pUBLJ^55Ky]dE3 ^ ji iji - M O T :A ^ >-' f;:;^^**^ \/Ms*^ty^- Cornell University Library DA 563.6.K29 Life ft«p ; ( s :p HON. WILLIAM E. GLADSTONB LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Hon. WM. E. GLADSTONE CONTAINING A Full Account of the Most Celebrated Orator and Statesman of Modern Times COMPRISING THE GRAPHIC STORY OF HIS LIFE; HIS BRILLIANT GENIUS AND REMARKABLE TRAITS OF CHARACTER; GRAND ACHIEVEMENTS AS A LEADER AND PRIME MINISTER; HIS MAGNIFICENT TRI- UMPHS IN GREAT POLITICAL STRUGGLES, ETC. A NOBLE EXAMPLE TO ALL ASPIRING YOUNG MEN INCLUDING His Famous Speeches and Orations; Striking Incidents in His Career; Personal Anecdotes, Reminiscences, Etc. BY D. M. KELSEY Author of "Gtms of Genius," "Pioneer Heroes and Their Daring Detds," Etc. Embellished with a large number of Superb Phototype and Wood Engravings Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S98, by J. R. JONES, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C All Rights Reserved. 2-7o^ PREFACE. RO other Englishman of the past or the present has been more popular in this country than Mr. Gladstone. This feeling in his behalf does not spring altogether from an admiration for his intellec- tual abilities, or the broad and statesmanlike views entertained by him. Nor has it arisen only from sym- pathy with the liberality of his opinions. It is rather traceable to a sincere respect for his capacity for growth. We might easily elaborate this proposition by historical references ; but the field is too broad for thorough inspection at the present moment, and a cursory glance would be worse than useless. Believing that it is this quality which has made him not only respected, but worthy of respect, it has been the aim of the writer to trace the progress, year by year, from the most pronounced Toryism to an equally positive Liberalism. At the same time there has been no effort made to fit the facts to the theory, as is some- times done under similar circumstances, for the simple reason that nothing of the kind was necessary. There are a number of biographies of Mr. Gladstone, of more or less value, to which the writer begs leave to express indebtedness. Chief among them is the careful work of Mr. G. B. Smith, in whose two large octavo vol- umes there is almost everything needful. A " London Journalist " contributes another biography, which has not, however, been brought down later than the second administration of its subject ; the same limitation is applicable to the volume of Mr. G. R. Emerson. Mr. C. W. Jones' little volume is an admirable one as far as 4 Preface. it goes ; and Mr. Lucy's merit in connection with this subject is too well known for comment to be necessary here. It is to be regretted that his book contains no more matter than an average magazine article. In addition to these biographies, there has been fre- quent consultation of works of a less special character. "The Gladstone Government," by a Templar; T. P. O'Connor's " Gladstone's House of Commons,"" and Justin McCarthy's "England Under Gladstone," will at once suggest themselves. But in addition to these there should be specified the Rev. W. N. IMolesAvorth's "History of England Since 1830," and others of like character. Cooke's " Histor}' of Part}','' McCarthj-'s " Epoch of Reform," and several memoirs of the time, have been used in writing of the Reform Bill of 1832 ; and there has been careful reference to special biogra- phies of Sir Robert Peel and others of similar importance in the narrative. The tone of these works has been so uniformly kind and admiring that Louis J. Jennings' work, " ]\Ir. Glad- stone : a Study," has perhaps been invaluable as giving the extreme view of the other side of the question. The writer has also studied, in this connection, Mr. Gladstone's own writings, both in the " Gleanings of Past Years " and elsewhere. Many points of interest have been drawn from the periodicals, — daily, weekly, and montlil}-. All of the leading American publications have been made to con- tribute something; while Temple Bar, the Times and other London dailies, and the London illustrated week- lies, may be named in the same connection. Of course the whole thread of the latter portion of the narrative is drawn from the newspapers, since the biography ig complete up to the time of iggue, CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. ANCESTRY AND EDUCATION. Napoleon and Welliagton — Great Public Questions — Family of the Gladstones — Birth of the Subject of the Present Memoir — Scotch Parentage— Early Education — Wealth of the Family — Sketch of Lord Brougham — Mr. Gladstone at Eton— A Culprit Called Up for Correction — Account of Arthur Henry Hallam — Papers Published at Eton — Troubles in Ireland — Canning and His Ministry — Mr. Gladstone Brought Up as a Tory — Char- acteristic Anecdote— The Future Premier at Oxford — Life as a Student — Early Promise of Great Distinction 19 CHAPTER n. THE BEGINNING OF PUBLIC LIFE. Interest in Political Questions — Reaction Alter the War — Iiestitution of the Colliers — Seats in Parliament Bought and Sold — How Flections were Conducted — Duke of Wellington as Prime Jlinister — Plan of Reform — Fury of the Tory Peers — Address to the Electors at Newark— Mr. Glad- stone Elected to Parliament— The Slavery (Question — Eloquent Speeches — Becomes Identified with Great Public Questions — Rising Star in the I'l^lit- ical Firmament 44 CHAPTER III. EARLY OFFICIAL LIFE. Whigs Versus Tories - Trained in Early Life to Speak in Public — Account of Sir Robert Peel — Events Following the Passage of the Reform Act — Mr. Gladstone aa Junior Lord of the Treasury— Canadian Troubles of 1837 — Death of King William IV. — Address to His Constituents — Accession of Victoria to the Throne — More Agitation of the Slavery Question — Debate on the War with China— Queen Victoria's Marriage— Popularity of the Prince Consort ,,,.,.,,.. 69 6 6 Contents. CHAPTER IV. GLADSTONE VS. DISRAELI. Repeal of the Corn Laws— Disraeli in Parliament— His Extravagant Khetoric— Pithy Sayings and Merciless Satire— Free Traders and Protectionibts - Division Among the Tories— Gladstone's Speech on the Navigation Laws —His Growing Liberalism— The CondilioQ of Canada— Colonial 'Jovern- ments— Remonstrance of France and Russia— Some Account of Lord Pal- merston— The Celebrated John Bright— Mr. Gladstone Defends His Ac- tion—Ecclesiastical Titles Bill— Mr. Disraeli in the Cabinet- Gladstone's Eulogy on the Duke of Wellington- Cveithrow of the Ministry. . . 103 CHAPTER V. THE MINISTRY OF ALL THE TALENTS. Mr. Gladstone's Early Political Faitli— His Act of Self-denial — First Step Toward Leaving the Conservative Party — Iluuse of Commons and tlie New Chancellor of the lixchequer — Grows I-^loquent Over a Dry Snlject — Debate on the Income Tax— Impending War — Will of the People Must be Obeyed — Measures for Raising Revenue— Bitter Taimts from Disraeli — Views of the Prince Consort — Miss Florence ^Nightingale - The Crimean War — Impressive Scene in the House of Commons -New Ministry by Lord Palmerston — Lord .lohn Russell — Great Speech by Ish: Gladstone — Continuance of the ^Var Debates 132 CHAPTER VI. PROGRESSING TOWARDS LIBERALISM. Treaty Following the Crimean War— Peace Concluded at Paris — Agitation Con- cerning the Continental Press — National Education— Bill Providing fir the Enlistment of Forci-nors— 111 Feeling Between Enu'and and America — Criticism fTpon tlie Government's Foreign Policy — i\Ir. Gladstoup's .Vlliance with His Riv;d — Government Losing Strength in the Mouse of Commons — Majority Agiiinst the Government — Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of tlie French— Remarkable Peroration by Mr. tJladstone — Formation of a New Cabinet — Lord Derby at the Front — Financial Outlook Depressing. . 157 CHAPTER VII. THE PALMERSTON MINISTRY. Lord Macaulay — Eminent Men in Parlinment -The Ionian Islands — Agitation in Greece — Parliamentary Reform — F(neign Relations of England — Mr. Bright's Return to Parliament— A Man Ahead of His Time— Controversy Contents. 7 Over the Reform Bill — Mr. Gladstune's Speech on the Pending Question — ■ Defeat of the Ministry — Appeal to tlie Country — ralmerstin in (Jfhee — ■ Fear of Invasion hy France— Tax on I'aper— Pioceedings in the House of Lords — Liberals and Tories — Lord Kussell Withdraws His Ilefonn Bill — Cross Purposes in Parliament — Piivalry Among Opposing Factions. . 179 CHAPTER VIII. EMANCIPATION FROM TORYISM. Wet Weatlicr and Poor Harvests — Dull Session in Parliament — Post OfKce Sav- ings Banks— Garibaldi and His Ked Shirt — Mr. Gladstone Defends the Liberator of Italy — Improvement in the Nation's Finances — Protest of the Opposition— Bitter Attack on Gladstone— Repeal of the Paper Duty — The Ionian Islands again — English Opinion and the American Civil War — Reduction of the Income Tax — Surplus in the Revenues for 18G4 — The Working Classes — Osborne's Amusing Speech — The Question of Church and State— Mr. Gladstone Declares Himself tinmuzzled 207 CHAPTER IX. REPRESENTING SOUTH LANCASHIRE. Love for the Lfniversity — Address to the Electors of Liverpool — Popularity in the Large Towns Death of Lord Palmerston — Grave Concern Over the Irish Troubles— Old Question of Cliurch Rates- Criticism of the Reform Bill — "Cave of Adullam" — Extension of the Franchise — Gladstone's ^''ictory— Speeches in Scotland — Ministry Formed by Earl Derby — A New Reform Bill — Raising Income for the Government — Public Comment on Mr. Gladstone— Scotch and Irish Aff;iirs — The Irish Church — Majority for the Liberals — Various Bills in the Commons 234 CHAPTER X. THE FIRST GLADSTONE MINISTRY. Prime Minister of England — Disestablishment of the Irish Church — Disraeli's Sarcasm — Eloquent Defense by John Bright — Opposition Among the Peers — Irish Land System — Bill for the Relief of Ireland — System of Education --English Tourists Seized by Greek Brigands — War Between France and Prussia — Russia's Control of the Black Sea — Ifarriage of the Princess Louise Army Rpguhilion Bill — Tory Abuse of Mr. Gladstone — Ballot Bill — Proposal to Admit Women to the Franchise— Much Opposi- tion to the Government — Able Speeches hy the Premier 265 8 Contents. CHAPTER XL THE FIRST GLADSTONE MINISTRY. (Continued.) Dangerous Illness of the Prince of Wales— Trouble on the Liquor Question- Gladstone's Sharp Ketort on Disraeli — Army of Titniouses— Ballot Bill Again Introilneed— Third Attempt to Settle the Irish Question— Justice to Ireland— G]aiiii)U'd in 1811). ovory class, that have so long been manifested in the son. The fact that he addressed, with no mean eloquence, a meeting which was called in 1818 "to consider the proprietj' of petitioning Par- liament to take into consideration the progressive and alarming increase in the crimes of forging and uttering forged notes of the Bank of England," may be thought only proper to the prud- ent and 25romincnt business man, anxious to check the spread of an offence peculiarly troublesome to him and his as.sociates. Ilis activity in another matter, however, shows him to be warm- hearted as well as keen-sighted. It was by his efl'orts that, in 1823, the Steamboat Act included a provision that each vessel should bo obliged to carrj^ a sufficient number of boats to accom- modate the passengers, in case of any accident; a simple enough 26 Ancestry and Education. precaution it seems to us, but so neglected previous to this t'm© that, in one case, a public packet-boat which was wrecked with nearly one hundred and fifty souls on board, had only one small shallop, twelve feet long, to convey the passengers and seamen to shore. It was also due to him that means were taken to enlist the general sympathy for the Greeks, when they were struggling for their independence; and he spoke most impressively at the meet- ing which was held for that purpose. These are but a few actions which show the character of the man. That he did not lack appreciation, is shown by the fact that a magnificent service of plate, consisting of twenty-eight pieces, was formally presented to him in the name of his fellow- townsmen in 1824 ; the inscription ran: "To John Gladstone, Esq., M. P., this service of plate was presented MDCCCXXIV, by his fellow-townsmen and friends, to mark their high sense of his successful exertions for trade and commerce, and in acknowl- edgment of his most important services rendered to the town of Liverpool." While probably not possessed of the scholarship which has en- abled the Premier to turn from the cares of state to enjoy Hom- er, Mr. Gladstone was well able to express his opinions on paper in such a way that men were glad to read them. His contribu- tions to the literature of the day have not survived, because they were from their very nature ephemeral ; but they had their share in molding the opinions of the men who made the laws by which England is now governed. This Mr. Gladstone was a member of Parliament for nine years in all, representing several boroughs at different times. For a portion of the time that he sat in the House of Commons, his son was a member of the same body ; and he heard the earliest efforts of that persuasive eloquence which has been able to make even a dry array of figures interesting. Partly out of recognition of his own services, partly as a compliment to his son, he was created a baronet in 1845, during the second administration of Sir Eohert Peel. Ho died six years later, his title descending to his eldest son, Thomas. Sir Thomas Gladstone was as long a member of Par- liament, though completely overshadowed bj- his j-oungcr brother. Ho enjoyed the reflected glory of being frequently mistaken for the distinguished member of the fiimily, so stroi:g M-as the resem- blance between them ; though, of course, it was only those who wore comparative strangers who were liable to this error. A third Ancestry and Education. 27 brother was a captain in the army, then M. P. for Portarlington ; aiui a fourth was, like his father, a merchant of Liverpool — the same to whom reference was made in the speech at the Collegi- ate Institute. Of the two sisters, neither was ever married. Sir John Gladstone's enormous wealth enabled him to make a handsome provision for eacli of his children during his lifetime, without crippling his own resources. Thus that son to whom na. ture had been most generous in her gifts of intellect was enabled to devote his time to the consideration of those questions which should occupy tlie mind of a statesman, without being compelled to enter the arena of that life in which bread must be won by hard and continuous labor. This advantage, we are taught by the example of others, is not entirely neeessai-y to the devel- opment of genius; but even genius cannot afford to neglect any assistance wliich may be offered. In the year 1812, a general election was held, and in this Mr. John Gladstone took a keen interest. A Conservative in time of peace, he had become an ardent Tory, and supported Mr. Can- ning with all the warmth of enthusiasm. This eloquent orator had been before the public, as a member of the House of Commons, for almost twenty years ; and it was only five years after his first election that he had reached the summit of his reputation as a speaker, by his brilliant advocacy of the abolition of the slave trade, and his bitter sarcasms regarding the " iN'cw Philosoph}-," as the doctrines of the French Revolutionists were stj'lcd. He had not been silent when the suspension of the habeas corpus act was moved and carried in the j'ear 1794, and bills intended to suppress seditious meetings were hurried through Parliament; his eloquent speeches had been eagerly looked for in the days of the Irish Rebellion of 1798. A zealous adherent of Pitt, when that statesman went out of office he resigned, too, though his chief ad- vised him not to do so. The issue of the hour, in Canning's eyos, was CatholicEraancipation, and the eloctionoeringspceches which he made were full of it. This had been a darling scheme of Pitt's, ever since the Union; but George III. had been seized with qualms of conscience i^'hen the Ministry proposed such meas- ures, and pleaded his coronation oath as an insuperable bar to his royal assent. But now, though he was still nominally the sovereign, he was in reality but a helpless old man, imbecile, and verging upon that blindness and deafness which a little later cut him off from even so much communication with the world as 28 Ancestry and Educatird John Eusscll was commissioned to draw up a plan to be submitted to tlic House ; for it was understood thatthis Ministry was a]ipointed ibr the special purpose of carrying out some Ee- for7Ti measure. This was duly submitted to the Premier, and a bill drawn up in accordance with his modifications of the draught. While the author of the plan of Eeform did not, as he tells us in his own work on the " The English Government and Consti- tution," think it well to make anj^ changes which could possiblj^ be avoided, it was necessary to make this measure complete in itself; to leave no room for their enemies to say that they were onlj' plaj'ing at Eeform. But the secret was carefullj' kept, and until the actual introduction of the Bill into Parliament, its enemies did not know the nature of the measure which they would have to fight. They had supposed that Old Sarum and Gatton would be struck from the list; they felt sure that Man- chester and Birmingham would be added to it ; but as Lord John, who introduced the Bill, proceeded with his speech, and the names of sixty boroughs were given, as the ones which it was pro- posed to leave without representation, and forty-seven which were to have but one member each, the Tories began to feel that all breaches within their party must be forgotten, in fighting this common foe, Eeform. Seven nights of debate fol- lowed in the House of Commons and at the close of the seventh, one member remarked that no speaker had expressed himself as opposed to all Eeform " a remarkable change," com- ments Cooke, in his "History of Party." The bill was defeated at last, the opposition having a majority of eight ; and the kingdis- The Beijinning of Public Life. 51 solved Parliament. It was well that ho did so ; for the Ministry must have resigned, after a division and defeat on the main ob- ject which they advocated; and that would in al! probability have involved a popular rising like that of the first Revolution in France. If the Tories did not hesitate to use all the influence which they possessed, the Whigs were in the van with them. True, the "Whigs, or Liberals, as they began to be more generally called, owned but few boroughs, compared with their opponents; but bribery was a powerful force with many of the electors, and they did not hesitate to fight the devil with fire. Then, too, the electors, in many cases, cast off their former allegiance, and defied the power to which they had so long been subject. The result was that when the new Parliament met, and the Bill was once more submitted, the Ministry had a majority of 109; not fifty mem- bers of the minority, saj'S the eminent authority above quoted, that were not directly interested in the result, as members for disfranchised boroughs. But the measure was notj'etalaw; it must pass the House of Lords. "What will the Lords do?" was the question in ev- ery mouth, echoed in one of the most powerful pamphlets which proceeded from the pen of Brougham; while Macaulaj' drew solemn warnings from the example of the French nobil- it}^, who had been swept away, as he declared, " because they had no sj-mpathy with the people." Earl Grey was the first to speak ujTon the question. There was no need for him to argue in favor of Eeform ; that even the Tories were willing to ac- knowledge now; but a long debate followed, and the Bill was finally rejected. The Commons passed a vote of confidence, and the king prorogued Parliament, that the Bill might be again introduced. In the meanwhile the Lords received many warnings of what was in store for them if thej' persisted. The Duke of Wellington could not appear on the streets of London without being insulted; a London mob broke all the windows on one side of the palace Avhich had been the reward of his services to the country ; Lord Londonderry was struck sense- less from his horse by a volley of stones ; Nottingham Castle, the residence of the Duke of Newcastle, was burned ; with ev- erywhere gatherings of angry men, demanding the rights of freemen. Parliament met again in December, 1831; the Bill again passed the Commons, and the second reading passed the 52 The Beginning of Public Life. Lords by a majority of nine. But this was not sufficient to in- sure its final success, and the Premier demanded, as a last resort, the power of creating a sufficient number of peers to insure its success. It was refused; he resigned; the king sent for the Duke of "Wellington, and commissioned him to form a Ministry. " The Duke," as he was called par excellence, essayed the task; but Sir Eobert Peel would have nothing to do with the matter, and without his assistance the Duke could not prevail upon a single man to accept office in such a Ministry. As he could not well do all himself, he resigned, and Grey was restored, with the power which he had demanded. The Tory peers were furious, but helpless. One of them, when he learned what had been done, arose and left the House. Others continued their personal attacks upon the Premier; but it was all useless. On the 4th of June, 18.32, the Reform Bill passed, re- ceived the assent of the Sovereign, and became the law of the land. It is because the first Parliament elected after the passage of this famous measure was the first in which Mr. Gladstone sat, that we have devoted so much space to its consideration. The history of a statesman must include at least something of the history of the country during the time that he is active in her councils; sometimes, as in the present case, this history must ex- tend still farther back ; for, as we have seen, and shall see, the political creed of Gladstone was largely influenced b3' his admir- ation for a statesman whose life closed just as the ardent admirer entered upon manhood. Mr. Gladstone was an intimate friend of the young Earl of Lin- coln, the son of the Duke of Newcastle. That high-born oppon- ent of Eeform had demanded of tlie Eeformers : " Have I not a right to do as I like with my own ?" The question of course re- ferred to the boroughs of which he was the patron; and passed into a political maxim. The new law decided the answer that the boroughs were no longer his own but the property of a con- siderably increased number of electors, whoso franchises were based on a property qualification much smaller than such a re- quirement had been under the old order of things. But His Grace had not accepted the answer, and resolved that he would still have the disposal of his borough of Newark. Accordino-hf he invited his son's friend to stand for it. It was this invitation which cut Mr. Gladstone's continental tour short; ho hurried back to England, to make his canvass. THE LAST SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS AS PRIME MINISTER The Beginning of Public Life. 63 The country wus in a state of feverish expectation. What would be the composition of the first Eeformed House of Com- mons ? The Whigs looked for an immense majority, the Tories shook their heads and prophesied dreadful things. The last of September saw the young candidate busily canvassing the bor- ough ; a little later, his first election address was issued, which, as it was the first public titterance of the man who for more than fifty years has been a prominent figure in the English Parlia- ment, we append in full : Clinton Arms, Newark, Oct. 9, 1832. To the Worthy and Independent Eleetors of the Borough of Newark : "Having now completed my canvas.s,! think it now my duty as well to remind you of the principles on v/hich I have solicited your votes, as freely to assure my friends that its result has placed the result bej-ond a doubt. I have not requested your favor on the ground of adherence to the opinions of any man or party, further than such adherence can be fairly understood from the conviction I have not hesitated to avow, that we must watch and resist that uncnquiring and indiscrirainating desire for change amongst us, which threatens to produce, along with par- tial good, a melancholy preponderance of mischief, which, I am persuaded, would aggravate beyond computation the deep-seated evils of our social state, and the heavy burthens of our industrial classes; which, bj' disturbing our peace, destroj'S confidence, and strikes at the root of prosperity. .Thus it has done already; and thus, we must therefore believe, it will do. " For the mitigation of these evils, we must, I think, look not only to particular measures, but to the restoration of sounder general j)rinciples. I mean especially that principle on which alone the incorporation of Religion with the State in our Con- stitution can be defended; that the duties of govcrners are strict- ly and peculiarly religious; and that legislatures, like individ- uals, are bound to carry throughout their acts the spirit of the high truths they have acknowledged. Principles are now array- ed against our institutions ; and, not by truckling nor by tempor- ising, not by oppression nor corruption, but hy princip/es they must be met. "Among their first results should be a sedulous and special at- tention to the interests of the poor, founded upon the rule that those who are the least able to take care of themselves should be 54 The Beginning of Public Life. 55 most regarded by others. Particularly is it a duty to endeavor, by every means, that labor may receive adequate remuneration; which, unhappil}' among several classes of our fellow-country- men, is not now the case. Whatever measures — therefore, wheth- er by correction of the poor laws, allotment of cottage grounds, or otherwise — tend to promote this object, I deem entitled to th^ warmest support; with all such as are calculated to secuic sound moral conduct in any class of sociotj'. I " I proceed to the momentous question of slavery, which I have found entertained among you, in that candid and temperate spirit which alone befits its nature, or promises to remove its difficul- ties. If I have not recognized the right of an irresponsible so- ciety to interpose between mo and the electors, it has not been from any disrespect to its members, nor from any unwillingness to answer their or any other questions on which the electors ma}' desire to know my views. To the esteemed secretary of the society I submitted my reasons for silence; and I made a jioint of stating those reasons to him, in his character of a voter. "As regards the abstract lawfulness of slavery, I acknowledge it simply as importing the right of one man to the labor of an- other, and I rest it upon the fact that Scripture, the paramount authoritj' upon such a point, gives directions to persons standing in the relation of master to slave, for their conduct in that rela- tion ; whereas, were the matter absolutely and necessarily sinful, it would not regulate the manner. Assuming sin as the cause of degradation, it strives, and strives most cffcctuallj', to euro the latter by extirpating the former. We arc agreed that both the physical and the moral bondage of the slave are to be abolished. The question is as to the order, and the order onl}-; now Scrip- ture attacks the moral evil before the temporal one, andtbotem- poral through the moral one, and I am content with the order which Scripture has established. " To this end, I desire to see immediately set on foot, by impar- tial and sovereign authority, a universal and efficient system of Christian instruction, not intended to resist designs of individ- I , . ... ual piety and wisdom for the religious improvement of the ne- groes, but to do thoroughly what they can only do partially. " As regards immediate emancipation, with o'r without compen- sation, there are several minor reasons against it; but that which weighs with me is, that it would, I much fear, change the evils now affecting the negro for others which are weightier ; for a re- 66 The Beginning of Public Life. lapse into deeper debasement, if not for bloodshed and internal war. Let fitness bo made a condition for emancipation ; and let us strive to bring him to that fitness by the shortest possible course. Let him enjoy the means of earning his freedom through honest and industrious habits ; thus the same instruments which attain his liberty shall render him competent to use it ; and thus, I earnestly trust, without risk of blood, without violation of prop- erty, with unimpaired benefit to the negro, and with the utmost speed whicli prudence will admit, we shall arrive at that exceed- ingly desirable consummation, the utter extinction of slavery. "And now, gentlemen, as regards the enthusiasm with which you have rallied round your ancient flag, and welcomed the humble representative of those principles whose emblem it is, I trust that neither the lapse of time nor the seductions of pros- perity can ever efface it from my memory. To my opponents, my acknowlegments are due for the good humor and kindness with which they have received me; and while I would thank my friends for their zealous and unwearied exertions in my favor, I briefly but emphatically assure them, that if promises be an ad- quate foundation of confidence, or experience a reasonable ground of calculation, our victor}' is sure. " I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your obliged and obedient Servant, W. E. Gladstone." This address suggests that Gladstone's opinions on the subject of slavery had been called in question by a society having for its object the suppression of slavery in the British dominions. Such was indeed the case ; and the young candidate had good reasons for not desiring to state his opinions uublicly. A considerable portion of his father's wealth was drawn from the "West Indies, where bo had large estates, worked wholly by slave labor. He was somewhat in the position of a scion of a Southern family, in American ante-bellum days, when called upon to de- fend the "peculiar institution" against the accusations of North- ern friends. More positive condemnation of the slave question we could not expect; and we must admire the dexterity with which he has avoided committing himself. The opponents of Mr. Gladstone were not to bo despised. Mr. Handloy appears to have been of much less note than Sergeant Wilde, who had much personal popularity in Newark^ and was a The Beginniiiij of Public Life. 57 veteran platform orator. This gentleman, says a paper of the time, which bitterly opposed the Tories, was, on his entrance in- to town, met by almost the whole population ; ho had unsuccess- fully contested the borough in the elections of 1829 and 1830 ; in 1831 he bad been more successful, and had formed one of the majority for the Eeform Bill. But the very measure which his Liberal supporters had hoped would secure his re-election, was to be here condemned by the election of a Tory candidate. The election did not tak:e place until December. In the mean time, it may be believed that the various candidates and their friends were not idle. Mr. Gladstone, though a stranger to the town, and hence under some disadvantage as compared with the well-known and popular Mr. Wilde, had made many friends among the electors; and had won the highest praises from the members of the Eed Club, an influential Tory organization. Thisnumber- ed some six hundred and fifty or more voters, and these were all pledged to the support of the duke's candidate. Others there wore, who were positively promised ; and the election was well- nigh assured. It was not to be won without the usual disagreeable concomit- ants, however. "Who is Mr. Gladstone V was the question some- what contemptuously asked by the adherents of the late mem- ber for the borough. The question was of course answered in two ways ; said the Tory organ, Old England : " He is the son of the friend of Mr. Canning, the great Liv- erpool merchant. He is, we understand, not more than four or five and twenty, but he has won golden opinions from all sorts of people, and promises to be an ornament to the House of Commons." On the other hand, the Eegvhitor, the Whig organ, answered the same query in this way : "Mr. Gladstone is the son of Gladstone of Liverpool, a person who (we are now speaking of the father) has amassed a large fortune by West India dealings. In other words, a great part of his gold has sprung from the blood of black slaves. Eespectingthe youth him- self, a person fresh from college, and whoso mind is as much like a sheet of foolscap paper as possible, he was utterly iinknown. He came recommenacd by no claim in the world except the will of the duke." All of which was perfectly true, though stated with rather too much contempt for what we think of the long famous Liberal. The campaign was a hot one, and not unmarked by those at- 58 The Leginning of Pvblic Life. tompts at wit which are frequently no more than so many in- sults to the jjerson against whom they are leveled. Among those jokes, of the more innocent and allowable kind was a procession which passed through the streets, bearing a coffin inscribed "Young Gladstone's Ambition." The Whigs, however, were false prophets; for the event showed that the coffin held a verj^ lively corpse. There was considerable enthusiasm for him, even among those who had formerly supported Sergeant "Wilde; for his straight- forward manner and speeches made friends among all. Newark was not altogether a pocket borough, in the sense that some others were at that date ; for the electors numbered about fifteen hundred and many of them had minds of their own, verj' differ- ent in bent from that of the duke. His influence was consider- able; but so strong was Sergeant Wilde in the hearts of the Eeform "Whigs, newly encouraged by the passage of the great measure, that it was said that if the duke had brought forward his own son, Lord Lincoln, as a candidate, he would have been defeated. The nomination was held Dec. 11th, the election being fixed for the 12th and 13th. Mr. Gladstone was the third of the candi- dates in the nomination. His experience upon the hustings can not have been a very pleasant one, as he was assailed hj' ques- tions from his opponent's supporters. One of these hostile elec- tors demanded if he were not the Duke of ISTowcastle's nominee. Now, in point of fact, he was the Duke of Newcastle's nominee, and everybody there present was jierfectly aware of the fact ; but the question was asked, that an argument might bo based upon the answer ; for the fact was not to be denied. 