and rejected by 
 a'l the intelligent and patriotic men of the day.' 
 
 Letter of A'lnerirMs to Piero Soderini, Pei-petual Gon- 
 fahniere of the Republic of Florence^ giving an 
 account of his First Voyage? 
 
 Most Excellent Sir: — 
 
 (After my humble reverence and due commenda- 
 tion) — It may be that your Excellency, with your 
 well-known wisdom, will be astonished at my te- 
 merity, in that I have been so absurdly moved to 
 address you my present very prolix letter, knowing 
 that your Excellency is continually occupied in the 
 arduous duties and pressing business of State. 1 
 may be termed not only presumptuous, but idle, 
 in writing things neither convenient nor pleasing to 
 your state, and which were formerly written in 
 barbarous style, destitute of the polish of literature, 
 and directed to Don Ferdinand, king of Castile ; 
 but the confidence I have in your virtues, as well 
 as in the truth of what I write, concerning things 
 
 ' Biog. Universelle, torn. xlii. p. follows : To the Most Illiistrious, 
 
 567, 568. the King of Jerasalem and Sicily, 
 
 2 The direction of the letter in the Duke of Lorraine and Bar, 
 
 the edition of Gniniger, which is — Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 191. 
 followed by Navarrete, reads as 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 113 
 
 described neither by ancient nor modem authors, chapter 
 has emboldened me in my vmdertaking. — ~ 
 
 The principal reason why I am induced to write, Reasons of 
 is the request of the bearer, Benvenuto Benvenuti, for"^tiJS. 
 the devoted servant of your Excellency, and my 
 very particular friend. He happened to be here in 
 this city of Lisbon, and requested that I would im- 
 part to your Excellency a description of the things 
 seen by me in varjous climes, in the course of four 
 voyages which I have made for the discovery of 
 new lands, two by the authority and command of 
 Don Ferdinand VI., the King of Castile, in the 
 great Western Ocean, and the other two by order 
 of Don Emanuel, King of Portugal, towards the 
 south. So I resolved to write to your Excellency, 
 and set about the performance of my task, because 
 I am certain that your Excellency counts me among 
 the number of your most devoted servants ; remem- 
 bering that in the time of our youth, we were 
 friends, going daily to study the rudiments of gram- 
 mar, under the excellent instruction of the venera- 
 ble and religious Brother of St. Mark, Friar Georgio 
 Antonio Vespucci, my uncle, whose counsels, would 
 to God I had followed ! for then, as Petrarch says, 
 I should have been a different man from what I am. 
 
 However that maybe, I do not complain, inasmuch 
 as I have always delighted in those things which 
 are virtuous, and in literary pursuits ; and now that 
 these my trifling affairs may not be disagreeable to 
 your virtuous mind, I will say to you, as Pliny said 
 to Maecenas, " You were once accustomed to be 
 
 15 
 
114 LIFE AND VOYAGES OK 
 
 CHAPTER pleased with my prattling."' However constantly 
 
 • '■ — employed you may be in public affairs, you can snatch 
 
 some hours of relaxation, for the purpose of reading 
 those things which, however trifling, will amuse by 
 their novelty ; for with the cares and engrossment 
 • of business, these letters of mine will mingle, as it 
 is customary to mingle fennel with savoury viands, 
 to dispose them for better digestion. And if per- 
 chance I am more prolix than I ought to be, I 3,sk 
 your Excellency's pardon. 
 
 Your Excellency will please to observe, that I 
 came into the kingdom of Spain for the purpose of 
 engaging in mercantile affairs, and that I continued 
 to be thus employed about four years, during which 
 time I saw and experienced the fickle movements 
 of fortune, and how she ordered the changes of 
 these transitory and perisliing worldly goods ; at 
 one time sustaining a man at the top of the wheel, 
 and at another returning him to the lowest part 
 thereof, and depriving him o"f her favours, which 
 may truly be said to be lent.* Thus having ex- 
 perienced the continual labour of one who would 
 acquire her favours, subjecting myself to vastly 
 many inconveniences and dangers, I concluded to 
 abandon mercantile affairs, and direct my attention 
 
 I He meant to have said, " as * These four years may be con- 
 Catullus said to Cornelius Nepos." sidered to .be the four which pre- 
 This mistake goes but little way to ceded his departure en his first 
 prove a want of classical informa-" voyage in 1497, embracing the 
 tion, which Navarrite seems in- tune of his connexion with Berar 
 clined to impute to the naviga- di, and his management of the bu 
 tor. siness after bis partner's death. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS; II5 
 
 to something more laudable and stable. For this cHAPTEa 
 
 purpose I prepared myself to visit various parts of 
 
 the world, and see the vponderful things which 
 might be found therein. Time and place were 
 very opportunely offered me. 
 
 King Ferdinand of Castile had ordered four ships 
 to go in search of new lands, and I was selected by 
 his highness to go in that fleet, in order to assist in 
 the discoveries. We sailed from the port of Cadiz 
 on the tenth day of May, A. D. 1497, and steering 
 our course through the great Western Ocean, spent 
 eighteen months in our expedition, discovering 
 much land, and a great number of islands, the 
 largest part of which were inhabited.' As these 
 are not spoken of by ancient writers, I presume 
 they were ignorant of them. If I am not mis- 
 taken, I well remember to have read in one of 
 their books which I possessed, that this ocean was 
 considered unpeopled; and our poet Dante also held 
 this opinion, judging by the twenty-sixth canto of 
 L'Infemo, where he sings the fate of Ulysses.^ In 
 
 ' Giuntini writes 17 as required tually took seventeen months and 
 
 by the departure on 10th May, five days, but in his introductory 
 
 1497, and return on 15th October, remarks, Vespucius speaks ap- 
 
 1498. But Giuntini also lias the proximately. — Navarrete, torn. iii. 
 departure on the 20tL of May, and , . ^^ , ^^^,^^^^ , j ^^^^^ , ^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^^ 
 arrival on 25th of October. It is Through perils without number now 
 easy to infer that the first transla- have reached 
 
 ^ r ..x.- 4. i r ™ i,;„ To this the short remaining watch, 
 
 tor of this voyage took from his that yet 
 
 manuscript the figure 2 for the our senses have to walte, refuse not 
 
 figure 1. — Canovai: Viaesi, &c., Pfoof , ^ „ , „ , .k 
 
 ° . ,„ ' ^°' Ofthennpeopled world, following th« 
 
 tomi. p49, note. Navarrete cav- ^^^^^ 
 
 ils unnecessarily at this very nat- of Phtebus.' 
 
 ural inaccuracy. The voyage ac- <^«"J''» J'"""' <'"'*<' ""• ^ ^^^' "^ 
 
J,lg LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER this voyage I saw many astonishing things, as youi 
 '■ — Excellency will perceive by the following relation : 
 
 VOYAGE THE FIRST.' 
 
 Departure In the year of our Lord 1497, on the tenth day 
 May 10th!' of May, as before stated, we left the port of Cadiz 
 with four ships in company.^ The first land we 
 made Was that of the Fortunate Islands, which are 
 now called the Grand Canaries, situated in the West- 
 em Ocean, as far as the habitable world was sup- 
 posed to extend, being located in the third climate, 
 where the North Pole is elevated twenty-seven and 
 a half degrees above the horizon, and distant from 
 the city of Lisbon (where this letter is written) 
 two hundred and eighty leagues. Having arrived 
 here, with south and southerly winds, we tarried 
 eight days, taking in wood and water and other 
 necessaries, when, having offered up our prayers, 
 we weighed anchor and set sail, steering a course 
 west by south. 
 We sailed so rapidly, that at the end of twenty- 
 
 ' Giuntini, Canovai, and Navar- the name of Emanuel, King of 
 
 r6te, all introduce this with the Portugal. Americus Vespucius, 
 
 following heading, which is omit- one of the principal pilots and sea 
 
 ted in the text. " Description captains, sending the following ac- 
 
 of various lands and islands not count of them to the aforesaid Fer- 
 
 spoken of by ancient authors found dinand, King of Castile." 
 in the year 1497, and thereafter ^ The addition of Gruniger gives 
 
 in four voyages, that is, two in the the date of the departure as 20th 
 
 WestemOcean under the authority of May. On comparison with 
 
 of Ferdinand, King of Castile, and other editions, this appears to be 
 
 the other two in the South Sea, in an error. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 117 
 
 seven days we came in sight of land, which we chapte* 
 
 judged to be a continent, being about a thousand '■ — 
 
 leagues west of the Grand Canaries, and within 
 the Torrid Zone, as we found the North Pole at an 
 elevation of six degrees above the horizon, and our 
 instruments showed it to be seventy-four degrees 
 farther west than the Canary Islands.^ Here we 
 anchored our sliips at a league and a half from the 
 shore; and, having cast off our boats, and fiUed 
 them with men and arms, proceeded at once to 
 land. 
 
 Before we landed we were much cheered by the First land- 
 
 ,, ing on the 
 
 Sight of many people ramblmg along the shore continent. 
 We found that they were all in a state of nudity, 
 and they appeared to be afraid of us, as I supposed 
 from seeing us clothed, and of a different stature 
 from themselves. They retreated to a mountain, 
 and, notwithstanding all the signs of peace and 
 friemlship we could make, we could not bring them 
 to a parley with us ; so, as the night was coming 
 on, and the ships were anchored in an insecure 
 place, by reason of the coast being exposed, we 
 agreed to leave there the next day, and go in search 
 of some port or bay where we could place our ships 
 in safety. 
 
 We sailed along the coast with a northwest 
 
 ' The degrees of whicli he ed is fifty -four or fifty-five degrees. 
 
 speaks were, as mariners then cal- The instruments of the saUors of 
 
 culated,fifteenleagueseach. — Na- that day were so very inaccurate, 
 
 varrite, tom. iii. 199, note. The and it was ahnost impossible to 
 
 true longitude or distance from the measure correctly with them. — 
 
 Canaries to the land which he reach- Canovai, tom. i. 53. 
 
118 UFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER wind, always keeping within sight of land, and 
 
 '■ — continually seeing people on shore ; and having 
 
 sailed two days, we found a very safe place for the 
 ships, and anchored at half a league from the land, 
 and the same day we landed in the boats — forty 
 men leaping on shore in good order. The people 
 of the country, however, appeared very shy of us, 
 and for some time we could not sufficiently assure 
 them to induce them to come and speak with us ; 
 but at length we laboured so hard, in giving them 
 some of our things, such as looking-glasses, bells, 
 beads, and other trifles, that some of them acquired 
 confidence enough to come and treat with us for 
 our mutual peace and friendship. Night coming 
 on, we took leave of them and returned to our 
 ships. 
 Received in Tile next day, as the dawn appeared, we saw 
 manner by on the shore a great number of men, with theii- 
 
 the natives. 
 
 Wives and children; we landed, and found that 
 they had all come loaded with provisions and ma- 
 terials, which will be described in the proper place. 
 Before we reached the land, many of them swam 
 to meet us, the length of a bow shot into the sea 
 (as they are most excellent swimmers), and they 
 treated us with as much confidence as if we had 
 had intercourse with them for a long time, which 
 gratified us much. 
 
 All that we know of their life and manners is, 
 that they go entirely naked, not having the slightest 
 covering whatever; they are of middling stature, 
 and very well proportioned ; their flesh is of a red- 
 
119 
 
 CHAPTER 
 VII. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 dish colour, like the skin of a lion, but f think that 
 if they had been accustomed to wear clothing, they 
 would have been as white as we are. They have 
 no hair on the body, with the exception of very long 
 hair upon the head — and the women especially de- 
 rive much beauty from this : their countenances 
 are not very handsome, as they have large faces, 
 which might be compared with those of the Tar- 
 tars : they do not allow any hair to grow on the 
 eyelids or eyebrows, or any other part of the body, 
 excepting the head, as they consider it a great de- 
 formity. Both men and women are very agile and 
 easy in their persons, and swift in walking or run- 
 ning ; so that the women think nothing of running 
 a league or two, as we many times beheld, having, 
 in this particular, greatly the advantage of us Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 They swim incredibly well — the women better charactet- 
 
 .1.1 1 .1 . istics of tin 
 
 than the men — as we have seen them many times natives. 
 swimming without any support, fully two leagues 
 at sea. Their arms are bows and arrows beauti- 
 fully wrought, but unfurnished with iron or any 
 other hard metal, in place of which they make use 
 of the teeth of animals or fish, or sometimes substi- 
 tute a slip of hard wood, made harder at the point 
 by fire. They are sure Tiarksmen, who hit where- 
 ever they wish, and in some parts the women also 
 use the bow with dexterity. They have other arms, 
 such as lances and staves with heads finely wTought. 
 When they make war they take their wives with 
 them, not that they may fight, but because they carry 
 
120 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER their provision behind them ; a woman frequently 
 
 carrying a burden on her back for thirty or forty 
 
 leagues, which the strongest man among them 
 could not do, as we have many times witnessed. 
 
 Their mo- Tliesc pcople liavc no captains, neither do they 
 
 tives m ma- r jr r > j 
 
 king war. marcli iu Order, but each one is his own master ; 
 the cause of their wars is not a love of conquest or 
 enlarging their boundaries, neither are they incited 
 to engage in them by inordinate covetousness, but 
 from ancient enmity which has existed between 
 them in times past; and having been asked why 
 they made war, they could give us no other reason, 
 than that they did it to avenge the death of their 
 ancestors. Neither have these people kings n©r 
 lords, nor do they obey any one, but live in their 
 own entire liberty, and the manner in which they 
 are incited to go to war, is this : when their ene- 
 mies have killed or taken prisoners any of their peo- 
 ple, the oldest relative rises and goes about proclaim- 
 ing his wrongs aloud, and calling upon them to go 
 with him and avenge the death of his relation. 
 Thereupon they are moved with sympathy, and 
 make ready for the fight. 
 
 They have no tribuiials of justice, neither do they 
 punish malefactors ; and what is still more ast--..- 
 ishing, neither father nor mother chastises the 
 children when they do wrong; yet, astounding as 
 it may seem, there is no strife between them, or, to 
 say the least, we never saw any. They appear 
 simple in speech, but in reality are very shrewd 
 and cunning in any matter which interests them. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 121 
 
 They speak but little, and that little in a low tone chapter 
 
 of voice, using the same accentuation that we use, '- — 
 
 and forming the woi-ds with the palate, teeth, and 
 lips, but they have a different mode of diction. There 
 is a great diversity of languages among them, inas- 
 much that within every hundred leagues we found 
 people who could not understand each other. Their 
 mode of life is most barbarous ; they do not eat at 
 regular intervals and as much as they wish at sta- 
 ted times, but it is a matter of indifference to them, 
 whether appetite comes at midnight or mid-day, and 
 they eat upon the ground at ,all hours, without nap- 
 kin or table-cloth, having their food in earthen ba- 
 sins, which they manufacture, or in half gourd 
 shells. 
 
 They sleep in nets of cotton, very large, and sus- 
 pended in the air, and although this may seem ra- 
 ther a bad way of sleeping, I can vouch for the fact, 
 that it is extremely pleasant, and one sleeps better 
 thus, than on a mattress. They are neat and clean 
 in their persons, which is a natural consequence of 
 their perpetual bathing. 
 
 ******** 
 ******** 
 
 [It is deemed inexpedient to translate certain pas- 
 sages which occur at this stage of the letter, refer- 
 ring- to personal habits of the natives, which are 
 imfit for publication at the present day.] 
 
 We are not aware that these people have any Tiieir vu- 
 
 _ - lafres and 
 
 laws. Neither are they like Moors or Jews, but house*. 
 are worse than Gentiles and Pagans, because we 
 
 16 
 
122 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER have never seen them offer any sacrifice, and they 
 
 have no houses of prayer. From their voluptuous 
 
 manner of life, I consider them Epicureans. Their 
 dwellings are in communities, and their houses are 
 in the form of huts, but strongly built, with very 
 large trees, and covered with palm leaves, secure 
 from wind and storms ; and in some places they are 
 of such great length and breadth that in a single 
 house we found six hmidred people, and we found 
 that the population of thirteen houses only amount- 
 ed to four thousand.' They change their location 
 every seven or eight years, and on being asked 
 why they did so, they said that it was on account 
 of the intense heat of the sun upon the soil, which 
 by that time became infected and corrupted with 
 filthiness, and caused pains in their bodies, which 
 seemed to us very reasonable. 
 Tiieir ide Tlio riches of these people consist in the feathers 
 
 of wealtl ^ ^ 
 
 of birds of the most magnificent colours, of pater- 
 nosters, which they fabricate of fish bones, of white 
 or green stones, with which they decorate the 
 cheeks, lips, and ears, and of many other things 
 which are held in little or no esteem with us. 
 They carry on no commerce, neither buying nor 
 selling, and, in short, live contentedly with what 
 nature gives them. The riches which we esteem 
 so highly in Europe and other parts, such as gold, 
 jewels, pearls, and other wealth, they have no re- 
 gard for at all, and make no efibrt to obtain any 
 
 1 The edition of Gruniger says, eight houses and ten thousand in- 
 hahitants. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. j23 
 
 thing of this kind which exists in their country, chapter 
 
 They are liberal in giving, never denying one any '- — ■ 
 
 thing, and, on the other hand, are just as free in 
 asking. The greatest mark of friendship they can 
 show,.is to offer you their wives and daughters, and 
 parents consider themselves highly honoured by an 
 acceptance of this mark of favour. 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 In case of death, they make use of various fune- Their fan* 
 ral obsequies. Some bury their dead with water 
 and provisions placed at their heads, thinking they 
 may have occasion to eat, but they make no parade 
 in the way of funeral ceremonies. In some places, 
 they have a most barbarous mode of interment, 
 which is thus : when one is sick or infirm, and 
 nearly at the point of death, his relatives carry him 
 into a large forest, and there attaching one of their 
 sleeping hammocks to two trees, they place the sick 
 person in it, and continue to swing him abou.t for a 
 whole day, and when night comes, after placing at 
 his head water and other provisions sufficient to 
 sustain him for five or six days, they return to their 
 village. If the sick person can help himself to eat 
 and drink, and recovers sufficiently to be able to 
 return to the village, his people receive him again 
 with great ceremony ; but few are they who escape 
 this mode of treatment ; most of them die without 
 being visited, and that is their only burial. 
 
 They have various other customs which, to avoid Medical 
 prolixity, are not here mentioned. They use in 
 
vir. 
 
 124 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER their diseases various kinds of medicines, so differ, 
 ent from any in vogue with us, that we were as- 
 tonished that any escaped. I often saw, for in- 
 stance, that when a person was sick witli a fever, 
 which was increasing upon him, they bathed him 
 from head to foot with cold water, and then making 
 a great fire around him, they made him turn round 
 within the circle for about an hour or two, imtil 
 they fatigued him, and left him to sleep. Many 
 were cured in this way. They also observe a strict 
 diet, eating nothing for three or four days ; they 
 practise bloodletting, but not on the arm, unless in 
 the armpit ; but generally they take blood from the 
 thighs and haunches, or the calf of the leg. In like 
 manner they excite vomiting with certain herbs, 
 which they put into their mouths, and they use 
 many other remedies, which it would be tedious to 
 relate. 
 
 Cannibal- Their blood and phlegm is much disordered on 
 account of their food, which consists mainly of the 
 roots of herbs, of fruit and fish. They have no 
 wheat or other grain, but instead, make use of the 
 root of a tree, from which they manufacture flour, 
 which is very good, and which they call Huca ; the 
 flour from another root is called Kazabi, and from 
 another, Ignami.^ They eat little meat except hu- 
 
 ' " The Castilians found there des voy. torn. xlv. p. 167. " They 
 
 very large parrots, honej', bees' brought much Cazabi, which is 
 
 wax, and an abundance of those the name of the bread." — Ferd. 
 
 plants which the islanders called Col. p. 117. Alvarez Cabral, 
 
 Cazabi, from which the French speaking of the Igname of tha 
 
 Cassava is derived."- -JJisi. Gen. Brazilians, says, "A root called 
 
 ism. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. £25 
 
 man flesh, and you will notice that in this particu- chapter 
 
 lar they are more savage than beasts, because all '■ — ■ 
 
 their enemies who are killed or taken prisoners, 
 whether male or female, are devoured with so much 
 fierceness, that it seems disgusting to relate, much 
 more to see it done, as I with my own eyes have 
 many times witnessed this proof of their inhuman- 
 ity. Indeed, they marvelled much to hear us say 
 that we did not eat our enemies. 
 
 And your Excellency may rest assured that their 
 other barbarous customs are so numerous that it is 
 impossible herein to describe all of them. As in 
 these four voyages I have witnessed so many things 
 at variance with our own customs, I prepared my- 
 self to write a collection, which I call " The Four 
 Voyages," in which I have related the major part of 
 the things which I saw, as clearly as my feeble capa- 
 city would permit. This work is not yet published, 
 though many advise me to publish it. In it every 
 thing will appear minutely, therefore I shajl not 
 enlarge any more in this letter, because in tiie 
 course of it we shall see many things which are 
 peculiar. Let this suffice for matters in general. 
 
 In this commencement of discoveries we did not 
 see anything of much profit in the coimtry, owing, 
 as I think, to our ignorance of the language, except 
 
 Igname, and their bread wMch when it is of middling size, it is 
 
 they eat." — Ram. t. i. p. 121. boiled whole, and it serves some 
 
 " Linnaeus calls this plant, ' Dios- times also to make bread of." — 
 
 corea oppositi folia,' the root of Cook, vol. i. p. 90. Canovai, torn, 
 
 which is eaten, or cut in pieces i. p. 67, 68. 
 and baked under the coals, or. 
 
126 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER some few indications of gold. In whatever relates 
 
 VII. ' 
 
 '■ — to the situation and appearance of the country we 
 
 could not have succeeded better. We concluded 
 to leave this place and go onward, and having 
 unanimously come to this resolution, we coasted 
 along near the land, making many stops, and hold- 
 ing discourses with many people, until after some 
 days we came into a harbour, where we fell into 
 very great danger, from which it pleased the Holy 
 Spirit to deliver us. 
 Arrival at It happened in this manner. We landed in a 
 and battle port where we found a village built over the water, 
 
 with the na- *■ ° 
 
 tives. like Venice.^ There were about forty-four houses, 
 shaped like bells, built upon very large piles, having 
 entrances by means of drawbridges, so that by 
 laying the bridges from house to house, the inhabi- 
 tants could pass through the whole. When the 
 people saw us, they appeared to be afraid of us, 
 and to protect themselves, suddenly raised all their 
 bridges, and shut themselves up in their houges. 
 Wliile we stood looking at them and wondering at 
 this proceeding, we saw coming toward us by sea 
 about two and twenty canoes, which are the boats 
 they make use of, and are carved out of a single 
 tree. They came directly toward our boats, appear- 
 ing to be astonished at our figures and dresses, and 
 keeping at a little distaaice from us. This being 
 the case, we made signals of friendship, to in- 
 duce them to come nearer to us, endeavouring 
 
 ' The natives called this place Coquibacoa: it is the modern V«- 
 oeznela. * 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 127 
 
 to reassure them by every token of kindness ; but chapter 
 seeing that they did not come, we went toward — — -'— 
 them. They would not wait for us, however, but 
 fled to the land, making signs to us to wait, and 
 giving us to understand that they would soon re- 
 turn. 
 
 They fled directly to a mountain, but did not tarry 
 there long, and when they returned, brought with 
 them sixteen of their young girls, and entering their 
 canoes, came to our boats and put four of them into 
 each boat, at which we were very much astonished, 
 as your H^ccellency may well imagine. Then they 
 mingled with their canoes among our boats, and we 
 considered their coming to speak to us in this man- 
 ner, to be a token of friendship. Taking this for 
 granted, we saw a great crowd of people swimming 
 toward us from the houses, without any suspicion. 
 At this juncture, some old women showed them- 
 selves at the doors of the houses, wailing and tear- 
 ing their hair, as if in great distress. From this 
 we began to be suspicious, and had immediate re- 
 course to our weapons, when suddenly the girls, 
 who were in our boats, threw themselves into the 
 sea, and the canoes moved away, the people in them 
 assailing us with their bows and arrows. Those 
 who came . swimming toward us brought each a 
 lance, concealed as much as possible under the 
 water. Their treachery being thus discovered, we 
 began not only to defend ourselves, but to act se- 
 verely on the offensive. We overturned many of 
 their canoes with our boats, and making considera- 
 
128 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER ble slaughter among them, they soon abandoned 
 '- — the canoes altogether and swam to the shore. Fif- 
 teen or twenty were killed and many wounded on 
 their side, while on ours five were slightly wound- 
 ed, all the rest escaping by favour of Divine Prov- 
 idence, and these five being quickly cured. We 
 took prisoners two of their girls and three men, 
 and on entering their houses found only two 
 old women and one sick man. We took from 
 them many things of little value, but would not 
 burn their dwellings, being restrained by con- 
 scientious scruples. Returning to our- boats and 
 thence to our ships, with five prisoners, we put 
 irons on the feet of each, excepting the young fe- 
 males, yflt when night came, the two girls and one 
 of the men escaped in the most artful manner in 
 the world. 
 
 Continue These evcuts having occurred, the next day we 
 
 their voyage i i 'i i 
 
 along the concluded to depart from the port and proceed fur- 
 coast. ^ ^ '■ 
 
 ther. Keeping our course continually along the 
 coast, we at length came to anchor at about eighty 
 leagues distance from the place we had left, and 
 foimd another race of people, vj^hose language and 
 customs were very different from those we had 
 seen last. We determined to land, and while pro- 
 ceeding in our boats, we saw standing on the shore 
 a great multitude, numbering about four thousand 
 people. They did not wait to receive us, but 
 fled precipitately to the woods, abandoning their 
 things. We leaped ashore, and talcing the way 
 *which led to the wood, found their tents within 
 
Pi 
 
 
 
 o 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. £29 
 
 the space of a bow-shot, where they had made a chapthe 
 
 great fire, and two of them were cooking their- 
 
 food, roasting many animals and fish of various 
 kinds. 
 
 We noticed that they were roasting a certain EemarkaWa 
 animal that looked like a serpent ; it had no wings, 
 and was so filthy in appearance, that we were 
 astonished at its deformity. As we went through 
 their houses or tents, we saw many of these ser- 
 pents alive. Their feet were tied, and they had a 
 cord round their snouts, so that they could not open 
 their' mouths, as dogs are sometimes muzzled, so 
 that they muy not bite. These animals had such a 
 savage appearance, that none of us dared to turn 
 one over, thinking they might be poisonous. They 
 are about the size of a kid, about the length and a 
 half of a man's arm, having long coarse feet armed 
 with large nails. Their skin is hard, and they are 
 of various colours. They have the snout and face 
 of a serpent, and from the nose there runs a crest, 
 passing over the middle of the back to the root of 
 the tail. We finally concluded that they were ser- 
 pents, and poisonous ; and, nevertheless, they were 
 eaten.^ 
 
 ' The navigator has perHips :cius. — Navar. Colleccion, torn. iii. 
 
 drawn somewhat upon his magi- p. 225. But though it is rather 
 
 nation in his description of this hard to believe in a domestic ser-^ 
 
 animal, although Canpvai , adopts pent as large as a kid, yet the 
 
 it seriously, and says in- a note that whole difficulty vanishes, if for the 
 
 " this is the serpent Tuana which word ■ serpent, which seems to 
 
 is spoken of in Ramus, tom. iii. p. have been misapplied by the nav- 
 
 130." — Can&Bai, Viaggi, &c. tom. igator, we substitute reptile or an- 
 
 1. p. 75. Navarr^te mentions this imal. 
 as one of the absurdities of Yespu- 
 
 17 
 
130 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 VII. 
 
 CHAPTER We found that this people made bread of small 
 - fish which they caught in the sea, by first boiling 
 them, then kneading together and making a paste 
 of them, which they baked upon the hot coals ; we 
 tried it, and found it good.^ They have so many 
 other kinds of eating, chiefly of fruits and roots, that 
 it would be very tedious to describe them minutely. 
 Seeing, then, that the people did not return, we re- 
 solved not to meddle with or take away any of 
 their things, jn order to reassure them ; and, having 
 left in their tents many of our own things, in places 
 where they might be seen, returned to our ships 
 for the night. Early the next morning we saw a 
 great number of people on the shore, and landed. 
 Though they seemed fearful of us, they were 
 sufficiently confident to treat with us, and gave us 
 aU that we asked of them. Finally they became 
 very friendly; told us that this was not their 
 place of d^yelling, but that they had come there to 
 carry on tl^ir fishery. They invited us to go to 
 their villages, because they wished to receive us as 
 friends — their amicable feelings toward us being 
 much strengthened by the circumstance of our 
 having the two* prisoners with us, who' were their 
 enemies. They importuned us so much, that, hav- 
 
 1 " The ancient fish-eaters also countries. Barbosa wiites, " In 
 
 dried thfu fish, and made flonr out this country they attend much' to 
 
 of them. A large quantity of fishing, and catch very large fish, 
 
 dried fish was presented to him which they salt, and also feed 
 
 (Nearchus) ; these people eating their horses with them." — Ram. t. 
 
 fish as their common food." — Ra- p. 295. Cdnovai, tom. i. p. 75, 76, 
 
 mtw, t. i. p. 271, B. In our times note. 
 the same custom prevails in those 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCirS. 13X 
 
 ing taken counsel, twenty-three of us Christians chapter 
 
 concluded to go with them, well prepared, and '- — 
 
 with firm resolution to die manfully, if such was to 
 be our fate. 
 
 After we had remained here three days, we ac- Amerkus 
 cordingly started with them for a journey inland, land and 
 Three leagues from the shore we arrived at a tol- tillage. 
 erably well-peopled village, of a few houses ^there 
 not being over nine — where we were received with 
 so many and such barbarous ceremonies, that no 
 pen is equal to the task of describing them. There 
 was dancing and singing, and weeping mingled 
 with rejoicing, and great feasting. Here we staid 
 for the night. ***** 
 
 **** * *** 
 
 * * After having passed the night and 
 
 half of the next day, an immense number of peo- 
 ple visiting us from motives of curiosity — the 
 oldest among them begging us to go with them 
 to other vUlages,as they desired to do us great 
 honour — we determined to proceed still further 
 inland. And it is inipossible to tell how much 
 honour they did us there. We visited so ma- 
 ny villages, that we spent nine days in the jour- 
 ney ; having been so long absent, that our com- 
 panions in the ships began to be uneasy on our ac- 
 count. 
 
 Being now about eighteen leagues inland, we de- Ratum m 
 liberated about returning. On our return, we were 
 accompanied by a wonderful number, of both sexes, 
 quite to the seashore ; . and when any of us grew 
 
132 LIFE AND VOYAGES OK 
 
 CHAPTER weary with walking, they carried us in their ham- 
 — — '■ — mocks much at our ease ; in passing rivers, which 
 were numerous and quite large, they conveyed us 
 over with so much skill and safety, that we were 
 not in the slightest danger. Many of them were 
 laden with the presents they had made us, which 
 they transported in hammocks. These consisted in 
 very rich plumage, many bows and arrows, and an 
 infinite number of parrots of various colours . Others 
 brought loads of provisions and animals. For a 
 greater wonder, I will inform your Excellency, that 
 when we had to cross over a river, they carried us 
 on their backs. 
 jl ludicrous Having arrived at the sea, and entered the boats 
 
 iucident. " 
 
 which had come on shore for us, we were aston- 
 «i*«ia|j|pf ished at the crowd which endeavoured to get into 
 the boats to go to see our ships ; they were so over- 
 loaded that they were oftentimes on the point of 
 sinking. We carried as many as we could on board, 
 and so many more came by swimming, that we 
 were quite troubled at the multitude on board, al- 
 though they were all naked and unarmed. They 
 were in great astonishment at our equipments and 
 implements, and at the size of our ships. Here 
 quite -a. laughable occurrence took place at their ex- 
 pense. We concluded to try the effect of discharg- 
 ing some of our artillery, and when they heard the 
 thundering report, the greater part of them jumped 
 into the sea from fright, acting like frogs sitting oo 
 a bank, who plunge into the marsh on the approach 
 of any thing that alarms them. Tho^ who re- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 133 
 
 mained in the ships were so timorous that we re- chapter 
 
 pented of having done this. However, we reassured '■ — 
 
 them by telling them that these were the arms with 
 which we killed our enemies. Having amused 
 themselves in the ships all day, we told them that 
 they must go, as we wished to depart in the night. 
 So they took leave of us with many demonstrations 
 of friendship and affection, and went ashore. 
 
 I saw more of the manners and customs of these 
 people, while in their country, than I wish to dwell 
 upon here. Your Excellency will notice, that in 
 each of my voyages, I have noted the most extraor- 
 dinary things which have occurred, and compiled 
 the whole into one volume, in the style of a geogra- 
 phy, and entitled it " The Four Voyages." In this 
 work will be found a minute description of the 
 things which I saw, but as there is no copy of it 
 yet published, owing to my being obliged to exam- 
 ine and correct it, it becomes necessary for me to 
 impart them to you herein. 
 
 This country is full of inhabitants, and contains 
 a great many rivers. Very few of the animals are 
 similar to ours, excepting the lions, panthers, stags, 
 hogs, goats, and deer, and even these are a little 
 different in form. They have neither horses, mules, 
 nor asses, neither cows, dogs, nor any kind of do- 
 mestic animals. Their other animals, however, are 
 so very numerous, that it is impossible to count 
 them, and aU of them so wild, that they cannot be 
 employed for serviceable uses. But what shall I 
 say of thai birds, which are so numerous and of so 
 
134 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER many speoies and varieties of plumage, that it is as- 
 
 VII. 
 
 tounding to behold them ! 
 Thecountr- The countrv is pleasant and fruitful, fuU of woods 
 
 and its cli j x 
 
 ™a«e. and forests, which are always green, as they never 
 lose their foliage. The fruits are numberless, and 
 totally different from ours. The land lies within 
 the Torrid Zone, under the parallel which describes 
 the Tropic of Cancer, where the pole is elevated 
 twenty-three degrees above the horizon, on the 
 borders of the second climate. A great many 
 people came to see us, and were astonished at our 
 features and the , whiteness of our skins. They 
 asked us where we came from, and we gave them 
 to understand that we came from heaven, with 
 the view of visiting the world, and they believed 
 us. In this country we established a baptismal 
 font, and great numbers were baptized, calling us, 
 in their language, Carabi, which means men of 
 great wisdom. 
 
 The natives called this province Lariab.' We 
 left the port, and sailed along the coast, continuing 
 in sight of land, until we had run, calculating our 
 advances and retrogressions, eight hundred and sev- 
 enty leagues towards the northwest, making many 
 stops by the way, and having intercourse with many 
 people. In some places we found traces of gold, but 
 in small quantities, it being sufficient for us to have 
 
 1 TJiis name is read Lariab in the same regioii. The change of 
 
 the edition of Valori, and also in one name for the other was simply 
 
 that of Gruniger. Giuntini sub- a corruption. ^| 
 
 stitutes Paria, which is, doubtless, ^ 
 
AMERICTS VESP^-CIUS. I35 
 
 discovered the country and to know that there was chapter 
 gold in it. — — — 
 
 We had now been thirteen months on the voy- Prepara- 
 
 j , . . tions for th? 
 
 age, and the ships and rigging were much worn, return voy- 
 and the men weary. So by commoji consent we 
 agreed to careen our ships on the beach, in order to 
 calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly, 
 and then to return to Spain. When we took this 
 resolution, we were near one of the best harbours in 
 the world, which we entered, and found a vast 
 number of people, who received us most kindly.^ 
 We made a breastwork on shore with our boats 
 and our casks, and placed our artillery so that it 
 would play over them ; then having unloaded and 
 lightened our ships, we hauled them to land, and 
 repaired them wherever they needed it. The na- 
 tives were of very great assistance to us, continually 
 providing food, so that in this port we consumed 
 very little of our own. This served us a very good 
 turn, for our provisions were poor, and the stock so 
 much reduced at this time, that we feared it would 
 hardly last us on our return to Spain. Having 
 stayed here thirty-seven days, visiting their villages 
 many times, where they paid us the highest honour, 
 we wished to depart on Our voyage. 
 
 Before we set sail, the natives complained to us, 
 that at certain times n the year, there came from 
 the sea into their territory, a very cruel tribe, who, 
 either by treachery or force, killed many of them, 
 
 » This 1i|^ probably the modem port of Mochina, on the coast of 
 Cumana. 
 
136 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHATTER and eat them, while they captured others, and car- 
 
 '■ — ried them prisoners into their own country, and that 
 
 they were hardly able to defend themselves. They 
 signified to us that this tribe were islanders, and 
 lived at about one hundred leagues distance at sea. 
 They n^ated this to us with so much simplicity 
 and feeling, that we credited them, and promised to 
 avenge their great injuries; at which they were 
 highly rejoiced, and many offered to go with us. 
 We did not wish to take them for many reasons, 
 and only carried seven, on the condition, that they 
 should come back in their own canoes, for we would 
 not enter into obligations to return them to their 
 own country. With this they were contented, and 
 we parted from these people, leaving them very well 
 disposed toward us. 
 Discover Our sliips having been repaired, we set sail on 
 ' our return, taking a northeasterly course, and at the 
 end of seven days, fell in with some islands. There 
 were a great many of them, some peopled, others 
 uninhabited. We landed at one of them, where we 
 saw many people, who called the island Iti. Hav- 
 ing filled our boats with good men, and put three 
 rounds of shot in each boat, we proceeded toward 
 the land, where we saw about four hundred men 
 and many women, all naked, like those we had seen 
 before. They were of good stature, and appeared 
 to be very warlike men, being armed with bows and 
 arrows, and lances. The greater part of them car- 
 ried staves of a square form, attached to their per- 
 sons in such a manner that they were not prevented 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. I37 
 
 from drawing the bow. As we approached within chapter 
 
 bow-shot of the shore, they all leaped into the wa '■ — 
 
 ter, and shot their arrows at us, to prevent our 
 landing. 
 
 They were painted with various colours, and severe bat 
 plumed with feathers, and the interpreters who feat of the 
 
 •■■ natives. 
 
 were with us told us that when they were thus 
 painted and plumed they showed a wish to fight. 
 They persisted so much in their endeavours to de- 
 ter us from landing, that we were at last compelled 
 to fire on them with our artillery. Hearing the 
 thunder of our cannon, and seeing some of their 
 people faU dead, they all retreated to the shore. 
 We, having consulted together, forty of us resolved 
 to leap ashore, and if they waited for us, to fight 
 with them. Proceeding thus, they attacked us, and 
 we fought about two hours with little advantage, 
 except that our bowmen and gunners killed some 
 of their people, and they wounded some of ours. 
 This was because we could not get a chance to use 
 the lance or the sword. We finally, by desperate 
 exertion, were enabled to draw the sword, and as 
 soon as they had a taste of our arms, they fled to 
 the mountains and woods, leaving us masters of the 
 field, with many of their people killed and wounded. 
 This day we did not pursue them, because we were 
 much fatigued, but returned to our ships, the seven 
 men who came with us being very highly rejoiced. 
 The next day we saw a great number of people 
 coming through the country, still offering us signs 
 of battle, sounding horns and various other instru- 
 
 18 
 
138 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER ments which they use in war, and all painted and 
 
 '■ — plumed, which gave them a strange and ferocious 
 
 appearance. Whereupon, all in the ships held a 
 grand council, and it was determined that since 
 these people were resolved to be at enmity with us, 
 we would go to meet them, and do every thing to 
 engage their friendship ; but in case they would not 
 receive it, we resolved to treat them as enemies, and 
 to make slaves of all we could capture. Having 
 armed ourselves in the best manner possible, we 
 immediately rowed ashore, where they^did not re- 
 sist our landing, from fear, as I think, of our bom- 
 bardment. We disembarked in four squares, being 
 fifty-seven men, each captain with his own men, 
 and engaged them in battle. 
 
 After a long battle, having killed many, we put 
 them to flight, and pursued them to a village, taking 
 about two hundred and fifty prisoners.^ We burn- 
 ed the village, and returned victorious to the ships 
 with our prisoners, leaving many killed and wound- 
 ed on their side, while on ours not more than one 
 died, and only twenty-two were wounded. The 
 rest all escaped unhurt, for which, God be thanked, 
 We soon arranged for our departure, and the seven 
 men, of whom five were wounded, took a canoe 
 from the island, and with seven prisoners, four wo- 
 men and three men that we gave them, returned to 
 » their own country, very merry and greatly aston- 
 
 1 The edition of Gruniger reads, ber was so small, and the text ia 
 " twenty-five slaves ;" but.it does in accordance with Canovai. 
 not appear probable that the num- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 139 
 
 ished at our power. We also set sail for Spain, chapter 
 
 VII 
 
 with two hundred and twenty-two prisoners, slaves, '■ — 
 
 and arrived in the port of Cadiz on the fifteenth 
 day of October, 1498, where we were well received, 
 and found a market for our slaves. This is what 
 happened to me, in this my first voyage, that may 
 be considered worth relating.^ 
 
 1 The edition of Gruniger makes an error of print, one would think, 
 
 the date of the return of Americus ought not to have afforded any 
 
 the 15th of Oftober, 1499, and, ground from which to argue the 
 
 immediately after, gives as the incredibility of the writer, yet 
 
 date of his departure on his second Navarr^te makes use of it for this 
 
 voyage. May, 1499. So manifest purpose. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Arrival of Columbus on the Coast of Paria, and at Hispaniola, 
 August 30th, 1498.— Distracted State of the Colony he had left. — 
 Despatches News of his Discovery of the Continent on 18th of Oc- 
 tober, 1498, from Isabella. — Americus arrives at Cadiz, 15th of Oc- 
 tober, 1498. — News made Public. — Consequent Excitement. — Alonzo 
 de Ojeda. — His Plan of an Expedition. — Bishop Fonseca.^His Ha- 
 tred of Columbus. — Commission of Ojeda. — His Companionship 
 with Americus. — Interval between Fii-st and Second Voyage. — 
 Marriage of Americus with Maria Cerozo. — He goes to Court. — 
 Is importuned by Ojeda. — Consents to go with him. — Juan de la 
 Cosa. — Preparations for sailing at Seville. — Lorenzo di Pier-Fran- 
 cesco de' Medici. — Sketch of his Life. 
 
 CHAPTER It appears in the history of Columbus, that the 
 
 Admiral, after visiting the coast of Paria, in 1498, 
 arrived, on the 30th of August in that year, at the 
 settlement which he had founded on the island of 
 Hispaniola. He found the affairs of the colony in 
 the greatest state of confusion and anarchy. Not- 
 withstanding the sagacious and vigorous govern- 
 ment of his brother Bartholomew, whom he had 
 left behifld him as his lieutenant or adelantado, a 
 serious insurrection, headed by an ambitious man 
 named Roldan, had broken out, and threatened the 
 utter destruction of Ihe new colony. Roldan was 
 the last man who should have rebelled against the 
 authority of Colvunbus, for he had been raised by 
 the Admiral from poverty and a low position, to one 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 141 
 
 of usefulness and distinction; but he was "one of chapter 
 
 those base spirits, which grew venomous in the '■ — 
 
 sunshine of prosperity. '" 
 
 Columbus saw at once the necessity of vigorous condition 
 
 .,„-,. ofHispan- 
 
 measures to quell the growmg spirit of discontent loia, and de- 
 
 . ^ * » r spatchesof 
 
 and rebellion. He was well aware that many, of ooiumbus. 
 the colonists were extremely anxious to return to 
 Spain. They were composed mostly of refugees 
 from justice, and convicts who had been pardoned, 
 on the condition of accompanying him on his second 
 and third voyages, and looked upon their residence 
 in Hispaniola as a punishment. He deemed it ad- 
 visable, therefore, to get rid of as many of these 
 unruly subjects as possible, and accordingly, on 
 the 12th of September, 1498, he made proclama- 
 tion, offering a free passage home to such of the 
 colonists as wished to avail themselves of the 
 chance, in five vessels, which he determined to 
 despatch at once for Spain. He hoped by this 
 means to weaken the force of the disaffected, and 
 was desirous, also, of sending to his sovereigns an 
 account of his further discoveries.^ 
 
 These ships set sail, on the 18th of the next 
 month, from the port of Isabella, in the island of 
 Hispaniola, just three days after the date of the 
 arrival of Americus from his first voyage, in Cadiz. 
 They reached Spain in the month of December, 
 after a passage of about two ftionths, bringing with 
 them an account of the recent voyage of Colum- 
 
 ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 771. Fer- '^ Fernando Columbus, chap, 
 nando Columbus, chap. Ixxiv. Ixxiv. 
 
142 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER bus, with some specimens of the gold and pearls 
 
 '- — which he had picked up on the coast of Paria. 
 
 This account was accompanied by a chart of the 
 track of the expedition, and discoursed in glowing 
 terms of the beauties and wealth of the country 
 which he had visited.^ 
 
 It is probable that this was the first news which 
 was published in Spain of the newly-found conti- 
 nent. Following out the idea adopted and illus- 
 trated in the sixth chapter of this work, that the 
 expedition which Americus first accompanied was 
 a private enterprise, joined by him as an agent in 
 behalf of the king, it is reasonable to conclude that 
 secresy was at first maintained concerning it; for 
 purposes of private advantage. It is very likely, 
 however, that it was communicated to the govern- 
 ment by Americus, and this supposition is cor- 
 ' roborated by what followed. 
 Atonzo de * Alonzo de Ojeda, a young man of great courage 
 and enterprise, who, when only twenty-one years 
 of age, had accompanied Columbus on his second 
 voyage, and distinguished himself much by his 
 gallantry and audacious spirit, was at that time 
 lingering about the court, in search of some service 
 or employment, in which to gain new laurels by 
 his prowess. He was brought up as a page by the 
 
 ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 781. Ferdinand Columbus says that 
 
 In this account Columbus still "he called it the Holy Island, be- 
 
 adhered to his first views and, did lieving that land of Paria to be 
 
 not imagine for a moment that no continent." — Ferd. Columbus, 
 
 ■when he touched the coast of Pa- chap. bcxi. 
 
 ri«, he had found a continent. 
 
' AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 143 
 
 Duke of Medina Cell, one of the earliest supporters chapter 
 of Columbus at the court of Ferdinand and Isa- ^"'' 
 bella, and had been trained to hardy exercises and 
 daring exploits in the Moorish wars. Possessing 
 influential connexions and friends, he found little 
 difiiculty in organizing an expedition to continue 
 these discoveries, which were the first that had 
 roused the cupidity of the Spaniards, by their 
 enticing descriptions of pearls, and gold, and 
 spices.^ 
 
 Hitherto the accounts of the New World had Enthusias™ 
 
 respecting 
 
 fallen far short of the sanguine anticipations of \^{^ 
 men, and, as appears above, the disappointment in 
 the expectations of all was so great, that it had 
 been found necessary to force sailors to accompany 
 the second and third expeditions. Convicts and 
 desperate characters of all descriptions had been 
 pressed into the service ; but the great sensation * 
 
 produced by the later intelligence entirely altered 
 the face of affairs. A multitude of adventurers, 
 noble as well as of low degree, came eagerly for- 
 ward to enrol themselves as volunteers in every 
 new armament, and the only difficulty was, to 
 make a judicious selection from the crowd of 
 applicants. 
 
 The Bishop Fonseca, who held the chief control commisiion 
 of all matters appertaining to the affairs of the In- the Bishop 
 
 . Fonseca. 
 
 dies, had been since the year 1493 a bitter enemy 
 to Columbus, and was always ready to seize upon 
 any opponunity to annoy and impede him in his 
 
 1 Irving, vol. ii. p. 945. 
 
144 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER undertakings.^ He gladly encouraged Ojeda to pro- 
 '- — ceed in his attempt, and issued a commission, giv- 
 ing him full authority. Well knowing that the 
 representations of Columbus, before his departure 
 on his .third voyage, had procured a revocation of 
 the edict of general license to private adventures, 
 he did. not seek the approval of the sovereigns, and 
 the commission appears signed by him alone, in vir- 
 tue of his general superintendence of such affairs.* 
 It vp^as vrorded w^ith great caution and address, for 
 the Bishop knevp that King Ferdinand would be 
 gratified at the prospect of extending hie dominions 
 at the expense of private persons, although he did 
 not wish to appear guilty of any public breach of 
 faith with Columbus. Accordingly, the only pro- 
 visos which the license of Ojeda contained, were to 
 the effect, that he should not visit any lands belong- 
 ing to the King of Portugal, or any of those which 
 had,been discovered for Spain previous to the year 
 1495 ; thus leaving him entire liberty to explore 
 the coast of Paria and the adjacent countries, and 
 
 ' The origin of tlie difficulty be- bers of his household retinue. -Co- 
 
 tween Columbus and the Bishop lumbus appealed to the sover- 
 
 Fonseca was this. While at Se- signs, who rebuked the- Bishop in 
 
 "ville, making preparations for his a letter, in which they ordered 
 
 second voyage, Columbus found that he should be allowed ten 
 
 that the expenses would b^.greater squires or unmounted footmen, and 
 
 than he had anticipated, and much twenty additional servants, in va- 
 
 delay and demurring was occasion- lious domestic capacities. Fonse- 
 
 ed in the settlement of his accounts, ca cherished the memory of this 
 
 Fonseca was very captious in the affront, as he chose to consider it, 
 
 matter, and in particular refused to the latest period of his life. — 
 
 the application of Columbus for Irving, vol. ii. p. 687. 
 the appointment of certain mem- ^ Navarrete, torn. ii. 
 
NATIVES JUMPING OVERBOAKD. 
 
 When they heard the thundering report of the big guns, the greater part of them 
 
 jumped into the sea from fright, acting like frogs sitting on a bant, who 
 
 plunge into the marsh on the approach of anything that 
 
 alarms them. (See P. 132.) 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 145 
 
 giving him an opportunity to reap the first fruits of chapter 
 
 the golden harvest, which the accounts of Americus —^ — 
 
 and Columbus represented as awaiting him. 
 
 The near resemblance of its incidents, the simi- The voya 
 
 larity of dates of departure and arrival, and the di- and Ameri- 
 cus identi- 
 
 rect testimony of Alonzo de Ojeda himself, in the <=ai- 
 course of the lawsuit of Don Diego Columbus, re- 
 ferred to in a previous chapter, render it almost cer- 
 tain that this voyage of Ojeda and the second voy- 
 age of Americus are identical. It is true that the 
 Italian biographers of the navigator arrive at a dif- 
 ferent conclusion, but they had not the benefit of 
 the valuable mass of testimony which has recently 
 been brought to light by the researches of Navar- 
 rete among the dusty archives of Spain, and are in 
 some degree carried away by their desire to exalt 
 Americus to a separate command and* authority, 
 rather than leave him in the less showy and conse- 
 quential, but more useful position of a skilful navi- 
 gator and scientific astronomer. Before proceeding, 
 however, to give the descriptions which Americus 
 has left of his second voyage, the few events which 
 have come down to the present time, relating to his 
 personal history during the interval between his ar- 
 rival and second departure, demand attention. 
 
 It was during this interval of about seven months, Marriage oi 
 that Americus, notwithstanding the multifarious em- with Marin 
 
 1 1 • • • 1 • 1 1 ' Cerezo 
 
 ployments and negotiations in which he was en- 
 gaged, found time to complete a matrimonial en- 
 gagement, which he had entered into before his first 
 voyage. Donna Maria Cerezo, the lady whom he 
 
 19 
 
146 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER married, became known, and subsequently betrothed 
 
 '■ — to him, while he was conducting the affairs of the 
 
 house of Berardi, in Seville, but either from pruden- 
 tial motives, or some other cause which cannot now 
 be ascertained, their nuptials did not take place till 
 after his first voyage. This lady was a native of 
 Seville, of an honourable though not wealthy fami- 
 ly, and it is reasonable to conclude that her alliance 
 with Americus was based upon motives of affection 
 alone, as the navigator was neither at that time, nor 
 ever afterwards, in affluent circumstances. Very 
 little is known respecting this lady, excepting that 
 her union with Americus was unproductive of chil- 
 dren, and that she survived him, receiving from the 
 government, after his death, a handsome pension in 
 consideration of her husband's services.^ 
 Americus Soon after his marriage, Americus visited the 
 *°court. ° court, where he was received with marked atten- 
 tion by the king, Ferdinand. Bishop Fonseca paid 
 him particular attention and honour. He was con- 
 sulted respecting new expeditions, and his accounts, 
 of what he had already seen, were listened to with 
 the greatest interest. The cold and calculating 
 spirit of the king was gratified by finding that 
 others besides Columbus could add to his dominions 
 and wealth, for he already repented the contract he 
 had entered into with the Admiral. When that was 
 agreed upon, he little dreamed of the vast conces- 
 sions he was making to a subject, considering his 
 
 » See the Illustrations and Documents. Translation of Documents 
 fiom Navarr^te. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. £47 
 
 schemes wild and visionary ; but now that the chapter 
 
 brightest hopes of the advocates of Columbus seem • 
 
 ed on the point of being realized, he \<^as anxious to 
 grasp as much as possible for himself, and bitterly- 
 repented his former bargain. 
 
 Alonzo de Ojeda, having comparatively little ex- 
 perience as a navigator, and viewing his projected 
 voyage in the light of a marauding enterprise, 
 rather than as an expedition of discovery, was nat- 
 urally desirous of engaging the services of compe- 
 tent and scientific navigators to conduct his fleet. 
 He made immediate application to Americus and 
 to Juan de la Cosa, whose reputation for skill in 
 nautical affairs was deservedly high, and urged 
 strongly that they shoxild accompany him.^ Amer- 
 icus was at first disinclined to go, and represented 
 the short time which he would have to enjoy the 
 quiet and repose of home, after a long and arduous 
 voyage, but his objections were of no avail. Sec- 
 onded by the requests of the Bishop Fonseca, the 
 entreaties of Ojeda prevailed, and Americus decided 
 again to visit the New World. 
 
 Thus strengthened by the patronage of the Court, a new fleet 
 the next step for Oieda was to find the means of at the port 
 
 , ,. . nni ■ ^ A of St. Mary. 
 
 equippmg his expedition. The connection oi Amer- 
 icus with many of the rich merchants of Seville 
 was of material aid in this particular, and bjit little 
 difficulty was experienced in finding among the 
 
 1 For a sketch of the lives of second voyage, see Illustration* 
 Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa, the and Documents. 
 companions of Americus, in his 
 
148 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER wealthy capitalists of that enterprising city some 
 • '■ — who were willing to stake a portion of their for- 
 tunes on the successful issue of the schemes of the 
 adventurer. A fleet of four vessels was speedily 
 equipped at St. Mary, a port on the shore of the 
 bay of Cadiz, opposite to that city, and by the lat- 
 ter part of the spring of 1499 was ready for sea. 
 So tempting was the spirit of adventure, that many 
 of the sailors who, at their own request, had been 
 sent home by Columbus from Hispaniola, enrolled 
 themselves in this new expedition.^ 
 
 Sketch of A brief notice of the individual to whom Ameri- 
 
 the life of 
 
 Lorenzo di cus addressed his letters, srivmg an account of his 
 
 Pier Fran- ' *= ° 
 
 cesco de' gecoud and third voyages, may not be without in- 
 terest to the reader. Cosmo de' Medici, the grand- 
 father of Lorenzo the Magnificent, had a brother by 
 name Lorenzo, in connection with whom he carried 
 on a very extensive trade, both in Florence and in 
 other parts of the world. This Lorenzo left only 
 one son. Pier Francesco, who inherited his wealth. 
 It was retained, however, in the hands of Cosmo de 
 Medici, for some years after his death, and a division 
 of the family property did not take place until the 
 year 1451. At that time a new agreement or part- 
 nership was entered into, by which it was stipula- 
 ted that the business should be carried on for the joint 
 benefit of Pier Francesco, and the two sons of Cos- 
 mo, Piero and Giovanni, and that their profits should 
 be divided in equal thirds. Very large acquisitions 
 were the result 3f this arrangement, but while Cos- 
 
 1 Irving, vol, ii. p. 945. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 149 
 
 luo and his sons expended immense amomits in chapter 
 
 VIII 
 
 public charities and in supporting the dignity of '— 
 
 chief magistrates of the republic, Pier Francesco 
 preferred the quiet of private life, and transmitted 
 to his sons, Lorenzo, the subject of this notice, and 
 Giovanni, a patrimony much more ample than that 
 which Lorenzo the Magnificent inherited from his 
 father, Piero. 
 
 The death of Pier Francesco took place in 1459. 
 His sons continued in the same course which their 
 father had pursued throughout life. They were 
 both anxious rather to acquire wealth and increase 
 their already overgrown property, than ambitious of 
 political honours. In 1490, as appears previously 
 in this work, Lorenzo gave certain commissions to 
 Americus, which were one cause of his residence 
 in Spain. At the time of the expulsion of Piero de 
 Medici from Florence, in 1494, the two brothers, 
 fearful of being themselves banished in the popular 
 commotions which ensued, dropped the family 
 name, which at that time was in so much odium 
 from the inefficient management of Piero, and as- 
 sumed the surname of Popolani. It appears that 
 they were influenced to this course partly by a de- 
 sire to acquire for themselves the power which had 
 passed out of the possession of the elder branch of 
 the family ; but, if so, the subsequent elevation of 
 Piero Soderini, and the return of the elder branch, 
 after his fall, disappointed their hopes. 
 
 Both the correspondent of Americus and his bro- 
 ther passed through life in subordinate stations, and 
 
1 50 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER thouffh the ducal house which afterwards furnished, 
 
 vm. ° . ' 
 
 "- — for nearly three centuries, a line of monarchs for 
 
 Tuscany, originated in their branch of the family, 
 they themselves never acquired any political rank. 
 They continued engaged in extensive mercantile 
 operations throughout their lives, and were known 
 all over Europe by their large commercial transac- 
 tions. When Americus wrote to Lorenzo di Pier 
 Francesco an account of his second voyage, they 
 were living at Florence, under the government of 
 Piero Soderini.^ 
 
 ' Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo ie Medici, vol. i. 181 ; vol.ii. p. 404, 405 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FIRST LETTER OP AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRAN- 
 
 CESCO DE' MEDICI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS 
 
 SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 Departure from Cadiz, May 18th, 1499. — Makes the Canary Islands. — 
 Arrives at the New World in twenty-four Days. — Difficulty of Dis- 
 embarcation. — Freshness of the Water at Sea. — Two large Rivers 
 Discovered. — Ascent of one of them. — Description of the Scenery. — 
 Remarkable Current. — Shadows of the Sun. — The Stars of the 
 South Pole. — Remarkable Passage in Dante. — Calculation of Dis- 
 tance from Cadiz. — Calculation of Longitude, Aug. 23, 1499. — Oc- 
 cultation of Mars. — Sails Northwardly. — Discovers an Island. — 
 Description of the Natives. — Their Hospitality. — Present of Pearls. 
 — Voyage continued. — Meets with Unfriendly Natives. — Cannibal- 
 ism. — Battle with them. — Valour of a Portuguese Sailor. — A very 
 large Race of Natives. — Venezuela. — Proceeds to Hispaniola. — Re- 
 fitting the Fleet. — Continue Homeward Voyage. — Take a Cargo of 
 Slave-prisoners. — Arrive at the Azores and Cadiz. — Conclusion of 
 the Voyage. 
 
 Most Excellent and dear Lord, 
 It is a long time since I have written to your Ex- chaptek 
 
 cellency, and for no other reason than that nothing 
 has occurred to me worthy of being commemorated. 
 This present letter will inform you, that about a 
 month ago, I arrived from the Indies, by the way ol 
 the great ocean, brought, by the grace of God, safe- 
 ly to this city of Seville. I think your Excellency 
 will be gratified to learn the result of my voyage, 
 and the most surprising things which have been pre- 
 
 IX. 
 
152 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER sented to mV observation. If I am somewhat te- 
 
 IX. 
 
 '■ — dious, let my letter be read in your more idle hours, 
 
 as fruit is eaten after the cloth is removed from the 
 table. Your Excellency will please to note, that, 
 commissioned by his highness the King of Spain, I 
 set out with two small ships, on the 18th of May, 
 1499, on a voyage of discovery to the southwest, by 
 way of the great ocean, and steered my course 
 along the coast of Africa, until I reached the Fortu- 
 nate Islands, which are now called the Canaries. 
 After having provided ourselves with all things ne- 
 cessary, first offering our prayers to God, we set sail 
 from an island which is called Gomera, and turn- 
 ing our prows southwardly, sailed twenty-four days 
 with a fresh wind, without seeing any land. 
 
 Arrives at At the cud of tlicse twcuty-four days we came 
 nent in wlthiu sight of land, and found that we had sailed 
 
 twenty-four 
 
 "lays- about thirteen hundred leagues, and were at that 
 distance from the city of Cadiz, in a southwesterly 
 direction. When we saw the land we gave thanks 
 to Grod, and then launched our boats, and, with six- 
 teen men, went to the shore, which we found thickly 
 covered with trees, astonishing both on account of 
 their size and their verdure, for they never lose their 
 foliage. The sweet odour which they exlialed (for 
 they are all aromatic) highly delighted us, and we 
 were rejoiced in regaling our nostrils. 
 
 We rowed along the shore in the boats, to see if 
 we could find any suitable place for landing, but 
 after toiling from morning till night, we found no 
 way or passage which we could enter and disem- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 153 
 
 IX. 
 
 bark. We were prevented from doing so by the chaptee 
 lowness of the land, and by its being so densely cov- 
 ered with trees. We concluded, therefore, to re- 
 turn to the ships, and make an attempt to land in 
 some other spot. 
 
 We observed one remarkable circumstance in Fresh cur- 
 these seas. It was, that at fifteen leagues from the "^ter at sra* 
 land, we foimd the water fresh like that of a river 
 — and we filled dll our empty casks with it. Hav- 
 ing returned to our ships, we raised anchor and set 
 sail — turning our prows southwardly, as it was my 
 mtention to see whether I could sail round a point 
 of land, which Ptolomey calls the Cape of Cattega- 
 ra (which is near the Great Bay).^ In my opinion 
 it was not far from it, according to the degrees of 
 latitude and longitude, which will be stated here- 
 after. Sailing in a southerly direction along the 
 coast, we saw two large rivers issuing from the 
 land — one running from west to east, and being four 
 leagues in width, which is sixteen miles, — the other 
 ran from south to north, and was three leagues wide. 
 I think that these two rivers, by reason of their 
 magnitude, caused the freshness of the water in the 
 adjoining sea. Seeing that the coast was invariably 
 low, we determined to enter one of these rivers with 
 the boats, and ascend it till we either found a suit- 
 able landing-place or an inhabited village: 
 
 Having prepared our boats, and put in provision 
 for four days, with twenty men well armed, we 
 entered the -river, and rowed nearly two days, 
 
 I See the Dissertazione Gustificativft, Nos. 85, 86 
 20 
 
154 LIFE AND -SOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER inaldng a distance of about eighteen leagues. We 
 
 ^ — attempted to land in many places by the way, 
 
 but found the low land still continuing, and so 
 thickly covered with trees, that a bird could 
 scarcely fly through them. While thus navigating 
 the river, we saw very certain indications that the 
 inland parts of the country were inhabited ; never- 
 theless, as our vessels remained in a dangerous 
 place, in case an adverse wind should arise, we 
 concluded, at the end of two days, to return. 
 Seesbeami- Hsrc wc saw au immense number of birds, of 
 
 ful birds and 
 
 foliage, various forms and colours ; a great number of par- 
 rots, and so many varieties of them, that it caused 
 us great astonishment. Some were_ crimson-col- 
 oured, others of variagated green and lemon, others 
 entirely green, and others, again, that were black 
 and flesh-coloured. Oh ! the song of other species 
 of birds, also, was so sweet and so melodious, as 
 we heard it among the trees, that we often lin- 
 gered, listening to their charming music. The 
 trees, too, were so beautiful, and smelt so sweetly, 
 that we almost imagined ourselves in a terres- 
 trial paradise ; yet not one of those trees, or the 
 fruit of them, were similar to the trees or fruit 
 in our part of the world. On our way back we 
 saw many people, of various descriptions, fishing in 
 the river. 
 
 Having arrived at our ships, we raised anchor 
 and set sail, still continuing in a southerly direc- 
 tion, and standing off to sea about forty leagues. 
 While "sailing on this course, we encountered a 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ^55 
 
 current,, which ran from southeast to northwest; so chapter 
 
 great was it, and ran so furiously, that we were put '■ — • 
 
 into great fear, and were exposed to great peril. 
 The current was so strong, that the Strait of Gib- 
 raltar and that of the Faro of Messina appeared 
 to us like mere stagnant water in comparison 
 with. it. We could scarcely make any headway 
 against it, though we had the wind fresh and fair. 
 Seeing that we made no progress, or but very 
 little, and the danger to which we were exposed, 
 we determined to turn our prows to the north- 
 west. 
 
 As I know, if I remember right, that your Ex- iiis gpo- 
 cellency understands something of cosmography, I posiuon and 
 intend to describe to you our progress, in our shadow. 
 navigation by the latitude and longitude. We 
 sailed so far to the south, that we entered the 
 Torrid Zone, and penetrated the Circle of Cancer. 
 You may rest assured, that for a few days, while 
 sailing through the Torrid Zone, we saw four 
 shadows of the sun, as the sun appeared in the 
 zenith to us at mid-day. I would say that the 
 sun, being in our meridian, gave us no shadow, 
 and this I was enabled many times to demonstrate 
 to all the company, and took their testimony of the 
 fact. This I did on account of the ignorance of the 
 common people, who do not know that the sun 
 moves through its circle of the zodiac. At one 
 time I saw our shadow to the south, at another 
 to the north, at another to the west, and at another 
 
156 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER to the east, and sometimes, for an hour or two of 
 
 IX. 
 
 '- — the day, we had no shadow at all. 
 
 We sailed so far south in the Torrid Zone, that 
 we found ourselves under the equinoctial line, and 
 had both poles at the edge of the horizon. Having 
 passed the line, and sailed six degrees to the south 
 of it, we lost sight of the north star altogether, and 
 even the stars of Ursa Minor, or, to speak better, 
 the guardians which revolve about the firmament, 
 were scarcely seen. Very desirous, of being the 
 author who should- designate the other polar ^tar 
 of the firmament, I lost, many a time, my night's 
 sleep, while contemplating the movement of the 
 stars around the Southern Pole, in order to ascer- 
 tain which had the least motion, and which might 
 be nearest to the firmament, but I was not able to 
 accomplish it with such bad nights as I had, and 
 such instruments as I used, which were the quad- 
 rant and astrolabe. I could not distinguish a star 
 which had less than ten degrees of motion around 
 the firmament ; so that I was not satisfied within 
 myself, to name any particular one for the pole of 
 the meridian, on account of the large revolution 
 which they all made aroimd the firmament. 
 
 While I was arriving at this conclusion as the 
 result of my investigations, I recollected a verse of 
 our poet Dante, which may be found in the first 
 chapter of his " Purgatory," where he imagines he 
 is leaving this hemisphere to repair to the other, 
 and attempting to describe the Antartic pole, says ; 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 157 
 
 " lo mi volsi a man destra e posi mente chapter 
 
 All' altro polo, e vidi quattro stelle ^^■ 
 
 Non viste mai, fuor che alia prima gente : 
 
 Goder pareva il Ciel di lor fiammelle : 
 O settentrional vedovo sito 
 Poiche private sei di mirar quelle."' 
 
 It appears to me that the poet wished to describe The souih 
 in these verses, by the four stars, the pole of the ""*^^°'' 
 other firmament, and I have little doubt, even now, 
 
 1 To the Tight hand I turned, and fixed 
 
 my mind 
 On the other pole attentive, where I saw 
 Four stars ne'er seen before save by 
 
 the ken 
 Of our first parents. Heaven of their 
 
 rays 
 Seemed joyous. Oh thou northern site, 
 
 bereft 
 Indeed, and widowed, since of these 
 
 deprived. 
 Carey^s Dante, Vision of Purgatory, Can. i. 
 
 Venturi observes that "Dante 
 here speaks as a poet, and almost 
 in the spirit of prophecy ; or vehat 
 is more likely, describes the heav- 
 ens about that pole according to 
 his own invention. In our days," 
 he adds, "the cross, composed of 
 four stars, three of the second and 
 one of the third magnitude, serves 
 as a guide to those who sail from 
 Europe to the south, but in the 
 age of Dante these discoveries had 
 not been made." " It appears 
 probable," says Carej', in a note 
 to this passage, " that either fi-om 
 long tradition, or from the relation 
 of later voyagers, the real truth 
 might not have been unknown to 
 our poet. Seneca's predictions of 
 the discovery of America may be 
 accounted for in a similar manner. 
 But whatever may be thought of 
 this, it is certain that the four stars 
 are hero symbohcal of the four 
 
 cardinal virtues, Prudence, Justice. 
 Fortitude, and Temperance. M. 
 Artaud mentions a globe construct- 
 ed by an Arabian in Egypt, with 
 the date of the year 622 of the 
 Hegira, corresponding to 1225 of 
 our era, in which the Southern 
 Cross is positively marked. See 
 his Histoire de Dante, chap. xxxi. 
 and xl. 8vo. Par. 1841. 
 
 The prediction of Seneca is con- 
 tained in the well known lines 
 ' from Mede^, .-. 
 
 Venient annis 
 SiEcula seris, quibus Oceanus 
 Vinculis rerum la.xet, et ingena 
 Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos 
 Detegat orbes, nee sit terris 
 Ultima Thule. 
 
 See also the Illustrations and Doc- 
 uments — Eulogy of Americus. — 
 Canovai says, in a note at this 
 passage, that Pigafetta speaks as 
 follows of the' Antarctic Pole: "At 
 the Antarctic Pole are seen many 
 stars congregated together, which 
 are like two mists, separated from 
 each other, and a little obscure in 
 the middle. Between these are 
 two not very large or very bright, 
 and which have little motion, and 
 these two are the Antarctic Pole." 
 — Ramusio, torn. i. p. 356. A Por- 
 tuguese navigator, in the same 
 
158 
 
 f 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER that what he says may be true. I observed fom 
 
 '■ — stars in the jfigure of an almond, which had but 
 
 little motion, and if God gives me life and health, 
 I hope to go again into that hemisphere, and not to 
 return without observing the pole. In conclusion, 
 I would remark, that we extended our navigation 
 so far south, that our difference of latitude from 
 the city of Cadiz was sixty degrees and a half, be- 
 cause, at that city, the pole is elevated thirty-five 
 degrees and a half, and we had passed six degrees 
 beyond the equinoctial line.^ Let this suffice as to 
 
 collection, says, "As we arrived 
 at the golden river, we began to 
 see four stars of admirable size 
 and lucidity, placed in the form of 
 a cross, which are thirty degrees 
 distant from the Antarctic Pole, 
 and we called it the Cross, and 
 raised an instrument to one of these 
 four stars, which is the foot of the 
 cross, and as it is found there in 
 the south, we knew its. centre to 
 be the Antarctic Pole.' — Ibid. p. 
 117, D. Corsali speaks in terms 
 more cogent yet, in confirming the 
 observations and application of 
 Americus. " In which place is 
 the pole ..... two clouds of 
 reasonable size evidently manifest 
 it, moving around it continually 
 in a circular motion, now rising 
 and now descending with one star 
 always in the middle, which, with 
 them, revolves about eleven de- 
 grees distant from the pole. Above 
 these appears a marvellous cross, 
 in the midst of five stars which 
 
 surround it with other 
 
 stars which go with it round the 
 pole, revolving about thirty de- 
 
 grees distant, and it makes its rev- 
 olution in twenty-four hours, and 
 is so beautiful, that, it appears to 
 me, no other heavenly sign can be 
 
 compared with it I think 
 
 this may be the cross of which 
 Dante speaks with prophetic spir- 
 it."— /fi. p. 177, E. And finally 
 GiuVitini, in the Comments on the 
 Sfera del Sacro Bosco, writes, 
 " Some Portuguese mariners, while 
 seeking the noble emporium of In- 
 dia, now called Calcutta, sailing 
 round the whole Atlantic' Ocean, 
 saw the other pole, meanwhile, 
 elevated above fifty degrees, at 
 the same time that our pole was 
 depressed below the horizon." — 
 In. C. 1. Sphera de Sacro Bosco. 
 Canovai, torn. i. p. 103, note 
 
 1 The following is the calcula- 
 tion of Americus more plainly ex- 
 pressed : 
 
 From the Pole to the Equator is . . 9(F 
 From the Equator to his position at 
 
 the time 6° 
 
 Total . . %° 
 Deduct the Latitude of Cadiz . . 35>^" 
 
 Diiference of Latitude . . . 60>6 
 See Canovai, tom. 11. p. IDS 
 
AMERICtrS VESPUCIUS. 15g 
 
 our latitude^ You must observe that this our nav- chapter 
 
 igation was in the months of July, August, and ^ — 
 
 September, when, as you know, the sun is longest 
 above the horizon in our hemisphere, and describes 
 the greatest arch in the day, and the least in the 
 night. On the contrary, while we were at the 
 equinoctial line, or near it, within four to six degrees, 
 the difference between the day and night was not 
 perceptible. They were of equal length, or v^y 
 nearly so. 
 
 As to the longitude, I would say that I found so 
 much difficulty in discovering it, that I had to la- 
 bour very hard to ascertain the distance I had made 
 by means of longitude. I found nothing better, at 
 last, than to watch the opposition of the planets 
 during the night, and especially that of the moon, 
 with the other planets, because the moon is swifter 
 in her course than anf other of the heavenly bodies. 
 I compared my observations with the almanac of 
 Giovanni da Monteregio, which was composed for 
 the rneridian of the city of Ferrara, verifying them 
 with the calculations in the tables of King Alphonso, 
 and, afterwards, v^dth the many observations I had 
 myself made one night with another. 
 
 On the twenty-third of August, 1499 (when the Transit of 
 moon was in conjunction with Mars, which, accord- 8"j^|g23d, 
 ing to the almanac, was to take place at midnight, or 
 half an hour after), I found that when the moon rose 
 to the horizon an hour and a half after the sun had 
 set, the planet had passed in that part of the east. 
 I observed that the moon was about a degree and 
 
IX. 
 
 '.60 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 OHAPTEE some minutes farther east than Mars, and at mid- 
 ■ - night she was five degrees and a half farther east, 
 a little more or less. So that, making the propor- 
 tion : if tw^enty-four hours are equal to 360 degrees, 
 what are five hours and a half equal to ? I found 
 ihe result to be eighty-tvs^o degrees and a half, 
 ' which vsras equal to my longitude from the meridian 
 af the city of Cadiz ; then giving to every degreg 
 sixteen leagues and two thirds, I found myself dis- 
 tant west from the city of Cadiz thirteen hundred 
 and sixty-six leagues and two thirds, which is five 
 thousand four hundred and sixty-six miles and 
 two thirds. The reason why I give sixteen leagues 
 to each degree is, because, according to Tolomeo 
 and Alfagrano, the earth turns twenty-four thou- 
 sand miles, which is equal to six thousand leagues, 
 which, being divided by 360 degrees, gives to each 
 degree sixteen leagues and two thirds. This cal- 
 culation I certified many times conjointly with the 
 pilots, and found it true and good.^ 
 
 It appears to me, most excellent Lorenzo, that 
 by this voyage most of those philosophers are con- 
 troverted, who say that the Torrid Zone cannot be 
 inhabited on account of the great heat. I have 
 found the case to be quite the contrary. I have 
 found that the air is fresher and more temperate in 
 that region than beyond it, and that the inhabitants 
 
 ' Sacrobosco calculates the clr- It will be observed that Americus 
 
 cumference of the eaith at 31,500 approximated more closely to the 
 
 miles, Baliani at 30,000, and mod- modem estimate than either. — 
 
 em astronomers at 21,600 at the CaTwvai, torn. i. p. 105, note, 
 equator, and 21,532 at the poles. 
 
BREASTWORK ON SHORE. 
 
 We made a breaetwork on shore with our boats and our casks, and placed our artillery 
 
 60 that it would play over them ; then having unloaded and lightened 
 
 our ships, we hauled them to land, and repaired them 
 
 wherever they needed it. (See P. 135.) 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Igl 
 
 are also more numerous here than they are in the chapter 
 
 other zones, for reasons which wUl be given below. '■ — 
 
 Thus it is certain, that practice is of more value 
 than theory. 
 
 Thus far I have related the navigation I accom- Description 
 
 of the na- 
 
 plished in the South and West. It now remains ^ves. a 
 
 '■ race of can 
 
 for me to inform you of the appearance of the coun- ™''*'^- 
 try we discovered, the nature of the inhabitants, 
 and their customs, the animals we saAV, and of 
 many other things worthy of remembrance, which 
 fell under my observation. After we turned our 
 course to the north, the first land we found to be 
 inhabited was an island, at ten degrees distant from 
 the equinoctial line. When we arrived at it, we 
 saw on the seashore a great many people who stood 
 looking at us with astonishment. We anchored with- 
 in about a mile of the land.ifitted out the boats, and 
 twenty -two men, well armed, made for land. The 
 people, when they saw us landing, and perceived 
 that we were different from themselves (because 
 they have no beard and wear no clothing of any 
 description, being also of a different colour, they 
 being brown and we white), began to be afraid of 
 us, and all ran into the woods. With great exer- 
 tion, by means of signs, we reassured them, and 
 negotiated with them. We found that they were 
 of a race called cannibals, the greater part, or all of 
 whom, live on human flesh. 
 
 Your Excellency may rest assured of this fact. 
 They do not eat one another, but navigating with 
 certain barks which they call canoes, they hrmg 
 
 21 
 
162 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CBAPTEB, their prey from the neighbouring islands or coun- 
 
 '■ — tries inhabited by those who are enemies, or of a 
 
 different tribe from their own. They never eat any 
 women, unless they consider them outcasts. These 
 things we verified in many places where we found 
 similar people. We often saw the bones and heads 
 of those who had been eaten, and they who had 
 made the repast admitted the fact, and said that 
 their enemies always stood in much greater fear on 
 that account. 
 
 Still they are a people of gentle disposition and 
 beautiful stature. They go entirely naked, and the 
 arms which they carry are bows and arrows, and 
 shields. They are a people of great activity and 
 much courage. They are very excellent marksmen. 
 In fine, we held much intercourse with them, and 
 they took us to one of their villages about two 
 leagues inland, and gave us our breakfast. They 
 gave whatever was asked of them, though I think 
 more through fear than affection, and after having 
 been with them all one day, we returned to the 
 ships, still remaining on friendly terms with them. 
 saa along We Sailed along the coast of this island, and saw 
 
 the shore , , , , 
 
 and trrive jjy the seashore another large village of the same 
 
 HttheGulf •' t) & 
 
 ofPaiia. tribe. We landed in the boats,' and found they 
 were waiting for us, all loaded with provisions, and 
 they gave us eTiough to make a very good breakfast, 
 according to their ideas of dishes. Seeing they 
 were such kind people, and treated, us so well, we 
 dared not take any thing from theni, and made 
 sail till we arrived at a gulf which is called the 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. J63 
 
 Gulf of Paria. We anchored opposite the mouth chaptek 
 
 • IX 
 
 of a great nver, which causes the water of this gulf ■ '- — • 
 
 to be fresh, and saw a large village close to the sea. 
 We were surprised at the great number of people 
 who were seen there. They were without arms, 
 and seemed peaceably disposed. We went ashore 
 with the boats, and they received us with great 
 friendship, and took us to their houses, where they 
 had made very good preparations for breakfast. 
 Here they gave us three sorts of wine to drink, not 
 of the juice of the grape, but made of fruits like 
 beer, and they were excellent. Here also we ate 
 many fresh acorns, a most royal fruit. They gave 
 us many other fruits, all different from ours, and of 
 very good flavour, the flavour and odour of all being 
 aromatic. 
 
 They gave us some small pearls, and eleven large 
 ones ; and they told us by signs, that if we would 
 wait some days, they would go and fish for them, 
 and bring us many of them. We did not wish to 
 be detained, so with many parrots of various 
 coloiurs, and in good friendship, we parted from 
 them. From these people we learned that those 
 of the before mentioned island were cannibals, 
 and ate human flesh. - We issued from this gulf 
 and sailed along the coast, seeing continually great 
 numbers of people, and when we were so disposed, 
 we treated with them, and they gave us every thing 
 we asked of them. They all go as naked as they 
 were born, without being ashamed. If all were to 
 be related conceming the little shame they have, it 
 
i64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 cHAFiER would be bordering on impropriety, therefore it is 
 
 IX. 
 
 better to suppress it. 
 Sau along After haviug sailed about four hxmdred leagues 
 
 the shores i i i i i • 
 
 ef the Con- continuallv along the coast, we concluded that this 
 
 tinentfour •' " ' 
 
 hundred j^nd was a continent, which might be bounded by the 
 eastern parts of Asia, this being the commencement 
 of the western part of the continent. Because it hap- 
 pened often that we saw divers animals, such as 
 lions, stags, goats, wild hogs, rabbits, and other land 
 animals, which are not found in islands, but only on 
 the main land. Going inland one day with twenty 
 men, we saw a serpent which was about twenty- 
 four feet in length, and as large in girth as myself. 
 We were very much afraid of it, and the sight of 
 it caused us to return immediately to the sea. I 
 oftentimes saw many very ferocious animals and 
 large serpents. 
 
 Thus sailing along the coast, we discovered every 
 day a great number of people, speaking various 
 languages. When we had navigated four hundred 
 leagues along the coast, we began to find people 
 who did not wish for our friendship, but stood 
 waiting for us with their arms, which were bows 
 and arrows, and with some other arms which they 
 use. When we went to the shore in our boats, 
 they disputed our landing in such a manner that 
 we were obUged to fight with them. At the end 
 of the battle they found that they had the worst of 
 it, for as they were naked, we always made great 
 slaughter. Many times not more than sixteen 
 of us fought with two thousand of them, and in 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. i65 
 
 the end defeated them, killing many, and robbing chapter 
 their houses. '■ — 
 
 One day we saw a great number of people, all Battle witii 
 
 •' ® r r ) the natives 
 
 posted in battle array to prevent our landing. We and gaiiant. 
 fitted out twenty-six men well armed, and covered ^^1° 
 the boats, on account of the arrows which were 
 shot at us, and which always woimded some of us 
 before we landed. After they had hindered us as 
 long as they could, we leaped on shore, and fought 
 a hard battle with them. The reason why they 
 had so much courage and made such great exertion 
 against us, was, that they did not know what kind 
 of a weapon the sword was, or how it cuts. While 
 thus engaged in combat, so great was the multitude 
 of people who charged upon us, throwing at us 
 such a cloud of arrows, that we could not withstand 
 the assault, and nearly abandoning the hope of life, 
 we turned our backs and ran to the boats. While 
 thus disheartened and flying, one of our sailors, a 
 Portuguese, a man of fifty-five years of age, who 
 had remained to -giiard the boat, seeing the danger 
 we were in, juWj.'^d on shore, and with a loud 
 voice called out to as, " Children ! turn your faces 
 to your enemies, and God wiU give you the victory!" 
 Throwing himself on his knees, he made a prayer, 
 and then rushed furiously upon the Indians, and we 
 all joined with him, wotmded as we were. On that 
 they turned their backs to us, and began to flee, 
 and finally we- routed them, and killed a hundred 
 and fifty. We burned their houses also, at least 
 one hundred and eighty in number. Then, as we 
 
£66 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER were badly wounded and weary, we returned tc 
 
 — the ships, and went into a harboin* to recruit, where 
 
 we staid twenty days, solely that the physician 
 might cure us. All escaped except one, who was 
 wounded in the left breast. 
 Continue After being cured, we recommenced our navi- 
 
 the voyage _ 
 
 and encoun- gatiou, and, through the same cause, we often were 
 
 ter a race of ° ' ' ° ' 
 
 ^'^fes "*' obliged to fight with a great many people, and 
 always had the victory over them. Thus con- 
 tinuing our voyage, we came upon an island, 
 fifteen leagues distant from the mainland. As at 
 our arrival we saw no collection of people, the 
 island appearing favourably, we determined to 
 attempt it, and eleven of us landed. We found a 
 path, in which we walked nearly two leagues in- 
 land, and came to a village of about twelve houses, 
 in which there were only seven women, who were 
 so large, that there was not one among them who 
 was not a span and a half taller jthan myself. 
 When they saw us, they were very much fright- 
 ened, and the principal one amon^; them, who was 
 certainly a discreet woman, led' aj ^ by signs into a 
 house, and had refreshments picparedjlbr us. 
 
 We saw such large women, that were about 
 determining to carry off two young ones, about 
 fifteen years of age, and make a present of them 
 to this king, as they were, without doubt, crea- 
 tures whose stature was above that of common 
 men. While we were debating ■ this subject, 
 thirty-six men entered the house where we were 
 drinking; they were of such large stature, that 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 167 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 each one was taller when upon his knees than I 
 
 when standing erect. In fact, they were of the '^" ■ ■ 
 
 stature of giants in their size, and in the propor- 
 tion of their bodies, which corresponded well with 
 then- height. Each of the women appeared a Pan- 
 tasilca, and the men Antei. When they came in, 
 some of our own number were so frightened that 
 they did not consider themselves safe. They had 
 bows and arrows, and very large clubs, made in 
 the form of swords. Seeing that we were of small 
 statm-e, they began to converse with us, in order to 
 learn who we were, and from what parts we 
 came. We gave them fair words, for the sake of 
 peace, and answered them, by signs, that we were 
 men of peace, and that we were going to see the 
 world. Finally, we held it to be our wisest course 
 to part from them without questioning in our turn ; 
 so we returned by the same path in which we 
 had come — they accompanying us quite to the sea, 
 till we went on board the ships. 
 
 Nearly half the trees of this island are of dve- Amveata 
 
 '' •' place after- 
 
 wood, as good as that of the East. We went from ^""^^ '=''"- 
 
 ' a ed Venezue. 
 
 this island to another, in the vicinity, at ten leagues '''• 
 distance, and found a very large village — the hou- 
 ses of which were built over the sea, like Venice, 
 with much ingenuity. While we were struck 
 with admiration at this circumstance, we deter- 
 mined to go and see them; and as we went to 
 their houses, they attempted to prevent our enter' 
 ing. They found Jut at last the manner in which 
 the swoi«i ';ut>', md thought it best to let us 
 
168 • LIFE AND VOYAGES Ot 
 
 CHAPTER enter. We found their houses filled with the 
 
 IX. 
 
 '■ — finest cotton, and the beams of their dwellings 
 
 were made of dye-wood. We took a quantity of 
 their cotton and some dye-wood, and returned to 
 the ships. 
 
 Your Excellency must know, that in all parts 
 where we landed, we found a great quantity of cot- 
 ton, and the country filled with cotton trees. So 
 that all the vessels in the world might be loaded in 
 these parts with cotton and dye-wood. 
 
 At length we sailed three hundred leagues farther 
 along the coast, constantly finding savage but brave 
 people, and very often fighting with them, and van- 
 quishing them. We found seven different languages 
 among them, each of which was not understood by 
 those who spoke the others. It is said there are not 
 more than seventy-seven languages in the world, but 
 I say that there are more than a thousand, as there 
 are more than forty which I have heard "myself 
 Determine After having sailed along this coast seven hun- 
 PMuoia. dred leagues or more, besides visiting numerous 
 islands, our ships became greatly sea-worn, and ' 
 leaked badly, so that we could hardly keep them 
 free with two pumps going. The men also were 
 much fatigued, and the provisions growing short. 
 We were then, according to the decision of the pi- 
 lots, within a hundred and twenty leagues of an 
 island called Hispaniola, discovered by the Admiral 
 Columbus six years before. We determined to 
 proceed to it, and as it was inhabited by Christians, 
 to repair our ships there, allow the men a little re- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. jgg 
 
 pose, and recruit our stock of provisions ; . because chapter 
 from this island to Castile there are three hundred — — — • 
 leagues of ocean, without any land intervening. 
 
 In seven days we arrived at this island, where Return voy 
 we staid two months. Here we refitted our ships ^^*' 
 and obtained our supply of provisions. We after- 
 wards concluded to go to northern parts, where we 
 discoverd more than a thousand islands, the greater 
 part of them inhabited. The people were without 
 clothing, timid and ignorant, and we did whatever 
 we wished to do with them. This last portion of 
 our discoveries was very dangerous to our n&,viga- 
 tion, on account of the shoals which we found 
 thereabouts. In several instances we came near 
 being lost. We sailed in this sea two hundred 
 leagues directly north, until our people had become 
 worn down with fatigue, through having been al- 
 ready nearly a yeair at sea. Their allowance was 
 only six ounces of bread for eating, and but three 
 small measures of water for drinking, per diem. 
 And as the ships became dangerous to navigate 
 with much longer, they remonstrated, saying that 
 they wished to return to their homes in Castile, 
 and not to tempt fortune and the sea any more. 
 Whereupon we concluded to take some prisoners, 
 as slaves, and loading the ships with them, to re- 
 turn at once to Spain. Going, therefore, to certain 
 islands, we possessed ourselves by force of two 
 hundred and thirty-two, and steered our course for 
 Castile. In sixty-seven days we crossed the ocean, 
 and arrived at the islands of the Azores, which be- 
 
 22 
 
170 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER long to the King of Portugal, and are three hundred 
 — — — leagues distant from Cadiz. Here having taken in 
 our refreshments, we sailed for Castile, but the 
 wind was contrary, and we were obliged to go to 
 the Canary Islands, from there to the island of Ma- 
 deira, and thence to Cadiz. 
 Abstract of We were absent thirteen months on this voyage, 
 age. exposing ourselves to awful dangers, and discover- 
 ing a very large country of Asia, and a great many 
 islands, the largest part of them inhabited. Accord- 
 ing to the calculations I have several times made 
 with the compass, we have sailed about five thou- 
 sand leagues. To conclude — we passed the equi- 
 noctial line six and a half degrees to the south, and 
 afterwards turned to the north, which we penetrated 
 so far, that the north star was at an elevation of 
 thirty-five degrees and a half above our horizon. 
 To the west, we sailed eighty-four degrees distant 
 from the meridian of the city and port of Cadiz. 
 We discovered immense regions, saw a vast number 
 of people, all naked, and speaking various languages. 
 On the land we saw numerous wild animals, various 
 kinds of birds, and an infinite quantity of trees, all 
 aromatic. We brought home pearls in their grow- 
 ing state, and gold in the grain ; we brought two 
 stones, one of emerald colour, and the other of ame- 
 thyst, which was very hard, and at least half a 
 span long, and three fingers thick. The sovereigns 
 esteem them most highly, and have preserved them 
 among their jewels. We brought also a piece of 
 crystal, which some jewellers say is beryl, and, ac- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIDS. 171 
 
 cording to what the Indians told us, they had a chapter 
 
 * IX 
 
 great quantity of the same ; we brought fourteen '■ — 
 
 flesh-coloured pearls, with which the queen was 
 highly delighted ; we brought many other stones 
 which appeared beautiful to us, but of all these we 
 did not bring a large quantity, as we were continu- 
 ally busied in our navigation, and did not tarry long 
 in any place. 
 
 When we arrived at Cadiz, we sold many slaves, Amvai at 
 
 ' •' ' Cadiz and 
 
 finding two hundred remaining to us, the others, sa''^»f 
 completing the number of two hundred and thirty- 
 two, having died at sea. After deducting the ex- 
 pense of transportation, we gained only about five 
 hundred ducats, which, having to be divided into 
 fifty-five parts, made the share of each very small. 
 However, we contented ourselves with life, and 
 rendered thanks to God, that during the whole voy- 
 age, out of fifty-seven Christian men, which was our 
 number, only two had died, they having been killed 
 by the Indians. 
 
 I have had two quartan agues since my return, 
 but I hope, by the favour of God, to be well soon, 
 as they do not continue long now, and are without 
 chills. I have passed over many things worthy of 
 being remembered, in order not to be more tedious 
 than I can help, all which are reserved for the pen 
 and in the memory. 
 
 They are fitting out three ships for me here, 
 that I may go on a new voyage of discovery ; and I 
 think they will be ready by the middle of Septem- 
 ber. May it please our Lord to give me health and 
 
172 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER a good voyage, as I hope again to bring very great 
 
 '■ — news and discover the island of Trapobana, which 
 
 is between the Indian Ocean and the Sea of Gan- 
 ges. Afterwards- 1 intend to return to my country, 
 and seek repose in the days of my old age. 
 
 I shall not enlarge any more at present, though 
 
 many things have been omitted, in part from then- 
 
 not being remembered at all, and in part that I 
 
 might not be more prolix than I have been. 
 
 Sends a I have resolved, most excellent Lorenzo, that as 
 
 globe and a _ , , . /. i 
 
 map to Lo- 1 liave thus given you an account by letter oi what 
 
 renzode' n j j 
 
 Medici, has occurred to me, to send you two plans and de- 
 scriptions of the world, made and arranged by my 
 own hand and skill. There will be a map on a 
 plane surface, and the other a view of the world in 
 spherical form, which I intend to send you by sea, 
 in the care of one Francesco Lotti, a Florentine, 
 who is here. I think you will be pleased with 
 them, particularly with the glob^as I made one 
 not long since for these sovereigns, and they esteem 
 it highly. I could have wished to have come with 
 them personally, but my new departure, for making 
 other discoveries, will not allow me that pleasure. 
 There are not wanting in your city persons who 
 understand the figure of the world, and who may, 
 perhaps, correct something in it. Nevertheless, 
 whatever may be pointed out for me to correct, let 
 them wait till I come, as it may be that I shall de- 
 fend myself and prove my accuracy. 
 
 I suppose your Excellency has learned the news 
 brought by the fleet which the King of Portugal 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 173 
 
 sent two years ago to make discoveries on the coast chapter 
 
 IX 
 
 of Guinea. I do not call such a voyage as that a '■ — 
 
 voyage of discovery, but only a visit to discovered 
 lands ; because, as you will see by the map, their 
 navigation was continually within sight of land, 
 and they sailed round the whole southern part of 
 the continent of Africa, which is proceeding by a 
 way spoken of by all cosmographical authors. It 
 is true that the navigation has been very profitable, 
 which is a matter of great consideration here in this 
 kingdom, where inordinate covetousness reigns. I 
 understand that they passed from the Red Sea, and 
 extended their voyage into the Persian Gulf, to a 
 city called Calicut, which is situated between the 
 Persian Gulf and the river Indus. More lately the 
 King of Portugal has received from sea twelve ships 
 very richly laden, and he has sent them again to 
 those parts, where they will certainly do a profitable 
 business if they arrive safely. 
 
 May our Lord preserve and increase the exalted 
 state of your noble Excellency as I desire. July 
 18th, 1500. 
 
 Your Excellency's humble servant, 
 
 Americus Vespucius. 
 
 Respecting the above letter to De Medici, an in- 
 telligent Italian critic remarks, that " it is the most 
 ancient known writing of Americus, relating to his 
 voyages^to the New World, having been composed 
 within a month after his return from his second 
 voyage, and remaining buried in our archives for a 
 
174 Llf'E AND VOYAGES OFAMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER long time. It is a precious monument, for without 
 
 ■ it we should have been left in ignorance of the great 
 
 additions which he made to astronomical scienfee. 
 The most rigorous examination of this letter cannot 
 bring to light the least circumstance proving any 
 thing for or against the accuracy of his first voyage. 
 The indifference with which he commences the 
 matter is, however, a strong indication that he had 
 previously written an account of his first voyage 
 to the same Lorenzo de' Medici, to whom he ad- 
 dressed this communication.^ 
 
 1 Bartolozzi, Ricerche Historico-Critiche circa alle Scoperte D'Amer* 
 igo Vespucci, p. 62, 63. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 CONTINUATION OP THE LETTER OF AMERICUS TO PIERO 
 SODERINI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OP HIS SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 Departure from Cadiz, May, 1499. — Arrival in the New World. — 
 Signs of Inhabitants. — Coasting the Shores. — San Luis de Maran- 
 ham. — Chase and Capture a Canoe.' — CannibaUsm. — Pearls and 
 Gold. — Inimical Natives. — Chewing the Cud. — Want of Water. — 
 Immense Leaves. — Island of Curacoa. — Large Islanders. — Visit to 
 their Village. — Returning to Castile. — Trade with the Indians. — 
 Large Quantity of Pearls. — Visit Antilla. — Take in Provisions. — 
 Sail for Spain. — Arrival at Cadiz, June 8th, 1500. 
 
 The Second Voyage, and what I saw in it most chapter 
 
 worthy of being remembered, here follow. We : — 
 
 set out from the port of Cadiz, three ships in com- 
 pany, on the 18th of May, 1499, and steered our 
 course directly to the Cape Verd Islands, passing 
 within sight of the Grand Canary. We soon ar- 
 rived at an island which is called Del Fuego or 
 Fire Island, and having taken in wood and water, 
 we proceeded on our voyage to the southwest. In 
 forty-four days we arrived at a pew land, which we 
 judged to be a continent, and a continuation of that 
 mentioned in my former A^oyage.^ It was situated 
 
 I He was twenty days in ma- mentioned in my former voyage." 
 king the Canaries, and twenty- The mistake originated in a mis- 
 four more in crossing the Atlantic, print of the Latin edition, the word 
 Some editions make the reading " contraria" being substituted for ' 
 of this passage; " opposite to that " continua."— Caw., torn. i. p. 132. 
 
176 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER within the torrid zone, south of the equinoctial line, 
 
 '■ — where the south pole is elevated five degrees, and 
 
 distant from said island, bearing south, about &ve 
 hundred leagues.^ Here we found the days and 
 nights equal on the 27th of June, when the sun is 
 near the tropic of Cancer. 
 
 We did not see any people here, and having an- 
 chored our ships and cast off our boats, we proceed- 
 ed to the land, which we found to be inundated by 
 very large rivers. We came to anchor, and having 
 got out the boats, attempted to enter these at many 
 points, but from the immense quantity of water 
 brought down by them, we could find no place, af- 
 ter hard toiling, that was not overflowed. We saw 
 many signs of the country's being inhabited, but, as 
 we were unable to enter it, we concluded to return 
 to the ships, and make the attempt on some other 
 part of the coast. 
 Coast the We raiscd our anchors accordingly, and sailed 
 
 shore for . . , 
 
 about forty along Southeast by east, contmually coasting the 
 land, which ran in that direction. We attempted 
 to enter at many points within the space of forty 
 leagues, but all owe labour was labour lost. We 
 found the currents so strong on this coast that they 
 absolutely obstructed our sailing, and they all ran 
 from the southeast to the northwest. Seeing our 
 navigation was attended with so many inconvien- 
 
 ' The work of Bandini contains in many instances manifestly at 
 
 a series of singular errors in regard variance with the sense. — Cano- 
 
 to this letter. The figure 5, where- vai, torn. i. p. 132. 
 ever it occurs, is printed 8 — though 
 
INLAND SCENE. 
 
 They are very excellent marksmen. In fine, we held much intercourse with them, and 
 they took ns to one of their villages, about two leagues inland, and 
 gave ns.onr breakfast (See P. 162.) ' 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 177 
 
 ences, we concluded to turn our course to the north- chapter 
 
 west. Having sailed some time in this direction, - — 
 
 we arrived at a very beautiful harbour, which was 
 made by a large island at the entrance, inside of 
 which was a very large bay.^ 
 
 While sailing along parallel with the island, with chase and 
 a view of entering the harbour, we saw many peo- * '=^i"«- 
 pie on the shore, and, being much cheered, we man- 
 oeuvred our ships for the purpose of anchoring and 
 landing where they appeared.. We might have been 
 then about four leagues at sea. While proceeding 
 on our course for this purpose, we saw a canoe quite 
 out at sea, in which there were several people, and 
 made sail on our ships in order to come up with and 
 take possession of them, steering so as not to run 
 them down ; we saw that they stood with their oars 
 raised, I think either through astonishment at be- 
 holding our ships, or by way of giving us to under- 
 stand that they meant to wait for us and resist us ; 
 but as they perceived us approaching, they dropped 
 their oars into the water, and began to row towards 
 the land. Having in our company a small vessel 
 of forty-five tons, a very fast sailer, she took a fa- 
 vourable wind, and bore down for the canoe. Com- 
 ing close up with it, they bore away and came round, 
 and we followed in her wake. In order that the 
 schooner might appear as if she did not wash to 
 board the canoe, she passed it, and then hove up in 
 the wind. Seeing that by this manceuvre they had 
 the^ advantage, they plied their oars with main 
 
 I This was San Luis de Maranham. — Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 259. 
 
 23 
 
178 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER strength 'in order to escape ; but having our boats 
 
 '■ — at the stern filled with good men, we thought they 
 
 would take them, which they laboured hard to do 
 for more than two hours, without success. If the 
 schooner had not borne down upon them once more, 
 we shoiild have lost them. When they found therji- 
 selves embarrassed between the schooner and the 
 boats, they all jumped into the sea, being about 
 twenty men,^ and at the distance of two leagues 
 from the shore. We followed them the whole day 
 with our boats, and could only take two, which was 
 an extraordinary feat ; all the rest escaped to the 
 shore. Four boys remained in the canoe, who were 
 not of their tribe, but had been taken prisoners by 
 them, and brought from another country. We were 
 much surprised at the gross injuries they had inflict- 
 ed upon these boys, and having been taken on board 
 the ships, they told us they had been captured in 
 order to be eaten. Accordingly we knew that those 
 people were cannibals, who eat human flesh. 
 
 We proceeded with the ships, taking the canoe 
 with us at the stem, and following the course 
 which they pursued, anchored at half a league 
 from the shore. As we saw many people on the 
 shore, we landed in the boats, carrying with us 
 the two men we had taken. When we reached 
 the beach, all the people fled into the woods, and 
 
 ' Bandini gives the number of been met with, made, like this, out 
 
 men in this canoe as seventy. A of the trunk of a tree. Ferdinand 
 
 canoe must have been tolerably Columbus speaks of some holding 
 
 large to have held even twenty as many as fifty men. — Canovai, 
 
 men, although larger ones have tom. i. p. 136, note. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. j^yg 
 
 we sent one of the two men to negotiate with chapter 
 them, giving them several trifles, as tokens of — - — • 
 friendship, such as little bells, buttons, and looking- 
 glasses, and telling them that we wished to be 
 their friends. He brought the people all back 
 with him, of whom there were about four himdred 
 men, and many women, who came unarmed to the 
 place where we laid with the boats. Having 
 established friendship with them, we surrendered 
 the other prisoner, and sent to the ships for • 
 the canoe, which we restored. This canoe was 
 twenty-six yards, long, and six feet wide, made out 
 of a single tree, and very well wrought. When 
 they had carried it into a river near by, and put it 
 in a secure place, they all fled, and would have 
 nothing more to do with us, which appeared to us 
 a very barbarous act, and we judged them to be 
 a faithless and evil-disposed people. We saw 
 among them a little gold, which they wore in 
 their ears. 
 
 LeaAdng this place, we sailed about eiarhtv ^^'^^ '^"«"'' 
 
 O tr ^ b J ly natives 
 
 leagues along; the coast, and entered a bay, where ^^ p": 
 
 ° , ^ ' •' ' cure pearls 
 
 we found a surprising number of people, with 
 whom we formed a friendship. Many of us went 
 to their villages, in great safety, and were received 
 with much courtesy and confidence. In this place 
 we procured a hundred and fifty pearls (as they 
 sold them to us for a trifle), and some little gold, 
 which they gave us gratuitously.^ We noticed 
 
 ' The edition of Gruniger says, " five hundred pearls." — Navarrete, 
 torn. iii. p. 250. 
 
180 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER that in this coiintry they drank wine made of 
 
 '■ — theu' fruits and seeds, which looked like beer, both 
 
 white and red ; the best was made of acorns, and 
 was very good. We ate a great many of these 
 acorns, as it was the season of them. They are a 
 very good fruit, savoury to the taste, and healthfal 
 to the body. The country abounded with the 
 means of nourishment, and the people were well- 
 disposed, being the most pacific of . any we had 
 seen. 
 Remain We remained in this port seventeen days with 
 
 Beventeen 
 
 days in port, great pleasure, and every day some new tribe of 
 people came to see us from inland parts of the 
 country, who were greatly surprised at our figures, 
 at the whiteness of our skins, at our clothes, our 
 arms, and the form and size of our ships. We 
 were informed by these people of the existence of 
 another tribe still farther west, who were their 
 enemies, and that they had a great quantity of 
 pearls. They said that those which we dis- 
 covered in their possession were some they had 
 taken from this other tribe in war. They told us 
 how they fished for pearls, and in what manner 
 they grew; and we found that they told us the 
 truth, as your Excellency shall hear. 
 
 We left this harbour, and sailed along the coast, 
 on which we continually saw smoke, and many 
 people on the shore, as we passed. After many 
 days we entered a harbour, for the purpose of re- 
 paking one of our ships, as she leaked badly. 
 Here we found many people, with whom, neither ' 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ^gj 
 
 by force nor entreaty, coiald we have ?iny inter- chapter 
 
 course. When we went ashore, they fiercely dis — 
 
 puted our landing, and after they found it impos- 
 sible to resist us any longer, fled to the woods. 
 Having discovered them to be so barbarous, we - 
 sailed away from the place, and finding an island 
 about fifteen leagues distant from the coast, re- 
 solved to see whether it was inhabited. We 
 found on this island the most bestial and filthy 
 people that w^ere ever seen, but, at the same time, 
 extremely pacific, so that I am able to describe 
 their habits and customs. Their manners and 
 their faces were filthy, and they all had their 
 cheeks stuffed full of a green herb, which they 
 were continually chewing, as beasts chew the 
 cud, so that they were scarcely able to speak. 
 Each one of them wore, hanging at the neck, two 
 dried gourd-shells, one of which was filled with the 
 same kind of herb they had in their mouths, and 
 the other with a white meal, which appeared to be 
 chalk-dust. They also carried with them a small 
 stick, which they wetted in their mouths from 
 time to time, and then put into the meal, after- 
 wards putting it into the herb, with which both 
 cheeks were filled, and mixing the meal with it.' 
 
 ■ This herb was either the Betel, quenching their thirst, as Ameri- 
 
 or something similar to it. It is cus supposed, and made use of it 
 
 very much esteemed in the East also as a medicine. — See Rarmisio, 
 
 Indies. The white mealy sub- torn. i. p. 298. Cook's Voyages, -vol. 
 
 stance which he speaks of, was i. p. 112-434-436. Ferdinand 
 
 calcined oyster shells. The na- Columbus also speaks of it, and 
 
 lives used it for the purpose of says, " The chiefs continued to put 
 
182 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 (;h API Ell We were surprised at their conduct, and could not 
 
 X 
 
 '■ — understand for what purpose they indulged in the 
 
 filthy practice. 
 «iSubstitute As soon as these people saw us, they came to us 
 
 for water .,.. ./. iii ii 
 
 iedbythe With Rs mucli familiarity as if we had been old 
 
 natives. 
 
 friends. As we were walking with them along the 
 shore, and wished to find some fresh water to drink, 
 they made us understand by signs that they had 
 none, and oifered us some of their herbs and meal ; 
 hence we concluded that water was very scarce in 
 this island, and that they kept these herbs in their 
 mouths in order to allay their thirst. We walked 
 about the island a day and a half without finding 
 any living water, and noticed that all the water 
 which they drank, was the dew which fell in the 
 night upon certain leaves which looked like asses' 
 ears. These leaves being filled with dew water, 
 the islanders used it for their drink, and most ex- 
 cellent water it was, but there were many places 
 where the leaves were not to be found. 
 
 They had no kind of victuals or roots such as we 
 found on the mainland, but lived on fish which they 
 caught in the sea, of which there was an abun- 
 dance, and they were great fishermen. They pre- 
 sented us with many turtles, and many large and 
 very good fish. The women did not chew the herb 
 as the men did, but carried a gourd with water in 
 
 a dry herb in their mouths, and of Cumana, that the Indians chew- 
 also a certain powder. — Canovai, ed an herb continually to keep 
 torn. i. p. 141. their teeth white. — Navarrete, torn 
 
 Alonzo Nino and Christobal iii. p. 13. 
 Guerra obsers'ed upon the coast 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. j.g3 
 
 it, of which they drank. They had no villages, chapteh 
 
 houses, or cottages, except some arbours which de — 
 
 fended them from the sun, but not from the rain ; 
 this appearing needless, for I think it very seldom 
 rained on this island. When they were fishing out 
 at sea, they each wore on the head a very large 
 leaf, so broad that they were covered by its shade.^ 
 They fixed these leaves also in the ground on shore, 
 and as the sun moved, turned them about, so as to 
 keep within the shadow, and defend themselves 
 from the sun's rays. The island contained many 
 animals of various kinds, all of which drank the 
 muddy water of the marshes. 
 
 Seeing there was no utility in staying here, we a race of 
 left and went to another island, which we found ^'sS/" 
 inhabited by people of very large stature. Going - 
 into the country in search Of fresh water, without 
 thinking the island inhabited (as we saw no people), 
 as we were passing along the shore, we remarked 
 very large footprints in the sand. We concluded 
 that if the other members corresponded with the 
 feet, they must belong to very large men. While 
 occupied with these conjectm-es, we struck a path 
 which led us inland, and imagining that as the isl- 
 and was small, there could not be many people on 
 
 ' Ramusio speaks of a tree or andnearly the same width. "When 
 
 plant gi'owing in the East Indies, it rains they are carried over the 
 
 which produces four or five leaves, head to prevent the people from 
 
 each of which will shelter a man being wet, and three or four per- 
 
 from the sun and rain. — Ram-, tom. sons stretching it out may be cov- 
 
 i. p. 161, D. ered."— Ibid. p. 339, C. Canovai, 
 
 Conti also speaks of a tree, the torn. i. p. 144. 
 leaves of which are six yards long. 
 
184 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 cHAprBR it, we passed on to find out of what description 
 
 '■ — they might be. After we had gone about a league, 
 
 we saw in a valley five of their cottages, which 
 appeared to be uninhabited, and, on going to them, 
 we found only five women, two quite old, and three 
 girls, all so tall in stature, that we regarded them 
 with astonishment. When they saw us, they be- 
 came so frightened that they had not even courage 
 to flee, and the two old women began to invite us 
 into their houses, and to bring us many things to 
 eat,' with many caresses. They were taller than ' 
 a tall man, and as Itirge-bodied as Francisco of Al- 
 bizzi, but better proportioned than we are. 
 
 While we were all consulting as to the expedi- 
 ency of taking the three girls by force, and bringing 
 them to Castile, to exhibit the wonder, there en- 
 tered the door of the cottage thirty-six men much 
 larger than the women, and so well made that it 
 was a pleasure to look at them. They put us in 
 such perturbation, however, that we would much 
 rather have been in our ships, than have found our- 
 selves with such people. They carried immense 
 bows and arrows, and large-headed clubs, and talk- 
 ed among themselves in a tone which led us to 
 think they were deliberating about 'attacking us. 
 
 Seeing we were in such danger, we formed vari- 
 ous opinions on the subject. Some were for falling 
 upon them in the house, others thotight it would be 
 better to attack them in the field, and others that 
 we should not commence the strife untU we saw 
 what they wished to do.^ We agreed at length to 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 185 
 
 go out of the cottage, and take our way quietly to- chaptek 
 
 wards the ships. As soon as we did this, they fol — 
 
 lowed at a stone's throw behind us, talking earnest- 
 ly among themselves, and I think no less afraid of 
 us than we were of them ; for whenever we stop- 
 ped, they did the same, never coming nearer to us. 
 In this way we at length arrived at the shore, 
 where the boats were waiting for us — we entered 
 them, and as we were going off in the distance, 
 they leaped forward and shot many arrows after us, 
 but we had little fear of them now. We discharged 
 two guns at them, more to frighten than to injure, 
 and on hearing the report, they all fled to the moun- ' 
 tain. Thus we parted from them, and it appeared 
 to us that we had escaped from a perilous day's 
 work. These people were quite naked, like the 
 others we had seen, and on account of their large 
 stature, I call this island the Island of Giants.^ We 
 proceeded onward in a direction parallel with the 
 land, on which it often happened that we were 
 obliged to fight with the people, who were not will- 
 ing to let us take any thing away. 
 
 Our minds were fully prepared by this time for Thoughts oi 
 
 . returning to 
 
 returning to Castile. We had been at sea about a Spdn. 
 year, and had but little provision left, and that little 
 damaged, in consequence of the great heat through 
 which we had passed. From the time we left the 
 Island of Cape Verd until then, we had been sail- 
 ing continually in the torrid zone, having twice 
 
 1 This was probably the island of Curacoa. — Navarrete, torn, iii- 
 p. 259. 
 
 24 
 
 • 
 
186 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 X. 
 
 CHAPTER Possed the equinoctial line, as before stated ; hav 
 ing been five degrees beyond it to the south, and 
 then being fifteen degrees north of it. 
 
 Being thus disposed for our return, it pleased the 
 Holy Spirit to give us some repose from our great 
 labours. Going in search of a harbour, in order to 
 repair our ships, wefell in with a people who re- 
 ceived us with much friendship, and we found that 
 •they had a great quantity of oriental pearls, which 
 were very good. We remained with them forty- 
 seven days, and procured from them a hundred and 
 nineteen marks of pearls in exchange for a mere 
 trifle of our merchandise, which I think did not 
 cost us the value of forty ducats. We gave them 
 nothing whatever but bells, looking-ghisses, beads, 
 and brass plates ; for a bell, one would give all the 
 pearls he had. We learned from them how and 
 where they fished for these pearls, and they gave us 
 many oysters in which they grew. We procured 
 one oyster in which a hundred and thirty pearls 
 were growing, but in others there were a less num- 
 ber. The one with the hundred and thirty the 
 queen took from me, but the others I kept to my- 
 self, that she might not see them. 
 
 Your Excellency must know, that if the pearls 
 are not ripe and not loose in the shell, they do not 
 last, because they are soon spoiled. Of this !• have 
 seen many examples. When they are ripe, they 
 are loose in the oyster, and mingle with the flesh, 
 and then they are good. Even the bad ones which 
 they had, which for the most part were rough, and 
 
CHAPTER 
 X. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. jyy 
 
 disfigured with lioles, were nevertheless wortAi 
 considerable sum. '^ . 
 
 At the end of forty-seven days, we left these 
 people in great friendship with us, and from the 
 want of provisions went to the Island of Antilla, 
 which was discovered some years before by Chris- 
 topher Columbus. Here we obtained many sup- 
 plies, and staid two months and seventeen days. 
 We passed through many dangers and troubles 
 with the Christians wlio were settled in this island 
 with Columbus (I think through their envy), the 
 relation of which, in order not to be tedious, I omit. 
 We left there on the twenty-second of April, and 
 after sailing a month and a half, entered the port 
 of Cadiz, where we were received with much hon- 
 our, on the eighth day of June.^ . Thus terminated, 
 by the favour of God, my second voyage. 
 
 ■ The months of April and June sides, gives the correct date of the 
 
 are adopted by Canovai, and very termination of the voyage. Amer- 
 
 properly, instead of the months of icus says that it lasted thirteen 
 
 September and April, v,'hich are months; if it ended in September, 
 
 used in some other editions. This it vs^ould have been seventeen. — 
 
 reading makes the letter corres- See First Letter of Americus to 
 
 pond with that to De' Medici, de- De' Medici. Canovai, torn. i. p. 
 
 scribing the same voyage, and be- 151. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Unjustifiable Perversion of the Words of Americus. — Attack pf Sick- 
 ness. — New Spanish Fleet for him. — His Position in Spain. — Mo- 
 tives of the King of Portugal in attempting to gain the Services of 
 Americus.— First Attempt by Letter. — Second Attempt by a Mes- 
 senger. — Juliano Giocondo. — He leaves Spain secretly. — Goes to 
 Lisbon. — Reception at the Court of Emmanuel. — Importance of his 
 Voyage to the Kingdom of Portugal. — Extract from Thomson's 
 Seasons. — A Word respecting the Date of the Voyage. — Inaccuracy 
 of Herrera. 
 
 CHAPTER It was during the month of July, in the year 1500, 
 — ^ — that Americus wrote his letter to Lorenzo de' Medi- 
 
 ci, giving a description of the voyage which had just 
 been brought to a conclusion. He apologizes, as 
 has been seen, for his long silence, and gives as an 
 excuse for it, the reason, that nothing had occurred 
 to him worthy of being commemorated, excepting 
 that which he proceeded to narrate. A most un- 
 justifiable use has been made of this expression of 
 the navigator, by those who are desirous of discred- 
 iting his account of his first voyage. They argue 
 that it is equivalent to saying that he had not made 
 a previous voyage, for it would have been a remark- 
 able forgetfulness to have said that nothing of im- 
 portance had occurred, if he had made a previous 
 voyage, of eighteen lyonths duration, in 1497-8, 
 How much more ingenuous would it be to suppose 
 
LIFE AND VOYaSES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Igg 
 
 that he had previoijsly written De' Medician account chaptek 
 of that first voyage, in letters which have been lost — ^^^— 
 in the lapse of time, and that the interval between 
 those communications and the one under considera- 
 tion, a period of more than fourteen months at the,^ 
 least, compelled him to speak of his long silence and], 
 make excuses for it. The weakness of the argu-»**# 
 ment made use of to discredit him, is of itself an ev- 
 idence of the want of cogent proof in support of 
 their position.^ 
 
 Notwithstanding the severe attack of sickness Preparation 
 which Americus experienced immediately after his voyage from 
 
 , Spain. 
 
 return, (the quartan ague, contracted probably by 
 exposure to the unhealthy climate of the West In- 
 dies,) he devoted himself at once to preparation for 
 a third voyage. It would seem that the merchants 
 of Seville were not easily disheartened by the un- 
 profitable result, in a pecuniary point of view, of the 
 voyage of Ojeda and Americus ; or that the gov- 
 ernment itself had taken his fortunes under its spe- 
 cial charge. While, however, a new fleet was be- 
 I ing made ready, which he expected would be in 
 complete order for sea as early as the month of 
 September, some circumstances occurred which led 
 him to abandon the service of Spain and try his 
 fortune under the auspices of a new monarch. 
 
 What these circumstances were can now only be 
 conj ectured. Americus himself subsequently speaks 
 of the course which he had adopted in terms which 
 show that he did not leave Spain without doubting 
 
 ■ Irving, vol. ii. p. 886. 
 
190 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER iff his own mind the propriety «f the proceeding. 
 
 He stood deservedly high in the estimation of the 
 
 Court, and the amenity and modesty of his manners 
 had attached to him a great number of warm friends 
 and admirers. It is probable that he accepted the 
 offers, which were made to him by the King of 
 * Portugal, in a momentary feeling of pique at some 
 fancied neglect, or in disgust at the measures 
 brought about by persons envious of his well-earned 
 fame.^ 
 Reasons The motivcs of the King of Portugal in en- 
 
 which led ^ n • 
 
 King Era- deavouHug to secure the services of Americus are 
 
 manuel to 
 
 make offers yery apparent. The accidental , discovery made 
 
 to Amen- j i x J 
 
 cus. ^j Cabral, about a year before this time, who, 
 while attempting to double the Cape of Good 
 Hope, on his way to the East Indies, had been 
 driven across the South Atlantic to the shores of 
 Brazil by adverse winds, had given rise to dis- 
 putes and dissensions between the governments of 
 Spain and Portugal. These disputes had just 
 been settled by a compromise. The line of de- 
 marcation between their respective dominions was 
 changed, and removed three hundred and seventy 
 leagues west of its former position. Cabral saw 
 but very little of the country which he had fallen 
 in with so unexpectedly. He took formal posses- 
 sion of it, however, in the name of his sovereign, 
 and despatched one of the ships of his fleet to 
 give information of his discovery, while in the 
 meantime he pursued his original voyage.^ 
 
 > See chap. xiii. 2 Canovai, torn. ii. p. 79. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. jgj 
 
 The accounts of Americus respecting this ne?vly- chapter 
 acquired region could not have failed to reach the — ^- 
 ears of King Emmanuel. He found himself, bv 
 the recent agreement, put into possession of a 
 country far more extensive than the meagre re- 
 ports of Cabral could have warranted him to hope 
 for. Unable to avail himself of the servicers of that 
 navigator, and duly estimating the distinguished 
 reputation and skill of Americus, he spared no 
 pains to detach him from the service of Spain, 
 and entice him to Portugal. It was then that the 
 Portuguese government bitterly repented its re- 
 pulse of Columbus, and regretting deeply its ill- 
 timed economy. King Emmanuel resolved to tempt 
 Americus with the prospect of splendid rewards. 
 
 The first attempt which was made to induce Letters fron 
 
 I ■ , . . -r • *'^^ King of 
 
 him to accompany an expedition from Lisbon, was Portugal 
 
 ■^ -^ -^ ' and a mcs- 
 
 by letter from the king himself, and was unsuc- sengerscr.i 
 cessful. Americus, unprepared for the proposition, '="^- 
 delayed the bearer of the letter, and gave him at 
 last an answer in the negative. It was not, how- 
 ever, couched in such decided terms as to discour- 
 age the king, or preclude the possibility of gaining 
 him over at last. He pleaded ill-health, and said, 
 indefinitely, that when he recovered he might be 
 induced to go. 
 
 The second attempt was more favourably re- 
 ceived. Juliano Giocondo, an Italian, then resi- 
 dent at Lisbon, was despatched soon after, to en- 
 treat Americus with greater urgency. He came 
 at once to Seville, Vtiiere Americus was residing, 
 
192 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTEK and, by dint of earnest persuasion, induced him 
 — -at last to enter the service of Emmanuel. Ameri- 
 
 cus yielded, against the advice of his friends, who,, 
 according to his own account, all looked with Hi- 
 favour upon the project. Fearing that some 
 attempt might be made to detain him, he left the 
 kingdom privately, in company with Giocondo 
 and proceeded at once to Lisbon. 
 
 " It does not appear," says Oanovai, "that King 
 Ferdinand considered -himself wronged^ by the sud- 
 den flight, and, to say the least, apparent discourtesy 
 of Americus, in leaving the kingdom and the king, his 
 patron, without salutation or leave-taking. It was 
 probably looked upon as a trait of his reserved char- 
 acter, or an evidence of his aversion to idle and 
 slanderous rumours, which he was unwilling to 
 take the pains, to contradict. Rumours and whis- 
 perings soon die away, when;they have nothing to 
 feed upon, and when Americus returned, as though 
 from a journey, the slight was forgotten, and he 
 was treated with greater honour than before."' 
 
 Americus was received with open arms at the 
 court of Emmanuel, and commenced with ardour 
 the preparation of the fleet. It is impossible to 
 say who had the command of this expedition, but 
 it is apparent that its nautical management was 
 under the control of Americus, from the letters to 
 De' Medici and Soderini which follow. The navi-» 
 gator wrote three accounts of this his first voyage 
 in the Portuguese service, two of them directed to 
 
 ' Canovai, torn. ii. p. 80. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 193 
 
 De' Medici, of which the most elaborate is given, chapter 
 and the other to Soderini. He evidently looked — — — 
 upon it as the most important in its discoveries that 
 he had ever made, and he regarded it correctly. 
 Unfortunately, it was equally signalized by the 
 tempestuous weather he experienced in the course 
 of it. Had it not been for this, there is little doubt 
 that he would have realized all his hopes of a 
 southwestern passage to India, but the violent 
 storms he encountered compelled him to desist and 
 return to Portugal. 
 