51 r. Gladstone's enemies aver that he is skilled in the art of talking withoutsav- ing an3'thing ; of satisfying his listeners without making any as- sertions to commit himself. If this is so, he began at an early age ; for he certainly evaded this embarrassing question in quite a neat manner. Ho informed the gentleman that lie would lilce to know what ho meant by the expression used ; if the elector would tell him what was implied by the teiun "the Dulve of Newcastle's nominee," he (Mr. Gladstone) would tell him wheth- er the tei-m a]iplied to him or not. The Newarker, who thought that ho had his enemy i)i a tight place, fell into the trap at once. The duke's nominee, ho explained, was a ]ierson sent to be pushed down the throats of the electors, whether they liked him The heghming of Public Life. 5? or not. Wherenpon Mr. Gladstone suavcl}' answered that, accord- ing to that definition, he was not the duke's nominee; ho had come to Newark upon the invitation of tlie Eed Club, the re- spectability and intelligence of which no one could impugn. This invitation, he said, had doubtless been extended to him in con- sequence of his friendship with the Earl of Lincoln, as tlio club had applied to the duko to Icnow if he could recommend a suit- able candidate to them ; and his Grace had replied by suggest- ing himself (Mr. Giad.stone). It is co be hoped ti}at the elector was satisfied with the answer; at any rate, he seems to have had no mrire to saj'. Another question remained to bo mot — it was that which he had evaded so skillfully in his address. His answer ujion the hustings seems to liavo boon simpjly an enlargement of that which had boon given in print, but so staled that it was less e(piivooal in i ts condemnation of the slave ti'affle and more cer- tainly ill favor of emancipation. The candidates being called upon to address the meeting. Ser- geant Wilde chose the slavery question as the chief subject of his speech, which lasted for more than three hours. Ho was follow- ed by Mr. Handlcy, who also spoke a long time, and mainlj- on the same topic, to show that his humanity was at least equal to that of the first speaker. Mr. Gladstone was thus at a consider- ei-ablo disadvantage ; not onlj' did be have to ropjly to these speeches on a subject which he could hardly discuss fiooly, but he must speak to men wfirn out by listening to two long speech- es, following the livelj' dialogues, some small portion of which we have described. Ho had hardly begun to speak when his voice was drowned by the hooting and hissing which showed their disinclination to listen to him, and ho soon found it would be impossible to proceed. A show of hands was demanded. There were few or none for Mr. Gladstone, bej'ond his support- ters on the hustings; and a poll was demanded. From the first, this told a very different tale; for he took the lead from the start, and was never overtaken by his rivals. When the voting was over, the result stood: Gladstone, 882; Handley, 793; Wilde, 719. A few days after this election, Mr. Gladstone addressed a meeting of the Constitutional Club at ISTottingliam. Commenting upon bis address, a journal of the day observed: "He is a gen- tleman of amiable manners and the most extraordinary talent: (;0 The Befjiiining of Public Lif6, and we venture to predict, without the slightest exaggefatioti, that he will one day be classed amongst the most able statesmen in the British Senate." Without exaggeration, he has been class- ed amongst the most able statesmen in the British Senate. The first Ecform Parliament met Jan. 29, 1833. Its composition was not what had been expected ; for now that the great measure had been carried, many of the Liberal-Conservatives had return- ed to the allegiance from which the popular commotion had fright- ened them; the Wiiig majority was not nearly so large as the "VVhigs themselves iiad hoped, or the Tories had feared. But there was still a sufficient majority to make the party of Reform a formidable enemj-. There remained at least one great question to be settled, which had been agitated for a number of years. Before the American Revolution began, "William Wilberforce, then a boy at school, had begun his long crusade against slavery by a letter written to a York newspaper. Ot efforts in that direction he never wearied, until the hand of death itself was upon him. The slave- trade was abolished in England and her colonics in 1806, two years before the time when, by the Constitution framed in 1787, it was abolished ill this country. But slavery still existed, and the friends of freedom, cheered by this partial success, brought new energy to the completion of their cask. At the time of which we write, Wilberforce was more than seventy years old, and the ill health from which ho had suffered for a number of j'cars had long kept him from active exertions. Compelled in 1825 to retire from Parliament, where for thirty-six years he had nev- er ceased to press the great question, his mantle fell upon Sir Thomas Powell Buxton, then plain Mr. Buxton, who had long been a Parliamentary advocate of every measure which could improve the condition of tlie helpless and oppressed. He was no unworthy successor of the great apostle of the abolition of slav- orv, and it was by his efforts that tlie bill to do away with slav- ery in the British colonies was introduced in this session of Par- liament. Nor was the slave without other and powerful advocates. The brilliant eloquence of Macaulaj', the son of that Zachar^- Macau- lay who had done as much as any one for the abolition of slav- i'.vy, was enlisted in its behalf; and Brougham had thrilled the House with his a]qialling stories of the abuse of despotic power in the colonies. MR. GLADSTONE CUTTING TREES AT HAWARDEN The Beginning of Public Life. 61 Much to the disappointment of those so much interested in this question, the royal speech did not make any mention of it. The abolitionists at once demanded to know if the Government meant to take any action in this connection. The Ministry asked for time to consider, which was granted. Themattorwassubmitted to Lord Stanley, afterward Earl of Derby. He was the very man to whom it should have been intrusted, forwhcn his feelings wore aroused, ho rose to the height of a genuine eloquence, and the rarity of such occasions made them doubly influential upon his listeners. His sympathies wore excited on behalf of the slaves, and aided bj- the steady forethought which was one of his marked qualities, he was able to devise a plan which, with a few modifications, proved to be acceptable to the two parties. AH children born after the passage of the act, or less than six years old at the time of its passage, were declared free, though subject to such restrictions as might be necessary forthcir sup- port and maintenance; all persons over that age, registered as slaves, were to be apj)renticed to their masters fora stated length of time, to be fixed by Parliament; the Government was to remunerate the slave-owners for the loss thus occasioned, and the sum of £20,000,000 was set aside for that purpose. This was the Act of Emancipation as it passed the House; it differed but slightly from the bill proposed by the Colonial Secretary. The debate was a bitter one, and sometimes assumed a person- al form, or as nearly that as the rules of the House of Commons will allow. It was the business of those whc had profited by it to defend the iniquitous sj'Stem of traifie in human beings and the evils resulting from it. There was at least one such in the House. " There is not a stone in the walls of Liverpool but is cemented by the blood of Africans," the people of that city had once been William Wilberforcf. 62 TJie Beginning of Public Life. f told, and truly. Much of the wealth which had enabled Mr. Gladstone the elder to take such a high position among his fel- low-merchants had been, like theirs, drawn from West Indian es- tates, where the labor was done altogether by slaves. These es- tates were so large, and Mr. Gladstone's name so well known (Sir Eobort Peel had in 1819 quoted the opinion of " Mr. Glad- stone, the great Liverpool merchant," as high authority upon some question of expedience), that they formed a convenient ex- ample. During the course of the debate. Lord Howick referred to the decrease in the number of slaves on an estate in Dem- erara, owned by Mr. Gladstone, and which he claimed was pro- duced by the inhuman manner in which the slaves were worked. The elder Gladstone was without a seat in the House of Com- mons at this time, and hence he was referred to by name; and his son found himself obliged to answer the accusations thus brought against the name. His maiden speech in the House was delivered May 17, 1833. He did not defend slavery in general, but contented himself with asserting the groundlessness of some of the statements which Lord Howick had made; and showed that the decrease had been caused by the transfer of some of the slaves to other estates. He admitted that the cultivation of sugar was more detrimental to those engaged in it than some other crops, but instanced trades in England itself, such as painting, and working in lead mines, which wore similarly injurious to those engaged in them. The speech docs not seem to have been regarded as of any importance to the subject in general j it was rather a defense of his father personally, and a proof of the well-known kindness of the overseer employed by him. His second speech followed this after but a short interval, and was of the same general character. But in this ho took a some- what broader view of tlie matter, and defined his own ojiinions regarding the subject with more precision. Beginning with the charges which Lord Howick had made, ho showed j-et more plainly tliat these especial wrongs of the slave were without ac- tual existence. Proceeding to the discussion of the general prin- cijiles involved, ho confessed with shame and pain that many cases of wanton cruelty had occurred in the colonies, both in branding the slaves, and whi]iping them beyond the limits of human endurance; ho added tiiat these crueltic^s would alwaj-s bo practised, under any system of slavery, in some instances at least; and while tho West Indies rcprosoutod these as rare and The Beginning of Public Life. 6S isolated cases, and maintained that the ordinary relation of master and slave was a friendly one, he admitted that a system which permitted these things is necessarily repugnant to the principles of civilization and Christianity by which the British Gladstone's First Speech ^ 11 ^j t empire is ruled. He demanded that the planters should bo re- compensed for the loss which would be entailed upon them by emancipation (the original piroposition was that the Government should loan £15,000,000 to enable the planters to carry on their 64 The Beijiniihuj of PuhUc Life. plantations), and that a plan should be adopted by which the de- serving negroes might be freed before the idle and incompetent ones. When we consider the circumstances in which the young M. P. was placed, and the feelings with which Jio had boon educated^ we can hardly expect any more generous speech than this utter- ance. Had ho been brought up with such an abhorrence of slav- ery as had boon inculcated in the minds of Wilbcrforce's child- ren, he would doubtless have spoken more strongly; but he was naturally one of the opponents of abolition, like the slave-own- ers of America. Had the American Abolitionists acted with as much consideration as Lord Stanloj', tho slave-owners would perhaps have responded in the same spirit ; and Emancipation would havo boon a peaceful measure. The bill passed its second reading ten days before the death of Wilberforco ; its success was assured by the majorities which had sanctioned it thus far, and the known attitude of many of the Lords; thus the great, good old man had the satisfaction of knowing, in the hours of death, that his life had not been spent in vain ; that the impetus which he had given to this philanthro- pic effort had secured its ultimate success, and laid the founda- tion for the happiness of thousands of oppressed and benighted men. The question of the abolition of slavery having been settled, there arose that ghost which continually haunts the halls of Parliament, and, like Banquo's, will not down. This was a form of the Irish question, at that particular time embodied in an ef- fort to settle tho difficulties arising from the difference between the Established Church of Ireland and that of the people. Tho act of Union had provided that the Episcopal Church, as we know it, should be tho Church of Ireland as it was tho Church of Eng- land; and in every parish there was a duly presented incum- bent. Sometimes tho wholo representation of the Established Church in a parish would bo tho incumbent and his clerk. Un- der such circumstances, the collection of tithes, from people who supported another church, was not onlj- a great hardship, but well-nigh impossible. The Government persisted in supportin"- churches and the clergy, whether there were any communicants or not. Tho priests had been tacitly exempted from the pay- ment of tithes until about 1830, when somo over-zealous tithe- proctor seized a ])rie8t's horse in default of payment. The peo- The beginning of Public Life. 65 pie in general had long been accustomed to allow their properly to be seized in this way, as they would not pay voluntarily for the maintenance of the Establishment, and the Government in- sisted upon making collections. But to have the priest himself thus taxed for the support of the alien religion, was too much for their patience. There had been riots before this time, when the police had fired among the crowd with deadly effect; riots described with such pathos by the great Irish orator, O'Con- nell, that young Charles Dickens, a reporter in the House of Commons, and the most skillful that ever did that work, laid down his pencil and declared that he could not go on; that speaker's subject and manner had too powerfully affected him. The priests now denounced the payment of tithes from the pul- pit ; it was the one thing which had been wanting ; and the dex- terity and perseverance wliich the peo])lo exercised in avoiding the payment of tlie hated tax would, if applied to their daily work, have enabled them to pay it ten times over. But as in the case of a celebrated small tax upon tea, which the British Gov- ernment once imposed, it was the principle which was at stalce. The authorities tried every plan to collect the tithes, but it was of no avail. Finally, in this session of Parliament, a plan was proposed, which would enable the incumbents to hold their own, for a while at least. The Government was not without feeling for the clergy, whose lot was not a very enviable one ; this same tax, which there was such an ado about collecting, was their means of subsistence; whatever were the merits of the case, they were not to blame for the fact that the Church of the State and the Church of the people were not the same ; and the Govern- ment which had placed them in their present position could not, with common decencj', leave them to starve. The arrears of the tithes amounted, in 1833, to more than a million and a quarter sterling ; an arrearage which was distributed among an immense number of men whose sole means of living it was. Lord Althorp brought forward a bill which provided for the Government as- suming this debt, and looking to its own collectors for repay- ment. Mr. Gladstone spoke against this bill, which, he said, he feared would place the Irish Church on an untenable foundation. Admitting the principle that the State ought to maintain the Es- tablished Church, he denied that the means provided in this plan were adapted to secure the ends wished. Mr. Gladstone seems to have been extremely unfortunate in his choice of subjects on 5 6(5 The Beginning of Public Life. which to speak, for in this case, as in the first, he was left wo- fully in the minority wlien it came to a division. Nor did any bolter effects result from his speech on the sub- ject of admission to the universities, upon which Parliament found it necessarj'- to legislate. It was proposed to remove the necessity of subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles; and the bill passed by a majority of 89. We find no further evidence of the activity of this young member of the opposition during the remainder of this year. The topics of importance had all been discussed and settled, for the time at least. Slavery was abol- ished, though it would not actually cease for several years to come; and the atfair had been managed in such a way that the fears of tlie planters had been allaj'ed, and the numerous predic- tions of ungovernable tumults and murderous riots by the ne- groes as tlie result of their emancipation had been completely falsified by the event. The troubles of the Irish Church had been settled for as long a time as the amount of money appropriated would pay the tithes ; though the Irish people were still to be oppressed, to repay the Government for this outlay. The re- quirements of admission to the University of Oxford had been so far changed that others than members of the Established Church might now enter that institution of learning, which had never swaj'ed from strict orthodoxy since its early lapse in de- fending Wiclif. Such were three of the great measures of the Parliament which met immediatel}' after the passage of the first Eeform Bill. But the Government which had passed these measures was materially weakened by the loss of one of its members. Lord Al- thorp, who had held the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, had, by the death of his father, become Lord Spencer and a member of the House of Lords. This made it necessary for a new Chancellor to be appointed, and raised further difficulties peculiar to the situation. Lord Althorp's influence had been suf- ficient to keep the party of the Government tolerably united; the Prime Minister, Earl Grey, and his successor. Viscount Mel- bourne, being of course removed from any direct influence over the members of the lower house ; but now there was no one who could prevent fatal divisions among the Whigs of the Commons. The king saw the difficulties which had arisen, and was be- sides of the opinion that the days of this party were numbered, so far as their present tenure of office was concerned. He refused. The J)ul(e of Wellington, 67 68 The Beginning of Public Life. then, to allow the appointment of Lord Althorp's successor; Lord Melbourne and his colleagues were dismissed, and the Duke of Wellington was summoned. He advised that Sir Eobert Peel should be sent for, as he felt unequal or unwilling himself to un- dertake the work of forming a cabinet; the old soldier had not quite forgiven the people of England for passing the Reform Bill, and could not stoop to take office under a Eeformed Govern- ment. His counsel was accepted, and Sir Eobert, who was trav- eling in Italy, hastened home. This was in December, 1834. The new Premier had watched, as all men of ability in similar positions must, the rise of the younger members of Parliament, who were destined to carry on the work of ruling the country when he and his generation should have passed away. Among such the young member for Newark had not been unnoted. The skill and ability with which he had spoken against the measures of the Government had not escafiod the watchful eyes of the elder man ; and when the new cabinet was formed, though there was no room in it for a man of barely twenty-five, the subordinate post of Junior Lord of the Treasury was offered him, and, as may easily be guessed, not declined. In this connection, we note that though the action of William IV. in dismissing a Ministry which had as yet sustained no nota- ble defeat in the House of Commons appears arbitrary and op- posed to the principles of Constitutional Government, it was in strict accordance with the practice of his father, his brother, and himself at other times. Queen Victoria is the first English sov- ereign whoso ministers have invariably been chosen with refer- ence to the demands of the Commons, and retained in office un- til the Commons have demanded a change. CHAPTER III. EARLY OFFICIAL LIFE. Whigs Versus Tories - Trained in Early Life to Speak in Public— Account of Sir Robert Peel— Events Following the Passage of the Reform Act — Mr. Gladstone as Junior Lord of the Treasury— Canadian Troubles of 1837— Death of King William IV. — Address to His Constituents — Accession of Victoria to tbe Throne — More Agitation of the Slavery Question — Debate on the War with China— Queen Victoria's Marriage— Popularity of the Prince Consort. 'IE EOBEET PEEL was the eldest son of a baronet of the same name, whose wealth and prominence as a manufactur- er had secured the elevation to a baronetage from Mr. Pitt. His Toryisni was well defined and uncompromising; so that when, on the birth of his son, he vowed he would give him to his country, it was understood by all hearers that the boy was to be devoted to the Tory party. But in the days which the young- er Peel was to see, the old-time distinctions of Tory and "Whig were to go out of fashion ■ and in their place were to come Conservatives and Liberals. There had indeed been use for these two latter names before, but only as minor branches of the two parties; after the passage of the Eeform Bill, it seems that the broadly marked distinctions were permitted to fade out; and the more moderate parties obtained the ascendency. There are still Whigs and Tories, it is true, but they are looked upon as followers of a fashion which has long ago passed away. It is our pride that wo lean toward our opponents' party so far that we can see the reasons which influence their actions. The education of the boy thus devoted to his party was con- ducted by the father with the most jealous care that it should be such as would fit him to take part in parliamentary proceedings to the best possible advantage. From childhood he was trained to speak in public, by bei ng placed upon a table each Sundaj^, when the family returned from church, and bidden to repeat as much of the sermon as he could recall. At Harrow, where he was the 69 70 i:arly Official lip, form-fellow of Lord Bj'ron, he won golden opinions by liis dili- gence and ability. At Oxford, where he was entered at Christ Church, he was the first to win a double-first class under the new and more stringent examination. Hampden and "Whateley were among the competitors whom he distanced. Ho entered tlio House of Commons for the first time as the member for a bor- ough which was regularly sold to the highest bidder, and his first speech showed that the Tory Government had gained a valuable supporter. He had won his reputation as a speaker by an elo- quent eulogy upon the Duke of Wellington, which he found oc- casion to deliver in 1811, on the occasion of tlio British Govern- ment subsidizing some Portuguese troops. How far this influ- enced the Duke in hia after treatment of Mr. Peel, it is impossi- ble to say; the man of the strictest justice is often unconscious- ly swayed by some such action of tiioso with whom he has to deal. He was barely tncntj'-four when he was made Chief Sec- retary for Ireland ; a post which then, as now, was not without its difficulties. It is hard to say whether it is a matter of greater difficulty to deal with an opponent like O'Connell, or one like Par- ncll; the scathing satire and coarse rough humor were quite enough to keep the j'oung minister hus_y, without imagining tiie difficulties which might beset some successor from quite a differ- ent kind of man. As a matter of course, he was opjsosed to the claims of the Catholics being granted; there were but few of the Tories who were not ; and this led to the conferring of a nickname upon him which is remembered now as one of tlie happiest puns ever per- petrated in politics: the opponent of the Irish Catholics was dubbed "Orange Peel." But he was not wholl3' acccqitablo to the party for whom ho was thus named. liis moderation in some respects offended them ; but he held tlie office for a long time. His duel with O'Connell was long made the means of castino- a good deal of ridicule upon him. O'Connell had taunted Peel with being afraid to use certain expressions in any place where he could be called to account for them. Peel resented this at once, and authorized a friend to act as his second. O'Connell promptly named one of his friends for the same dutj'. The two seconds met, but were unable to agree from which party the challenge was due. To settle this question, they eventually challenged one another. O'Connell claimed that Peel was tryin" by this means to get out of it; Peel found another second, less Early Official Life. 71 quarrelsomo tlian the first, and challenged O'Connell. The latter was arrested, and bound over to keep the peace j they agreed to go abroad J but O'Connell was again arrested, and not released until he had given bonds not to quit the country. Such was the end of th« fpmous duel between O'Connell and Peel, if it is not. too great a bull to speak of the end of an affair which never took place. To go back to the graver events of Peel's life. There is one thing which was done in connection with his Irish Secretaryship which was a real and much-needed reform : the military ceased to be employed in the repression of popular outbreaks, and a civil force of police was substituted. It seems to make but little difference by what agency oppression is carried on ; but a little reflection will make it plain that a police force, responsible to the civil authorities^ is vastly preferable to soldiery, command- ed by their own officers, even though the latter are nominally under the direction of the magistrates. Eesigning the Irish Secretaryship in 1817, he was out of office for three years. la 1819heshowed remarkable financial ability ii? connection with the action which was taken on the redemptioii of Bank of England notes in gold. The Bank Act, which he was mainly instrumental in framing, is still the law which governs the monetary system of the country. Like his great rival. Canning, Peel defended the course of the Government in those oppressions which culminated in the Peter- loo Massacre j and, like Canning, ho would have nothing to do with the action of the king against his queen, when Caroline of Brunswick claimed the title of Queen Consort. Made Home Secretary in 1821, he was subordinate, in a measure, to Mr. Can- ning, whose brilliant talents overshadowed all of his colleagues, though he was not the nominal head of the Government. Here again he introduced reforms, simplifying and humanizing the laws in regard to crime. Up to 1810, there were no fewer than two hundred and eighty-three laws upor. the statute book relat- ing to offences for which death was the penalty. Peel's was the first hand that dealt a blow at this cruel and ineffective leg- islation ; and although the reform which he instituted was not a complete one, it must be remembered that there are limits to the possibilities of changing existing laws, which do not all arise from the unwillingness of the statesman. "VVe have already noted the contest which ensued when Lor(i 72 Early Official Life. Liverpool died. After the death of Canning, Peel found that it was impossible to resist the claims of the Catholics any longer. It had been predicted by a close observer, who watched the course of affairs from a place of privilege, that "the march of time and the state of Ireland will effect it in spite of everything," and Catholic Emancipation became an accomplished fact. "With his party, Peel had been in the minority during the Parlia- ment elected after the passage of the Eeform Act ; but this mi- nority diminished daily. It was at this time that Sir Eobert, Sir Rubert Peel. the leader of his party, had the good sense to adopt the newer name by which it has been known since his time; and men who had been bitterly opposed to Tories found themselves not unwil- ling to give support to Conscrvalivo measures. At the same time, the services which he had himself rendered to tiie old Tory par- ty made tiie continuance of its supporters' allegiance sure. Tiio Whigs wore suffering from the consequences of victory, and it liad become impossible for the leaders of the party to Early Official Life. 73 please the less progressive adherents and the new "Whigs, or Lib- erals, as they had begun to call themselves, at the same time. Although there had been no direct rebuke of the Whig policy in the House of Commons, the king was not far out of the way in dismissing his ministers, and forming a Conservative cabinet. Mr. Gladstone's acceptance of the office of Junior Lord of the Treasury was dated Dec. 24, 1834. According to English law and precedent, by accepting an office of profit under the Crown, ho vacated his seat and the Speaker issued his writ for a new elec- tion at Newark. In his address to the electors, Gladstone re- viewed the history of the session, showing how the relative po- sitions of the two parties had essentially changed since the mem- bers had subscribed the roll. He seems to have thought that with the Whig Ministry Eeform had run mad, and deprecatcsthe fact tliat there were even "those among the servants of the king who did not scruple to solicit the suffrages of their constituents with promises to act on the principles of Eadicalism." An in- telligent man could not deny the necessity for many reforms; nor did the j'oung candidate attempt such a hoj)eless and useless task. "The question has then," he went on to say, "as it appears to me, become, whether we are to hurry onward at intervals, but not long ones, through the medium of the ballot, short parlia- ments, and other measures called popular, into republicanism or anarchy; or whetlier, independently of all party considerations, the people will suf)port the Crown, in the discharge of its duty to maintain in effieiencj'' and transmit in safety those old and valuable institutions under which our country has greatly flour- ished." In regard to Church matters, however, he saw that there was real need of reform. "Let me add, shortly but em- phatically, concerning the reform of actual abuses, whether in Church or State, that I regard it as a sacred duty — a duty at all times, and certainly not least at a period like this, when the dan- ger of neglecting it is most clear and imminent — a duty not inim- ical to true and determined Conservative principle,nor a curtail- ment and modification of such princijjle, but its legitimate con- sequence, or rather an actual element of its composition." Ho was confronted at first by the same opponents who had contested the former election; but Mr. Handley having with- drawn, Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal candidate. Sergeant Wilde, were returned without opposition. The people of Ifewark felt that they had reason to be proud of their representative j his 74 Early Official Life. had been a brilliant record, for a young man wbo bad but recent- ly entered upon the arena of political life. According to the time-honored custom, he was chaired, and as tlie procession wended its way through the streets, he was received by all parties with the most flattering enthusiasm. At the rooms of his Com- mittee, Mr. Gladstone addressed the electors to the number of six thousand, and was greeted with deafening cheers. Mr. Gladstone did not long hold the office to which be had been appointed so shortly after his chief's accession to power; but he left it to accept one which was more desirable — that of Under-Secretary for the Colonies. This change took place shortly after Parliament assembled, in February, 1835. Act- ing in this capacity, he brought in his first bill in March of that 3'car. Intended for the better regulation of the carriage of pas- sengers in merchant vessels to ISTorth America, it contained many humane provisions, and was most favorably received. But the Peel Ministry was a short-lived ons. It came to grief upon the question of the Irish Chui'cli, and the ministers were again defeated on the question of a])propriating the surplus funds of the Church to the general ciluealion of all classes of Christians. In the bitter and acrimonious debates which attend- ed these two defeats, Mr. Gladstone was noticeable hj the cour- teous bearing which has always distinguished him, and the gen- eral urbanity of his manners. Having thus lost the support of the House, the Peel Ministry of course resigned, including the officers who were without seats in the cabinet. Mr. Gladstone was again in opposition, and remain- ed there for some time. Shortly after this, Ave find him again defending the West In- dian planters from the accusations which were brought against them as a class, but based upon the cruelties practiced br afew; for the apprenticeship system gave the masters almost as much power, while it lasted, as the old system of slavery. After a speech supporting the Government against the House of Assembly of Canada, when the Canadian troubles of 18.37 came before Parliament, Mr. Gladstone again spoke in opposi- tion on the question of Church Bates; and it is said by a compe- tent authority that this was the best and most impassioned speech which ho had yet made. His opposition, however, did not produce any appreciable effect, as the Government carviofi the measure which had been proposed. Early Official Life. n Thedoathof King William IV., M'hicli occurred June 20th, 1837, m;i(lo another general election necessary; and Mr. Glad.stone turned again to his faithful constituency of Newark. But his fame had spread. During the four j'ears that he had now been in Parliament, he had most completely demonstrated his ability Princess ]'icto'rla in Girlhood. and the Tories of Manchester desired to show their appreciation of it. A deputation of three gentlemen waited upon Mr. Glad- stone, and invited him to stand for Manchester. The invitation was perhaps as groat a compliment as they could pay him, but unfortunately, in the great manufacturing center, the defeat of 76 Early Official Life. the Tory candidates was almost a certainty. To use the express- ive language of a newspaper of the day, "he did not allow them to make a fool of him, and declined tho invitation." Of course the mere question of victory or defeat was not the reason on which tho declination was based ; ISTowarlc was the tirst borough for which he had stood ; it had shown its appreciation of him at tho second election at which he had been a candidate ; and to de- sort them now, after again presenting himself to them, and issu- ing an address, would have been wholly unjustifiable- But the Manchester people would not take no for an answer; and although Mr. Gladstone had flatly refused to stand, they placed his name before the electors. This was calculated to make trouble at Newark, and the much souglit member issued an ad- dress to his constituents, dated July 22d, 18.37. In this address he said : " My attention has just been called to a paragraph in the jSTot- tingham and Newark Mercury of this morning, whicli announ- ces, on tho authority of some person unknown, that I have con- sented to be put in nomination for Manchester, and have prom- ised, if elected, to sit in Parliament as its representative. I have to inform j'ou that these reports are whollj^ without f en < en ca UJ I C3 z < I o o z D I Q Z < UJ Z O Q < Early Official Life. 77 at which he congratulated them on the energy which thoy had shown, and predicted that their strength would be the nucleus of future success. The accession of the j'oung Princess Victoria to the throne of Great Britain, upon the death of William IV., was an event of profound import to the whole English-speaking race and to hu- n-anity at large. George III. had left seven sons. Of thesetho eld- Duchess of Kent, Mother of Queen Victoria. est, who succeeded him as George IV., had but one child, the Princess Charlotte, who died in 1817. The second son died with- out heirs; "William IV. had no children. After the death of the Princess Charlotte, the fourth son, Edward, then a man well on toward middle age, had married the Dowager Princess of Lein- engen, whose brother had been the husband of the Princess 78 Sarly Official Life. 7S Charlotte, and thus looked forward to being consort of the Queen of England. There was but one child born of this mar- riage, a daughter, who was intended to be named forherunclo and grandfather, and for Alexander I. of Eussia. But the Czar insisted that Alexandrina must be the first name; whereupon the Prince Eegont declared that Georgina should be second to ;■ no other name in the list of those borne by an English princess. The baby was accordingly christened Alexandrina Victoria, the latter being her mother's name. The Princess Yictoria was born May 24th, 1818; and eight months later her father, the Duke of Kent, died. The widowed mother of the heiress presumptive to the throne had a difficult task to perform in the education of a daughter destined for such a lofty position ; but she received no help from her