 Notwithstanding, the results of the voyage were Great im- 
 of vast importance to Portugal. An immensely Ma^'.-vage 
 
 ■t => •'to Fortuf^ 
 
 wealthy comitry was added to her dominions, whose 
 mines of gold and diamonds furnished her most op- 
 portunely with resources for prosecuting her con- 
 quests and discoveries in the East. Then, to make 
 use of the graphic words in which the poet Thom- 
 son describes the effect of the voyages of De Gama, 
 originally suggested by Prince Henry, and which 
 may be applied with equal justice to this voyage of 
 Americus : 
 
 Then from ancient gloom emerged 
 The rising worid of trade : the genius, then, 
 Of Navigation, that in hopeless sloth 
 Had slumbered on the vast Atlantic deep 
 For idle ages, starting, heard at last 
 The Lusitanian prince, who,^ Heaven-inspired, 
 To love of useful glory roused mankind, 
 And an unbounded commerce mixed the world." 
 
 One word respecting the authenticity of the voy- 
 
 ' Thomson's Seasons — Summer. 
 25 
 
XI. 
 
 194 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERJCUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER age which is described in the two following chap- 
 ters. The Spanish historian' Herrera, as has been 
 seen, with the view of sustaining the position that 
 the first voyage of Americus was altogether suppo- 
 sititious, pretends that he was sailing in 1501, in the 
 company of Ojeda, in the Gulf of Darien.^ Most 
 unfortunately for the accurary of this historian, 
 there exists undoubted evidence to the contrary. 
 Peter Martyr, whose veracity is unquestionable, 
 states that Americus sailed many degrees south of 
 the line, in the Portuguese service.^ Numerous 
 other writers assert the same, though they differ 
 respecting the exact date of the voyage. Gomara, 
 however, fixes the date unequivocally, and expressly 
 declares that Americus was despatched by King 
 Emmanuel on a voyage of discovery in the year 
 1501.^ No reasonable doubt can then be enter- 
 tained that the voyage actually took place, and the 
 reader may safely peruse the accounts of the navi- 
 gator in spite of the unmanly attempts of partisan* 
 critics to injure his credibility. 
 
 1 Herrera, Historia, &c., Decad. ^ Gomara, Hist, of the Indies, 
 i. 1. 4, c. 11. chap. ciii. in Barcia's Hiatoria- 
 
 sMartyr.Ocean.D.ii. 1.1, p. 199. dores. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 SECOND LETTER OF AMERICUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRAN 
 
 CESCO DE' MEDICI, GIVING A BRIEF ACCOUNT OP HIS 
 
 THIRD VOYAGE, MADE FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL.^ 
 
 Departure from Cape Verd. — Anival at the Continent. — Heavenlj 
 Bodies. — ^Beauty of tlie Country. — Numerous Animals. — The Na- 
 tives destitute of Laws and Religion. — Their Food and Ornaments. 
 — Longevity. — Mode of Reckoning Time. — Their Wars and Canni- 
 balism. — Climate. — Products of the Country. 
 « 
 
 My Most Excellent Patron, Lorenzo : chapter 
 
 XII. 
 
 (After due commendation), My last letter to your " 
 
 Excellency w^as w^ritten from a place on the coast 
 of Guinea, called Cape Verd, and in it you were 
 informed of the commencement of my voyage. 
 This present letter vpill advise you of its continua- 
 tion and termination. 
 
 We started from the above-mentioned Cape, hav- Departure 
 
 from Cape 
 
 ing first taken in all necessary supplies of wood and Verdandaiv 
 water, to discover new lands in the ocean. We continent. 
 sailed on a southwesterly course, until, at the end 
 of sixty-four days, we discovered land, which, on 
 many accounts, we concluded to be Terra Firma. 
 We coasted this land about eight hundred leagues 
 
 ' This letter was published for entitled " Ricerche Istorico Crit- 
 the first time in the year 1789, by iche circa alle Scoperle d' Amerigo 
 Bartolozzi, at the close of his work Vespucci." 
 
196 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER in a direction west by south. It was full of inhab- 
 
 XII 
 
 '- — itants, and I notibed many remarkable things, which 
 
 I determined to narrate to your Excellency. , 
 Heavenly We Sailed in these seas until we entered the 
 
 Iwdies of tie 
 
 Southern Torrid Zone and passed to the south of the equi- 
 phere. noctial line and the Tropic of Capricorn, so that 
 we were fifty degrees to the south of the line. We 
 navigated here four mouths and twenty-seven days, 
 seeing neither the Arctic Pole, nor Ursa Major or 
 Minor. We discovered here many beautiful con- 
 stellations, invisible in the Northern Hemisphere, 
 and noted their marvellous movements and gran- 
 deur. We marked the course of their revolutions, 
 and with geometrical calculations determined the po- 
 sition of these heavenly bodies. The most notable 
 of the things which occurred in this voyage I have 
 collated for a small work, which, when I am at lei- 
 sure, I shall find occupation in completing, and which 
 will acquire for me some fame after my death. I 
 had in readiness a sketch of this to send to you, but 
 the King's Highness retains it, and when he returns 
 it, I will forward it as I proposed. In effect, my 
 navigation extended to a fourth part of the world, 
 and a line to my zenith there, made a right angle, 
 at the centre of the earth, with that of the inhabi- 
 tants of the Northern Hemisphere, forty degrees 
 above the equator. 
 Numerous To procced now to a description of the country, 
 mais, but of the plants therein, and of the customs of the in- 
 
 none that ^ 
 
 are domes- habitants, I would observe, that this region is most 
 delightful, and covered with immense forests, which 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. I97 
 
 never lose tlieir foliage, and throughout the year chapter 
 
 XII 
 
 yield the sweetest aromatic odours, and produce an '- — ■ 
 
 infinite variety of fruit, grateful to the taste, and 
 healthful for the body. In the fields flourish so 
 many sweet flowers and herbs, and the fruits are 
 so delicious in their fragrance, that I fancied myself 
 near the terrestrial paradise. What shall I tell 
 you of the birds, and of the brilliant colours of 
 their plumage 1 What of their variety, their sweet 
 songs, and their beauty 1 I dare not enlarge upon 
 this theme, for I fear that I should not be believed. 
 How shall I enumerate the infinite variety of syl- 
 van animals, lions, panthers, and catamounts, though 
 not not like those of our regions, wolves, stags, and 
 baboons of all kinds 1 We saw more wild animals, 
 such as wild hogs, kids, deer, hares, and rabbits, 
 than coujd ever have entered the ark of Noah, but 
 we saw no domestic animals whatever. 
 
 Now consider reasoning animals. We found 
 •the whole region inhabited by a race of people 
 who were entirely naked, both men and women. 
 They are well-proportioned in body, with black 
 hair, and little or no beard. I laboured much to 
 investigate their customs — remaining twenty-seven 
 days for that purpose — and the following is the in- 
 formation I acquired. 
 
 They have no laws, and no religious belief, but customs oi 
 live according to the dictates of nature alone. 
 They know nothing of the immortality of the 
 soul; they have no private property, but every 
 thing in common; they have no boundaries of 
 
198 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER kingdom or province ; they obey no king or lord, 
 
 '- — for it is wholly unnecessary, as they have no laws, 
 
 and each one is hi^' own master. They dwell 
 together in houses man like bells — in the con- 
 struction of which they use neither iron nor any 
 other metal. This is 'very remarkable, for I have 
 seen houses two hundred and twenty feet long, 
 and thirty feet wide, built with much skill, and 
 containing five or six hundred people. They sleep 
 in hammocks of cotton, suspended in the air, 
 without any covering ; they eat seated upon the 
 ground, and their food consists of the roots of 
 herbs, of fruits and fish. They eat, also, lobsters, 
 crabs, and oysters, and many other kinds of mus- 
 cles and shell-fish, which are found in the sea. 
 As to their meat, it is principally human flesh. 
 It is true that they devour the flesh of animals 
 and birds ; but they do not catch many, because 
 they have no dogs, and the woods are so thick, 
 and so filled with wild beasts, that they do not 
 care to go into them, without going in large bodies. 
 The men are in the habit of decorating their 
 lips and cheeks with bones and stones, which they 
 suspend from holes which they bore in them. I 
 have seen some of them with three, seven, and 
 even as many as nine holes, filled with white or 
 green alabaster — a most barbarous custom, which 
 they follow, in order, as they say, to make them 
 selves appear fierce and ferocious. 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 199 
 
 They are a people of great longevity. We met chapter 
 
 XII. 
 
 with many who had descendants of the fourth 
 degree. Not knowing how to compute time, and gevuyand 
 
 ° . ® ^ ' mode of 
 
 countmg neither days, months, or years, excepting computing 
 in so far as they count the. lunar months, when 
 they wanted to signify to us any particular dura- 
 tion of time, they did it by showing us a stone 
 for each moon ; and, computing in this manner, we 
 discovered that the age of one man that we saw 
 was seventeen hundred moons, or about one 
 hundred and thirty-two years, reckoning thirteen 
 moons to the year. 
 
 They are a warlike race, and extremely cruel. Their wars 
 
 * n I • 11 T-fc 1 ^^^ savage 
 
 All their arms and bows are, as Fetrarcli says, cmeity. 
 " committed to the winds ;" for they consist only 
 of spears, arrows, and stones. They use no 
 shields for the body — going to battle wholly na- 
 ked. There is no order or discipline in their 
 fights, except that they follow the counsels of the 
 old men. Most cruelly do they combat, and those 
 who conquer in the field bury their own dead, 
 but cut up and eat the dead of their enemies. 
 Some, who are taken prisoners, are carried to 
 their villages for slaves. Females taken in war, 
 they frequently marry ; and sometimes the male 
 prisoners are allowed to marry the daughters of 
 the tribe ; but occasionally a diabolical fury seems 
 to come over them, and, calling together their 
 relations and all the people, they sacrifice these 
 slaves, the children with their parents, with many 
 barbarous ceremonies. This we know of a cer- 
 
200 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER tainty; for we found much human flesh in theil 
 
 • houses, hung up to smoke, and we purchased ten 
 
 poor creatures from them, both men and women, 
 whom they were about to sacrifice, to save them 
 from such a fate. 
 
 Much as we reproached them on this account, 
 I cannot say whether they amended at all. The 
 most astonishing thing in all their wars and cru- 
 elty was, that we could not find out any reason 
 for them. They made wars against each other, 
 although they had neither kings, kingdoms, nor 
 jJroperty of any kind, without any apparent desire 
 to plunder, and without any lust for power, which 
 always appeared to me to be the moving causes of 
 wars and anarchy. When we asked them about 
 this, they gave us no other reason than that they 
 did so to avenge the murder of their ancestors. 
 To conclude this disgusting subject, one man 
 confessed to me that he had eaten of the flesh of 
 over two hundred bodies, and I believe it was the 
 truth, 
 caimateand In regard to the climate of this region, I should 
 
 health of the ° » ' 
 
 country, say that it was extremely pleasant and healthful ; 
 for, in all the time that we were there, which was 
 ten months, not one of us died, and only a few 
 were sick. They suffer from no infirmity, pesti- 
 lence, or corruption of the atmosphere, and die 
 only natural deaths, unless they fall by their own 
 hands, or in consequence of some accident. In 
 fact, physicians would have a bad time in such 
 a place. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 201 
 
 As we went there solely to make discoveries, and chapter 
 
 started with that view from Lisbon, without in ~ — 
 
 tending to look for any profit, we did not trouble «/ thrcoZ 
 ourselves to explore the country much, and found '^' 
 nothing of much value ; not that I do not believe 
 that it is capable, from its climate and general ap- 
 pearance, of containing every kind of wealth. It is 
 not to be wondered at, that we did not discover at 
 once every thing that might be turned to profit 
 there, for the inhabitants think nothing of gold, sil- 
 ver, or precious stones, and value only feathers and 
 bones. But I hope that I shall be sent again by 
 the King to visit these regions, and that many 
 years will not elapse, before they will bring im- 
 mense profit and revenue to the kingdom of Portu- 
 gal. We found great quantities of dye-wood, 
 enough to load all the ships that float, and costing 
 nothing. The same may be said of cassia. We 
 saw also crystals, spices, and drugs, but the qual- 
 ities of the last are unknown. 
 
 The inhabitants of the country tell of gold and 
 other metals, but I am one of those, who, like St. 
 Thomas, are slow to believe. Time will show all. 
 
 Most of the time of our stay, the heavens were 
 serene, and adorned with numerous bright and 
 beautiful stars, many of which I observed, with 
 their revolutions. This may be considered a 
 schedule, or, as it were, a capita rerum, of the things 
 which I have seen in these parts. Many things 
 are omitted, which are worthy of being mentioned, 
 in order to avoid prolixity, and because they are 
 
 26 
 
202 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 
 
 CHAPTER found in my account of the voyage. As yet I 
 
 tarry in Lisbon, vraiting the pleasure of the King, 
 
 to determine what I shall do. May it please God 
 that I do vrhatever is most to his glory and the 
 salvation of my soul. 
 
 Your Excellency's servant, 
 
 Americus Vespdcius, 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 SECOND LETTER OP AMERIOUS TO LORENZO DI PIER-FRAN- 
 CESCO DE' MEDICI, GIVING A FULLER ACCOUNT OF HIS 
 THIRD VOYAGE, MADE FOR THE KING OF PORTUGAL.! 
 
 Preamble respecting the First Letter of Araericus to De Medici. — 
 Sails from Lisbon May 13th, 1501. — Arrives at the Canaries.— Coasts 
 the Shores of Africa. — Experiences violent Gales. — Provisions fall 
 short. — Long Passage. — Despair at their Situation. — Arrive at last 
 at the Continent. — Ignorance of the Pilots. — Astronomical Observa- 
 tions of Americus.— Coast along the Shores of South America. — 
 Intercourse with the Natives.^-Thickly-inhabited Country. — Sin- 
 gular Customs of the Natives. — Their Mode of Life. — Cannibalism 
 again. — Climate and Fniits. — Stars of the Antarctic Pole. — Beautiful 
 Iris or Rainbow. — Geometrical Calculations of Americus. — Grati- 
 tude to the Supreme Being. — Arrival at Lisbon. — Another Voyage 
 in Contemplation. 
 
 In days past, I gave your Excellency a full ac- chapter 
 
 count of my return, and if I remember aright, wrote 1— . 
 
 you a description of all those parts of the 'New 
 World which I had visited in the vessels of his se- 
 rene highness the King of Portugal. Carefully con- 
 sidered, they appear truly to form another world, 
 and therefore we have, not without reason, called 
 it the New World. Not one of all the ancients had 
 
 ' One circumstance distinguishes er with corrupt Spanish. The 
 
 this letter from the others of Amer- text of Ramusio is purely Tuscan, 
 
 icus. It is not in the Italian ver- and is copied by Canovai, from 
 
 sions, filled, as all the rest are, with whom this translation is made. — 
 
 Italianized Spanish words, or rath- Canouai, tom. i. p. 153, 154. , 
 
204 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER any knowledge of it, and the things which have 
 — -- — been lately ascertained by us, transcend all their 
 ideas. They thought there was nothing south of 
 the equinoctial line but an immense sea, and some 
 poor and barren islands. The sea they called the 
 Atlantic, and if sometimes they confessed that there 
 might be land in that region, they contended that it 
 must be sterile, and could not be otherwise than 
 uninhabitable. 
 
 The present navigation has controverted their 
 opinions, and openly demonstrated to all, that they 
 were very far from the truth. Beyond the equinoc- 
 tial line, I found countries more fertile and more 
 thickly inhabited, than I have ever found any where 
 else, even in Asia, Africa, and Europe, as will be 
 jnore fully manifested by duly attending to the fol- 
 lowing relation. Setting aside all minor matters, I 
 shall relate only those of the greatest importance, 
 which are well worthy of commemoration, and 
 those which I have personally seen or heard of 
 from men of credibility. I shall now speak with 
 much care concerning those parts most recently dis- 
 covered, and without any romantic addition to the 
 truth. 
 Departure With happy omeus of success, we sailed from 
 ^May^thT Lisbon, with three armed caravels, on the thir- 
 teenth day of May, 1501, to explore, by command 
 of the king, the regions of the New World. Steer- 
 ing a southwest course, we sailed twenty months, 
 in the manner which I shall now relate. In the 
 first place, we went to the Fortunate Islands, 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 206 
 
 which are now called the Grand Canaries. They chaptkr 
 are in the third cUmate, in the farthest part of the ^' ■ 
 West which is inhabited. After navigating the 
 ocean, we ran along the coast of Africa and the 
 country of the blacks, as far as the promontory 
 which is called by Ptolemy, Etiopo, by our people. 
 Cape Verd, and by the negroes, Biseneghe, while 
 the inhabitants themselves call it Madanghan. 
 The country is situated within the Torrid Zone, in 
 about fourteen degrees north latitude, and is inhab- 
 ited by the blacks. Here having refreshed our- 
 selves, and reposed awhile, we took in every kind 
 of provision, and set sail, directing our course to- 
 ■\^ ards the Antarctic Pole. 
 
 We bore a little to the west, as the wind was Saii on a 
 easterly, and we never saw land until after we had eX course 
 sailed three months and three days consecutively, ence severe 
 
 iTCTi -111 Storms. 
 
 What great toils and dangers we were exposed to 
 in this navigation, what troubles and vexations we 
 suffered, and how often we were disgusted with 
 life, I shall leave those to judge who have had sim- 
 ilar experience — those particularly who know what 
 great difficulties are met with, while looking for un- 
 certain things, and attempting discoveries in places 
 where man has never before been ; but I would not 
 wish any one to be our judge who has had no expe- 
 rience in these things. 
 
 To shorten my relation as much as possible, yoiu- 
 Excellency must know, that we sailed ninety-seven 
 days, experiencing harsh and cruel fortune. Durine 
 forty-fom* days, the heavens were in great commo- 
 
20(5 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 cHAn-ER tion, and we had nothing but thunder and lightning 
 ■ ^"'" and drenching rain. Dark clouds covered the sky, 
 so that by day we could see but little better than 
 we could in ordinary nights, without moonshine. 
 Our nights were of the blackest darkness. The 
 fear of death came over us, and the hope of life al- 
 most deserted us. After all these heavy afflictions, 
 at last it pleased God, in his- mercy, to have com- 
 passion on us and to save our lives. On a sudden, 
 the land appeared in view, and at the sight of it 
 our courage, which had fallen very low, and our 
 strength, which had become weakness, immediate- 
 ly revived. Thus it usually happens to those who 
 have passed through great affliction, and especially 
 to those who have been preserved from the rage of 
 evil fortune. 
 Come to an- Ou the Seventeenth day of August, in the year 
 gusTiTth, 1501, we anchored by the shore of that country, 
 and rendered to the Supreme Being our most 
 sincere thanks, according to the Christian custom, 
 in a solemn celebration of mass.^ The land we 
 discovered did not appear to be an island, but a 
 continent, as it extended far away in the distance, 
 without any appearance of termination.^ It was 
 
 iBandini makes a mistake in this Americus should not at once havi 
 
 date, giving it as the first day of recognized the continent which he 
 
 August; other editions have it the had visited beforeinhissecondvoy- 
 
 17th of August, which is correct, age, and have mentioned the fact ; 
 
 as Americus started on the 13th but it must not be forgotten that 
 
 of May, and sailed three months his vessels had been buffeting with 
 
 and three days. — Canovai, tom. i. severe gales, and driven for some 
 
 p. 158. time almost at the mercy of the 
 
 i It may seem strange that waves — that he reached land, sit- 
 
 - /// 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 207 
 
 beautifully fertile, and very thickly inhabited. All chaptek 
 sorts of wild animals, which are wholly unknown --^'— 
 in our parts, were there found in abundance. 
 Many other things I would describe, but have 
 studiously avoided mentioning, in order that rrv 
 work might not become large beyond measure. 
 One thing only I feel that I should not omit; it 
 is, that, aided by the goodness of God, in due time, 
 and according to our need, we saw land ; for we 
 were not able to sustain ourselves any longer; 
 all our provisions having failed us; our wood, 
 water, biscuit, salt meat, cheese, wine, oil, and, 
 what is more, our vigour of mind, all gone. By 
 God's mercy, therefore, our lives were spared, and 
 to him we ought to render thanks, honour, and 
 glory. 
 
 We were unanimously of opinion that our navi- 
 gation should be continued along this coast, and 
 that we should not lose sight of it. We sailed, 
 therefore, in accordance with this conclusion, till 
 we arrived at a certain cape, which makes a turn 
 to the south This cape is, perhaps, three hun- 
 dred leagues distant from the place where we 
 first saw lanG in sailing this distance we often 
 lan<!ecl, ano had intercourse with the inhabitants, 
 H; viL' bf more elaborately mentioned hereafter. 
 i Ue.ve .rntted to state that this newly-discovered 
 
 aatei .> , least fifty leagues farther all he might have recognized it 
 
 eiuucb than he did before, in a dif- without thinking it important to 
 
 ten at season, and when the coun- say that he did so. — Canovai, torn. 
 
 uy was not overflowed. After i. p. 158. 
 
$?08 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 OHAPTER land is about seven hundred leagues distant from 
 
 XIIT. 
 
 '■ — Cape Verd, though I was persuaded that we had 
 
 sailed more than eight hundred. This was partly 
 owing to the severe storm and our frequent acci- 
 dents, and partly to the ignorance of the pilot; 
 both of which causes had a tendency to lengthen 
 the voyage. 
 Ignorance of We had arrived at a place which, if I had not 
 
 the pilots. 
 
 possessed some knowledge of cosmography, by the 
 negligence of the pilot, - would have finished the 
 course of our lives. There was no pilot who 
 knew our situation within fifty leagues, and we 
 went rambling about, and should not have known 
 whither we were going, if I had not provided in 
 season for my own safety and that of my com- 
 panions, with the astrolabe and quadrant, my 
 astrological instruments. On this occasion I ac- 
 quired no little glory for myself; so that, from 
 that time forward, I was held in such estimation 
 by my companions, as the learned are held in by 
 people of quality. I explained the sea-charts to 
 them, and made them confess that the ordinary 
 pilots were ignorant of cosmography, and knew 
 nothing in comparison with myself 
 
 The cape of this newly-discovered land, which 
 turned towards the south, was an object which 
 excited in us a great desire to arrive at it, and 
 examine it attentively. It was determined, by 
 common consent, to make an investigation, and un- 
 derstand the customs and disposition of the people 
 of the country. We sailed, accordingly, near the 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 209 
 
 coast for about six hundred leagues. We landed chaptek 
 
 often, and often came to a parley with the in ^^ — • 
 
 habitants, who received us with honoiu-, and in 
 a very friendly manner. Having discovered their 
 kindness, and very innocent nature, we staid with 
 them, not without receiving much honour, for 
 fifteen or twenty days at a time. They are ex- 
 tremely courteous in entertaining strangers, which 
 will be more clearly shown hereafter. This con- 
 tinent commences at eight degrees south of the 
 equinoctial line, and we sailed so far along the 
 coast, that we passed seventeen degrees beyond 
 the winter tropic, towards the Antarctic Pole, 
 which was here elevated fifty degrees above the 
 horizon. 
 
 The things which I saw there are unknown to 
 the men of our times. That is, the people, their 
 customs, their humanity, the fertility of the soil, 
 the mildness of the atmosphere, the salubrious sky, 
 the celestial bodies, and above all the fixed stars 
 of the eighth sphere, of which no mention has ever 
 been made. In fact, until now they have never 
 been known, even by the most learned of the an- 
 cients, and I shall speak of them therefore more 
 particularly. 
 
 This country is more numerously inhabited than a thickiy- 
 
 •' 111 inhabited 
 
 any I had seen for some time, and the people are coun^y^ 
 very mild and familiar. They do not offend any customs. 
 one ; they go entirely as nature has brought them 
 forth; naked they are born, and naked they die. 
 Their bodies are very well formed, and may be 
 
 27 
 
210 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 ciiAPTEK said to be fairly proportioned ; their colour is of a 
 
 reddish cast, which is owing partly to their being 
 
 naked, and therefore easily sunburnt ; their hair is 
 black, but long and straight. In walking and in 
 their games they display superior dexterity. They 
 have handsome faces and a noble aspect, but they 
 deform them in an incredible manner by perfora- 
 tion. Tlieir cheeks, their jaws, their noses, lips 
 and ears have not one little hole only, but many 
 large ones in them ; so that I have often seen one 
 have seven holes in his face, each of the size of a 
 damson plum. Having dug out the flesh, they fill 
 the holes with certain blue pebbles, of bright mar- 
 ble, or beautiful alabaster, or ivory, or of very white 
 bones, made according to their fashion, and very 
 conveniently wrought. This thing appears so 
 uncouth, disgusting, and barbarous, , that at the 
 first sight, a man having his face filled with 
 . stones and pierced with many holes, appeared like 
 a monster. It will hardly be believed, that one 
 man had seven stones in his face, each one more 
 than half a span in size ; there is no one, indeed, 
 who would not be astonished by an attentive exam- 
 ination of things so monstrous. Nevertheless they 
 are true, for I myself have often seen seven stones 
 placed in this fashion, and nearly sixteen ounces in 
 weight. 
 
 In the ears they wear more precious ornaments, 
 such as rings fastened in, and pendant pearls after 
 the fashion of the Egyptians and Indians. The 
 custom of wearing stones is observed by the men 
 
natives. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 211 
 
 alone. The women only wear ornaments in the chaptek 
 ears. They have neither wool nor flax, consequent- ^'"' . 
 ly they have no cloth at all, neither do they use 
 cotton clothing, as by going entirely naked they 
 have no need of any garments. 
 
 There is no patrimony among them, but every Domestic 
 thing is common. They have neither king nor em- ''*''''" °f*« 
 pire ; each one is a king by himself. They take as 
 many wives as they please. In the intercourse of 
 the sexes they have no regard to kindred, inter- 
 marrying the son with the mother, and the brother 
 with the sister, and dissolving these connections 
 whenever it pleases them, for they are wholly with- 
 out laws, and live ungoverned by reason. They 
 have neither temples nor religion, and do not even 
 worship idols. What more shall I say 1 They 
 have a wicked and licentious manner of living, 
 more like the style of the Epicureans than that of 
 the Stoics. They carry on no commerce, and have 
 no knowledge of money. Still they have strife 
 among them, and fight cruelly, and without any or- 
 der. The old men, by their speeches, stir up the 
 young men, draw them into their opinions when- 
 ever they please, and inflame them for war, in 
 which they kill their enemies. If they overcome 
 and. subdue them, they eat them, and consider them 
 very delicious food. They feed on human flesh to 
 such a degree, that the father may eat the son, or 
 the son may eat the father, as the chance may be. 
 I saw one very wicked wretch who boasted, and 
 held it as no small glory to himself, that he had 
 
212 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER eaten more than three hundred men. I saw also a 
 '■ — certain town, in which I remained perhaps twenty- 
 seven days, where human flesh, having been salted, 
 was suspended from the beams of the dwellings, as 
 we suspend the flesh of the wild boar from the 
 beams of the kitchen, after having dried it in the 
 Sim or smoked it, or as we suspend sausages and 
 other similar things. They were greatly astonished 
 that we did not eat our enemies, whose flesh, they 
 say, excites the appetite, and has an extraordinary 
 relish, and is of a most sweet and delicate flavour. 
 Their arras. Their arms are bows and arrows, and the latter 
 
 Their lon- 
 gevity, being pointed with iron, they fight most cruelly 
 
 with them, as those who are naked are assaulted 
 
 and wounded like brute animals. We endeavoured 
 
 many times to convert them to our opinions, and 
 
 often admonished them, for the purpose of inducing 
 
 them finally to abandon such an infamous custom 
 
 as an abomination. Many times they promised us 
 
 to refrain from practising such cruelty. 
 
 They live a hundfed and fifty years, according to 
 what I could learn, and are very seldom sick.^ If 
 
 1 "I found such a very perfect life of the Indians to the habit of 
 and singular atmosphere in this anointing their bodies "with oily- 
 country (Arabia Felix), that I substances, ''At this day," says 
 spoke with many persons who had a writer, " the natives of Brazil 
 lived more than a hundred and anoint themselves, and are very 
 twenty-five years, and they were long lived, so much so, that five 
 yet in good health and hearty." — years ago, some French friars met 
 Ramusio, tom. i. p. 155. Some some natives, who remembered 
 writers have attributed the long thebuild'ngofPemambuco, ahun- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 21? 
 
 they chance to fall into any infirmity, they cure them- chapter 
 
 selves immediately with the juice of herbs. These — - 
 
 are the things I have discovered among them, which 
 are worthy of esteem : the temperate atmosphere, the 
 favourable sky, and long life ; and this arises, perhaps, 
 from the east wind, which blows there continually, 
 and has the same effect on them that the north 
 wind has on us. They take great pleasure in fish- 
 ing, and for the most part live by it, nature aiding 
 them to that effect, as the sea abounds there with 
 all sorts of fish. With hunting they are little de- 
 lighted, on account of the great multitude of wild 
 animals, through fear of which they do not pursue 
 their game in the forests. All sorts of lions, bears, 
 and other animals are seen there. The trees grow 
 to an almost incredible height, and they refrain, 
 therefore, from going into the forests, because, being 
 naked and unarmed, they would not be able safely 
 to contend with the wild beasts. 
 
 The climate is very temperate, and the country 
 fruitful, and supremely delightful. Although it has 
 many hills, yet it is watered by a great number of 
 springs and rivers, and the forests are so closely 
 studded that one cannot pass through them, on ac- 
 count of the thickly-standing trees. Among these 
 ramble ferocious ' animals of various kinds. The 
 trees and fruits grow without the labour of cultiva- 
 tion, and indeed their fruits are most excellent, and 
 are found in great abundance. Yet they are not 
 
 dred and twenty years since, and of manhood." — Hist. Vit.etMort. 
 they had then arrived at the age p. 536. Canovai, torn. i. p. 169. 
 
214 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER pernicious to the system, though very unlike our 
 
 XII [ 
 
 — own. In like manner, the earth produces great 
 
 quantities of herbs, and roots of which they make 
 bread and other eatables. There are many kinds 
 of grain, but they are not exactly similar to ours. 
 The country produces no metal except gold, of 
 which there is a great abundance. Though we in 
 this first voyage have brought home none, yet all 
 the people of the country certified to the fact, af- 
 firming that the region abounded in gold, and say- 
 ing that among tliem it was little esteemed, and 
 nearly valueless. They have many pearls and pre- 
 cious stones, as we have recorded before. Now 
 though I should be willing to describe all these 
 things particularly, from the great number of them, 
 and th(?ir diverse nature, this history would become 
 too extensive a work. Pliny, a most learned man, 
 who compiled histories of many things, did not im- 
 agine the thousandth part of these. If he had 
 treated of each one of them, he would have made 
 a much larger, but in trAth a very perfect work. 
 The climate The various species of parrots, and their varie- 
 
 beautyof gated colours, afFoM particularly no small matter 
 
 the country . 
 
 suggest the of astonislimeut. The trees all yield an odour of 
 
 idea of a _ "^ 
 
 terrestrial unimaginable sweetness, and from all of them issue 
 
 paradise. ° ' 
 
 gums, liquors, and juices. If we knew their virtues, 
 I think there would be nothing wanting to us, Qot 
 . only in regard to our pleasures, but in regard to the 
 maintenance of our health, or to the recovering of 
 it when lost. If there, is a terrestrial paradise in 
 the world, it cannot be far from this region. The 
 
A;.ii:?JGirs vespucius. 215 
 
 country, as I have said before, facing the south has chapter 
 
 XIII 
 
 such a temperate climate, that in winter they have '- — 
 
 no cold, and in summer they are not troubled with 
 heat. 
 
 The sky and the atmosphere are seldom over- Astmiomi- 
 shadowed with clouds, a;nd the days are almost tions. 
 always serene. Dew sometimes falls, but very 
 lightly, and only for the space of three or four hours, 
 and then vanishes like mist. They have scarcely 
 any vapours, and the sky is splendidly adorned with 
 stars imknown to us ; of which I have retained a 
 particular remembrance, and have enumerated as 
 many as twenty, whose brightness is equal to that 
 of Venus and Jupiter. I considered also their cir- 
 cuit and their various motions, and having a know- 
 ledge of geometry, I easily measured their circum- 
 ference and diameter, and I am certain, therefore, 
 they are of much greater magnitude than men im- 
 agine. Among the others, I saw three Canopi. 
 Two were very bright ; the third was dim, and un- 
 like the others.^ 
 
 ft 
 
 ' The splendour and beauty less revolving." — Ramusio, torn, 
 
 of these stars probably induced i. p. 177, E. 
 
 Americus to give them the name Cadamosto, speaks of observa- 
 
 of Canopus, which is the most tions taken by him of these stars, 
 
 brilliant star in the constellation and describing the situation of 
 
 Argo. Corsali, an ancient Flor- them, says, " The North Star ap- 
 
 entine navigator, speaks thus of peared very low upon the sea, be- 
 
 the Antarctic stars which occu- ing not more than the length of a 
 
 pied the attention of Americus : lance above it. We saw six stars 
 
 " Here we saw an admirable order low upon the sea, clear, bright, 
 
 of stars, which in that part of the and large, and ranging them by 
 
 heavens which is opposite to our the compass, we concluded that 
 
 North Star were exhibited in end • they were the Ursa Major of the 
 
216 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER The Antarctic Pole has not the Ursa Major and 
 
 XIII. ■«,.,. 1 • T^ 1 • 
 
 Minor, which may be seen at our Arctic Pole ; nei- 
 
 The stars of , i • i i 
 
 the South- ther are there any bright stars touching the pole, 
 phere. but of tliose which revolve round it, there are four 
 in the form of a quadrangle. While these are rising, 
 there is seen at the left a brilliant Canopus, "of ad- 
 mirable magnitude, vrhich, having reached mid-sky, 
 forms the figure of a triangle. To these succeed 
 three other briUiant stars, of which the one placed 
 in the centre has twelve degrees of circumference. 
 In the midst of them is another brilliant Canopus. 
 After these follow six other bright stars, whose 
 splendour surpasses that of all others in the eighth 
 sphere. The middle one is thirty-two degrees in 
 circumference. After these figures follows a large 
 Canopus, but it is dim. These are all to be seen in 
 the mUky way, and when they arrive at the merid- 
 ian, show the figure of a triangle, but have two 
 sides longer than the other. 
 
 I saw there many other stars, and carefully ob- 
 serving their various motions, composed a book, 
 which treats of them particularly. In this book I 
 
 South, but the principal star we rainbow, and the falling stars, is 
 
 did not see." — Ramusio, torn. i. p. in accordance with the taste and 
 
 107, B. phraseology of the age in which 
 
 Giuntini writes, " Those, who he lived, and is, consequently, very 
 
 in this age, have taken a voyage slightly confonnable to the ideas 
 
 from Spain towards the South, re- of philosophers and astronomers 
 
 late that many bright stars are of the present day. This note is 
 
 to be seen about the Southern inserted to illustrate the views of 
 
 Pole, of which Americus Vespu- cotemporaneous navigators, and of 
 
 cius, our Florentine, is said to have writers who flourished at aboul 
 
 enumerated twenty." the same time. — Cmuniai, torn. L 
 
 The reasoning of Americus con- p. 173-176. 
 ceming the Southern Stars, the 
 
AJMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 217 
 
 have related almost all the remarkable things which chaptek 
 
 XIII. 
 
 I encountered in the course of my navigation, and 
 with which I have become acquainted. 
 
 This book is at present in the possession of his work of 
 Most Serene Highness, the King, and I hope he the subject 
 
 .■,1 . . . ofastrono- 
 
 will return it soon into my hands. I examined my. 
 some things in that hemisphere very diligently, 
 which enable me to contradict the opinions of phi- 
 losophers, being altogether repugnant to them. 
 Among other things, I saw the rainbow, that is, the 
 celestial arch, which is white near midnight.^ Now 
 in the opinion of some, it takes the colour of the 
 four elements — the red, from fire ; the green, from 
 the eaillij the white, from the air; and the blue, from 
 the water. Aristotle, in his book entitled "Meteors," 
 is of a very different opinion. He says, " The celes- 
 tial arch is a repercussion of the sun's rays, in the va- 
 
 I "By this white rainbow, he "arch," but an entire circle, and 
 means, perhaps, that he had seen is not very rare among us, having 
 some of those crowns which as- been often particularly mentioned 
 tronomers call ' Halos,' and which by navigators. "They saw," 
 appear round the moon, and other says Cook, " almost every mom- 
 planets and fixed stars, and are ing a rainbow, until one night in 
 often of whitish colour," &c. the forepart of July, they saw one 
 Thus writes Bandini, commenting astonishingly beautiful, occasioned 
 on this passage, in the letter of by the refraction of the light of 
 Americus. A Portuguese pilot the moon." — Cook's Voyages, vol. 
 speaks o f such a rainbow in the v. p. 287. " The palest light of 
 work of Ramusio: " It has been the moon produces in like manner 
 noticed," says he, " after a rain, a rainbow, which is less observed 
 that the moon, by night, makes on account of its faint and fading 
 that appearance of the Iris called colours, but I observed one with 
 the bow, such as is made by the very lively colours, on the twenty- 
 sun in the daytime. But the ninth of June, 1773," &c. — Ihid. 
 colours made by the moon are like vol. ix. p. 134. Canovai, torn i. 
 white mist."— Tom. i. p. 116, D. p. 177, 178. 
 Now the Halo does not form an 
 
 28 
 
218 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 cHAPi'ER pours of the clouds where they meet, as brightr 
 
 '- — ness, reflected from the water upon I'.e wall, returns 
 
 to itself. By its interposition it tempers the heat of 
 the sun ; by resolving itself into rain, it fertilizes the 
 earth, and by its splendour beautifies the heavens. 
 It demonstrates that the atmosphere is filled with 
 humidity, which will disappear forty years before 
 the end of the world, which will be an indication 
 of the dryness of the elements. It announces peace 
 between God and men, is always opposite the sun, 
 is never seen at noon, because the sun is never in 
 the north." But Pliny says, that after the .lUtumnal 
 equinox, it appears at every hour. This I have 
 extracted from the Comments of Landino on the 
 fourth book of the ^Eneiad, and I mention it that 
 no one may be deprived of the fruit of his labours, 
 and that appropriate honours may be rendered to 
 every one. 
 
 I saw this bow two or three times ; neither am 
 I alone in my reflections upon this subject. Many 
 mariners are also of my opinion. We saw, also, 
 the new moon at mid-day, as it came into conjunc- 
 tion with the sun. There were seen, also, every 
 night, vapours and burning flames flashing across 
 the sky. A little above, I called this region by 
 the name of hemisphere, which, if we would not 
 speak improperly, cannot be so called, when com- 
 paring it with our own. It appeared only to 
 present that form partially, and it seemed to us 
 niustration Speaking improperly to call it a hemisphere, 
 pedes. As I havc bcforc stated, we sailed from Lisbon. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 219 
 
 xin. 
 
 which is nearly forty degrees distant from th( chapter 
 equinoctial line towards the north, to this country 
 which is fifty degrees on the other side of the line , 
 the sum of these degrees is ninety, and is the 
 fourth part of the circumference of the globe, ac- 
 cording to the true reckoning of the ancients. It 
 is therefore manifest to all, that we measured the 
 fourth part of the Earth. We, who reside in 
 Lisbon, nearly forty degrees north of the equinoc- 
 tial line, are distant from those who reside on the 
 other side of the line, in angular meridional length, 
 ninety degrees ; that is, obliquely. In order thai 
 the case may be more plainly understood, I would 
 observe, that a perpendicular line starting from 
 that point in the heavens which is our zenith, 
 strikes those obliquely who are fifty degrees be- 
 yond the equinoctial line ; whence it appears that 
 we are in the direct line, and they, in comparison 
 with us, are in the oblique one, and this situation 
 forms the figure of a right-angled triangle, of which 
 we have the direct lines, as the figure more clearly 
 demonstrates.^ I have thus spoken with sufficient 
 prolixity as to cosmography. 
 
 Such are the things which in this, my last navi- 
 gation, I have considered worthy of being made 
 known; nor have I, without reason, called this 
 
 1 The figure spoken of consists, our zenith, the second, drawn at 
 
 as will be seen on the next page, right angles -with it, will strike the 
 
 of two straight lines extending zenitii of a person standing at 
 
 from the centre of the earth to the ninety degrees distance from us. — 
 
 sky. If the first hne strikes the Canovai, torn. i. p. 182. 
 point in the heavens, which is at 
 
22U 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGKS OF 
 
 ClIAPTEK 
 XIII. 
 
 ij iwstr()_zeniio\ 
 
 work the "Third Journey." I have before com- 
 posed two other books on navigation which, by 
 command of Ferdinand, King of Castile, I per- 
 formed in the West, in which many things not 
 unworthy of being made known are particularly 
 described; especially those which appertain to 
 the glory of our Saviour, who, with marvellous 
 skill, built this inachine, the world. And, in 
 truth, who can ever sufficiently praise God? I 
 have related marvellous things concerning him 
 in the aforesaid work. I have stated briefly that 
 which relates to the position and ornaments of 
 the globe ; so that when I shall be more at leisure, 
 I may be able to write out, with greater care, a 
 work upon cosmography, in order that future ages 
 may bear me in remembrance. Such works teach 
 me more fully, from day to day, to honour the 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 221 
 
 Supreme God, and finally to arrive at the knowl- cHiPTEu 
 edge of those things which our ancestors and the — ^'"- — 
 ancient fathers had no acquaintance with. With 
 most humble prayers I supplicate our Saviour, 
 whose province it is to have compassion upon 
 mortals, that he will prolong my life sufficiently, 
 that I may perform what I have pui-posed to do. 
 My three journeys I think I shall defer writing 
 about in full till another time. Probably when 
 I have returned safe and sound to my native 
 country, with the aid and counsel of learned men, 
 and with the encouragement of friends, I shall 
 write with greater care a larger work. 
 
 Your Excellency will pardon me for not having Apology fcr 
 sent you the journals which I kept from day to the joumafs 
 
 1 • 1 • 1 • • Til . of the voy- 
 
 day m this my last navigation, as 1 had promised age. 
 to do. The king has been the cause of it, and he 
 still retains my pamphlets. But since 1 have 
 delayed performing this work until the present 
 day, perhaps I shall add the fourth "Journey." 
 I contemplate going again to explore that southern 
 part of the New World; and for the purpose of 
 carrying out such intention, two vessels are al- 
 ready 'armed and equipped, and abundantly sup- 
 plied with provisions. I shall first go eastward, 
 before ^making the voyage south ; I shall then sail 
 to the southwest, and when I shall have arrived 
 there, I shall do many things for the praise and 
 glory of God, the benefit of my native C9untry, 
 the perpetual memory of my name, and partic-u- 
 
222 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPDCID6. 
 
 xiri. 
 
 CHAPTER larly for the honour and solace of my old age 
 which has already nearly come upon me. 
 
 There is nothing wanting in this affair but the 
 leave of the king; and when this is obtained, as 
 it soon will be, we shall sail on a long voyage, 
 and may it please God to give it a happy ter- 
 mination. 
 
 Your Excellency's servant, 
 
 Am^ricus Vespdcids. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE LETTER TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING 
 A DESCRIPTION OP THE THIRD VOYAGE OP AMERICUg. 
 
 Stay at Lisbon after Second Voyage. — Letters from the King of Por- 
 tugal. — Juliano Bartolomeo del Giocondo sent from Lisbon to urge 
 Americus to sail in the Portuguese Service. — His Consent and De- 
 parture for Lisbon. — Sails from Lisbon, 13th of May, 1501. — En- 
 counters severe Storms. — Arrives at the Continent. — Sails along 
 the Shores. — Attempts to treat with the Natives. — Two of the 
 Crew proceed Inland. — Treachery of the Natives. — One of the Crew 
 killed and eaten. — Learn the Death of the other two. — At length 
 meet with Friendly Natives. — Continue the Voyage to the North. 
 — April 7th, discover New Land. — More severe Storms. — Return 
 to Lisbon. — ^Arrive on the Seventh of September, 1502. 
 
 I WAS reposing myself in Seville, after the many chapteu 
 
 toils I had undergone in the two voyages made for '■ — 
 
 His Serene Highness Ferdinand, King of Castile, in 
 the Indies, yet indulging a willingness to return to 
 the land of pearls, when fortune, not seeming to be 
 satisfied with my former labours, inspired the mind 
 of his Serene Majesty, Don Emmanuel, King of Por- 
 tugal (I know not through what circumstances), to 
 attempt to avail himself of my services. There 
 came to me a royal letter from his Majesty, contain- 
 ing a solicitation that I would come to Lisbon and 
 speak with his highness, he promising to show me 
 many favours. I did not at once determine to go, 
 and argued with the messenger, telling him I was 
 
224 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER ill, and indisposed for the undertaking, but that 
 
 '■ — when I recovered, if his Highness vpished me to 
 
 serve him, I would do whatever he might com- 
 mand me. 
 Persuasions Seeing that .he could not obtain me, he sent Juli- 
 
 to induce ° i i • 
 
 Americus to ano di Bartolomeo del Giocondo, who at that tune 
 
 go to Lis- 
 
 >.nn. resided in Lisbon, with commission to use every 
 possible means to bring me back with him.^ Juli- 
 ano came to Seville, and on his arrival, and in- 
 duced by his urgent entreaties, I was persuaded to 
 go, though my going was looked upon with ill-fa- 
 vour by all who knew me. It was thus regarded 
 by my friends, because I abandoned Castile, where 
 I had been honoured, and because they thought 
 that the king had rightful possession of me, and it 
 was considered still worse that I departed without 
 taking leave of my host, 
 
 Having presented myself at the court of King 
 Emmanuel, he appeared to be highly pleased with 
 my coming, and requested that I would accompany 
 his three ships which were ready to set out for the 
 discovery of new lands. Thus, esteeming a request 
 from a king as equivalent to a command, I was 
 obliged to consent to whatever he asked of me. 
 Departure We Set Sail from the port of Lisbon with three 
 
 from Lisbon 
 
 May 13, sMps in Company, on the thirteenth^ day of May, 
 
 ' This Juliano was the same tions printed in Milan in 1508 and 
 
 individual who translated, from 1519. — Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 263. 
 
 Spanish to Italian, and from Ital- 2 Respecting the date of the 
 
 ian to Latin, this relation of the commencement of this voyage, see 
 
 voyage of Americus, as appears notes of the preceding chapter; 
 
 in the Latin edition which Munoz see also the Dissertazione Giustifi- 
 
 speaks of, and in the Italian edi- cativa, No. 19. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 225 
 
 1501, and steered our course directly for the Grand chapter 
 
 xrv 
 Canary Islands, which we passed without stopping, 
 
 and coasted along the western shores of Africa. 
 On this coast we found excellent fishing, taking a 
 kind of fish called porghies, and were detained there 
 three days. From there we went to the coast of 
 Ethiopia, arriving at a port called Beseneghe, with- 
 in the Torrid Zone, and situated in the fourteenth 
 degree of north latitude, in the first climate. Here 
 we remained eleven days taking in wood and water 
 — as it was my intention to sail for the South 
 through the great Atlantic Ocean. 
 
 We left this port of Ethiopia, and sailed on our Arrival at 
 
 •*■ ^ the conti- 
 
 course, bearing a quarter south, and in ninety-seven n«nt, aftet 
 
 ''-'■'■ ' •' sever© 
 
 days we made the land at a distance of seven hun- tf""™! rf 
 dred leagues from said port. In those ninety-seven •*-"«^'- 
 days we had the worst weather that ever man ex- 
 perienced who navigated the ocean ; a succession of 
 drenching rains, showers, and tempests. The sea- 
 son was very unpropitious, as our navigation was 
 continually drawing us nearer the equinoctial line, 
 where, in the month of June, it is winter, and where 
 we found the days and nights of equal length, and 
 our shadows falling continually towards the south. 
 It pleased God, however, to show us new land, on 
 the seventeenth day of August, at a half a league 
 distance from which, we anchored. We launched 
 our boats and went ashore, to see if the country 
 was inhabited, and if so, by what kind of people, 
 and we found at length a popxilation far more de- 
 graded than brutes. 
 
 29 
 
226 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER Your Excellency will understand that at first we 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Take pos- 
 
 did not see any inhabitants, though we knew very 
 sMrionof well, by the many signs we saw, that the coun- 
 
 the country . . . . , 
 
 in the namo try was pcoplcd. We took possession of it in the 
 
 of the king. J r r r 
 
 name of his most Serene Majesty, and found it to be 
 pleasant and verdant, and of good surface, and situ- 
 ated five degrees south of the equinoctial line ; thus 
 much we ascertained, and then returned to the 
 ships. On the next day, as we were in great need 
 of wood and water, we determined to go on shore 
 and procure the necessary supplies. While we 
 were there, we saw people looking at us from the 
 summit of a mountain, but they did not venture to 
 descend. They were naked, and of the same col- 
 our and figure as those heretofore discovered by 
 me for the King of Spain. We made much exertion 
 to persuade them to come and speak with us, but 
 we could not assure them sufficiently to trust us. 
 Seeing their obstinacy and malignity, as it was 
 growing late, we returned to the ships, leaving on 
 shore for them many bells, looking-glasses, and 
 other things, in places where they could find them. 
 When we had gone away, they descended from the 
 mountain, and took possession of the things we had 
 left, appearing to be filled with wonder while view-' 
 ing them. So on this day we obtained no advan- 
 tage, save that of procuring some water. 
 Two of the The next morning, we saw from the ships that 
 8^Sed*'to the people of the country were making many bon- 
 then^es. fires, and, thinking them signals for us to come to 
 them, we went on shore. We found that niany 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 227 
 
 people had arrived, but they kept always at a dis- chapter 
 
 tance, though they made signs that they wished us ^— 
 
 to accompany them inland. 
 
 Whereupon two of our Christians were induced 
 to ask the captain's permission to brave the danger 
 and go with them, in order to see what kind of peo- 
 ple they were, and whether they had any riches, 
 spices, or drugs. They importuned him so much, 
 that he finally consented. After having been fitted 
 out with many articles of trade, they left us, with 
 orders not to be absent more than five days, as we 
 should expect them w^ith great anxiety. So they 
 took their way into the country, and we returned 
 to the ships to wait for them, which w^e did for the 
 space of six days. Nearly every day there came 
 people to the shore, but they would never speak 
 with us. 
 
 On the seventh day we landed, and found that one of the 
 they had brought their wives wi h them. As we and eaten. 
 reached the shore, the men of the country com- 
 manded their women to speak with us. We ob- 
 ■ served that they hesitated to obey the order, and 
 accordingly determined to send one of our people, a 
 very courageous young man, to address them. In 
 order to encourage them, we entered the boats 
 while he went to speak with the women. When 
 he arrived, they formed themselves into a great cir- 
 cle around him, touching him and looking at him 
 as with astonishment. While all this was going 
 on, we saw a woman coming from the mountain, 
 carrying a large club in her hand ; when she ar- 
 
228 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER rived where the young Christian stood, she came 
 
 up behind him, and raising the bludgeon, gave him 
 
 such a blovr with it, that she laid him dead on the 
 spot, and immediately the other women took him 
 by tliQ feet and dragged him away towards the 
 \notmtain. 
 
 Fate of the The men ran towards the shore forthwith, and 
 
 two messen- ' 
 
 gers. began to assail us with their bows and arrows, 
 throwing our people into great fright, owing to the 
 many arrows that reached them, in consequence of 
 the boats having grounded. No one resorted to 
 arms, but for a time all was terror and panic. After 
 a while, however, we discharged four swivels at 
 them, which had no other efiect than to make them 
 flee towards the mountain, when they heard the re- 
 port. There we saw that the women had already 
 cut the young Christian in pieces, and at a great 
 lire which they had made, were roasting him in our 
 sight, showing us the several pieces as they eat 
 them. The men also made signs to us, indicating 
 that they had killed the other two Christians and 
 eaten them in the same manner, which grieved us 
 very much. 
 
 Seeing with our own eyes the cruelty they prac- 
 tised towards the dead, and the most intolerable 
 injury they had done to us, more than forty of us 
 adopted the determination to rush on shore, avenge 
 such cruel murders, and punish such bestial and 
 inhuman conduct. The Superior Captain, however, 
 would not consent to it, and thus they remained 
 satiated *with the great injury they had done us ; 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 22 
 
 and we left them most reluctantly, highly chagrined chaptei 
 at the course of our Captain. — ^^^ 
 
 We departed from this place and sailed along in 
 a southeastern direction, on a line parallel with the 
 coast, making many landings, but never finding any 
 people who would converse with us. Continuing 
 in this manner, we foimd at length that the line of 
 the coast made a turn to the south, and after doub- 
 ling a cape which we called Cape St. Augustin, we 
 began to sail in a southerly direction. This cape is 
 a hundred and fifty leagues distant easterly from 
 the aforementioned land where the three Christians 
 were murdered, and eight degrees south of the equi- 
 noctial line. While sailing on this course, we one 
 day saw many people standing on the shore, appa- 
 rently in great wonder at the sight of our ships. 
 We directed our course towards them, and having 
 anchored in a good place, proceeded to land in the 
 boats, and found the people better disposed than 
 those we had passed. Though it cost us some ex- 
 ertion to tame them, we nevertheless made them 
 our friends, and treated with them. 
 
 In this place we staid five days, and here we 
 found cassia stems very large and green, and some 
 already dry on the tops of the trees. We deter- 
 mined to take a couple of men from this place, in 
 order that they might teach us the language. Three 
 of them came voluntarily with us, in order to visit 
 Portugal. 
 
 Being already wearied with so much writing, I 
 will delay no longer to inform your Excelleacy that 
 
230 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER we left this port and sailed continually in a south- 
 
 ^ — erly direction in sight of the shore, making frequent 
 
 landings, and treating with a great number of peo- 
 ple. We went so far to the south that we were 
 ■ beyond the tropic of Capricorn, where the south 
 pole is elevated thirty-two degrees above the hori- 
 zon. We had then entirely lost sight of Ursa Mi- 
 nor, and even Ursa Major was very low, nearly on 
 the edge of the horizon ; so we steered by the stars 
 of the south pole, which are many, and much lar- 
 ger and brighter than those of the north. I drew 
 the figures of the greater part of them, particularly 
 of those of the first and second magnitude, with a 
 description of the circles which they made around 
 the pole, and an account of their diameters and 
 semi-diameters, as may be seen in my " Quattro G^- 
 ornate' (Four Journeys). 
 Voyage . We ran on this coast about seven hundred and 
 •oast seven fifty leagucs I onc hundred and fifty from Cape St. 
 
 hundred . , •' ^ 
 
 and fifty Augustui towards the west, and six hundred to- 
 
 leagues. '-^ 
 
 wards the south. If I were to relate all the things 
 that I saw on this coast, and others that we passed, 
 as many more sheets as I have already written upon, 
 would not be sufficient for the purpose. We saw 
 nothing of utility on this coast, save a great number 
 of dye-wood and cassia trees, and also of those trees 
 whSh produce myrrh. There were, however, many 
 natural curiosities which cannot be recounted. 
 
 Having been already full ten months on the voy- 
 age, and seeing that we had found no minerals in 
 the country, we concluded to take our leave of it, 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 231 
 
 and attempt the ocean in some other part. It was chapter 
 determined in council to pursue whatever course — — — 
 of navigation appeared best to me, and I was in- 
 vested with full command of the fleet. I ordered 
 that all the people and the fleet should be provided 
 with wood and water for six months ; as much as 
 the ofiicers of the ships should judge it prudent to 
 sail with. Having laid in our provisions, we com- 
 menced our navigation with a southeasterly wind, 
 on the fifteenth day of February, when the sun was 
 already approaching the equinoctial line, and tend- 
 ed towards this, our northern hemisphere. We 
 were in such a high southern latitude at this time 
 that the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees 
 above the horizon, and we no longer saw the stars, 
 either of Ursa Minor or Ursa Major. 
 
 On the third of April we had sailed five hundred Encounter 
 
 another vio. 
 
 leagues from the port we left. On this day com- lent storm. 
 menced a storm, which was so violent that we 
 were compelled to take in all our sails, and run un- 
 der bare poles. The wind was south and very 
 strong, with very high seas, and the air very pier- 
 cing. The storm was so furious that the whole 
 fleet was in great apprehension. The nights were 
 very long, being fifteen hours in duration on and 
 about the seventh of April, the sun being then in 
 sign of Aries, and winter prevailing in this region. 
 
 Your Excellency will please to observe that 
 while driven by this storm on the seventh of April, 
 we came in sight of new land, and ran within twenty 
 leagues of it, finding the whole coast wUd, and see 
 
232 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER ing neither harbour nor inhabitants. The cold was 
 
 XIV 
 
 ^ — so severe that no one in the fleet could either with- 
 stand or endure it, which I conceive to be the rea- 
 son of this want of population. Finding ourselves 
 in such great danger, and the storm so violent that 
 we could hardly distinguish one ship from on board 
 another, on" account of the high seas that were run- 
 ning, and the misty darkness of the weather, we 
 agreed that the Superior Captain should make sig- 
 nals to the fleet to turn about, and that we should 
 leave the country and steer our course in the direc- 
 tion of Portugal. This proved to be very good 
 counsel, for certain it is, if we had delayed that 
 night, we should all have been lost. We took the 
 wind aft, and during the night and next day the 
 storm increased so much that we were very appre- 
 hensive for our safety, and made many vows of pil- 
 grimage and the performance of other ceremonies 
 usual with mariners in such weather.^ 
 
 We ran five days, making about two hundred 
 and fifty leagues, and continually approaching the 
 equinoctial line, and finding the air more mild and 
 the sea less boisterous ; till at last it pleased God to 
 deliver us from this our great danger. It was our 
 intention to go and reconnoitre the coast of Ethiopia, 
 
 1 The ciistora of making vows guese sailors. " This day," ■writes 
 
 of pilgrimage, in case of delivery Lopez, " many vows were made 
 
 from stormy weather, was very and lots were cast, to see who 
 
 common among the sailors of that should go and visit the Holy 
 
 day. The Church of St. Mary Church of St. Mary of Guada- 
 
 of Guadaloupe was the favourite loupe." — Ramusio, tom. i. p. 145, 
 
 resort of the Spanish and Portu- C. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 233 
 
 which was thirteen hundred leagues distant from cuapter 
 
 us, tlirough the great Atlantic Sea, and by the grace '- — 
 
 of God we arrived at it, touching at a southern port 
 called Sierra Leone, where we staid fifteen days, 
 obtaining refreshments. 
 
 From this place we steered for the Azore Islands, Amvai at 
 about seven hundred and fifty leagues distant, the 7™°° 
 where we arrived in the latter part of July, and isoa. 
 staid another fifteen days, taking some recreation. 
 Then we departed for Lisbon, three hundred leagues 
 distant, and situated farther west, which port we 
 entered on the seventh of September, 1502, in good 
 preservation (for which the All Powerful be thank- 
 ed), with only two ships, having burned the other in 
 Sierra Leone, because it was no longer seaworthy. 
 In this voyage we were absent about fifteen montlis, 
 and sailed nearly eleven of them without seeing the 
 north star, or either of the constellations Ursa Ma- 
 jor and Minor, which are called the horn, steering 
 meanwhile by the star of the other pole. The 
 above is what I saw in this my third voyage, made 
 for his Serene Highness the King of Portugal. 
 
 30 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Reception at Lisbon. — Honours in that City and Florence. — High 
 Reputation of Americus. — His Astronomical Discoveries. — His 
 Method of determining Longitude. — The Southern Cross. — A New 
 Expedition prepared. — Gonzalo Coelho. — Sails from Lisbon with 
 six Ships on the 10th of May, 1503. — Foolish Vanity and Obsti- 
 nacy of the Commander Coelho. — Loss of Part of the Fleet. — Great 
 Inconvenience occasioned thereby. — Americus pursues his Voyage. 
 — Discovers an Island. — Very tame Birds thereon. — Arrives at the 
 Continent. — Bay of AH Saints. — Builds a Fort there. — Leaves a 
 Garrison. — Return Voyage. — Arrival at Lisbon, June 18th, 1504.— 
 Commends his Family to the Notice of Soderini. — Concluding Re- 
 marks. 
 
 CHAPTER The return of Americus from his third voyage 
 
 XV. 
 
 occasioned great joy in Lisbon. He was received 
 with high honours by King Emmanuel, who cele- 
 brated his safe arrival with much magnificence. 
 His ship, which had become unseaworthy, was 
 broken up, and portions of it were carried in 
 solemn procession to a church, where they were 
 suspended as valuable relics. Nor were the 
 rejoicings and celebrations confined to Portugal. 
 His ovm countrymen received the accounts of his 
 discoveries with exultation. Public ceremonies 
 were ordered, and honours were bestowed upon 
 those members of his family who were then in 
 Florence. 
 
 Americus acquired as much, if not more reputa- 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 235 
 
 lion, in consequence of his astronomical and geo- chapter 
 
 XV 
 
 metrical discoveries in his two last voyages, as in ^— 
 
 consequence of his exploration of new^ countries. 
 He was generally admitted to be vastly in advance 
 of all the navigators of the age in his knowledge 
 of these sciences; and though his calculations are 
 undoubtedly defective in many points, yet they 
 are far more accurate than those of any preceding 
 or cotemporary mariner. 
 
 " Astronomy," says the Justificatory Disserta- 
 tion, " had in ancient times comparatively very 
 little influence in nautical affairs. The wisest 
 pilot, in his studies of the planets and stars, was 
 limited to observations of the phases of the moon, 
 in order to foresee the tides — to a calculation, in 
 the daytime of the meridian altitude of the sun, 
 and in the night-time, to the steering of his vessel 
 by the constellations of Ursa Major and Minor. 
 Longitude was calculated by an inexact and pre- 
 carious method, and no navigator considered it 
 necessary to know much of the movements of 
 the moon or the planets."' 
 
 The method of ascertaining longitude at sea, Method of 
 by observing the conjunction of the moon with a loi^nidef 
 planet, was one of his most important discoveries. 
 The fact that these conjunctions were observed 
 to take place, at different hours in different pla- 
 ces, had long been known. The astronomer and 
 cosmographer, Ptolomey, the highest authority in 
 those days, reporting, among other things, a con- 
 
 ' Diss. Gins. No. 88. 
 
236 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER junction of the moon with Spiga, gave notice that 
 
 the phenomenon, vphich was observed in Rome at 
 
 five o'clock, appeared in Alexandria at 6.20' ; but 
 neither he, nor the many philosophers who, after 
 him, meditated upon the subject, thought of ren- 
 dering such a conjunction available for the fixing 
 of longitude at sea.^ 
 
 To Americus, therefore, belongs the honour of 
 applying this method for the first time; and it 
 is by no means improbable that, by his writings, 
 as well as by those of the astronomer of Alexan- 
 dria, Galileo may have been led to apply, to the 
 same purpose, the frequent eclipses of the small 
 planets which he discovered revolving round Ju- 
 piter. 
 observa- The observatious and enumeration of the stars 
 
 tionsofthe , . , 
 
 heavenly whicli Amencus made, added greatly to his fame, 
 
 bodies. The J & J ) 
 
 southern and Were of infinite service to future mariners. 
 
 cross. 
 
 The voyagers of that day to the South were great- 
 ly alarmed at not finding in the southern heavens 
 a guide like the polar star of the North. Vicente 
 Pinzon, who navigated in the same direction, arid 
 at about the same time with Americus, expected to 
 find one, and in his dismay at its absence, attributed 
 it to some swelling of the earth's surface, which hid 
 it from his view. Nothing was then known of the 
 beautiful constellation, which supplies its place, to 
 mariners in the Antarctic seas. The " many sleej^ 
 less nights" which Americus devoted tovthe exami- 
 nation of the Southern Cross, and other heavenly 
 
 ' L/iss. Gias. No. 92. Almag. L. vii. c. 3. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 237 
 
 bodies of the same hemisphere, the many laborious chapter 
 calculations which he entered into, when, in the — i^— - 
 words of his favourite poet, 
 
 Each star of the other pole, night now beheld 
 And ours so low, that from the ocean floor 
 It rose not ; — ' 
 
 must have been well repaid by the comdctions 
 he arrived at, and the fame which he acquired as 
 an accurate astronomer. It is evident from his 
 writings that he was not insensible to the natural 
 feelings of honourable ambition, and considered not 
 only the benefits he was conferring upon mankind, 
 but looked forward to acquiring a reputation which 
 might be the comfort and consolation of his old age. 
 Actuated by the belief that Americus would have 
 succeeded in reaching India by the way of the 
 southwest, had not his last voyage been interrupted 
 by the severe storms which he encountered. King 
 Emmanuel lost no time in preparing another expe- 
 dition. Americus is as silent as usual respecting 
 the commander of the new fleet; but though he 
 does not mention his name, it is a well-ascertained 
 fact that Gonzalo Coelho held the chief command 
 of the six vessels which composed the armament, 
 and that only one of them was commanded by him- 
 self. This fleet was ready for sea early in the 
 spring of 1503, and the principal object of the voy- 
 ^e w^s to, discover the island Malacca, then sup- 
 posed to be th© centre of commerce in the East In- 
 
 • Carey's Dante, Purgatory, Canto xxvi. 
 
XV. 
 
 238 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER dies. The narration of this voyage occupies the 
 closing portion of the letter of Americus to Soderini. 
 Disgusted with the foolish obstinacy of his com- 
 mander, and discouraged by the effects of his wil- 
 fulness, he evidently wishes to escape from so dis- 
 agreeable a subject, and is more than usually 
 concise. 
 
 > «: 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 OF THE LETTER TO PIERO SODERINI, GIVING AN ACCOUNT 
 OF THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF AMERICUS. 
 
 It remains for me to relate the things which 
 were seen by me, in my Fourth Voyage ; and by 
 reason that I have now become wearied, and also 
 because this voyage did not result according to my 
 wishes (in consequence of a misfortune which hap- 
 pened in the Atlantic Sea, as your Excellency will 
 shortly understand), I shall endeavour to be brief. 
 
 Departiirt We sct Sail from this port of Lisbon, six ships in 
 di ships ij> company, for the purpose of making discoveries 
 
 company, ^.^j^ regard to an island in the East, called Malac- 
 ca, which is reported to be very rich.* It is, as it 
 were, the warehoufie of all the ships which come 
 
 ' " All this period," says Cano- ):or, are there read' thirty-three. 
 vai, " is strangely disfigured in the From this may be inferred the 
 
 edition of Valori. Instead of East, credit to which this edition is 
 
 West is written; the Arctic pole titled, if there was a shadow "of 
 
 is changed to the Antarctic, and criticism in those who regard it aa 
 
 the three degrees by which Ma- infallible." — Canovai, tom. ii. p 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 239 
 
 from the Sea of Ganges and the Indian Ocean, as chapter 
 
 XV 
 
 Cadiz is the storehouse for all the ships that pass — '-^ — 
 from East to West and from West to East, by the 
 way of Calcutta. This Malacca is farther east, 
 and much farther south, than Calcutta, because we 
 know that it is situated at the parallel of three de- 
 grees north latitude. We set out on the tenth day 
 of May, 1503, and sailed direct for the Cape Verd 
 Islands, where we made up our cargo, taking in 
 every kind of refreshment. After remaining here 
 three days, we departed on our voyage, sailing in 
 a southerly direction. 
 
 Our Superior Captain was a presumptuous and obstinacy 
 
 '■ '- '■ '■ of tlie com- 
 
 very obstinate man ; he would insist upon going to '^^f^H '^"^ 
 reconnoitre Sierra Leone, a southern country of of «i'e fleet. 
 Ethiopia, without there being any necessity for it, 
 unless to exhibit himself as the captain of six ves- 
 sels. He acted contrary to the wish of all our 
 other captains in pursuing this course. Sailing in 
 this direction, when we arrived off the coast of this 
 country, we had such bad weather, that though we 
 remained in sight of the coast four days, it did not 
 permit us to attempt a landing. We were com- 
 pelled at length to leave the country, sailing from 
 there to the south, and bearing southwest. 
 
 When we had sailed three hundred leagues 
 tlirough the Great Sea, being then three degrees 
 south of the equinoctial line, land was discovered, 
 which might have been about twenty-two leagues 
 distant from us, and which we found to be an island 
 in the midst of the sea. We were filled with won- 
 
XV. 
 
 240 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CMAPTER der at beholding it, considering it a natural curiosity, 
 as it was very high, and not more than two leagues 
 in length and one in width. This island was no 
 inhabited by any people, and was an evil island for 
 the whole fleet ; because, as your Excellency will 
 learn, by the evil counsel and bad management of 
 our Superior Captain, he lost his ship here. He 
 ran her upon a rock, and she split open and went 
 to the bottom, on the night of St. Lorenzo, which is 
 the tenth of August, and nothing was saved ffom 
 her except the crew. She was a ship of three 
 hundred tons, and carried every thing of most im- 
 portance in the fleet. 
 
 As the whole fleet was compelled to labour for 
 the common benefit, the Captain ordered me to go 
 with my ship to the aforesaid island, and look for a 
 good harbour, where all the ships might anchor. 
 As my boat, filled with nine of my mariners, 
 was of service, and helped to keep up a commimi- 
 cation between the ships, he did not wish me to 
 take it, telling me they would bring it to me at the 
 island. So I left the fleet, as he ordered me, with- 
 out a boat, and with less than half my men, and 
 went to the said island, about four leagues distant. 
 There I found a very good harbour, where all the 
 ships might have anchored in perfect safety. I 
 waited for the captain and the fleet full eight days, 
 but they never came ; so that we were very much 
 dissatisfied, and the people who remained with me 
 in the ship were in such great fear, that I could not 
 console them. On the eighth day we saw a ship 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 241 
 
 coming off at sea, and for fear those on board might chaptee 
 
 XV 
 
 not see us, we raised anchor and went towards it, — 
 
 thinking they might bring me my boat and men. 
 Wlien we arrived alongside, after the usual saluta- m- 
 tions, they told us that the Captain had gone to the 
 bottom, that the crew had been saved, and that my 
 boat and men remained with the fleet, which had 
 gone further to sea. This was a very serious grieA''- 
 ance to us, as your Excellency may well think. It 
 was no trifle to find ourselves a hundred leagues 
 distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, with so few men. 
 
 However, we bore up under adverse fortune, and 
 returning to the island, supplied ourselves with 
 wood and water with the boat of my consort. This 
 island we found uninhabited. It had plenty of 
 fresh water, and an abundance of trees filled with 
 countless numbers of land and marine birds, which 
 were so simple, that they siiffered themselves to be 
 taken with the hand. We took so many of them 
 that we loaded a boat with them. We saw no 
 other animals, except some very large rats, and liz- 
 ards with two tails, and some snakes. 
 
 Having taken in our supplies, we departed for ^"j^*'" 
 the southwest, as we had an order from the king, ^ sainu. 
 that if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should 
 be lost, I should make for the land of my last voy- 
 age. We discovered a harbour which we called the 
 Bay of All Saints, and it pleased God to give us 
 such good weather, that in seventeen days we ar- 
 rived at it.' It was distant three hundred leagues 
 
 ' This bay still retains the name given to it by Americus. 
 31 
 
242 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER from the island we had left, and we found neither 
 
 XV. 
 
 '- — our captain nor any other ship of the fleet in the 
 
 course of the voyage. We waited full two months 
 and four days in this harbour, and seeing that no 
 orders came for us, we agreed, my consort and my- 
 self, to run along the coast. 
 
 Build a for- We Sailed two hundred and sixty leagues further, 
 
 tress on the ' . 
 
 main land, and arrived at a harbour where we determined to 
 build a fortress. This we accomplished, and left in 
 it the twenty-four men that my consort had received 
 from the captain's ship which was lost. 
 
 In this port we staid five months, building the 
 fortress and loading our ships with dye-wood. We 
 could not proceed farther for want of men, and be- 
 sides, I was destitute of many equipments. Thus, 
 having finished our labours, we determined to re- 
 turn to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four men in the 
 fortress, with provisions for six months, with twelve 
 pieces of cannon, and many other arms. We made 
 peace with all the people of the country, who have 
 not been mentioned in this voyage, but not because 
 we did not see and treat with a great number of 
 them. As many as thirty men of us went forty 
 leagues inland, where we saw so many things, that 
 I omit to relate them, reserving them for my " Foiur 
 Journeys." 
 Return to This country is situated eighteen degrees south 
 is&TisM. of the equinoctial line, and fifty-seven degrees far- 
 ther west than Lisbon, as our instruments showed 
 us. All this being performed, we bid farewell to 
 the Christians we left behind uSj and to the coun- 
 
XV. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 243 
 
 try, and commenced our navigation on a north-north- chapter 
 east course, with the intention of sailing directly to 
 this city of Lisbon. In seventy-seven days, after 
 many toils and dangers, we entered this port on the 
 eighteenth day of June, 1504, for which God be 
 praised. We were well received, although alto- 
 gether unexpected, as the whole city had given us 
 up for lost. All the othen. ships of the fleet had 
 been lost through the pride and folly of our com- 
 mander, and thus it is that God rewards haughti- 
 ness and vanity. 
 
 At present I find myself here in Lisbon again, and 
 I do not know what the king will wish me to do, 
 but I am very desirous of obtaining repose. The 
 bearer of this, who is Benvenuto di Domenico Ben- 
 venuti, will tell your Excellency of my condition, 
 and of any other things which have been omitted to 
 avoid prolixity, but which I have seen and expe- 
 rienced. I have abbreviated the letter as much as 
 I could, and omitted to say many things very natu- 
 ral to be told, that I might not be tedious. Your 
 Excellency will pardon me, as I beg you will con- 
 sider me of the number of yom* servants. Allow 
 me to commend to you Sr. Antonio Vespucci, my 
 brother, and all my family. I xemain, praying God 
 that he may prolong your life, and prosper that ex- 
 alted republic of Florence, and the honour of your 
 Excellency, 
 
 Your very humble servant, 
 
 Americus Vespucius. 
 Dated in Lisbon^ the ^th of September, 1504. 
 
XV. 
 
 244 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER Thus ended the last voyage of Americus. Desi- 
 ■ rous of repose, and perhaps somevehat disheartened 
 by its unfortunate result, he abandoned, for the pres- 
 ent, all ideas of again proceeding to sea, and devo- 
 ted himself to the task of w^riting full accounts of 
 his discoveries. It is greatly to be regretted that 
 the vvrorks to vphich he makes allusion, have not 
 been preserved for the benefit of the world, for it is 
 evident, by the way in which he speaks of them, 
 that they contained more ample accounts than the 
 letters. The spirit of research may yet lead some 
 industrious antiquarian to the discovery of those 
 documents, the loss of which are most to be de- 
 plored, his manuscript journals. There are yet un- 
 explored, large quantities of documents, and records 
 relating to the discovery of America, and each day 
 brings to light some new fact to illustrate the his- 
 tory of that great event. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Return of Americus to Spain, 1504. — At Court, February, 1505. — 
 Columbus. — 111 Treatment of him. — Death of Queen Isabella. — Ef- 
 fect on the Fortunes of Americus. — Royal Grants to him. — New 
 '"expedition. — Vicente Yaiies Pinzon. — The Name of America. — 
 i aise Assertion and Deduction. — Reasons why the Name was first 
 given. — llacomUo's Cosmography. — First Use of the Name. — Ex- 
 tracts from an able Article in the N. A. Review. — Canovai's Opinion. 
 
 Americus remained in Portugal but a short chai'ter 
 
 time after his unexpected return from his fourth 
 
 voyage. In the latter part of the year 1504, he 
 returned to Seville, and in February, 1505, he left 
 that city, on his way to the court, which was 
 then held at Segovia, -bearing the letter from Co- 
 lumbus to his son, which appears in a previous 
 chapter. The Admiral had arrived from his last 
 voyage, only a few months previously. Worn 
 down by neglect and the infirmities of age, it was 
 difficult to imagine him the same man, who was 
 once treated with such high honour by monarchs 
 and nobles. He afforded a melancholy proof of 
 the ingratitude of kings, and was then pleading 
 for rights, of which he had been iniquitously 
 deprived, like a criminal before his judge — his 
 claims treated with indifference — while the in- 
 trigues of his foes led every day to fresh inju- 
 ries. 
 
246 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER The death of his ever-kind protectress, the 
 
 XVI. 
 
 '■ — Q,ueen Isabella, which took place a few days 
 
 Death of , . . - , 
 
 Queen isa- after liis own arrival, was a severe blow to the 
 
 beUa. ' 
 
 Admiral, and completed the long list of disasters 
 which had befallen him in his old age. While 
 she lived, some hope of obtaining justice seemed 
 left to him ; but his cause, which had languish- 
 ed during her illness, became hopeless when 
 she was no more. Still Americus, animated by 
 warm feelings of respect and admiration for the 
 great discoverer, zealously offered to render him 
 all the assistance in his power at court, and the 
 proposal was as frankly accepted as it was freely 
 made.'' 
 iiifluence of Whether the death of the queen had any effect 
 
 the queen's ^ '' 
 
 death on the upou the fortuues of Americus, there are no means 
 
 fortunes of ■*■ ' 
 
 Americus. ^f determining. It would appear that it had a 
 favourable influence, if the opinion of his Italian 
 biographers is followed, who hold to the suppo- 
 sition that Americus was more of a favourite with 
 the king, than with his consort. His return, so 
 closely succeeding the death of Isabella, lends a 
 semblance of plausibility to their views ; and the 
 favour which was shown him at court is another 
 circumstance tending to corroborate them.* 
 
 Navarrete inclines to the opinion, that Americus 
 was sent for by King Ferdinand, in order that he 
 might obtain information from him of the plans 
 and projects of the Portuguese government, as 
 well in relation to their expeditions to the shores 
 
 ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 856, 857. * Canovai, torn. ii. p. 48-50. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 247 
 
 of the New World, as to the progress they were chapter 
 making in their voyages and establishments in the - ^^^' ■ 
 East Indies.^ So far from noticing with displeasure 
 his clandestine departure from Spain, on the 11th 
 day of April, 1505, the king made him a grant of 
 12,000 maravedis ; and on the 24th of the same 
 month, letters of naturalization in his behalf were 
 issued, in consideration, as they recite, of his fideli- 
 ty and many valuable services to the crown.^ 
 
 Being thus qualified to serve the king in the Prepara- 
 capacity of a commander, preparations were com- n^lilldi- 
 menced, by the orders of government, for a new Americus 
 expedition. Americus and Vicente Ya ez Pin- 
 zon were named the commanders. The spirit 
 of discovery was aroused again in the mind of 
 Americus, and he set out for the ports of Palos and 
 Moguer, where he remained through the month of 
 May, to see and consult with his colleague, in 
 relation to the necessary wants of the expedition. 
 There is little doubt that the representations of 
 Americus alone led to this new enterprise, and 
 Pinzon.was the most proper person to associate 
 with him in the undertaking ; for he had already 
 been upon the coast of Brazil, which was the 
 destination of the fleet.^ In fact, all the claims 
 of Spain to any part of that region rested upon a 
 previous voyage of Pinzon, who, in 1500, had 
 taken possession of the more northern part, in 
 the name of the Spanish sovereigns. 
 
 ' Navarr^te, torn. iii. p. 320. ments. Translation of Documents 
 
 « See Illustrations and Docu- from Navarrete. 
 ' Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 321. 
 
248 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER It was about this time that the name of America 
 
 XVI. 
 
 ^ — began to be first used, and was applied to the 
 
 The name of . i.i. ■ •■i-i-i 
 
 America couutrics which Amencus Visited in nis last voy- 
 
 and its ori- 
 gin, ages. The assertion has been made, that soon 
 
 after his return to Spain he prepared a chart, 
 in which the coast of Brazil was delineated and 
 called by the name ;^f America ; but it is unsup- 
 ported by any verifying evidence or authority. If 
 he had done this, however, it would be no suf- 
 ficient reason to justify his calumniators in their 
 charges against him of dishonourable treatment 
 of Columbus. It was a custom then, and has 
 continued a custom ever since, for discoverers to 
 call after themselves some prominent place, river, 
 or mountain, fallen in with in the course of their 
 explorations. Americus never could have imr- 
 agined the extended signification which the name 
 was afterwards destined to attain, and the in- 
 justice of those who, as has been remarked in 
 a previous chapter, attribute to him the crime of 
 falsifying the date of his first voyage, with this 
 end in view, is apparent to any one who is not 
 ignorant of the limited application of the name in 
 the first instance.^ 
 
 " We may conjecture," says the writer of an 
 able critical article in the North American Re- 
 view for April, 1821, which has afforded great 
 assistance in the preparation of this work, by 
 its valuable suggestions and references, " we may 
 conjecture,' with a great degree of certainty, that 
 
 ' N. A. Review, April, 1821, p. 339. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 249 
 
 on Vespucci's return from his last voyage, the cHAPTEa 
 
 XVI 
 
 coast which he had visited began to pass by his '— 
 
 name. Two reasons may be given wliy this hon- 
 our should have been conferred on him, rather 
 than on his superior officers. One reason is, that, 
 although he was not first in command, yet his pre- 
 eminence in nautical and geo^aphical knowledge 
 gave him that control over the proceedings of the 
 rest, which men of strong minds inevitably ac- 
 quire in moments of difficulty and danger. In- 
 deed, we find that he came back from his foiu'th 
 voyage, when Coelho, with the greater part of the 
 squadron, had perished, and when he himself was 
 no longer expected ; ia which circumstances it 
 would be perfectly natural for the Portuguese to 
 attribute to him the sole merit of the discovery 
 of Brazil. The second reason is, that, as Vespucci 
 was highly skilled in the construction of charts, 
 and as those which he made were held in great 
 esteem, he may, in depicting the coast of Brazil, 
 have given it the name of America."^ 
 
 The first suggestion of the name which appears First sug- 
 in print was probably contained in the Latin work the name of 
 
 J^ I •' Amenca. 
 
 on Cosmography, by Ilacomilo, being the edition of 
 Gruniger, printed in Strasburg in 1509, from which 
 Navarrete makes his translation of the letter to So- 
 derini. Navarrete says, that " in the ninth chapter 
 
 ' " P. Martyr informs us he had Ocean. Decad. p. 199. See like- 
 seen a Portuguese chart of parts wise Memorias de lAUeratura 
 of the New World in the construe- Portugueza, torn. iii. p. 339. 
 tion of which Vespucci assisted." — 
 
 32 
 
250 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER of this work, the author, after describing the situa- 
 
 XVI 
 
 '- — tion of the different portions of the world, places 
 
 first the three which were known to Ptolomey, and 
 proceeds with the following suggestion, alluding to 
 the voyages printed as a continuation of his cos- 
 mography. " Nunc vero et hae partes sunt latius 
 lustratse, et alia quarta pars, per Americum Vespu- 
 tium, ut in sequenwbus audietur, inventa est ; quam 
 non video cur quis jure vetet ab Americo inventore, 
 sagacis ingenii viro, Amerigem quasi Americi ter- 
 rain sive Americam dicendam, cum et Europa et 
 Asia a mulieribus sua sortitse sint nomina." 
 
 This passage is not the only one in the work 
 which suggests the same thing. In the seventh 
 chapter, which treats of the different climates of the 
 world, the author speaks of " the fourth part of the 
 world, which may be called Amerige or America, 
 because discovered by Americus."^ 
 
 The article above quoted says that " the earliest 
 mention which the industry of authors has been able 
 to detect, of the word America, is about the year 
 1514, in a letter written by Joachim Vadianus, a 
 Swiss scholar, known by his Commentary on Pom- 
 ponius Mela. His words are, ' Si Americam, a Ves- 
 puccio repertam, et eum Eoae Terrse partem, quae 
 terree Ptolomaeo cognitse adjecta est, ad longitudinis 
 habitatse rationem referrimus, longe ultra hemisphae- 
 rium habitari terram constat.' "* 
 
 • Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 184. ponii Melae de situ orbi8, ed. foL 
 a " Joachim. Vadian. Epist. ad 1530. Latet Parisiorum, in the 
 Rudol. Agricolam, ad calcem Pom- Boston Atheneum." 
 
XVI. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 25, 
 
 The name does not seem to have come into gen- chapter 
 eral use until after the middle of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury; but it is ocpasionally met with before that 
 time ; and Canovai cites a treatise on the elements 
 of Geography, printed at Venice in 1535, in which 
 it is doubted whether the word America should be 
 employed, or not rather Amerige} But what de- 
 serves to be particularly noticea is the remarkable 
 fact, that the name was not originally applied to 
 the whole continent, but only to that part of it 
 which is now denominated Brazil. This can be 
 made to appear by the most ample testimony. We 
 pass over the authority of Spaniards who once pro- 
 posed to call this country Fer-Isabellica, from the 
 sovereigns under whose auspices it was discovered, 
 and who, to this day, entertain a sort of horror of 
 the word America, almost invariably speaking of 
 the New World or the Indies.^ Looking therefore 
 into Cademosto, P. Martyr, Benzoni, and Gringeus, 
 we find that each of them uses the term Novus Or- 
 bis, where we should use America. In most of the 
 maps published between 1510 and 1570 America 
 is applied in the limited sense we have stated. 
 Thus Munster, whose Cosmographia, printed in 
 1550, was long. a text-book in Geography, has a 
 map of the world, in which, towards the west of 
 Europe, appear Terra Florida, then, a little below, 
 
 1 Canovai, Diss. Gins. No. 51. as a compliment to the Emperor 
 
 2 "Pizarro, Varones Illustres del Charles V." — See Solorzano, Po- 
 NuevoMimdo, p. 51. Others have litica Indiana, h.i. Cii. S. 18. 
 proposed to caUit OrbisCarolinus, 
 
252 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTEE Cuba, then Hispaniola, and a little south of the 
 
 XVI. 
 
 '- — line, Americse vel Brasillii Insula. In another map 
 
 of Munster's, which is entitled Novus Orbis, are 
 found grouped together Terra Florida, Cuba, His- 
 paniola, Jamaica, Parias, and lastly. Insula Atlan- 
 tica, quem vocant Brasilii et Americam.^ 
 
 In a map of the world, prefixed to the Grinseus 
 of 1555, the western part is occupied with a num- 
 ber of islands, which, beginning with that farthest 
 north, are named Terra Cortesia, Terra de Cuba, 
 Isabella, SpagnoUa, Insulse Antiglise, Zipangru, 
 and then America, an island considerably larger 
 than either of the others, on the northern extremi- 
 ty of which is printed Parias, on the western, Can- 
 nibali, and on the southern, PrisUia. If the last 
 word, Prisilia, refers to Brazil, it would seem that 
 some geographers had begun to distinguish it as a 
 part of America. The same edition of Grinseus 
 contains a brief introduction to geography, in which 
 occurs the following sentence : Insulas occidentales, 
 nempe Hispanam, Joannam, Spagnollam, Cubam, 
 Isabellam, Antiglias. Cannibalorum Terram, Amer- 
 icam, et reliquas incognitas terras primi mortalium 
 acjinvenerunt Christophorus Columbus et Alberi- 
 cus.Vesputius.^ 
 
 Similar quotations can easily be multiplied. 
 Thus Comes Natalis, who flourished about 1680, 
 
 ' Canovai, Diss. Gins. n. 76. one made use of is the edition of 
 
 2 Novus orhis Regionum ac In- 1555, printed at Basle by Herva- 
 
 sularum veterribus incognitanim, gins. A cop3' is to be found in 
 
 fol. The first edition of this work, the Library of the New Yorls 
 
 printed in 1532, is very rare. The Historical Society. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 253 
 
 speaking of the famous expedition of the Hugue- chapter 
 
 XVI 
 
 nets under Villegagnon, says, that tlie French call '- — 
 
 ed BrazU America, because it was discovered by- 
 Amerigo Vespucci.^ Jean de Lery, a Huguenot 
 minister, who visited Villegagnon's settlement in 
 1550, and twenty years afterwards published a 
 vel-y amusing account of his voyage, entitles it a 
 history of a voyage to Brazil, which is also called 
 America.^ 
 
 The present use of the term seems to have been Period 
 
 "when tho 
 
 established soon after this time : for Ortelius, in his name of 
 
 ' America 
 
 Theartum Orbis Terrarum, applies the words Amer- ^^s first 
 
 ' JTr used in ita 
 
 ica and BresUia as we do now, and delineates the ^^cation! 
 geography of this continent with tolerable accura- 
 cy.' But the original signification was not imme- 
 diately forgotten, as we perceive in Gaspar Ensl's 
 History of the West Indies, where he says that the 
 name of America was originally given to the coun- 
 tries explored by Vespucius, although afterwards, 
 on account of the dye-wood found th*ere, common 
 usage superadded the name of Brazil.* We wUl 
 only add to these citations the authority of Rocha 
 Pitta and Barbosa, who, in noticing Pedro Alvarez 
 Cabral, remark that the name o|" Santa Cruz, 
 
 ■' " Comes Natalis. Hist. S. Latinitate donata," &c. 1558, 
 
 Temp. p. 139, as quoted by Can- 12mo. 
 
 ovai, Diss. Gius. n. 75. See also '" Theatrum orbis terrarum, foL 
 
 Southey's Bra2dl, v.pl. i. p. 272, Antuerpise 1584. Apud Christo- 
 
 note." phor. Plautinum." 
 
 ^ " Historia navigationis in Bra- ■• " Gaspar Ensl, Indiae Occiden- 
 
 ziliam, quae et America dicitur talis Historia, Colonise 1612, 12mo. 
 
 de a Joanne Lerio, Burgundo, p. 130." 
 Gallice Scripta, nunc vero primum 
 
254 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER which Cabral gave the country he accidentally dis- 
 
 '- — covered, vras afterwards changed into America, on 
 
 account of the charts of it delineated by Vespucci, 
 and finally into Brazil, from its producing the Bra- 
 zil wood.'" 
 The opinion Cauoval is of opiuion, that the name originated 
 
 ofCanovai ^ ' ° 
 
 incorrect, from tlic royal letters-patent which were issued 
 by the king when Americus was appointed to the 
 ofiice of chief pilot, through which it came into 
 general use in Europe, as it were under the sanc- 
 tion of royal authority. That the appointment of 
 Americus to this office aided in fixing the name 
 permanently upon Brazil, may have been the 
 case ; but it is apparent, from the statements 
 above, that the Italian biographer is partially in 
 error in his idea, that it was the intention of the 
 Spanish king to confer the name as a mark of 
 honour, and that the world acquiesced in the de- 
 cision, considering it a just reward of the ser- 
 vices of the 'discoverer.* In his desire to defend 
 his countryman from the attacks of those who 
 accuse him of artifice and fraud, in endeavouring 
 to secure an eternal remembrance of his name, by 
 
 ' " ' Para etemo monumento da torn. iii. p. 554. Rocha Pitta is 
 
 sua piedade, intitulou Pedro Al- no less explicit : ' Este foy,' says 
 
 varez a nova terra com a religi- he, ' a primiero desoobrimento, este 
 
 osa antonomasia de S. Cruz, que o primiero nome desta regis, que 
 
 depois se mudou em America, depois esquecida de titulo tao su- 
 
 po'r ter demarcado as terras e cos- perior, se chamou America, por 
 
 tas maritimas della Amerigo Ves- Americo Vespucio, e ultimamente 
 
 pucci, insigne ftosmographo, e ul- Brazil, pelo pao vermelho, ou cor 
 
 timamenteBrazil,pelaproducao da de brazas, que produz. — Hist.' da 
 
 Madeira, que tem cor de brazas. America Portugueza, p. 6." 
 
 — Barbosa, Bibliotheca Lusitana, ^ Diss. Gius.. No. 78. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 255 
 
 making it the distinctive appellation of the New coapter 
 
 XVI. 
 World. Canovai here goes to the opposite ex- '- — 
 
 treme. " If Vespucci's priority, in discovering the 
 southern continent," says the article above quoted, 
 " was a valid reason for naming it America, there 
 is equal reason, as Purchas observes, for denomina- 
 ting the northern Sebastiana, or Cabotia ; since it is 
 notorious that the Cabots explored the coast from 
 Labrador to the Gulf of Mexico, a fttl year before 
 any portion of the continent was ever seen by 
 Columbus. But the hand of chance has an influ- 
 ence so predominant in the assignment of honours 
 by the world, that we can hardly feel surprised at 
 the neglect of Columbus and the Cabots, to the 
 exclusive distinction of Vespucci. The fortune of 
 the name of America itself is not a little singular, 
 as an instance of the mutations of human affairs ; 
 which, having been first given to a single province, 
 next spread over the whole southern continent, 
 then passed on to the northern, and now, from 
 being the appellation of the whole New World, it 
 seems about to be confined by foreign nations at 
 least to our own youthful and aspiring republic.'" 
 
 1 N. A. Review, April, 1821, r 339, 340. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Difficulties of the New Expedition. — Perplexity of the Officials of the 
 Board of Trade. — Accession of Philip and Joanna. — Disagreements 
 between Philip and Ferdinand. — The Board of Trade send Amer- 
 icus to Court. — Their Instructions to him. — Death of King Philip. 
 — Complaints of the Portuguese Court. — The Voyage given up. — 
 Ultimate Fate of the Vessels composing this Fleet. — Great Expense 
 occasioned by it. — Absence of 'King Ferdinand, and his Return.— 
 Americus ordered to Court. — His Occupation there. — Appointed 
 Chief Pilot.— His Death, February 22d, 1512. 
 
 CHAPTER The new expedition which was in preparation 
 
 XVII ■ . . i- J. 
 
 '- — for Americus and Pinzon was the occasion of 
 
 The new much perplexitv to the officers of the Board of 
 
 Expedition. i. x j ^ 
 
 Trade, and for this reason : by the last testament 
 of Q,ueen Isabella, her consort, King Ferdinand, was 
 appointed Regent of Castile during the minority of 
 her grandson Charles, in case of the absence or in- 
 capacity of her daughter Joanna, who had given oc- 
 casional evidence of insanity, during the lifetime of 
 her mother. This princess was, at the time of the 
 death of the queen, with her husband, the Arch- 
 duke Philip, in Flanders'. King Ferdinand at once 
 proclaimed his daughter queen, and assumed the 
 regency, but from the outset was unpopular with 
 the nobles and people, and at length, on the arrival 
 of Philip and Joanna in Spain, was compelled to 
 
< 
 w 
 
 Q 
 
 o 
 
 1-1 
 
 Pi 
 o 
 
 tn 
 
 Ph 
 O 
 
 O 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 257 
 
 resign his power in Castile and retire to his own chapter 
 kingdom of Arragon. ^^ 
 
 From the moraient of the accession of Phihp to Accession of 
 
 Philip and 
 
 Joanna, to 
 
 the Spanish 
 
 the throne, as the consort of Joanna, an entire Joanna to 
 
 change took place in all the departments of govern- i^°ae. 
 ment. Almost all the old officers of state were dis- 
 missed, and new men appointed in their places. 
 The disagreement between the two kings placed 
 those of the old administration, who still retained 
 their posts, among whom were the offices of the 
 Board of Trade, in a very disagreeable position. 
 They did not know how to conduct themselves, 
 and^ fearful of offending either monarch, hesitated 
 whether to proceed with the preparations for the 
 armament, or to give it up altogether.^ 
 
 In this dilemma they wrote, oa the 15th of Sep- instructions 
 tember, 1506, about six weeks after the accession of Trade to 
 
 Americm. 
 
 of King Philip, to his secretary, Gaspar de Gricio, 
 that they had despatched Americus to give every 
 iiiformation to the king respecting the state of the 
 expedition which King Ferdinand had ordered to 
 be prepared. They also informed the secretary, 
 that it would not be ready to sail before the month 
 of February, in the ensuing year. Americus ac- 
 cordingly left Seville for the court, which was then 
 held at Burgos. He was charged with three letters 
 by the Board of Trade : one for the king himself, 
 another for M. de Vila, liis grand chamberlain, to 
 whom he had entrusted the despatch of all business 
 connected with the Indies, and a third to the Secre- 
 
 ' Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. iii. 
 33 
 
2-38 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER tary Gricio, to whom they had" previously writtea 
 
 '■ — Besides these letters, other documents were placed 
 
 in his hands. These were five memorials, treating 
 of aflfairs of the New World, prepared in order that 
 he might not want material at hand, to bring about 
 a prompt and favourable course of action in the 
 matter. The Board of Trade also furnished Amer- 
 icus with written instructioris as to his mode of 
 procedure, which show the unenviable state of per- 
 plexity in which they found themselves. " You 
 will take," say they, "three letters for the king, 
 M. de Vila, and the Secretary Gricio, and five 
 memorials, one upon the despatch of the armament, 
 two others received from Hispaniola concerning the 
 tower which King Ferdinand commanded to be buUt 
 on the Pearl Coast", and the remaining two upon the 
 caravels which are on service in Hispaniola, and 
 concerning what things are necessary for the for- 
 tress which is building there. If Gricio is at court, 
 and attends to the affairs of the Indies, give him the 
 letter, show him the memorials, and he will guide 
 you to the ear of the king, and obtain for you good 
 despatch. We are informed that the king has en- 
 trusted the business of the Indies to M. de Vila, his 
 grand chamberlain. If that is the case, go directly 
 ^ to him. What we principally desire, is , a full un- 
 
 derstanding of the agreement which has been en- 
 tered into between the king, our lord, (King Philip), 
 and the King Ferdinand, in order that we may be 
 able to give to each prince that which is his."^ 
 
 ' Navarr6te, torn. ii. 
 
iMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 259 
 
 The perplexities of the officials were not, how- chapter 
 
 ever, destined to end as soon as they hoped. Just ' — 
 
 ten days after the ddte of their letter, King Philip Phmp and 
 suddenly died at Burgos, having enjoyed his power withPorm- 
 only for two short months. King Ferdinand was 
 absent, on a visit to his Neapolitan dominions, and 
 the Q,ueen Joanna remained in a state of partial 
 insanity, which rendered her incapable of attend- 
 ing to public affairs. The kingdom was thus 
 trembling on the verge of anarchy, and for a time, 
 most public undertakings were suspended. In 
 addition to this unexpected death of the king, the 
 distrust and complaints of the King of Portugal, 
 respecting the object and destination of the expe- 
 dition, greatly retarded the preparations for it, and 
 finally were the means of breaking it up altogether. 
 Unwilling, probably, to embroil the country in a 
 quarrel with a foreign court, while in such a dis- 
 tracted condition at home, the provisional regency 
 ordered the preparations to be suspended, and that 
 every thing which had been bought for the expe- 
 dition should be sold. 
 
 The ultimate fate of the ships which were in- Fate of ihe 
 
 ^ fleet, when 
 
 tended for this fleet is recorded by Navarrete. theexpedi- 
 
 *' tion was 
 
 It was composed of three ships, which had been p'<^ "p- 
 brought from Biscay for the purpose. The largest 
 was called La Magdelena, and was to have been 
 under the command of Pinzon ; the second was a 
 vessel of somewhat less dimensions, of which 
 Americus was to have had the control; and the 
 third, a caravel, was to have served as a tender to 
 
jB60 life and voyages op 
 
 CHAPTER the other two, being of much smaller size. The 
 
 '■ — two first of these vessels were despatched with 
 
 cargoes to Hispaniola. The Magdelena went 
 under the command of Diego Rodrigues de Gro- 
 geda, who purchased her on his return. The one 
 which was to have been under the command of 
 Americus carried Juan de Subano as captain. 
 Americus, notwithstanding, appears to have had 
 the management of the concerns of this vessel, as 
 he had previously attended to its fitting out. The 
 caravel went to the Canary Islands, and, returning 
 to Seville in April, 1507, was employed in the 
 voyage of discovery which Pinzon and Diaz de 
 Solis subseqiiently undertook. 
 Large ex-. The preparations for the expedition, which was 
 
 penses of ^ -^ '■ 
 
 ''^tion*'^ thus broken up, occasioned a very considerable 
 outlay ' of capital. . Besides the large amount of 
 upwards of five millions of maravedis, which the 
 settlement of the accounts, towards the close of 
 the year 1507, showed, as the sum of the expen- 
 ses, Americus, with his title of captain, received 
 a salary of thirty thousand maravedis per annum. 
 It appears, from the documents which Navarrete 
 has extracted from the' archives of Seville, that his 
 time was principally passed, until the close of that 
 year, in making all the purchases of provisions 
 and equipment necessary for so extensive a voy- 
 age as that in contemplation, and his disappoint- 
 ment must have been great indeed, when the order 
 arrived at Seville countermanding the expedition.' 
 
 ' Navarrete. torn. iii. p. 322. 
 
AMERICDS VESPUCIUS. 261 
 
 During the absence of King Ferdinand, on his chapteu 
 
 XVII. 
 
 visit to his Neapolitan dominions, there was a 
 manifest slackening of the spirit of discovery. KmgFer- 
 
 mi • • /> 1 1 • 1 liinand. 
 
 The stirrmg nature of the events which were 
 taking place at home, and the prospect of change, 
 if not of anarchy and civil war, gave occupation 
 to, or attracted the attention of, most of the ad- 
 venturers and restless spirits of the day. But as 
 soon as the king found himself again firmly fixed 
 in power in Castile, and ruling there in the name 
 of his daughter, with an authority much more 
 extensive than he had ever enjoyed during the life- 
 time of Isabella, he recommenced his projects of 
 discovery and acquisition in the New World. He 
 enjoyed, in virtue of the testament of Isabella, a 
 moiety of the revenues arising from the countries 
 already occupied in the West Indies, and was 
 fully aroused to their importaace. But that he 
 was not actuated solely by his pecuniary interest 
 in them, is evident from the measures he took to 
 promote further discoveries, and the colonization 
 of territories already acquired.' 
 
 On the 26th of November, 1507, about three Americus 
 
 ordered to 
 
 months after the return of Ferdinand to Castile, repair to 
 
 ' court. 
 
 lie issued an order, commanding Americus and 
 Juan de la Cosa to proceed immediately to court. 
 Thither, accordingly, both repaired, and were soon 
 engaged in active consultation with the king and 
 his ministers, respecting the nautical affairs of the 
 kingdom. In the beginning of February of the 
 
 > Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. iii. 
 
262 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER next year, Americus, in connexion with Vicente 
 
 — Yaiiez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, was 
 
 charged with the safe conduct to the treasury of 
 the king of six thousand ducats of gold, which 
 had just then arrived from the Indies, and on the 
 14tli of March, 1508, he received by royal order a 
 payment of six thousand maravedis, in considera- 
 tion of this service.^ 
 
 The distrust which the Spanish court felt at 
 that time towards the rival court of Portugal, in- 
 duced them to make ready two caravels, which 
 were placed under the command of Juan de la 
 Cosa, to guard and give convoy to the ships which 
 were coming and going, from time to time, be- 
 tween Spain and their ne^v dominions. Americus 
 was charged with the provisioning and support of 
 these vessels, while his friend Pinzon provided 
 their armament and warlike stores. Americus 
 attended to this business at about the time men- 
 tioned above. 
 Americus Sliortlv after this date, on the 22d of March, 
 
 appointed •' ' 
 
 h^hl^^ 1508, Ferdinand appointed Americus to the office 
 of chief pilot, with an annual salary of seventy-five 
 thousand maraveciis. It would seem, from the 
 decree which was issued on the 6th of August of 
 the same year, that this place was by no means a 
 sinecure. That document was intended to define 
 the duties of the new office, and it clearly appears, 
 that if they were performed by Americus with the 
 fidelity which characterized all the other trans- 
 
 1 Navarrete, torn, iii. p. 323. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 263 
 
 actions of his life, but little leisure could have been chapter 
 
 left to him. This high and responsible post was '- — 
 
 held by Americus during the remainder of his life, 
 and his appointment to it by Ferdinand was the 
 highest proof of the estimation in which he was 
 held by that monarch that could have been be- 
 stowed upon him. 
 
 In order fully to appreciate the weighty responsi- Great ex- 
 bility which rested upon him, the great excitement spam, and 
 
 •^ i. / o extensiva 
 
 which existed in relation to the newly-discovered emigration. 
 continent must be duly estimated. Never before 
 in Spain had the furor for navigation and nautical 
 enterprise been so extended. Day after day fortu- 
 nate adventurers returned from the Indies with im- 
 mense wealth suddenly acquired by the discovery 
 of hidden hoards of some of the unresisting natives, 
 and roused the cupidity of their friends and neigh- 
 bours, by glowing accounts of riches which their 
 own success seemed to prove substantial. The 
 fever of emigration was hourly increasing, and rose 
 at last to such an extent, that in Seville, where 
 Americus established his permanent residence, it 
 was said that few persons were to be seen, save 
 women and young children. On the countermand- 
 ing of an expedition, which the king had proposed 
 to send to Italy in the year 1512, about three thou- 
 sand of the cavaliers, who were to have accompa- 
 nied it, proceeded to Seville and made eager appli- 
 cation for service ia a fleet then preparing for 
 America, although the ful complement of men to 
 
264 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER be employed in it was only about half the number 
 
 xvn. 
 
 of the applicants.' 
 
 Death of Nothing now remains but to record the death of 
 
 Americus, 
 
 ^^n him whose life and writings have occupied the fore- 
 going pages. This event took place at Seville on 
 the 22d day of February, in the year 1512.^ No 
 account of his last sickness has been preserved. 
 The date and the place of his decease have, xmtil 
 recently, been subjects of discussion, and these 
 have been determined only from the musty files of 
 receipts in the Spanish archives, and from the war- 
 rant of the crown appointing his successor. The 
 place of his burial is not certainly known. Vague 
 accounts are current in his native country, that his 
 remains were transported to Italy, and now rest in 
 the tomb of his ancestors, in the church of Ogni 
 Santi in Florence, but they do not carry with 
 them the stamp of authenticity. 
 
 After his appointment to the office of chief pilot 
 he made a short visit to Florence, and the poiirait 
 of him by Bronzino, taken unquestionably towards 
 the end of his life, is said to have been painted in 
 that city. It has always been preserved as a sa- 
 cred relic by the Vespucci family, and its authen- 
 ticity seems never to have been called in question. 
 
 1 Prescott, vol. iii. chap. xxiv. 2 Navarr^te, torn. iii. p 324. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 CHARACTER AND WRITINGS OF AMERICUS. 
 
 In perusing the writings and following the his- ch^ 
 
 r 
 
 His 
 
 tory of Americus, one cannot fail to be struck with 
 the modest simplicity and truthfulness of his char- 
 acter. It is difficult to conceive how any one can 
 read his letters, and rise from the reading with any 
 other conviction, than that the writer was actuated 
 by a sincere desire to instruct his correspondents, 
 and furnish them with accurate information. Rarely 
 alluding to his own position of danger and suffer- 
 ing, or of honourable renown, the reader has cause 
 for regret in the very modesty which restrains his 
 pen. He seldom separates himself from his com- 
 panions, and when enterprise and courageous bear- 
 ing is his theme, freely admits all to a share of the 
 credit. When occasion offers he particularizes, and 
 brings out in bold relief the virtues and bravery of 
 others, but never his own. If ar idea occurs to his His 
 
 to 
 
 mind which emanated from the bra. of another, 
 he never fails to give due reference. It has been 
 seen that no petty feelings of jealousy restrained 
 him from acknowledging what is owing to Colum- 
 bus, for he speaks of his previous discoveries with- 
 out reserve. He excuses his own deficiency, and 
 
 34 
 
266 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 CHAPTER deprecates a harsh judgment of his writings, rec- 
 
 XVIII 
 
 '— ommending that they be read in " more leisure 
 
 hours," and as a pastime, rather than for improve- 
 ment. 
 Repose of In Americus, the historian does not find any of 
 
 character. 
 
 those brilliant combinations of good and bad qual- 
 ities, which so often dazzle the mind, and produce 
 a false estimate of character. He was not an en- 
 thusiast, and never allowed himself to be carried 
 beyond the bounds which reason indicated. He 
 was rather inclined to a philosophical scepticism, 
 ever seeking to detect fallacies with the view of 
 firmly establishing truth. 
 Patience The patlcuce and forbearance of his character are 
 
 md forbear- 
 ance, no less observable than his simplicity and modesty. 
 
 " But one word," says Canovai, " did he allow to 
 enter his letters, wherein, though without any indi- 
 cation of resentment or bitterness, he complains of 
 discourteous behaviour towards him."^ No hasty 
 ebullitions of temper marked the occurrence of dis- 
 appointment or reverse. He was always calm and 
 persevering. 
 A proper He was ambitious, but with a proper ambition. To 
 
 ambiion. ^ ^ 
 
 acquire an honourable name, which should be the 
 comfort and solace of his old age, was his great aim. 
 It has already been shown, that he could not have 
 endeavoured to perpetuate his fame by the fraudu- 
 lent method of giving his name to the New World, 
 nor did he seek to do so by undervaluing his asso- 
 ciates. His was an ambition which did not lead 
 
 •■ Canovai, vol. ii. p. 110. 
 
XVIU. 
 
 enterprise. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 267 
 
 men to fear or oppose him, and his quiet and un- chapter 
 obtrusive manners made him friends even among 
 his rivals. 
 
 He was enterprising, but that was a quahty of iiis lofty 
 the age in which he lived. There is this difference, 
 however, in the enterprise of Americus and that 
 of most of those by whom he was surrounded. 
 These laboured for their own good, to recruit their 
 own broken fortunes, or to increase wealth already 
 acquired ; he, for advancement of knowledge and 
 science, for the good of the whole human race. 
 He was conscientious. The rights of all were re- 
 spected by him, according to the notions of the age 
 in which he lived. His scrupulous regard of the 
 property of the helpless and unprotected Indians is 
 manifest in his writings. It is true that the vessels 
 of his expeditions brought home slave-prisoners, 
 but they were taken in fight, and after some atro- 
 cious treachery ; and conformably to the doctrines 
 then in vogue, the right to do this was undoubted, 
 for all who did not believe in the Christian religion 
 were held to be destitute of natural rights, and the 
 enslaving of the Indians was openly countenanced 
 bv the government. 
 
 He was a warm admirer of nature. The beauty 
 of the foliage in the new lands which he visited, 
 and the melody of the numerous birds which sang 
 among the branches, never failed to attract his at- 
 tention and elicit expressions of admiration. 
 
 He was full of affectionate feelings for his family, 
 as J lis care and attention to the education and ad- 
 
c.iaracter. 
 
 268 ^IFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 CHAPTER vancement of his nephew, and his memory of his 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 ^ relatives in Florence, from whom he had been so 
 
 long absent, amply testify. 
 His reu- Lastly, he was deeply imbued with religious sen- 
 
 gious senti- . , i i • i 
 
 menteand timent of the truest and most lastmg character. 
 Never did he permit himself to forget the Supreme 
 Being who guarded him in his wanderings, or fail 
 to give thanks for the great mercies received at his 
 hands. Possessed of too philosophical a mind to 
 adopt as truth all that the visionary fanaticism of 
 the age incorporated in the belief of the Christian, 
 yet he never ceased to acknowledge the immediate 
 supervision of Almighty Power ; and though pass- 
 ing over, in his accounts, with comparative neglect, 
 the useless vows of pilgrimages and other ceremo- 
 nies which the superstitious sailors of his fleet were 
 accustomed to make and perform, on the occur- 
 rence of a tempest, he enlarges upon his gratitude 
 to the true source of deliverance from danger. 
 
 It is a comparatively easy task to place the por- 
 traiture of the character of a celebrated man in 
 such a light, that only the brightest portion may be 
 visible, while all the darker points are concealed. 
 The effect of this would be to show a fair but de- 
 ceptive picture, and such may seem to be the pre- 
 sent effort. For although disposed to admit that 
 many faults might have existed in the character of 
 Americus (what mortal is without them ?), yet the 
 records of history mention them not, and to the 
 present age they are or should be as if they were 
 not. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 269 
 
 It would be almost as unfair to subject the wri- chapter 
 
 tings of Americus to the critical tests of the pres — 
 
 ent day as to judge of his character by the partial 
 and disingenuous accounts of prejudiced historians. 
 Few, besides his own countrymen, have read his 
 letters with unbiased minds, and some of those 
 who condemn him most loudly, have probably never 
 read them at all. He who peruses them in the ex- 
 pectation of finding passages of elegant diction, or 
 a blood-stirring narrative of danger and adventure, 
 will meet w^ith total disappointment. They are 
 quiet and unassuming descriptions of what ap- 
 peared new and strange to him, in simple lan- 
 guage, though at times quaint and forcible. Plain 
 and unvarnished statements throughout, they were 
 evidently written by one who, knowing his own 
 integrity, felt confident of due credence from 
 others. 
 
 Like all men who live in times of general agita- 
 tion, when society is passing through radical 
 changes, the great navigator experienced his share 
 of disappointments and reverses. Those men who 
 are chosen by Providence to bring about important 
 events, and lead nations on to brilliant achieve- » 
 
 ments, generally become familiar with trouble — for 
 those names that must live always in the regards 
 and recollections of mankind, are not easily won. 
 But Americus may justly be considered a fortunate 
 man, whatever may have been his reverses. No 
 conqueror, however celebrated, no philosopher, how- 
 
270 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 CHAPTER ever wise, has yet received, or ever vp^ill receive, so 
 
 XVIII. 'J ' ' 
 
 bright a reward. No shade obscures his character, 
 
 no accident can effect his fame — his name is borne 
 by a great continent, and will be transmitted to the 
 last moment of time. 
 
 END OF PART L 
 
PART II. 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
EULOGIUM 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 
 
 WHICH OBTAINED THE PREMIUM 
 
 FROM THE NOBLE ETRUSCAN ACADEMY OF CORTONA, 
 ON THE 15th OF OCTOBER, IN THE YEAK 1788. 
 
 LETTER 
 
 Of the Etruscan Academy of Cortona, to Count John Louis of Durfort, then 
 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of France to the Royal Court of Tuscany, 
 
 accompanying the -Premium Eulogy. 
 
 After the respected judgment of six censors, no letter 
 less impartial than enlightened, here at last is that 
 eulogy of Americus Vespucius, which yom: Excel- 
 lency perhaps contemplated, when, with an incom- 
 parable proof of intelligence and generosity, you con- 
 descended to remit to the Academy your interesting 
 proposal for it, and the noble premium. The 
 author, who appears to have chosen for his model 
 the celebrated Isocrates, knew so well how to con- 
 vert to his advantage, and combine intimately in 
 his theme, the various questions proposed to the 
 candidates, that the Grecian orator woidd perhaps 
 be astonished to see himself imitated, even in the 
 skilful digression where he passes with so much 
 
 35 
 
274 LETTER OF THE ETRUSCAN ACADEMY. 
 
 LETTER, grace from the praises of Evagoras to the deeds of 
 the Athenian Conon. The proposition of your 
 Excellency will be, therefore, a memorable circum- 
 stance in the exhibitions of the Etruscan Academy, 
 and might also become a glorious epoch in Tus- 
 cany, if the example, so new and so enlightened, 
 shoul4 become known in aU quarters, and make 
 us feel that the true love of letters is a magnani- 
 mous, ardent, and eflScacious love, and that admira- 
 . tion of great men is one of the few means of even- 
 tually acquiring greatness. France alone, that ge- 
 nial realm, fruitful alike in characters worthy of 
 eulogium, and in literary men capable of appre- 
 ciating them, has renewed in her academies, in our 
 day, the ancient custom of eulogizing her heroes, 
 with a sublimity equal to their merits. Though 
 the renowned Linguet, perhaps too great a friend 
 of paradoxes, imagined that there was something 
 intrinsically and essentially vitiated in this kind of 
 eloquence, his wise compatriots have well decided 
 that it is better to suffer some abuse of it, than to 
 lose its manifest advantages by a heedless proscrip- 
 tion. While therefore Tuscan writers are indebted 
 to your Excellency for this happy opportunity of 
 exercising their powers in a department of oratory 
 so dear to the ancients, and which ought not to be 
 lost to our literature, we shall be eternally grateful 
 to you, that we were selected by your judgment 
 for the fortunate duty of searching out merit, and 
 nobly rewarding it. 
 
EULOGIUM. 
 
 agit grates, peregrinaeque oscula Terras 
 
 Figit, et ignotos montes agrosque salutat. 
 
 Ovid, Met. iii. v. 14. 
 
 It has been said in olden times, that no eulogium eulogium. 
 could compare with an illustrious name, and that 
 no words could add to the fame and glory of any- 
 one whose name alone was insufficient. But (it 
 must be confessed) that these pompous dicta, which 
 eloquence lavishes so freely, are of no substantial 
 worth, and while thus attempting to express with 
 emphasis an appreciation of merit, and the impos- 
 sibility of praising it sufficiently, would establish 
 the nothingness and inutility of all praise.^ 
 
 ' Here we have in \iew the in- 
 scriptions on the monuments of 
 two celebrated secretaries of the 
 Florentine Republic. One reads 
 thus, tinder the bust of Marcellus 
 Virgilius : " Suprema nomen hoc 
 loco tantum voluntas jusserat Poni 
 sed hanc statuam pius erexit heres 
 nescius famse futurum et glorias, 
 Aut nomen aut nihil satis." The 
 other was placed on the tomb of 
 Niccolo Machiavelli. " Tanto no- 
 mini nullum par eulogium." If 
 there could be no eulogium pro- 
 portionate to the merits of a great 
 man, it is useless to make any 
 
 whatever, and all praise wiU be 
 reserved for mediocrity. What 
 an absurdity! This is the true 
 eulogy inscribed to Machiavelli. 
 
 The scribe of Florence, 
 Whose subtle wit discharged a dubious 
 
 shaft, 
 Called both the friend and foe of kingly 
 
 craft. 
 Tho', in his maze of politics iwrplext. 
 Great names have differed on that doubtful 
 
 text : 
 Here, crowned with praise, as true to vir- 
 tue's side, 
 There, viewed with horror, as the assas- 
 sin's guide : 
 High in a purer sphere, he shines afar. 
 And histVy hails him as her morning star. 
 Hdylej, Eeaay on History, Eplst. ii. V. 186. 
 
276 ' LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 9 
 
 EULOGiiTM. Fortunately, it is well known that orators are 
 Praise, the accustOHied to use such apothegms, which rarely 
 
 aliment of . r o ' J 
 
 genius, influence those who are seeking after truth. What 
 would become of the fine arts, literature, and sci- 
 ence, if, acting on this false principle, posterity 
 should neglect to bestow encomiums upon their 
 distinguished cultivators ? Praise is the natural 
 aliment of genius, and though unheeded by the 
 mouldering ashes of heroes, at least encourages the 
 imitator of their glorious deeds. Let it be remem- 
 bered that the great man does not descend wholly 
 into the tomb ; he soars immortal upon the untiring 
 wings of fame. He erects for himself a trophy in 
 his great exploits, which neither the ravages of time 
 can deface, nor the mist of oblivion obscure. Let 
 us figure to ourselves in the distance, a hundred na- 
 tions yet unborn, repeating his name with admira- 
 tion, celebrating his discoveries with applause, pos- 
 sessing themselves of what is good and true by the 
 infallible guide of his instructions. Such delight- 
 ful hopes not only wiped the tears and the sweat 
 of labour from the countenances of the valiant 
 Athletae, but forcibly counteracted the spells of all 
 the malignant spirits which enhanced the difficulties 
 of their enterprises.^ The germs of greatness are 
 enveloped in the minds of those who are warmed 
 with the love of glory. 
 
 There is a manifest connection between pub- 
 
 1 Ceteros ad sapientise studium latione incitati, earundem etiam 
 laudibus aliorum propositis exhor- virtntum desiderio inflanunentur 
 tamur, ut earum laudum accumu- — hocr. Evag. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 277 
 
 lie praise and public happiness.' Egypt knew eulogiuil 
 this ; Greece was not unmindful of it ; all those 
 nations which best understood the economy of the 
 human heart, ever had fortunate experience of it. 
 Ah ! whence comes it, that the noble example 
 wants emulators among us, that the shades of our 
 most noble citizens wander about without pane- 
 gyrists and without eulogium 7^ Ought it to have 
 been expected that a generous foreigner, realizing 
 the sublime idea of perfect patriotism,^ would come 
 from the banks of the Seine, to awaken our indo- 
 lent eloquence, and compassionately arouse it to 
 revive the languishing memory of Americus '? 
 Senseless Syracusans ! thus, perchance, came the 
 great Tully from the Tiber to show you the tomb 
 of the forgotten Archimides.* 
 
 We accept an invitation ^hich at the same time 
 honours and condemns us. We praise the intrepid 
 navigator, the unwearied discoverer of extensive 
 territories, the noble Tuscan who wandered through 
 
 ' Hoc genus (orationis) tarn 3 Le Patriotisme le plus parfait 
 (iraecis quam Romanis usitatum est celui qu'on possSde quand'on 
 fait, STimpta, ut opinor, consuetu- est si bien rempli des droits du 
 dine ab JEgyptis. Harum finis Genre humain, qu'on les respecte 
 fuit ut et bene meritis de republi- vis-ci-vis de tous les peuples du 
 ca viris honore laudationura ali- monde. — Encycl. art. Patriotisme. 
 qua gratia referretur, et adoles- * Cicero himself narrates his fa- 
 centes cupiditate laudis incitati ad mous antiquarian discovery, and 
 virtutem accenderentur. — Wolf, in concludes thuS : " Ita nobilissiraa 
 Jsocr. Evag. Graecias civitas, quondam vero 
 2 We have, under the name of etiam doctissime, sui civis unius 
 eulogy, the lives of many illustri- monumentum ignorasset, nisi ab ho- 
 cus Tuscans, but the eulogies mine Arpinate didicisset." — Tuic. 
 here referred to are very different Quiest. 1. 5. c. 23. 
 cm these lives. 
 
278 LIFE AND VOYAGKS OP 
 
 EiLcciuM. the boundless extent of the other hemisphere, and 
 left his name impressed upon it forever. If a vile 
 jfealousy has attempted to snatch from his brow the 
 w^ell-merited crown ; if a partial history has robbed 
 him of the credit due to his signal enterprise by 
 its malicious silencfe ; if a misguided criticism has 
 unfortunately depreciated his merits and defamed his 
 candour, future ages will see his character in clearer 
 light, and bestowing their just homage of admira- 
 tion and encomium, will free him from the combi- 
 ned aspersions of his enemies, and cover his iiruel 
 adversaries with detestation. 
 
 The youth To deny an infancy to an extraordinary man, 
 ' and gravely pronounce that he was a wonder from 
 the very cradle, would be to fabricate, in imitation 
 of the poets, a fabulous Hercules.' To investigate 
 the little anecdotes of^this infancy, and dwell at 
 length upon its gradual development, would be but 
 to gratify a puerile curiosity. No, you do not 
 think that Americus was born a prodigy, and came 
 thus into my hands, or that I would wish to follow 
 
 ' Hercules, while yet in swad- had," they say, " by the force of 
 
 dling clothes, strangled, according his genius alone, and without 
 
 to the poets, two large serpents books, mastered the thirty-second 
 
 which Juno had sent to destroy proposition of the first book of Eu- 
 
 him. But it is so uncommon or un- did. The reader may think what 
 
 necessary for great men to begin he pleases of it — for my part, I in- 
 
 by being great in boyhood, that cline to the opinion of Baillet, who 
 
 the infancy of the greater number was reprimanded by some parti- 
 
 of them has remained altogether in sans of Pascal for having doubted 
 
 obscurity. I only remember, at this feature of his life. 1 shall not 
 
 present, having read something of dissemble, that I suspect it Verj 
 
 the kind respecting Pascal, and ihe much of being exaggerated." — 
 
 foUbwing is what is said of him. Hist, cle Mathem. t. ii. p. 53. 
 
 "At the age of twelve years he 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 279 
 
 the feeble footsteps of his early boyhoo^d. When eulogium 
 the energy of his mind called from chaos an entire 
 half of the globe, and, almost as if by magic en- 
 chantment, spread existence over the vast ocean, 
 it is of slight importance to enquire vphat went be- 
 fore, or whence he derived his power. Conjecture, 
 therefore, if you please ; proportion the means to 
 the result ; unite to the most fervid imagination the 
 most scrupulously strict reasoning, the possession 
 of subtle theories to the free use of complicated 
 instruments, uninterrupted study of the planets and 
 stars to accurate knowledge of continents and seas, 
 the valour of the soldier to the prudence of the mar- 
 iner, the bustling life of the voyager to the solitude 
 of the philosopher, the skill of the merchant to the 
 honour of the citizen, sense to genius, modesty to 
 elevation, A'igour to sensibility, boldness to religion, 
 and then, perchance, you will then have a sketch 
 of the sublime qualities and enviable character of 
 Americus. 
 