husband's familj'. She was decidedly unpopular with them and with the people generally ; and she did not make much effort to please the family into which she hud married, having her own opinion of their morals. It is to her credit that she resolutely stifled all those natural longings for her native land and the societj'of her own relatives, and educated her daughter entirely in Eng- land, surrounded by English influences. The little princess grew np without any clear idea of her own importance, although, as Mrs. Oliphant saj-s, in her Z//e of the Queen, "wherever tlie little maiden went, as was natural, she was the centre of attraction " to the people who realized her high destiny. She was twelve j^earg old before she was allowed to learn that she was next in tlie line of succession. Tlie import- ant communication was then made only in order that she might understand the reason for imposing more tasks upon her than were required of her cousins of loss importance ; and the strict discipline which had always been used was in no way relaxed. As she grew older, there was much complaint from the King that the heir to the throne was not permitted to join in the festivities of the court; but the Duchess wisely judged that her young daughter was better away from such influences ; for it has been said that " scandals made the court of George IV. infamous, and that of William IV. ridiculous." The Princess Victoria was declared of age upon her eighteenth birthday, May 24th, 1837. When, a month later, her uncle died, she became Queen of England. His death took place at two o'clock in the morning, and at five the Archbishop of Canter- 80 Early Official Life. bury and Lord Conyngham arrived at Kensington Palace, and de- manded to see tlie Princess Victoria. Her lady-in-waiting went to arouse her, but returned, saying thAt she was in suet a sweet sleep that she did not like to disturb her. " Madam," was the grave reply, "we are come upon business of State, and even the slumbers of THE (^UEEN must give way to that." Thus rebuked, the startled attendant awakened sleeping and unconscious Majesty, and Victoria, chid only in a night-dress, with a dressing-gown hastily thrown over it, and with slip- pers on her bare feet, came down at once. "Your Majesty," began Lord Conyngham; but he was stopped by a simple gesture from tlio young girl, who held out her hand for him to kiss. He knelt and kissed it, and then told the news. At eleven o'clock that day the first Council of the new reign was held. The death of the King was officially announced, and the two archbishops, the two royal dukes, the Prime Minister, and tbe Lord Chancellor were sent to inform the Queen. They returned to the council-room, the doors were flung open, and the new sovereign entered alone. Bowing to her assembled advis- ers, she took her seat, and read her speech clearly and audibly. The only sign of emotion she gave was when her two uncles did her homage, when she blushed deeply. Said the old Duke of Wellington, frankly : " If she had been my own daughter she could not have done better." We have turned a moment aside from the strict subject narra- tive of this volume to mention some interesting features of this epoch, because the ascending of the throne hy Victoria was per- haps of more importance to the kingdom than anj* other similar change had ever been. The accession of this young girl seems to have made possible a progress toward libertj' which could scarcely have been attained under the rule of a man ; but there is something higher than chivalr}' to he considered. Such re- forms as were made were bound to come at some time, and in some way; efforts at change in the days of the Stuarts had brought about a civil war, and resulted in the overthrow of the dynasty; efforts at change in the daj's of Victoria have ended in the triumphs of emanei]iatioii from the long rule bj' mere right of birth. If a ditfercnt sovereign had succeeded to the throne, would even a Gladstone have accomplished as much for the liberties of his fellow-countrymen? Early Official Life. 81 Tho Conservatives had not much hope of a change in the min- istry. Lord Melbourne was an adviser especially fitted to please a young queen, by the grace of his bearing and the suavity of his manners. Nor did the old Duke of Wellington credit the new sovereign with any better judgment in regard to men tlian was founded upon personal advantages. "The Tories will never have any chance with a young woman for a sovereign," he growled, "for I have no small talk, and Peel has no manners." Fortunately for the Conservatives, they were not obliged to wait until the Queen became old, or their leaders cultivated the miss- ing graces. For the present, indeed, she adopted something of Lord Melbourne's own policy ; when urged to undertake much needed reforms, the answer which this indolent and debonair statesman most frequently gave was : " Can't j'ou lot it alone ?" The young queen agreed to lot him alone, for a while at least, in the office which he held ; being so little skilled in state-craft that she did not know whether a change was needed or not. The country approved of her action ; and the new Parliament was Liberal by a considerable majority. The most important question which the new Parliament had to consider was another phase of the Canadian trouble, or rath- er, the same disturbances increased. There had always been bad feeling in Canada between the old French settlors and the English who had come after the victory of Wolfe; in addition to this, was the feeling that the Legislative Council, the mem- bers of which were nominated by the Crown, ought to be elect- ive, like the Representative Assembly. From these germs grew a rebellion, which required the presence of troops to subdue it. The Government proposed to suspend the constitution of both XTpper and Lower Canada, which were then separate govern- ments, though both had been involved in the Rebellion ; and to send out a Governor-General and High Commissioner, with pow- er to remodel the constitution of both provinces if they saw fit. Mr. Roebuck, who had been in Parliament from the time of the Reform Bill until this session, was the paid agent of the Cana- dian governments, and he demanded the right to plead their cause before the bar of both houses. Mr. Gladstone protested against this in the House of Commons, but without avail. The agent was heard as he demanded. Mr. Hume's motion for the re- jection of the Government bill was followed by a lively debate, in which the member for Newark took uo small part. Reviewing 6 82 Early Official Life. the entire series of events and the legislation and rulings whicli had led to the present complications, he pointed out the most glaring contradictions in the correspondence of Lord Gosford, the Colonial Secretary. The Chancellor of the Exchequer en- deavored to answer this speech, but in the opinion of Sir Robert Peel at least, the attempt was a miserable failure. N^otwithstand- ing this triumph of eloquence, the House went into committee by a considerable mnjority. At this same session there was another agitation of the slavery question, on which Mr. Gladstone, as before, spoke in the inter- ests of the slaveholders. But in this speech, which occupies thirty-three columns in Hansard, ho takes a bolder stand than any that he has yet assumed, and reproaches tlicse reformers, who are so eager for complete emancipation that they cannot await the time to which they once agreed, with the encourage- ment which thej^ give to slave labor in consuming the cotton raised in the United States. The speech also disposed of many of the accusations which were made against the planters, and proved conclusively that the condition of tlie negro was con- stantly improving, and had been doing so since the passage of the Act of 1833. Although this speech was on the unpopular side of the question, it greatly enhanced his reputation as a parlia- mentary orator. This, indeed, rested upon foundations which had been laid before this. It was his eloquence which had attracted Sir Eobert Peel's attention ; and in 1835, the Duke of Bucking- ham and Chandos had written in his Jlemoirs, regarding a point at issue: "If argument could have done it, they must have succeeded; for among the speakers on their side were Sir Edward Knatchbull, Sir James Graliam, Sir Eobert Inglis, Lord Stanlej', Mr. W. B. Gladstone, Sir William Follett, Mr. Pracd, and Mr. Goulburn." So that barely two years after his entrance on tho scenes at St. Stephens we find his name not tho last that suggested itself when a close observer of political events counted over those sup- porters of the Ministrj^ who were remarkable for their elo- quence. Mr. Gladstone had at this time already appeared before the public as an author. To him the Ediubiirgh Ecrieio paid this trib- uie, M'hich came from Macaulay's pen : " Tiio author of this volume is a young man of unblemished character, and of distinguished parliamentary talents, the rising (^uem Victoria in her Corcnaikn Robed_, lS37t 84 Early Official Life. hope of those stern and unbending Tories who follow, reluctant- ly and mutinously, a leader whose experience and eloquence are indispensable to them, but whose cautious temper and moderate opinions they abhor. It would not be at all strange if Mr. Glad- stone were one of the most unpopular men in England. But we believe that we do him no more than justice when wesay that his abilities and demeanor have obtained for him the respect and good will of all parties. His first appearance in the character of an author is therefore an interesting event ; and it is natural that the gentle wishes of the public should go with him to his trial. * * * * Wo dissent from his opinions, but we admire his talents; we respect his integrity and benevolence; and we hope that he will not suffer political avocation so entirely to engross him as to leave him no leisure for literature or philosophy." The question of National Education was introduced into the House in June, 1839, and in the course of debate, this recently published work was referred to in such terras as brought the member for Newark upon his feet, in defense of the propositions which he had there enunciated, and which the opposition wished to apply to the bill under consideration. The fundamental princi- ple of his argument had been, that tbe propagation of religious truth is one of the principal ends of government, as government. The Ministry wished to provide free schools in which the child- ren of all classes, of Dissenters, Catholics, and Jews, as well as of the adherents of tbe Established Church, could be educated without hearing the religion of their parents exposed to insult, or directly contradicted by the teaching of the schools. This was a measure especially distasteful to the Tories, who have al- ways been strenuous supporters of the Establishment ; but theirs was the unpopular side of the question ; and Mr. Gladstone, in these early years, seems to have had a positive genius for get- ting on that side. In the debate on the war with China, the next year, Mr. Glad- stone again made a speech which was favorablj' commented on at the time. The Ministry was supported in its motion, but the majority was so small as to give the Conservatives ground for hope. Tlie Liberal Government had for some time past been steadily losing ground in the public opinion; and this was naturally rt^floctcd by the House of Commons, where there are usually enough independent or semi-independent members to de- prive the Ministry of that unreasoning and unwavering support LORD ROSEBERY-MR. GLADSTONE'S SUCCESSOR AS PREMIER JSarly Official Life. §5 which would be theirs, if all their adherents at the time of tak- ing office were enthusiasts for the party, right or wrong. The deficit was enormous ; their financial policy had been a complete failure; they had alienated Dissenters by their leaning toward the Catholics, and Catholics by their efforts to gain the Dissent- ing interest. Toward the close of May, 1841, Sir Eobert Peel moved a vote of no confidence ; it was carried by a majority of one. Small as this majority was, it was sufficient to show how the case stood j there was but one thing for the ministry to do, unless they resigned immediately. Parliament was at once dissolved ; the Government had appealed to the country. The appeal was answered, but not in the way which the Liber- als, hoping against hope, had looked for. The gain of the Tor- ies was far greater than their most sanguine expectations had pictured, and the Ministry resigned immediately after the open- ing of the new session. Sir Eobert Peel was at once made Prime Minister, and among the appointments which he made was that of Mr. Gladstone to be Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and Master of the Mint. He shortly after succeeded the Earl of Pipon as the President of the former bodj^, so that the fact that he held the subordinate position is sometimes lost sight of. In following the course of his parliamentary success, we have lost sight of his private life, la July, 1839, Mr. Gladstone mar- ried Miss Catherine Glynne, the daughter of Sir Stephen Pich- ard Glynne, of Hawarden Castle, Flintshire. This lady has been the true wife, the sharer in his triumphs and the consoler in de- feat; while her own jjcculiar tastes have led her to avoid, rath- er than seek, the social pre-eminence which the wife of such a man might have won, she has not shrunk from the glare of publicity when it was necessary to her husband's success. In the latter part of 1886, wishing to exonerate him from the charge which his enemies were making, that he had only of late years shown any interest in Ireland aud the troubles of the Irish, implying that his alliance with Mr. Parnell was a mere trick of the office-seeker, she sent for Mr. Gill, a Nationalist, and one of the staff of United Ireland, that her testimony might be heard in his behalf. One of the statements which she then made shows his feeling with regard to the office which had at this time been allotted to him hy bis chief: " From the very outset of his political career, Mr. Gladstone's most ardent wish, his strongest ambition, has been to redress the Early Official Life. 87 grievances of Ireland, and undertake the settlement of the Irish difficulty upon drastic lines. I remember very well the day upon which he received his first cabinet appointment under Sir Robert Peel. It was the same day tliat my niece, Lady Frederick Caven- dish, was born. Coming homo, he threw himself into a chair, look- ing quite depressed. 'What did you get?' I asked. 'The Board of Trade,' he said, I understood his disappointment. He had hoped to get the Irish Secretaryship, though it was looked on then as a far less important post." But Mr. Gladstone, hampered by Tory traditions, and bound to the Conservatives as he was by accepting office under their Grovernment, was hardly the man to have dealt with the Irish question at that time ; and a failure then might have made men look with less confidence to him in the future, when he had cast off those shackles for the freedom to be found among the more progressive Liberals. In the beginning of the year 1840 occurred the marriage of the Queen. She had chosen as a husband. Prince Albert, the second son of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and her mother's nephew. Unknown to himself and his future wife, Prince Al- bert had been carefully educated to fill this very position; but the match-making was so skillfully done that the two young people came together quite naturally, with genuine attachment on both sides. The preceptor of the Prince was Leojoold I. of Belgium, who, as husband of the Princess Charlotte, had care- fully prepared himself for the very duties which wore now to devolve upon his brother's son, as husband of his sister's daugh- ter. The early death of the Princess Charlotte had sent him back to Germany, there to be once more simply a younger brothex", until elected to the throne of Belgium ; and there is something pathetic in the thought of Victoria and Albert taking up the thread of life where Charlotte and Leopold had dropped it. Prince Albert brought to his difficult position a sincere wish to be the Queen's best counselor for the good of her people; and although he was not at first popular, and it was long before he was regarded with much affection bj' the people, ho falfiUed this duty nobly. The session of Parliament which followed Sir Eobert Peel's appointment was destined to be a very short one; and there was nothing of importance to mark it in our history. There was much distress in the country, and the question how it was to be 88 Early Official Life. relieved was a serious one. ISTor were the people patient under the existing evils ; matters were too far gone for that; tumult succeeded tumult; even the Queen was hooted when she appear- ed at a London theater. The Ministry attempted to remedy this by a modification of the Corn Laws, and a bill for that purpose was brought up at the next session. The Corn Laws which were i n force at this time had been passed the year that the battle of Waterloo was fought. It was hurried through Parliament, despite the most emphatic protests from the manufacturing and commercial classes. There were riots in Lon- don, there were riots elsewhere; for the duty was prohibitive unless home-grown wheat reached the price of eighty shillings a quarter, and it was far below that price. Time and space do not allow the discussion of the principle involved, whether it is wise to tax one class of the community for the benefit of another, or to benefit one class at the expense of all others. Certain it is, that the Corn Laws had long been looked upon by many Englishmen as the chief cause of the distress which had so long existed ; vari- ous modifications of them had been made at difi'erent times; and Sir Eobert Peel now proposed a plan, which was a modification of one which had been broached some time ago, and partly adopted. This was a sliding scale by which the duty was highest when wheat was cheapest, and gradually diminishing with the rise in price, until, in case of a famine, grain would be admitted free of duty. The trouble with the sliding scale afterward proved to be that other countries, from which a supply must be drawn in case of a short crop, were not always ready to supply the deficiency, no provision being made for a market which did not exist regularly. The people of Manchester had naturally been the most deter- mined advocates of free trade in grain, and no sooner wasit rep- resented in Parliament than its voice was heard, demanding the abolition of the Corn Laws. But the experience of the late Lib- eral Ministry had shown that the revenue was insufficient, even with taxes as they wore; to reduce the income would be an act of foil}'. Under these circumstances the Conservatives came in- to office, expressly to uphold the Corn Laws. Groat excitement prevailed throughout the country when this sliding scale was introduced. Its wisdom was questioned by Lord John Ivussoll, the loader of the Opposition, in one of the ablest speeches which had been made upon the subject. Mr. Gladstone Early Official Life. 89 answered him, in an address of at least equal ability; and the Government wus supported by a considerable majority. This did not evidence the feelings of the people, however; for about this time the Premier, who had brought this measure forward, had the honor of being the chief attraction at a riot in Northamp- ton, where he was burned in effigy. And other towns were not far behind Northampton. The Conservatives, high tariff men as they were, became speedily converted to the principles of free trade by that stern teacher, Necessity. The session of 1842 dealt mainly with the question of import duty, and a complete revision of the tariff' was the fruit of their labors. This was no light task to Mi-. Gladstone, in the position which he now held; for the record shows that he was on his feet one hundred and twenty-nine times during this session ; and generally spoke in connection with the provisions of the Tariff Bill. Almost immediately upon the opening of the session of 184.3, Mr. Gladstone was speaking on the question of Free Trade, and advocating the abolition of the Corn Laws. This, he admitted, could not be done at once, though he argued that the success which had followed the reduction of duties in the previous year had paved the way for it. In a second speech on the same sub- ject, which " bristled with facts," he indeed deprecated the im- mediate re-opening of the question. A month later, the Oppos- ition again broached the subject, but the Ministers were again sustained. But in these various debates, the successive divisions showed a steady diminution in the majorities of the Government which had established the tariff in force. In the session of 1844, appears the first important measure in which Mr. Gladstone was prime mover. Hitherto he had been in such subordinate positions that he could only figure as a sup- porter of others. It is true that in the previous session, acting as President of the Board of Trade, he had brought forward a bill providing for the export of machinery free of duly; but this was merely to repeal a law which had never been practicable, and which had, therefore, from thetirae of its passage, been a dead letter on the statute book. The present bill, which, like the oth- er, was suggested by the duties of his special office, was design- ed for the regulation of the railways, with special provisions re- garding passenger trains. This wasthe Act which first established what is known as the " Parliamentary Train." It required every 90 Early Official Life. railway to start at least ono train each day from each end of the line, which was to stop at every station, traveling at a rate of not less than twelve miles per hour. On this train, passen- gers, each with fifty pounds of luggage, were to be carried at a charge for each not exceeding one penny per mile. Provision was made for the reduction of this rate in the case of children. It is a regulation for which the English traveling public, espec- ially the poorer classes, have reason to be extremely grateful, and it is in force without material amendment to-day. The session of 1845 brought a new perplexity to the young statesman. Peel brought forward a measure which, in Mr. Glad- stone's opinion, was inconsistent with the views which had been expressed in the volume, " On the relations of Church and State," to which reference has already been made. In such a case, there were two courses open to the subordinate : either to allow the measure to pass without protest, preserving a discreet silence as to his own opinions, or to resign his office, that he may be free to oppose o- measure which he does not approve. This was the alternative which presented itself to Mr. Gladstone. While the first course does not appear to possess that straightforward- ness which should distinguish any man in an oflice of trust, it has not always seemed inconsistent with honor, by those who have been called upon to decide the question for themselves; the ministers of the Crown have sometimes differed about such minor points of policy, but considered that their agreement up- on so many more subjects entitled them still to retain office. Mr. Gladstone, however, was in a somewhat unusual position; and one in which he might easily have thought himself excus- able for retaining his post in the Government. Entering upon public life as an uncompromising Tory, the admirer of Canning, the protege of that Duke of Newcastle who had so vehemently o])posed the Whig measures of Reform, ho had come to find that many of the views which he at first held would not endure the test oi' mature consideration. The Tory part}' had been advan- cing sinco the days of George IV. and his brother; and the l)rilliant young statesman, who had been characterized as the rising liope of tlio most intolerant of tiio ])arty, had long since oulgrown that designation, and was now in the van of change of progi-i'ss. The Conservatives were losing their hold u]>on him, though they did not know i(, and he would ])erliaps have been tlie first to deny such a charge. But leaving out of con- Early Official Life. 91 sideration that great change which resulted in his enrolment in the ranks of the Liberals, we find a minor one in his opinions of the relations of Church and State. He no longer held the views which he had publiclj' avowed seven years before ; he had come to acknowledge the justice of Macaulay's strictures upon his arguments; but to announce this change, at this juncture, would have the appearance of seeking to modify his opinions by his chiefs, in order to retain his oflace. Ho accordingly placed his resignation in the hands of the Prime Minister, by whom it was accepted. Old politicians generally looked upon this action as Quixotic; it would have been so regarded bj' some if there had not been the change of opinion which might have excused it in more scrupulous minds ; but there was not one who did not secretly respect the man who was capable of making such a sac- rifice for the sake of a conscientiousness few could understand. Tbe question which Mr. Gladstone was willing to support as a private member of the House in 1845, though his condemnation of its principle in 1838 drove him from ofiice, was the increase in the endowment of Maj'iiootli College. This institution, loca- ted at a village of the same name in County Kildare, was found- ed by the British Government in 1795, when the destruction of the French schools by the Eevolutionists had deprived the Cath- olic Irish of the privileges of education for their priesthood. It had been supported by annual grants, the continuance of which tvas assured by the act of Union of 1800; but these grants had for many j'ears been insufficient for the purpose. The buildings had fallen into ruin, and there was no money to repair them; the apparatus and library needed renewing; the yeai-ly income was not sufficient to pay the professors even the scantiest stip- end. Under the circumstances, the Government could do no less than make its gift large enough to serve the purpose which it intended, or to withdraw it altogether. The increase was bit- terly opposed by a considerable party in Parliament, but the measure was carried by no small majority. The retiring minister had been highly complimented by Sir Eobert Peel and Lord John Eussell, the leader of the Opposi- tion, on the occasion when his resignation was announced in the House of Commons. The change in the Ministry was of course ao victory for til eir opponents, for Mr. Gladstone continued to give his unqualified support to the Conservatives. The bill for the establishment in Ireland of what a rabid Church of England 92 Early Official Life. man dubbed "godless colleges," a name which was speedily- caught up by O'Connell and his Catholic followers, was warmly supported by him ; and to that measure, as well as to the one for the increase of the Maynooth endowment, he lent all the aid of his now renowned eloquence. Peel had come into power for the support of the Corn Laws; it had been necessary to modify them at once, if they were to be retained at all ; but the experience of five years under the form which they had assumed then had not been favorable to their perpetuation. Dec. 4th, 1845, the Times announced that the speech from the Throne would recommend the abolition of these regulations; the statement was indignantly denied by the other journals, but was admitted by them to be true after several days had passed ; and the event confirmed it. Many of Peel's col- leagues were as much opposed to the repeal of these laws as they had ever been ; and two of them, when at a meeting of the Cab- binct the First Lord of the Treasury stated what the course of the Government must be, declined to support that course. The difficulties by which he was surrounded seemed to be irremedi- able; and on the 5th of December he tendered his resignation to the Queen. Lord John Russell had been active in promoting a general dis- trust of the wisdom of the Corn Laws, though his action in this respect was stigmatized as a mere bid for office. Whatever it was, it secured for him the appointment to the coveted post, for the Queen immediately sent for him. Peel had signified his de- sire to co-operate with a Liberal Government for the repeal of the obnoxious laws, and this was a most welcome assurance to Lord John. But a new obstacle arose: both Lord Palmerston and Lord Grey ought to be included in such a Ministry ; indeed, it could not well stand without them; Lord Palmerston would not accept anything but the Foreign Office, and if Lord Palmer- ston was made Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Grey would have nothing to do with it. The reason for this per- versity was, that Lord Palmerston had a high opinion of his ability in conducting business witli other countries; Lord Grey, u])on the other hand, dreaded his "talent of keeping perpetual- ly o])on all vital questions and dangerous controversies." Confronted by this difficulty, the Liberal leader decided that it would bo im])ossible to form a cabinet which could stand, and so informed the Queen, who at once sent for the late Premier o CO 3 u. O cc o H O o Q u. O u u o: C3 I o z ■; > UJ o UJ LU _J < CD UJ o z Q. UJ I h- Early Official Life. 93 and reinstated him in office. Of the two ministers who had re- signed, and thus compelled Sir Eobert Peel to follow their ex- ample, the Duke of Buccleugh was persuaded to remain in the ministry; Lord Stanley retired, and his post of Colonial Secre- tary was filled by Mr. Gladstone. The member for Newark had been elected because he was the protege of the duke — the Duke of Newcastle's nominee, iiot- withstanding his ingenious evasion on the occasion of his first election. But this nobleman was a warm advocate of the prin- ciple of Protection ; as an upholder of Free Trade Mr. Glad- stone could never have gained his support. Accordingly, on the 5th of January, 1846, he issued an address to his constituents in- forming them of the necessity for his retirement as their repre- sentative, since he no longer held the principles on which he had been elected. Newark was too thoroughly in favor of Protec- tion, and perhaps too much under the influence of the duke, to re- tain as her member the young man who had won such speedy rec- ognition; and Mr. Gladstone was left without a seat in the House of Commons during the session in which the Corn Laws were repealed. Nor had he been simply the follovvcr of others in regard to the measure to which he thus sacrificed his seat in the House ; it was no secret that he was the most advanced in opinion of all the members of the Cabinet, in his desire for Free Trade. In the preceding year, ho had published a pamphlet entitled, " Re- marks Upon Recent Commercial Legislation," which would have indicated this most clearly, had nothing else been said hj him. But he has been justly regarded as one of the pioneers of the movement — perhaps the earliest. Though the subject of this biography was not entitled to speak upon the momentous subject for which he had thus paved the way, a brief paragraph respecting the Ministry which cai-ricd it through will not be out of place. The motion was of course made by the Premier, and sujjported by him in a powerful speech. " He played upon the House of Commons as on an old fiddle," said Disraeli, who heard him from the Opposition benches. But the marvelously eloquent speech once ended, he was exposed to such a torrent of personal abuse as has seldom fallen to the lot of any one statesman to endure. Calmly he acknowledged that he had opposed the repeal, as he had opposed other measures which his Government had carried through ; notably, Ciitholie 94 Early Official Life. Emancipation and Parliamentary Eeform ; but he denied that these changes of opinion were sudden, or produced by any- thing but an intense desire to do what was best for the nation. The measure was carried by a triumphant majority; but the al- most simultaneous defeat of the Ministry upon the question of the suppression of outrages in Ireland caused a change in the make-up of the Government. Sir Eobert Peel having tendered his resignation, Lord John Eussell was again entrusted with the task of forming a Ministry, and this time was more successful than he had been in the prev- ious year. Sir Eobert Peel was never again called to the high office in which he had accomplished so many notable things. A general election took place in the fall of 1847, and Mr. Glad- stone stood for the University of Oxford. Sir E. H. Inglis, who had sat for the University in the previous session, had a safe seat, so that the contest lay between Mr. Gladstone and a Tory of the most pronounced tj-pe. The contest was one of the bil^ tercst that had ever been waged in the town, and men came for many miles to exercise their right of snifragc at the University. Tlie Convocation-house, where the voting took place, was so densely crowded that one gentleman was carried out faioting. The total number of votes polled was greater than at any pre- ceding election, and Mr. Gladstone was returned by a decisive majority. But while Oxford had thus recognized the political genius of one of her own sons, the Citj' of London was exorcising a similar right, and electing a man whoso name is perhaps more widely known in connection with money than that of any other family. The return of Baron Eothschild was the peculiar feature of this election of 1847. Up to tliis time, various clianges had been made in the laws relating to Jews, but the memhor of Parliament still swore to jierform his duty "on the true faith of a Christian." Nor was ho tho only elected officer who so vowed ; the Lord ^layor, tho Aldermen, and even the Councilmen of the City of London, were obliged to make use of tlie same phrase; and of course tho. lew was excluded from all these offices. To remedy this, Tjord .lolin Eussell brought forward a resolution immediate- ly after tho opening of Parliament, affirming that Jews were eli- gible to a,ll offices and functions to which Eoman Catholics were adniilled. Tho reason for this limitation is obvious when we recollect that the Slate and ("hurcli are closely couuoctod in the Mr. Oladstonc in 1S46. 