 With such vast endowments as these a man 
 becomes as it were omnipotent. He projects, and 
 nothing is impossible ; he wills, and all is done. A 
 thousand secret combinations stand ever at his side, 
 and with emulous rivalry offer him their aid. He 
 manages them with such authority, and applies 
 them to the work with so much rapidity, that the 
 effect of penetration and inconceivable art often 
 appears like the necessary result of natural causes. 
 The soul from its unknown seat, the sim from the 
 centre of its system, produce in no other manner 
 
280 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM. the wonderful motions of the human machine, and 
 
 the astonishing order of the universe. 
 The posi- But where shall we find a place for Vespucius, 
 AmericuB. and what position shall we assign to him, if Spain, 
 his new residence, intoxicated ' with joy by rising' 
 hopes ©f immense riches and power, recognises no 
 other genius, and commemorates no other name, 
 than the incomparable genius and illustrious name 
 of Columbus ? We leave to prostituted pens the 
 vile employment of insulting the great with false 
 reproaches or false praises. I shall not make one 
 of these two the victim of the other. I should 
 know how to weave a eulogium for Newton,' 
 without injury to Leibnitz, and I shall speak of 
 Vespucius without detracting from the fame of the 
 Italian Admiral. He has already burst the con- 
 fines of the Old World ; he has already pushed with 
 a noble daring among the virgin waves of a yet 
 nameless sea,^ and St. Lucia, Antilla, Cuba, Jamaica, 
 and Hispaniola^ have become the rewards of his 
 
 1 It is known that a serious de- appropriately. — Hist, de I'Acad. 
 bate arose between Newton and des Scien., an 1753, p. 119. 
 Leibnitz, about the first inventor 3 Cuba, Jamaica, and Hispan- 
 of the differential and integral cal- iola are confounded by some ge- 
 culus, on which Montucla thus ographers with the Antilles, which 
 pronounces : " Newton had found are more than six hundred miles 
 the principle of fluxions before distant from them. — Ramus, t. 
 Leibnitz, but too obscurely to de- iii. p. 71. c. This confusion, 
 prive the latter of the merit of the however, was received by the 
 discovery." — Hist, des Math. t. H. modem author of the art. ' Amer- 
 p. 334. Americus discovered the ica," in the Encyclopedia, a cen- 
 continent before Columbus, and tury after Columbus and Ves- 
 did not find it at all obscurely. pucius. — See Disserlazione Gius 
 
 2 Columbus himself called this tificativa. 
 sea the North Sea, though not very 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 281 
 
 wonderful expedition — vast and fruitful islands, kulogium 
 where the greedy European trampled for the first 
 time upon gems and gold, forgetting the famous 
 countries of the Ganges and Cathay. The shout 
 of important conquests ascends from the Mexican 
 Archipelago; nations and kingdoms of long stand- 
 ing are shaken; commerce joyously contemplates 
 her reviving youth ;' all eyes are fixed upon the 
 leader of the exalted enterprise : he enters Barcelo- 
 na with more pomp than the Roman Capitol wit- 
 nessed in other ages at the return of an Emperor 
 in triumph. At this, Vespucius becomes thoughtful, 
 and absorbed in burning meditation. The trophies 
 of Miltiades^ disturb the dreams of Themistocles, 
 and the repeated announcement of his father's vic- 
 tories dissolves in sighs the magnanimous heart of 
 
 ' A few days before the third with which he illustrates it. I 
 edition of this eulogium was is- shall not fail to quote parallel 
 sued, I read the work of Genty, passages as they occur, which 
 entitled " The Influence of the will show the unexpected con-es 
 Discovery of America on the Hap- pondence of my sentiments with 
 piness of the Human Race." He those of so celebrated an author, 
 repeats many times the truth ^ it jg said that Themistocles 
 which is here hinted at ; but two was so carried away with a love 
 quotations must suffice. " The for glory, that, at the time the 
 rich productions of the mines of barbarians were conquered at 
 Peru must multiply our relations Marathon, and when the glory 
 with the East, and of necessity of Miltiades was every where 
 famish more abundant aliment celebrated, although yet a youth, 
 for the foreign commerce of Eu- he -withdrew by himself, and in- 
 rope (p. 209). The conquest of dulged in nocturnal vigils; and, 
 the New World started commerce on being asked the reason, by 
 from infancy, and gave it wings those who wondered at his con- 
 to soar over the whole universe" duct, replied that the trophies of 
 (p. 290). I agree, therefore, with Miltiades deprived him of sleep. — 
 the illustrious Genty, not only in Plutarch. Themistocles. 
 
 his opinion, but also in the figures 
 
 36 
 
282 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM. Alexander. Ah ! there are no more countries for 
 me !^ this terrible despot of the ocean sees and rav- 
 ishes all. Though I might excel him in daring, yet 
 how can I equal him in fortune and glory 1 
 
 The spirit Behold the transports' of that lively emulation 
 
 of emulation •■■ •' 
 
 ""IfecS*^ which spring^ from the indisputable consciousness 
 of talents, and is nourished by the pure and delicate 
 essence of virtue, which shines uncontaminated in 
 every footstep of the hero ! It seems enmity, but 
 is laudable strife ; it seems envy, but is a generous 
 ambition. If Columbus had found enemies and ri- 
 vals resembling Americus, I should not see, as now, 
 the magnificent scene of his triumph so suddenly 
 changed into mourning and horror, the gloomy night 
 of ignominy and mockery succeed the brief light of 
 ephemeral happiness, and that invincible leader 
 who redoubled the power and dominions of ungrate- 
 ful Castile, groaning under the weight of infamous 
 chains, while he asks for nothing but liberty to car- 
 ry her arms to the most distant shores of the West. 
 Go now, and turning away your eyes from the atro- 
 cious metamorphosis, exclaim,' it is chance, — it is 
 fate, — arbitrary sounds and sterile syllables, with 
 which no distinct idea can ever be associated. 
 Alas ! are not there imperceptible threads by which 
 ^ regulating hand guides us through a crooked lab- 
 yrinth from causes to effects, and prepares in silence 
 
 1 Often, when the capture of a playfellows, " My father is con- 
 noble city or a victory in a mem- quering every thing, so that there 
 orable battle, by Philip, was an- will remain no great and brilliant 
 nounced, Alexander did not seem exploits for me to accomplish." — 
 much rejoiced, but said to his Plutarch. Alexander. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 283 
 
 the events of the universe 1 Prostrated by impla- eulogium 
 cable vengeance, and despoiled of the exclusive right 
 to discoveries and honours,^ Columbus pines in 
 inaction, but no nfew columns of Hercules,^ beyond 
 * which the pilot dares not pass, stand erect before 
 the shores of Mexico. Americus reunites Jhe web 
 of fortunate events. Americus succeeds Columbus. 
 
 At that period might some one have said to him, The euio- 
 ' Pause, illustrious Vespucius, and before two worlds, i^s ™*fi. 
 
 dress to 
 
 astonished at each other, are united by your means, imericua. 
 penetrate with me, for a few moments, the shadows 
 of the future, and observe the memorable results of 
 the union. What merchandise, what treasures to 
 Europe ! What rare industry in the arts, what 
 new sublimity in the sciences ! The uncertainty 
 of the heavens, the strange laws of the sea, the un- 
 known form of the terrestrial globe, the peculiar 
 formation of mountains and rivers, the hidden vir- 
 tues of minerals, of vegetables, of animals, all are 
 determined, all are turned to usefulness or pleasure 
 in life. There is not a single corner where the for- 
 tunate influence of your discoveries is not felt.^ 
 
 ' This exclusive right, which is them, so as to introduce the ocean 
 asserted by various historians into the Mediterranean. There- 
 {Rob. V. i. p. 95), does not ap- fore, the two heights which over- 
 pear in the contract between Co- look the Strait of Gibraltar are 
 lumbus and the Spanish monarchs. called the Pillars of Hercules. 
 It is, however, reported so in the It was said that he dared not pass 
 Hist. Gen. des Voyag., t. xlv. them, and that they were to serve 
 p. 17, and by Robertson himself, forever as limits to all navigators. 
 lb. p. 155. It is known, however, that the 
 
 2 The tweli'th labour of Hercu- Tyrians, Hanno, the Carthageni- 
 
 les was, according to Mytholo- an, and afterwards many others, 
 
 gists, to go to the two mountains, passed these limits. 
 
 A.bila and Calpe, and separate ^ Genty agrees with me. "The 
 
284 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 EULOGiuM. What did I say? the Mediterranean and the North 
 Sea are too contracted in space for the new tribute 
 which pours into them. The immense plenitude 
 inundates Africa and Asia. Political society is 
 raised to the highest point of elevation, and the 
 country discovered by you, furnishes an equilibriimi 
 to the boasted power of the other hemisphere. But, 
 alas ! if this splendid picture is so seductive with 
 its bright prospects of benefit, and so dazzling to 
 your vision, in what colours shall I paint to you the 
 funereal spectacle of innumerable wrongs 1 You 
 will find there unknown regions of gold ; the rocks 
 are rich with it ; the sands glitter with it ; nature 
 xhibits her richest stores. Inauspicious stores of 
 lamentation and desolation ! A vast multitude of 
 hungry adventurers hasten from all quarters. At- 
 tracted by the glitter of the dangerous metal, they 
 abandon their ancient seats. Europe sends, masters 
 there ; Africa, slaves. They are disputed at every 
 step, they are combated on every shore. Some 
 are the prey of the waves, others of fire and sword; 
 many, of a foreign climate ruinous to health ; many 
 of an unknown pestilence which devours them, 
 and without peopling the continent which they seek, 
 that which they leave remains desolate and desert- 
 
 conquest of the New World ex-- natural history, botany, geogra- 
 
 tended the domain of the arts and phy, navigation, and astronomy, 
 
 sciences, furnishing them with It brought us the Quinquina; it 
 
 materials and instruments, and called us to share in all the produc- 
 
 opening to genius a career more tions of nature, and procured us 
 
 vast and more brilliant. It con- more numerous and more varied 
 
 tributed, above all, to perfect enjoyments" (p. 289, 290). 
 
AMERIQUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 285 
 
 ed.^ This may be the punishment of their covet- EULOGiuit 
 ousness and debauchery. This may be the punish- 
 ment of those who hoped to find a pecuHar sky, 
 where Nature spoke not with her accustomed lan- 
 guage, and where the brutality of their desires 
 might be gratified to its fullest extent. In what 
 have those unfortunate beings sinned, those free- 
 men whom they bind with fetters in their tranquil 
 huts 1^ Can you convince yourself that you have 
 
 ' Such is exactly the view of 
 Genty. " It (the conquest of the 
 New World) should have softened 
 the manners of the Europeans, 
 and inclined them to beneficence ; 
 but it rendered them more cruel 
 and pitiless. 
 
 It should have exalted the dig- 
 nity of man, and taught him the 
 nobility of his origin ; it only 
 swelled the hearts of some des- 
 pots, and famished them with 
 new means to oppress and de- 
 grade the human species. It 
 ought to have enriched Europe, 
 and it covered it with mourning, 
 and rendered it, so to speak, de- 
 serted and miserable (p. 289). 
 The Spaniards made deserts in 
 America, and rendered their own 
 country more than a desert. — 
 Montesq. Lett. — Peraan. Lett. 121. 
 Since the devastation of America, 
 the Spaniards, who have taken 
 the place of the ancient inhabi- 
 tants, have not been able to re- 
 people it; on the contrary, the 
 destroyers are destroying them- 
 selves, and are being consumed 
 every day." — Id. 
 
 2 There are ten titles, according 
 to Solorzano {de Indiarum Jure, 
 
 t. i.), which give to Spain the 
 right over America. The gift of 
 God, confirmed by prophecies and 
 prodigies ; impulse and Divine 
 inspiration ; discovery and occu- 
 pation ; the barbarous customs of 
 the Indians ; their infidelity ; their 
 sins ; the preaching and propa- 
 gation of Christianity ; the ob- 
 ligation of listening to the faith; 
 the power of the Roman Emperor 
 to overcome the infidels ; and the 
 donation of the pope. Let every 
 one judge of the solidity of such 
 titles at his pleasure. To me, 
 they seem more evtravagant than 
 all the rights seriously proclaimed 
 by Gonzalo d'Oviedo. " Now, as 
 Spain and Italy took their names 
 from Hesperio XII., King of 
 Spain, so, also, should these 
 islands take it, which we call Hes- 
 perides. Hence, without doubt, 
 it may be considered, that in that 
 time these islands were under the 
 dominion of Spain, and under the 
 same king, which was (as Beroso 
 says) 1658 years before our Sa 
 viour was bom, and because, at 
 present, we are in the year of 
 grace, 1535, it follows that it is 
 now 3093 years since Spain and 
 
286 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 EULOGiuM. imaginary rights in Atalanta and the Hesperides, 
 and with the same thought fancy that a man with- 
 out clothing and without a yoke, merits not the 
 name of man 1^ Oh God ! the basest sycophancy 
 has fabricated those monstrous pretensions, in be- 
 half of powerful injustice.* Reason blushes at 
 them ; humanity shudders at them.^ The thirst 
 for gold awakens the thirst for blood. Like those 
 cruel persons, who kUl the innocent bee in order to 
 become masters of its sweet treasure, we signalize 
 our violation with murder, and bearing fire and the 
 sword in our hands, more cruel than wolves, more 
 barbarous than tigers, mangle a terrified and un- 
 armed herd, that we may reign over a huge mass 
 
 its Hesperus exercised dominion 
 over these Indies or islands of 
 Hesperides. On account of this 
 ancient jurisdiction, and judging 
 by the manner in which it has 
 been given, which will be . stated 
 hereafter, God has returned this 
 dominion to Spain again, after so 
 many centuries ; and it appears 
 that Divine justice wished to re- 
 turn it to her, that she might pos- 
 sess it perpetually, through the 
 good fortune of her two happy and 
 Catholic monarchs. — Ramusio, t. 
 iii. p. 65. 
 
 1 Araericus relates, that the 
 men seen by him all were na- 
 ked, and that they have neither 
 king nor lord ; that they obeyed 
 no one, and could neither be 
 called Moors nor Jews. 
 
 2 Listen to Genty, who thus 
 begins his second question : 
 "Musf this too celebrated revo- 
 lation be described, which will 
 
 make all future generations blush 
 with shame and indignation ? 
 Must these revolting scenes be 
 painted, these numerous massa- 
 cres, where all that was most 
 atrocious in barbarity, all that 
 was most hideous in avarice and 
 cowardice, was put in operation, 
 against timid and defenceless na- 
 tions? Must* the long chain of 
 crimes, perfidy, and oppression be 
 retraced, which blotted out whole 
 nations from the face of the 
 earth?" p. 33. 
 
 * The reply of Cortez to the 
 ministers of Montezuma, who 
 boasted of the treasures and the 
 power of their country, is reported 
 by Raynal, t. vi. p. 64. " Be- 
 hold exactly what we are seek- 
 ing after — great dangers and great 
 riches." Perhaps the Spanish 
 general had learned this language 
 from the pirates of Tunis or Al- 
 giers. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 287 
 
 of dead bodies and gold. The lacerated remnants eulogium. 
 of the horrid carnage howl with mournful clamour, 
 fly among the mountain precipices, conceal them- 
 selves in . inaccessible forests, and their country, 
 covered with blood and tears, offers nothing to its 
 unhappy children, but a sacrilegious altar with 
 thirty millions of men wickedly immolated to the 
 idol of avarice.^ 
 
 Whoever, at that juncture, had pourtrayed to The doubts 
 Vespucius this double series of events, would, per- ofAmencus. 
 chance, have induced him to change his determina- 
 tion. His heart, so prone to emotion, his spirit so 
 penetrating and so just, his noble disinterestedness, 
 his scrupulous delicacy, would have united to dis- 
 suade him from a voyage, the manifest ambiguitv 
 of the event of which might destroy so large a por- 
 tion of its glory. But very different thoughts were 
 revolving in his mind. Anxious to make known 
 to the world the superiority of the science and nau- 
 tical skill which had been his for a long time, he 
 listens only to the Toice of honour, which calls him, 
 and directing his course to the West, leaves to the 
 enlightened philosopher the task of determining the 
 character of his labours. Difficult judgment ! which 
 seems tacitly to constrain to the intricate ex- 
 amination of primitive causes, and to odious com- 
 
 i Thomas, Eloge de Dugay- Americans, besides fourteen hun- 
 
 Trouin. " Taking the calculation dred of his ' own nation, with his 
 
 of the furious Carvajal, 1500 own hand." — Raynal, torn. vii. p. 
 
 Spaniards were sufficient to slaugh- 58, with whom Gomara does not* 
 
 ter thirty millions of men. This disagree, exceptin the words "with 
 
 monster boasted, at his death, of his own hand." — Cap. 186, p. 
 
 having killed twenty thousand 259. 
 
288 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM. parison between- the private prosperity of a state, 
 and the public interest of the human rac6. Tell 
 me, indeed, whether navigation is an absolute ad- 
 vantage, or fix, at least, the relation between its 
 advantages and disadvantages. Tell me if it is 
 possible to find any universal measure of good, or 
 any rules by which to estimate in exact proportion, 
 and by a common criterion, physical, political, and 
 moral benefits. Tell me whether all men belong 
 to the same family, or define to which of the many 
 families of men a preference is due, and I will soon 
 designate to you the proper estimate of the mar- 
 itime deeds of Americus. If, in the absence of 
 proper data, I declare these general problems insol- 
 uble, do not be astonished that a question which is 
 connected with them by such bonds, and is of such 
 manifest affinity, should remain undecided.^ 
 Theadvan- It happcus sometimes, however, that an aggre- 
 disadvama- gate of facts and peculiar analogies authorizes a 
 
 ees of the ° , . ^ . ° 
 
 ifecovery of general conclusion, or it may' be that compassion, 
 tender and beautiful virtue, inborn with man, in- 
 clines the spirit to favour the oppressed, and the 
 important judgment may seem to you already pro- 
 nounced. At the horrid sight of the carnage, the 
 pretended advantages sink into insignificance. The 
 warm invectives of the philosopher are united with 
 
 1 The Work of Genty considers vantageous for me the accordance 
 
 the present question exactly, and of my opinions with those of Gen- 
 
 has an exposition of it much better ty may be, it will be easily seen, 
 
 than any thing that can be given that a longer discussion of the 
 
 in a eulogium. It ought to be point would have been quite for- 
 
 spoken of here, but however ad- eign to my subject. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 289 
 
 the eloquent tears of the ignorant, and that fatal eulogium. 
 art is deplored, which, in spite of a visible prohibi- 
 tion "of Providence, showed the way to the unlucky 
 shores of the New World. I would not mask the 
 truth, in order to secure fame to Vespucius. Sin- 
 cerity of intention, and the impossibility of fore- 
 telling the future, justify him sufficiently. But if 
 all the great elements of the question are considered, 
 how shall the decision be given with judgment and 
 equity 1 Has the culture of those wild and savage 
 nations ever been estimated 1 Has the price of re- 
 ligion ever been calculated 1 Yet these benefits 
 hold a rank so elevated, and ofFer rewards so cer- 
 tain to the feeble nature of man, that the dubious 
 light of every other good is obscured in compari- 
 son ; they are competent even to soften anguish, 
 calm terror, enlarge the mind, and spread oblivion 
 over the barbarity of conquerors, and the wicked- 
 ness of tyrants. It is a crime, I do not deny it, it 
 is the blackest of all crimes, to change the institu- 
 tions of religion into sanguinary instruments of 
 death, and reduce a desperate people to execrate 
 those revelations and that God, to whom they 
 ought to give themselves up with gratitude and 
 transport. But these revelations are adopted, and 
 that God is worshipped now in America.' Forget 
 
 ' It has been said that this in- oped. These ideas are presented 
 
 telligence is producing its effects, by Genty : " Nature," he says, 
 
 But it will be seen in the 'course " and philosophy will unite their 
 
 of this eulogium, that it could not voices to applaud these happy 
 
 be throughout America, and nei- changes, to prepare them, and im- 
 
 ther so soon nor so easily devel- derstand their effects. Religion 
 
 37 
 
290 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM. all evils in the presence of one good so incompara- 
 ble ;^ and since these were the pure designs of the 
 eager Voyager,^ in whom neither covetousness' nor 
 fanaticism ever fostered the cruelty of a Cortez,' 
 a Pizarro, or an Almagro, let him disembark tran- 
 quilly upon the shores of that strange land, and 
 greet in peace their unknown mountains and im- 
 trodden fields.'' 
 
 will continue to invite the savages 
 to a participation in its mysteries. 
 It will conquer them by its tender 
 exhortations, it wiU soften their 
 hearts by its promises and its con- 
 soling dogmas — it will make men 
 of them."— P. 321. 
 
 1 Thus is the first question de- 
 cided — The advantages and dis- 
 advantages of the discovery of 
 America, as proposed in the pro- 
 gramme of the Etruscan Acade- 
 my. It was raised, not with re- 
 gard to Europe only, but without 
 any limitation, and it was neces- 
 sary, therefore, to reply to it in full. 
 
 2 Not only was Americus eager 
 to inculcate in the minds of the 
 savages religion and morality, but 
 he was also so happy as to suc- 
 ceed in it. "In this country (in 
 Paria, that is), we established bap- 
 tismal fonts, and a great number 
 of people were baptized. They 
 called us in their language, Carabi, 
 which means men of great wis- 
 dom. We endeavoured many 
 times to draw them into our opin- 
 ions, and admonished them often, 
 that they might finally be wiUing 
 to abandon such an infamous cus- 
 tom as an abomination, and they 
 promised us many times to abstain 
 from such cruelty." 
 
 5 The moderation which Amer- 
 icus observed towards the savages 
 was quite remarkable. " We took 
 from them (from the traitors who 
 had assaulted him) many things of 
 little value, and we would not bum 
 their houses, as it was a matter of 
 conscience with us." "We re- 
 solved not to touch or take away 
 any of their things, in order the 
 better to assure them, and we left 
 many of our things for them in the 
 houses." " It was determined that 
 since this people wished to be at 
 enmity with us, we would have a 
 conference with them, and do eve- 
 ry thing to make them friends.'' 
 ■' We discharged two guns at them 
 (at those who had followed him 
 shooting arrows), more to frighten 
 than to do them injury." Ameri- 
 cus was not, therefore, inferior to 
 Cook, in an age which was not 
 like the age of Cook ; and though 
 he was obliged to fight many 
 times, it was to defend those sava- 
 ges who were his friends, or in his 
 own defence. 
 
 4 ' ' Agit grates, peregrinje que oscola 
 Terra 
 Figit, et ignotos montes agrosqne saln- 
 tat • • 
 
 Thus speaks Ovid of Cadmus, 
 who brought letters into Europe, 
 
AMERICUS VKSPUCIUS. 291 
 
 The daring Columbus should first have landed eulogeum. 
 here, had he intended to deprive others of the hope comparison 
 of surpassing him. Every effort is now vain, and ofcoiumbua 
 
 "^ and Amer- 
 
 whoever regards the discovery of the continent as '"us. 
 a poor appendage to the discovery of the islands, 
 militates with the truth, though he cannot wound 
 the invulnerable glory of Americus ; because the 
 acute Archimides, because Wallis and Brouncker 
 and Fermat approached closely the new analyses, 
 it does not follow that the divine geometrician who 
 courageously opened the formidable gates of infinity, 
 and trod those perilous regions with a sure foot, 
 has not eclipsed tliem. Newton found assistance 
 in the labours of many great men. But there was 
 nothing in common between the two navigators. 
 Neither the line of the voyage, the conduct, nor 
 the termination were similar. What an uncertain 
 and tortuous circuit was that of Columbus, who 
 from the Canaries returned to the south so far that 
 he saw in the tropics the neighbouring heights of 
 Cape Verd, and turning thence to the west and to 
 the north, arrived at Guanahani ! He roved nearly 
 three years from island to island, and from coast to 
 
 and perhaps religion also, as Amer- ta sang the Te Deum, and those 
 
 icus introduced religion and the in the other vessels responded to 
 
 first seeds of moral culture into it"- . . ." The Spaniards who fol- 
 
 America. The custom of render- lowed Columbus, fell on their 
 
 ing thanks to God at the sight of knees and'kissed the earth which 
 
 land was then general among nav- they had so long desired to see." 
 
 igators. "They set their feet on — Hist, de I' Am. t. i. p. 176, 177. 
 
 terrafirma," writesBoccacio, "and Hear Americus himself : " Having 
 
 saluted the neighbouring moun- seen the land, we gave thanks to 
 
 tains," &c. Robertson also inti- God." 
 mates it. " The crew of the Pin- 
 
292 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 BOMJGiuM coast, and attracted by an invisible magnetism 
 within the narrow circumference of past discove- 
 ries, never saw the boundless country which was 
 laid temptingly before his face, and seemed to open 
 its bosom, and invite him to repose upon it.^ Amer- 
 icus, on the contrary, avoids the seas already known, 
 shuns the islands already discovered,^ does not pro- 
 pose to return to Europe by the way of Japan and 
 China, and impelled by intelligence and genius, 
 runs in thirty-seven days from the Fortunate Islands 
 to the Oronoko. The spacious plains of Terra 
 Firma, the curious little island of Venezuela, the 
 pleasant forests of Paria,^ present an inexhausti- 
 
 I Jamaica, Cuba, Hispaniola, 
 and the other islands adjacent to 
 the Gulf of Mexico, having been 
 discovered, it might have been 
 said that the gates of the New 
 World were thrown wide open, 
 and that nothing further remained 
 to be done by the voyagers who 
 followed Columbus, but to enter 
 them. But I would ask, why 
 did not Columbus enter Mexico 
 through those gates which he him- 
 self had thrown wide open ? 
 
 " It was only in his second voy- 
 age that Americus went to the 
 islands of Antilla and Hispaniola, 
 already discovered by Columbus. 
 
 ' The land discovered by Ves- 
 pucius in his second voyage was, 
 according to his own account, con- 
 tinuous or contiguous to the land 
 discovered in his first; therefore, 
 if that- of the second lies a little 
 beyond the equator, in the south- 
 em hemisphere, it is reasonable 
 to conclude that of the first to be 
 
 near the line in the northern hem- 
 isphere : hence his " Lariab" is 
 certainly " Paria," as in the Geog- 
 raphy and Cosmography, Munster 
 accurately translates it. — (Geog. 
 Tab. Nov. Ins. Cosmog. p. 1109.) 
 But it is not easy to understand 
 how Lariab or Paria is located by 
 Americus under the Tropic of 
 Cancer, where New Galicia and 
 Panuco are situated. From ob- 
 serving that Martiniere (V. Paria) 
 does not recognize any province of 
 this name further East in America, 
 and that De I'lsle took it entirely 
 from his charts, I suspected that 
 in the first period of the discovery, 
 this might have been the general 
 denomination of America as then 
 known ; neither do I think I have 
 been deceived, since Geraldini, 
 Bishop of St. Domingo, wrote to 
 Leo X., concerning that island 
 which the unlearned call the con- 
 tinent of Asia, and others denom- 
 inate America or Paria. — {Can- 
 
AMERICUS TESPUCIUS. 393 
 
 ble harvest for his meditations, and give repose to eulogium. 
 the cosmographer to employ the philosopher. Nei- 
 ther is he satisfied with a passing and fugitive 
 glance, but having measured once more the fourth 
 part of the terrestrial perimeter,^ sees again the 
 shores with which he is enamoured, again explores 
 vast and almost boundless tracts of territory, visits 
 the northern shores,® where men of gigantic stature 
 are found,^ certain of bearing, as a tribute to covetous 
 
 cell. Diss. Sopra Crist. Colomb. 
 p. 224.) It is certain that one 
 map, as late as 1535, printed in 
 Basle, places Paria in 24 or 25 de- 
 grees of south latitude (^Margar. 
 Philos. p. 1434) ; in the maps of 
 Apianus, GrinEeus and Munster, 
 Paria is located in the environs of 
 the equator ; and in that of Villa- 
 novano, published in 1541, Paria 
 is placed at 45 degrees of north 
 latitude. Seventy degrees of lat- 
 itude being thus included by dif- 
 ferent geographers, it is fair to 
 conclude that all America was Pa- 
 ria ; and perhaps for this reason 
 Martyr says, " in the immense 
 tracts of Paria" (Dec. ii., L. ix. p. 
 39.), and called the " Sea of Pa- 
 ria" the ocean which bathed the 
 New World {Majol. Dies. Canic. 
 p. 509). In fact, Vespucius him- 
 self testifies, that after having 
 moved ten degrees from the equi- 
 noctial line, he continued to sail 
 towards the north, and passed into 
 a gulf which is called the Gulf of 
 Paria. This is certain proof that 
 Paria extended much beyond eight 
 or nine degrees north latitude, to 
 which, vsdth evident error, others 
 have been disposed to limit it, not 
 
 knowing that New Castile and 
 New Andalusia were two provin- 
 ces of Paria, and that the six hun- 
 dred leagues of coast, traversed by 
 Pinpon, amounted to more than 36 
 degrees (Sam. t. iii. p. 13. B. p. 
 23. B). 
 
 ' Americus was more than 52 
 degrees distant from Cadiz ; hence 
 he had passed over nearly the 
 fourth part of the terrestrial cir- 
 cuit. 
 
 2 "We resolved to turn our 
 course to the northwest," says 
 Americus. "We determined to 
 sail to the northern parts; we 
 changed our navigation towards 
 the north." In fact, Venezuela, 
 which Americus arrived at, is 
 changed to Tramontana, and from 
 the particular position of the ocean 
 in that place, Columbus took the 
 occasion to call it the North Sea, 
 as I have said in another place. 
 
 3 Various writers think these 
 giants were Patagonians, which 
 would carry Americus towards the 
 land of Magellan, at the south, 
 while in fact he went to the north. 
 It appears that similar gigantic 
 persons inhabited Yucatan, as 
 Solorzano observed, on the an- 
 
294 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM. Spain, three thousand miles of continent. His 
 companions were astonished, and with ravenous 
 eyes viewed the rich ear-rings and jewelled neck- 
 laces of the naked Indians.^ He admired their pro- 
 portions, studied their language, consider^ their 
 customs, and softened by the complaints and griev- 
 ances of these friendly hosts, turned his sword 
 against the deadly cannibals, who tore them in 
 pieces to satiate their hunger. 
 Cosmo- Meanwhile, abandoned cosmography recalls him, 
 
 cSSs and at her imperious nod, Americus retraces his 
 footsteps, and reasons with himself. Where am I ? 
 in what part of the globe 1 at what distance from 
 Calpe 1 Physical wonders are redoubled every 
 moment. The pole that was elevated so lucidly 
 above the horizon, is now sunk in the abyss of the 
 ocean. That zone which inexperienced philoso- 
 phers declared fatal to respiration and to life, 
 contains within its beautiful boundaries an innu- 
 merable multitude of inhabitants. Perhaps I am 
 now at the antipode of the Tartar or the Chinese. 
 Will my story be credited in Europe, if the new 
 Eden through which I wander* should be lost, like 
 
 thority of Herrera. — De Ind. Jur. always kept Bis eyes fixed on the 
 
 1. i. c. 10, n. 54. These and golden pavement. — Raynal, t. vi. 
 
 many similar accounts of the p. 70. Americus very cautiously 
 
 early navigators have proved to observes, " The navigation has 
 
 be exaggerations. — Trans. been very profitable, which is now 
 
 1 The Spaniards, greedy for a matter of high consideration, 
 
 riches, were never sensible of the and particularly in this kingdom, 
 
 beauties and charms of the lovely where inordinate covetousness pre- 
 
 climates of America. Like the vails." 
 
 Mammon of Milton, who. forget- 2 The idea of having foxmd in 
 
 ting every delight in Heaven, America a terrestrial paradise. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 296 
 
 the old, in the immensity of space 1 Many times eulogium. 
 the setting sun left him pondering upon these grave 
 considerations, and many times surprised him deeply 
 absorbed in them when it rose. To discover in 
 the Aatarctic heavens a motionless star, to guide 
 the pilot through the regions of the South, and from 
 the various intersections of the meridians with the 
 equator,^ to determine both the position of the 
 country, and the extent of the voyage — this was 
 the double knot, to unravel which, Americus de- 
 voted the silent night. It was more a matter per- 
 taining to his glory, than a thing absolutely essen- 
 tial to designate in the firmament the opposite pole ; 
 but to secure the honour 6f having trodden un- 
 known countries for the first time, it was indispen- 
 sable to be able to show the way to them again. 
 Meanwhile, an exact determination of the geograph- 
 ical longitudes, may contend in point of difficulty 
 with the discovery of a continent. What did not 
 the old philosophers do, what had not more re- 
 cent ones attempted, to solve the contumacious 
 problem 1 Despairing of solving it by the too 
 
 was common to Columbus and ' Imagining every point of the 
 
 Americus; but while Columbus globe cut by a meridian, and 
 
 spoke of it with gross fanaticism, taking for the first any point 
 
 {Hist. Gen. des Voyag., t. xlv. whatever, as that of Paris, the 
 
 p. 219), Americus treated the distance of this from others, 
 
 idea with a sobriety and a delicacy counted upon the equator, is 
 
 which do honour to his good sense, called longitude. Thus the me- 
 
 "The trees are so beautiful and ridian of Florence cuts the equa- 
 
 so odoriferous, that we seem to be tor at 8 degrees, 56 minutes, 59 
 
 in a terrestrial paradise.'' "If seconds east; that of London, at 
 
 there be a terrestrial paradise on 2 degrees, 5 minutes, 9 seconds 
 
 earth, doubtless it cannot be far west; and this difference of the 
 
 from these regions." two meridians, in crossing the 
 
290 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 Eci^oiuM. feeble aid of latitude and the rhombi/ they brought 
 to bear upon it the boldest computations, they in- 
 vested it with the most formidable analyses, and- 
 reduced it almost to a surrender by their 'experi- 
 ments w^ith a hundred orreries.** What^then'? 
 Their fruitless exertions left them finally to learn 
 from Vespucius the art of subduing the rebel. 
 His inventive genius pursues the question through 
 the two tropics f he watches ; he meditates ; he 
 reasons. It may be said, that abstruse formulas 
 and imperfect instruments were impedimenta to his 
 career. He notes the moment of an astronomical 
 conjunction, proceeds at once to the determination 
 of the longitude, and either the tables to which he 
 recurs, or the instruments he employs, lie. But. he 
 is the possessor of the secret ; his method is cer- 
 tain ; no one knew it before Americus, no one has 
 abandoned it since.* Well may all the discourteous 
 forgetfulness of men vanish, because this original 
 method which the ingenious European brought 
 forth for the first time under a savage sky, and em- 
 ployed for the first time in fixing its geographical 
 character, does not appear in the first place in the 
 ^iiorence American memorials of Astronomy — the inestima- 
 qSencTo'f ble anticipated fruit of the civilized hemisphere. 
 tneaol' Fortunatc Florence rejoiced at the proclamation 
 
 Americus. 
 
 equator, determined the longitude were a quadrant and an astrolabe ; 
 
 of Florence and London. , all his books, the almanack of 
 
 ' Encycl., art. Longitude. Monteregio and the tables of Al- 
 
 2 BaiUy, Hist, de I'Astr. Mod. phonso. Genius is like nature— 
 p. Ill, &c. it is contented with little. 
 
 3 All the instruments of Ameri- * Diss. Gius., No. 79. 
 ens, in this very difficult research, 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 297 
 
 of these discoveries. The noble emporium of lit- eulogium 
 erature and commerce, foreseeing their remote con- 
 sequences, witli joyful illuminations, hastened to 
 render to her son a portion of the honour by which 
 he has «iade her so illustrious and so renowned.^ 
 With joyful illuminations ! Ah ! deplore the 
 wretched reward, if the follies of a devastating 
 luxury, and magnifieent spectacles giving evidence 
 of corruption and slavery, have abolished in you 
 the august traces of republican simplicity.^ If you 
 still nourish any feeble sparks of ancient virtue, 
 confess that Athens and Rome, while erecting 
 statues to Miltiades, or crowning the brow of Pos- 
 tumius with a wreath of myrtle, exhibit a far su- 
 perior greatness, than while decreeing three hun- 
 dred statues to Valerian, or while erecting arches 
 and temples to Antony.^ Americus received at the 
 
 ' Band. Vit. d'Am. Vesp. p. of Tuscany, and his noble refusal 
 
 xlv. Though such festivities are when the gratitude of the people 
 
 narrated by Bandini to have ta- offered him an equestrian statue, 
 
 ken place before the voyages of may be cited as another example. 
 Vespucius, in the service of Por- 3 Cujus victorise non alienum 
 
 tugal, it would seem that they videtur quale praemium Miltiadi 
 
 followed the voyage of 1501 to sit tributum docere. Ut populi 
 
 Brazil. The reason is, because nostri honores quondam fuerunt 
 
 the relation to Soderini did not rari et tenues, ob eamque causam 
 
 arrive in Florence till after the gloriosi — sicolimapudAthenienses 
 
 year 1604, and that alone, as a fuisse reperrimus. Namque huic 
 
 public document, might have Miltiadi — talis honos tributus est 
 
 given rise to the festivities. in Porticu qus Poecile vocatnr — 
 
 * The most enlightened sov- ut in decem Praetorum numero 
 
 ereigns, fathers of their sub- prima eju^ imago poneretur — Idem 
 
 jects, have always abhorred use- ille populus postea quarn comiptus 
 
 less pomp. For example, Adrian, est, trecentas statuas Demetrio 
 
 Marcus Aurelius, and Alexander Phalerio decrevit. — Cor. Nepos. 
 
 Severus. The truly philosophic Miltiades. 
 character of Leopold, Grand Duke 
 
 38 
 
298 
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM hands of his native country the illustrious rewards 
 of a respected citizen, while Spain, forgetful of the 
 foreigner who boasted no titles but those of courage 
 and genius, rewarded him only with the usual sti- 
 pend of a faithful subject.^ Great men are certainly 
 great phenomena in nature ; rare among a multi- 
 tude of ordinary productions, and unmoved by the 
 confined powers of vulgar systems, they excite 
 ideas of the admirable, and present to the curious 
 philosopher an immense perspective of new combi- 
 nations. It is a strange misfortune that such great 
 similarity of endowment is coupled with so differ- 
 ent a fate, and that a great phenomenon may be 
 great with impunity, while a great man cannot. 
 
 ' Everything convinces me, that 
 in 1500, a cabal was in operation 
 to ruin Americus with the court 
 of Spain, although, conscious of 
 his rectitude, and the benevolence 
 of the king, lie seemed not to 
 have feared it. It is certain, that 
 returning from his second voyage, 
 he was very ill-treated at the 
 Antillas by the companions of 
 Columbus. " I think through 
 envy," he says himself. Who 
 can be persuaded that this envy 
 ended in the Antillas, and did not 
 follow him to Europe ? He had 
 scarcely arrived in court, when 
 the kii;ig, moved by the greatness 
 of his services, engages him, in the 
 same year, 1500f for a third voy- 
 age, with the rank of commander 
 of three vessels. " They are fit- 
 ting out three ships for me here, 
 and I think they will be ready by 
 the middle of September." But 
 behold the whole face of things 
 
 suddenly changed. In spite of 
 the esteem of the king, the medi- 
 tated voyage vanishes, Americus 
 leaves Seville secretly, and, in the 
 month of May of the following 
 year, 1501, we find him upon the 
 ships of Portugal. This change 
 of circumstances, which would be 
 in vain attributed to the caprice 
 or inconstancy of Americus, can- 
 not be explained, without sup- 
 posing some interference of his 
 enemies. Here is something con- 
 firmatory of this view. " The 
 Spaniards having shown very lit- 
 tle gratitude to him (to Vespu- 
 cius) for all his discoveries, their 
 ingratitude mortified him keenly. 
 Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 
 jealous of the success of the 
 Catholic kings, informed of the 
 dissatisfaction of Vespucius, en- 
 ticed him into his kingdom." — 
 Nouv. Diet. Hist. Art. Americ. 
 Vespuce. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 299 
 
 Both confront prejudices and prostrate them ; both eulogiuh 
 contend with ignorant pride, and confound it. But 
 that encounter, and that contest, which render a 
 great phenomenon more famous, exjiose the great 
 man to the fatal action of inexorable circumstances, 
 and although sometimes he is triumphant, he is 
 often left without a single mark of his triumph. 
 Implacable envy resists him ; dark calumny lace- 
 rates him ; he who was yesterday the wonder of 
 his age, to-day is desert'ed ; and at the sound of his 
 ruin, rewards and honours desert him. This is 
 the reason why history, so fertile and diffuse in the 
 catalogue of celebrated personages, seems so limited 
 and barren in her description of their rewards.^ 
 Every age boasts some transcendent spirits, but 
 not in every age are found generous and feeling 
 hearts. 
 
 This cruel truth has often led to the very bor- 
 ders of absurdity. Superior talents seemed an un- 
 fortunate gift of Heaven, and in order to hide them 
 from the jealousy of tyrants, they have often lan- 
 guished in degradation and stupid inaction.^ As if 
 
 ' The large dictionary of Moreri ^ Descartes and Newton, by con- 
 is in four large volumes, and might cealing themselves, as it were, are 
 be augmented. "We grant three a proof of it. The former was so 
 quarters of the work to the names disturbed by the imprisonment of 
 and matters which are foreign to Galileo, that he was on the point 
 our subject; the names of truly of burning all his writings — Tho- 
 great men would occupy but one mas Elog. de Descar. — the latter 
 volume folio. The work of Du- suppressed his " Method of Flux- 
 Tillet, " An Essay upon the hon- ions," discouraged by the silly ob- 
 ours and monuments granted to jections with which his discoveries 
 iUnstrious scholars," is a little were assailed. — Montitcla, t. ii. p. 
 volume in 12mo. 312. 
 
300 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULoo^TM. the moon should renounce her usual course to ap- 
 pease the barkings of the capricious mastiff; or the 
 sun cease to dispense his rays, Jsecause the sense- 
 less Ethiop, from the sultry atmosphere of a fiery 
 zone, throws javelins and reproaches at it.^ Amer- 
 icus did not foUovs^ such counsels. The star w^hich 
 is never darkened, leaves the misty horizon in- 
 volved in its clouds, and sheds its light elsewhere. 
 See him upon the ships of Portugal, making the 
 winds and the ocean show "him the new line of the 
 Vatican.** 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 # 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 [The programme of the academy required the in- 
 troductionr of some eulogistic remarks respecting the 
 King of France and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
 which the writer ingeniously brought in, at this 
 place. Being foreign to the subject, they are 
 omitted. — JVatis.] 
 The voyages But was Heaveu wearied with favouring his de- 
 
 of Americus 
 
 intheser- sigus " A thick mist suddenly darkens the seren- 
 
 vice of For- ° •' 
 
 tugai. ity of the day, with the whispering of the exaspe- 
 
 1 Solem orientem occidentem- 2 Alexander VI., in the year 
 
 que dira imprecatione contuentur 1493, issued a bull in which (ta- 
 
 (^thiopes) ut exitralem ipsis king 100 leagues beyond the 
 
 agrisque. — Plin. 1. 5. c. 8. Per- Azores, an ideal meridian, as a 
 
 haps Job alludes to, this custom line of demarcation) he conceded 
 
 when he speaks of those who curse to Spain all discoveries to be made 
 
 the day. On the reverse of a med- towards the West, in the extent of 
 
 al prepared in honour of the im- 180 degrees, and to Portugal all 
 
 mortal poetess. Gorilla Olimpica, those which should be made to- 
 
 the sun is seen pierced with ar- wards the East in the remaining 
 
 rows by some Ethiopians, with the 180 degrees. The limit was af- 
 
 legend taken from Job, " Who terwards changed. 
 curse the day." 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 301 
 
 rated winds mingles the wild burst of thunder and eulogium 
 the lurid glare of the lightning. The Atlantic rolls 
 a thousand whirlpools beneath the trembling fleet. 
 His companions lose all hope, and without knowing 
 through what region they are wandering, or where 
 the mad encounter of the waves may drive them, 
 feel only that they are running helplessly to ship- 
 wreck and death. Then appeared the valour of 
 those skilful commanders,^ to whom, in order to 
 undervalue Americus, the merit of the discoveries 
 is attributed. Abominable ignorance and pride ! 
 Contemptible band of greedy traffickers P In vain 
 would ye have invoked with your dying exclama- 
 tions the impotent riches with which ye had 
 equipped your fleet, had not Americus come to 
 your succour. To abandon the command, to grasp 
 the helm, to consult the faithful instruments of his 
 beloved science, and restore calmness and safety to 
 the disheartened mariners, was the work of an in- 
 
 • See Tirab. p. 189; Diss. Gi- fortunehad abandoned them, would 
 
 ustif. No. 34. certainly have been ruined. But 
 
 s Althougb history seems to jus- their enterprises always extended 
 tify the idea that Americus sailed the dominions of the mother coun- 
 at the expense of the sovereigns of try. After the first expeditions, 
 Spain and Portugal, it is very she never formed a plan, never 
 probable that after the first voy- opened her treasury, never re- 
 age of Columbus, another usage cruited any troops. — Raynal, t. 
 was introduced into the two king- vi. p. 53. Thus navigated Ojeda, 
 doms. " The forces of Cortez Pinzon, &c. — Robert. T>. i. p. 294. 
 were not supported by the gov- Americus himself does not leave 
 e'mment, which, in the attempts us in doubt about this, when he» 
 which were made to discover new relates what share he had in the 
 countries, and in forming new es- sale of 200 slaves, which, but for 
 tablishments, gave only the aid of that, would have belonged to the 
 its name. All was executed at crown, 
 the expense of individuals, who, if 
 
Brazil. 
 
 302 LIFE AND VOVAGES OP 
 
 EULOGiuM. stant. This was little. He returns not to Nigritia, 
 from which he had departed, he turns not to some 
 known country, where he may rest securely, but 
 not fearing the absence of the sim, at the time 
 tending to the summer solstice, and defying the 
 most terrible dangers, he follows for two thousand 
 miles the circle of the equinoxes ; and, victor over 
 the storms and the winter, discovers the rich coun- 
 try of Brazil, and presents it in homage at the foot 
 of the throne of Portugal.' 
 
 Importance It was iu Brazil that Americas showed the great 
 
 of the dis- 
 
 eoA^ry^of talents of a Theophrastus and a Pliny. A passion- 
 ate admirer of nature, full of lively desire to search 
 into its divine beauties, and endowed with the 
 finest sensibility to feel and describe them, see him 
 wandering with ecstacy through the woods and 
 over the mountains ; arrested at the sight of a tree, 
 a bird, or a stone; gathering the beautiful fruits, 
 the pure gums and balsams ; contemplating with 
 transport the fertility of the soil, the temperature 
 of the climate, the great quantity of nutritious 
 roots, the power of medicinal juices, the health, the 
 vigour, the long life of the inhabitants, and cour- 
 ageously defying the naturalist of the Old World, 
 to find in Europe or Asia so much to interest the 
 student, as Brazil alone oiFers at every step to the 
 observation of the stranger. Night does not snatch 
 
 t Brazil was discovered by Ves- for various reasons. It was then 
 
 pucius while he was navigating for carefully visited, and almost dis- 
 
 Ferdinand (Diss. Gius. No. 71), covered anew, by hira, while m 
 
 but Spain made no account of it, the service of Portugal. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUfi. 3Q2 
 
 from him the pompous spectacle of the earth, but eui-ogium 
 varies his delight with her changing meteors and her 
 unchanging lights of the firmament. He will tell you 
 the magnitude of them, their places, their order, and 
 their motions;^ he will enumerate them; he will 
 draw curious figures of them ; that the South may 
 not envy the North its advantages and its fame, he 
 will enrich with Southern constellations^ the in- 
 teresting catalogue of the fixed stars. Ah ! where 
 is that precious volume to which Vespucius con- 
 signed such vast treasures of natural science and 
 astronomical erudition! What unworthy plot, or 
 what secret disaster, caused it to perish miserably 
 in the hands of a sovereign, who, for the fortune 
 and glory of Portugal, should have jealously guard- 
 ed it 1 Let him who doubts this great loss, who 
 pretends that this important work still lies buried 
 among dusty archives, turn to Brazil, and explain, 
 at least, how this happy land is suddenly trans- 
 formed into an abominable and cursed land, into an 
 
 I The Southern Cross is per- gether the most brilliant of the 
 
 haps the most celebrated of the circurapolar constellations. The 
 
 figures or constellations observed foremost has nearly 62 degrees of 
 
 by Vespucius. They are spoken apparent southern declination, and 
 
 of asan admirable order of stars, consequently is 28 degrees distant 
 
 and a notable circumstance, by from the pole. Let us imagine 
 
 Andrea Corsali and Gonzalod'Ovi- the surprise of Americus Vespu- 
 
 edo. — Ramus, t. i. p. 177, D. t. iii. cius, when, after having passed 
 
 p. 73, F. Merian also, reflecting the line 6 degrees, he suddenly 
 
 upon the famous verses of Dante, discovered those stars, and recol- 
 
 thus expresses himself : " What a lected immediately the verses of 
 
 ■wonderful thing! Those four stars the poet (or shall I say, of the 
 
 are found in the place indicated — prophet?)." — Toscan. Nouv. Mem. 
 
 three of the second and one of the de Berlin, an. 1784, p. 515. 
 
 third magnitude — they form to- - Riccoli Alm.Nov. L. 6,p. 410. 
 
304 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 EULOGiuM. opprobrious prison for the wicked, an infamous 
 
 receptacle for the dregs- of a kingdom.^ Ah ! if 
 
 the Portuguese, no less greedy than the Castilian, 
 
 had possessed those faithful memorials wherein 
 
 Americus, after picturing its splendid climate, 
 
 gives magnificent descriptions of pearls,® diamonds, 
 
 and gold, full well I know that Brazil would not 
 
 have waited two centuries to become the delight 
 
 and the treasury of Portugal.^ 
 
 Thoughts The consideration of this speaking example en- 
 respecting ••!•«• J 
 
 ..e civiiiza- lightens me. How can we hope to civiuze America,* 
 
 tion of ° . ^ , . 
 
 American if^ dcspisiug her wheu she is poor, and running to 
 spoil her as soon as she proclaims her riches, we 
 give ample intimation that we would willingly 
 change a savage into gold, but are little disposed to 
 change him into a citizen or a scholar. There 
 gleams, I know it well, in Northern America, a 
 splendid Am'ora of pleasing hopes,^ and from the 
 union of friendship and peace which binds the 
 shore-provinces together, I have a right to augur for 
 the West more fortunate and more pleasing days. 
 Moral culture and science are not propagated with 
 
 1 Raynal, t. ix. p. 7. * In tlie programme of the Etrus- 
 
 2 The country does not produce can Academy, it is also desired 
 any metal except gold, of which that in the Eulogy of Americus, 
 there is a great abundance. They some notice maybe taken of the 
 have many pearls and precious future civilization of America, and 
 stones ( Vesp. ). " What negli- it is sketched in this place, 
 gence, what nnskilfuluess in those = " The independence of the An- 
 conunissaries who, in the sixteenth glo- Americans is the most propi- 
 century, assured the court of Lis- tious event to accelerating the 
 bon that there was neither gold revolution which is to reproduce 
 nor silver to be found there!" — happiness upon earth." — Genty,p. 
 Raynal, t. ix. p. 7. 317. 
 
 8 Raynal, t. ix. p. 115. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 306 
 
 the celerity of light.^ How many generations will eulogiubt. 
 live and die, how many ages will pass away before 
 the muses find a kingdom in America, with its 
 academies and lyceums equalling the number of the 
 bulwarks which encircle her mines. Perhaps the 
 wandering inhabitants of those rich forests will re- 
 sist forever the social yoke of which they feel not 
 the necessity f perhaps they will never be able to 
 extirpate from the spirit of a Patagonian and a can- 
 nibal those ideas that are insuperably opposed to 
 instruction, and close every avenue to images of the 
 beautiful and the- true ; perhaps, being contented 
 with merely inspiring their limited understandings 
 with a religious feeling, and then leaving them in 
 their native infancy, will have a less evil tendency 
 than bringing them to that indefinable compound 
 of knowledge and A'ice, which constitutes, in fact, 
 the superiority of European worship over that of 
 the ignorant native.- Who can say whether there 
 will ever be on the earth generous mortals to at- 
 tempt the laborious enterprise, and who will have 
 the heart apd the head to succeed in it?' We 
 
 1 It must nut be expected that ^ The sentiment is from Plato, 
 
 every thing will be reduced to or- " For when they asked him (the 
 
 der in a few years, and that the Cyreneans asked Plato) to write 
 
 present generation will enjoy the some laws for them, and bring the 
 
 enchanting spectacle of general fe- people into some kind of order, he 
 
 licity. — Genty, p. 316. While I said it was a difficult thing to 
 
 was thinking thus, in the year introduce laws for the happy Cy- 
 
 1788, the greatest men, Borda, reneans, for that nothing must be 
 
 La Grange, La Place, Monge, taken away from men without 
 
 and Condorcet, were writing sim- their consent." — Plutarch. Lucul- 
 
 ilar words in France. — Hisl. de lus. Raynal makes the same re- 
 
 Acad. R. des Sd. an. 1738, flection, t. vii. p. 65. 
 
 p 10. 3 He (Tupia, a native of Tahiti) 
 
 39 
 
306 LI^'E AND VOy/.GES OF 
 
 EULOGiuM. find but two examples through the long course of 
 three centuries, Americus and Las Casas, who 
 may be cited as the possessors of such qualities. 
 But Las Casas, with superhmnan talent, and with 
 the celestial fervovu* which animated him, wanted 
 power and assistance ; and Americus, now bent 
 with the weight of laurels and years, could only 
 point the Europeans to the blameless path which 
 he had marked out for their guidance. 
 The name Permit me to pass over in silence his other pas- 
 bis reward.' sagc across the line, and the little he received from 
 repentant Castile. All is little, all is common, 
 after what I have told you. Let it suffice that the 
 universe, astonished at his deeds, regarded him as 
 the confidant of the stars, as the father of cosmog- 
 raphy, as the wonder of navigation, and having, by 
 the unanimous sufirages of all nations, abolished 
 that primitive denomination, the New World, willed 
 that the continent should derive its name from 
 Americus alone, and with sublime gratitude and 
 justice, secured that reward to him, and an eternity 
 of fame. But, will you believe, it 1 Italy, though a 
 participator in his glory, and England, though en- 
 lightened and sagacious, still nourish hearts so un- 
 grateful and minds so narrow, that they have not 
 
 was in fact a more proper person, ideas, those intermediate links 
 
 perhaps, than any European what- which unite the weali notions of 
 
 ever, to bring them to a civil and such people to the extended sphere 
 
 social state, because some of our of our own knowledge. — Cook, b. 
 
 people knew how to take the short- v. p. 263. On the incapacity of 
 
 est and most efficacious way in in- the Europeans for converting the 
 
 structing them, not seeing exactly, Americans, see also Bobertson, 
 
 in the progress of their elementary Hist, of America. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. . 307 
 
 only dishonoured with satire the incomparable eulogium. 
 deeds of Vespucius, but, expostulating loudly 
 against the unanimous decree of the nations, have 
 made it criminal in Americus that his name has 
 been thus adopted, and have depicted him in the 
 black colours of an ambitious usurper. O shame ! 
 O blindness ! Should not Italy remember Mezio ; 
 England, Guerk ; and both, the renowned Conon 1 
 The artist of Holland fabricated that admirable tel- 
 escope which is called Galilean ;' the consul of 
 Madgeburgh* invented that interesting machine 
 which bears the name of Boyle ; the geometrician 
 of Samos described the celebrated curve which was 
 afterwards called Archimedean ; and he deserves to 
 give his name to a country who firit had the in- 
 trepidity to penetrate or conquer it, rather than he 
 who is satisfied to reconnoitre it at a distance.^ 
 
 No, it is not true that death silences envy. After Death and 
 
 memory of 
 
 fifty lustrums, the memory and the ashes of Amer- Americus. 
 icus are insulted. Oh ! if his native country, whose 
 name he always bore engraved on his affectionate 
 heart, if the gentle friends among whom he longed 
 to pass his last days, could have foreseen his un- 
 
 1 Montucla, Hist, des Mathem., his name, than he who only recon- 
 tom. ii. p. 166. noitres it." Americus first made 
 
 2 Newton. Opt. L. 2, part 3, the conquest of this country, not 
 prop. 8. by sacking a,nd depopulating it, 
 
 3 Montucla, Hist, des Mathem., but by discovering it, by penetra- 
 t. i. p. 237, where he concludes ting it, by observing its immense 
 with these words, which are lite- riches, and by giving a minute ac- 
 rally adapted to Americus : " He count of it. — Lettera al. Sig. P. 
 who penetrates farthest into a Allegrini, p. 11. 
 
 country, has a better title to ^ve it 
 
308 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 BULOGiuM. worthy fate, with what proofs, with what authentic 
 testimonies, would they not have disarmed the ran- 
 cour of an incredulous posterity ! But, placing toe 
 much confidence in the rich light that encircled the 
 citizen and the friend, they wept his loss with bit- 
 terness, though they neglected to establish his glo- 
 ry. He died.^ Seek for his sepulchre in Terceira, 
 in the bosom of the ocean, between the two conti- 
 nents which are indebted to him for power and 
 name.^ How much better could we show the 
 stranger his monument in his own land! in the 
 midst of us ! Look at the urn of Galileo : does it 
 not seem to want at its side the tomb and image of 
 Vespucius? The memory of the two divine ge- 
 niuses who discovered so large a part of the earth 
 and of the heavens, would arrest the steps of the 
 traveller, and while redoubling his encomiums on 
 the famous Florentine, he would confess with .trans- 
 port, that the Athens of Italy was not contented 
 with producing great men, but knew also how to 
 value the honour of having produced them.' 
 
 1 " Americus Vespucius died in coverer Flandro. — Chev. Inbr. m 
 
 Terceira, one of the Azore Islands, Un. Geogr. p. 666. The Indians 
 
 and it is the common opinion that alone can be ignorant that the dis- 
 
 his death happened in 1508. Oth- covery of America has produced 
 
 ers think, on the authority of the the power of Europe. Thus she 
 
 archives, that he died in Seville has known how to profit by it ! — 
 
 in 1512, but the archives are en- Genty, p. 211, &c. 
 
 titled to credit only when they can ^ Ayerani was accustomed to 
 
 be found by all." Canovai was say, that " Galileo and Vespucius 
 
 undoubtedly in error as to the place had so ordered it, that we could 
 
 of the death of Americus. — Trans, not raise our eyes to heaven, nor 
 
 ^ Between America and Spain cast them down to the earth, with- 
 
 lie the Azores, nine islands which out remembering the glory of the 
 
 are called Flandricae, from the dis- Florentines."- J.Z§-arot. t. iv. p.] 37 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 309 
 
 EULOGIUM. 
 
 TRANSLATOR'S REMARKS. 
 
 The foregoing. Eulogium produced a great sen- 
 sation in Italy. It was one of the first fruits of 
 the influence, then just "beginning to be felt, of the 
 vast intellectual activity which pervaded France at 
 the period of its delivery. The strongest French 
 writers of the Republican Era, whose works and 
 speeches upon the inalienable rights of man were 
 then electrifying the world, found nowhere a readier 
 response than that which came from the ardent 
 hearts of the Patriots of the Italian States. The 
 reader cannot have failed to remark the warm and 
 enthusiastic love of country which dictated many 
 of the sentences of the Eulogist. Immediately fol- 
 lowing its delivery and publication societies and 
 clubs sprang into existence in every part of the 
 Peninsula, whose object was to furnish premiums 
 for similar orations, devoted to the illustration of 
 the lives and characters of the many scientific and 
 patriotic men who had, in previous ages, shed lus- 
 tre on the annals of the old Republics. Too deeply 
 fired with national feeling to suit the ruling pow- 
 ers, many of these productions never saw the light ; 
 but, passing from hand to hand in manuscript, they 
 made many a youthful heart glow with brighter 
 hopes for his country, and. prepared in advance a 
 warm welcome for the French armies when they 
 came victoriously over the Alps. 
 
3U) LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 EULociuM. In order fully to appreciate the merit of the Eu- 
 logist, his work should be read in the language in 
 which it was written. Every species of composi- 
 tion loses something by a translation, and none suf- 
 fer more than works of this nature. - There is a 
 certain wealth and fulness of expression in the 
 Italian tongue, which, though mellifluous beyond 
 expression to an Italian ear, adds much to the 
 difficulty of a translation. This, perhaps, is the 
 reason why so few of the works of the authors of 
 Italy, compared with those of other countries, have 
 been rendered into English. There are mines of 
 wealth yet unattempted in her literature, and open 
 only to those who are familiar with her language. 
 
 There are some exaggerations and historical in- 
 accuracies in the Eulogium. They are,^owever, 
 of trifling importance, and, for the sake of a faithful 
 translation, have been allowed to stand imaltered 
 The reader has either perceived and corrected them 
 in his own mind, or they have been of no material 
 disadvantage to him. 
 
 iffotivesof At the commencement of his Justificatory Dis- 
 
 Canovai in. . _^ .. , . i-iiii. 
 
 writing the sertation, Oanovai gives tlie motives which led him 
 
 Eulogium. 
 
 to undertake the composition of the Eulogium, as 
 well as the dissertation itself. 
 