95 96 Early Official Life. mother countrj' ; and it is only to be expected that Non-confor- mists, whatever be their creed, should be rigidly excluded from those offices which, although civil, may be called upon for some decision or action in connection with the Church. The resolution which Lord John proposed was bitterly oppos- ed by Sir Eobcrt Inglis, the same who had named the Queen's Colleges in Ireland " godless colleges," and who seems to have been, at all times and under all circumstances, a supporter of the Establishment. His colleague, Mr. Gladstone, on the other hand, upheld the Liberal opinions of the Prime Minister, and made one of his powerful speeches in favor of admitting the Jew to Parliament. He admitted that he had opposed the previous bills, which had given privileges to this class; but since they had passed, he saw no reason why this should be denied. The con- stituencies were mixed, and the representation ought to be so; if the Jew were permitted a voice in the elections, he ought to have a voice in Parliament. It had been urged that this tended to un-Christianize Parliament; but so long as the constituencies were mainly Christian, he replied, the House of Commons would be so. The logic of the speech was unanswerable, but, as was remark- ed at the time, had it been made before instead of after the elec- tion, the speaker would not have been returned by the Univer- sity of Oxford. The country had long been in a state that was far from tran- quil. The successive failures of the crops for several seasons had produced a terrible condition among the poor ; we are only for- getful of the state of England at this period because the people of Ireland were so much more to be pitied; but in ordinary times, when there was no darker background against which to place it, the distress in England in 1847-8 would be remembered with dread, even in other countries. As before, the situation in F"raiico was reflected in England ; after eighteen years of rule, the Orleans dynastj', which had displaced the strictly legitimate successor of Louis XVI., was in turn displaced by the Second Ee- public, which had boon established with a provisional govern- ment. The agitators demanded a Charter for the English peo- ple; the latter phrase meaning, as a historian of our own time had pointed out, not tiio whole people, for the heretofore ruling classes were ignored ; but the wage-earners. It was to be a free country for the lower classes, but something else for the higher 97 9^ :Early Official Life. classes. They were from this demand termed "Chartists." There were, as is generally the case in any extensive movement, men who wcrorcully law-abiding citizens, but who saw the existing evils, and hoped to reform them. There were also many who longed for a collision with the authorities ; enthusiasts, perhaps, but still earnest in their wish to achieve better things for them- selves and their fellows. Excitement ran to a high pitch in Lon- don when it was learned that a monster procession of the Chart- ists was to bo formed and to march to the doors of the two houses of Parliament, where they would demand the rights of Duke of Wellington in 1S50. the English people. A repetition of the scenes of the French Eevolution was seriously feared, for the Chartists made no se- cret of the fact that a republican form of government was one of their demands. The Duke of Wellington took charge of the preparations and arrangements for defj'ing any outbreak against the public peace. Ho acted with extreme caution, so that though there were sol- diers everywhere, they were so concealed as not to add to the Early Official Life. 99 alarm, or allow tho Chartists any advantage from knowing their position beforehand. Nearly two hundred thousand Londoners, in addition to the regular force of military and police, enrolled themselves as special constables. Among the names of those who were sworn in for this duty, we find Prince Louis Napoleon, soon to be elected President of the French Eepublic; the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Derby, and Mr. Gladstone. The Chartist meeting was held, as appointed; though there were not nearly so many present as had been predicted. Their leaders found it would not be prudent to attempt the procession, and forbade it. The petition, liowevcr, was duly appointed, hav- ing, as was declared by Mr. O'Connor, fully iive million seven hundred thousand signatures. It was duly referred to a com- mittee, who set to work to examine the signatures, with the as- sistance of an army of clerks. As a result of their labors, it appeared that the number of signatures was not more than one- third of what had been stated ; but of course the desires of near- ly two millions of the Queen's subjects deserved to be treated with respect. An analj'sis of the nature of the signatures, how- ever, reassured the frightened people. Eight per cent. of the names wore those of women ; whole sheets were signed by the same liund ; many signatures were repeated again and again ; butwhat made the whole thing ridiculous was the fact that the names of the Queen, the Prince Consort, the stern old Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, Lord John Eussell, and others who would be equally likely to sign a petition for tlio institution of a republi- can form of government in England, appeared side by side with the names of characters in the popular novels of the day and the most curious nicknames imaginable. These were repeated again and again. The Chartist leaders had not tried to deceive by this childish list of names ; they had simply left the sheets where any one who desired might sign, and the wags had had some fun out of it. As the story got abroad, tho English people, including those classes who wore not recognized by the Chartists as having any rights, had more fun out of it; and the great Chartist revolution became a byword and laughing-stock forever. It is well for a country when a grave danger thus ends in laughter, but it must be remembered that the situation in Eng- land was not bj' any means what it had been in France during the last years of Louis XVI. 's reign, when the accumulated evils of centuries were revenged. The great danger in England was Early Official Life. Id in Eeform being carried forward at too groat strides. Tliat dan- ger, the Conservative party may be said to have averted. But the time was coming when a member of that party could leave it for the Liberal, as a direct and legitimate result of the princi- ples which had guided him in the former organization, but which, carried a little further, landed him among his late oppon- ents. The transition had already begun, with his conversion to Free Trade, his advocacy of the extension of privileges to the Jews, his change of opinion with regard to the relations of Church and State. "We shall see how gradually it became patent to Mr. Gladstone's own mind that he was no longer a member of that party in whose opinions his earliest youth had been trained. CHAPTER IV. GLADSTONE VS. DISRAELI. Eepeal of the Corn Laws — Disraeli in Parliament — His Extravagant Ehetoric^ Pithy Sayings and Merciless Satire — Free Traders and Protectionists— Division Among the Tories — Gladstone's Speech on the Navigation Laws — His Growing Liberalism — The Condition of Canada — Colonial Govern- ments — Kemonstrance of France and Russia — Some Account of Lord Pal- merston — The Celebrated John Bright — Mr. Gladstone Defends His Ac- tion — Ecclesiastical Titles Bill — Mr. Disraeli in the Cabinet — Gladstone's Eulogy on the Duke of Wellington — Overthrow of the Ministry. i 'E have reserved until now all mention of a man who had come into prominence in connection -with the de- bate on the Eepeal of the Corn Laws, because it was at the time of which wo are now writing that he first ear.ie into no- ticeable contact with Mr. Gladstone. The rivalry which for many years existed between the two was not yet fairly begun; its commencement, as wo shall find, was delaj'ed some ycar.o from the year 1848 ; but the march of events will leave us little space for retrospection when the time shall come for recording the incipiency of the conflict between Gladstone and Disraeli. The great leader of the Liberal party began life as a Tory; the late chief of the Tory jtarty for so many j-ears began life as an advanced Liberal, a Eadical. Disraeli's sentiments, however, !it the outset of his career, seem not to have been so firmly fix- ed, by education and other circumstances, as Gladstone's were; as a well-known critic of the men of our own times puts it, he was rather in search of opinions than in possecsion of them. However this may have been, it was as a Liberal candidate that be offered himself to the electors of Wj'combo in the same year that Gladstone was returned from ISTewark; he was recommend- ed by such apostles of Eadicalism as O'Conncll and Hume; but he was defeated. Nothing daunted by this lack of success, he presented himself again and again ; but it was not until the fourth time that, owing to the influence of Mr. Wyndham Lewis, who foresaw something of tlio genius for government which the 102 Queen Vicloria at Uer .^ccemQii to the Throne. m 104 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. young man was to develop, he was at last entitled to speak in the House of Commons. It was the first Parliament after the accession of Queen Victoria in which he gained the long-coveted scat. The maiden speech of Gladstone, as wo have already seen, was almost forced upon him, by the direct attacks which were made up- on his father and his agents. It was marked by modesty, by dig- nity, and by earnestness. Ho was hardly known atthetime ; his associates saw in him only a youth whom influence had sent to Disraeli in ISSO. occupy a seat, the sf>n of a man prominent in commercial circles, and well thought of for his efforts to secure local improvements; ho was an essentially middle-class man, and there was no indica- tion tluit he was possessed of more than mediocre powers. But the son of the author of so manj^ oxcollont essays was of a dif- ferent stam]) ; ho was alread}^ well known bj' the name which he had won for himself in literature j "Vivian Grey" had been Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 105 published nine yeiirs beiore, and had been followed by other works, but still Disraeli was looked upon with some contempt; nor were his writings at that day met with the respect which they have since then commanded. He was regarded as an eccentric adventurer, who might have been dangerous if his affectations had not been so ridiculous. "When, therefore, he rose to his feet for the first time in the House of Commons, the members of that august body prepared themselves for enjoyment. He was dress- ed " in a bottle-green frock-coat and a waistcoat of white, of the Dick Swiveller pattern, the front of which exhibited a network of glittering chains; large fancy -pattern pantaloons, and a black tie above which no shirt-collar was visible, completed the out- ward man. A countenance lividly pale, set out by a pair of in- tensely black e3^es, and a broad but not very high forehead, overhung by clustering ringlets of coal-black hair, which, comb- ed away from the right temple, fell in bunches of small well-oil- ed ringlets over the left cheek." His style was always extrava- gent, his rhetoric constanllj' degenerated into vulgarity ; an American critic has said of him that he was essentially barbaric in his actions and feelings ; at this date, then, when we natural- ly expect to find all the faults of the parliamentarian most strongly marked, because contact with others has not toned them down to that smooth level which is the meeting-place of groat genius and mediocrity, he did not disappoint the House. His manner was intensely theatric, his gestures wild and extrav- agant. There was nothing in the speech itself which would, if an- other had delivered it, have excited the risibilities of the House ; but the reputation, the appearance, the manner of the speaker, all combined against him; there was no serious attention paid to what he said; he was constantly interrupted by laughter and de- rision ; and at last he sat down with that threat which has De- come historic, as the exj^ression of a self-confidence which is too seldom justified : " I have begun, several times, many things, ana I have often succeeded at last ; ay, sir, and though I six, aown now, the time 'will come when you will hear me." Recorded as it is in the newspapers of the time, and in that compilation of speeches delivered in Parliament which is re- garded as the highest authority, it cannot be said that this pre- diction was manufactured by some admirer long after it had been fulfilled. It was the indomitable resolution of the man as- serting itself; a perseverance whiph had seated hjtnin Parliament 106 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. after three successive and decisive defeats, and which accomplished the fulfiUmeut of what had been spoken. The time did come when the House listened to him. Though Mr. Disraeli's first candidature had been as a Liberal, he had stood at the election of 1837 as a Conservative; and by 1846 he had become identified with the extreme wing of that 2)arty. The action of Sir Robert Peel and his illustrious young colleague in espousing the cause of Free Trade was not followed by all the members of the party ; it rather marked a division among the Conservatives ; and it was this division of strength which brought about the fall of the Min- istry, immediately after the success which was achieved by the Repeal Act. Disraeli had persist- ed in his efforts to gain the ear of the House and had at last succeeded. He was second only to Lord George Bcntinck in the leadership of the men who still clung to Protection; and his speeches in the House, during the debate on that famous measure which had made the name of Peel best known, were received with an attention which was in itself an eloquent commentary on the progress which the man had made. Terse epigrams and merciless satire marked his speeches through- out — words which could be caught up and repeated, and again ap- plied to the men and measures which he thus characterized. This indeed is the main ])ower wlii<'li Disraeli's s]ieeches possessed — the coining of jdirnses which were readily remembered, as the expres- sion, " Sublime mediocrity,'' which he then applied, not without some justice, to the Prime Minister. Though tlie Free Tradei's carried the day against the Protec- tionist.s, it was a long time before the two wings of the party Lord Odo Bussell. G-kuhtone vs. Disraeli. 107 would re-unito upon any question of i^ublic policy long enough to overthrow the Liberal Ministry. The more moderate Conserv- atives still held to Peel as their leader, while the extreme Tories looked to Bentinck and Disraeli. There was a time coming, and that not far off, when the former party would find themselves without their leader ; but that came as a surprise to friend and foe ; and when it did come, there was at least one of his adher- ents, and that one the man whose life we are now following, who did not unite with the Protectionists, but who, in the increased political independence thus gained, separated himself still more widely from the Tory party. This division of the Tories prevented the return of tlie pjarty to power at this juncture, when the Conservatives wore natural- ly the power to which the people looked in times o± agitation from witliout ; and the Whig Government was steadily growing unpopular. The one thing in which the Russell Ministrj- had failed, was in reducing the deficit which then existed. This amounted to more than two millions of jtounds, and the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer announced, that, in his judgment, the Income Tax, which would expire that J'ear, would have to be re- newed for five years longer, and even increased. This had been imposed while Peel was in office, and the ex-prcmier now de- fended, from the Opposition benches, the course proposed by the Ministry. Disraeli also was in opposition, not only to the Min- istry, but to the leaders of the Conservatives; representing, as the extreme Tories did, the landed interest, ho was the natural op- ponent of a measure which bore most heavily ujoon the wealthy men of leisure. Ilis speech was a most characteristic one, spark- ing with epigram. The blue-book of the Import Duties Commit- tee he dubbed "the greatest work of tlie imagination which the nineteenth century has produced ;" and having thus character- ized the authority upon which many of the statements of the Ministry and their friends in opposition were based, he declared himself a " Free Trader, but not a free-bootcr of the Manchester school," and argued at length to show that Peel's policy had not been the success which he had just claimed it was. The House had listened with lively interest to this speech, as it always had done to Disraeli since he had convinced them that he was not to be laughed down. Ho was answered by Gladstone, in a speech which was no less characteristic of him than the an- swer to Peel had boon of the Tory. The Conservative took but Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 109 little note of the personalities of the speech, which had been the most brilliant part of it. He answered them by dismissing them as unworthy serious consideration, in the discussion of a meas- ure affecting the welfare of the nation. Bringing from his marv- elous memory fact after fact to support the cause of his chief, he clinched each argument with statistics which made it unanswer- able; and with a wealth of language which, in the mouth of any other man, would but have seemed the weakness of redundancy, he made every word tell against the arguments which he was opposing. Finally, with a dignified appeal to the now thor- oughly serious House, he sat down. The measure was carried. This session was also marked by the delivery of an important speech on the Navigation Laws by Mr. Gladstone, in which he opposed the sweeping changes advocated by the Government; the question was so delayed, however, that the final considera- tion had to be postponed until the next session of Parliament. But leaving out of consideration the minor speeches upon such subjects of transitory importance as the cession of Vancouver's Island to the Hudson Bay Company and the Sugar Duties Bill, the most noteworthy speech of the session which fell from his lips was that upon the measure designed to legalize diplomatic relations with the Vatican. Since the time when Henry VIII. had openly defied the pow- er of the Pope and announced himself as the Head of the Eng- lish Church, the English Government had held no formal rela- tions with the Court of Rome. Whatever communications might be absolutely necessary were made in an underhand and round- about manner which was hardly consistent with the dignity of either court. The bill which was now brought forward was most severely condemned by many statesmen of the day as likely to offend both parties by the moderation of its terms; the Catholics by the concessions which were demanded from the apostolic see, and the Protestants by the concessions which were made to the same power. Mr. Gladstone supported the bill, though he admitted that there were several reasons why it was painful for him to do so. The question had been brought to their consideration, he said, at an unfortunate time ; for such was the state of affairs in Italy that it might prove to have been unneces- sary to legislate upon this question. Buttho enactment of the law establishing the Irish Colleges had made it absolutely necessary to conduct negotiations with the Pope. As long as the actual 110 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. title of the sovereign of England was assailed by the Pope, it was right and pro])er tliat all communieation with the Vatican should bo forbidden; but for more than a century the Pajial authority had ceased to stand in this inimical relation; and there was no real reason why diplomatic channels of communi- cation should not be reopened; and he urged upon the House the necessity of promoting the peace of Ireland by every pos- sible means, and showed that to preserve this it was necessary to have free communication with the power so highly regarded by the Irish as a religious authority. We have stated this argument at some length, as showing to what an advanced position Mr. Gladstone had come, since the publication of his work on Church and State. The whole peri- od from 1840 to 1855, may justly be regarded as a period of transition ; he was outgrowing the traditions of his youth, and was becoming fixed in those opinions of which he afterward be- came one of the most eminent expounders and uj^holders, if not, indeed, the first in rank. This increasing liberalism in sentiment was still further evi- denced by his speeches during the same session upon a measure which Lord John Eusscll brought forward, relative to the oaths which the members of Parliament were obliged to take; and in a subsequent debate upon the subject of Church Pates. In the session of 1849, the President of the Board of Trade again brought forward the question of modifying the [Navigation Laws; and the moderate changes which were proposed by the Minister were supported by Mr. Gladstone, with certain sugges- tions for change which were resisted by the Ministrj^, though the bill was finally modified into a sort of a compromise between the original measure and the proposed amendments. At a later stage of the proceedings, Mr. Disraeli spoke, with the usual amount of personal invective. It was now directed against Mr. Gladstone, who bad jielded in some degree to the Board of Trade, to prevent the total lack of action upon this important measure. Mr. Gladstone's re])Iy to these strictures closed with these words : " I am perfectly satisfied to bear his sarcasm, good- humored and brilliant as it is, while I can appeal to his judg- ment as to whether the step which I have taken was unbecoming in one who conscientiously dift'ers from him on the freedom of trade, and endeavors to realize it; because, so far from its being the cause of the distress of the country, it has been, under the Ghidsione vs. hisraelL 111 mercy of G-od, the most signal find effectual means of mitigating this distress, and accelerating the dawn of the day of returning prosppritj'." The tone of this reply to a bitter personal attack, shows most conclusively what has been frequently claimed for Gladstone, that he has no trace of personal bitterness in his na- ture; that his opposition of measures does not imply his enmity toward the men who support them ; and that he frequently felt the most sincere admiration for the men whom he most persist- ently fought. The condition of Canada again came up for consideration in this session, and Mr. Gladstone spoke several times, both in the House and in committee, supporting the right of Parliament to interfere in all imperial concerns. His direct opponent in this question was Mr. Eoebuck, who had before acted as agent for the Canadians, though ho was now a member of Parliament. In the opinion of Lord John Piussell, the course which Mr. Gladstone recommended would tend to aggravate the troubles in Canada, where the public peace had already been violated by many riots, some of them widespread. The question could not be decided in that session, but frequently came up for discus- sion, the House being desirous that the matter might be in such shape as to show the various colonies, particularly those most interested, what was likely to be the course pursued; that the colonial assemblies might be able to make such suggestions as would improve the course to be taken. Mr. Gladstone's ex- perience in the Colonial Office of course made his statements of value ; and although no direct action was taken, he seems to have had no small part in modifying the original opinions of manj' member^ on this subject. He was already a Bower in the House. During this sessio'a there was brought forward that bill which ap2)ears to possess perennial interest for a small, though con- stantly increasing, class of British legislators — of whom the Prince of Wales is now the head — intended to legalize marriage with a deceased wife's sister. We find Mr. Gladstone strongly opposing the bill, on theological, social and moral grounds. The bill was, as usual, supported only by a minority. The session of 18.50 opened with a discussion of the Poor Laws of the kingdom ; a most important subject, in view of the distress so generally prevailing. In this debate Mr. Gladstone appears as the supporter of Mr. Disraeli, who made the moiion 112 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 113 for the consideration of those regulations. The Free-Trader, however, expressly reserved the right to withdraw Lis support if the Protectionist ventured to introduce any peculiar doctrine of his section of the party into the question ; but the motion was lost by a small majority. It is to be noted that in this case Sir Eobert Peel and Mr. Gladstone took opposite sides of the question. The subject of Colonial Governments was also one which oc- cupied the attention of British legislators at this time ; and when the Prime Minister unfolded the policy of the Government, we find Mr. Gladstone the earnest supporter of those amendments which were calculated to emancipate the colonics from the rule of the central power in as many respects as were consistent with their dependence finally upon the mother country. When ho saw thatthisview of the question would not be adopted by a majority of the members, he endeavored to delay the final decision until the Colonial Governments should have an opportunity of express- ing themselves upon a question in which they were so deeply interested; but although his arguments were based upon privi- leges that had been given to some colonies, and should not therefore, be withheld from any, his motion to delay was lost bj' a very considerable majority. It is curious to note that am-ong those who then supported him, as appears from the list of those who, in division, voted for his motion, were some of the men who have since most persistently opposed him, Disraeli among the number. We again find the old question of the slave-trade revived in this session, in the form of a debate upon restoring the duties upon sugar grown by slave labor. England had for some time been endeavoring to put an end to the slave trade, having en- tered into treaties with other countries to maintain armed ves- sels along the coast of Africa for that purpose ; but this had been pronounced futile by no loss an authority than Sir Powell Buxton, who had been so prominent in the measures for aboli- tion. Though Mr. Gladstone conceded the necessity of Pro- tection in this instance, his support did not bring success to the motion. Passing over the debate on the inquiry into the condition of the English Universities, in which Mr. Gladstone opposed the issuing of a Eoyal Commission, we next hear of him in connec- tion with the troubles with Greece. Perhaps there never was more 114 Gladstone vs. Disraeli smoke with less fire than in these same Greek troubles. Vari- ous outrages had been committed by Greeks against British citizens; but they were of such a nature as might have been readily repaired if the Greek Government had been a little less dilatory and the British a little less impatient. Many of the claims were absurdly exaggerated ; one of the complainants was Don Pacifico, a Jew of Portuguese descent, a native of Gib- raltar, a subject of Great Britain, and a resident of Athens; the house of this cosmopolitan gentleman had been destroyed by an angry mob, and he wanted compensation for it and its contents ; the justice of his claim may be inferred from the fact that he rated his pillow-cases as worth ten pounds each. Others there were whose claims possessed more moderation, but the Greek Government seems, at this lapse of time, entirely justifiable in its delays. Lord Palmerston, however, who was at the head of the Foreign Office, thought that the efforts of England to assist Greece in maintaining her independence, deserved some consid- eration ; and had, besides, taken up the idea that the represen- tives of other powers at the Court of Athens were constantly caballing against England. An English fleet was sent to the Pirffius, and blockaded that port, seizing all the vessels of the Greek Government and of pirivate merchants which it found there. France and Eussia remonstrated at this high-handed pro- ceeding; the Foreign Secretary, who was always inclined to re- sent interference with his independence of action, replied, with due formality, that it was a matter wholly between Great Brit- ain and Greece, and that other Powers had nothing to do with it. This somewhat brusque reply did not carry with it the weight which was intended, and both Franco and Eussia persist- ed until the matter was made a question for international arbi- tration, and finally settled in that way. But while it was still undecided, the debate in both Houses of Parliament was keen, and in some respects entitled to rank among the most remarkable which have ever been heard there; certain I}', there was never such a flood of eloquence poured forth about such trivial questions before or since. The course of Lord Palmerston was regarded as a very high-handed pro- ceeding, and a vote of censure was proposed in the House of Lords; to offset this, Mr. Eoebuck, an independent member of the House, was induced to bring forward a motion aflirming Gladstone cs. Disraeli. 115 that tho policy of tlio Government was approved by the Commons. Tliis was a cunning device to entrap the mem- bers who did not whollj' approve of the action of Palmorston, but were unwilling to condemn the general policy of the Gov- ernment, into an expression favorable to the particular action then under consideration. Lord Palmerston had supported his course in one of the most brilliant speeches ever heard in the House of Lords. All tho arguments based upon the triviality of the claims or the character and station of the men who desired redress, ho answered with the unanswerable one that there was no man entitled to protection at the hands of the British Gov- ernment whom that Government would not protect, bo he ever so lowly or even ridiculous. Ridicule and laughter were out of place when the smallest right of a British subject, violated by a foreign power, was to be redressed. It was in this famous speech that he used the comparison between the privileges of a Eoman citizen and these of a British subject, and protested that one should be as safe as the other had been. The oration was a mar- velous one, occupying full five hours in the delivery, full of facts, names, dates, figures, references of all kinds, but deliver- ed without the help of a single note. But all was summed up in the one phrase, C'iris Momanus sum, and it was that which carried the day for the speaker, in sjjite of all opposition. But there were those in the House of Commons, who, as far as argument could reply to enthusiasm, wore quite capable of an- swering this sjioeob. Wo pass over tho defense of Palmerston's policy by Mr. Cockburn, since Lord Chief Justice of England, a speech whicli was only second to Palmerston's own as a brilliant defense, and which first assured the rank of the speaker as an orator; and the "calm, grave, studiously moderate remon- strance of Sir Robert Peel." The most exhaustive answer, and the one upion which the Opposition chiefly relied as an expres- sion ot their opinion, was Mr. Gladstone's. He put the Eoman citizen business in the strong light of common sense ; tho Eoman was tho representative of tho conqueror, a member of a privi- leged caste, a citizen of a nation which had one law for him and another for the subject world; the British subject, on the other hand, should claim only such privileges as his Government was willing to grant to others. But it was all of no avail, contrast- ed as it must bo with the brilliancy of Palmerston ; the British subject was at least the equal of the Eoman citizen, and the 116 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 117 course of the Grovcrnment which maintained this was approved. It is pleasing to find tliis utterance of Peel on this occasion free from that bitterness which is apt to creep into political con- troversies; and to learn that he had spoken in the highest piraise of the eloquence of the man whose policy ho thought wrong. Wo say that this generosity is pleasing, for this was to be the last debate in which the great Tory was to take part; and his life had not been spent in bitter struggles, but in earnest ones. Leaving the House of Commons early on the morning of June 29th, 1850 (for the division on this question was not taken until four in the morning), he was thrown from his horse the afternoon of the same day, and died July 2nd, from the injuries received. His death took place at a comparatively early age, for ho was sixty-two, an age at which many an English statesman has been in the very heyday of his career. Indeed, Palmerston, who was some years older, was just beginning to taste success; and the examples of Gladstone and Disraeli, who were premiers at the respective ages of sixty and sixty-throe for the first time, are other instances of the late hour at which the highest success is often achieved. Although Peel's health had for some time been so bad that he had announced his intention to live a quieter life, there is little doubt that the growing unpopularity of the Min- istry would soon have brought about their resignation, when Peel must again have been placed at the head of affairs. It is idle to speculate upon the turn which English politics would have taken, in case Peel had lived to secure a speedy Con- servative victor}'; nor do our limits allow it. His death was re- garded as a public calamity, and even those statesmen who had been most opposed to him spoke in praise of the qualities which he had shown himself possessed of. The old Duke of Welling- ton spoke of him with tears running down his cheeks, which he did not attempt to hide. In the Commons, which had been the immediate scene of so many of his triumphs, the respect shown was equally great. Praises, not extravagant, but well-deserved, were showered upon the dead statesman ; and his most illustrious follower only voiced the general opinion of the man when he pronounced that funeral oration which is justly conceded to be not unworthy of the name of Gladstone. The Ecclesiastical Titles EiU came up for consideration in the latter part of the year 1850, and the debates upon it ran over in- to the next year. This bill, which Eoebuck characterized as 118 (Gladstone vs. Disraeli. "one of the meanest, pettiest, and mos* /utile measures which ever disgraced bigotry itself," and which sturdy John Bright de- clared was " little, paltry and miserable, a mere sham to bolster Church ascendency," was introduced by Lord John EusscU him- self, and proposed to forbid, under certain penalties, the assump- tion by Eoman Catholic ecclesiastics of any title taken from the name of any territory or place in the United Kingdom. Disraeli, who did not oppose it, spoke in terms of contempt of it, as a mere piece of petty persecution ; and this seems to have heen the attitude of many who voted for the in- troduction of the bill. When the division was taken on the ques- tion as to whether it should be considered, there were three hun- dred and ninety-five ayes to only sixty- three noes; but among those who made up this small number, be- sides the Catholic members, were such men as Mr. Gladstone, Sir James Graham, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and others of nearly equal note. In the debates en- suing, the Opposition John BHght in His Yuuth. was materiall}' weak- ened by the character of some of the men who came to their assistance, men who, dubbed " The Pope's Brass Band," were equally distrusted by the more intelligent Catholics and the more bigoted Tories; while to the former the bill appeared only in the light of an insult. But the Government lost ground steadily. During the time at which the bill was in debate, another question was brought up, on which the Ministry obtained a majorit}' of only fourteen ; a bill brought in by a member of the Opposition left the Government Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 119 in a minority of forty-eight, though the attendance was so small when the division was called for as to prove it a " snap vote." The budget had been received with much dissatisfaction, which was daily increasing. "Under such circumstances, Lord John EussoU concluded that there was nothing for him to do but to resign; and resign he did, leaving the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill still pending. A year before, the question as to who was to be his successor would probably have been answered at once; but Peel was dead, and his mantle did not seem to have fallen upon any one of his followers. True, there was a considerable party known as the " Peelites," who were distinct from the Tories, to which organ- ization most of them once belonged, and had not j'et assimila- ted with the Liberals, to which most of them were tending. The death of Sir Piobert Peel had increased the political independ- ence of his followers, for he was so closely connected with the tra- ditions of the