 " Just relieved,'' he says, " from the extraordinary 
 occupations in connexion with astronomy, which 
 my colleague engaged me to undertake, in the 
 month of May, in the year 1788, 1 turned my atten- 
 tion to Americus Vespucius, and more to relieve 
 my mind from too severe application than from any 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3II 
 
 other motive, I determined to write a eulogium of EULoomit 
 him. I confess I was surprised at the names and 
 number of the enemies of this immortal man ; but 
 the History of Italian Literature by Tiraboschi 
 alarmed me more than any other book which I 
 consulted. I there found collected into one mass 
 all the alleged crimes of the Florentine navigator. 
 The high estimation which this writer enjoyed in 
 Italy made me almost despair of Vespucius, for 
 Tiraboschi, satisfied with merely desiring his de- 
 fence, had refrained from undertaking it. 
 
 I would have given up the idea of praising a 
 man so little worthy of praise, if the programme 
 of the learned Etruscan Academy had not revived 
 my courage. Was it possible that so famous a 
 body of literary men could decree a eulogy to one 
 who merited a satire, if it were possible to sustain 
 so many accusations 7 Having, therefore, in the ex- 
 tremely limited space of time allowed me, combined 
 in the best manner I could, a defence of the truth, 
 of which 1 felt persuaded, I wrote the Eulogy, ap- 
 pended some notes to it, to serve as a foundation, 
 and at the time appointed, sent it, as other writers 
 did, to its destination. From that moment a lively 
 desire to purify completely the character of Ameri- 
 cus has constantly haunted me. Meaning to com- 
 pose, at one time or another, an argumentative dis- 
 sertation on this subject, to present to the Academy, 
 I gladly consecrated to the accumulation of materi- 
 als all the few leisure hours which my profession al- 
 lowed me for three months. I never imagined that 
 
312 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 EULOGiuM. an occasion, or rather a necessity for putting my 
 design into execution, would offer so soon. The 
 dissertation sprang up under my pen in a few days, 
 and I only gave it to the Academy and the public 
 as an essay, showing what might be said in favour 
 of the accused Vespucius, since the weakness of 
 his defenders has greatly augmented the audacity 
 of his enemies. 
 
 Tho Mstory The convcnience I derived from finding myself 
 dii. furnished by Tiraboschi alone with all that has been 
 invented against Americus, made me prefer the 
 " History of Italian Literature" to all other works. 
 I have quoted it, and I have attacked it more freely 
 than usual, as a new collection of observations, of 
 authorities, of information, which that historian 
 either siippressed or did not value, and particularly 
 as the frequent complaint of various writers, have 
 obliged me to consider its criticism and its apathy 
 with more serious attention." 
 
II. 
 
 A NARRATIVE 
 
 ADDRESSED TO 
 
 LORENZO DI PIER-FRANCESCO DE' MEDICI; 
 
 « 
 
 Giving an Account of the Voyage and Discoveries of Vasco de Gama 
 
 beyond the Cape of Good Hope, the Authorship of which, has 
 
 been attributed to Americus Vespucius. 
 
 The following letter is given by Bandini, in one voyage 
 edition of his " Vita e Lettere," as a veritable pro- de gama 
 duction of Americus. Canovai rejects it, and does 
 not publish it in his work. In his preface, he writes 
 respecting it as follows : " To him who asks me 
 why I do not publish in this work ' The Relation of 
 the Voyage of Gama,' freely attributed to Americus 
 by Bandini, and printed with the direction to De' 
 Medici, among his other letters, I would reply with- 
 out hesitation" that I cannot believe it to be a work 
 of Vespucius. It is demonstrated not to be by the 
 assertion of Ramusio, that ' the Relation was writ- 
 ten by a Florentine gentleman, who happened to 
 be in Lisbon at the return of said fleet.' Gama re- 
 turned to Lisbon while Americus was in the West 
 Indies, and as far as we know, he was not again 
 in Portugal before 1501 . ^^^^^^ ^^ 
 
 Leaving as a matter of controversy this state- Ca^™^ 
 ment of Ramusio, Bandini adds that in the Riccar- '^^,1°^^' 
 
 40 
 
314 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 vovARE diano records " the diction and the character are 
 
 OP 
 
 DB GAMA. those of Vespucius." This is a most erroneous as- 
 sertion with regard to the diction, for it is certain 
 that the slightest comparison of the letter to De' 
 Medici with the " Relation of the Voyage of Gama" 
 (consecutive pieces in those records) is sufficient 
 to convince one at a glance that the two writings, 
 though perhaps in the same character, cannot be 
 the production of the same author. The letter 
 speaks of latitudes, longitudes, astronomical meth- 
 ods, American languages, &c., and speaks of them 
 in a certain peculiar style, and with words and 
 phrases so purely Spanish, that it displays dis- 
 tinctly the genius of him who wrote it, and par- 
 ticularly the mingled idiom which he used in wri- 
 ting. Now there is none of this in the Narrative. 
 We find there, in the most simple Tuscan language, 
 a description of the popular customs of Calicut, 
 the merchandise, the prices of the most valuable 
 commodities, the money current in trade, the traffic 
 which might be carried on there with European 
 productions, the time necessary to transport them 
 from Lisbon ; yet with all his various accounts of 
 gems, spices, and dye-wood, the latitude of the 
 country is never mentioned. Is it possible that 
 Americus would have treated the subject so stu- 
 pidly '? 
 
 But the most decisive reason against Bandini, is 
 an inscription in the same character as that of the 
 Narrative, which appears on the manuscript, " Copy 
 of a letter from the King of Portugal." The'Ric- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3ig 
 
 cardiano Narrative is then a copy, and not a letter voyage 
 from Americus. In fact, by what we can gather de gama. 
 from his few hints at the close of his first letter to 
 De' Medici, he was not then so greatly enamoured 
 with the voyage of Gama as to write a relation of 
 it. That Admiral did nothing but reach a particu- 
 lar destination by a new route." 
 
 Notwithstanding these arguments of Canovai, it Theargu- 
 is certainly within the range of possibility that the canovai 
 
 . . , » • TT 1 considered. 
 
 Narrative was written by Americus. He admits 
 that the character of the handwriting was similar 
 to that of the Letter to De Medici in the Riccardi- 
 ano records ; and the fact that the style was not- 
 corrupted by Spanish idioms, would weigh as 
 strongly against at least one of his letters, which 
 is well authenticated, as against the Narrative. 
 That Americus was not in Portugal at the date of 
 the arrival of De Gama, is well known, but neither 
 that fact, nor the circumstance that he made no 
 mention of the latitudes of ports which were visit- 
 ed, is of much importance in the consideration of 
 the authorship. It is very possible that Americus 
 prepared the statement from the words of one of 
 the companions of De Gama, for the information 
 of his patron, either before or after his return from 
 his first voyage to the West, in the service of Por- 
 tugal, in which case he could not, of course, fix 
 the geographical' positions of the places visited, 
 from his own knowledge. 
 
 The Narrative, in its general features, bears 
 marks of similarity to the other writings of Amer- 
 
316 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 VOYAGE icus. It is dcvotcd to a subject which would very 
 
 OP 
 
 DE GAMA. naturally have employed his pen, and is addressed 
 to one who had long been his correspondent and 
 patron. Although in one of his letters Americus 
 appears rather disposed to undervalue the expedi- 
 tion of De Gama, when considered in the light of a 
 voyage of discovery, yet he speaks of the great 
 profit which he thinks will be derived from another 
 expedition about to sail to the same parts. This 
 was probably the very reason which led to the 
 composition of the Narrative, for it contains much 
 matter of mercantile interest, valuable to a person 
 as extensively engaged in commerce as De Medici 
 was at that time. 
 
 Canovai may have been correct in rejecting this 
 narrative as not authentic, for no positive proof can 
 be adduced that it was so. The impression which 
 the document itself produces upon the mind of the 
 reader is, however, of some weight in the solution 
 of the question, and in connection with its intrinsic 
 interest, this consideration has led to its publication 
 m this work. The following translation has been 
 made from a German version of Bandini, published 
 in Hamburg in 1748. A very limited number of 
 copies, of that edition of the Italian biographer, 
 which contained the Narrative, were printed, and 
 the one in possession of the translator having been 
 unfortunately stolen, just as the translation was 
 about to be made, it was found impossible to pro- 
 cure another copy in America. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3^7 
 
 VOYAGE 
 
 OF 
 DE GAMA 
 
 THE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF GAMA. 
 
 The vessels which our gracious King of Portugal 
 sent upon this voyage of discovery were three new 
 caravels, namely, two of ninety tons burden each, 
 and one of jSiffy tons, besides a ship of one hundred 
 and ten tons, which was laden with provisions. 
 These vessels were manned by one hundred and 
 eighteen men, and sailed on the 19th of July, 1497, 
 under the Captain Vasco de Gama, from Lisbon. 
 On the 10th of July, 1499, the caravel of fifty tons 
 returned to the city of Lisbon. The Captain Vas- 
 co de Gama' remained with one of the caravels of 
 ninety tons at the Cape Verd Islands, in order that 
 he might put his son, Paul de Gama, on shore, for 
 he was sick unto death. They had previously 
 burnt the other caravel, because they had too few 
 people to man her properly, and also the vessel 
 which acted as tender, because she was not sea- 
 worthy. On the return voyage fifty-fix^e of the 
 crew died, of a sickness which commenced in the 
 mouth and spread back into the throat, and also 
 caused those who were attacked with it, great pain 
 in the legs from the knees to the feet. 
 
 They have discovered new lands about one hun- Discovers 
 dred and eighty miles from that already discovered, yond the 
 which bears the name of the Cape of Good Hope, Good Hope. 
 and was visited in the time of King John. Coast- 
 ing this shore for about six hundred miles, they met 
 
318 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 VOYAGE with a ffreat river, and at the mouth of the "same a 
 DE GAMA. large village inhabited entirely by negroes, who are 
 subject to the Moors that live in the interior, and 
 have conquered them in war. In this river there 
 is an abimdance of gold, as the negroes have showed 
 them ; they told our people, that if they would re- 
 main there a month, they would provide them an 
 immense quantity of gold. The commander, how- 
 ever, would not tarry, but sailed onward. 
 
 When we had progressed aboiit three hundred 
 and fifty miles, he found a large town surrounded 
 by a wall, whose inhabitants were grey like the 
 Indians, with very handsome houses built of stone 
 and chalk, after the Moorish fashion. They land- 
 ed there. The Moorish King of the country saw 
 them arrive with pleasure, and furnished them 
 with a pilot to conduct them across the Gulf. The 
 name of this place was Melinda, and it lies at the 
 entrance of the Great Gulf, the entire shore of 
 which is inhabited by Moors. The pilot, whom 
 the King of Melinda gave them, spoke the Italian 
 language. 
 
 Departure They Sailed from Melinda across the Gulf, a 
 from^Meiin- y^yggg ^f about sevcu hundred miles in extent, 
 and then came to a large town, inhabited by 
 Christians, which is much larger than Lisbon, and 
 is called Calicut. The entire coast of this gulf is 
 reported to be inhabited, and covered with Moorish 
 towns and castles in every direction. At the upper 
 end of this gulf is a strait, and on passing through 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3£9 
 
 this strait tlie voyager comes to another bay or voyage 
 jea, on the right hand, which is the Red Sea. de gama. 
 From this strait to the temple at Mecca, where 
 Mahomet's coffin is suspended, it is not more than 
 three days' journey. Round about this temple of 
 Mecca is a large town inhabited by Moors. Accord- 
 ing to my opinion this gulf is the same which Pliny 
 speaks of, and which, he says, was reached by Alex- 
 ander in his campaigns, and which the Romans 
 also arrived at in their wars. 
 
 Now to speak more at length of the town of oescnptior 
 Calicut. It is larger than Lisbon, and is inhabited ofCaUouL 
 by a race of Christian Indians, who are of an ash- 
 grey colour, and neither black nor white. They 
 have churches with bells, but neither have they 
 any priests, nor do they make any offerings. They 
 use in their churches a basin with water, as we 
 use the holy water, and another vessel very similar 
 to a censer. Every three years they baptize in 
 the river which flows by the town. In the town 
 their houses are built of stdne and chalk, and strait 
 streets are laid out, as regular as those in Italy. 
 The monarch of the country is very splendidly ap- 
 parelled, and maintains a royal retinue of servitors, 
 squires, and chamberlains, and has, moreover, a 
 very beautiful palace. 
 
 When the commander of these vessels arrived 
 there, the King was absent from the city, at a cas- 
 tle five or six miles distant. The moment he heard 
 the news of the arrival of the Christians, he imme- 
 diately came to the city with a guard of five thou- 
 
320 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 VOYAGE sand men. Before him stood a body-guard, whose 
 DE gama. lances were tipped with silver. The Christians 
 were received in a room where the King reclined 
 on a low couch. The floor of this room was cov- 
 ered with white cloth, beautifully embroidered with 
 gold thread. ; Over the couch was suspended a 
 most sumptuous canopy. The King immediately 
 inquired of the commander what he desired. The 
 commander answered that it was customary 
 among Christians, whenever an ambassador laid 
 his embassy before a monarch, that he should do 
 so privately, and not in public. The King at once 
 ordered all those persons who were present to re- 
 tire, and the commander then said to him, that a 
 long time had elapsed since the King of Portugal 
 had heard of his grandeur and magnificence, and 
 as he was a Christian King, and had a desire to 
 cultivate his friendship, therefore he had sent him 
 as an ambassador to visit him, as was customary 
 among the monarchs of Christendom. The King 
 received this message most graciously, and com- 
 manded that the ambassador should be taken to 
 the house of a very rich Moor, and sumptuously 
 entertained there. 
 The Moor- lu this city livo many extremely wealthy mer- 
 chants of chants, and the whole power of the kingdom is in 
 
 Calicut. 1 1 nnl 1 ,. 
 
 their hands. They have a magnificent mosque in 
 the market-place. The actions of the King are en- 
 tirely under the control of a few of the principal men 
 among these Moors, either on account of the presents 
 wliich they make him, or in consequence of their 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 321 
 
 intrigues. They liave the entire government in voyage 
 their hands, for the Christians are stupid people, de gama. 
 and but little given to intrigue. 
 
 Every kind of spice is found in this city of Cali- 
 cut ; cinnamon, pepper, cloves, ginger, frankincense, 
 besides inestimable quantities of gumlac and san- 
 dal wood, of which all the forests are full. These 
 spices, however, do not grow in this neighbourhood, 
 but in certain islands distant about one hundred 
 and sixty miles from the city. These islands are 
 only about a mile distant from the shore, but by 
 land it is twenty days' journey there. They are 
 inhabited both by Moors and Christians, but the 
 Moors are the masters. 
 
 In the town of Calicut the maiority of the coin The cunea 
 
 •* •' cy of tlia 
 
 which is current consists of serafi of fine gold, a country. 
 coin of the Sultans, weighing two or three grains 
 less than our ducat, and which is here called sera- 
 fino. They have also a few Genoese and Vene- 
 tian ducats, as well as a small silver coin, with the 
 Sultan's stamp on it. ^There are large quantities 
 of silk goods in Calicut, and velvet of all colours, 
 besides a cloth made very much like velvet. Dam- 
 ask, taffeta, and fine plush abound. I think that 
 most of these stuffs are brought fVom Cairo. 
 
 The Portuguese remained three months in this 
 city, namely, from the 19th of May to the 25th of 
 August, during which time they saw an innumera- 
 ble quantity of Moorish ships. They say that 
 fifteen hundred Moorish ships, laden with spices, 
 sail from this port. Their largest vessels are not 
 
 41 
 
322 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 VOYAGE over two hundred tons burden. They are of vari- 
 
 OP 
 
 DE GAMA. ous kinds, some large and some small, but have only 
 one mast, and they never try to sail them excepting 
 before the wind. On this account it often happens 
 that they have to wait from four to six months^ for 
 a fair wind, and are not unfrequently shipwrecked. 
 They are constructed in a most singular manner, 
 are very weak, and carry no arms or ordnance. 
 The ships which sail to the Spice Islands, to bring 
 spices to Calicut, are flat-bottomed, and draw but 
 very little water. Some of them are made without 
 the least partic]e»of iron, because they are obliged 
 to pass over the magnet, which lies not far from 
 these islands. All these vessels, when they are at 
 the city, lie inside of a pier at the Lagoon, and only 
 furl their sails when the sea is high, because they 
 are here safe from winter and the sea. There is 
 no good haven there, and the sea flows and ebbs 
 every six hours, as it does with us. • There are 
 often in port at the same time from five to six hun- 
 dred ships, which is a great number. 
 
 Prices of the Cinnamon costs in this city from ten to twelve 
 
 different ar- <-i -i ii.i i^ 
 
 tides of pro- Qucats, for what with US would weigh about five 
 
 duca . ° 
 
 stones, that being ^bout the highest price, that is, 
 ten to twelve serafi. In the islands where it is 
 gathered, it is not worth so much, of course. Pep- 
 per and cloves are worth about the same ; ginger 
 about one half less. Gumlac is worth almost no- 
 thing, for there is so much of it, that they use it to 
 ballast their ships, and the same may be said of 
 sandal wood, of which the forests are full. They 
 
stones 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 323 
 
 will receive nothing in payment but gold and silver. voyACE 
 Corals and our usual wares they value but little, de gama. 
 with the exception of linen. This would be a good " 
 
 article to send there, because the sailors made some 
 very good bargains, by exchanging their shirts foi 
 spices, but the linen must be very fine, and white 
 bleached. They are at present obliged to get it 
 from Cairo. There are the same custom duties 
 there as with us ; all imports pay five per centum. 
 
 The voyagers brought back A'^ery few precious predous 
 stones, and these of no great value, because they 
 had no gold and silver to buy them with, and they 
 say they are very costly. I am inclined to think 
 that pearls would be a good article to buy there, 
 but all which the Portuguese saw, were in the 
 hands of the Moorish merchants, who wished to 
 sell them at a fourfold price, as is their common 
 custom. They have only brought a few sapphires 
 and brilliants, and a peculiar kind of rubies, and a 
 considerable numbes of garnets. They say that the 
 commander has brought some very costly stones. 
 He took his silver with him, and bartered it all for 
 precious stones. 
 
 Spices are brought to this Christian town by 
 ships, which afterwards cross the great gulf, over 
 which the Portuguese came, and pass into the strait 
 before mentioned. Then they sail through the Red 
 Sea. From thence the journey is performed by 
 land to the temple at Mecca, which is thirty-sis 
 days' journey. Still further on, they ijoiumey on the 
 way to Cairo, crossing Mount Siuai on foot, and 
 
324 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 VOYAGE again still further across the desert, where, as they 
 
 OP 
 
 BE GAM A. say, the high winds raise mountains of sand into 
 the air, and bury travellers who journey there. 
 Some of their ships sail to the towns on the gulf, 
 and others to the river before mentioned, where the 
 negroes live, who have been subjected by the Moors 
 of the interior. The Portuguese found in store, in 
 this Christian town, butts of malmsey wine from 
 Candia, which, as well as their wares, must, in my 
 opinion, have been brought from Cairo. 
 
 Arrival of It is about eighty years since there arrived at 
 
 Jtrangers at /-~i • i • i 
 
 Calicut, this town of Calicut some vessels navigated by 
 white Christians, with long hair like the Germans. 
 They wore long mustachios on the upper lip, but 
 with that exception, were shaved after the common 
 fashion, like the courtiers at Constantinople. The 
 men were provided with cuirasses, and wore caps 
 and ruffs. They carried weapons similar to spears. 
 On board of their ships they used short arms like 
 our own. Ever since their fiijst arrival, a fleet of 
 twenty to twenty-five ships has come every two 
 years to Calicut. The Portuguese do not know 
 what nation these people belong to, nor what other 
 merchandise they bring, besides fine linen, iron, and 
 brass. They load their ships with spices, and all 
 the vessels have four masts, like the Spanish ships. 
 If they had been Germans, we should have had 
 some account of it. It is possible that they may be 
 Russians. If they have a port upon the sea, we 
 shall find it out from the pilot whom the Moorish 
 king gave to the Portuguese, and who speaks Ital- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 325 
 
 ian. He is at present in the commander's caravel ^°Qp®^ 
 — for they have taken him against his wUl. de gama. 
 
 In this town of Calicut there is an abundance 
 of wheat, which the Moors bring there in their ships. 
 Three small measures of bread is sufficient to sat- 
 isfy one of the inhabitants for a day, but they make 
 no leavened bread, and only bake a kind of cake 
 under the hot ashes, and have it fresh every day. 
 As a substitute they make much use of rice, of 
 which there is a great abimdance. They have 
 cows and cattle, but they are all small. They use 
 milk and butter. There is an abundance of oranges, 
 but they are all sweet; lemons, also, large and small ^ 
 citrons, very fine melons, dates, and many other de- 
 licious fruits. 
 
 The king of this town makes use of neither flesh The mon- 
 nor fish for food, and touches nothing which has " "otme! 
 been killed. The same custom is followed by all 
 his court, and generally by the wealthiest and most 
 important persons of the kingdom. Their reason 
 for this is, that Jesus Christ has ordered in his 
 laws, that he who kills shall be killed, and therefore 
 they eat of nothing that dies. The common people 
 eat both flesh and fish, but very sparingly. They 
 never kill an ox, but entertain a high respect for the 
 animal, because they say it is an animal which 
 brings a blessing with it, and whenever they meet 
 one on the street they caress it and pat it with their 
 hands. The king lives upon rice, milk, butter, 
 wheaten bread, and many other vegetable articles, 
 and the courtiers and other persons of quality fol- 
 
32b LIFE AND VOYAGES O* 
 
 voYAGis low his example. He drinks palm wine out of a 
 »E GAMA. silver tankard, but never puts the rim to his lips, 
 for he opens his mouth and pours it down from the 
 spout of the tankard in a stream. 
 
 The species of fish which they saw were similar 
 to our own. The Christians use very little, but the 
 Moors considerable quantities. They ride upon 
 elephants, of which great numbers exist in the 
 country, and are very tame. When the king goes 
 to war any where, the largest part of his force fol- 
 lows him on foot, but a part ride upon elephants. 
 When he moves from one place to another, he is 
 carried upon men's shoulders, and this duty is per- 
 formed by his principal servants. All the people 
 are clothed from the middle of the body to the feet, 
 mostly with cloth made of cotton, which is found 
 there in great abundance, but the upper part of 
 the body is left naked, as well by, the nobility as 
 by the common people. The first, however, dress 
 themselves in silk stuffs, and garments of various 
 colours, each according to his particular rank. The 
 same may be said of the females, except that the 
 women of quality wear over their heads white 
 and delicate veils. Many of the lower classes go 
 entirely uncovered. The Moors dress in their own 
 fashion, with undercoats and long robes. 
 Calculation The distauce from the port of Lisbon to this 
 
 from Lis- city is thirty-eight hundred common miles, so that 
 allowing four and a half Italian miles to one com- 
 mon, it makes seventeen thousand one hundred Ital- 
 ian miles. It is easy to calculate from this how 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 337 
 
 long a voyage there will necessarily be. It cannot voyage 
 be less than fifteen or sixteen months. de gama. 
 
 Their navigators all sail with the north wind, 
 and make use of certain wooden quadrants. They 
 always go to the right when they sail across the 
 gulf. The pilot before mentioned says, that there 
 are more than a thousand islands in this gulf, and 
 that the navigation between them leads to almost 
 certain shipwreck, as they are very low. They 
 must be the same islands which the King of Cas- 
 tile has just begun to discover. In this city they 
 have some information concerning Prester John, but 
 not much. In the interior there must be some ia- 
 telligence to be gained respecting him. They know 
 that Jesus Christ was born of a virgin without ski, 
 that he was crucified and killed by the Jews, and 
 afterwards buried at Jerusalem. They have heard 
 also of the Pope, and know that he lives at Rome, 
 but have no further knowledge of our faith. They 
 have letters and a written language. 
 
 They have an abundance of elephants, which 
 are extremely useful to them, and cotton, sugar, 
 and sweetmeats. In my opinion, all the riches of 
 the world are now discovered, and nothing more 
 remains to be found out. It is thought that wine 
 would be a good article to barter for Indian wares, 
 for these Christians drink it v^ry willingly. They 
 have also enquired about oil. 
 
 In this town justice is very well administered. 
 Whoever steals, murders, or commits any other 
 
GrES 
 
 328 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 VOYAGE crime, is impaled after the Turkish fashion, and 
 
 OF 
 
 DE GAMA. whoev.er undertakes to cheat the laws, loses all his 
 goods. 
 
 Productions There is found also in the town of Calicut, civet, 
 country, nutmcgs, ambergris, storax, and benzoin. The is- 
 lands where these grow are called Zelotri, and are 
 one hundred and sixty miles distant from the town 
 of Calicut. In one of these islands no other trees 
 grow but cinnamon trees, and a few pepper trees, 
 but not of the best kind. The pepper comes mainly 
 from another island. When the trees which pro- 
 duce pepper and cinnamon are planted in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Calicut, the fruit is not so good. 
 Cloves are brought there from distant couiitries. 
 Rhubarb is plenty, and all other common spices. 
 Ginger grows best on Terra Firma. The countries 
 of the Gulf are entirely inhabited by Moors, but I 
 have lately learned more particulars of the truth, 
 and find that it is only on the seashore of one side 
 that they dwell, the whole of the other side being 
 inhabited by Christian Indians who are white as 
 we are. The country is extremely fruitful in wheat 
 and other descriptions of grain. Fresh fruit and 
 all kinds of provisions are shipped to Calicut, for 
 the region where this town lies is sandy and unfit 
 for grain. 
 
 Two winds prevail in this region ; the west wind 
 in winter, and the east wind in summer. They 
 have very skilful painters there, who paint figures 
 and pictures of every kind. This town of Calicut 
 
I 
 
 AJTERICUS VESPUCIUS. 329 
 
 has no walls, and the same may be said of all the voyage 
 
 OF 
 
 other towns. Still there are many very beautiful de gama. 
 Moorish houses and regular streets. In the island 
 mentioned before, where the best cinnamon gr'^ws, 
 civet and many sapphires are found. 
 
 \'i 
 
NELLI. 
 
 LETTERS OF PAOLO TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS. 
 
 LETTERS The letters of the Florentine physician to Co- 
 ToscA- lumbus produced such a strong effect upon. his 
 mind, and rendered him so confident in his belief in 
 the practicability of a passage to the Indies by the 
 west, that they merit a place among the illustra- 
 tions of the discovery of the New World. They 
 are preserved in the History of the Admiral, by bis 
 son Fernando, and the translation of them, found 
 in Pinkerton's Collection of Voyages, has been fol- 
 lowed, with some trifling alterations. No writings 
 contributed more to occasion the discovery than 
 these two short letters. Some Italian writers even 
 go to the extent of asserting that the idea of a west- 
 ern passage to India originated with Toscanelli, 
 before it struck the mind of Columbus, and by him 
 was communicated to the admiral. It is highly 
 probable that this was the case. At the time of 
 the date of his letters, ToscaneUi was already an 
 aged man, while Columbus was in the prime of 
 life, and it is evident that the opinions he expresses 
 were arrived at after many years of examination 
 and study. 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 331 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 THE FIRST LETTER. '^°!<;t 
 
 To Christopher Columbus, PaUv, the Physician, 
 wishes health. 
 
 I perceive your noble and earnest desire to sail 
 to those parts where the spice is produced; and 
 therefore, in answer to a letter of yours, I send you 
 another letter, which some days since I wrote to a 
 friend of mine, and servant of the King of Portugal, 
 before the wars of Castile, in answer to another 
 that he wrote to me by his Highness's order, upon 
 this same account, and I send you another sea- 
 chart like the one I sent to him, which will satisfy 
 your demands. The copy of the letter is as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 To Ferdinand Martinez, Canon of Lisbon, 
 Paul, the Physician, wishes health. 
 
 I am very glad to hear of the familiarity you en- Letter of 
 
 •' ° . . foscaneUi 
 
 joy with your most serene and magnificent king, *» Martinez, 
 and though I have very often discoursed concerning 
 the short way there is from hence to the Indies, 
 where the spice is produced, by sea, which I look 
 upon to be shorter than tha,t you take by the coast 
 of Guinea ; yet you now tell me that his Highness 
 would have me make out and demonstrate it, so 
 that it may be understood and put in practice. 
 Therefore, though I could better show it to him, 
 
332 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 LETTERS with a globe in my hand, and make him sensible 
 ToscA- of the figure of the. world ; yet I haA'e resolved, to 
 
 — make it more easy and intelligible, to show the 
 
 way on a chart, such as are used in navigation; 
 and therefore I send one to his majesty, made and 
 drawn with my own hand, wherein is set down the 
 utmost bounds of the earth, from Ireland, in the 
 vrest, to the farthest part of Guinea, with all the 
 islands that lie in the way ; opposite to which west- 
 ern coast is described the beginning of the Indies, 
 with the islands and places whither you may go, 
 and how far you may bend from the North Pole to- 
 wards the equinoctial, and for how long a time; 
 that is, how many leagues you may sail before you 
 come to those places most fruitful in spices, jewels, 
 and precious stones. 
 
 Do not wonder if I term that country where the 
 spice grows, West, that product being generally as- 
 cribed to the East, because those who sail west- 
 ward will always find those countries in the west, 
 and those who travel by land eastward, will always 
 , find those countries in the east. The straight lines 
 that lie lengthways in the chart, show the distance 
 there is from west to east ; the others which cross 
 them, show the distance from north to south. I 
 have also marked down in the chart several places 
 in Jndia, where ships might put in, upon any storm 
 or contrary winds, or other unforeseen accident. 
 
 Moreover, to give you full information of all those 
 places which you are very desirous to know about, 
 you must understand that none but traders live and 
 
NELU, 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 333 
 
 reside in all those islands, and that there is there as ^ettehs 
 great a number of ships and seafaring people with tosca 
 merchandise, as in any other part of the world, par- 
 ticularly in a most noble port called Zaitun, where 
 there are every year an hundred large ships of pep- 
 per loaded and unloaded, besides many other ships 
 that take in other spices. This country is mighty 
 populous, and there are many provinces and king- 
 doms, and innumerable cities under the dominion 
 of a prince called the Great Khan, which name sig- 
 nifies king of kings, who for the most part resides 
 in the province of Catliay. His predecessors were 
 very desirous to have commerce and be in amity 
 with Christians ; and two hundred years since, sent 
 ambassadors to the Pope, desiring him to send them 
 many learned men and doctors, to teach them our 
 faith ; but by reason of some obstacles the ambas- 
 sadors met with, they returned back without com 
 ing to Rome. Besides, there came an ambassador 
 to Pope Eugenius IV., who told him the great 
 friendship there was between those princes and 
 their people, and the Christians. I discoursed with 
 him a long while upon the several matters of the 
 grandeur of their royal structure, and of the great- 
 ness, length, and breadth of their rivers, and he told 
 me many wonderful things of the multitude of 
 towns and cities founded along the. banks of the 
 rivers, and that there were two hundred cities upon 
 one only river, with marble bridges over it of a 
 great length and breadth, and adorned with abun- 
 dance of pillars. 
 
334 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 LETTERS This country deserves as vrell as any other to be 
 ToscA- discovered ; and there may not only be great profit 
 
 — made there, and many things of value found, but 
 
 also gold, silver, many sorts of precious stones, and 
 spices in abundance, which are not brought into 
 our parts. And it is certain that many wise men, 
 philosophers, astrologers; and other persons skilled 
 in all arts, and very ingenious, govern that mighty 
 province, and command their armies. 
 Distance From Lisbou directly westward, there are in the 
 
 friim Lis- . i ^ i • i 
 
 bon. chart, twenty-Six spaces, each of which contains 
 two hundred and fifty miles, to the most noble and 
 vast city of Ctuinsai, which is one hundred miles in 
 compass, that is, thirty-five leagues. In it there are 
 ten marble bridges ; the name signifies a heavenly 
 city, of which wonderful things are reported, as to 
 the ingenuity of the people, the buildings and reve- 
 nues. This space above mentioned is almost the 
 third part of the globe. The city is in the province 
 of Mangi, bordering on that of Cathay, where the 
 King for the most part resides. From the island 
 of Antilla, which you call the Island of the Seven 
 Cities, and whereof you have some knowledge, to 
 the most noble island of Cipango, are ten spaces, 
 which make two thousand five hundred miles, 
 or two hundred and twenty-five leagues, which 
 island abounds in gold, pearls, and precious stones : 
 and you must understand, they cover their temples 
 and palaces with plates of pure gold ; so that, for 
 want of knowing the way, all these things are con- 
 
NELI,!. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 335 
 
 cealed and hidden, and yet may be gone to with letters 
 safety. tosca- 
 
 Much more might be said, but having told you 
 what is most material, and you being wise and ju- 
 dicious, I am satisfied there is nothing of it but 
 what you understand, and therefore I will not be 
 more prolix. Thus much may serve to satisfy your 
 curiosity, it being as much as the shortness of time 
 and my business would permit me to say. So I 
 remain most ready to satisfy and serve his highness, 
 to the utmost, in all the commands he shall lay up- 
 on me. 
 
 Florence, June 25, 1474. 
 
 A short time after this letter was despatched, 
 Toscanelli wrote a second letter to Columbus, of 
 which the following is a translation. 
 
 To Christopher Columbus, Paul, the Physician, 
 loishes health. 
 
 I received your letters with the things you sent 
 me, which I take as a great favour, and commend 
 your noble and ardent desire of sailing from east to 
 west, as it is marked out in the chart I sent you, 
 which would demonstrate itself better in the form 
 of a globe. I am glad it is well understood, and 
 that the voyage laid down is not only possible, but 
 true, certain, honourable, very advantageous, and 
 most glorious among all Christians. 
 
 You cannot be perfect in the knowledge of it, 
 but by experience and practice, as I have had in 
 
336 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCrCS. 
 
 LETTERS great measure, and by the solid and true informa- 
 
 OF 
 
 ToscA- tion of worthy and wise men, who are come from 
 '— those parts *to this court of Rome, and from mer- 
 chants who have traded long in those parts, and are 
 persons of good reputation. So that when the said 
 voyage is performed, it will be to powerful king- 
 doms, and to most noble cities and provinces, rich, 
 and abounding in all things we stand in need of, 
 •particularly in all sorts of spice in great quantities, 
 and store of jewels. This will moreover be grate- 
 ful to those kings and princes who are very de- 
 sirous to converse and trade with Christians of 
 these our countries, whether it be for some of them 
 to become Christians, or else to have communica- 
 tion with the wise and ingenious men in these 
 parts, as well in point of religion as in all sci- 
 ences, because of the extraordinary account they 
 have of the kingdoms and government of these 
 parts. 
 
 For which reasons, and many more that might 
 be alleged, I do not at all wonder that you who 
 have a great heart, and all the Portuguese nation, 
 which has ever had notable men in all undertakings, 
 be eagerly bent upon performing this voyage. 
 
DIS.C OVERT OF ALONZO DE OJEDA. 
 
 
 Extended on the^e roots, with his bnekler'on and his s«-ord in liis hand, but so 
 
 weakened by hunger and fatigue that he was unable to speak, the 
 
 Spaniards found Alonzo de Ojeda. (See P. 383.) 
 
IV. 
 
 MAECO POLO AND HIS TRAVELS. 
 
 ToscANELLi was led to a consideration of the marco 
 
 subject of a western passage to India mainly by ^ 
 
 the accounts of Marco Polo. The influence which 
 this traveller exercised over the minds of the early 
 discoverers, renders some notice of him and his 
 works necessary. The history of his life is singu- 
 lar and interesting, and is abridged from Kerr's Col- 
 lection of Voyages and Murray's Translation of the 
 Travels of Marco Polo, whence also are taken the 
 extracts which are given from his writings. 
 
 Marco Polo was born at Venice about the year 
 1260. His father, Niccolo Polo, and his uncle Maf- 
 fei, .were of a noble Venetian family, who were ex- 
 tensively engaged in commerce. They left Venice, 
 in the prosecution of their business, just before the 
 birth of Marco, whom his father never saw till his 
 return to Venice in 1269, at which time he was 
 about nine years old. They went first to Constan- 
 tinople, and from there into Armenia. They re- 
 mained a year at the camp of Bereke, the khan or 
 ruler of the western portion of the vast empire of 
 the Mongals, and then pursued their Journey into 
 
 43 
 
338 LIFE AND VjOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO Bochara, where they staid three years. Another 
 
 '— year more was occupied by them in travelling to 
 
 the court of Kublai Khan, the powerful emperor of 
 the Mongals or Tartars. At the court of this po- 
 tentate they remained about a year, and then con- 
 sumed three years in their return to Europe. 
 
 Soon after their return, they again started for the 
 East, taking with them the young Marco. It was 
 probably in the year 1270 that they departed on 
 their second journey, fcr upon the election of Greg- 
 ory IX. to the pontifical chair, he despatched an 
 express after them, which overtook them in Arme- 
 nia, where they w ^re detained some time, in order 
 that they might receive the final instructions of the 
 Pope. 
 Election of The cause of this delay was, that by the death 
 
 ne Papal of Clement IV., the Papal See had been left vacant 
 
 chair. 
 
 for two years. Niccolo and Maffei Polo learnt the 
 news of this fact at Acre, while on their return from 
 their first journey. They saw there the papal legate, 
 Tibaldo Visconti, of Placentia, who was greatly in- 
 terested in their descriptions of their travels, and 
 advised them to wait for the election of a new pon- 
 tiff" before setting out again for the East. Finding, 
 after their return to Venice, that the election did 
 not take place su soon as they anticipated, they be- 
 came very anxious lest the Great Khan should be- 
 come impatient at the postponement of the conver- 
 sion of himself and his nation, and accordingly 
 started before the cardinals had been able to effect 
 the choice of a new successor of St. Peter. Once 
 
AMERICUS- VESPUCIUS. 339 
 
 more passing through Acre, they were kmdly enter- marco 
 
 POLO. 
 
 tained by the Legate, who furnished them with let- 
 ters to the Khan, exculpatory of their conduct in not 
 returning sooner, and with letters from the Pope. 
 He also procured them a sufficient supply of oil 
 from the Holy Sepulchre, which had been express- 
 ly desired by the Khan, through belief in its mirac- 
 ulous powers. Hardly, however, had they departed 
 from Acre, in the prosecution of their journey, when 
 letters came to the legate, informing him that he 
 himself had been chosen Pope. He took the name 
 of Gregory, and immediately issued a bull provi- 
 ding, that in future, on the demise of a pontiff, the 
 cardinals should be confined together until they had 
 selected his successor. 
 
 Before proceeding to Italy to take possession of Friars sent 
 the papal chair, he despatched those messengers toaccompa- 
 who caused the delay of the travellers. In a short i"s- 
 time, new letters were prepared by him to deliver 
 to the Khan, containing complimentary expressions 
 and a long defence or exposition of Christian doc- 
 trine. These were brought to the Polos, by two 
 priests, Nicolo of Vicenza and Guelmo of Tripoli, 
 both men of distinguished learning and discretion, 
 who were intended to accompany the travellers in 
 their journey. They were furnished also with 
 splendid presents of great value for the eastern 
 monarch, and were endowed with ample powers 
 and privileges, and authority to ordain priests and 
 bishops, and to grant absolution in all cases, as fully 
 as if the Pope were personally present. These two 
 
340 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MAuco friars, however, proved themselves to be wanting in 
 
 the hour of danger. Learning that the Sultan of 
 
 Cairo had led a large army to invade Armenia, 
 where he was committing the most cruel ravages, 
 they were fearful of their own safety, and deliver- 
 ing the letters and presents of the Pope to the Polos, 
 and preferring to avoid the fatigues of the route and 
 the perils of war, returned to Acre. 
 The Polos The three Venetians, however, pursued theii 
 
 imrsue their 
 
 journey, joumey boldly, in spite of many difficulties and 
 dangers, and at length, after a journey of three years 
 and a half, arrived at the great city of Clemenisu or 
 Chambalu, which means the city of the Khan, and 
 is the modern Pekin. In this long joumey they 
 were often compelled to make great delays, on ac- 
 count of the deep snow and extreme cold, and in 
 consequence of the floods and inundations. When 
 the Khan heard of their approach, he sent messen- 
 gers forty days' journey to meet them, that tliey 
 might be conducted with all honour, and be provi- 
 ded with every accommodation during the remain- 
 der of their journey. On their arrival at court they 
 were introduced into his presence, and prostrated 
 themselves before him, according to the custom of 
 the country, but they were commanded to rise, and 
 were most graciously rejceived. The Khan demand- 
 ed an account of their proceedings on the way, and 
 of what they had • eflfected with the Pope. They 
 related all this distinctly, and then delivered the 
 Pope's letters and presents, which. the Khan re- 
 ceived with great pleasure, and commended them 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 341 
 
 for their fidelity. The holy oil which they had marco 
 brought, at the request of the Khan, from the sepul — ^°^°' 
 chre of the Saviour at Jerusalem was reverently re- 
 ceived, and preserved vvith scrupulous care. 
 
 The Khan very naturally inquired who Marco 
 was ; on which Niccolo replied, " He is your Ma- 
 jesty's servant, and my son." Thereupon the 
 Khan received him kindly, and had him taught to 
 write among his honourable courtiers. He was 
 much esteemed by the court, and in a very short 
 time learned to read and write four different lan- 
 guages, and made himself familiar with the customs 
 of the Tartars. 
 
 Some yeas after, in order to try his capacity, Marco Poio 
 
 1 T^i J n/T 1 " sent on em- 
 
 the Khan sent Marco upon an embassy to a great bassiesby 
 
 ^ JO the Khan. 
 
 city called Carachan or Carazan, at a distance of 
 almost six months' journey. He executed this ser- 
 vice with great judgment and discretion, and very 
 much to the satisfaction of his imperial patron, and 
 well knowing that the Khan would be pleased with 
 an account of the manners and customs of the in- 
 habitants of the countries through which he passed, 
 he made a minute of every thing that appeared wor- 
 thy of note, and repeated it to him on his return. 
 In this way he rose to such high favour, that he 
 was continually sent by the Khan on business of 
 importance to all- the different parts of his domin- 
 ions, which was the means of his acquiring so much 
 information respecting the affairs and places of the 
 East. 
 
 After remaining many years at the court of the 
 
342 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 MARCO Khan, and acquiring immense wealth in jewels of 
 
 — great value, they began to consider the possibility 
 
 of returning home. This they thought would be 
 impossible if the Khan, who had then become 
 quite aged, should die, and they became, of course, 
 exceedingly anxious to obtain permission to re- 
 turn to Venice. One day, therefore, finding the 
 Khan in an excellent humour, Nicolo Polo asked 
 permission to return to his own country with his 
 family. He was greatly displeased at the request, 
 and could not conceive what inducement they had 
 to xmdertake so long and dangerous a journey ; add- 
 ing, that i^ they were in want of riches, he would 
 gratify their utmost wishes, by bestowing upon 
 them twice as much as they already possessed, but 
 from pure affection he refused to part with them. 
 Their Not loiig after this, it happened that a King of the 
 return to Indics, named Argon, sent three of his Counsellors 
 
 Veiiice. 
 
 as ambassadors to Kublai Khan, on the following 
 account. Bolgana, the wife of Argon, had lately 
 died, and on her death-bed had requested her hus- 
 band to choose a wife from among her relations in 
 Cathay. Kublai yielded to the request of the am- 
 bassadors, and chose a fair young maiden, seventeen 
 years of age, named Cogalin, who was of the family 
 of the late queen, and determined to send her to 
 Argon. The ambassadors departed with their fair 
 charge, and journeyed for eight months on their re- 
 turn, by the same road over which they came. 
 Then they found that bloody wars were raging be- 
 tween some of the Tartai princes, and were com- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 343 
 
 pelled to come back again, and acquaint the Khan marco 
 
 with the impossibility of their proceeding on that '— 
 
 road. Meantime, Marco, who had been abseyit at 
 sea, returned with certain ships belonging to the 
 Khan, and reported the peculiarities of the places 
 he had visited and the facility of intercourse by sea 
 between Cathay and the Indies. Tliis came to the 
 knowledge of the ambassadors, who conversed on 
 the subject with the Venetians. It was agreed be- 
 tween them that the ambassadors and the young 
 Queen should ask permission of the Klian to re- 
 turn by sea, and sliould request to have the three 
 Europeans who were skilful in nautical affairs, to 
 accompany and conduct them to the dominions of 
 Argon. 
 
 Though dissatisfied at this proposal, the Khan at 
 last gave a reluctant consent, and calling the Polos 
 into his presence, after many demonstrations of af- 
 fection and favour, he made them promise to return 
 to him, when they had spent a little time among 
 their relations in Christendom. He caused a tablet 
 of gold to be given to them, on which his orders 
 were engraved, directing his subjects throughout 
 his dominions to furnish them with every conveni- 
 ence on their passage, to defray all their expenses, 
 and to provide them with guides and escorts where- 
 ever necessary. He also authorized them to act 
 as his ambassadors to the Pope, and to the kings 
 of France and Spain, and otlier Christian princes. 
 
 The Khan ordered fourteen ships to be prepared Deparmrs 
 
 ^ '^ from Ca- 
 
 for the voyage, each having four masts and carry- ^^y- 
 
344 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MAEco ing nine sails. Four or five of these were so large 
 
 '— as to have about two hundred and fifty mariners in 
 
 each, but the rest were smaller. In this fleet the 
 Q,ueen and ambassadors embarked, accompanied 
 by the three Venetian travellers. The Khan, on 
 taking leave of them, presented each with many 
 rubies and precious stones, and money enough to 
 defray all their expenses for two years. Setting 
 sail from Cathay, or China, they arrived in three 
 months at Java, and sailing from there, in eighteen 
 months at the dominions of Argon. Six hundred 
 mariners and one woman died during the voyage, 
 and only one of the ambassadors reached home 
 alive. On their arrival at the dominions of Argon, 
 they found that he was dead, and that a person 
 named Chiacato was governing the kingdom, during 
 the minority of the son of the late monarch. On 
 informing the regent of their business, he desired 
 them to carry the yoimg queen to Casan, which 
 was the name of the prince, who was then on the 
 frontiers of Persia, with an army of sixty thousand 
 men, guarding certain passes on the borders of the 
 kingdom against the attacks of their enemies. Hav- 
 ing executed this order, Nicolo, MafFei and Marco 
 returned to the palace of Chiacato, and remained 
 there nine months. 
 Magnificent At the end of this time, they bade farewell to 
 tent Chiacato, who gave them four tablets of gold, each 
 a cubit long, and five fingers broad, and weighing 
 three or four marks. On them were engraved the 
 following words : "In the power of the eternal 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 345 
 
 God, the name of the Great Khan shall be hon- marco 
 
 oured and praised for many years, and whosoever ^ 
 
 disobeyeth, shall be put to death, and all his goods 
 confiscated." Besides this preamble, they com- 
 manded that all due honour should be shown to the 
 three ambassadors of the Khan, and whatever ser- 
 vice they needed should be performed in every coun- 
 try and district, subject to his authority as to him- 
 self in person ; that all necessary relays of horses 
 and escorts, and their expenses, and every thing 
 needful, should be supplied to them freely and gra- 
 tuitously. All these orders were duly obeyed, so 
 that at times they travelled with an escort of two 
 hundred horse for their protection. During their 
 journey, they were informed that the great Em- 
 peror of the Tartars, Kublai Khan, was dead. 
 They considered that this absolved them of all ob- 
 ligation 'to perform the promise which they had 
 made to him to return to his court. So they con- 
 tinued their journey to Trebizond, on the south 
 side of the Black Sea, from which city they pro- 
 ceeded by way of Constantinople and Negropont to 
 Venice, where they arrived safely, and with im- 
 mense wealth, in the year 1295. » 
 
 On their arrival at their own house in the street Arrival ai 
 
 Veni(e. 
 
 of St. Chrysostom, in Venice, they found themselves 
 entirely forgotten by all their old acquaintances and 
 countrymen. Even their relations were unable to 
 recognize them in consequence of their long ab- 
 sence. They had been away twenty-five years, 
 and besides being much altered by age, they had 
 
 44 
 
346 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 POLO. 
 
 MAEco almost forgotten their own language, and resembled 
 Tartars in their dress and manners. They were 
 finally compelled to make use of some extraordi- 
 nary expedients to satisfy their family and country- 
 men of their identity, and to recover the respect 
 which was their due, by a public acknowledgment 
 of their name, family, and rank. For this purpose, 
 according to Ramusio, they invited all their rela- 
 tions and connections to a magnificent entertain- 
 ment, at which all three of them' appeared clothed 
 in rich habits of crimson-coloured Eastern satin. 
 After their guests arrived they threw off" these 
 splendid garments, and before sitting down to the 
 table, gave them to their attendants, still appearing 
 magnificently robed in crimson damask. When 
 the last course came on the table, they cast off 
 these robes, as they had done the first, and bestowed 
 them in the same manner upon the servants ; they 
 themselves still appearing gorgeously bedecked 
 with crimson velvet. 
 
 When the dinner was over and all the servants 
 had withdrawn, Marco Polo produced to the com- 
 pany the coats of Tartarian cloth or felt, which 
 they had ordinarily worn during their travels, and 
 ripping them open, took out an incredible quantity 
 of valuable gems ; among these were some that 
 were recognized by those who were present at the 
 entertainment, as having belonged to the family, 
 and thus the three travellers proved themselves in- 
 contestibly to be members of the Polo family, and 
 the identical persons they represented themselves 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 347 
 
 to be. Very probably their relations were more makco 
 
 ready to acknowledge them, when they saw tJieir — 
 
 magnificence and wealth, than when they appeared 
 before them in the rough attire of weatherbeaten 
 travellers. 
 
 Such is, the account of these celebrated travels Marco taken 
 
 Till 1 ' 1 ml • • • • prisoner by 
 
 handed down to the present day. Then- intrinsic the oeno- 
 merit, and the importance which they had in the 
 eyes of the early discoyerers of America, has led 
 to this somewhcrt extended notice of them. Of 
 these adventurous men, some further information 
 yet remains. About three years after their return, 
 hostilities were commenced between the republics 
 of Venice and Genoa. The Genoese Admiral 
 Lampa Doria, came to the island of Curzola, with 
 a fleet of seventy gallies, to oppose whom, the 
 Venetians fitted out a large naval force, under the 
 command of Andrea Dandolo, under whom Marco 
 Polo held the command of a galley. The Vene- 
 tians were totally defeated in a general engagement, 
 with the loss of their Admiral and eighty-five ships, 
 and Marco Polo was unfortunate enough to be 
 , taken prisoner by the Genoese. 
 
 He was confined in prison at Genoa about a year, 
 until the termination of the war between the rival 
 states released him. While there, many of the 
 young Genoese nobility are said to have resorted to 
 his cell to listen to the recital of his wonderful 
 travels and surprising adventures ; and it is said 
 that they prevailed upon him to send to Venice 
 for the notes which he had drawn up during his 
 
348 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO peregrinations, by means of which his travels were 
 POLO. . •' ,. , ■ T 
 written out in Latin, according to his dictation. 
 
 From the original Latin they were translated into 
 Italian, and from this again abridgments were after- 
 Avards made in Latin, and scattered over Europe. 
 Some authors are, however, of the opinion that they 
 were originally written in Italian, and it is said that 
 a manuscript copy of the work in the writing of 
 his scribe Rustigielo was long preserved, in the pos- 
 session of the Soranza family, at Venice. Whether 
 it now exists, or has ever been published, is un- 
 known. 
 Marriages At the time of the captivity of Marco, his father 
 
 fit the Polo '- •' ' 
 
 family, aiid uiicle Were greatly alarmed for his safety, and 
 fearing that in case of his death they should have 
 no descendants to whom they would care to be- 
 queath their vast wealth, it was agreed between 
 them that Nicolo, his father, should marry again, 
 which he did speedily. On his return from his 
 confinement, therefore, Marco found his father with 
 three children, the fruit of his second marriage. 
 Maffei Polo, the uncle of ^ Marco, became a magis- 
 trate of Venice, and lived for some time in much 
 respect among his countrymen. Marco seems to 
 have taken no offence at his father's second union, 
 but married himself after his return from Genoa 
 to Venice. He left two daughters, Moretta and 
 Feantina, but had no male issue. He is said to 
 have received among his countrymen the name of 
 Marco Millioni, because he and his family had ac- 
 ' quired a fortune of a million of ducats in the East 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 349 
 
 He died, as he had lived, universally beloved and marco 
 respected ; for, with all his advantages of birth and ^°^'^' 
 fortune, he was humble and beneficent, and em- 
 ployed his great riches, and the interest he pos- 
 sessed in the state, only to-do good. 
 
 The best method of conveying to the mind of the Effects of 
 reader a conception of the enthusiasm which his the PoiZ. 
 travels excited in Europe, is to make one or two 
 extracts from the work itself The splendid de- 
 scriptions of the immense wealth of the countries 
 he visited, inflamed the minds of adventurers of all 
 countries, and the prospect of converting to the 
 Christian faith so powerful a potentate as he repre- 
 sented the Grand Khan to be, was so replete with 
 advantages to the eyes of all the religious enthusi- 
 asts of the age, that many priests volunteered to go 
 as missionaries to his distant dominions. For a 
 time these schemes were the favourite popular 
 theme, but they languished at last from the difii- 
 culty of accomplishing them, and were not again re- 
 vived, until after the lapse of two centuries they 
 again attracted general attention, in connection with 
 the speculations afloat concerning a new route to 
 India. Mr. Irving says that these accounts offered 
 " too speculative and romantic an enterprise not to 
 catch the vivid imagination of Columbus. In all 
 his voyages he will be found to be continually seek- 
 ing after the territories of the Grand Khan; and 
 even after his last expedition, when nearly worn 
 out by age, hardships, and infirmities, he offered, in 
 a letter to the Spanish monarchs, written from a bed 
 
350 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO of sickness, to conduct any missionary to the terri- 
 
 '— tories of the Tartar Emperor who would undertake 
 
 liis conversion." " It was this confident expecta- 
 tion of soon arriving at these countries, and reah- 
 , zing the accounts of the Venetian, that induced him 
 to hold forth those promises of immediate wealth to 
 the sovereigns which caused so much disappoint- 
 ment, and brought upon him the frequent reproach 
 of exciting false hopes, and indulging in wilful ex- 
 aggeration."^ Americus, as has been seen, enter- 
 tained the same ideas, but with more moderation, 
 and anticipated more difficulty in carrying them 
 out. The selections from the writings of Polo 
 which will be presented to the reader are his de- 
 scriptions of the magnificent city of Q,uinsai, and of 
 the much-sought-for island of Cipango. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM MARCO POLO'S DESCRIPTION OF auINSAI. 
 
 At the end of three days' journey we came to 
 Quinsai or Guinsai, its name signifying the city of 
 heaven, to denote its excellence over all the other 
 cities of the earth, in which there are so much 
 riches and so many pleasures and enjoyments, that 
 a person might conceive himself in Paradise. In 
 this great city, I, Marco, have often been, and have 
 considered it with diligent attention, observing its 
 whole state and circumstances, and setting down 
 
 ' Irving, vol. ii. p. 904 — 906. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 351 
 
 the same in my memorials, of which I shall here marco 
 
 , . „ , , POLO. 
 
 srive a brief abstract. 
 
 By common report, this city is an hundred miles Great exten 
 
 • 1 mi 11 ^""^ public 
 
 m circuit. The streets and lanes are very long buiidinssof 
 
 •' ° the city. 
 
 and wide, and it has many large market-places. 
 On one side of the city there is a clear lake of fresh 
 water, and on the other there is a great river which 
 enters the city in many places, and carries away 
 all the filth into the lake, whence it continues its 
 course into the ocean. This abundant course of 
 running water causes a healthful circulation of pure 
 air, and gives commodious passage in many direc- 
 tions, both by land and water, through the numer- 
 ous canals, as by means of these and the cause- 
 ways by which they are bordered, carts and barks 
 have free intercourse for the carriage of merchan- 
 dise and provisions. It is said that there are twelve 
 thousand bridges, great and small, in this city, and 
 those over the principal canals are so high that a 
 vessel without her masts may go through under- 
 neath, while chariots and horses pass above. On 
 the other side of the city there is a large canal, 
 forty miles long, which encloses it on that side, be- 
 ing deep and full of water, made by the ancient 
 kings, both to receive the overflowings of the river 
 and to fortify the city, and the earth which was 
 dug: out of this canal, is laid on the inside as a 
 
 1 These miles are the Chinese 34 miles in ' circumference. The 
 
 measures called Li, of which 200 word is used by Marco in the 
 
 compose a degree of latitude. Cal- same sense throughout the ex- 
 
 culating thus, the city would be tracts. 
 
352 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO rampart of defence. There are ten great market- 
 
 '— places, which are square, and half a mile in each 
 
 side. The principal street is forty paces broad, 
 having a canal in the middle with many bridges, 
 and every four miles there is a market-place two 
 miles in circuit. There is also one large canal be- 
 hind the great street and the market-places, on the 
 opposite bank of which there are many storehouses 
 of stone, where the merchants from India and 
 other places lay up their commodities, being at 
 hand and commodious, for the markets. In each 
 of these markets the people from the country, to 
 ' the number of forty or fifty thousand, meet three 
 days in every week, bringing beasts, game, fowls, 
 and in short every thing that can be desired for 
 subsistence, in profusion ; and so cheap that two 
 geese or four ducks may be bought for a Venetian 
 groat. Then follow the butcher markets, in which 
 beef, mutton, veal, kid and lamb, are sold to the 
 great and rich, as the poor eat of all kinds of offal 
 and unclean beasts without scruple ; all sorts of 
 herbs and fruits are to be had continually, among 
 . which are huge pears, weighing ten pounds each, 
 white within, and very fragrant, with yellow and 
 white peaches of very delicate flavour. Grapes do 
 not grow in this country, but are brought from 
 other places. They likewise import very good 
 wine ; but that is not in so much esteem as with 
 us, the people being content with their own bever- 
 age, prepared from ri;ee and spices. Every day 
 there are brought up from the ocean, which is at 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 353 
 
 the distance of twenty-five miles, such vast quan- maeco 
 
 tities of fish' besides those which are caught in the 
 
 lake, that one would conceive they could never be 
 consumed, yet, in a few hours, all is gone. All 
 these market-places are encompassed by high 
 houses, underneath which are shops for all kinds 
 of artificers, and all kinds of merchandise, such as 
 spices, pearls and jewels, and in some the rice 
 wine is sold. Many streets cross each other lead- 
 ing into these markets ; in some of which there are 
 many cold baths, accommodated with attendants of 
 both sexes, who are used to this employment from 
 their infancy. In the same bagnios, there are 
 chambers for hot baths, for such strangers as are 
 not accustomed to bathe in cold water. The in- 
 habitants bathe every day, and always wash before 
 eating. 
 
 In other streets reside the physicians and the as- judicial o*. 
 trologers, who also teach reading and writing, with 
 many other arts. On opposite sides of the squares 
 are two large edifices, where oflScers appointed by 
 hi^ majesty promptly decide any differences that 
 arise between the foreign merchants and the inhab- 
 itants. They are bound also to take care that the 
 guards be duly stationed on the neighbouring bridg- 
 es, and in case of neglect, to inflict a discretionary 
 punishment on the delinquent. 
 
 On each side of the principal street, mentioned 
 as reaching across the whole city, are large houses 
 and mansions with gardens ; near to which are the 
 abodes and shops of the working artisans. At all 
 
 45 
 
 ficere. 
 
354 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO hours you observe such multitudes of people pass- 
 — ing backwards and forwards on their various avoca- 
 tions, that it might seem impossible to supply them 
 with food. A different judgment will, however, be 
 formed, when every market-day the squares are 
 seen crowded with people, and covered with provi- 
 sions brought in for sale by carts and boats. To 
 give some idea of the quantity of meat, wine, spices, 
 and other articles brought for the consumption of 
 the people of Q,uinsai, I shall instance the single 
 article of pepper. I, Marco Polo, was informed by 
 an officer employed in the customs, that the daily 
 amount was forty-three loads, each weighing 243 
 pounds. 
 Private res- The houses of the citizens are well built, and 
 
 idences and . i . i . • i • i n 
 
 domestic richly adorned with carving, m which, as well as 
 in painting and ornamental buildings, they take great 
 delight, and lavish enormous sums. Their natural 
 disposition is pacific, and the example of their for- 
 mer unwarlike kings has accustomed them to live 
 in tranquillity. They keep no arms in their houses, 
 and are unacquainted with their use. Their mer- 
 cantile transactions are conducted in a manner per- 
 fectly upright and honourable. They also behave 
 in a friendly manner to each other, so that the in- 
 habitants of the same neighbourhood appear like 
 one family. In their domestic relations, they show 
 no 'jealousy or suspicion of their wives, but treat 
 them with great respect. Any one would be held 
 as infamous that should address indecent expres- 
 sions to married women. They behave with cor- 
 
 habits. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 355 
 
 diality to strangers who visit the city for commer- maeco 
 cial purposes, hospitably entertain them, and afford ^°^"" 
 their best assistance in their business. On the other 
 hand, they hate the very sight of soldiers, even the 
 guards of the Great Khan ; recollecting, that by 
 tlieir means they have been deprived of the govern- 
 ment of their native sovereigns. 
 