Conservatives, if not of the Tories, that he was claimed as a member of that party ; and his personal adherents were not likely to leave him. But with his death, the principles which had seemed but occasional differences with those held by the body of the part}', grew into the essential ones of their polit- ical faith; and the Peelites became quite distinct from the Con- servatives. There were then three great parties, the Liberals, the Conser- vatives, and the Peelites; and any ministry must be formed of members of two of these, for no Government could stand against two united in opposition. But the Whigs insisted upon the Ec- clesiastical Titles Bill, and the Tories upon Protection, and the Peelites would not join either party while these principles were supported. On the other hand, the party which thus held the balance of power would not try the extent of it, though the post of First Lord of the Treasury was offered to Lord Aberdeen, the chief of the party in the House of Lords; for some action must be taken on the bill still pending, and a Peelite Govern- ment would be defeated at once. Such being the case, Lord John Eussell resumed office, and the bill which had excited such op- position was passed. Before its passage, however, the efforts of its enemies had shorn success of its value, by making such amendments as made the bill practically worthless for the pur- pose which it was originally intended to serve. It was never en- forced, even in this modified form, 120 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. It is immediately after this debate that we learn of another trip to the continent on the part of Mr. Gladstone. This was not the first, of course, since that from which he had been recalled to stand for Newark ; but its results were so important that it deserves mention. Purely domestic circumstances, he himself tells us, occasioned his residence at Naples for some months about tills time ; but though he had not gone on any errand of political criticism or censorship, he could not but be interested in the state of affairs in that country. The accession of Ferdinand II., had been hailed as the begin- ning of a new era for the wretched kingdom of the Two Sicilies; and the now reign began with many acts of royal clemency to- ward political offenders. But the liberal measures of the king were regarded as dangerous by his royal relatives in Austria and other countries, and he was forced, perhaps notunwillingly, to abapdon them. The result was insurrection throughout the country, which, after the French Eevolution of 1848, terminated in the king's granting a constitution to his people. When the reaction came in Italy, he set aside the constitution thus grant- ed, and proceeded to wreak his vengeance upon all who had taken part in the effort for reform. At the time of Mr. Glad- stone's temporary residence there, more than one-half of the legislative body were in confinement as political prisoners; or exiled; and other subjects to the number of twenty thousand were deprived of their liberty. This number seems incredibly large, but some estimates placed the figures half as high again, while the refusal of the Neapolitan Government to make any statement whatever rendered it impossible to get at exact fig- gures. Hundreds were indicted for capital offences. These po- litical prisoners were confined in the same apartments with the vilest criminals, and, like them, Avero loaded with chains. Suffer- ing from diseases contracted by their confinement in the loath- some dungeons and the insufficient food with which they were furnished, they were obliged to crawl painfully up long flights of steps for the medical assistance which the Government vouch- safed to give them; because the apartments which they occupied wore such that no physician would enter, out of regard for his own health. In such circumstances, it is not plain why any pliysiclans should bo allowed to relieve them, if such a feat were ]i(is.sil)lo lo medicine. Nor was this all. Though it was the be- ginning of Iho latter half of tho nineteenth century, some of \ Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 121 these oiFenders against the divine right of kings were subjected to tortures whieh would have done credit to the Middle Ages. Mr. Gladstone's action was characteristic. First making such close and accurate observations as the jealousy of the Govern- ment would permit, and thoroughly informing himself of the extent of these outrages upon the liberty of the subject, he ad- dressed himself to the Earl of Aberdeen, who, as we have seen, was regarded as the chief of the Peelite party, of which Mr. Gladstone was so prominent a member. His reasons for taking action he carefully stated : as a member of the Conservative party (with which the Peelites were still nominally classed), he was concerned in the stability of all the established govern- ments of Europe, and the outrages perpetrated by the king would surely lead to Eepublicanism ; but, more than this, Ferdinand and his creatures had offended against the laws of humanity, i and all who loved the cause of humanity, of civilization, of /' religion, of decency, must unite to condemn him and his actions. The appeal was a stirring one; •■.nd when, shortly afterward, it was followed by another from the same pen, the writer's wishes were fully realized. Mr. Gladstone was careful to ma,KO his accusations against the Neapolitan tyrant purely personal, and to avoid mixing up any oflScial, diplomatical, or political British agencies in them ; and this course had precisely the effect which he had looked for. His remonstrances came in the name of common humanity ; he was defending the right of all men to liberty which has never been forfeited by crime ; and he did so, not as the representative of any Government, but as a clear-sighted man, a warm-hearted, liberal- minded statesman. As such he was recognized, by the officers of the British Goverment; and the popular interest in the Nea- politan prisons was voiced in the proceedings which were taken by the Foreign Office. Mr. Gladstone's second letter did some- thing more than merely reiterate the statements contained in the first. They were broadened and deepened, until the ease which he made out seemed altogether damning. No public trial had ever been accorded these unfortunates; and when a form had been gone through with, the accuser had been one of the judges, and had given the casting vote. Whatever the mind can imagine as typical of tyranny in the treatment of political enemies, that, without exaggeration, seems from Mr. Gladstone's two letters, and the specific statements contained in them, to 12^ Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 123 have been the fate of those Neapolitans who had sought their rights in the days of Garibaldi. And these statements, it is need- less to add, were not the wild assertions which are sometimes rife; they were all based upon the best authority; in some cases, upon the results of his personal investigation; in others, tliey were so notorious that there was no attempt made to deny them at any time. Attention was drawn in the House of Commons to the state- ments thus made and substantiated, and the question was direct- ly put, whether the British Minister at Naples could not be instructed to interfere, to secure the more humane treatment of the prisoners. But diplomacy does not admit of such a direct course. The matter was one wiiich affected only the internal economy of an independent kingdom, and as such Great Britain had no cause to interfere. At the same time, the matter was one which men of feeling could not pass over; and though the Gov- ernment could not diroctlj^ act in this matter, the Foreign Sec- retary said (and he was vociferously cheered when ho said it), that he had sent copies of Mr. Gladstone's open letters to the English Ministers at all the courts of Europe, with instructions to call the attention of the Powers to the state of affairs there graphically described. Of course the Neaj^olitan Government was far from being as well pleased with this action of Palmerston's as the House of Commons had been ; and determined to vindicate itself. There had been some answers to Gladstone's letters published, but it is noticeable that these content themselves with assertions which are foreign to the subject, or praises of the virtues of Ferdinand, who is gravely said to have been a very religious man. They do not seem to have thought that Gladstone, the upholder of the union of Church and State, believed in mixing religion and politics so far that the latter was not entirelj' destitute of traces of the influence of the former. This was the first reply which the accuser thought worthy of an answer; and this merely because it was an official utterance, not because the arguments there brought forward were such as to overthrow his own. Nine-tenths of the accusations wore tacitly admitted ; and the authorities which the Neapolitan Gov- ernment invoked to disprove the others were poor and meager, compared with the wealth of testimony which Mr. Gladstone had adduced. He admitted what they claimed, that in five instances J 24 Gladstone vs. Disraeli. ho harl tjL'eti mistaken; but he reiterated the charges which they had not denied, and added proof to proof to convince the world at large that more than twenty thousand men were suffering from the tyranny of Ferdinand. The blunders of his critics were mercilessly exposed. Their greatest blunder, according to the author of an anonymous pamphlet on the subject, which appeared in 1852, was in answering at all. But no direct action was taken by the European Governments, and Ferdinand cared nothing for mere opinions. Only the re- membrance of these outrages was stored up in the hearts of men, and made them the more ready to look upon Garibaldi as the hand and brain which, in liberating Italy from the dominion of her petty tyrants, should do much for the cause of liberty throughout the world. Not until the last of December, 1858, does the Neapolitan Government seem to have taken any action to ameliorate the condition of their prisoners; ninety-one poli- tical offenders then had their punishment commuted to perpetual banishment; but it is a sufficient commentary upon the treat- ment which they had received, that fourteen of these had died in their dungeons, while others were too ill to be moved. We have followed the course of events in the English Parlia- ment during the greater part of this year, the visit to Naples having preceded the passage of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. To the story, thus told without interruption from the recounting of events with which it had little connection, we have but to add some statements regarding a change in the Ministry. Lord Pal- merston, so long connected with the Foreign Office, left it in December, 1851. His retirement was not a voluntary one, as he had given great offence by frequently acting without consulting his superiors in office, or laying his plans of action before the Queen. More than this, he had, both in public dispatches and private conversation, expressed a most decided opinion in re- gard to the Prince-President of France, Louis Napoleon ; in dis- tinct violation of the wishes of the Queen and of the Cabinet. Lord John Russell resigned the premiership in February, 1852, and Lord Derby, who had but recently succeeded to that title, and was better known as Lord Stanley, was appointed in his place. Disraeli had happily christened this nobleman the "Ru- pert of Debate," in allusion to his ability and his blunders; as Prince Rupert frequently lost the battles which his headlong courage had alniest won, by the mistakes which ho made in the Gladstone vs. Disraeli. 125 use of his advantages. It is significant of the state of English politics at this time, that Mr. Gladstone, who afterward virtually drove this Ministry from power, could have had a place in it if he would have accepted it. The new Ministry was not a strong one. Palmerston said that it " contained two men and a number of ciphers." The two men were Derby and Disraeli j the others had neither ability or ex- perience to recommend them. The old Duke of Wellington, who was at this time more than eightj^, was very much interest- ed in this Ministry, and anxious to know its personnel. Being very deaf, his conversation with Lord Derby was heard over the House of Lords. The Duke would inquire as to the appointee to some particular oiSce; the Earl would reply, " Who ? Who ?" The Duke would ask again, not hearing the unfamiliar names with the same readiness as if they had been well-known to him ; and the same performance would be repeated with the next name. The story was told by those who heard the conversation, and the new Government was irreverently dubbed the "Who? Who? Ministry." Mr. Disraeli was the Chancellor of the Exchequer and at the same time the leader of the House of Commons. But it has been aptly said that his party was more afraid of his genius than of the dullness of his colleagues. He was placed in a situation of peculiar difficulty. The Conservatives claimed to have a con- siderable majority in the House of Commons; they would per- haps have a larger one in the next Parliament; but the Liberal Ministry was continued in power solely for the reason that no one was ready to take the reins of office out of their hands. The disadvantage of being in a Ministry which cannot com- mand a majority, was shared with all his colleagues ; but Mr. Disraeli was undertaking a task for which he had been thought to display no aptitude whatever. He had never before held of- fice; he was not credited with any capacity for the mastery of figures ; and the cleverness of the speech with which he entered upon the duties af his office was .a surprise to all who hoard him. The position of the Ministry upon the important subject of Protection was a strange one, and one which was only too likely to involve it in difficulties. Lord Derby had indiscreetly de- clared that he did not regard the question as definitely settled, although it was now six years since the repeal of the Corn Laws, and the prosperity of the country had been increasing ever since 126 Gladstone vs. JJisraeli. 127 the effect of the repeal had been felt. But Mr. Disraeli was bj' no means of the same oiiinion. lie saw, only too clearlj', that the position was an untenable one; and with a coolness which at least bordered upon effrontary, told the Ilonso of Commons that he had never attempted to reverse the principle of Free Trade. This, however, was not until the session which began in Xovcm- ber, 1852, when the considerable losses with which tlie Ministry had met in the elections may have taught the right honorable gentleman what were the effects of re-opening the question which had so long been considered settled. The session had opened witii eulogies upon the Duke of Wel- lington, who had died in the previous September. Prominent among these speakers on the hero of a war so long past, we find Mr. Gladstone, who appears by this time to be so far recog- nized as the leading speaker in the House that he was expected to speak on all such occasions. The peculiar dignity to which " the Duke," as he was always called in these last j-cars of his life, as if there were no other of that rank in the countr}-, ha' 111 CC z" o in CO I X I- z o < a < m C5 z > < UJ Z O \- u> Q < u: The Ministry of All the Talents. 141 poses ; the Income Tax, the Malt Tax, and the Spirit Duties, must all be increased, with no prospect of their reduction for years to come. But with a courage rarely manifested by Finance Ministers in time of war, when the resources of the country are alvvaj'S crippled, and taxes are harder than ever to pay, he pro- posed to pay for the war out of the current revenue, provided that not more than ten millions sterling would be required, in addition to the usual expenditure. Taxes would of course be increased, but at the close of the war the countrj' would be free to resume the course of prosperity which had been interrupted Bar of tJie House. by it, clear of debt, so often a long enduring bitter after-taste of the glory that may have been acquired. Mr. Disraeli opposed this plan, which the Prince-Consort char- acterized as "manly, statesmanlike, and honest." The Tory was opposed to the increase of taxes, but would rather advocate bor- rowing, by which means, he argued, the burden of the war would fall less heavily upon the people, the expense being paid at longer intervals. But his course, which ministers have too often pursued because it is the most likely to secure their pop- ularity, was not approved by the country at large. The people 142 The Ministry of All the Talents. saw tho wisdom of Gladstone's plan, and it was everywhere endorsed. What was of more immediate importance, as afi'ord- ing him tho opportunity of putting the plan into practice, the House of Commons approved it by a large majority. But before the division took place, there were some bitter taunts from Mr. Disraeli ; and his language was such on one oc- casion that he was reminded that no criticism should be pro- nounced uj^on tho ministerial policy unless he were prepared to propose a vote of no confidence. This ho declined to do, but as- serted that, while he should not vote against the necessary ap- propriations, being bound to support Her Majesty in all just and necessary wars, he was not prepared to admit that this was a necessary war. Had the Cabinet been united, he claimed, it would not have been forced upon them ; but it was a Coalition Ministry, and that act detracted from its strength at such critical moments. To this speech Mr. Gladstone replied. The conclu- sion of Mr. Disraeli's argument he denounced as illogical and re- creant; and showed that the reasons which he gave for not pro- posing a vote of no confidence (the lack of unity of opinion re- garding the war, which he alleged was the case among the Min- isters), was the very reason why he should have taken that course. The remainder of his speech was a vindication of his policy, and an appeal to be sustained. Early in May we find him again urging the necessity of pay- ing the expenses of the war out of the current revenue, and de- nouncing that attempt to conciliate the people, which Mr. Dis- raeli had made by promising the abolition of taxes without hav- ing made any provision for fulfilling his word. He rehearsed the difficulties through which the Napoleonic wars had been car- ried on, and recalled to their minds how enormous were the du- ties which were imposed by Pitt, and how cheerfully the burden was borne ; he reminded them that even the war had not inter- rupted the prosperity of the country to any considerable ex- tent, as the constant increase of the imports showed; and ex- plained his plans with a minuteness which need not here be im- itated. The speech took tho chiefs of the Opposition by sur- rpiso, accustomed as they were to Mr. Gladstone's powers; and tho division showed an unusuallj- largo majoritj'forthoMinistry. A few days later, Mr. Disraeli made j'et another effort to arouse the feeling of the House against Mr. Gladstone's admin- istration of tho finances. Inaccurate and deceptive statements, Tlie Ministry of All the Tulents. 143 ho said, had been made in successive budgets, fallacious estimates given of the cost of the war, and delusive announcements made regarding the aids that would be rer^uired to meet the growing charges upon the revenue. The Cliancellor of the Exohcquer was boldly accused of incompetence, not only in one instance. Lord Aberdeen. but in mau}^. air. Gladstone replied to each of these charges id turn, his speech followed closely by those who were in sj-m- palhy with him; and on the division the majority for the Min- istry caused the collapse of all efforts to oppose the budget. 144 The Ministry of All the Talents. Mr. Disraeli had not yet given up his opposition to the gov- ernment, however, but toward the end of July again severely at- tacked the policy of the Ministry. Lord John Eussell had moved a vote of credit of three million sterling for the expenses of the war, and this became, by the opposition of Mr. Disraeli, a vote of confidence. A great debate was confidently expected, butthe courage of the Opposition gave way as the time approached, and they dared not imperil the existence of the Ministry at such a juncture. The amendment requesting Her Majesty not to pro- rogue Parliament until the matter was settled was negatived without a division and Parliament was prorogued Aug. 12th. There were some hopes of a peaceful settlement of the difiicul- ty at the beginning of 1854 ; but tiiough Austria and Prussia had promised their decided support, their defection when the time came for such action left matters as they were at first. The war had not yet begun in earnest, but by the middle of the year there was no longer any hope of peace. A combined army of English, French and Turks marched upon Sebastopol early in September, there to begin the siege so memorable in the history of the war. But though the war continued as popular as ever, there were some symptoms that showed, at this very time, that the Ministry which had declared the war was beginning to lose its popularity. There were many reasons why such a Cabinet should lose its strength. In the first place, its very constitution forbade the hope of a long continuance in that harmony which is so neces- sary to a Government. In regard to this, there have been two statements made, which could scarcely be reconciled, were they both given without qualification ; and it is diflScult to decide which is the better authority. Mr. Martin, the author of the Life of the Prince Consort, a biography for which the Queen herself furnished many of the materials, and for the statements in which she is really responsible, the work having been pre- pared under her supervision, saj's positively that no cordial un- animity existed between the Peelite members of the cabinet and their colleagues ; Mr. Gladstone denies that there was any dis- cord among the Ministers ; but, adds the right honorable gentle- man, in a clause which serves to reconcile this denial with the affirmation of the other, "rifts there were without doubt in the imposing structure, but they were duo entirel}- to individual views or pretensions, and in no way to sectional antagonism." When The Ministry of All the Talents. 145 Wo consider that Palmerston was in this Ministry, we can see very clearly that these personal diiferences of opinion might be made a serious matter. Whatever was the true extent of these differences, the fact that there were such was speedily noised abroad, and perhaps much more made of the report than was warranted by the facts. At any rate, it was generally believed that there were serious dis- agreements among the Ministers, and this gave rise to a feeling of uncertainty in the House of Commons. The followers of the Government, saj's Mr. Martin, did not hesitate to attack the Prime Minister openly in the House; nor was he always sup- ported as warmly by his colleagues as the absent Premier ex- pects to be. The defeat of the ministry was delayed for some time by the necessity of action upon a secondary matter connected with the conduct of the war. This was the management of the hospitals, which were grossly neglected by uhose in charge of them. An ample supply of medical and other stores had been sent out from England, but they lay rotting in the holds of the vessels which had carried them out, or stored awaj' in places where they were not wanted. The men were simply dying of exhaustion, while provisions had been despatched in abundance. Under such cir- cumstances. Miss Florence Nightingale, who had become well- known in London for her enlightened, skillful and self-denying benevolence, was induced to go out to take charge of the hospi- tals ; an almost dictatorial authorit}', which could override all red-tapeism, being given her. Under her management, chaos was reduced to order, and the wounded and sick received the care of which they were so sorely in need. Parliament was called together shortly before Christmas, and after a session lasting eleven days, adjourned for a month. But in this short session it accomplished more business than had ever been dispatched within a similar period, in the memorj^ of living man. The most important measure brought forward was per- haps that piroviding for the enlistment of foreign soldiers. This provoked a keen debate upon the war and the Ministrj-'s con- duct of it. Mr. Bright maintained that the English were fight- ing in a hopeless cause and for a worthless ally ; Mr. Disraeli an- nounced that he should oppose the measure at every stage ; and painted the situation at the Crimea in the darkest colors. The course of the Ministry was defended by Lord John Eussell and 146 The MiniMry of All the Talents. Lord Palmerston. Similar attacks were made in the House of Lords, and Lord Aberdeen had all he could do to answer them. When Parliament met at the beginning of 1855, Mr. Roebuck gave formal notice that he should move for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the condition of the army be- fore Sebastopol, and into the conduct of those departments of the Government whose duty it was to minister to the wants of the army. This was a direct challenge to the Government. Lord John Eussell, convinced that the Ministry could not stand before such an attack, tendered his resignation at once. This was look- ed upon as partaking something of the nature of cowardice; he should have braved out the storm with them, thought his collea- gues ; and one of them, the Duke of Newcastle, offered to make himself the scapegoat for the Ministry ; an offer which was not entirely without reason, as he was the Secretary of War. After much discussion, however, it was resolved that the remaining members of the cabinet should l;old together as long as the House of Commons would permit. Mr. Roebuck's motion came up in due time, and the Minister of war, Mr. Herbert, attempted to stem the tide by the assertion that the existing evils had been greatly overrated, and that many improvements had already taken place. But the effect which this mild speech might possi- bly have had was totally lost when the reply to it was heard. This was a speech by Mr. Stafford, who told of the things that he had himself seen ; and excepting from censure Miss Nightin- gale and her assistants, drew such a picture of suffering and neglect as could not be equalled by the imagination. To this speech Mr. Gladstone was the one to reply. If the Op- position had expected the resignation of Lord John Russell would be followed by that of his colleagues, this address gave them dis- tinctly to understand that they were mistaken. After giving some short history of the defection which had so recently taken place, not without courteous allusion to the encomium which Lord John had recentlj' bestowed upon him, the speaker proceeded to characterize a Ministry which could resign under such circum- stances, or without a direct intimation from the House of Com- mons. If by thus resigning they shrank from a judgment of the House upon their past acts, what sort of epitaph should be written over their remains ? He himself would write it thus: " Here lie the dishonored ashes of a Ministry which found England at peace and left it at war, which was content to enjoy The Ministry of All the Talents. 147 tho omolnmonts of office and to wield tlio scepter of power so long as no man had the courage to question their existence. They saw the storm gathering over tho country ; they heard the agonizing accounts which were almost daily received of the state of the sick and wounded in tho East. These things did not move them. But so joon as the Honorable Member for Sheffield raised his hand to point the thunderbolt, they became conscience stricken with a sense of gnilt, and, hoping to escape punishment, they ran away from duty." This rebuke, strangely at variance with the studied courtesy which custom obliged him to use in his direct reference to the man who had run away from duty, was received with tumultuous cheers by a considerable portion of tho House. When the excitement had subsided, Mr. Gladstone proceeded. He showed conclusively that there had been exag- gerations as to the state of the army; and that matters were improving, as Mr. Herbert had al- ready told them. The adoption of Mr. Roebuck's motion would paralj^zo the Government, and throw things back into that very state of chaotic confusion from which they were just beginning to emerge. The speech was a powerful one, and produced a telling effect upon the House ; but the advantage thus gained was far from being sufficient for the needs of the Ministry. Mr. Disraeli attacked the war policy of the Govern- ment and announced that he should be obliged to give his vote against "a deplorable administration;" Lord John Eussell at- tempted to justify his course in resigning, and Lord Palmerston made an energetic and brilliant defense of the Government; but Sidney Jlcrhert, 148 The Ministry of All the Talents. the tide had set too strongly against the Coalition, and no elo- quence could save it. " Every one knows," says Justin McCarthy, "what a scene us- ually takes place when a Ministry is defeated in the House of Commons — -cheering again and again renewed, counter cheers of defiance, wild exultation, vehement indignation, a whole whirl- pool of emotions seething in that little hall in St. Stephen's." Such is the ordinary scene, as described by one who has fre- quently been a participant; but this was decidedly extraordin- ary. When the result of the division was announced, says Molesworth, " the House seemed to be surprised and almos^, stunned by its own act; there was no cheering; but for a few moments a dead silence, which was followed by a burst of de- risive laughter." [N'ever before had a Ministry fallen by so de- cisive a vote ; the vote in favor of the motion was three hundred and five; against it, one hundred and forty-eight. In other words, what was virtually a vote of no confidence showed that the Ministers could not command the suffrage of one-third the members of the House. The resignation of Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues was an- nounced in the House of Commons Feb. 1st, 1855. Speculation had already been rife as to the next Prime Minister. The Queen thought to answer the question which was in all men's minds by Bending for Lord Derby, thus recognizing the principle that in time of war the Conservative party is naturally the leader of the national councils. Lord Derby at once undertook the task, and proceeded to form his cabinet. The one man who was essential to it was Lord Palmerston ; in spite of the faults which he made no effort to conceal, and which made it so difficult for both super- iors and subordinates to get along with him, he had some very essential powers of mind in these troublous times. He certainly knew his own mind, and saw his way clear before him ; he pos- sessed a fund of common sense, which was not to be baffled by those artificial beliefs that have grown up in the minds of the world; when ho was Homo Secretary, for instance, the Presby- tery of Scotland had sent to ask him whether it would not be advisable, in view of the cholera which was threatened, to ap- point a national fast day ; Palmerston replied, with all the grav- ity which the occasion demanded, that the laws which Provi- dence has ordained for the government of this world require us to avoid such diseases by rigid attention to the cleanliness of our THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES VISITINf^ MR. AND MRS. GLADSTONE The Ministry of All the Talents. 149 habitations and their surroundings, and advised them that if the cities were not kept in proper sanitary condition, all the fasting and prayer would not suffice against the dreaded scourge; and there are many instances of such answers, which, while they are based on truth and good sense, were yet offensive to the persons to whom they were addressed, and often shocked the minds of others. Lord Palmerston was clear-sighted and far-sighted; but in that involuntary adjustment of the mental sight to the dis- tant object which he was engaged in examining, his ej'O failed to take in those particulars which require a shorter range of vis- ion. In ridding himself of prejudice, he had unconsciously, and perhaps unavoidably, done violence to those sympathetic facul- ties which enable us to judge the acts of others most equitably, by finding what their motives most probably were. Palmerston never allowed for any difference between himself and others; were he in a given position, such an act could only be dictated by such a motive ; that motive therefore must be the one which act- uated the man who had decided upon that course. His lev- ity was not intended to be offensive to the men whom he an- swered ; he could not understand how it could be so ; and thus he kept on considering gravely those questions which wore sub- mitted to him, and answering them jocosely. But in spite of all the offense that he had given, both by word and action, this man was so essential to the stability of a Con- servative Ministry that Disraeli agreed to waive all claim to the leadership of the House of Commons, if that would induce the most eminent of Irish peers to cast in his lot with the Derbyad- ministration. "While the answer of Lord Palmerston was still awaited, or perhaps at the same time that the offer had been made to him, Lord Derby tendered places in his cabinet to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Herbert, the late Minister of War. These three members of the late Government intimated to Lord Derby that they could only extend to him an independent support. That nobleman accordingly waited upon her Majesty, and inform- ed her of the result of his efforts. "What is an independent support?" asked the Queen, to whom the phrase was probably new, and certainly seemed con- tradictory. " Madam," replied Derby, "an independent support is, like an independent Member of Parliament, one that cannot be de- pended upon." 150 The Ministry of All the Talents. This explanation seems to have made the matter clear to the royal mind, and Derby was relieved from the tasl?: to which he proved unequal. In accordance with that custom which pre- scribes that the tender of this office should be made to members of the great parties in alternation, Lord Joliii Eussell was sum- moned, to the Queen's assistance. But his resignation from a Min- istry which was in imminent danger had brought discredit up- on him in the eyes of his followers, and he was obliged to con- fess his inability. There was but one other in whose experience and ability there was sufficient confidence to warrant his being placed at the head of affairs, and the post of the First Lord of the Treasury was tendered to Viscount Palmcrston. On February 6th, the announcement was formally made that Lord Palmcrston had formed his Ministry. In this Cabinet, most of the members of the Aberdeen Government wore their own successors ; the chief changes were the substitution of Pal- merston's name for that of Lord Aberdeen, and of Lord Pan- mure's for the Duke of Newcastle. Mr. Gladstone retained the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. The appointment of Lord Panmure, like the accession of Palmcrston himself to power, argued a much more vigorous conduct of the war ; for both of these men were ardent advocates of the struggle in the East, and replaced men who were desirous of j^eace though at great cost. Palmerston, indeed, with his accustomed independence of action, had spoken in favor of war, and had caused those journ- als whose utterances ho largely controlled, to advocate it, oven while the Ministry of whicli he was a member deprecated a re- sort to actual hostilities. This was essentially a War Ministry. The Eoebuck motion, which had caused the resignation of Lord Aberdeen, had been carried, as wo have alreadj- recorded; and the committee of inquiry for which it called had been ap- pointed. The new Ministrj' was thus placed in a situation of some difficulty at the very beginning of its existence. Lord Pal- merston was of the opinion that the Government could not re- sist the investigation demanded bj- so large a majority of the IIouso of Commons, and hj the whole people as well ; some of the members of his Cabinet were resolutely opposed to the ap- pointment of a committee vested with such powers. The taking of this matter out of the hands of the Government was establish- ing a precedent which in the future, no matter wliat the circum- stan"3es, it would be impossible to sot aside. Otlier objections The Ministry of All the Talents. 151 there were, but this was tlio one advanced by Mr. Gladstone, and the one which insists upon tlie constitutional principle involved with the most earnestness; the othei'S concerning themselves mainly with the objections to the committee on less general grounds. Lord Palmerston thought it would be sufficient to change the personnel of the committee, and substitute mem- bers selected by the Government; Mr. Roebuck accepted the altered list, but the dissatisfied Ministers declined to do so. In consequence of this disagreement with the head of the Government, three of the ablest and most distinguished mem- bers of the Cabinet resigned their positions, and their places were at once filled by members of the political partj' to which the Premier belonged. Sir James Graham, Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Herbert, were the retiring officials, and were suc- ceeded in their respective positions by Sir Charles "Wood, Sir Cornewall Lewis, and Lord John Eussell. " The Ministry of Ali the Talents," as the Coalition Cabinet, whose downfall we have thus witnessed, was not untruly termed, had been succeeded by a Government in which the only talent recognized was that found within the boundaries of the Liberal party. At the time of his appointment to this office. Lord John Eus- sell was on his way to Vienna, as plenipotentiary of the British Government in a Conference of the Groat Powers for the settle- ment of the trouble without further fighting. Shortly afterward, there occurred another event, whicb, with the beginning of nego- tiations at Vienna, made an early treaty of peace appear among the probabilities. This was the sudden death of the Czar, March 2,1855. Nicholas had stated his intentions with regard to Tur- key with a frankness almost phenomenal in the history of dij)lo- macy; and had all but made direct proposals to England to di- vide that country between the British and Russian Empires. England refused ; but he was not daunted, and proceeded to car- ry out his policy, which had only changed by the omission of England from the list of proposed beneficiaries, by attacking the Turks. His son and successor, Alexander III., was of a different temper; it was thought that he would be more ready to accede to proposals for peace, as it was well known that he was of a more liberal and pacific nature than his father. But "scratch a Russian and you'll find a Tartar," says the proverb ; and when it was once aroused, there was as much of the Tartar in Alexan- der as there had been in Nicholas ; and the war was prosecuted 152 The Ministry of All the Talents. under the son as vigorously as it had been under the father. Nor was this hope the only one that failed. The Conference of Vienna broke up, without having accomplished its object, as Russia would not yield that one of the famous " Four Points" which required her to limit her naval force in the Black Sea. Austria finally made propositions which the representatives of England and France regarded as affording a prospect of the set- tlement of the case, and accepted for the Governments which they represented, subject, of course, to ratification at the hands of the supreme power in the State ; but unfortunately for them, these propositions were a virtual surrender of the chief points for which England and France had been contending; the home authorities refused the ratification on which they had relied, and the plenipotentiaries themselves sunk very low in public opinion. The French Minister was obliged to resign the position which he had held for some years ; and although the denouement was delayed for some time in the case of Eussell, it was this which ultimately caused his resignation from Palmerston's Ministry. The failure of the Conference to restore peace was a great dis- appointment to the English people, who looked with much dis- favor upon the fact that concessions had been made with this ob- ject. The war was still popular with the great majority of the people ; and it was intolerable to think that England had offer- ed peace, and had the offer refused. This feeling was reflected in the House of Commons, as was to bo expected ; and the Min- isters were frequently attacked by members of both Houses, for the uncertain policy which they had adopted. Mr. Disraeli brought forward a motion condemning this fault, and supported it in a speech three hours long. A member of the Opposition had affirmed formally that the propositions of Russia were reas- onable, and that some blame attached to the Government for re- fusing them; and Mr. Disraeli denounced, with his accustomed vigor, this combination of war and diplomacy, at the head of which was an embassador distinguished for his inflammatory de- nunciations of Russia, and totally incompetent to negotiate a peace. When Mr. Disraeli made one of his fierce attacks upon the ruling party, it had by this time become an established thing that Mr. Gladstone was to answer him; and the late Chancellor of the Exchequer engaged in the congenial task u]ion this occas- ion. Tlio Four Points, which had sometime before been pro- The Ministry All the Talents. 153 posed as the basis for negotiations, had been so distasteful to Eussia that she had refused to consider them at all in August, 1854 ; but the events in the Crimea had been such that in the fol- lowing December she had been brought to accept them for con- sideration. This proved that the expedition to the Crimea had not been wholly unsuccessful. "When the Four Points came to be considered, he called their attention to the present state of af- fairs. Eussia had acceded to the First and Second, which abol- ished the Eussian Protectorate over the Principalities of Wal- lachia, Moldavia and Servia, and placed these provinces under a collective guarantee of the Powers, provided for the navigation of the Danube to be freed from obstacles at its mouth and regu- lated by the principles established by the Congress of Vienna. The Third Point was intended to put an end to the preponder- ance of Eussia in the Black sea, and this was the one which that Power would not yield. The Fourth, which related to the sub- ject which had nominally caused the war, the treatment of the believers in one form of religion by those who held to another, the speaker declared that Eussia would grant at any time. Nor was this all J the great Northern nation had already acceded to a portion of the demands included in the Third Point, and had agreed that Turkey might have the power of opening and shut- ting the straits. The political purposes of the war had been completely gained, he said, although the adverse party had not been prostrated, and he felt that he would be incurring a fearful responsibility if he did not raise his voice to beseech the House to pause before they persevered in a war so bloody and so dec- imating, while there was a chance of returning to a condition of happy and honorable peace. If the war was continued solely for the sake of military success, "let the House look at this senti- ment with the eye of reason, and it will appear immoral, inhu- man and unchristian. If the war is continued in order to obtain military glory, we shall tempt thejustice of Him in whosehands is the fate of armies, to launch upon us His wrath." But although his eloquence aroused the House to admiration, it could do no more. The new Government was still too strong to be carried away on the tide of an Opposition speech; and Lord John Eussell, who replied to Mr. Gladstone, was on the popular side. Eussia was regarded as a dangerous enemy, whose schemes of aggrandizement must be checked while it was pos- sible, and before there could be security for Turkey or Europe. 154 Tlie Ministry of All the Talents. Mr. Gladstone's speech excited wide-spread comment, which was not by any means universally favorable. It was regarded as lukewarm in the English cause; the Prince-Consort stigmatized it as apt to give a wrong opinion as to the determination of the nation to support the Queen in the war, and render all chance of ob- taining an honorable peace without still greater sacrifices of J. A. Roebuck. blood and treasure impossible, by giving new hopes and spirit to the enemy. Sir E. Bulwcr-Lytton spoke on the subject in the House, and was vehemently cheered when he reproached Mr. Gladstone with desiring to make of no avail the blood which had been shed in this cause. Lord Palmcrston and Lord John Russell were cheered to the echo when they announced that the war would bo vigorously prosecutetl. A vote of no confidence, based upon the conduct of the repre- The Ministry of All the Talents. 155 sentative of the Government in the Congress of Vienna, was proposed by Sir. E. Bulwer-Lytton. The day fixed for the con- sideration of this motion was July 16th; but on the 13th Lord John Eusscll again resigned his seat in a Cabinet whose j^osition was challenged by the Opposition. The announcement of this, on the day fixed for the debate, caused the withdrawal of the motion. There was a debate of considerable interest upon this motion even after it had been withdrawn, the interest turning chiefly upon the personal references wiiich were made to two great men of that day by two great men of our own. Mr. Dis- raeli attacked Lord Palmerston, whom he accused of machina- tions intended to get Lord John out of office ; and declared that the Premier had addressed the House that very night in a tone and with accents which showed that if the honor and interests of England were much longer entrusted to him, the one would be tarnished and the other betrayed. Such was the language which might be used in the House of Commons, thirtj' years or more ago. Mr. Gladstone complained that Lord John had condemned propositions which were virtually the same with those which, as Minister Plenijootentiary, he had accepted at Vienna. Differing from Mr. Disraeli, who accused the Government of inconsistencj' in having at one time been disposed to accept these terms of peace, yet ho blamed them for now abruptly closing the hope of an honorable peace. The committee which had been appointed upon Mr. Roebuck's motion reported about the middle of summer, and Mr. Roebuck made a motion which was virtually a vote of censure ujjon every member of the Aberdeen Cabinet. His sjiecch, however, was re- garded as an extreme one, and the proposition to postj^one the matter for six months, really a condemnation of the speaker's position, was carried by an overwhelming majority of those members present. The war debates continued throughout the brief remainder of the session. Mr. Gladstone frequently spoke to urge peace, say- ing Turkey was such an ally to England in this war as Anchisos was to iEneas in the flight from Troy ; and predicting the grad- ual falling off' of other Powers, if England persisted in maintain- ing a war, the virtual advantages of which had been already gained. But the peace for which he was pleading was about to come, thougb cannon, and not words, were the instruments by which it 156 The Ministry All the Talents. was brought about. The " August City," Sebastopol, had been considered impregnable; and a city which will stand a siege of eleven months may well be considered as nearly so as fortress- es can be made by human hands and natural advantages. The siege had begun in October, 1854; and had lasted, with little success on the part of the allied forces, until the following Sep- tember. It had come to be regarded as the central point of in- terest ; the war could not end until Sebastopol was taken ; and the excitement was unbounded when it was known that the Mal- akoff and Eedan had been taken by simultaneous attacks by the French and British. Following fast upon this announcement, came the news that the Russians had retreated; the war was over. Negotiations for peace were immediately entered into ; and a treaty wae concluded at Paris in the following Marcb. z < Q -I o Q Z < a. C3 u I u. O < H cd O Q. 1- Lll I- < LiJ I H CHAPTER VI. PROGRESSING TOWARDS LffiERALISM. Treaty Following the Crimean War — Peace Concluded at Paris — Agitation Con- cerning the Continental Press — National Education— Bill Providing for the Enlistment of Foreigners — 111 Feeling Between England and America — Criticism Upon the Government's Foreign Policy — Mr. Gladstone's Alliance with His Rival — Government Losing Strength in the House of Commons — Majority Against the Government — Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of the French — Remarkable Peroration by Mr. Gladstone — Formation of a Kew Cabinet — Lord Derby at the Front — Financial Outlook Depressing. 'HE treaty which closed the Crimean war was not a popu- lar one ; it was felt that England had not gained the suc- cess which ought to have been hers before she consented to negotiate for peace ; on the other hand, the French sol- diers were thought to have won all the honor which ought to have belonged to their allies across the channel. There was not one soldier in either army, however, who gained in this war the rank of a great general ; the only one who could bo said to have profited by the hostilities in point of military reputation was on the enemy's side — Gen. Todleben. At the same time, there was really no definite reason for carrying on the war any longer; and the hearty desire manifested by France for peace made it impossible for England to hold back, even if her Government had been so inclined. It was a singular circumstance, that the country which gained all the glory which was awarded by com- mon consent to the Allies, was France, where the war had never been popular; while England, where the people were enthusias- tically in favor of it, had but a small share in the successes which ultimately determined the result. The French army was well equipped and well managed from the first; the English had just begun to be prepared for the cam- paign when it ended. Of twenty-two thousand Englishmen who died in the Crimea, eighteen thousand perished from disease, brought about by the want of proper food, clothing or shelter from the inclemency of the weather. Nor was the wisdom of go- 157 158 Proijrcssi.ni] Toivards JJiberaUsm. ing to war in the first X)laco universally admitted. We have al- ready had occasion to speak of the societies for the promotion of peace, which were organized early in the beginning of the trouble, when an apper.l to arms had not yet been made by the Governments of the west of Europe; we have seen how strenu- ously Bright and other members of Parliament opposed going to war upon any pretext whatever j we have said that Lord Aberdeen never lost hope of a i^eaccful solution of the difficulty, until the declaration of war had actually been made; and although ho had said that ho would resign sooner than engage in war^ he was carried along so insensibly that his resignation was not tendered until the Ministry of which he was the head had been severely condemned for their mismanagement of matters relating to the sustenance and care of the army. So great was this statesman's aversion to the war, which he averred would not pro- duce any good results to England. The most that it would do, ho claimed, would bo to preserve the peace in the east of Europe for a quarter of a century. This utterance was looked upon at the time as the dictum of a man utterly at variance with those who were directing affairs, who would see only the dark side of the question ; but the event proved that he had not spoken with too little confidence ; three years before the expiration of the term of years assigned for the duration of the peace between Kussia and Turkey, those countries were again at war with each other. Mr. Gladstone seems to have disapproved of the war quite as much as his quondam chief. Before England had formally ex- profised her intention of taking part in the struggle, indeed, be- fore it was at all probable that she would do so, he had made public an interpretation of the existing treaty between Eussia and Turkey which recognized the right of Eussia to punish Tur- key for the violation of this agreement. The clause which he thus understood was the first lino of the seventh article, in which the Sublime Porte agrees to protect the Christian religion and its churches. This was generally taken in connection with the re- mainder of the article, which dealt with the management of the new church at Constantinople; and the context, particularly the reference to the fourteenth article of the same treaty-, appeared to prove that the promise in the first line was specific, and not general, as it was assumed by Jlr. Gladstone to be. According to him, the promise of the Sultan to protect the Christian relig- Progressing Towards Liberalism. 159 ion was a distinct engagement from those wliicti follow in the same article, an agreement entered into with the sovereign of Russia, because he had been defeated by the Eussian arms and obliged to accept the terms of peace which the Czar dictated to him ; and this was duly made by treaty. If he broke any pro- vision of this treaty, the nation with which it had been made was entitled to call him to account for such a violation, without the intervention of any other government, as none other had been concerned in the ratification of the original peace; and this was not excepted from the general saeredness of those provis- ions. "We are bound to call the reader's attention to the fact that this was Mr. Gladstone's interpretation, not that generally accepted; so far as we can Icain, he was alone in his under- standing of the agreement, though others justified Eussia on diiferent grounds. The Czar himself did not rest his right to an appeal to arms upon this clause, but upon the fact that the four- teenth article, which gave him a virtual protectorate over the Christians in Asiatic Turkey, had been disregarded by the Porte. We have quoted this interpretation of a treaty which was broken more than thirty years ago, and has been forgotten near- ly as long, to justify Mr. Gladstone's course during the war. That course was not approved by Parliament; as we have al- ready seen, the whole Aberdeen Ministry was condemned be- cause it gave but a lukewarm support by its measures at home to an array which was already in the field. The members of that Cabinet had opposed the war from the first, acting in their cor- porate capacity; the few who approved of it were transferred to the next Ministry ; but we can hardly wonder that a man who looked upon the war as one based upon a mistaken idea — upon indefensible interference with another nation's business — should hesitate about lending a cordial support to its prosecution. March 31st, 1856, Lord Palmerston announced to the House of Commons that a treaty of peace had been concluded at Paris ; a similar announcement was made in the House of Lords at the same time. The terms of the treaty became the subject of de- bate as soon as they were announced. An address to the Queen was at once moved in both Houses; the amendment proposed in the House of Commons was merely the substitution of the word "satisfaction" fortheword "joy" at the conclusion of peace; but this trifling alteration was sufficient to bring the subject into the 160 Progressing Towards Liheralisrii. arena of debate. After the speeches by the mover and seconder of this address, and that made to introduce this amendment, Mr. Gladstone addressed the House. It had been admitted that the peace was not a popular one, because the majority of Eng- lishmen thought it had been concluded at a time when Eng- land might have won further successes ; and Mr. Gladstone and his allies were not regarded with any favor by the House on ac- count of their connection with the war. Such were the feelings of many of his listeners on this occasion. The treaty was an honorable one, he said, because the objects of the war had been obtained. Those who had spoken against it had said that Great Britain, with the other Christian Powers, had become bound for the maintenance of Turkey , not only agai nst foreign aggression, but as a Mohammedan State. In reply to this, Mr. Gladstone said that if ho had so understood the words of the treaty, he would not support an address which expressed either joy or satisfaction at the conclusion of such a peace, but would look for the most emphatic word to express his condem- nation of an agreement to support a set of institutions which Christendom must endeavor to reform if she could, though he was not sanguine as to the result of that effort. It would be the work and care of many generations, he said, to bring such an effort to a happy and prosperous conclusion ; and he did not underrate the difficulties presented by the juxtaposition of a people pro- fessing the Mohammedan religion with a rising Christian popu- lation having adverse and conflicting interests. But there was another point to be considered in connection with this treaty. The encroachment of Russia upon Turkey, and the final absorp- tion of the one by the other, would be an evil as great as anj- which could arise from the maintenance of Turkey as a Moham- medan state. Such a danger to the peace, liberties and privileges of all Europe, Great Britain was bound to resist by all the means in her power. It was a thing to be regretted that a more substan- tive existence had not been secured to the principalities, butthis was not the fault of England or of France. The neutralization of the Black Sea ho also condemned, as meaning nothing but a scries of pitfalls in time of war; and ho thought that recognized rules to regulate interference on behalf of the Christians should have been established. It was a great triumph that the Powers had agreed to submit international differences to arbitration, though in this very agreement there was much danger of diplo- Progresshuj Towards Liberalism. 161 matic contention promoting the quarrels which it was intended to prevent. He argued that no country ought to submit claims for arbitration unless those claims were such as it would be wil- ling to support by an appeal to arms ; such a course might lead to the reduction of the standing armies which were so severe a tax upon all the countries of Europe; and the speaker rejoiced that the anticijjation of this state of affairs had already led the two leading military nations to contemjolate a reduction of their establishment ; for Eussia and France were about to set this bold example. Although it was an innovation to entertain such subjects in Conferences of pacification, Mr. Ghidstone expressed his satis- faction with the course which had been taken with regard to Naples; but he regretted that the records inscribed upon the protocols were not treaty engagements, and did not approximate that character. As the case stood, they were authoritative doc- ments, which might be appealed to by those whoso case they strengthened, but which were far from possessing the authority of a treaty with thoso who desired to disregard them. Confus- ion would inevitably arise from these semi-authoritative engage- ments, and infinite discussion be based upon their character. The most important question which had been decided at this conference, regarding the nations which had not actually taken part in the war, was that relating to the Belgian press. The ex- cess in which the journals of that country had indulged with im- punity was represented as having been condemned by all the plenipotentiaries present, though Lord Clarendon, one of the British representatives, had told them that the scheme suggested would find no support or sympathy in England. The embassa- dors of Prussia and Austria had said that the repression of the press was a European necessity ; the French negotiator had said that legislation on the subject of the Belgian press wasrequired; Count Orloff, on the part of Eussia, declined to express any opin- ion, having no instructions from his Government. The speaker said that he hoped these statements were not declarations of pol- icy, and that they would bo regretted and forgotten, as having issued lightly from their mouths. He pointed out that the Bel- gian Constitution required a trial by jury in case of such offen- ces; and that this provision could not be readily changed. He concluded by urging that this appeal, contemplated under the compulsion of foreign Powers, some of whom were remote ic 162 Progressing Towards Liberalism. situation, having for its object the limitation of the dearest rights and most cherished liberties vf the gallant and high-spir- ited people to which it was addressed, was not a policy which tended to clear the political horizon, but rather to render it more gloomy. Lord Palmerston closed the debate with a speech in which he Lord Clarendon, assured the House that the British Government would take no part in any interference with an independent nation with the view of dictating what steps she should take to gag the press. The amendment was withdrawn after this assurance from the Prime Minister, and the address was agreed upon. The Crimean War was formally at an end. Progressing Towards Liberalism. 163 The subject of National Education was the next important topic brought before the House. Lord John Eussell introduced a series of resolutions, providing that the funds available forpub- lic instruction should be applied in accordance with certain pro- visions, and laying down conditions for the compulsory educa- tion of children from nine to fifteen, who were emploj-cd at any kind of work. These resolutions were opposed by Mr. Glad- stone, who asserted that the system of education which they tend- ed to create was lacking in the most important element of moral influence upon the character of the pupil ; and that the system of inspection proposed tended to create a central controlling power, involving secular instruction and endless religious controversy. A division upon the question, "That the chairman do now leave the chair ;" was negatived bj' a majority of more than a hundred ; and as this was virtually a condemnation of the measures pro- posed, the resolutions were not proceeded with. In the list of the divisions on this question, we find some strange groupings of names : Cockburn, Grey, Horsman, Palmerston, Villiers, and Wood were recorded as voting in the aflirmative; while among those who wore agreed to condemn the resolutions were Glad- stone and Disraeli, with the Lord Eobert Cecil who, in 1884, as the Marquis of Salisburj% succeeded the former as Premier. Mr. Gladstone commeuted with some severity upon the budget which the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward in May, after a somewhat lengthy statement in February, which had also met with the disapproval of the late official, who had shown him- self such a master of finance; but the propositions of the incum- bent were finally agreed to. The Palmerston Government was still stror;g enough to resist the Opposition in such an important measure as the budget. The English Parliament had in 1855 passed a bill providing for the enlistment of foreigners in the Crimean arm}^, and the ac- tions of some of the consuls in this country had produced con- siderable trouble between the two Governments. ISTor was this all: the Brttish embassador himself was accused by the United States of subverting international law by secretly enlisting citi- zens of the United States in the British army. Lord Clarendon had insisted that the embassador had not been guilty of any of- fense, but an eminent American lawyer had given an opinion di- rectly the contrary of this. There was bad feeling on both sides, and the British Minister at Washington was actually dismissed. 164 Progressing Towards Liberalism. While this feeling was at its height (June 30th) a motion was intro- duced which was really an attempt to censure the Government for the course which had been pursued. The debate was a long one, as there were several views which might be taken of the measure. Of the Opposition, there were some who, for mere sake of party ad- vantage, were ready to support such an attempt ; there were some, on both sets of benches, who thought that the United States had just reason to complain; and there were some who held this last view, and some who held the opposite, who would not join in any such vote, intended as it was to embarrass the Government. Mr. Gladstone was one of those who, while he did not defend the conduct of the Minister at Washington, was not ready to weaken the hands of the Ministers when the party which he re- presented was not prepared to displace them. In his speech, he said that it ajipcarcd to him that there were two cardinal aims which ought to be kept in view ; these were peace and a thorough- ly cordial understanding with America for one, and the honor and fame of England for the other. But he was not satisfied with the existing state of things in regard to either of these, or with the conduct of the Government. A cordial understanding with America had not been j^rcserved, and the honor of England had been compromised. He had had great difficulty in coming to a de- cision as to the vote which he should give upon this question ; but could not meet the resolution with a direct negative. Explain- ing the position in which he stood, he proceeded to inquire into the true state of the case. He charged the British Government with practising concealment, and asserted that the United States Government had been deceived and misled. The law had know- ingly been broken by the agents of the British Government; and the American Government had cause to complain, since an agency within the United States had been employed to give in- formation and to tempt, by the offer of valuable considerations, citizens of the United States to go beyond their boundaries for the purpose of enlisting in the English army. The British em- bassador had not only failed to inform the United States that this was being done, thus justifj-ing the charge of concealment, but he had wilfully broken his engagement not to communicate, except to those who addressed themselves to him, the terms up- on which they would be received into the arm3^ Mr. Gladstone maintained that those four officials who had been punished had MR. GLADSTONE IN HIS LIBRARY AT HAWARDEN Progressing Towards Liberalism. 165 only been made scape-goats for the Government -which had up- held their actions in the main. The question was a most remark- able illustration, he said, of the disorganized slate of the great parties; such a disagreement upon any subject of foreign policy would have been impossible in the days when Lord John Eussell and his allies occupied the Treasury Benches, and Sir Robert Peel sat opposite. As we have already intimated, Mr. Gladstone, though he con- demned the policy of the Government upon this question, was not ready to give his vote to an ineffectual attempt to overthrow that Government. There were many others who thought as he did, and the Ministry had a majority of nearly two hundred up- on the division. At the opening of the session of 1857, when the royal speech was read and the address came up for consideration, Mr. Dis- raeli made some severe strictures upon the Government, mainly in relation to its foreign policy. To these criticisms the Chancel- lor of the Exchequer, who obtained the floor immediately after- ward to make a statement with relation to his financial measures, made not the slightest reply. The omission was a notable one, and Mr. Gladstone pointed it out. After expressing his surprise that such censure of the Ministry had been unanswered by the member of the Cabinet who had spoken, he proceeded to speak of the questions of foreign policy with which the Government had at that time to deal. There had been difficulties with China; there were actual hostilities with Persia; there was a disj)ute with regard to Central America; there were some points of the Treaty of Paris on which information was desirable. All these were points which the Government had had opportunity to consider, and on which there ought to be some explanation furnished to the House. Coming to the statement just made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gladstone dealt at length with the old question of the Income Tax, which was again revived by the ne- cessity of increasing the revenue to meet the expenses of the war. Again he protested against a loan designed to meet this neces- sity ; and he was likewise opposed to new taxation. The Gov- ernment had in 185.3 pledged itself to abolish this tax in seven years; and that pledge, which had been given and received in good faith, ought not to bo recalled, now that four years of the seven had passed. Asfar as his duty was concerned, he would give his effort and labor to fulfill those pledges, which he had not for- [66 Progressing Towards Liberalism. gotten, and was not likely to forget. He should always remem- ber with gratitude, he said, the conduet of the House of Com- mons at the time when those measures were adopted, and the generosity which they had evinced; and he promised that that gratitude should be evinced by his efforts to secure the extinc- tion of the Income Tax at the time fixed. The budget was brought before the house Feb. 13th, in a speech which, though it did not have the same effect which Mr. Glad- stone's addresses on the same subject had had forthe House, and did not prove as entertaining as Mr. Disraeli's had been upon a similar occasion, was j'et superior to the general run of budget speeches. The plan proposed was one of considerable merit, being clearly stated and ably justified. But it had the one great disadvantage of being a total innovation upon the plan which had been established by this Parliament in previous sessions, based upon the financial measures inaugurated by Sir Eobert Peel, which Mr. Gladstone, while holding this office, had natural- ly carried out, and now defended. ISTor was there any startling merit about this plan, to compensate for the disadvantage of its being so totally different from the measures which had been ap- proved and carried out. But the part of the plan which Mr. Gladstone most severely condemned, was the increase in the tax upon tea and sugar. He stigmatized the proposition of the Chancellor as a plan to remit the taxes which bore heavily upon the wealth}^ and make up the deficiency thus occasioned by du- ties upon those articles which were used in the family of every laborer in the country. He added that he should oppose this policy at every stage of its progress before the House. In the division which took place upon this question, we find Mr. Gladstone again side by side with Mr. Disraeli. But the alliance of the two rivals was not sufiicient to defeat the Govern- ment in its financial schemes, and the amendment to the budget which was the immediate cause of this speech was lost bj- a ma- jority of eighty votes. A few weeks later, the Chancellor of the Exchequer intro- duced an amended scale for the tea duty ; and, true to his prom- ise, Mr. Gladstone opposed the measure. In the course of the speech which he made at this time, ho told the Ministry that if ho wished to advocate an extended and organic reform in the parliamentary representation, ho could not desire a better case than the one which the Government's financial policy had furnish- Progressing Towards Liberalism. 