 On the lake above mentioned are a number of Lake in the 
 
 neighbour- 
 pleasure-barges, capable of holding from ten to iioodofth« 
 
 tvsrenty persons, being from fifteen to twenty paces 
 long, with a brocid level floor, and moving steadily 
 through the water. Those who delight in this 
 amusement, and propose to enjoy it, either with 
 their ladies or companions, engage one of these 
 barges, which they find always in the very best or- 
 der, with seats, tables, and every thing necessary 
 for an entertainment. The boatmen sit on a flat 
 upper deck, and with long poles reaching to the 
 oottom of the lake, not more than two fathoms deep, 
 push along the vessels to any desired spot. These 
 cabins are painted in various colours, and with 
 many figures ; the exterior is similarly adorned. 
 On each side are windows, which can at pleasure 
 be kept open or shut, when the company seated at 
 table may delight their eyes with the varied beauty 
 of the passing scenes. Indeed the gratification de- 
 rived from these water-excursions exceeds any.that 
 can be enjoyed on land ; for as the lake extends all 
 along the city, you discover, while standing in the 
 boat, at a certain distance from the shore, all its 
 grandeur and beauty, palaces, temples, convents, 
 
356 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO and gardens, while lofty trees reach down to the 
 
 POLO. , T . 1 ■ 1 
 
 water's edge. At the same time are seen other 
 
 boats continually passing, similarly filled with par- 
 ties of pleasure. Generally, indeed, the inhabitants, 
 when they have finished the labours of the day, or 
 closed their mercantile transactions, think only of 
 seeking amusement with their wives or mistresses, 
 either in these barges or driving about the city in 
 carriages. The main street already mentioned is 
 paved with stone and brick to the width of ten 
 paces on each side, the interval being filled up 
 with small gravel, and having arched drains to 
 carry oflf the water into the canals, so that it is 
 always kept dry. On this road the carriages are 
 constantly driving. They are long, covered at top, 
 have curtains and cushions of silk, and can hold six 
 persons. Citizens of both sexes, desirous of this 
 amusement, hire them for that purpose, and you see 
 them at every hour moving about in vast numbers. 
 In many cases the people visit gardens, where they 
 are introduced by the managers of the place into 
 shady arbours, and remain till the time of return- 
 ing home. 
 Palace of ■• The palace already mentioned had a wall with 
 and Us' a passage dividing the exterior court from an inner 
 ^n- one, which formed a kind of cloister, supporting a 
 portjco that surrounded it, and led to various royal 
 apartments. Hence you entered a covered passage 
 or corridor, six paces wide, and so long as to reach 
 to the margin of the lake. -On each side were cor- 
 responding entrances to ten courts, also resembling 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 357 
 
 cloisters with porticos, and each having fifty pri- marco 
 
 vate rooms, with gardens attached, — the residence '— 
 
 of a thousand young females, whom the king main- 
 tained in his service. In the company either of his 
 queen or of a party of those ladies he used to seek 
 amusement on the lake, visiting the idol-temples on 
 its banks. The other two portions of this seraglio 
 were laid out in groves, pieces of water, beautiful 
 orchards, and enclosures for animals suited for the 
 chase, as antelopes, deer, stags, hares, and rabbits. 
 Here, too, the king amused himself, — his damsels 
 accompanying him in carriages or on horseback. 
 No man was allowed to be of the party, but the 
 females were skilled in the art of coursing and pur- 
 suing the animals. When fatigued they retired 
 into the groves on the margin of the lake, and, 
 quitting their dresses, rushed into the water, when 
 they swam sportively in different directions, — the 
 king remaining a spectator of the exhibition. 
 Sometimes he had his repast provided beneath the 
 dense foliage of one of these groves, and was there 
 waited upon by the damsels. Thus he spent his 
 time in this enervating society, profoundly ignorant 
 of martial affairs ; hence the Grand Khan, as al- 
 ready mentioned, was enabled to deprive him of 
 his splendid possessions, and drive him with igno- 
 miny from his throne. All these particulars were 
 related to me by a rich merchant of Q,uinsai, who 
 was then very old ; and having been a confidential 
 servant of King Facfur, was acquainted with every 
 circumstance of his life. He knev' the palace iu its 
 
358 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 MARCO former splendour, and desired me to come and take 
 
 '— a view of it. Being then the residence of the 
 
 Khan's viceroy, the colonnades were preserved en- 
 tire, but the chambers had been allowed to go to 
 ruin, — only their foundations remaining visible. 
 The walls, too, including the parks and gardens, 
 had been left to decay, and no longer contained any 
 trees or animals. 
 Revenue of I will now tell vou of the large revenue which 
 
 the Khan. •' ° 
 
 the Khan draws from this city, and the territory 
 under its jurisdiction, which is the ninth part of the 
 province of Manji. The salt of that country yields 
 to him in the year eighty tomans of gold, and each 
 toman is 70,000 saiks, which amount to 5,600,000, 
 and each saik is worth more than a gold florin; 
 and is not this most great and wonderful ! In that 
 country, too, there grows more sugar than in the 
 whole v^orld besides, and it yields a very large rev- 
 enue ; I will not state it particularly, but remark 
 that, taking all spices together, they pay 3^ per 
 cent., which is levied too on all other merchandise. 
 Large taxes are also derived from wine, rice, coal, 
 and from the twelve arts, which, as already men- 
 tioned, have each twelve thousand stations. On 
 every thing a duty is imposed : and on silk espe- 
 cially, and on other articles, is paid ten per cent. 
 But I, Marco Polo, tell you, because I have often 
 heard the account of it, that the revenue on all 
 these commodities amounts every year to 210 to- 
 mans, or 14,700,000 saiks, and that is the most 
 enormous amount of money that ever was heard of. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 359 
 
 and yet is paid by only the ninth part of the maroo 
 province of Manji. Now let us depart from this _£^^ 
 city of Q,uinsai, and go to another called Tam- 
 pin-gui. 
 
 THE ISLAND OF CIPANGO. 
 
 This is a very large island, fifteen hundred miles 
 from the continent. The people are fair, hand- 
 some, and of agreeable manners. They are idol- 
 aters, and live quite separate, entirely independent 
 of all other nations. Gold is very abundant, and 
 no man being allow^ed to export it, while no mer- 
 chant goes thence to the mainland, the people ac- 
 cumulate a vast amount. But I will give you a 
 wonderful account of a very large palace, all cov- 
 ered with that metal, as our churches are with 
 lead. The pavement of the chamber, the halls, 
 windows, and every other part, have it laid on two 
 inches thick, so that the riches of this palace are 
 incalculable. Here are also red pearls, large, and 
 of equal value with the white, with many other 
 precious stones. Kublai, on hearing of this ama- 
 zing wealth, desired to conquer the island, and 
 sent two of his barons with a very lafge fleet con- 
 taining warriors, both horsemen and on foot. One 
 was named Abatan, the other Vonsanicin, both 
 wise and valiant. They sailed from Zai-tun and 
 Q,uinsai, reached the isle, landed, and took posses- 
 sion of the plain and of a number of houses ; but 
 
360 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 MARCO they had been unable to take any city or castlCj 
 
 —when a sad misadventure occurred. A mutual 
 
 jealousy arose amongst them, which prevented 
 their acting in any concert. One day when the 
 north wind blew very strong, the troops expressed 
 to each other apprehensions, that if they remained, 
 aU the vessels would be wrecked. The whole 
 then went on board and set sail. When they had 
 proceeded about four miles, they found another 
 small isle, on which, the storm being violent, a 
 number sought refuge. Others could not reach it, 
 many of whom suffered shipwreck and perished ; 
 but some were preserved, and sailed for their na- 
 tive country. Those who had landed, 30,000 in 
 number, looked on themselves as dead men, seeing 
 no means of ever escaping ; and their anger and 
 grief were increased, when they beheld the other 
 ships making their way homeward. 
 
 The sovereign and people of the large i.sle re- 
 joiced greatly when they saw the host thus scat- 
 tered and many of them cast upon the islet. As 
 soon as the sea calmed, they assembled a great 
 number of ships, sailed thither and landed, hoping 
 to capture all those refugees. But when the latter 
 saw that their enemies had disembarked, leaving 
 the vessels Unguarded, they skilfully retreated to 
 another quarter, and continued moving about till 
 they reached the ships, and went on board without 
 any opposition. They then sailed direct for the 
 principal island, hoisting its own . standards and 
 ensigns. On seeing these, the people believed theii 
 
POLO. 
 
 A;,iE?acus VEspuGius. 3gj 
 
 own countrymen had returned, and allowed them mabco 
 to enter the city. The Tartars, finding it defended 
 only by old men, soon drove them out, retaining 
 the women as slaves. When the king and his 
 warriors saw themselves thus deceived, and their 
 city captured, they were like to die of grief; but 
 they assembled other ships, and invested it so 
 closely as to prevent all communication. The 
 invaders maintained it seven months, and planned 
 day and night how they might convey tidings to 
 their master of their present condition ; but finding 
 this impossible, they agreed with the besiegers to 
 surrender, securing only their lives. This took 
 place in the year 1269. The Great Khan, however, 
 ordered one of the commanders of this host to lose 
 his head, and the other to be* sent to the isle where 
 he had caused the loss of so many men, and there 
 put to death. I have to relate also a ver^ w^onder- 
 ful thing, that these two barons took a number of. 
 persons in a castle of Cipango, and because they 
 had refused to surrender, ordered all their heads to 
 be cut off; but there were eight on whom they 
 could not execute this sentence, because these wore 
 consecrated stones in the arm between the skin 
 and the flesh, which so enchanted them, that they 
 could not die by steel. They were therefore beaten 
 to death with clubs, and the stones, being extracted, 
 were held very precious. But I must leave this 
 matter and go on with the narrative. 
 
 46 
 
3G2 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 ilARCO 
 POLO. 
 
 Paper Money — Immense Wealth of the Great Khan. 
 
 With regard to the money of Kambalu, the Great 
 Khan may be called a perfect alchymist, for he 
 makes it himself. He orders people to collect the 
 bark of a certain tree, whdse leaves are eaten by 
 the vporms that spin silk. The thin rind between 
 the bark and the interior wood is taken, and from 
 it cards are formed like those of paper, all black. 
 He then causes them to be cut into pieces, and 
 each is declared worth respectively half a livre, a 
 whole one, a silver grosso of Venice, and so on to 
 the value of ten bezants. All these cards are 
 stamped with his seal, and so many are fabricated, 
 that they would buy all the treasuries in the world. 
 He makes all his payments in them, and circulates 
 them through the kingdoms and provinces over 
 which he holds dominion ; and none dares to refuse 
 theni under pain of death. All the nations undei 
 his sway receive and pay this money for their mer- 
 chandise, gold, silver, precious stones, and what- 
 ever they transport, buy, or sell. The merchants 
 often bring to him goods worth 400,000 bezants, 
 and he pays them all in these cards, which they 
 willingly accept, because they can make purchases 
 with them throughout the whole empire. He fre- 
 quently commands those who have gold, silver, 
 cloths of silk and gold, or other precious commodi- 
 ties, to bring them to him. Then he calls twelve 
 men skilful in these matters, and commands them 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3ti3 
 
 to look at the articles, and fix their price. What- marco 
 
 ev^er they name is paid in these cards, which the ^- 
 
 merchant cordially receives. In this manner the 
 great sire possesses all the gold, silver, pearls, and 
 precious stones in his dominions. When any of 
 the cards are torn or spoiled, the owner carries 
 them to the place whence they were issued, and 
 receives fresh ones, with a deduction of 3 per cent. 
 If a man wishes gold or silver to make plate, gir- 
 dles, or other ornaments, he goes to the office, car- 
 rying a sufficient number of cards, and gives them 
 in payment for the quantity which he requires. 
 This is the reason why the Khan has more treas- 
 ure than any other lord in the world ; nay, all the 
 princes in the world together have not an equal 
 amount. 
 
 T^e Care and Bounty of the Monarch towards 
 his Subjects. 
 
 He sends his messengers through all his king- 
 doms and provinces, to know if any of his sub- 
 jects have had their crops injured through bad 
 weather or any other disaster ;- and if such injury 
 has happened, he does not exact from them any 
 tribute for that season or year ; nay, he gives them 
 corn out of his own stores to subsist upon, and to 
 sow their fields. This he does in summer ; in win- 
 ter he inquires if there has been a mortality among 
 the cattle, and in that case grants similar exemption 
 and aid. When there is a great abundance of 
 
364 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 MARCO grain, he causes magazines to be formed, to contain 
 
 — ^^ wheat, rice, millet, or barley, and care to be taken 
 
 that it be not lost or spoiled ; then when a scarcity 
 occurs, this grain is drawn forth, and sold for a third 
 or fourth of the current price. Thus there cannot 
 be any severe famine ; for he does it through all his 
 dominions ; he bestows also great charity on many 
 poor families in Kambalu ; and when he hears of 
 individuals who have not food to eat, he causes 
 grain to be given to them. Bread is not refused at 
 the court throughout the whole year to any who 
 come to beg for it ; and on this account he is adored 
 as a god by his people. His majesty provides them 
 also with raiment out of his tithes of wool, silk, and 
 hemp. These materials he causes to be woven into 
 different sorts of cloth, in a house erected for that 
 purpose, where every artisan is obliged to work one 
 day in the week for his service. Garments made 
 of the stuffs thus manufactured are given to desti- 
 tute families for their winter and summer dresses. 
 A dress is also prepared for his armies ; and in ev- 
 ery city a quantity of woollen cloth is woven, be- 
 ing defrayed from the tithes there levied. It must 
 be observed, that the Tartars, according to their 
 original customs, when they had not yet adopted 
 the religion of the idolaters, never bestowed alms ; 
 but when applied to by any necessitous person, re- 
 pelled him with reproachful expressions, saying, — 
 begone with your complaints of a bad season, God 
 has sent it to you, and had he loved you, as he evi- 
 dently loves me, you would have similarly prosper- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 3(3] 
 
 ed. But since some of the wise men among the marco 
 idolaters, especially the baksi, have represented to ''°^"" 
 his majesty, that to provide for the poor is a good 
 work and highly grateful to their deities, he has be- 
 stowed charity in the manner now described, so 
 that, at his court, none are denied food who come to 
 ask for it. He has also so arranged that in all the 
 highways by which messengers, merchants, and 
 other persons travel, trees are planted at short 
 distances on both sides of the road, and are so 
 tall that they can be seen from a great distance. 
 They serve thus both to show the way and af- 
 ford a grateful shade. This is done whenever 
 the nature of the soil admits of plantation; but 
 when the route lies through sandy deserts or over 
 rocky mountains, he has ordered stones to be set 
 up, or columns erected, to guide the traveller. Of- 
 ficers of rank are appointed, whose duty it is to take 
 care that these matters be properly arranged, and 
 the roads kept constantly in good order. Besides 
 other motives, the Great Khan is influenced by the 
 declaration of his soothsayers and astrologers, that 
 those who plant trees receive long life as their re- 
 ward. 
 
V. 
 
 FELLOW-VOYAGEKS OF AMERICUS. 
 
 ALONZO DE OJEDA AND JUAN DE LA COSA.1 
 
 ojEDA. A BRIEF notice of the early career of the first of 
 these navigators has been given previously in this 
 volume. His subsequent exploits are quite inter- 
 esting. It has already been seen from the account 
 of Americus, who was his fellow-voyager in 1499, 
 that he could have realized but a very trifling profit 
 from his share in that expedition. In fact, he ac- 
 quired nothing but renown as a bold and skilful fol 
 lower of the seas. Many were the tales which were 
 circulated of his prowess and intrepidity, and his 
 popularity with the people, ever moved to enthusi- 
 asm by daring exploits, seconded by the powerful 
 interest of his patron, the Bishop Fonseca, led him 
 prosperously onward to royal favour. Soon after 
 
 1 This illustration of the lives of full accounts of Mr. Irving, who, 
 Ojeda and De la Cosa is abridged as he says in his Preface, has con- 
 mainly from the work of Mr. Ir- suited this work, as well as many 
 ving, entitled the Lives of the other valuable works and docu- 
 Companions of Columbus; It ments of reference, presented so 
 was originally intended to have complete an array of material 
 translated such portions of the that it was determined to abandon 
 " Viages Menores" of Navarrete the original intention for the pres- 
 M referred to the subject, but the ent plan. 
 
LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 367 
 
 his return, he received a grant of six leagues of fellow- 
 
 VOYAGERS 
 
 land in Hispaniola, and permission to fit out vessels of 
 
 for a further prosecution of discoveries on the coast — '■ ^ 
 
 of the mainland. He w^as prohibited from inter- 
 fering with the traffic on the coast of Paria, within 
 certain limits, but was granted a right to trade in 
 all other parts, on condition of paying one-fifth of 
 the profits of his voyage to the king. He was au- 
 thorized to colonize Coquibacoa, and as an induce- 
 ment was to receive half the revenue of the new 
 colony, unless it exceeded 300,000 maravedis, in 
 which case the surplus was to go to the crown. 
 
 With such brilliant prospects before him, Ojeda juandeVer 
 found no difl&culty in finding partners and assist- oarda da 
 
 •' ° ^ Catapos 
 
 ance in his undertaking. Juan de Vergara and 
 Garcia de Campos joined in his enterprise, making 
 a partnership agreement for the term of two years. 
 They fitted (but four ships, the Santa Maria de la 
 Antigua, the Santa Maria de la Granada, the cara- 
 vel Magdalena, and the caravel Santa Ana. His 
 partners each commanded one of the first-named 
 vessels, his nephew, Pedro, the third, and Hernando 
 de Guevara the fourth ; the whole fleet being con- 
 trolled by Ojeda himself. 
 
 The expedition set sail in 1502, and after pro- 
 curing the usual supply of provisions at the Cana- 
 ries, crossed the ocean in safety, and touched the 
 shores of the New World on the coast of Cumana. 
 This was the native name of the country, but Oje- 
 da called it Val-fermoso, on account of its beauty 
 and fertility. While supplying the immediate ne- 
 
368 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 FELLOW- cessities of his vessels on this coast, Oieda adopted 
 
 VOYAGEES . ' !• 1 
 
 OP an expedient savouring more of pohcy than justice. 
 
 '■ Knowing that he should want many utensils ^and 
 
 articles of common use in his new colony, he de- 
 termined to procure them from the natites of Cu- 
 mana, rather than enrage the Indians" in the neigh- 
 bourhood of his proposed settlement. Their pillage 
 was successful, but was the occasion of much 
 bloodshed. Notwithstanding the orders of Ojeda 
 to his men, to do as little damage as possible, the 
 poor Indians suffered severely, their cabins were 
 burnt, and several of their women carried into cap- 
 tivity, or only returned to them on the payment of 
 a ransom. To the honour of Ojeda, it is said that 
 he took nothing of the spoil but a hammock. 
 
 Settlement After a whilo the fleet proceeded to Coquibacoa, 
 
 ' at Bahia . . . 
 
 Honda, but finding the country in the neighbourhood ex- 
 tremely sterile, they went on further to a bay 
 which Ojeda called Santa Cruz, and is the present 
 Bahia Honda, wjiere it was determined to form a 
 settlement. They found in this place a Spaniard, 
 who had been left by Bastides, a voyager who had 
 visited those parts about a year previously. He 
 had since been living peaceably with the Indians, 
 and had acquired their language. The natives at 
 first attempted to oppose the landing of Span- 
 iards, but were soon overawed by the display of 
 force which Ojeda made, and came forward to 
 greet them with presents*. The adventurers im- 
 mediately commenced building their fortress, and 
 storing in it their goods and provisions. All the 
 
OJEDA IN IRONS. 
 
 T'icv had hardly put out to sea before a fierce quarrel arose between Talavera and 
 
 himseli; with regard to their respective rights, of command, which ended in 
 
 his being seized by the freebooter's crew and loaded with irons. 
 
 (See p. 388.) 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 359 
 
 gold which they acquired, by barter or plunder, fellow- 
 was deposited in a safe box, under two keys, one of 
 of which was kept by the royal officer who accom- — . 
 panied the expedition, and the other by Ocampo. 
 
 All the gold; however, which they were enabled Quarrels of 
 
 1 • 1 ' 1 1 • • Ojeda and 
 
 to collect did not supply them with provisions, iiis partners. 
 which grew day by day more scarce, notwithstand- 
 ing the energetic efforts of the foraging parties 
 continually despatched by the commander to ran- 
 sack the country. The people murmured at their 
 deprivations and sufferings, and above all a fear 
 arose among them that they would lose their 
 means of departure, in consequence of their ships 
 having been attacked by a species of worm, which 
 bored holes in the planks, and caused them to leak 
 greatly. As is ever the case, discontent produced 
 recrimination and quarrels, and the factions of the 
 petty colony rose at last to such a height, that his 
 partners at length entrapped Ojeda on board of one 
 of the caravels, seized him, and put him in irons. 
 They gave out that he had gone farther than his 
 license from the sovereigns allowed, that he was a 
 defaulter, for whom they would be liable as sure- 
 ties, and that they were determined to take him to 
 Spain for trial. 
 
 Ojeda made one or two attempts to compromise 
 with his partners without success, and at last they 
 sailed in the beginning of September, carrying 
 away with them the whole colony, and the strong 
 box, which was the main cause of all their dis- 
 putes. When they ^'arrived at the western coast 
 
 4.7 
 
370 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- of Hispaniola, their captive governor made a des« 
 
 VOYAGERS ^ I 
 
 OP perate attempt to escape from his confinement. 
 
 The vessels w^ere lying at anchor, about a stone's 
 
 throw from the shore, when, relying upon his ac- 
 tivity and skill as a swimmer, he slipped quietly 
 over the side into the water, in the night-time, and 
 made for the shore. But though his_ arms were 
 left free, his feet were chained, and finding that the 
 weight of his shackles was sinking him, he was 
 compelled to cry for help, and, half drowned, was 
 again put into confinement on board. 
 
 Legal pro. WliBU they arrived St. Domingo, a long lawsuit 
 
 cess against 
 
 ojSa. took place before the Chief Judge of the island, 
 who found Ojeda guilty, in spite of his protesta- 
 tions that his partners were the persons in fault. 
 The decision pronounced him a defaulter, stripped 
 him of all his effects, and brought him heavily in 
 debt to the government. For a time he was looked 
 upon as a ruined man, and though, subsequently, 
 on an appeal by Ojeda to the royal council, the 
 case was reconsidered, the decision reversed, an,d 
 an order issued for the restoration of his property, 
 yet the expenses of the lawsuit, in which he was 
 engaged for nearly a year, consumed all his small 
 fortune, and left him a bankrupt, though trium- 
 phant, litigant. 
 
 This judicial contest was decided in 1503, and 
 for some years after that period no record appears 
 concerning the movements of Ojeda, excepting one, 
 which, without particularizing, mentions that he 
 made another voyage to the vicmity of Coquibacoa 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 37J 
 
 in 1505. In 1508 he is found again in Hispaniola. fellow- 
 With the roving and restless habits of the mariner, op 
 
 he seems to have united the common fault of ~ ^ 
 
 sailors of all countries, a reckless and profuse ex- 
 travagance, which led him to squander his re- 
 sources, and kept him always in a state of poverty, 
 although it did not weaken his love of daring en- 
 terprise. 
 
 About this time the cupidity of King Ferdinand The gow 
 
 mines of 
 
 was attracted by the gold mines of the coast of veragua. 
 Veragua, and projects were set on foot to establish 
 colonies in that direction. Indisposed to increase 
 the power of Columbus and his family, the wary 
 monarch looked about for some one to appoint to 
 the command of these colonies, and among others, 
 Ojeda was thought of for the post. Although pos- 
 sessing, in the Bishop Fonseca, a strong friend at 
 court, he was, unfortunately, too far absent and too 
 poor to urge his claims, and had it not been for his 
 lucky meeting with Juan de la Cosa, he would 
 probably never have obtained the appointment. 
 
 Juan de la Cosa was even at the time when he juan de ui 
 accompanied Americus on his second voyage, in 
 the capacity of pilot, a veteran in maritime affairs. 
 He had previously sailed with Columbus, and, as 
 Navarrete says, somewhat sneeringly, " in the opin- 
 ion of others as well as of himself," was thought 
 not to be inferior to Columbus in his knowledge of 
 navigatipn.^ Peter Martyr relates, that the Span- 
 iards esteemed the^maps which were drawn by 
 
 1 Navarr6te, torn. iii. p. 4. 
 
 Cosa. 
 
372 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- him, and by another pilot named Andres Morales 
 OF as tlie best m the world, and that they were 
 1^ " thought to be more cunning in that part of cos- 
 mography which teacheth the description and 
 measuring of the sea, than any others."^ Soon 
 after his return from the New World, in 1500, in 
 the month of October in that year, he was solicited 
 by Rodrigo de Bastides, to accompany him, in two 
 caravels which he had fitted out, to search for gold 
 and pearls. Bastides was a notary, and knew no- 
 thing of navigation, but confided the whole manage- 
 ment of the navigation to Juan de la Cosa, who ex- 
 
 . tended his fame for sound discretion and able sea- 
 
 manship. 
 
 Voyage of This voyage was extremely successful, and they 
 had collected an immense amount of gold and 
 pearls, when their good fortune was checked by an 
 unlooked-for event. They found that their vessels 
 were eaten through in many places by the destruc- 
 tive worms which abomid in the Torrid Zone, and 
 leaked so badly that they could scarcely be kept 
 afloat long enough to enable them to reach Hispan- 
 iola. There they 'repaired their craft and put to 
 sea, with the intention of returning to Cadiz, but 
 were once more controlled by evil fortune, and 
 driven back again by a succession of storms. The 
 leaks broke out afresh, and after landing the most 
 portable part of their rich cargo, the vessels foun- 
 dered before they could • get out the remainder. 
 Bastides also lost the arms and ammunition saved 
 
 • p. Martyr, Decade ii c. 10. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 373 
 
 from the wrecks, being compelled to destroy them, fellow- 
 lest they should fall into the hands of the Indians. ^^^^^"^ 
 
 The crew were divided into three parties, two ^'"^"'™^- 
 of which were headed by Bastides and De la Cosa, 
 and started for St. Domingo by three different 
 routes. Bobadilla, at that time Governor of San 
 Domingo, heard of their approach, and ordering 
 them to be arrested on the charge of pursuing an 
 illicit traffic with the Indians, sent them to Spain. 
 He was tried there and acquitted, and so lucrative 
 had the voyage proved, that he was enabled to pay 
 a handsome sum to the crown, besides reserving a 
 large fortune for himself In reward for his servi- 
 ces, the sovereigns granted him an annual revenue 
 for life, to be drawn from the province of Uraba, 
 which he had discovered, and an equal pension 
 was assigned to De la Cosa, with the office of Al- 
 guazil Mayor of the same territory to which he was 
 appointed. 
 
 It is probable that the vfeteran pilot remained at 
 home for some time after his return from this voy- 
 age, enjoying his well-earned fortune, for it has 
 been seen that he was ordered to attend the court 
 in company with Americus, soon after the return 
 of King Ferdinand from his journey to Naples. 
 Soon after that time, he went to Hispaniola. 
 
 TRhe history of the veteran was from this time connection 
 till his death intimately connected with that of cosa, wuh 
 Ojeda. He had managed to acquire by his fortu- 
 nate voyage with Bastides, and in the course of his 
 other ramblings, considerable property, and having 
 
374 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- a high opinion of the talents and energy of Ojeda,. 
 OP with all nie openheartedness of a sailor, he placed 
 
 1 all his means at the disposal of his less fortunate 
 
 ffiend. It was concerted between them that Cosa 
 should proceed to Spain to promote his appoint- 
 ment by suit at court, and though opposed by a 
 powerful rival, Don Diego de Nicuessa, he was suc- 
 cessful, at least in part. King Ferdinand, with his 
 usual shrewdness, favoured both the candidates, 
 and dividing that part of the continent which lies 
 along the Isthmus of Darien into two governments, 
 he gave the eastern portion, extending to Cape De 
 la Vela, to Ojeda, and the western, including Vera- 
 gua, and extending to Cape Gracias a Dios, to Ni- 
 cuessa. Each of them was bound to erect two 
 forts in their respective districts, and were allowed 
 the product of the mines they should discover, after 
 a certain deduction for the crown. 
 
 Juan de la Cosa received the appointment of 
 Lieutenant under Ojeda, and immediately fitted out 
 a fleet of a ship and two brigantines, in which he 
 embarked with about two hundred men. The ar- 
 mament of Nicuessa was much more powerful, 
 owing to his greater command of means. These 
 rival expeditions arrived at San Domingo at the 
 same time. Ojeda welcomed his lieutenant with 
 joy, and though somewhat mortified at the small- 
 ness of his force compared with that of Nicuessa, 
 he soon found means, in the purses of his friends 
 
 between on the islaud, to recruit and increase his forces. 
 
 r/fcuessa. During their stay, a feud arose between the rival 
 
AMERICUS VESFUCIUS. g^g 
 
 Giovemors. The bone of contentioa was the Island fellow- 
 
 VOYAGERS 
 
 of Jamaica, which had been assigned undivided to of 
 both of them as a place to procure supplies for ^^^^- 
 their respective colonies. Both of them claimed 
 also the province of Darien as within their domin- 
 ions. Ojeda, who was a better fighter than rea- 
 soner, proposed to settle their dispute by a personal 
 combat, but the more prudent Nicuessa, smiling at 
 the heat of his rival, insisted upon a deposit of five 
 thousand Castillanos on each side, to be the prize 
 of the conqueror, which he knew the purse of Oje- 
 da would be too poor to furnish, though his pride 
 was too great to acknowledge it. Juan de la 
 Cosa, however, interposed to prevent any violence. 
 The influence wliich the veteran had over the im- 
 petuous spirit of his commander is interesting. He 
 seems to have stood by him as a Mentor, and 
 warmly attached to one whom he knew to be 
 faithful and devoted, and of courage beyond ques- 
 tion, Ojeda suffered himself to be controlled in his 
 rash impulses. The dispute was settled by thoi es- 
 tablishment of the river Darien as the boundary of 
 the two governments, a n.ost salutary compromise, 
 owing entirely to the good judgment. of the veter- 
 an pilot. The difference respecting Jamaica was 
 settled by Don Diego Columbus himself, who took 
 possession of it in the right of his father. 
 
 On the 10th of November, 1509, Ojeda set sail Deparw™ 
 
 from San 
 
 from St. Domingo. His force consisted of two Domingo, 
 
 ° ■ 15th Nov., 
 
 ships, two brigantines, and three hundred men, iscs. 
 among whom was the celebrated Pizarro, after- 
 
376 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 VOYAGERS 
 
 OP 
 AMERICUS. 
 
 FELLOW- w^ards the conqueror of Peru. Cortez likevvase in- 
 OP tended to have sailed in the fleet, but was prevent- 
 ed by sickness. The voyage v^^as short, for the 
 experienced De la Cosa knew well the navigation. 
 He knew too the warlike and treacherous charac- 
 ter of the natives, and endeavoured to persuade 
 Ojeda to commence a settlement in the Gulf of 
 Uraba, where the people were less ferocious, and 
 did not use poisoned arrows. Ojeda, however, 
 would not alter his plans, and it is thought he had 
 no objection to the prospect of a skirmish with the 
 Natives, for in that way he hoped to capture slaves 
 enough to pay off his debts in Hispaniola. He 
 landed, therefore, with the largest part of his force, 
 and with a number of friars, who accompanied him 
 as missionaries to convert the Indians, and his 
 faithful lieutenant, unable to keep him out of dan- 
 ger, stood by to second him. He advanced towards 
 the savages, who were drawn up on the shore, and 
 ordered the friars to read aloud a certain manifesto, 
 which had recently been prepared by divines and 
 juristo in Spain, to be used in such emergencies, 
 and which is sufficiently curious to merit being 
 copied in full. It reads as follows : 
 Prociama- " I, Alonzo dc Ojcda, servant of the high and 
 to the In- mighty kings of Castile and Leon, civilizers of bar- 
 barous nations, their messenger and captain, notify 
 and make known to you, in the best way I can, that 
 God our Lord, one and eternal, created the heavens 
 and the earth, and one man and one woman, from 
 whom you, and we, and all the people of the earth 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 37-7 
 
 were and are descendants, procreated, and all those fellow- 
 who shall come after us ; but the vast*number of of 
 
 generations which have proceeded from them, in — ?- 
 
 the course of more than five thousand years that 
 have elapsed since the creation of the world, made 
 it necessary that some of the human race should 
 ^ disperse in one direction and some in another, and 
 that they should divide themselves into many king- 
 doms and provinces, as they could not sustain and 
 preserve themselves in one alone. All these peo- 
 ple were given in charge, by God our Lord, to one 
 person, named Saint Peter, who was thus made 
 lord and superior of all the people of the earth, and 
 head of the whole human lineage, whom all should 
 obey, wherever they might live, and whatever might 
 be their law, sect or belief; he gave him also the 
 whole world for his service and jurisdiction, and 
 though he desired that he should establish his 
 chair in Rome, as a place most convenient for gov- 
 erning the world, yet he permitted that he might 
 establish his chair in any other part of the world, 
 and judge and govern all the nations. Christians, 
 Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and whatever other sect or 
 belief might be. This person was denominated 
 Popfe, that is to say, admirable, supreme, father 
 and guardian, because he is father and governor of 
 all mankind. This holy father was obeyed and 
 honoured as lord, king, and superior of the uni- 
 verse by those who lived in his time, and, in like 
 manner, have been obeyed and honoured by all 
 those who have been elected to the Pontificate, 
 
 AS 
 
378 i'lFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- and thus it has continued unto the present day, 
 OF and will continue until the end of the world. 
 
 '- One of these Pontiffs of whom I have spoken, 
 
 as lord of the world, made a donation of these 
 islands and continents, of the ocean, sea, and all 
 that they contain, to the Catholic kings of Castile 
 who, at that time, were Ferdinand and Isabella of 
 glorious memory, and to their successors, our sov- 
 * ereigns, according to the tenor of certain papers 
 ^rawn up for the purpose (which you may see if 
 you desire). Thus his majesty is king and sove- 
 reign of these islands and continents by virtue of 
 the said donation ; and as king and sovereign, cer- 
 tain islands, and almost all to whom this has been 
 notified, have received his majesty, and have obeyed 
 and served, and do actually serve him. And, more- 
 over, like good subjects, and with good-will, and 
 without any resistance or delay, the moment they 
 were informed of the foregoing, they obeyed all the 
 religious men sent among them to preach and teach 
 our Holy Faith ; and these of their free and cheer- 
 ful will, without any condition or reward, be- 
 came Christians, and continue so to be. And his 
 majesty received them kindly and benignantly, and 
 ordered that they should be treated like his other 
 subjects and vassals : you, also, are required and 
 obliged to do the same. Therefore, in the best 
 manner I can, I pray and entreat you, that you 
 consider well what I have said, and that you 
 take whatever time is reasonable to understand and 
 deliberate upon it, and that you recognize the 
 
AJMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 375 
 
 church for sovereign and superior of the universal fellow- 
 world, and the supreme Pontiff', called Pope, in her of 
 name, and his majesty in his place, as superior "^"^""^" f- 
 and sovereign king of the islands and Terra Firma, 
 by virtue of the said donation ; and that you con- 
 sent that these religious fathers declare and preach 
 to you the foregoing ; and if you shall so do, you 
 will do well ; and will do that to which you are 
 bouaden and obliged ; and his majesty, and I in 
 his name, will receive you with all due love and 
 charity, and will leave you, your wives and chil- 
 dren, free from servitude, that you may freely do 
 
 « 
 
 with these and with yourselves whatever you 
 please, and think proper, as have done the inhabi- 
 tants of the other islands. And besides this, his 
 majesty will give you many privileges and exemp- 
 tions, and grant you many favours. If you do not do 
 this, or wickedly and intentionally delay to do so, I 
 certify to you, that, by the aid of God, I will pow- 
 erfully invade and make war upon you in all parts 
 and modes that I can, and will subdue you to the 
 yoke and obedience of the church and of his maj- 
 esty : and I will take your wives and children and 
 make slaves of them, and sell them as such, and 
 dispose of them as his majesty may command ; and 
 I will take your effects and will do you all the 
 harm and injury in my power, as vassals who will 
 not obey or receive their sovereign, and who resist 
 and oppose him. And I protest that the deaths 
 and disasters whicli may in this manner be occa- 
 sioned, wilt be the fault of yourselves and not of 
 
380 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 FELLOW- his majesty, nor of me, nor of these cavaliers who 
 
 VOYAGERS ■> J I .i\.,Ti n *i 
 
 OF accompany me. And of what 1 here teU you and 
 
 AMERICUS. • /. T 11 1x1 
 
 require of you, I call upon the notary here present 
 
 to give me his signed testimonial." 
 
 When the friars had finished reading this mani- 
 festo, Ojeda endeavoured to entice the Indians by 
 signs of friendship and presents, which he exhibit- 
 ed, But they had suffered too much from the cru- 
 elties of other adventurers to be won by kind meas- 
 ures, and in answer to his advances, brandished 
 their spears and prepared to fight. 
 
 i)e la Cosa Juau de la Cosa again renewed his entreaties to 
 
 tries to dis- j->..t -i t t ii'ii 
 
 siiade Ojeda (jjeda to abandon the country, but his choler was 
 
 from settlmg 
 
 inihispart novv SO mucli I'oused, that he would not listen to 
 
 of the coun- 
 
 "■V- reason, and, forgetful of the poisoned arrows of the 
 natives, he uttered a short prayer to the Virgin, in 
 whose protection he blindly confided, and buckling 
 on his armour, charged furiously upon them. The 
 old pilot could not sit still and see the fray, but 
 rushed forward as gallantly as if it had been of his 
 own seeking. The Indians soon dispersed, leaving 
 a number killed and wounded on the field, and sev- 
 eral were made prisoners in the course of the pur- 
 suit, which Ojeda followed for three or four miles, 
 into the interior, in spite of the remonstrances of 
 his Mentor. Still De la Cosa kept up with him, 
 and joined in all the hair-brained risks which he 
 ran, though continually remonstrating against^his 
 useless temerity. 
 
 At length they were stopped by a stronghold of 
 the enemy. With his old war-cry of " Santiago," 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 38. 
 
 Ojeda led his men to a furious assault. Eight of fellow- 
 the bravest of the Indian warriors threw them- ^op"^^ 
 selves into a hut, whence they discharged such ^"^''^'^''^^- 
 showers of arrows, that for a time the hardiest of 
 the assailants were kept at bay. The reproaches 
 of Ojeda reanimate them, and an old Castilian sol- 
 dier, stung by his cry of " Shame," fell pierced 
 through the heart by an arrow, on the threshold. of 
 the door which he vainly attempted to force. At 
 last, fire was applied to the hut, which in an in- 
 stant was in a blaze, and the eight warriors perish- 
 ed in the flames. 
 
 Then they yielded, and seventy captives were Death m 
 sent back to the ships. Still the pursuit was con- c"osa^. 
 tinued ; another village was reached, which was 
 found deserted. The Indians had fled to the moun- 
 tains with their women and children, and all their 
 eflfects. Thinking themselves secure, by this time, 
 in the terror of the natives, the Spaniards dispersed 
 themselves over the country in search of booty, in 
 small parties. Taking advantage of this incaution, 
 the Indians again attacked them. They fought 
 resolutely, but unavailingly, and were borne down 
 by overwhelming numbers. On the first alarm, 
 Ojeda collected a few soldiers, and defended him- 
 self behind a stockade which he erected. Juan de 
 la Cosa, hearing of his commander's danger, rushed 
 to his assistance. Before the gate of the enclosure, 
 the brave pilot kept the savages at bay until most 
 of his followers were killed and he himself severely 
 wounded. Then Ojeda dashed among the Indians 
 
382 -IFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- like a tker, dealing his blows on every side. La 
 
 VOYAGERS ^ ^,r 1.. iT^ 
 
 OF Uosa was too feeble to second him, and took refuge 
 
 in a cabin, where he defended himself till all but 
 
 one of his men were slain ; then sinking to the 
 ground, and feeling that his death was drawing- 
 nigh, he said to his surviving companion, " Brother, 
 since God has protected thee from harm, sally out 
 and fly, and if ever thou shouldest see Alonzo de 
 Ojeda, tell him of my fate." 
 characterof ' " Tlius," says the eloouent historian, in words 
 
 DelaCosa. t J -i 
 
 which it is impossible to abridge, "thus fell the 
 hardy Juan de la Cosa ; nor can we refrain from 
 pausing to pay a passing tribute to his memory. 
 He was acknowledged by his contemporaries to be 
 one of the ablest of those gallant Spanish naviga- 
 tors who first explored the way to the New World. 
 But it is by the honest and kindly qualities of his 
 heart that his memory is most endeared to us ; it is, 
 above all, by that loyalty in friendship displayed in 
 this his last. and fatal expedition. Warmed by his 
 attachment for a more youthful and hotheaded ad- 
 venturer, we see this wary veteran of the seas for- 
 getting his usual prudence and the lessons of his 
 experience, and embarking, heart and hand, purse 
 and person, in the wild enterprises of his favourite. 
 We behold him watching over him as a parent, re- 
 monstrating with him as a counsellor, but fighting 
 by him as a partisan ; following him without hesi- 
 tation into known and needless danger, to certain 
 death itself, and showing no other solicitude in his 
 dying moments but to be remembered by his friend. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 382 
 
 The history of these Spanish discoveries abound in fellow- 
 noble and generous traits of character, but few have of^"^ 
 charmed us more than this instance of loyalty to the ^'^'^""^"^- 
 last gasp, in the death of the staunch Juan de la 
 Cosa. The Spaniard who escaped to tell the story 
 of his end was the only survivor of seventy that had 
 followed Ojeda in this rash and headlong inroad." 
 
 While these events were taking place on shore, Great ami- 
 those who remained on board their ships sulTered ^the°"hi>? 
 
 .1 ■/.!/» 1 . T ^^^ escape 
 
 the greatest anxiety for the fate of their comrades, of ojedi. 
 Some days, elapsed and no news of them reached 
 the vessels. Detached parties were sent a short 
 distance into the woods in search of them, and boats 
 were manned and proceeded to examine the shores 
 in the hope of seeing something of their lost com- 
 rades. They did not dare, however, to go far in- 
 land, for they constantly heard the war-whoop and 
 shouts of their savage foes ringing through the for- 
 est. One day, as they were about giving up in de- 
 spair, they saw the body of a man in Spanish attire 
 lying in a thicket of mangrove trees, and half con- 
 cealed by the undergrowth of shrubs. The roots 
 of the mangrove rise and intertwine with each other 
 above the water in which they grow ; and extended 
 on these roots, with his buckler on and his sword 
 in his hand, but so weakened by hunger and fa- 
 tigue that he was unable to speak, the Spaniards 
 found Alonzo de Ojeda. He was chilled with the 
 damps of his hiding-place, but they soon kindled a 
 fire, and, by degrees, he recovered sufficiently to tell 
 them his sad story. 
 
384 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP , 
 
 FELLOW He had effected his purpose of cutting his wav 
 
 VOYAGERS 1 1 T 1 • 11 • . • ' 
 
 OF' through the Indians, and almost in utter despair at 
 the loss of so many brave followers, he had wan- 
 dered about alone, scarcely knowing whither he 
 was going, and had at last sunk down to die, where 
 his remaining followers fortunately found him. 
 All considered his escape miraculous, and when it 
 was found that he was not wounded, although the 
 marks of over three hundred arrows were on his 
 buckler, their astonishment was redoubled, and 
 Ojeda himself attributed it to another interposition 
 of the Virgin in his favour. But the Indians were 
 not destined to enjoy their triumph long. While 
 his companions were busily engaged in administer- 
 ing to the wants of their commander, the ships of 
 Nicuessa appeared in the ofEng. Ojeda, remem- 
 bering his recent quarrel with the rival governor, 
 feared that he would take advantage of his misfor- 
 tunes, but his apprehensions were groundless. 
 With the true spirit of a Spanish Hidalgo, he re- 
 ceived Ojeda with open arms, expressed himself 
 willing to forget all their differences, and placed 
 himself and his men under the orders of Ojeda, to 
 assist him in dealing a blow of vengeance upon his 
 savage enemies. 
 Ojeda, with Again inspirited by this noble conduct, Ojeda 
 Nicuessa, prepared at once for the attack. The two gover- 
 another nors, no longer rivals, landed with four hundred 
 men, and set off with promptness for the Indian 
 village in the night. They surrounded it before 
 the natives were alarmed, for they thought that they 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 385 
 
 had slain all the Spaniards, and were reposing in fellow- 
 perfect security. Their sleep was broken first by of 
 the assault of the exasperated Spaniards, who ^^^^^^'^^ 
 soon set their dwellings in a blaze, and spared 
 neither women nor children in the fury of their 
 attack. The slaughter was great, and the ven- 
 geance complete, and leaving the smoking ashes 
 of the ruined village, the Spaniards returned to 
 their ships. 
 
 While searching in all directions for booty, of 
 which they found a large amount, they discovered 
 the body of the unfortunate Juan de la Cosa. It 
 was tied to a tree, ^nd swollen and discoloured in 
 a shocking manner by the baneful poison of the 
 arrows by which he was killed. Bitterly did 
 Ojeda repent that he had not followed the advice 
 of his trusty lieutenant, and in sadness and mourn- 
 ing he prepared too tardily to adopt his plans. 
 
 Having determined to leave at once a place settlement 
 
 ,. 1 . /^. 1 in the Gulf 
 
 which had been so disastrous to hito, Ojeda set ofUraba. 
 saU once more with his disheartened followers, and 
 after having made two or three vain attempts to 
 discover the River Darien, steered for the Gulf of 
 Uraba, on the eastern shore of which he fixed 
 upon a place to build his fortress. With his usual 
 energy, every thing that was needful was soon 
 landed from the ships ; houses were built, and his 
 embryo capital, which he called San Sebastian, 
 was protected by a strong wooden stockade and 
 fortress. Feeling the weakness of his force, he lost 
 no time in despatching a messenger to his friend, 
 
386 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- the Bachelor Enciso, whom he had engaged in his un- 
 OF dertaking in Hispaniola, urging him to send forward 
 
 AMEEICUS. , . .. J T -.i I-,- • • 
 
 his recrmts and supphes with expedition. Again 
 
 and again before their expected reinforcement could 
 have arrived, were they attacked by the natives, 
 and at last, when their provisions began to fail, and 
 they were compelled tb forage among the villages, 
 in search, not of gold, but of food, the discouraged 
 Spaniards were entirely routed, and pursued with 
 yells to the very gates of their fortress. Some died 
 in agony from their wounds, others perished wijth 
 famine, and death came to be looked upon among 
 them as a relief from horror and misery, to be wel- 
 comed rather than shunned. 
 Ojeda Ojeda was thought by the Indians to possess a 
 ' , charmed life, for as yet they had never been able 
 even to wound him. They determined, however, to 
 test the fact, and having previously prepared four of 
 their best marksmen, they led him into an ambush 
 where these men could take sure aim at him. 
 Three of their arrows glanced harmlessly from his 
 buckler ; the fourth pierced his thigh. Fearing 
 from certain symptoms that it was poisoned, Ojeda 
 ordered his surgeon to apply to the wound red-hot 
 irons, to burn out the venom. The surgeon re- 
 fused, and only yielded when Ojeda made a solemn 
 vow that he would have him hanged if he did not 
 comply. He endured this painful operation with- 
 out a groan, and the wound was healed ; the cold 
 poison, says the good Bishop Las Casas, being con- 
 sumed by the vivit; fire. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 387 
 
 In the midst of their sufferings, and while daily pellow- 
 looking for the arrival of the ship of the Bachelor """^^^^''^ 
 Enciso, a strange vessel made its appearance at ^^"^'"^'^'^ 
 San Sebastian. It turned out to be a Genoese Taiavim 
 vessel which had been seized by one Talavera, "^fuiputs.'" 
 and a band of piratical desperadoes, who, hearing 
 of the condition of Ojeda and his associates, felt 
 sure of being gladly received into his service, their 
 supplies of provisions and reinforcement of men 
 being absolutely necessary to the beleaguered col- 
 ony. The good father Charlevoix thought their 
 arrival was a manifest interposition of Divine Prov- 
 idence in their favour, and whether that was the 
 case or not, it undoubtedly saved them when on 
 the very brink of destruction. Still it was only a 
 temporary relief The ship of Enciso did not ar- 
 rive, and in a short time, famine again raged in all its 
 horrors, notwithstanding the scrupulous care with 
 which Ojeda doled out to each of his suffering 
 comrades his scanty allowance of food. Discon- 
 tent and factions came with hunger, till finally 
 Ojeda was compelled to enter into an agreement 
 with his mutinous colonists, which had the effect 
 of quieting them for a time. The agreement was 
 that he himself should proceed to Hispaniola in 
 quest of supplies, and that if at the end of forty 
 days, during which they were to endure as well as 
 they could the privations of San Sebastian, no relief 
 or tidings of him should reach them, they were to 
 be at liberty to abandon the colony, and return to 
 Hispaniola in the brigantines. The government of 
 
388 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 FELLOW- the colony was, in the meantime, to be left in the 
 
 VOYAGERS 1 1 „ „. 1 • T .11 
 
 OF nands of Pizarro, as his lieutenant, until the com- 
 
 AMERICUS. . /. .1 T. 1 1 -n • 
 
 ing of the Bachelor Enciso. 
 
 Departure Hafin<>- concluded this convention, Oieda em- 
 
 ofOjeda, *= ' •' 
 
 and his barked in the ship of the piratical leader. It vras 
 an unlucky moment when he consented to take 
 this course. They had hardly put out to sea be- 
 fore a fierce quarrel arose betw^eeii Talavera and 
 himself, with regard to their respective rights of 
 command, which ended in his being seized by the 
 freebooter's crew and loaded with irons. In vain 
 did he revile them as recreants, pirates, and cow- 
 ards, and offer to fight them all if they would give 
 him a fair field on the deck, with his weapons in 
 his hands, and attack him two at a time. They 
 had heard too much of his skill and bravery not to 
 fear him even with these odds, and he would prob- 
 ably have been carried in irons to Hispaniola, had 
 not a violent gale ensued, which induced the pirates 
 to set him free in order to have the benefit of his 
 skill as a pilot. With all his efforts, howeyer, 
 , against storms and currents, he was unable to 
 carry the vessel into her destined port. After be- 
 ing tost about by the tempest for several days, he 
 was reduced to the alternative of rimning her on 
 shore on the southern side of Cuba, to prevent her 
 from foundering at sea. 
 
 After the wreck of their vessel the pirates found 
 themselves in a worse situation than they were in 
 before they had captured her. With the undefina- 
 ble yearning after the haunts of society, which civ- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUgiUS. ' 38j 
 
 ilized men always feel, they were anxious to reach fellow 
 Hispaniola, although they knew that dungeons and '^°^^'^^^* 
 
 OP 
 AMERICUS. 
 
 chains awaited them. Their only course was to 
 travel on foot to the eastern extremity of the island, 
 and there seek some means of transportation, and, 
 valuable as the aid of Ojeda had been to them at 
 sea, they soon found that the resources of his mind 
 were of equal importance to them on shore. He 
 gradually gained the ascendancy over them, and 
 assumed the command, although they still regarded 
 him with feelings of hostility ; displaying thus the 
 power which a master-spirit always exercises in 
 the hour of difficulty and danger. 
 
 Cuba, not at that time colonized, had become sufferingB 
 the refuge of many of the unfortunate inhabitants ° Lds m" 
 of Hayti who had fled from the tasks and whips 
 of their masters, and found temporary security in 
 the forests of the neighbouring island. Their ac- 
 counts had inflamed the minds of many of the 
 tribes who inhabited the villages, so 'that the march 
 of the Spaniards was continually opposed both by 
 the runaways and by the natives themselves. Oje- 
 da at first easily repulsed their attacks, but finding 
 -that his men grew weaker daily, he resolved, for 
 the remainder of the journey, to avoid as much as 
 possible the villages, and accordingly led his men 
 into the thickest of the forests, and by the broad 
 savannahs, which stretched along the seashore. 
 While thus avoiding one evil, he met with another, 
 almost if not quite as great. The plains which the 
 Spaniards entered at first, appeared covered with 
 
390 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 FELLOW- high grass and rank vegetation, which, though it 
 OF rendered their progress slow, was but a trifling 
 
 — ■ matter to what was in reserve for them. The 
 
 ground gradually became moist under their feet, 
 and finally ended in an immense morass, or salt 
 marsh, where the water reached to their knees. 
 Still they pressed forward, continually encouraged 
 by Ojeda, who had no idea of the task he was un- 
 dertaking. The marsh extended for upwards of 
 thirty leagues, and the farther they proceeded, the 
 deeper befcame the mire, until at last it seemed to 
 them interminable, and they were ready to give up 
 in despair. Numerous rivers and creeks intersected 
 this fatal plain, which they had to cross, and many 
 who could not swim were drowned. The only 
 way in which they could sleep, was by climbing 
 among the twisted roots of the mangrove trees, 
 which grew in the w&ter. Their provisions were 
 almost exhausted, and their sufferings from thirst 
 were extreme, when, having been eight days upon 
 their journey, Ojeda determined to struggle forward 
 with a few of the least weary of the men. He 
 encouraged those whom he left behind to per- 
 severe, and taking from his knapsack a small pic- 
 ture of the Virgin, which the Bishop Fonseca had 
 given him, and which he always carried about his 
 person, he knelt before it, and made a solemn vow 
 that he would erect a chapel for the service of his 
 patroness in the first Indian village at which he 
 might arrive. 
 
 Well did the venerable Bishop Las Casas say, 
 
AJMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 39| 
 
 " the sufferings of the Spaniards in the New World, fellow 
 in their search for gold, were more cruel and se- ^of*'"^ 
 vere than ever nation in the world endured ; but i^!^'?^ 
 those experienced by Ojeda and his men have sur- 
 passed all others." They were thirty days in cross- 
 ing this immense and horrible swamp. Out of 
 seventy men who entered it, only thirty-five evei 
 emerged from it, and when Ojeda, with a few of 
 the most vigorous of his advanced party, at last 
 reached a spot where the land was firm and dry, 
 their joy was unutterable, yet their weakness only 
 permitted them to go a short distance to an Indian 
 village ere they dropped down completely ex- 
 hausted. 
 
 This village was ruled by a cacique named Cu- 
 yebas. His tribe gathered around the Spaniards 
 with wonder, but as soon as their story was told, 
 vied with each other in acts of humanity to the 
 suffering strangers. They bore them to their 
 houses, and furnished them with food and drink, 
 and the chief sent a large party into the morass 
 with orders to bring out those remaining behind on 
 their shoulders, if they were unable to walk. How 
 noble an example they offered to their Christian 
 guests — an example of humanity, indeed, which 
 would have reflected honour upon the most civil- 
 ized race. 
 
 Oieda, as soon as he had recovered from his suf- ojedabuiids 
 
 ■> ' a, chapel in 
 
 ferings, prepared faithfully to perform his vow. He fuMmem of 
 built a small chapel in the village, and erected an 
 altar, over which he suspended his much-valued 
 
392 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 FELLOW- picture of the Virgin. He next explained to the 
 
 VOYAGERS . /. 1 . 1 , . 
 
 OP benevolent cacique, and many of the inhabitants, 
 
 the main points of the Catholic faith, and more 
 
 particularly the history of the Virgin Mother, 
 However little they understood the doctrines which 
 he endeavoured to teach them, they conceived a 
 high respect for the picture which he left. They 
 ever kept the little chapel cleanly swept, and 
 decorated with votive offerings and flowers, and 
 when Las Casas subsequently visited the place, he 
 performed mass at its altar, and baptized under its 
 roof the children of the humane and innocent 
 natives. 
 Sends a This duty hating been duly performed, Ojeda 
 EsqS^i, in and his party proceeded on their journey. The in- 
 
 Jamaica. 
 
 habitants of this part of the coast received them 
 everywhere kindly, and they continued their way 
 " to the province of Macaca, where Columbus had 
 previously been well received, and where they also 
 were hospitably entertained. This province was 
 at the Cape de la Cruz, the nearest point on the 
 coast to the neighbouring Island of Jamaica. Here 
 they found a canoe, and one of their men, by name 
 Pedro de Ordas, undertook the dangerous task of 
 carrying a message across to the Governor Esqui- 
 bel. The distance of twenty leagues was safely 
 accomplished by the brave mariner in his frail 
 bark, and as soon as the message was delivered a 
 caravel was despatched by the governor to the as- 
 sistance of the unfortunate discoverer and his com 
 panions. 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 395 
 
 It seems to have been the fate of Ojeda to be fellow- 
 placed m mortifying positions with respect to his op 
 enemies. This very Esquibel, who now received ^'"^"■^'^'"^- 
 him, with the greatest kindness, into his own house, 
 he had, with foolish bravado, threatened to decap- 
 itate, when leaving San Domingo, in all the flush 
 and glory of commanding a new expedition. He 
 was no longer in a position even to assert the rights 
 with which he conceived that Esquibel had inter- 
 fered, and his warm heart was deeply touched by 
 the generous conduct of his adversary. He re- 
 mained several days with Esquibel, and when he 
 set sail once more for San Domingo, parted from 
 him in the best friendship. ^ 
 
 On the arrival of Ojeda at this island the first News of the 
 enquiry that he made was for the Bachelor Enciso. emIso. 
 He learned that he had sailed long before with 
 supplies for the colony, but that no tidings had 
 been heard from him. Anxious for the safety of 
 his colony, and fearing that his partner had perish- 
 ed in the same storm in which lie himself had been 
 wrecked, he attempted to organize a new arma- 
 ment. But the prestige of success which had 
 hitherto attended him was wanting. His disasters 
 were well known, and in every one's mouth, and 
 though when figuring as the commander of a new 
 fleet, when his previous exploits were the popular 
 theme, he found no lack of friends or followers, yet 
 then all looked coldly upon him, and bankrupt in 
 hope and fortune, his schemes, once so highly ex- 
 tolled, were pronounced wild and visionary. He 
 
 50 
 
394 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 FELLOW- was unsuccessful in all his endeavours, and never 
 
 VOYAGERS • 1 ,. 1 TT 1 1 /. XT- • 1 
 
 OF again left the Island of Hispamola. 
 
 -^ '- It is sad to contemplate the ruin of a man 
 
 of ojeda! possessed of so many gallant and noble qualities as 
 those which distinguished Ojeda. He appears to 
 have lingered some time at San Domingo, his 
 health broken by hardship, and his proud spirit 
 by poverty and neglect. Las Casas gives an 
 affecting picture of his last moments. He died in 
 such extreme want that he did not leave money 
 sufficient to pay for his funeral expenses, and so 
 deep was his humility, that he begged that he 
 might be buried beneath the gateway of the mon- 
 astery of San Fi^ncisco, as an expiation of his 
 former pride, " in order that all who entered might 
 tread upon his grave." 
 
 " Never, " says Charlevoix, speaking of Ojeda, 
 " was a man more suited for a coup de main, or to 
 achieve and suflfer great things under the direction 
 of another ; no one had a heart more lofty, or an 
 ambition more aspiring; no one ever took less 
 heed of fortune, or showed greater firmness of soul, 
 or found more resources in his own courage ; but 
 no one was less calculated to be commander-in- 
 chief of a great enterprise. Good management and 
 good fortune forever failed him." 
 
EfiTE. 
 
 VI. 
 
 DOCUMENTS KELATING TO AMERICUS VESPUCIUS: 
 
 PRESENTED IN THE COLLECTION 01" NAYAREETE. 
 
 The industry and research of Don Martin Fer- docu- 
 nandez de Navarrete have rescued from the Span- navar- 
 ish archives of Simancas and Seville many notices 
 and documents relating to Americus, which, at first, 
 it seemed desirable to translate wr this v^^ork. A 
 subsequent consideration of them, and the large 
 space they vpould necessarily occupy, if given in 
 extefiso, has led to the substitution of an abstract of 
 their contents. They are arranged by that author 
 in fifteen sections. 
 
 Numbers I. and II., dated respectively on the 
 10th and 15th of July, 1494, consist of a royal de- 
 cree and letter respecting certain payments and pro- 
 ceedings of Juan Berardi, the agent in preparing 
 the expeditions of Columbus. 
 
 Number III., dated April 11th, 1505, contains a 
 royal decree, addressed to Alonzo de Morales, the 
 treasurer of the queen, commanding him to pay 
 Americus the sum of 12,000 maravedis. 
 
 Number IV., dated April 24th, 1505, is a royal 
 letter of naturalization, in favour of Americus, for 
 the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. 
 
396 LIFE Am VOYAGES OF 
 
 Docu- Number V., dated August 23d, 1506, is a lettei 
 
 MENTS OF ' /v 1 -r. 1 
 
 NAVAR- from the King Philip to the officers of the Board of 
 
 '■ — Trade at Seville, inquiring what vras necessary or 
 
 important to facilitate the quick despatch of the 
 fleet destined for the Spice Islands. 
 
 Number VI. is a certificate of the keeper of the 
 archives of the Indies, at Seville, given to Senor 
 Navarrete, of various notices relative to Americus, 
 vrhich are to be found in certain accounts there 
 preserved. These consist of various accounts ren- 
 dered by him, and of his receipts for money paid. 
 
 Number VII., dated March 22d, 1508, contains 
 a royal decree, granting to Americus the salary of 
 50,000 maravedis, as chief pilot of the kingdom. 
 
 Number VIII. is another decree of the same date, 
 making an increase of 25,000 maravedis to his 
 salary. 
 
 Number IX. contains a royal declaration, setting 
 forth at great length the duties and responsibilities 
 of the new office of chief pilot, which is addressed 
 to Americus in the name of the Q,ueeri Joanna. 
 
 Number X. is a continuation of the accounts 
 which were commenced in number VI., and ex- 
 tending to the date of the death of Americus in 
 1512. This number contains, among other notices, 
 one of a payment of 10,937 maravedis to the canon 
 Manuel Catano, of Seville, as the executor of the 
 will of Americus, that amount being the balance 
 due of his salary at the time of his death. 
 
 Number XI. is a royal decree, granting a pension 
 for life, of ] 0,000 maravedis per annum, to the wid- 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 397 
 
 ow of Americus, Maria Cerozo. This is dated docu 
 May 22d, 1512. ™If 
 
 Number XII. contains the royal appointment of - ^^™' 
 Juan Vespucci to the office of pilot, with a salary 
 of 20,000 maravedis per annum. 
 
 Number XIII. contains a letter from the king to 
 the Bishop Fonseca, requesting that he would in- 
 quire into the fitness of Andres de San Martin to 
 succeed Americus in the office of chief pilot. 
 
 Number XIV. contains another decree respecting 
 the pension of the widow of Americus, fixing it as 
 a charge upon the salary of the chief pilot; the 
 office at that time being held by Sebastian Cabot, 
 who had succeeded Juan Diaz de Solis, the succes- 
 sor of Americus. 
 
 Number XV. is a long letter from the Viscount m. de Hum - 
 
 ° boldt re- 
 
 of Santaren, respectiner the voyages of Americus marks m 
 
 ' r b J b the letter of 
 
 made in the service of Portugal. This letter, dated santaren. 
 the 15th of July, 1826, is in answer to one address- 
 ed to Senhor de Santaren, by Navarrete, and con- 
 tains some remarkable statements respecting the 
 absence of any documentary evidence of the two 
 last voyages of Americus. The writer was at the 
 time Chief Master of the Archives of Portugal, and 
 caused, as he says, diligent inquiry to be made for 
 any documents relating to Americus in the Torre 
 do Tombo, the receptacle of an immense quantity 
 of manuscripts and accounts relative to the Indies, 
 from the date of the discovery. In relation to this 
 fact, the learned Humboldt remarks: "It is very 
 strange, that notwithstanding the researches en- 
 
RETE. 
 
 398 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 DociT- tered into by the Viscount de Santaren, at that 
 
 MENTS OP . 
 
 NAVAR- time Chief Keeper of the Archives for the Kingdom 
 of Portugal, and since then minister of foreign af- 
 fairs, the name of Vespucius was not once met 
 with in the documents of the Torre do Tombo." 
 This omission is the more remarkable, as the King 
 Emanuel, by whose command Vespucius performed 
 his two expeditions in 1501 and 1503, took partic- 
 ular pains to preserve in remembrance the events 
 of his reign. " How can it be explained," says the 
 Viscount de Santaren, in his letter of 25th of July, 
 1826, " that this monarch, who often went in person 
 to attend to the registration of documents drawn 
 from the library of Alphonso V., forgot to record 
 the books and diary which Vespucius pretends to 
 have sent to him 1 How can it be conceived that 
 the learned keeper of the archives, Damian de 
 Goes, who employed so much time in matters re- 
 lating to voyages and maritime discoveries, who 
 communicated constantly with Ramusio, and who 
 travelled himself over Italy, knew nothing of ex- 
 peditions, made at a period only forty-five years 
 before his own time V " These objections," pro- 
 ceeds Humboldt, " have doubtless much weight, 
 but negative evidence, such as the want of docu- 
 ments, cannot decide definitely the question as to 
 the authenticity of, the Portuguese voyages of 
 Americus. He says himself, in his relation of his 
 third voyage, that the king, much rejoiced at his ar- 
 rival, made him warm proposals to start with a 
 eet of three ships for the discovery of new lands, 
 
AMERICrS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 399 
 
 MENTS OP 
 
 NAVAB- 
 
 RETE. 
 
 He was not, from the commencement of the voy- pocv 
 age, the commander of the expedition, but only a 
 person whose nautical skill might be available, skill 
 which was appreciated too late in Spain, in 1505. 
 I can prove besides, by a passage of Peter Martyr, 
 who was intimately connected with the nephew of 
 Americus, that he was protected and in the pay of 
 the Portuguese government. Americus Vespucius 
 Florentinum auspiciis- ei stipendio Portugalensium 
 ultra lineam cnquinoctialeni adnavlgavit. His sec- 
 ond Decade, which contains this striking passage, 
 was written two years after the death of Americus, 
 namely, in 1514." 
 
 M. de Humboldt instances other proofs in favour 
 of his position, among them the official evidence of 
 Sebastian Cabot, and other celebrated pilots, rela- 
 tive to the true position of the line of demarcation 
 between Spain and Portugal, which Munoz found 
 in the archives of the Board of Trade at Seville. 
 He goes on to remark, that many other events 
 which produced a lively sensation in Europe at 
 about the same time, left no traces in the public 
 documents of the day, and cites by way of example 
 the triumphant entry of Columbus into Barcelona, 
 and his reception by the Catholic monarchs in a 
 hall magnificently adorned. This is a circumstance 
 well established by many hisj;orians of credit, yet 
 no documents exist in the archives of Spain going 
 to prove the fact. 
 
 So much space would not have been devoted to 
 this letter, had it not been for the purpose of show- 
 
400 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 Docu- ing the effect of long-continued prejudice against 
 
 MENTS OF «• 1 •••11 In 
 
 NAVAR- Americus, and contrasting it with the result of a 
 
 ' RETP 
 
 "~ - candid examination. Such an examination was 
 
 made by M. De Humboldt in relation to these two 
 voyages, and though, in the course of his work, 
 some points of difference exist with the statements 
 of this volume, yet he has evidently considered the 
 subject with a desire to arrive at the truth, and a 
 determination to divest himself, as far as possible, 
 from all previous prejudices. 
 
M. RANKK 
 
 vn. 
 
 LETTER OF M RANKE TO M. DE HUMBOLDT, 
 
 RESPECTING THE COK lESPONDENCE OF AMEEICTJS WITH SODEEINI 
 AND De' MEDICI.' 
 
 It seems to me by no means doubtful, that the letter uv 
 member of the family of Medici, to whom some of 
 the letters of Vespucius are addressed, is Lorenzo 
 di Pier Francesco de' Medici, who was horn in 
 1463, and died in 1503. His identity is proved, not 
 only by the arguments adduced by Bandini, but 
 especially by the German work printed in 1505, 
 which you have found in the library at Dresden, 
 and in which the name of Lorenzo di Pier Fran- 
 cesco appears on the first page. This personage 
 belonged to the younger branch of the Medici, 
 which took no part in the power exercised by the 
 elder branch. When, after the decease of Lorenzo 
 the Magnificent, in 1492, Piero de' Medici took the 
 reins of government in Florence, he separated him- 
 self from his cousins of the cadet branch, who, 
 however, were as wealthy as the elder branch. A 
 rivalry was the "consequence of some differences 
 
 > Translated from a note to the Histoire de la G6ographie du Non- 
 veau Continent of M. de H umboldt. 
 
 51 
 
402 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 LETTER OP which arose between them, combined with the 
 
 — ^ weakness of the character of the new chief. The 
 
 opposition of the cadet branch especially man ifest- 
 ed itself at the time of the invasion of Chirles 
 VIII., when Piero de' Medici allied himself with 
 the King of Naples, whilst his cousins entcved into 
 negotiations with France, and received the ambas- 
 sadors of that power. When the victorif fi and suc- 
 cesses of Charles VII. excited great discontent 
 among the people of Florence, the cadt t branch of 
 the family, and especially Lorenzo di Pier Fran- 
 cesco,, favoured these movements. 
 
 Modern history offers numerous examples of 
 these discords among the members of reigning fam- 
 ilies. The partisans of Pier Francesco adopted the 
 name of Popolani. 
 The Soderi- The family of Soderini had long been reckoned 
 among the adherents of the party of the elder 
 branch of the Medici. Among the Florentine citi- 
 zens, there was not one who had rendered more 
 signal services to the father and grandfather of 
 Piero de' Medici, than Tomaso Soderini, but Piero 
 de' Medici forgot these services. The children of 
 Tomaso, Paolo Antonio, Francesco, and Piero, 
 found themselves neglected and treated with dis- 
 dain. On this account they soon made common 
 cause with the younger branch of the Medici, were 
 involved in the revolution of the 9th of November, 
 ■ 1494, which expelled the elder branch, and took an 
 active part in the republican regime, which was 
 the result of these popular movements. It is truf 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 4Q3 
 
 that afterwards there were some slight differences letter of 
 
 between the Soderini and the Popolani, the young- -^ ■ 
 
 er branch of the Medici. It is certain that Lorenzo 
 di Pier Francesco did not see with pleasure, in 
 1502, the nomination of Piero Soderini, son of 
 Tomaso, as Gonfaloniere of Florence ; but, on the 
 whole, the Soderini and the Medici of the cadet 
 branch were united in their political interests. 
 
 Moreover, it can be proved that the Vespucci be- PoUticai 
 
 ^ ^ connections 
 
 longed to the republican party of Florence. Guido of the ves- 
 
 " A^ r J pucei farat- 
 
 Antonio Vespucci, of whom Bandini speaks, was 't- 
 intimately connected with the movements -of this 
 party. He sat, immediately after the expulsion of 
 Piero de' Medici, in 1494, among the twenty acco- 
 piatori of the first magistrate, conjointly with Lo- 
 renzo di Pier Francesco. He was afterwards Gon- 
 falonfere even, or supreme chief The political 
 connection of the Vespucci with the younger 
 branch of the Medici, is further confirmed by a let- 
 ter that Piero Vespucci wrote, in 1494, from Pistoia 
 to Lorenzo de' Medici. This Lorenzo is very 
 probably Lorenzo di Pier Francesco, the same to 
 whom Americus addressed some of his letters du- 
 ring a long absence from Italy. 
 
 Nothing can be more natural than this connection 
 of the navigator with the republican party in Flor- 
 ence. Even Francesco Lotti, whom Americus 
 mentions in the relation of his second voyage, and 
 by whom he sent to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco a 
 chart of the world, was, in 1529, member of an ad- 
 ministration entirely inimical to the Medici of the 
 
404 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 LETTER OF elder branch. There was nothing singular in the 
 
 M. KANKE. 
 
 title of Magnifico, given occasionally by Americus 
 to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco. One might thus 
 gratify the cadet branch, on account of its import- 
 ance in the State, and because it had always, and 
 by general consent, been accorded to the elder 
 branch. Lorenzo di Pier Francesco died in 1503, 
 but if we examine with care the end of the letter 
 which Americus addressed to him, giving an ac- 
 count of his third expedition, we find nothing 
 which would lead to the supposition, that this let- 
 ter was written subsequent to the fourth expedi- 
 tion, that which terminated in June, 1504. I think 
 that you have perfectly solved this chronological 
 difficulty, which puzzled Bar dini. 
 
TUl ^liaiLD^HS^IL Till 
 
 ar THE 
 
 NEWHAVLN H. MANSriELO PUBLiSHtR. 
 
i' Cesare \ 
 
 LITH.OF SARDMV k hAJOH N.VOflK. 
 
 Of THE 
 NEW HAVLN H. MANSFItLO PUBLISHER. 
 
Vffl. 
 
 THE VESBUCCI FAMILY, 
 
 The Genealogical Tree accompanying this por- thk 
 tion of the work was engraved from a facsimile of family. 
 that contained in the Re ale Deputazione Sopra il 
 Regolamento della Nobilita di Toscana. Many of 
 these records of families are preserved in this es- 
 tablishment, some of them beautifully embellished 
 with miniatures, in many cases the only preserved 
 likenesses of the persoijs they represent. An ac- . 
 count of the present members of the Vespucci 
 family is extracted from " The Artist, Merchant and 
 Statesman." The letters in which it appears were 
 not originally written for publication, and some al- 
 terations and omissions have been made. 
 
 Florence, February — , 1845. 
 Dear , 
 
 When I see you again, I shall have .a long story 
 to tell you of the descendants of Americus'Vespu- 
 cius. I will give you a part of it now. 
 
 It had always been a matter of wonder to me, 
 that of all the Americans who had visited Florence, 
 and written about its great men, no one should 
 have said anything about the Discoverer's descend- 
 
406 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 THE ants. Indeed, so entirely have we been cut off 
 
 VESPUCCI 
 
 FAMILY, from all information on the subject, I must confess 
 
 » 
 
 it was with the greatest astonishment I heard the 
 other day, that there is one son and several daugh- 
 ters, lineal descendants of Vespucius, now living at 
 Florence, in poverty, unnoticed and unknown. 
 
 I was making some inquiries at a reunion of lit- 
 erary men, a few evenings ago, about the Vespucci 
 family, and a gentleman who knows them well 
 promised to introduce me to them the following 
 day. He was a connexion of the faraily of Carlo 
 Botta, the author of the Historv of our War of In- 
 dependence. There is a man, too, of whom I 
 shall say something at another time. 
 
 The next day this gentleman called round at the 
 appointed hour, and we walked to the house to- 
 gether. " Is it not strange," said he, as we left the 
 hotel, " that the descendants of the man who dis- 
 covered your Continent, and who lived in the pal- 
 aces of Princes and Kings, should now be obliged 
 to become servants to get their daily bread. The 
 sisters (with the exception of EUena, who is living 
 in America) are dependent on their daily earnings 
 for their daily bread, and the brother, a well edu- 
 cated, noble young fellow, is employed by the 
 Grand Duke's government in the office of finances, 
 on a salary of $60 a year ! They have all come 
 together this morning, from the different scenes of 
 their occupations, to meet the first American who 
 has ever sought their acquaintance. What a 
 • strange meeting ! A traveller from the distant con 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 407 
 
 tinent Vespucius discovered, coming, more than the 
 
 1 VPSPTTfY'l 
 
 three ceijtunes after his death, to his birth-place, to family. 
 search out his descendants, who are living helpless, ' 
 
 and dependent, on the very spot where their ances- 
 tor was a companion of princes, and lived on his 
 own paternal estate!" We talked on, and we 
 walked on, till we reached the house where the 
 family had assembled. It was the house of a 
 friend, perhaps of a connexion of the family. 
 
 Here we found them gathered. Two sisters and 
 a brother, the young Cavaliere Amerigo Vespucci, 
 with his youthful wife. Two sisters were absent 
 — one beloved, who is teaching her own beautiful 
 tongue in Paris, independent while her strength 
 lasts — another in America, where, by her dissolute 
 life and barefaced deceptions, she has blasted the 
 prospects of her family, perhaps for ever ! I have 
 sometimes known the luxury of feeling the warm 
 grasp of a hand shrivelled with hunger, as I enter- 
 ed the damp cellar of a worn-out, cast-aside Eng- 
 lish operative, to leave a mite, and speak a word of 
 consolation, but I have never been where my pres- 
 ence seemed to excite so much gratitude. I had 
 the evening before expressed a hope, that in spite 
 of the bold fraud practised upon ouj- government by 
 an unworthy descendant of the Discoverer, some 
 act of recognition of her innocent sisters might yet 
 be passed by Congress, and they all still find a 
 home for themselves, and their children, in the 
 New World. These words had been borne to 
 them, and they were the first gleam of hope that 
 
408 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 THE had shot across their path for many years. Now 
 
 VESPUCCI 
 
 FAMILY, when I entered they flocked around me and press- 
 ed my hand in silent gratitude, and I am not 
 ashamed to say that we wept together. Before us 
 hung a portrait of their ancestor, painted by Bron- 
 zino from life, which they had always preserved, 
 ^ and refused to part with at any price, even when 
 they knew the pangs of extreme poverty. I felt 
 strange emotions when I looked on that picture. 
 The face of the bold Navigator was turned away 
 from earth to the stars above him, and I could not 
 but think he saw a New World there, and I blessed 
 God that he did not behold the dark vale of misfor- 
 tune his own descendants were to travel long after 
 he was dead. 
 
 We sat down and talked about Vespucius, his 
 fate and his fame. 
 
 " We hoped," they said to me, " that a frank and 
 honourable appeal to the sympathies of your gener- 
 ous nation would have been responded to, with 
 magnanimity. We did not feel that we had any 
 claim to your bounty ; we knew that all the world 
 give Columbus the glory of the discovery of Amer- 
 ica. They say it is more than enough that Vespu- 
 cius give his name to the American Continent. 
 (He had nothing to do with this.) But still we re- 
 joice that the application that was made was re- 
 jected. Injustice would have been done to all 
 parties, by a grant, from which we sliould have 
 received no advantage nor honour ; and such 
 strange conduct as our sister was guilty of, deserv- 
 
VESPUCCI 
 FAMILY. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 40G 
 
 ed no better reward. But we hope you will tell the 
 the facts to your Government, that no portion of 
 the blame may fall on us. If the day shall ever 
 come, that your Congress shall show any recogni- 
 tion of us, as the descendants of the Discoverer, 
 whatever way they may select of doing it, it will 
 fill us with gratitude. It would, indeed, be an>in- 
 spiring hope, if we could believe it would ever be 
 realized, that we should one day be able to provide 
 otirselves with a home in the New World, and go 
 and live there, and be buried at last in the soil 
 our father was the first to step on. Do you think 
 we should be kindly received among the Amer- 
 icans, after we have been so badly represented 
 there 7" 
 
 I could not but feel, when I saw the tears fall 
 from the sisters' cheeks, how deeply, how cruelly 
 they had been injured. Nor could I help breath- 
 ing to them the hope that when all the facts should 
 be known, to our people and our Congress, some- 
 thing for them would be done. The expression of 
 this hope seemed to flash a gleam of joy and cheer- 
 fulness over their countenances ; and when I re- 
 membered that our people are a generous people, I 
 could not believe this hope would ever be clouded 
 by disappointment. 
 
 They brought out a few relics of Vespucius. At 
 last they unrolled their genealogical table, which 
 showed a proud race. Their ancestry can be traced 
 back clearly in one bright line, to the early ages, 
 before Peter the Hermit went over Europe to arouse 
 
 52 
 
410 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 THE its millions to march to the recovery of the Sa« 
 
 VESPUCCI 
 
 FAMILY, viour's Tomb. In that line there were many illus- 
 trious men. Warriors, Ambassadors, Naval Heroes 
 and Discoverers, Scholars, Artists, Poets and Ma- 
 gistrates, many of whom had formed alliances with 
 the great and the noble of different countries. 
 They had filled the highest stations in the old Re- 
 public of Florence, and left their impress upon 
 their times. They had been the familiar compan- 
 ions of kings and princes, lived in their own palaces 
 and been lords of their own estates. How were 
 they now 1 
 
 They are greatly attached to the Grand Duke ; 
 and they told me he has always shown them great 
 kindness. They are indebted to his generdsity for 
 an annual pension, which was decreed by the Sig- 
 nory of Florence to the Discoverer ages ago, and 
 which every successive sovereign has regarded. 
 Such is the veneration still felt for the memory of 
 that wonderful man who has shed so much glory 
 over Tuscany. This pension is necessarily small, 
 for the Grand Duke's revenue is inconsiderable; 
 and a great number of poor and unfortunate indi- 
 viduals look to him for assistance. His aid is nev- 
 er denied, and the kind and delicate manner in 
 which it is bestowed, makes it a thousand times 
 more grateful. But I shall speak of the generous and 
 Daternal character of this noble Sovereign by and by. 
 It was ■ a long visit — we talked till midnight — • 
 and when I came away, I could not but feel grate- 
 ful that a casual, but kind word that fell from my 
 
VESPUCCI 
 FAJKLY. 
 
 lips the eveiiiijg before, had secured for me the op- the 
 portimity of shedding some light upon hearts that 
 had so long been overcast with the deepest gloom. 
 
 A day or two after, I received a call from the 
 learned and courteous Count Grseberg de Hemso, 
 Chamberlain and Librarian to the Grand Duke, 
 with an invitation to be present the following even- 
 ing at a presentation at court. These Drawing 
 Rooms, which are held during Lent, are attended 
 without parade ; and I was glad of an opportunity 
 of seeing a Prince who had, by his mild, paternal 
 government, won the love of his own subjects — by 
 his enlightened views of Art, Government, and Lit- 
 erature, the respect of all Europe — and by his 
 kindness and attention to literary men, gained their 
 admiration and esteem. 
 
 During the conversation (which I have no hesi- 
 tation in relating, since he has often expressed the 
 same feelings, and does not conceal them any- 
 where), he alluded kindly to the interest I had 
 manifested in behalf of the Vespucci family which 
 was the first intimation I had of his knowing what 
 I had said or done. He said " he regretted most 
 deeply the unfortunate circumstances which at- 
 tended the application made to our Government iu 
 favour of the Vespucci," and he asked me if I 
 " thought it would have succeeded if it had been 
 properly made." I could not but express the full- 
 est belief that it would. 
 
 " It is really a pity, then," said he, " that the in- 
 discretion of one member of the family should 
 
412 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 THE have placed it out of the power of your Govern- 
 
 VESPUCCI 
 
 FAMILY, ment, to have done an act of generosity, which 
 would' have placed that unfortunate family under 
 such lasting obligation. I regret it deeply, too, fcr 
 another reason ; for I lost so fine an opportunity of 
 being myself placed under an ol^ligation I should 
 have been equally sensible of, to a great and free 
 people, who are advancing more rapidly in the arts 
 and sciences, and in all that constitutes true civili- 
 zation, than any other nation in the world. You 
 think a kind feeling will still prevail in Amer- 
 ica towards the Vespucci when the facts are 
 known ; and I must say I know of no act of a 
 foreign Government, that could afford me so much 
 satisfaction, as that your Congress should publicly 
 recognize the claim of the descendants of our 
 Great Tuscan to your kind remembrance." 
 
 The Grand Duke courteously told me, that al- 
 though it did not become him to interfere in the 
 matter, nor to do anything in his public capacity, 
 " particularly," said he, " as no interchange of dip- 
 lomatic courtesies exists between my Court and 
 the President, which I regret, yet, if you can sug- 
 gest any manner in which I can contribute to the 
 consummation of your own views, it will afford me 
 unmingled pleasure to do so." He had the kindness 
 also to say, that at any time it would give him much 
 satisfaction to receive any communication fro.n me 
 on the subject, or a visit from me at the Palace. 
 
 The Grand Duke has now gone down to the 
 Maremma. Knowing it was my intention to leave 
 
AMERICUS VKSPUCITJS. 413 
 
 Tuscany soon, he obligingly sent me an invitation the 
 to visit him there, when he vpould have leisxire to family. 
 confer v^ith me on the subject. 
 
 Believing this chit-chat about the Discoverer and 
 the descendants of his family may interest you, I 
 will tell you the rest as soon as the rest comes. 
 
 But now I am tired, and so are you. 
 
 , Your true, — &c,, &c. 
 
 Florence, , 1845. 
 
 Dear , • 
 
 Since my letter about the Vespucci Family, 1 
 have often met them, and they have won my heart 
 completely. The sisters are highly esteemed for 
 their purity, and beloved for their kind and amia- 
 ble qualities. They are exceedingly intelligent 
 and clever, and I find everybody likes them. 
 The young Cavalier Amerigo is a heroic fellow, 
 who works for his bread, and says some good luck 
 will turn up for them all, one day or another. He, 
 and indeed all of them, are anxious to come and 
 live in this country. "Do you think," said the 
 brother to me, this morning, " that I could get my 
 living in America'? I think I could learn to cut 
 down your big trees, and build a log cabin." 
 
 A few mornings ago, I received a box, with a 
 note. You may judge of my surprise, when I open- 
 ed the letter, and found it contained a request, sign- 
 ed by the family, that, as I was the only Ameri- 
 can who had ever sought them out, it was the first 
 
414 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP 
 
 THE time they had ever had an opportunity of sending 
 
 VESPUCCI . , Z 
 
 FAMILY, to America the portrait of their ancestor, and they 
 begged I would accept the picture, as a token of 
 their regard for myself and for the American People. 
 I opened the box, and saw it contained the beauti- 
 ful portrait of Vespucius, painted by Bronzino, his 
 friend, during his life-time. What to do with the 
 picture, required very little time for me to decide. 
 I certainly would not accept such a gift for 'myself, 
 for I could never make any proper return for so 
 valuable a relic. Nor, if I could, would I rob the 
 family of almoi|^ the last fragment of the Discover- 
 er's wealth or treasures still left them. I sent it 
 back, and went to them to make an explanation. 
 They all seemed wounded that I had not accepted 
 the picture, and they besought me to comply with 
 their request ; but I did not feel it would be right 
 to do so. 
 
 The next day the portrait came back again, 
 leaded and sealed by the officer of Customs, the 
 exportation permission given, and the duty paid. 
 Young Amerigo came in soon after, and begged me 
 not to deny their request. " We would not sell 
 it," said he, "but we wish to have it go to the 
 New World, and you may do what you please 
 with it there. " 
 
 I took it on these conditions, and I shall carry it 
 with me to Washington, to see if the Government 
 will not purchase it for the Capitol. To us it will 
 be invaluable. It is the best, and almost the only 
 undoubted portrait of Vespucius, in the world. It 
 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 415 
 
 VESFUCCi 
 FAMILY. 
 
 has always been in the possession of the family, the 
 the letters of the family assure me, and I am told 
 by many of the Florentines, it is not only authentic 
 beyond a doubt, but one of the best portraits made 
 during that early period. Powers was delighted 
 when he saw it, and his first exclamation was — 
 " Our government must have it for the Capitol, at 
 any price. " He thus speaks of it in a note, last 
 evening. * * " Your picture of Americus Ves- 
 pucius ought to belong to our government, and be 
 placed in the Capitol. I think it is the original, 
 from which the best engravizigs of^the great man 
 have all been taken. There are no artists of our 
 day who paint such pictures. There are some, 
 perhaps, who paint as well, but not in that style, 
 — and for me, that would be proof enough of its 
 authenticity, if there were wanting others of the 
 most satisfactory kind. I have not seen yoimg 
 Americus," &c.^ 
 
 I shall give Congress an opportunity of purchas- 
 ing this invaluable portrait, the only one they will 
 ever be able to get, and it will then be in my pow- 
 er to show the family that the American Congress 
 are not unmindful of the children of the man who 
 discovered the continent. Some fortunate accident 
 may yet give us the portrait of Columbus in Spain ; 
 and then we shall have two works of art, simple, 
 it is true, but worth more to our nation than any 
 others in Europe. I do not know what our Gov- 
 
 1 This note of Powers and other important proofs are deposited with 
 the Librarian of Congress. 
 
416 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 THE ernment may ever be inclined to do for the Ves- 
 
 VE3PUCC1 . •' 
 
 FAMILY pucci family. I hope some suitable recognition of 
 them will be had. Some small tract of land, at 
 least, it would not be improper to give them from 
 the public domain ; and it would be an act which 
 would win the gratitude of the family for ever, an, I 
 the admiration of all Europe. You may judge of 
 the feelings of the Grand Duke by the following 
 Letter I had the honour to receive a day or two ago 
 from his Intimate Secretary, who wrote it at the 
 dictation (I am informed) of the Sovereign ^iraself 
 I give it to you literally. 
 
 Honourable Signore : 
 
 His Imperial and Royal Highness, the most Se- 
 rene Arch Duke of Austria, Grand Duke of Tus- 
 cany, my August Sovereign, to whom, you, Hon- 
 ourable Signore, have expressed a belief, that the 
 generous and powerful American Nation would be 
 disposed to recognize with favour, by some act of 
 liberality, the last children of Americus Vespucius ; 
 has charged me to assure you, in his Royal Name, 
 that it would prove infinitely grateful to hi«a and his 
 Government, if ever there should be made so solemn 
 a demonstration of gratitude and of munificence. 
 
 The name of that great man, venerated from one 
 sea to the other, gathers in itself too grand a part 
 of the glories of Tuscany, to make it possible that 
 the family which has descended from him should 
 ever be forgotten by us. They have long enjoyed 
 beneficence and honours ; and the young Amerigo, 
 
VESPUCCI 
 FAMILY. 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. ^jy 
 
 son of Cavalier Captain Cesare Vespucci, is now the 
 an employe in a Royal Department. He is the last 
 offspnng of the family of that illustrious Italian, 
 who brought to the light of civilization that vast 
 land which bears his name, and which is now ad- 
 vancing the proud mother of many noble and gen- 
 erous children. 
 
 I have the honour to subscribe myself, with sen- 
 timents of distinguished consideration, your 
 most devoted and obedient servant, 
 
 CAVALIERE CARLO FELICI, 
 Intimate Secretary of the Cabinet of H. I. and 
 R. H., the Grand Duke of Tuscany. 
 Sig'r C. Edwards Lester, 
 
 Consul of the United States ) 
 of America at Genoa. ) 
 
 Florence, April 8, 1845. 
 
 This noble letter was attended by a permission 
 from the Grand Duke to make any use of it I 
 might judge would conduce to the' inteirests of the 
 Vespucci family. Such is the spirit of this Prince, 
 who is, indeed, worthy of holding sway over the 
 city where Lorenzo de' Medici lived to honour all 
 that was noble in man's heart, or lofty in genius. 
 
 Your true — 
 
 This is not a suitable place to enter into any dis- 
 cussion of the propriety of granting the request 
 contained in the following petition. It is now be- 
 fore the American Congress, where we hdpe it will 
 
 53 
 
418 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 
 
 THE receive the attention it merits. But it is impossible 
 
 VESPUCCI ^ 
 
 FAMILY, to suppress a feehng of regret^ that the injudicious 
 conduct of any member of the family of the Naviga- 
 tor should have prejudiced the interests of aU bear- 
 ing the name of Vespucci. The petition will spealc 
 for itself Regarded, as it must be, as evidence of 
 the desire of the family to live in a land bearing 
 the name of their ancestor, it is impossible to avoid 
 expressing a hope that their moderate requests may 
 be granted. The letter, which follows the petition, 
 will explain the transmission of the portrait of 
 Bronzino to this country. Both are translated 
 from the original Italian. 
 
 TO THE GENEROUS AMERICAN CONGRESS. 
 
 Only one family exists which is in direct desceiit 
 from that of the Florentine navigator, Americus 
 Vespucius. It consists of the young Amerigo, with 
 his wife and four sisters, Elena, Theresa, Eliza, 
 and Ameriga, as appears by the genealogical tree, 
 drawn during the lifetime of their father, the Cap- 
 tain Cesare Vespucci. Elena, possessing a disposi- 
 tion somewhat indocile and unmanageable, absent- 
 ed herself from her father's house and proceeded to 
 London. Thence she ciossed the ocean, and land^ 
 ed upon the shores of Brazil, at Rio Janeiro. From 
 that city she proceeded to Washington, the capital 
 of the United States. She presented certain peti- 
 tions to the governments of both countries, using, 
 and perhaps abusing, the glorious name of her an- 
 
A1IE.IICUSI VESPUCIUS. 419 
 
 ceator. Ilcr famil)^ are ignorant both of the tenor the 
 and of the result of these applications. Family.' 
 
 Amerigo and his sisters have resolved to make 
 the following requests : 
 
 First. That the American Congress would grant 
 to them and their descendants the right of citizen- 
 ship. 
 
 Second. That the generous American people 
 would give them a sufficient quantity of land, to 
 enable them, by their own exertions, to maintain 
 thereon, with respectability, the name of their An- 
 cestor, of which they are so proud. 
 
 The remarkable political events which have of 
 late years convulsed Europe, and destroyed the es- 
 tates of so many ancient families, have also wreck- 
 ed the fortunes of the Vespucci race. They are at 
 present reduced to poverty, though they yet hope 
 for better fortune, through the generosity of the 
 great American people. 
 
 Signed, Amerigo Vespucci. 
 
 Eliza Vespucci. 
 Teresa Vespucci. 
 
 Letter to C. Edioards Lester, from Amerigo Vespucci. 
 
 I cannot allow you to leave Italy without mani- 
 festing the sentiments of profound gratitude which 
 I entertain towards you. The courteous and kind 
 manner in which you have treated us — almost as 
 fellow-countrymen — will never leave my memory 
 or my heart. Your last and greatest act of good- 
 
420 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP AMEMCUS VESPUCIUS. 
 
 THE ness, is the task you have been pleased to under- 
 
 VESPUCCI 1 ~ „ . 1 » • /-^ 
 
 FAMILY, take for us, of conveying to the American Congress, 
 the sentiments of my family, depressed by so many 
 misfortunes and the commotions of late years. 
 While I beg you to continue to give us your assist- 
 ance in making known to Congress our desires and 
 hopes, will you have the kindness to accept an an- 
 cient portrait of our glorious ancestor, taken from 
 life, and which is the only memorial of him which 
 remains to my unfortunate family 7 I trust you will 
 look with pleasure upon the features of the man 
 who gave his name to the vast and beautiful por- 
 tion of the globe to which you have the good for- 
 tune to belong. 
 
 The Vespucci family wish you a pleasant voy- 
 age, and would express to you their profound grat- 
 itude and consideration. 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci. 
 
 Florence, ISth March, 1845. 
 
IKD E I, 
 
INDEX 
 
 All Saints, Bay of, 241. 
 
 America, name of, when first applied, 
 and how it originated, 248 — 255. 
 
 Americus Vespucius, born in Florence, 
 Mar. 9th, 1451, 55. — His family con- 
 nections, 55 — 59. — Destined from ear- 
 ly yoiithfor commercial pursuits, 61. 
 — His studies with his uncle Georgio 
 Antonio, 63, 64. — Forms a friendship 
 with Piero Soderini, 65. — His studies 
 interrupted by the appearance of the 
 Plague in Florence, 66.-^His return 
 to his studies, 67. — His opportunities 
 of meeting with Toscanelli, ib. — His 
 religious instruction, 68. — Letter from 
 him to his father, 68, 69. — Lack of 
 information respecting his early life, 
 70. — His purchase of a map by Ga- 
 briel de Velasca, 71. — -The misfor- 
 tunes of his brother Girolamo occa- 
 sion his departure from Italy, ib. — 
 -Receives some commissions from Lo- 
 renzo di Pier-Francesco de' Medici, 
 72. — Sails from Leghorn to Barce- 
 lona, ib. — Takes with him his ne- 
 phew Giovanni, and other youthful 
 Florentines, 73. — Letter from him 
 written jointly with Donato Nicollini, 
 74. — His first acquaintance with Be- 
 
 rardi, and subsequent partnershiji 
 ■wdth him, 75. — Contract of the Span- 
 ish government with Berardi's house, 
 ib — Probable reflections of, on leav- 
 ing Florence, 76, 77. — Supposed in- 
 correctly by some authors to have 
 accompanied Columbus on his second 
 voyage, 76, note Meeting of Amer- 
 icus with Columbus, 78.— Persona] 
 appearance of Americus, 79, 80.— 
 Difference of his views from those of 
 Columbus, 80. — His doubts, 81. — 
 Imaginary conversation with Colum- 
 bus, 82 — 92. — In consequence of th". 
 death of Berardi, he assumes the 
 management of the affairs of the 
 house, 93. — Payments to him by Ber- 
 nardo Pinelo, the treasurer of Spain, 
 94. — He despatches an expedition 
 which is wrecked, ib. — His letter to 
 Soderini, ib. — Its proper address, 95. 
 — Rank held by him in the first voy- 
 age, ib. — Supposed address of his let- 
 ter to Rene, King of Jerusalem and 
 Sicily, and Duke of Lorraine and 
 Bar, 96. — Editions of the letter made 
 use of by Canovai, 96, note. — The 
 edition of Gruniger made use of by 
 Navarrete, 97. — Authenticity of it, 
 ib. — Authenticity of its date ques- 
 tioned by Herrera, 98. — Historical 
 
424 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 evidence of its accuracy and argu- 
 ments on the subject, 99 — 108. — Let- 
 ter of Columbus commending Ameri- 
 cus, 105, 106. — His first voyage de- 
 scribed in the first part of his letter 
 to Soderini, commencing, 112. — His 
 reasons for writing, 113. — Departure 
 from Cadiz, May 10th, 1497, 116.— 
 First landing on the continent, 117. — 
 Received in a friendly manner by the 
 natives, ib. — Their characteristics, 
 118. — Description of them, their 
 mode of life, and peculiarities, 119 — 
 125. — Arrival at Venezuela, 126. — 
 Battle with the Indians, 127, 128. — 
 Continuation of the voyage, 128. — 
 Meets with a remarkable animal like 
 ' a serpent, 129. — Further account of 
 the habits of the natives, 130. — Jour- 
 ney inland, 131 Return to the ships, 
 
 ib. — A ludicrous incident, 132. — De- 
 scription of the country, 133, 134 — 
 Preparations for return voyage, 135. 
 — Discover new islands, 136. — Canni- 
 bals and battle with them, 137. — Cap- 
 ture 250 prisoners, 138. — Arrival at 
 Cadiz, Oct. 15, 1498, 139.— The first 
 news of his discoveries probably kept 
 secret until the arrival of despatches 
 from Columbus, 142. — His connec- 
 tion with Ojeda, 144 — 147. — Hisrnar- 
 riage with Maria Cerezo, 145. — Vis- 
 its the court, 146. — Equipment of a 
 new fleet, 147. — His second voyage 
 described in a letter to Lorenzo di 
 Pier-Francesco de Medici, 151. — De- 
 parture from Cadiz, May 18th, 1499, 
 152. — Arrival at the New World in 
 24 days, 152. — Remarkable currents , 
 near the shores, 153. — Beautiful birds 
 — his geographical position, 155. — 
 S'litr shadow, ib. — Astronomical ob- 
 srirvations, 156. — The Southern Cross 
 :U to his mind the remarkable lines 
 
 of Dante, 157. — His calculation of 
 latitude, 158. — Observation of the 
 transit of Mars, August 23d, 1499, 
 159. — Further description of the na- 
 tives seen in second voyage, 161. — 
 Second visit to the Gulf of Paria, 162. 
 — Sails four hundred leagues along 
 
 the shores of the continent, 164 
 
 Battle with the natives and great 
 slaughter, 165. — Meets with a race 
 of giants, 166.-^Second visit to Ven- 
 ezuela, 167.-.^Sails for Hispaniola, 
 lL'9. — Preparations for return, 169. 
 ■ — Arrival at Cadiz, 171 — Sends a 
 globe and map to Lorenzo de' Medici, 
 172. — Second part of bis letter to So- 
 derini, giving further account of his 
 second voyage, 175. — Departure from 
 Cadiz, ib. — Arrival at the New 
 World, 176. — Chases and captures a 
 large canoe, 177. — Meets friendly 
 natives, and procures pearls, 179. — 
 Remains seventeen days in port, 
 180. — Description ■ of singular habits 
 of the natives, 181, 183. — Giants 
 again, 183, 184. — Preparations for 
 return, 185. — On the return voyage 
 visits AntiUa, 187. — Arrives at Ca- 
 diz, June 8, ib. — Unjustifiable per- 
 version of the words of, 188. — At- 
 tacked with the quartan ague, 189. — 
 Preparation for another voyage, ib. — 
 Receives letters firora the King of 
 Portugal, inviting him to his service, 
 191. — Messenger sent to him, ib. — 
 Leaves Spain secretly, 192. — Re- 
 ceived with joy by the King of Por- 
 tugal, ib. — Second letter to de' Medi- 
 ci, giving an account of his third 
 voyage, 195. — Departure from Cape 
 Verd, ib. — His astronomical obser- 
 vations, 196. — Describes the customs 
 of the natives, 197 — 200. — Describes 
 climate and productions, 201.— Third 
 
INDEX. 
 
 425 
 
 letter to De' Medici, giving a fuller ac- 
 count of his third voyage, 203. — De- 
 parture from Lisbon, May 13, 1501, 
 204. — Experiences terrible storms, 
 205. — -Arrives at the New World, 
 Aug. 17, 1501, 206.— Finds thickly 
 inhabited country, and gives des- 
 criptions of the na'.ives, 209 — 214. — 
 Astronomical observations, 215. — His 
 work on the subject of^ astronomy, 
 217. — Illustration of the antipodes, 
 218 — 220. — Apologizes fornotsending 
 De' Medici his journals, 221. — Third 
 part of letter to Soderini, 223. — 
 Gives reasons for going to Lisbon, 
 224. — Departure from Lisbon, May 
 13,1501, and arrival after severe storms 
 at the New World, 225. — Takes pos- 
 session of the country in the name of 
 Portugal, 226. — Despatches two of 
 the crew to treat with the natives, 
 226. — Horrible death of his messen- 
 gers, 228. — continues the voyage 
 along the coast for 750 leagues, 
 230. — Encounters violent storms, and 
 arrives at Lisbon, Sept. 7, 1502, 
 231 — 233. — Keceived in Lisbon with 
 ceremonies and honours, 234. — His 
 method of computing longitude, 235. — 
 Prepares for a fourth voyage, 237. — 
 Conclusion of his letter to Soderini, 
 238. — Departure from Lisbon, 10th 
 May, 1503, and loss of part of the 
 fleet, 239, 240.— Arrives at the Bay 
 of All Saints, 241.— Builds a fortress, 
 242. — Returns to Lisbon, June 18th, 
 1504, and goes to Seville in latter part 
 of 1504, 245. — Assist? Columbus at 
 court, 246.— Influence of the Queen 
 Isabella's death on his fortunes, 246. — 
 Receives grants of money, 247. — 
 Named Commander in a new expe- 
 dition, ib. — Considerations going to 
 show that Americus did not attempt 
 
 himself to give his name to America, 
 248 — 255. — Difficulties in the way of 
 the proposed expedition, 256. — In- 
 structions of the Board of Trade to 
 him, 257. — Ultimate fate of the ex- 
 pedition, 259. — His salary, with the 
 title of captain, 260. — Ordered to re- 
 pair to court, 261. — Appointed chief 
 pilot, 262. — Establishes himself in Se- 
 ville, 263. — Visits Florence, 264. — 
 His death, February 22d, 1512, at 
 Seville, ib. — His character and wri- 
 tings, 265-270. — Narrative of the 
 voyage of De Garaa attributed to 
 him, 313—329. 
 
 Antipodes, illustration of, 218 — 220. 
 
 Astrolabe, invention of the, 26. — A sim- 
 ilar instrument found by De Gama in 
 the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, 29. 
 
 Azores, discovery of strange corpses on 
 the islands of the, 37. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bahia Honda, Ojeda's settlement at, 
 368. 
 
 Bartolozzi, his remarks respecting the 
 first letter of Americus to De Medici, 
 173, 174. 
 
 Bastides, voyage of, 372. 
 
 Battle with the Indians, 127, 128. 
 
 Bay of All Saints, 241. 
 
 Bell, houses shaped hke a, 126. 
 
 Benvenuto Benvenuti, bearer of the let- 
 ter of Americus to Soderini, 113. 
 
 Benzoni, 251. 
 
 Berardi, Juan or Juanoto, passport 
 granted to him in 1486, by the Sov- 
 ereigns of Spain, 73. — His death, in 
 December, 1495, 93. 
 
 Bernal, the curate of Los Palacios, hia 
 writings, and sketch of his life, 49. 
 
 Betel nut, 181. 
 
 54 
 
426 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Birds of great beauty seen by Ajneri- 
 
 cus, 154. 
 Bojador, discovery of Cape. 31. 
 Bronzino, his portrait of Americus, 264. 
 Bull of the Pope respecting new lands 
 
 discovered, 32. 
 
 c. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, 42. — Bom in Bristol, 
 1467, 44. — Decree of Henry VII. re- 
 .specting him, 45. — His voyages, ib. 
 — Goes to Spain and is appointed 
 Chief Pilot, 46.— Keturas to Eng- 
 land, 46. — His discovery of the prin- 
 ciples of the variation of the needle, 
 47. — In reality the first discoverer of 
 the main land of the New World, 104. 
 
 Calcutta, 239. 
 
 Campos, Garcia de, partner of Ojeda, 
 367. 
 
 Cannibals seen by Americus, 161 — 178. 
 — Kill and eat some of his crew, 227. 
 
 Canoe, interesting chase and capture of 
 a large, 177. 
 
 Canopi, seen by Americus, 216. 
 
 Canovai, the Biographer of Americus, 
 editions of the letter to Soderini made 
 use of by him, 96, note. — Incorrect 
 opinion as to the name of America, 
 254. — His Eulogium of Americus, 
 275. 
 
 Caravans, the medium of commercial 
 communication, 22. 
 
 Casas, Bishop de las, his writings, and 
 sketch of his life, 49, 50. 
 
 Cerezo, Maria, the wife of Americus, 
 145. 
 
 Charlevoix, his character of Ojeda, 394. 
 
 Cipango, Marco Polo's <1escription of, 
 359—361. 
 
 Coelho, Gonzalo, 237 — 249 
 
 ColximbTis, Christopher, reflections of, 
 
 in relation to a western passage to 
 India, 37. — Considers the account! 
 of Marco Polo and Mandeville, ib. — 
 Letter from Toscanelli to him, 38. — 
 Not ignorant of the discoveries of the 
 Northmen, 39. — Personal appearance 
 of, 78, 79. — Difference of his views 
 from those of Americus, SO. — His 
 enthusiasm, 81. — Imaginary conver- 
 sation between him and Americus, 82 
 — 92. — His letter to his son, Don 
 Diego, commending Americus, 105, 
 106. — His curious signature, 107, 
 note. — His arrival at the coast of 
 Paria, 1<40. — His despatches from 
 Hispaniola, 141. — His discovery of 
 Hispaniola, mentioned by Americus, 
 168. — Again mentioned, 187. — His 
 return from his last voyage, and sick- 
 ness, 245. — Letters to him from Paolo 
 Toscanelli, 330—337. , 
 
 Columbus, Ferdinand, his writings, and 
 sketch of his life, 49. — His view of 
 the antiquity of family, 60. — Never 
 makes any charges against Americus 
 in his history, 107. , 
 
 Commerce, carried on by means of land 
 transportation, 21. 
 
 Compass, invention of, 26. 
 
 Constellations of the Southern Hemis- 
 phere, 196. 
 
 Cosa, Juan de la, his connection with 
 Americus and Ojeda, 147. — Ordered 
 to proceed to Court with Americus, 
 261. — His subsequent history, 366. — 
 Connection with Bastides, 371 — 373. 
 — Meets with Ojeda in Hispaniola, 
 373. — Accompanies Ojeda as Lieu- 
 tenant in his last expedition, 374. — 
 Dissuades Ojeda from attacking the 
 Indians, 380. — His death, 381. — Mr 
 Irving's character of him, 382. 
 
 Coquibacoa, the modem Venezuela, ar- 
 rival of Americus at, 126. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 427 
 
 Cosmography, a favourite subject of 
 
 speculation, 34. 
 Cuba, sufferings of the Spaniards in, 
 
 389. 
 Curacoa, visited by Americus, and 
 
 called the Island of Giants, 185. 
 Currents met with by Americus on the 
 
 shores of the New World, 153. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dante, remarkable passage in his Pur- 
 gatory relating to the Southern Cross, 
 157. — Quotation from, 237. 
 
 Diaz, Bartholomew, his discovery of 
 the Cape of Good Hope, 33. 
 
 Dighton, sculptured rock of, 39, 40, 41, 
 note. 
 
 Discovery, Early, 30, — Progress of, 34. 
 — Of the Grand Canaries, 35. 
 
 E. 
 
 East, ancient cities of the, 22. 
 
 Eastern Empire, fall of, 25 — 48. 
 
 Emmanuel, King of Portugal, endeav- 
 ours to secure the services of Amer- 
 icus, 190, 192. 
 
 Enciso, the Bachelor, 393. 
 
 Esquibel, Governor of Jamaica, 392. 
 
 Etruscan Academy, letter of, accompa- 
 nying the Eulogium of Canovai, 273 
 —275. 
 
 Eulogium of Americus by Canovai, 275 
 — 308. Remarks of the Translator 
 thereon, 309—312. 
 
 F. 
 
 Ferdinand, King of Spain, his absence 
 from Spain, 259.— Return, 261. 
 
 Florence awake to the importance of 
 navigation, 42. — Custom of devoting 
 one member of each noble family to 
 commerce, 60. — Visited by the Plague 
 in 1478, 65. — Its magnificence in 
 1480, 66. 
 
 Fonseca, the Bishop, gremts a license to 
 Ojeda to prosecute discoveries, 143. 
 — His hatred of Columbus, 144, note. 
 
 G. 
 
 Galileo, 236. 
 
 Gama, Vasco de, doubles the Cape of 
 Good Hope, 28. — Sketch of his life, 
 29, 30, note. — The poet Thomstyi's 
 allusion to his voyages, 193. — Narra- 
 tive of his voyage to the Indies at- 
 'tributed to Americus, 313 — 329. 
 
 Giants, race of, met with by Americus, 
 166, 167—183. ■ 
 
 Giocondo, Juliano, sent to Americus by 
 the King of Portugal, 191—224. 
 
 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, his wri- 
 tings, and sketch of his life, 53. 
 
 Greenland, discoveries of the Northnjen 
 in, 39. 
 
 Gregory IX., his election to the papacy, 
 338. 
 
 Gricio, Gaspar de. Secretary of King 
 Philip, 257. — LetFers to him, 258. 
 
 Grinaeus, 251, 252. 
 
 Grogeda, Diego Rodriguez de, 260 
 
 H. 
 
 Henry, Prince of Portugal, sketch of 
 his character by Dr. Robertaon, 27, 
 28.— Death of, in 1463, 32. 
 
 Herrera, his writings, and sketch of his 
 life, 52. — Questions the authenticity 
 of the date of the letter of Americus 
 to Soderini, 97. 
 
428 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Humboldt, M. de, his remarks on the 
 letter of the Viscount de Santaren to 
 Navarr^te, 397 — 400. — Letter of M. 
 Ranke to him, 401 — 404. 
 
 I. 
 
 nacomilo, 249. 
 
 India, speculations respecting a passage 
 to, 35. — Efforts to find a new route 
 to, 26—193. 
 
 Inscription over the door of the Ves- 
 pucci Mansion, 56. 
 
 Isabella, Queen of Spain, 246. — Last 
 testament of, 256. 
 
 Island of the Seven Cities, 36. 
 
 Italy, no possessions in the New World, 
 41. — Navigators of, 42—46. — State 
 of, in the 15th century, 42. 
 
 Iti, Island of, visited by Americus, 136. 
 
 Joanna, Queen of Spain, 256. — Her 
 insanity, 259. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kambalu, the paper money of, 362. 
 
 Khan, the Grand, account of the king- 
 doms of, by Marco Polo, 350 — 365. 
 — His attempt to conquer the island 
 of Cipango, 359 — 361. — His care of 
 his subjects, 363 — 365. 
 
 Lariab, the Indian name of Paria, 
 
 134. 
 Lery, Jean de, 253. 
 Licenses of the Cojirt of Spsun for the 
 
 prosecution of voyages of discovery 
 108. 
 
 Lisbon, spirit of discovery in, 35. 
 
 Literature, revival of, 48. 
 
 Longitude, method of Americus fol 
 computing, 235. 
 
 Luxury, comparative, in different na- 
 tions, 24. 
 
 M. 
 
 Magdalena, 259. 
 
 MandeviUe, Sir John, his accounts 
 highly esteemed by Columbus, 37. 
 
 Manufactories of the South of Europe 
 in the 15th century, 24. 
 
 Malacca, 237, 238, 239. 
 
 Maranham, San Luis de, visited by 
 Americus, 177. 
 
 Mars, transit of, observed by Americus, 
 Aug. 23d, 1499, 159. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, his writings, and sketch 
 of his life, 53, 251. 
 
 Medici, Lorenzo de, the Magnificent, 67. 
 
 Medici, Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de, 
 employs Americus to go to Spain, 
 72.— Sketch of his life, 148—150.— 
 First Letter of Americus to him, 151. 
 — Receives a globe and map from 
 Americus, 172. — Second Letter of 
 Americus to him, 195. — Third Let- 
 ter of Americus to him, 203. — M. 
 Ranke's Letter respecting him, 401 
 — 404. 
 
 Middle ages, system of commercial 
 transactions in the, 23. 
 
 Mini, Elizabetta, the mother of Ameri- 
 cus, 54. 
 
 Monteregio, his almanac used by Amer- 
 icus in his astronomical calculations, 
 159. 
 
 Munster, his description of the Voyages 
 of Americus, 76, note. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 429 
 
 N. 
 
 Narrative of the voyage of Vasco de 
 
 Gama, attributed to Americus, 313 
 
 329. 
 
 Natives of the New World, descrip- 
 tions of, 118. — Their motives in ma- 
 king war, 119.— Further description, 
 197— 200.— Domestic habits of, 211. 
 — Attempts to treat with, 226. 
 
 Navarrete, documents relating to Amer- 
 icus contained in his collection, 395 
 —400. 
 
 Navigators, cotemporary, of Americus, 
 40. 
 
 Nicuessa, Diego de, the rival of Ojeda, 
 374. — His assistance to Ojeda, 384. 
 
 Non, discovery of Cape, 30. 
 
 o. 
 
 Ojeda, Alonzo de, his evidence respect- 
 ing Americus in the law-suit of Don 
 Diego Columbus, 99 — 102. — Account 
 of his early life, 142. — Commission 
 granted to him by the Bishop Fon- 
 seca, 143. — His voyage identical with 
 the second voyage of Americus, 
 145. — His subsequent history, 366. — 
 Connects himself with Juan de Ver- 
 gara and Garcia de Campos, 367. — 
 Sails on a voyage of discovery in 
 1502, and foi-ms settlement at Bahia 
 Honda, 368. — His quarrels with his 
 partners, 369. — Legal proceedings 
 against him, 370. — His triumphant 
 acquittal, 371. — His connection with 
 Juan dela Cosa, 374.^His departure 
 from San Domingo, 15th Nov. 1509, 
 on another expedition,. 375. — His 
 celebrated proclamation to the In- 
 dians, 376 — 380. — Furious battle 
 with the natives, 381. — His remark- 
 
 able escape, 383. — With the aid of 
 Nicuessa he prepares for another at- 
 tack, 384. — Its entire success, 385. — 
 Forms a settlement in the Gulf of 
 Uraba, ib. — Wounded in battle with 
 the Indians, 386. — Famine in his 
 settlement, and arrival of Talavera, 
 387. — His departure in search of 
 supphes, and shipwreck on the coast 
 of Cuba, 388.— His awful sufferings 
 there, 389— 391.— His vow and its 
 fulfilment, 391— 392.— His arrival at 
 Hispaniola by way of Jamaica, 393. — 
 His last days, 394. 
 
 Paria, visited by Americus in 1497, 
 134.— Second visit, 1499, 162. 
 
 Pearls, seen by Americus in Paria, 
 163—179. 
 
 Peretola, the place where the Vespucci 
 family originated, 55. 
 
 Philip, King of Spain, his accession, 
 256. — His death at Burgos, 259. 
 
 Pilots, ignorance of the, 208. 
 
 Pinelo, Bernardo, treasurer of Spain, 
 his payments to Americus, 93, 94. 
 
 Pinzon, Vicente, 236. — Named com- 
 mander, with Americus, 247 — 260 — 
 262. 
 
 Plague of Florence, in 14/8, 65. 
 
 Polo, Marco, his accounts esteemed by 
 Columbus, 37. — His accounts adopted 
 by Toscanelii, 38. — Account of him 
 and his travels, 337 — 350. — Curious 
 anecdote of, 346, 347. — Description 
 of Quinsai, 350— 359.— And of the 
 Island of Cipango, 360, 361.— Of the 
 wealth of the Grand Khan, 362, 363. 
 — And of his care of his subjects, 364. 
 Popolani, the name adopted by De 
 Medici, the correspondent of Ameri- 
 cus, 149. 
 
430 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Portug'al, importance of the voyages of 
 
 Americus to the kingdom of, 193. 
 Printing, invention of the art of, 49. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quinsai, extract from Marco Polo's 
 description of, 350 — 359. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rainbow, Lunar, 217, 218. 
 
 Ranke, M. de, his letter to M. de Hum- 
 bolt, 4'01— 404. 
 
 Rene, Duke of Lorraine and Bar, and 
 titular King of Jerusalem and Sicily, 
 96. — Supposed address of the letter 
 of Americus to him, and sketch of his 
 life. 96, 97, note. 
 
 Robertson, Dr., his sketch of the char- 
 acter of Prince Henry of Portugal, 
 27, 28. 
 
 Eome, unable to join in the career of 
 discovery, 42, 43. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sailor, gallantry of a Portuguese, 165. 
 Salvini, Antonio, the tablet which he 
 
 placed over the gateway of the Ves- 
 pucci Mansion, 56. 
 Saiitaren, the Marquis de, his letter to 
 
 Navarrete, with Humboldt's remarks 
 
 concerning it, 397 — 400. 
 Scandinavians, discoveries of, 39. 
 Scholars of the East, their coming into 
 
 Europe, 48. 
 Seneca, the celebrated prophecy of, in 
 
 the Medea, 157, note. 
 Senegal River, discovep,eS;,J)eyond, 31. 
 Soderini, Piero, his early friendship 
 
 with Americus, 65. — Sketch of his 
 
 life and character, 109 — 112. — First 
 portion of letter of Americus to hira. 
 describing his first voyage, 112«— 
 139. — Second part of the letter of 
 Americus to him, 175. — Third part, 
 223. — Conclusion, 238.— -M. Ranke's 
 letter to Humboldt respecting him, 
 401—404. 
 
 Solar Shadows, noticed by Americus, 
 155. 
 
 Solis, Diaz de,- 260—262. 
 
 Southern Cross, 157. — Remarkable pas- 
 sage in Dante's Purgatory relating to 
 it, 157, note. 
 
 St. Augustine, Cape of, doubled, 229. 
 
 St. Brandan, Island of, 36, and note. 
 
 Subano, Juan de, 260. 
 
 T. 
 
 Talavera, a piratical leader, 387. 
 
 Toscanelli, Paolo, a Florentine Physi- 
 cian, writes to Columbus, 38, 39. — 
 His map, ib. — -His letters to Colum- 
 bus, 330—337. 
 
 Tuana, a remarkable animal seen by 
 Americus, 129, note. 
 
 u. 
 
 Ugolino Veririi, lines of, respecting the 
 
 Vespucci family, 55. 
 Ursa Major and Minor, 216, 230, 231, 
 
 —233—235. ' 
 Uraba, settlement in the Gulf of, 385. 
 Usury, false ideas of, in the middle ages, 
 
 23. 
 
 V. 
 
 Venezuela, arTival of Americus at, 126. 
 Veragua,-gol; mines of, 271. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 *431 
 
 /erazzani, Giovunni, a Florentine nav- 
 igator, sketch of his life, 43. — Sails 
 in the frigate Dauphin, 17th January, 
 1524, 43. — His unhappy fate, 44. 
 
 Vergara, Juan de, partner of Ojeda, 
 367. 
 
 Vespucci, see Americus. 
 
 Vespucci, Anastasio, the father of 
 Americus, 55. — Secretary of the Re- 
 public of Florence, 59. — Letter from 
 Americus to him, 68, 69. 
 
 /espucci, Amerigo, letter from him, 
 419, 420. 
 
 Vespucci, Georgio Antonio, uncle of 
 Americus, distinguished as a scholar, 
 63. — His scliool and instraction of 
 Americus, 64. 
 
 Vespucci, Girolarao, the brother of 
 Americus, his misfortrnes, 71. — His 
 letter to Americus, 72. 
 
 Vespucci, Giovanni, the nephew of 
 Americus, accompanies his uncle on 
 his departure from Florence, 73. — 
 
 Peter Martyr's friendship for him, ib. 
 note. 
 
 Vespucci, visit to the old mansion of 
 the, 67, note. — Account of the present 
 family of, 405—420. 
 
 Vespucci, Simone di Piero, his wealth 
 and hberality, 57. — His tomb, 58. 
 
 Vespucci, Piero, commanded the Flor- 
 entine galleys, 59. 
 
 "Vespucci, Guido Antonio, distinguished 
 in letters, 59. * 
 
 Vila, Grand Chamberlain of King Phil- 
 ip, 258. 
 
 Villegagnon, 263. 
 
 w. 
 
 Webb, Thomas H., Secretary of the 
 Rhode Island Historical Society, his 
 account of Dighton Rock, 39, 40, 41, 
 note. 
 
 ' Tlie ivork cont.-iins. inoluding the cnjr.ivings, tC2 p p. 
 
EXTRACTS FROM NOTICES OF THE PRESS. 
 
 " The subject of this work is sufficient of itself to- attract and interest every 
 American. The man who gave name to this great western continent can never 
 be forgotten. The volume before us is not the production of a few short days ; it 
 has occupied months of labor and research. Many old manuscripts in Italian, 
 Spanish, and German, bearing on his life and voyages, have been examined ; and 
 all the large libraries in this country have been searched for collections rela- 
 tive to the great discoverer. It is written in that flowing and attractive style 
 which cliaractei'izes all ill. Lester's productions, and cannot fail to have an exten- 
 sive circulation." — Albany Spectator. 
 
 " Mr. Lester has been engaged for years in gathering materials for this work. 
 His residence and position as a representative of the American Government in 
 Italy, near the birth-place of tlie great navigator, after whom this continent was 
 named, gave him access to records, and facilities in collecting his data, of the 
 utmost importance to the production of a complete and reUable history." — 
 Bummit Beacon, Ohio. 
 
 "This is a very interesting and instructive vojume, especially to Americans, as 
 it relates to the discovery and early history of this continent. The fourteen 
 plates, illustrating various points in the liistoiy of the great navigator, add to 
 the value of the work, and still more to its acceptableness to the common reader" 
 — iV«M York Journal, of Commerce. 
 
 "Mr. Lester has made a most agreeable book in his life of this world-renowned 
 navigator, and it is printed and illustrated in such a style as greatly to increase 
 its attractions. The author resided some jears in the land which gave birth to 
 AmericuB, and he had abundant opportunity to obtain valuable material for the 
 work, which he has now perfected, with the assistance of Mr. Andrew Foster of 
 Boston, whose invaluable services are kindly acknowledged in the preface." — JVew 
 Haven Palladium. 
 
 "This is a large, well-printed volume, devoted to the life of the great naviga- 
 tor, and to the incidents connected with the discovery of the New World. Mr. 
 Lester's long residence in Italj', and his personal acquaintance with the living 
 members of the Vespucci family, afforded him rare opportunities of obtaining 
 information." — New York Mirror, 
 
 " In this elegantly printed volume, the compilers have preserved all the infor- 
 mation accessible respecting this celebrated voyager. The documents, the his- 
 tory, incidents, and reflections here embodied are worthy of being examined, and 
 the book itself will be a valuable acquisition." — Jfew York Christian Observer. 
 
 " This is a worthy tribute to one of the great navigators, whose name and 
 history will be for ever connected with the American continent. The work is 
 well worthy of attention as a repository of much that is valuable, bearing on the 
 early history of the New World. The publisher has evidently spared no pains 
 to make the work, in its externals, attractive and worthy of the subject." — New 
 York Baptist Recorder. 
 
 " The narrative has all the interest of the most exciting romance, with the 
 merit of substantial truth, and is written in Lester's most brilliant style, with 
 copious side and fopt notes. This is a truly valuable book." — Akron Standard, 
 Ohio. 'i^tf-:-^ 
 
 " A large volume,' elegantly bound and illustrated with fine engravings. This 
 work fills up a void of too long duration in American literature, and while its 
 presence will ornament, its absence will leave a library imperfect" — TTit 
 Alabamian. .