167 ed him. The Chancellor of the Exchequer professed his inabil- ity to prepare a schcmo upon the principles recommended by Mr. Gladstone, and tho division proved that ho had no need to do so, the Government being supported by a majority of fifty- two. Division Barrier and Lohhy of the House of Commons. Taking a Division. In the discussion which followed the second reading of the In- come Tax Bill, Mr. Gladstone agaia drew attention to the great 168 Progressing Towards Liberalism. expondituro of the revenue, and charged that the foreign policy of the Government was not unconnected with the excessive tax- ation and high expenditure of the country; in a subsequent speech, he called attention to the enormous increase in the mili- tary estimates. In this latter case, however, he did not press a division, and the proposals of the Government on the Naval Es- timate passed the House. We find him in the minority in the division on the Divorce Bill which passed the House this session ; contending gallantly, though vainljf, for the equality of woman with man in all the rights pertaining to marriage, and dealing with the question on social, moral and legal grounds. The Government was gradually losing strength in the House, though it was still popular in the country; the next import- ant debate was one that showed its weakness. There had been considerable trouble with China regarding the opiumtrade, in which the British were charged with conniving at smuggling. The crew of a lorcha which had been licensed to carry the Brit- ish flag had been seized, in the harbor of Canton, bj' Chinese au- thorities ; it was said by the Opposition that the license had ex- pired, and that th& Arrow was in no sense a British vessel ; it was said by the Government that the Chinese mandarin who made the seizure actually caused the British flag to be hauled down from the mast, and replaced by the Chinese ensign. A mo- tion condemning the action of the Government in reference to this affair was introduced into the House of Lords, where it was defeated by a majority of thirty-six; a similar motion was brought before the House of Commons by Mr. Cobden. The de- bate lasted four nights, and almost every member of the House who was distinguished as an orator expressed an opinion upon tlio side which ho supported, the discussion thus attaining an un- usually high level of parliamentary oratory. Mr. Gladstone was among the last who spoke, and thus had the advantage of summing up and answering the arguments of his adversaries. Ho denied that the British Government had anj'- thing to complain of in the treatment which had been received from the Ciuiicse, which had been strictly in accordance with the engagements entered into in the treaty of 1842. He called attention to the number of times that British subjects had of- fended against the provisions of this treaty and their conduct been condoned by the Chinese Government, ho defended Sir Progressing Towards Liberalism. 169 .Tamos Graham, who had been attacked by Sir George Grey and ridiculed for his reforciico to Christian principles as the basis of the action of the Government. Ho said that sinco this appeal to Christian princijiles was thus forbidden, he would appeal to something older than Christianit}' ; broader, since it was where Christianity is not; to that which underlies Christianity, for Christianity appeals to it — the justice which binds man to man. It was this which must regulate the intercourse between Gov- ernments, and ho denied that it had been the principle upon which the British Ministry had boon guided in this affair, as well as others in which they had had to deal with the Chinese. The position of the Government was stated by Lord Palmer- ston, though ho had the disadvantage of speaking at a time of the night when the members were tired out; notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, however, he was immediately followed by Mr. Disraeli, who accepted the construction which had been put upon the motion, that it was a vote of censure upon the Govern- ment ; and replying to Palmerston's alarm over a suggested com- bination, bade him appeal to the country if he thought himself the victim of a political conspiracy. Mr. Cobden closed the debate in a brief speech, and at two o'clock in tlie morning, on the fourtli night of the debate, the division was taken. It showed a majority of sixteen againstthe Government. Lord Palmerston, when this result was announ- ced, stated that although the usual course under such circumstan- ces would be to resign, he did not believe that the present Min- istry was to be held to that rule. He therefore decided to dis- solve Parliament, and appeal to the country. As had been anticipated, the Government received a consider- able accession of strength at the general election which ensued. Liberals and Pecliles suffered considerably, Cobden and Bright being prominent members of the former party who failed of elec- tion. Mr. Gladstone, however, was again returned by the Uni- versity, this time without opposition. It should be here men- tioned that although the Peolite party was a small one, the abil- ity of its members was great, and it therefore commanded a great- er degree of respect than has been the portion of most organiza- tions of similar numerical strength, and possessed an influence proportioned to this moral standing. Parliament met for a short session before Christmas, when an important financial measure came up for consideration, The sus- 170 Progressing Towards Liberalism. pension of several banks in the United States had created a mon- etary panic, and the directors of the Bank of England, desiring to increase their issue of notes to meet the demand thus created, asked authority to do so. To grant this permission, the Govern- ment was obliged to ask for a suspension of the Bank Charter Act of 1844, and brought a Bill of Indemnity before the House for that purj)0se. Mr. Gladstone did not oppose the bill, but ar- gued that it would be wiser to investigate the causes of the late panic, and how far they were connected with the state of banking. The effect of referring a heap of subjects to an overburdened committee would be to postpone legislation, and obstruct inquiry into the causes of the recent panic and the present embarrass- ment. When the bill came up for the third reading, Mr. Glad- stone reiterated these arguments, and showed what evils arose from the confusion prevailing between the functions of banking and currency. The bill passed the House, an amendment pro- posed by Mr. Disraeli being rejected by a considerable majority. "When the House met after the Christmas recess, there was con- siderable excitementprevailingover theattemptto assassinate the Emperor of the French which had recently been made by Orsini. There was a good deal of sj'mpathy existing in England for the proposed victim, but this was not understood by the French, who charged that England afforded an asj'lum for conspirators against the peace and welfare of other states. Foreign refugees, they claimed, were allowed to concoct and mature plots to be carried into execution elsewhere. This was not an accusation brought merely by agitators and irresponsible journals, but gravely preferred by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, though in such a modified form as diplomacy permits. He urged upon the Premier the necessity of legislation on this subject; and at the beginning of the session of 1858 Lord Palmerston in- troduced his Conspiracy to Murder Bill. The first reading was carried by an immense majority; but by the time that it came before the House again, the impression had obtained that the Ministers were simply puppets in the hands of Napoleon III. Mr. Gibson accordingly moved an amendment inquiring why the dispatch of the French Minister had not been answered. Tlio statement that England was a lair of savage beasts and a labora- tory of assassins was quoted as the utterance of a prominent French orator; it was asserted that the bill was introduced at the dictation of a foreign government; and Lord Palmerston Progressing Towards Liberalism. 171 was accused, by a quotation from the Times which was cited with approval by the speaker, of being capable of making any sacri- fice of principle or interest to secure the good-will of a foreign power which he had made up his mind to court. But the most powerful speech that was made in this connection, and the one of most enduring interest, as taking a broad and statesmanlike view of the condition of the time, was that of Mr. Gladstone. Lord Palmerston had stated that the dispatch referred to in the amendment had been answered verbally; but Mr. Gladstone pointed out that this was the weakest kind of an answer; of all explanations which could be offered to the House, this was the most unsatisfactory. The French Minister's disjsatch should have been answered by stating the law already existing in Eng- land on the subject. In place of this reply, the Houses of Parlia- ment were asked to answer by passing the Bill which had been projjosed by the Premier. Mr. Gladstone's peroration is a re- markable commentary upon the English Government and its iijoasurcs of repression thirty years later: " If there is any feeling in this House for the honor of Eng- land, don't let us be led away by some vague statement as to the necessity of reforming the criminal law. Let us insist upon the necessity of vindicating that law. As far as justice requires, let us have the existing law vindicated, and then let us proceed to amend it if it be found necessary. But do not let us allow it to lie under a cloud of accusations of which wo are convinced that it is totally innocent. These times are grave for liberty. "We live in the nineteenth century ; we talk of progress ; we believe that we are advancing; but can any man of observation who has watched the events of the last few years in Europe have failed to perceive that there is a movement indeed, but that it is a downward and backward movement ? There are a few spots in which institutions that claim our sympathy still exist and flour- ish. They are secondary places — nay, they are almost the holes and corners of Europe so far as mere material greatness is con- cerned, although their moral greatness will, I trust, insure them long prosperity and happiness. But in these times more than ever does responsibility center upon the institutions of England; and if it docs center upon England, upon her principles, upon her laws, and upon her governors, then I say that a measure passed by this House of Commons, tlie chief hope of freedom, which attempts to establish a moral complicity between us and 172 Progresmig Towards Liberalism. those who seek safety in repressive measures will bo a blow ana discouragement to that sacred cause in every country of the world." After a number of speeches, chief among whicli was one in which Mr. Disraeli called the attention of the debaters to the fact that the real question before the House was not di])lomatic or jjolitieal, but one between the House and the Ministers of the Crown, Lord Palmerston rose to rejily. lie deprecated the de- jDarturcs which had been made from the topic under considera- tion, particularly by Messrs. Gibson and Gladstone, who, ho com- plained, had entered into an elaborate attack upon his conduct when ho was Secretary for Foreign Affairs; his attack upon Mr. Gibson was a bit- ter, personal one, which was interrupted by strong ex- pressions of disapproval from the House ; and he ad- dressed himself to a consid- eration of the point at issue. His defense of the course of the Government did not justify it in the ej^es of the House, however, for the di- vision showed that the Min- istry was in a minority of nineteen. Manj- of those who thus voted did not wish to overthrow the Government, and it is probable that if Palmerston had asked for a vote of confidence it would have been granted by a majority suf- cient to justify him in retaining the reins of jiower; but his gov- ernment had been defeated very recently by a majoritj' which, although small, was such that the Opposition had expected the resignation of the Ministry to follow it ; he had appealed to the country; and although he had then received the encouragement forwhich ho had hoped, this fresh defeat, coming immodiatelj' after the reassembling of Parliament, determined his course. Am- bitious of otfico ho might bo, but ho had never shown an unduo tenacity of it; and ho accordingly resigned his post. Rt. Hon. T. Milner Gibson. Progressing Towards Liheralism. 173 Lord Derby was sent for by the Queen, and accepted the task imposed upon him of forming a Ministry. With a good deal of difficulty ho at last succeeded. In this cabinet, Mr. Disraeli was again Chancellor of the Exchequer. It is significant of the grad- ual change in his opinions that at this late day, Mr. Gladstone was offered a post (that of Colonial Secretary) in tliis Conserva- tive Government. Wo are not informed if he proposed to extend only an indci^endcnt sujjport, or if ho positively and unhesitat- ingly declined the offer. Certainly he did not again take office under a Tory Minister. The Houses adjourned, to give the new Premier an opportun- ity of forming his Cabinet; and reassembled March 1st. Lord Derbj', in his first speech to the House of Lords, begged their forbearance for his failure to make a complete statement of his intended policy ; the time had been too short to allow him to prepare such an important resume ; there were two points which required immediate consideration, however; these were the changes to bo effected in the system of government of India, and the question of parliamentary reform. The first of these had al- ready been under consideration for some time, a bill for that pur- pose having been introduced into the House of Commons by Lord Palmerston. This, however, had not gone bej'ond its first read- ing ; and it became necessary for the present Governmentto pre- sent a measure in place of that proposed b}' its predecessor. Mr. Disraeli, who had by this change of Ministry become the leader of the House of Commons, brought forward the measure, usu- ally denominated India Bill No. 2, to distinguish it from that introduced by Lord John Eussell on behalf of the Palmerston Ministry; but this bill, like its predecessor, never got beyond the first reading. A sort of compromise, however, was pro- posed by Lord John Russell, and gladly accepted by Mr. Dis- raeli, by which the question was dealt with by way of resolution. Before those resolutions could be considered, however, by the House, the Ministry was brought to the brink of dissolution. Lord Canning, the Governor-General of India, sent back a draft of a proclamation which he proposed to issue, announcing a scheme of confiscation which was certainly open to very grave olijection, and which would probably have caused the flames of rebellion, so recently extinguished, to burst forth with renewed iiiry. Lord Ellenborough, the President of the Indian Board of Control, wrote a strongly worded protest against the policy thus 174 Progressing Towards Liberalism. recommended. This should of course have been kept private until it reached its destination; but copies of it were sent to Lord Granville, the intimate friend of Lord Canning, and to John Bright, who was the most eminent advocate of a mild and generous policy toward the natives of India. The consequence was that the purport of Lord Canning's proclamation and Lord Ellenhorough's strictures upon it, became known, and Lord Shaftesbury in the House of Lords, and Mr. Cardwell in the House of Commons, brought forward motions which were vir- tually votes of censure upon the Government. If these had been carried, there would of course have been a change of Ministry within a week of the time when Lord Derby had first addressed the House of Lords upon his accession to office ; but Lord Ellen- borough, who seems to have been the only one to blame in this indiscreet publicity given to unsettled questions, saved the Minis- try by sacrificing himself; and made room for his successor. Lord Shaftesbury's motion had been defeated by the Lords be- fore this resignation was announced j but Mr. Cardwell's was still the subject of debate in the House of Commons. This dis- cussion had extended over four nights when Lord Ellenhorough's resignation was announced, and the motion was withdrawn by the member who had presented it. Ho was induced to do this by the requests of many members who had agreed to support it, but declined to do so after the matter had taken this turn. Disraeli, whoso power of coining telling phrases would have made him a power in a state which was, like the government of the First Xapoleon, " a despotism tempered by epigrams," has described this scene in such graphic language that, although it is a depar- ture from the strict line of our subject, we cannot refrain from quoting : " There is nothing like that last Friday night in the history of the House of Commons. We came down to the House expecting to divide at four o'clock in the morning; I myself probably ex- jjecting to deliver an address two hours after midnight; and I believe that, even with the consciousness of a good cause, that is no mean eft'ort. Well, gentlemen, we were all assembled; our benches with their serried ranks seemed to rival those of our proud opponents ; when suddenly there arose a wail of distress, but not from us. I can only liken the scene to the mutiny of the Bengal arnijf. Ivcginient after regiment, corps after corj^s, general after general all acknowledged that they could not march Progressing Towards Liberalism. 175 through Coventry. It was like a convulsion of nature rather than an ordinary transaction of human life. I can only liken it to one of those earthquakes which take place in Calabria and Peru. There was a rumbling murmur, a groan, a shriek, a sound of dis- tant thunder. No one knew whether it came from the top or the bottom of the House. There was a rent, a fissure in the ground, and then a village disappeared, then a tall tower toppled down, and the whole of the Opposition Benches became one great dis- solving view of anarchy." According to Lord Derby, that which most peculiarly apper- tained to this passage, above wit, and clearness, and humor, was the undeniable truth ; it was not exaggerated, he adds, for there was no exaggeration possible ; and this is the testimony of an eye-witness. There were many passages in the address from which this ex- tract is taken which gave great offence at the time ; they were strongly disputed by the late Ministry whose course was thus as- sailed, but still insisted upon by Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli. After this interrruption, which had so nearly proved fatal to the new Government, the House of Commons returned to the consideration of those resolutions upon which India Bill ISTo. 3 was to be based. They provided that the government of India should be transferred from the Company to the Crown. A Sec- retary of State for India was to be appointed, who was to be as- sisted by a council of fifteen. These advisers, who were to hold office during good behavior, were to be nominated bj' different powers. Of the number, eight were to hold their appointments from the Crown, while the remainder wore to be nominated by the board of directors the first time ; afterward by the council itself. The various civil offices, the appointments to which had been under the direct control of the directors, were to be filled in future in accordance with the results of certain examinations, which were to be competitive. This is the beginning of that Civil Service Reform which has since been so largely adopted in England and which has excited so much controversy in Amer- ica. It had been advocated as early as 1827, but the inno- vation upon English customs had been stoutly resisted ; the Gov- ernment was quite willing to try an experiment in India, how- ever, which they were doubtful about inaugurating in England. The chief advocate of the system, at the time of which we write was no less a political economist than John Stuart Mill. 176 Progressing Towards Liberalism. This plan of government for India was earnestly opposed by Mr. Gladstone, who enunciated principles in connection with the management of Indian affairs bj'' the English Parliament which he, long afterward, was brought to admit ought to be applied to the case of another country. The interests of the people of In- dia had hitherto been protected by the Court of Directors ; but by the provisions of this bill they were left at the mercy of the ignorance, or error, or indiscretion of the people and Parlia- ment of England. There was no limitation to the power of the Executive through the treasury and army of India, by which wars might be commenced without the knowlege or consent of Parliament, and an accumulation of debt would be east upon India. This bill was finally withdrawn by Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Glad- stone endeavored to prevent further ill-considered legislation up- on this important subject by a resolution which he introduced June 7th. This resolution aifirmcd that it was expedient to create the Court of Directors of the East India Conipanj-, to ad- minister the government of India in the name of the (^ucen, un- til the end of that session of Parliament. It was not possible, ho said, during the session of Parliament to perfeet a scheme of government which would be worthy to stand as the plan for rul- ing a people like that of India; the problem was one of the most formidable ones ever presented to any legislature or any nation, and the evils of delay were insignificant in comparison with those of crude and hasty legislation. After a long discus- sion, this was negatived by a considerable majority, and the Government formally introduced the India Bill No. 3. Mr. Bright's idea of good government in India would be se- cured, he thought, by the constitution of five Presidencies of equal rank, among which there would be a generous rivalry for good, instead of utter stagnation ; evil ambition would beeheck- ed, and there would be no governor so great that he could not be controlled. This, however, was not regarded as wholly practica- ble. Mr. Gladstone's amendment, which was proposed later on, met with more favor. It provided that the forces maintained out of the revenue of India should not be employed in any military operation outside of India, except for repelling invasion, or un- der some other iirgent and sudden necessity, without the consent of Parliament for the purpose. This amendment was carried, and on the 8th of July the bill passed the House of Commons. Progressing Towards -Liberalism. 177 Another speech which Mr. Gladstone delivered during tliiK session has great interest when taken in connection with his at- titude and utterances on the same subject some years later. This was on the subject of the Danubian Principalities, the people of which were extremely anxious for the union which had been dis- cussed at the Congress of Paris. The question had been submitted to the people themselves, and they had been found to be almost unanimously in favor of it. They asked something more than Earl of Derby. mere union, however; it would be necessary, in order to guard against local jealousies, that they should have a prince or chief taken from a foreign family. This would secure peace between Turkey and Eussia by interposing a boundary of neutral terri- tory, or what would be practically neutral, between the two fron- tiers. The feeling in these Principalities was favorable to Tur- key, because their relations with Turkey were founded upon a liberal basis, and there had thus far been no sensible collision of interests. If the union did not take place, the Principalities 12 1"8 Progressing Towards Liberalism. would be a constant source of anxiety to Europe; nor could it have the slightest injurious efl'ect upon the Ottoman Empire, which had never possessed the sovereignty of the Principalities. He said that it would have been far better to have said nothing about the union, than to hold out the hope of it, and then re- verse the policy. The speech concluded with these words : " I must really say that if it were our desire to embroil the East, to sow the seeds and create the elements of permanent dif- ficulty and disunion, to aggravate every danger which threatens Turkey, and to prepare willing auxiliaries for Russia in her pro- jects southwards, we could not attain those objects by any means better than that of abandoning our pledges and promises, and giving in to the Austrian policy." This speech, which was made in support of a motion to pres- ent an address to the Queen upon the subject, was answered by Mr. Disraeli, who said that he could not conceive a step which would be more embarrassing to the Government than ohe adop- tion of Mr. Gladstone's motion. Upon a division, the Government obtained a majority of nearly two hundred votes. Many circumstances combined to make the financial outlook depressing, and Mr. Disraeli's supporters looked forward to his budget with not a little anxiety and trepidation. But when the statement was made, it obtained favor with the country general- ly ; and what contributed largely to its success in the House, Mr. Gladstone's speech on the subject was very friendly to the schemes which were there proposed. The next series of duties in which we find Mr. Gladstone en- gaged differ so widely from the Parliamenlary routine which has been described in the present chapter, that its consideration may well be postponed to tlie next division of this biogra^jhy. CHAPTER VII. THE PALMERSTON MINISTRY. Lord Macaulay — Eminent Men in Parliament— The Ionian Islands — Agitr.tinn in Greece — Parliamentary Eeform— Foreign Kelations of England — Mr. Bright's Return to Parliament — A Man Ahead of His Time — Controversy Over the Eeform Bill — Mr. Gladstone's Speech on the Pending Question^ Defeat of the Ministry — Appeal to the Country — Palmersti.n in OtEce — Fear of Invasion by France— Tax on Paper — Pioceedings in the House of Lords — Liberajs and Tories — Lord Russell Withdraws His Reform Bill — Cross Purposes in Parliament — Rivalry Among Opposing Factious. ""HE Ministry which camo into power at tho beginning of the year 1858, was, from a literary point of view, a re- markable one ; and one which would bo almost if not quite impossible in America, where the necessity of achieving name and place by his own exertions renders it less likely that a man can succeed in many di- rections. The Earl of Derby may become emin- ent in literature aiid poli- tics with less exertion than is required for an Abraham Lincoln to gain admittance to the bar; it is for this reason that wo find so many English statesmen and so few Americans excelling in other things than state- craft. It is true that all scholarly British states- men do not reach the em- Lord Macaulay. inonce in letters of Macaulay, who died about the period we have now reached in this history. But, on tho other hand, Ma- ]79 180 The Palmer ston Ministry. caulay, who figures with some prominence in the early stages of this narrative, in order to become great as an historian and es- sayist, was obliged to retire almost entirely from the strife for political honors. At the head of the Government at this date was that brilliant, impulsive speaker, whoso words were sometimes fiery eloquence, and sometimes grandiloquent nonsense; who was often carried away by the passions which, subdued, he might have used as ef- ficient weapons against the evils of the cause which had aroused them; whoso blunders often lost the victories which his head- long daring had almost won, so that Disraeli, his brilliant sub- ordinate had already christened him "The Eupert of Debate," after the fiery Stuart; he was long eminent as a statesman, first as Lord Stanley, afterward becoming Earl of Derby, but had not at this time become known as a translator of tho J/((?t/, which will moro surely perpetuate his name and fame than any repu- tation which he ever acquired within the walls of Parliament. That chief subordinate, and tho leader of the House of Com- mons, was better known and more highly esteemed as a novelist than when he first entered Parliament; his reputation as a wri- ter, indeed, grew with his rank as a statesman, and the novels which had been looked upon as the mere ebullitions of an ec- centricity which he himself mistook for genius, were now rank- ed as the productions of a now school of fiction. Tho Eight Honorable Benjamin Disraeli, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of tho House of Commons, was quite a different person- age from that loud-looking youth whose first speech had so en- tertained the Commons. Aside from Lord John Manners, who was in control of the Woods and Forests, and Lord Stanley, who became, on tho death of his father, the fifteenth Earl of Derby, and attained some eminence in the arena of politics, there is but one other name in tho list that is familiar to our ears ; and he is less known to us in the world of politics than in the world of letters. Edward Lj'tton-Bulwcr, born the same j'oar as Disraeli, and consequent- ly bcwocn four and five years older than Gladstone, had enter- ed Parliament when barely twenty-one. It would have been lo'-g before ho achieved eminence as an orator, for the few speeches which bo made in tho course of his parliamentary ca- reer were rather thoughtful and earnest, evincing a largo and liberal view of national interests, tliaq brilliant and "taking." The Palmerston Ministry. 181 He began life as an extreme advocate of Eeform measures ; and he was scarcelj' thirty when ho published one of the most pow- erful political fiamphlets of the century; a form of support which was so grateful to Lord Melbourne that the author was at once offered a seat in the Cabinet. Tliis, however, he de- clined; but accepted the baronetcy M'hich in 1838 was conferred for that and similar services to the party then in power. Suc- ceeding in 1844 to the estates of his iiiother's family, he assumed her name in connection with tliat of his fattier, and became Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton. About the time that Gladstone finally left the Conservative party (if that expression can bo used as in- dicating any definite period), Bulwer-Lytton took the opposite step, and left the Liberals for the Conservatives. lie had not been in the Derby administration as it was originally formed ; but when Lord Ellenborough resigned the control of Indian affairs, Lord Stanley, who had been Colonial Secretary, was transferred to this position, and the brilliant novelist appointed to the place thus vacated. Perhaps it was natural that when the necessity arose for sending a special envoy to Greece, a man like Bulwer-Lytton should think of a representative who had already distinguished himself in literature by his studies of Homer; and the Premier who was afterward to be known as the translator of the Iliad would bo likely to see a fitness in the selection. Tho comments upon this appointment were not alto- gether favorable. "A writer of novels is leader of tho House of Commons," said the scandalized politicians who did not pre- tend to scholarship ; "and he has another writer of novels at his side as Colonial Secretary; worse than that, he is actually a playwright; and between them they can think of nothing bet- ter than to send out a man to the Ionian Islands to listen to the tirades of Greek demagogues simply because he happens to bo fond of reading Homer." This reader of tho blind old bard was Mr. Gladstone, who had already become well known as a scholar in this special depart- ment; we have not hitherto traced his literary course, reserving that for another time, when our pages shall be free from the rush and whirl of political action. The Ionian Islands had boon erected in tho year 1800 into the Republic of the Seven United Islands ; in 1815, thej' were placed under the Protectorate of Great Britain; a few j'ears later had come the assertion of the independence of Greece, finally ac- 182 The Palmerston Minisiry. knowledged by the Powers, and forced upon Turkey. For many years after tlie achievement of this condition, the loniana had looked h)ngingly upon the country to which they naturally be- longed by race, tradition and geographical position ; but they had no cause for formal complaint, and were not strong enough to assert themselves by force. They could only await the action of England. That the sympathy of England was on the side of popular liberty was well understood and needed no formal proof A weak power, Lord John Manners. or a feeble people struggling to be free, can always depend upon the active support of the masses of the people everywhere. For years the lonians had been dissatisfied and earnestly striving to better their condition. The popular constitution which had been given them about ten years before this time did not do away with this desire to be united to Greece; it only enabled the people to express their wish in a manner which would command more attention in England, because it was intensely respectable; the protest of a legislature is or may be worth listening to, while the wish of the people expressed by themselves directly, is not The Palmerston Ministry. 183 to be regarded, lest it lead to revolution. And now press, leg- islature and people had but one voice, and with that were cry- ing out for freedom. Were they not free? asked the British Government. They had a constitution which guaranteed their rights, as the English had theirs; they had their Legislative Assembly of forty mem- bers, and a Senate of a round half dozen. What if they were presided over by an English Lord High Commissioner? His position was but an emblem of the watchful care which England kept over them. But the unreasonable Greeks were not satis- fied. All this was very true : they had a constitution and a rep- resentative government, and the English authorities had made excellent roads, improved the harbors, established regular com- munication by steamships with the rest of the world — far great- er conveniences than King Otho's subjects had; but still these unreasonable Greeks did not think themselves free so long as this Lord High Commissioner was also Commander-in-Chief of a considerable body of British troo])s garrisoned among them. And though they had a representative assembly, the Lord High Commissioner aforesaid had a very ugly trick of dissolving it whenever it declined to legislate as he wished it to do. Taking it all in all, they did not quite believe the Englishmen who said that the Ionian Islands enjoyed the blessings of liberty. The more loudly an Ionian politician exclaimed against this order of things, the more pleasing ho was to the people; and the more the people clamored for freedom, the angrier grew the English public at such ingratitude. There were but few men in public life in England who were not thoroughly disgusted with the unreasonable Greeks ; and this feeling was shared by some eminent Frenchmen; notably by M. Edmond About, whose description of the excellent roads in these islands is so earnest that we may almost imagine that ho wrote with tears in his ej'es. Others there were, of broader sympathies, who saw how far the Greeks were right; and of this number were the Colonial Secretazy and his newly chosen cnvoj'. Although Mr. Gladstone was simply dispatched upon a com- mission of inquiry, his appointment for that purpose was hailed by the Greeks as clear evidence that tlie English Government intended to abandon its Protectorate over the Islands. The En- glish Government had no such intention; at least, it was not def- initely understood what would he best^ but just at this time two 184 The Palmerston Ministry. dispatches were published by the iVeios which ought to have been kept priviito until acted upon, but which some enterprising re- porter had got hold of. They were written by the Lord High Commissioner, and recommended that all the islands except Corfu should be abandoned to their own will. This excepted island was to bo retained as a military post. A dispatch written by the Colonial Secretary about the same time seemed to point the same way, and Mr. Gladstone was received with all the effu- siveness of welcome of which the people of a Southern race can show themselves possessed. He at once set to work to as- certain how far the clamor for separation from England and an- nexation to Greece was the voice of the people, and how far it was simply the loud-mouthed vociferations of blatant dema- gogues. He seems to have been speedily convinced that this popular movement was one worthy the respect of all liberty-lov- ing men. After a number of weeks spent in the Islands, the matter was formally presented to the Ionian Parliament, in the form of a proposal to annex their republic to the kingdom of Greece. This obtained the assent of the representatives, and a petition to that effect was presented to Mr. Gladstone. In in- forming the English sovereign of the result of his mission, he stated that "the single and unanimous will of the Ionian people has been and is for their union with the kingdom of Greece." This short dispatch tells the whole story of his embassy and the accomplishment of the task set him. A couple of weeks after- ward, he left for England ; his official connection with the Ionian Islands was at an end. Wot so the influence which he had over their fortunes. The holies which had been raised bj' his appointment were not to be readily dampened by his return J the Greeks continued to agi- tate more strenuously than ever, and they wcro listened to with more respect at the Colonial Office and in Parliament, since so eminent an Englishman had become impressed with the justice of their claims. It was some years before the final result of this mission was achieved; but when the Ionian Islands at last became a part of the kingdom of Greece, it was in no small measure duo to the influence which Mr. Gladstone's opinion had upon the councils of his countrj'. Mr. Gladstone returned to England in Februarj', 1859. The Derby Ministrj^ had been in oflico scared}' a j-ear. It was al- ready beginning to show signs of weakness, of that inevitably The Palmerston Ministry. 185 loss of power which sooner or later comes to every Grovern- mont. There were two important r[ucstions before the public mind at this juncture: Parliamentary Ecform and the state of the foreign relations of England. The measure which had excited such en- mity in the early thirties had become an insufficient measure for ]\Ir. Speakt:}-. the progressive champions of the people's rights; and a further extension of the suffrage was loudly demanded. Unable to struggle against the unmistakable expression of the popular will, tiic Government had pledged itself to bring in a Eeform Bill; but this had rather excited than allayed the popular feeling. 186 The Palmerston Ministry. It was hardly a time at which to bring up such a measure; for all Europe was trembling at the innovations which were be- ing introduced, and a country like England would seem to have desired rather a continuance of the old state of things at this period of revolution. Under the auspices of Cavour, who had spent some time in England, and was a warm admirer of the En- glish system of Government, the petty state of which he was a subject had been modeled after the great empire, and Sardinia had, in consequence, attained a rank as a constitutional mon- archy for which she would otherwise have striven in vain. This country had first been heard of in European politics, as a state which was at all worthy of consideration, during the Crimean War, when it became the ally of England and France. Savoy had grown into Sardinia, Sardinia was soon to grow into Italj^. It is not probable that the Premier had any decided wish for Parliamentary Reform. He had thrown himself, heart and soul, into the work when the subject was first brought to the serious attention of Parliament; but that had been nearly thirty years before this time, and age was beginning to cool the ardor of his nature. The chief advocate of a further extension of the suf- frage had been Lord John Russell, who had brought forward such a bill in 1852, and supported it with all his powers only to have it fail. Disraeli was now eager for Reform, because he saw clear- ly enough that it was the only means by which the Conserva- tives could hope to retain power; the instant the Government should venture to oppose or disregard the popular wish, that in- stant their divided opponents would unite, and the union would be fatal to the foes of Reform. But chief among those who advocated the passage of such a measure was that sturdy Quaker whose earnestness in the cause of the people has grown stronger and stronger as the years have gone by. John Bright had been out of Parliament for several years, on account of ill health, when in 1857 he was returned for Birmingham. In the first period of his parliamentary life, he had been one of the most ardent supporters of tho Free Trade system ; and ho was perhaps tho most widely known advocate of it; certainly there was no one else who permitted himself to bo so completely absorbed by this measure. Ho was one of the delegates sent by tho Society of Friends to the Czar, at the be- ginning of tho Crimean War, to intercede for peace. This had been his last public act in this first period. His return to Pftrlia- Tlie Palinerston Ministry. 187 tnent was signalized by his opposition to the Cons])iracy Bill, which was the cause of Lord Palmei'Ston's going out of office; he now threw himself with all his strength into this effort to se- cure a more universal suffrage, and never relaxed his endeavors until the attainment of that object, nearly twenty years after Lord Derby went out of ofiice. Bright's return to public life seemed almost like a resurrec- tion, so fully had people been convinced that he would bo heard no more. It was small wonder, then, that his audiences should be large and enthusiastic. His efforts were not wholly successful; though the popular outcry was loud, it was not universal; try- ing to arouse a Eeform spirit in the North, Bright himself said, was " like flogging a dead horse." The upper and middle class- es cared very little about the question, for their rights had been assured by the measure of 1832; it was mainly the laboring classes who were now dissatisfied ; and many of the Conserva- tives were inclined to treat the demand as the mere outcry of professional agitators. Bright himself was generally regarded by parliamentarians as only an eloquent and respectable dema- gogue ; and most of the Conservatives, and some of the Whigs, were inclined to look upon him as scarcely worthy of being ta- ken into account. Perhaps the Conservative who had the high- est opinion of him was no other than Mr. Disraeli, who saw that the Manchester orator must be taken into account as a genuine political power. Mr. Bright was persuaded to formulate a bill, expressing his ideas on this momentous question of public policy; but as might have been expected, his views were not those of the Ministry. His enemies said it was such a measure as Jack Cade might have proposed, had that ancient agitator ever got so far as the subject of Parliamentary Eeform ; he had so few friends, as far as this bill was concerned, that it did not make much matter what they said. Certainly the bill had but few supporters, though it was so nearly like that which the party adopted later that we can only rate Bright as far ahead of his time. Disraeli, who saw that he could not resist the tendency in that direction, had been studying the question of Eeform, and was ready with a bill at the beginning of the session of 18.59. It was essentially a Conservative measure, since it left things very near- ly as it found them. Tlie great need of the time was a law which would not only increase the number of voters, but would extend 188 The Palmerston Ministry. the franeliiso to classes which were as yet without representation 5 but Disraeli's plan did not aim at this. It was said by one of the opposite party that it looked like a bill framed to increase the Conservative majority; and that was doubtless its intention. Tho chief change which was made was the extension of the fran- chise to persons who had j^roperty in the funds, bank stock, or stock in the East India Company, also to those who had a cer- tain amount of money in savings-banks or received a pension from the Government, and to certain professional classes which had not hitherto been permitted a vote. " The working-classes cried out for the franchise, and Mr. Disraeli proposed to answer the cry by giving tho vote to graduates of universities, medical practitioners and schoolmasters." The bill jiassod the first reading by a party vote, procured by tho unflagging efforts of the Whigs. But the bill was not a fav- orite with the Conservative party itself. The Home Secretary urged that no member of the Ministry would support such a bill, were it brought forward by Lord John EussoU or Lord Palmer- ston ; and he urged this in a letter in which he convoyed his res- ignation to tho Premier. Mr. Henley, the President of the Board of Trade, followed the example of Mr. Walpole. When the bill which had thus won the contempt of its proposer's party friends came up for a second reading, it met with hard treatment at the hands of his foes. Lord John Ensscll moved an amend- 7ncnt to the effect that the proposed readjustment of the county franchise was unsatisfactory to the House, and that any bill which attempted to deal with this question ought to include a plan for the greater extension of the suffrage in cities and bor- roughs. Tho experienced statesman supported this amendment with an able speech, expressing in touching language his long- continued efforts for Parliamentary Eeform; and the debate be- came animated. Mr. Bright and his immediate adherents of course opposed the measure of the Ministry, as it was very far from their ideas of wliat such a bill should bo. More moderate Liberals thought it could be so modified in Committee as to meet the requirements of tho time. Mr. Gladstone, who, in the division which followed, voted against the amendment, found it ncccssarj' to explain his course in a somewhat lengthy speech, an abstract of which will state tho objections to tins bill, and also the difficulties ensuing from its rejection, more clearly than is otherwise possible. The Palmerston Ministry. 189 As there was no controversy traceable to differences between political parties, but a remarkablo unanimity on all sides with -"egard to the necessity for Reform, he regretted that the House Avas now in debate which would estrange those whose united ef- forts were necessery to a satisfactory settlement. He objected to the form of the resolution, and only the weakness of the Gov- ernment could induce him to vote for it. Like all others of the time, he saw grave evils arising from a change at this juncture; and the Liberals especially had cause to fear such a change, for they would be called to power, and that would only emphasize the divisions in that part}'. Mr. Gladstone was now identified with the Liberals, th« name Peelite having gone almost com- pletely out of use. Ho next proceeded to sketch the history of Eeform as his own recollection afforded him the materials : "In 1851 my noble friend [Lord J. Eussell], then the First Minister of the Crown, approached the question of Eeform, and commenced with a promise of what was to be done twelve months afterward. In 1852 he brought in a bill, and it disap- peared, together with the Ministrj'. In 1853 we had the Ministry of Lord Aberdeen, which commenced with a promise of Eeform in twelve months' time. "VVcIl, 1854 arrived; with it arrived the bill, but with it also arrived the war, and in the war was a rea- son, and I believe a good reason, for abandoning tlie bill. Then came the Government of my noble friend the member for Tiver- ton [Palmerston] which was not less unfortunate in the circum- stances which prevented the redemption of those pledges which had been given to the people from the mouth of the Sovereign on the throne. In 1855 my noble friend escaped all responsibil- ity for a Eeform Bill on account of the war; in 1856 he escaped all responsibility for Eeform on account of the peace; in 1857 he escaped that inconvenient responsibility by the dissolution of Parliament; and in 1858 he escaped again hy the dissolution of his Government." Frequently interrupted by the cheers and laughter of the House while thus summing up the history of Eeform during the past seven or eight years, the speaker proceeded to point the moral of this "ower true talc." Tlic jieople had come to think that the House was only too willing to oppose this question ; and this had made it hazardous to oppose the bill. Ho did not advocate the passage of the bill, however, as it stood, but urged strongly the reduction of the qualification, and declared that the small 190 The Palmerston Ministry. boroughs deserved more consideration. They were the nursery ground of men who were destined to lead the House and be an ornament to their country, he said ; and he maintained that the extension and durability of English liberty ^'ere to bo attributed, under Providence, to distinguished statesmen introduced into the House at an early age. Upon all these grounds he urged the House to go into committee, thus to discuss the bill more freely, and to make such alterations as might be necessary. It should be remembered that the rules of the House of Com- mons preclude any member from speaking twice on the same subject; but if the House go into committee, the Speaker leaving the chair, this restriction is removed and a freer discussion thereby made possible. The division was taken shortly after the conclusion of Mr. Gladstone's speech. Though the House of Commons consisted of six hundred and fifty-eight members, it is rare that over five hundred take part in a division J and the House frequently ad- journs for lack of the necessary quorum of forty. On this occa- sion, however, there were present the almost unprecedented num- ber of six hundred and twenty-ono members; and by this pro- portion of the House was the momentous question decided. The division was taken, and showed that the Opposition had a majority of thirty-nine. This was a surprise to the members of the Government, and indeed to the Liberals ; for the whole ques- tion was so open, and party lines so confused, that the wisest old politician in the House could hardly have foretold the result with certainty. Lord Derby decided to appeal to the country; a step which occasioned much inconvenience, said John Bright, but was con- stitutional and perhaps necessary. Parliament was prorogued April 19th, and dissolved the next day. Writs were now is- sued for a new election, returnable at once ; and the new Parlia- ment met May 31st. In this assemblj-, Mr. Gladstone again sat for the Universit}' of Oxibrd. The Government was in a con- siderable minority in the new House, and the elfects of this state of affairs wore felt at once. A week had been spent in sweating in new members, so that it was not until the 7lh of June that Her Majesty opened Parliament in ijcrson, it having beenopened by commission u|)on first assembling. The first business was the preparation of an addi-oss to the Queen ; the regular routine at the beginning of the session ; and to this address, as moved in The Palmerston Ministry. 191 the House of Commons, the Marquis of Hartington offered an amendment. This was equivalent to proposinc; a vote of want of confidence, and the result was eagerly looked for. The debate lasted three nights, and terminated with a division which showed a majority of nineteen against the Ministry. Having been twice defeated in the House, there was no option but for them to re- sign; and resign they did. Lord Palmerston. The Liberal party, to whom the power had thus fallen, was divided against itself; Lord John Eussell headed one portion, while Lord Palmerston was the chief of the other. A coolness had existed between these two for some time, though it was said that at the date of Lord Derby's resignation they had been re- conciled, and would act together. But it was at least doubtful how long Eussell would endure Palmerston as his chief, and more than doubtful whether Palmerston would consent to act under Russell. In this dilemma, the Queen sent for Lord Granville, 192 The Talmerston Minisity. who was the confessed leader of the Liberal Party in the House of Lords ; and gave him lior command to form a Ministrj-. Contrary to precedent, a portion of the interview in which this arrangement was made was published in the Times; and it is from this article that we learn the reasons for this choice, as well as the Queen's fear of offending either of these eminent states- men by nominating the other to the highest honor in her gift. The publication of this account was regarded by some of the stricter politicians of the old school as the sign of a general breaking up of all the boundaries of decency and respect for royalty; but was easily and naturally explained by Lord Gran- ville, who had obtained permission to state to his political friends what had occurred, and the interview had thus indirectly got around to the newspaper. But the Queen did not understand her ex-ministers as well as she thought. For some reason, which is not clearly explained, Lord John EusscU declined to serve under Lord Granville, but professed his readiness to accept office in a Palmerston Govern- ment. Under such circumstances, Lord Granville having con- fessed that he would not form a Cabinet, the post was offered to Lord Palmerston. Three of the important offices in this Ministry were filled by the same men who had occupied those posts in the first Palmer- ston administration ; of these, we are most interested in the per- formance of the duties of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which Mr. Gladstone was again called upon to perform. Eegard- ing this appointment, Molcsworth, whose "History of England from the Year 18.50," John Bright commends as " honestlj' writ- ten," uses the following language : "Another gentleman whose accession to the Ministry gave it great streugth and stabilitj^j and whose presence in it was per- haps necessary to its existence, certainly to its permanence, was Mr. Gladstone. Ho had to face a strong contest for his seat for the University of Oxford ; but his friends succeeded, though not without difficulty, in obtaining his re-election, notwithstanding the opposition of many members of the university who had for- merly given him their support, but who were becoming intoler- ant of the more and more pronounced liberality of his views, and whoso anger and suspicions were further roused bj' his ac- ceptance of office in the Palmerston administration." Although Mr. Gladstone had at such length explained that his The Palmerston Ministry. 193 vote for Mr. Disraeli's Eeform Bill was merely given because he feared the results of a change of Government, and was not an indorsement either of the measure itself, or of the general course of the Ministry which had framed it, his opponent in this elec- tion was not slow to accuse him of tergiversation in accepting office immediately in the Ministry formed by Lord Derby's op- ponent and successor. This charge was best answered by a plain unvarnished statement of the facts in the case, and quotations from Mr. Gladstone's speech on that occasion ; and seems to have been lightly thought of by the electors ; for the vote of 859 for Lord Chandos against 1050 for Mr. Gladstone is not a large one, when we consider how deeply Mr. Gladstone's liberalistic ten- dencies had offended many of the electors long before he signal- ized those tendencies by his course on the present occasion. The Palmerston Ministry had been formed early in June ; the nominations at Oxford took place the 27th of the same month, and the polling continued for five days. But the new Chancel- lor of the Exchequer had his budget ready the 18th of July. His speech was given the same flattering reception which had al- ways been accorded him, the strict attention which was so rarely given to speeches on financial questions. It was a thoroughly simple and at the same time a thoroughly honest measure. He had to provide for a large addition to the naval and military es- tablishments, in consequence of which it was estimated that while the revenue for the ensuing year would be £fj4, 340,000, the expenditure would be £69,207,000. True to the principle upon which he had acted when the war created such an enormous deficit in the estimated revenue, Mr. Gladstone did not propose to make up this deficiency of nearly five million pounds by a loan, or by any of the expedients usually adopted by those Chancellors of the Exchequer who are desirous only of delaying the evil. By an addition of 4:d in the pound to the tax on incomes above £150, a penny stamp on bankers' cheques drawn across the counter, and by the diminution of the malt credits from eighteen to twelve weeks, thus anticipating a portion of the nest year's in- come, he calculated that the deficit would be met without adding to the debt. This budget was of course attacked by Mr. Disraeli, who ob- jected to the raising of seventy millions annually, and urged that it would be better to have some understanding with France, so that the expense of maintaining the army might be material- 13 194 The Palmerston Ministry. ly reduced. It may hero bo noted that a popular movement of this year accomplished more in this direction than any speech which was made ia the House of Commons. The people had been considerably alarmed by some intemperate language used by certain French officers; there was a regular invasion panic, which the Prime Minister is said to have encouraged. The re- sult of this was the formation of rifle corps, which, surviving the alarm that caused them to be organized, made the reduction of the regular army possible, without reducing at the same time the available military strength to resist invasion. The danger of invasion, as we have hinted, was supposed to be from France. Though the two countries had been allies in the Crimean War, we can hardly reckon that Napoleon III. was ever very popular in England, or ever thoroughly trusted by the bulk of the thinking people. His alliance with England against Russia counted for nothing, for ho had but used one nation as a tool with which to wreak his vengeance upon the other; he had extorted Nice and Savoy from Sardinia, as the price of the sup- port in the war between Italy and Austria which Cavour had forced him to give; he had turned against Austria, with which he had previously been in firm alliance; and it was doubtful which would bo the next victim of his rapacity, Prussia or Eng- land. So felt the people of the time ; though the record of such fears reads strangely enough to us who have been told of Sedan and Chiselhurst, and of that fierce sortio of Zulu warriors, which finally extinguished his line. " Napoleon III.," said a clever epigramatist, "deceived Europe twice — once in persuading it that he was an idiot; once in induc- ing it to believe that he was a statesman." At this time, the im- pression obtained that he was a statesman, and had the English people but been wise, they might soon have discovered that Nice and Savoy were not what ho thought they would be to him; that the Italians had decidedly the best of the bargain. But they wore not wise. The most reasonable and harmless actions of the French Government wore made the ground of suspicion and alarm; it even occasioned uneasiness that the Power across the channel should push the project of the "impracticable Suez Canal." It was under such circumstances as this that a commer- cial treaty with Franco was proposed in the early days of 1860; a treaty which had been arranged in a peculiar way; Mr. Cob- deo, who was looked upon as being much safer and more Con- The Palmerston Ministry. 195 servative than Mr. Bright, though ho was really the more rest- less reformer, was sent to France to talk the matter over with the Emperor. Napoleon III. never lot his dignity stand in the way of any real or fancied advantage, and readily agreed to dis- cuss the matter thus informally with Mr. Cobden, who had never held office under the British Government, though Lord Palmer- ston had offered him the Board of Trade in the present Ministry. This arrangement was mainly brought about by Mr. Gladstone, who most ardently desired the treaty. The great majority of the people of France were ardent Protectionists ; the Emperor, him- self, however, was a Free Trader; and if the treaty should be concluded, it must be by the exertion of his imperial will and authority, not by any consent of the representatives of the peo- ple. The troatj' itself will bo best summed up in the words wliieh Mr. Gladstone used in stating its j)rovisions to the House of Commons. The occasion was the intro- duction of the budget in February, 1860. "Perhaps, sir, as the com- mittee have not yet had an opportunity of reading the instrument itself, it may be convenient that I should in the first place state to them very briefly the princi- pal covenants. First, I shall take the engagements of Franco. France engages to reduce the duty on English coal and coko, from the 1st of July, 1860 ; on tools and machinery, from the 1st of Doc- ember, 1860; and on yarns, and goods in flax and homp, includ- ing, I believe, jute — this last an article comparatively new in commerce, but one in which a groat and very just interest is felt in some groat trading districts — from the Lst of June, 1861. That is the first important engagement into which France enters. Her second and greater engagement is postponed to the Istof October 1861. I think it is probably in the knowledge of the committee, that this postponement is stipulated under a pledge given by the Richard Cobden, 196 The Palmerston Ministry. Government of Prance to the classes who there, as here, have supposed themselves to bo interested in the maintenance of pro- hibition. On the 1st of October, then, in the year 1861, France engages to reduce the duties and take away the prohibitions on all articles of British production mentioned in a certain list, in such a manner that no duty upon any one of these articles shall exceed thirty per cent, ad valorem. I do not speak of articles of food, which do not materially enter into the treaty; but the list to which I refer, sir, includes all the staples of British manufacture, whether of yarns, ilax, hemp, hair, wool, silk, or cotton; all manufactures of skins, leather, bark, wood ; iron and all other metals; glass, stoneware, earthenware, or porcelain. I will not go through the whole list ; it is indeed needless, for I am not aware of any great or material article that is omitted. France also engages to commute those ad valorem duties into rated duties by a separate convention, to bo framed for the purjtose of giving effect to the terms which I have described. But if there should be a disagreement as to the terms on which they should be rated by the convention, then the maximum chargeable on every class at thirty per cent, ad valorem will bo levied at the proper period, not in the form of a rated duty, but upon the value; and the value will be determined by the process now in use in the English cus- toms. " I come next, sir, to the English covenants. England engages, with a limited power of exception, which we propose to exercise only with regard to two or three articles, to abolish immediate- ly and totally all duties upon all manufactured goods. There will be a sweep, summary, entire and absolute, of what are known as manufactured goods from the face of the British tariff. Further, England engages to reduce the duty on brandy from 15s the gallon to the level of the colonial duty ; namelj', 8s 2(Z the gal- lon. She engages to reduce immediately the duty on foreign wine. In the treatj^ it is of course French wine which is speci- fied ; but it was perfectly understood between France and our- selves, that we proceed with regard to the commodities of all countries alike. England engages, then, to reduce the duty on wine from a rate nearly reaching 5s lOd per gallon, to 3sper gal- lon. She engages, beside a ]iresent reduction, further to reduce that duty from the 1st of A])ril, 1861, to a scale which has- refer- ence to the strength of the wine measured by the quantity of spirit it contains," The Falmerston Ministry. 197 The provisions of the treaty would of course cause a reduction in the revenue ; but this was considerably less, Mr. Gladstone calculated, than the relief which the measure would give. The deficit thus occasioned would be made up, he argued, by the fall- ing in of long annuities ; and the measure which was designed to bo a permanent benefit would thus bo attended by not even a temporary inconvenience. But the house was by no means ready to assent to this plan. Not only did the Conservatives ojipose it, as might have been ex- pected, but some of the Liberals were equally bitter in their de- nunciations of such a compromise measure. It was a curious fea- ture of the debate, that some of the most eminent Free Traders in the House, including Gladstone, Bright and Cobden, were ac- cused of renouncing their principles in favor of a measure of Protection; and by urging the conclusion of a treaty which could only be carried out on the other side by the will of the Emperor, opposed to the sentiments of his people, they were ob- liged to defend themselves from a charge of rejecting the prin- ciples of representative government. Such a charge, applied to Gladstone, is only less ridiculous than a similar one having Bright for its object. The Government did not attempt to deny that this was a com- promise measure ; but it was the best that could be done ; and as such it was presented to the House. When the budget had been fully presented, the Opposition armed itself for the fight. The battle was opened by a shot from Mr. Disraeli, who offered an amendment afiirming that the House was not ready to go into committee upon the Customs act until it should have considered and assented to the provisions of the treaty. The right honor- orable gentleman attacked the treaty, attacked the Government, attacked Mr. Cobden, with all the warmth which was character- istic of his speeches on such occasions. He cited the examjjle of Pitt in 1786; and doubtless considered his shot a telling one. But it had missed its mark ; and the return fire was one which rat- tled long about his ears and those of his confederates. Of the speech in which Mr. Gladstone answered this attack of the ex-chancellor, a contemporary newspaper said : " The Chan- cellor of the Exchequer has won his Magenta gallantly, and with extraordinary damage to the enemy. The battle has been re- newed, and is raging while we write, but the Opposition army is dispirited and charges languidly, and all seems tending toward 198 Tfii ^alrnerston Ministry. a ministerial Solferino. Mr. Gladstone distinguished himself in the first engagement by a feat of arms of the most brilliant cnar- acter, and none of his own Homerif; heroes could have more ter- ribly poured in thunder on the foe. Dropping martial meta- phor, it may be said that the best debater in the House of Com- mons delivered, in answer to Mr. Disraeli — no unworthy antag- onist — a speech in wiiich the lucidity of the argument was wortliy of the powerful declamation of the orator. From the outset he Hon. John Bright. showed his masterly grasp of the subject and an ability quite as conspicuous as if he had made tliis one question tiie great study of his life. With perfect ease and self-possession he rose to the occa- sion, pointed out clearly tlie salient features of Parliamentary action, and indicated the far reaching effects of the principles under consideration. He showed his familiarity with minute detads, gaining at once the attentive ear of Ills auditors. In all these respects he showed his mental superiority. When Mr. Glad- stone addresses himself in his best manner to his work, as he did The Palmerston Ministry. 199 upon the occasion in question, the House of Commons is justly proud of its illustrious member. Sometimes, like Burke, "He goes on refining, And thinks of convincing, while they think of dining," (or rather of dividing, for he seldom throws himself away upon the Impransi); but there was no such waste of thought upon this occasion, when he closed with his adversary like a man who meant mischief — and he did it. Mr. Disraeli knows best wheth- er it was wise to get his forces so exceedingly well beaten at the beginning of the financial campaign ; but that is his affair and Prince Eupert's." The House divided upon the amendment which was thus ably argued against, and the Government found itself in a majority of sixty-three. An amendment to the budget brought forward by a minor member of the Opposition was less fortunate than Mr. Disraeli's had proved, for this condemnation of the propo- sition to re-impose the income tax, though only for a brief per- iod, was defeated by more than one hundred. There was another important feature of the budget; the pro- posed abolition of the tax on paper. When we consider the dif- ficulties with which newspapers, those principal consumers of pa- per, have had to contend, we should be astonished, not at the faults that they show, but that they exist. It is true that the great newspaper is a power in the community, no less in conser- vative England than in the United States, which sometimes ap- pears to be as fond of novelties as ever were the Athenians ; but the English newspapers of the beginning of this century pro- ceeded upon a mistaken course; they encouraged the tax which tended to raise the price of their publications, in the belief that their profits would be diminished if they lost the practical mo- nopoly; the ostensible reason for their opposition being that cheap journalism would necessarily be nasty. Originally im- posed with the idea of checking the establishment of seditious newspapers, the duty in 1836 was a penny upon each copy. Add- ed to this, there was a sixpence tax on each advertisement; be- sides this there was a considerable tax upon the white paper, represented by a duty imposed for the benefit of the manufac- turer. The tax on advertisements was abolished ; in 1855 the penny duty upon each copy was no longer exacted ; it remained for Mr. Gladstone to take the final step in promoting the inter- ests of the milUoii readers, by recommending the abolition of 200 The Palmerston Ministry. this protective duty. Of course there was opposition from the manufacturers and their representatives in Parliament ; for the British Parliament differs from the American Congress in this, that most of the great interests of the country Lave their ac- knowledged representatives. There are others, as there must be in every representative assembly, who care but little about such things, but are ready enough to vote for a certain measure to oblige a friend. There was a good deal of rallying up of such men to sustain the cause of the paper-making and journal-selling monopoly. The result was that although the propositions of the Government were finally carried, they were carried by con- stantly decreasing majorities. In place of votes which ran a hundred or so ahead of the numbers on the opposite side, as the other portions of the same plan had received, the resolutions to abolish the excise on paper were won, on the second reading, by fifty-three ; on the third, by only nine. The bill which had met with this obstinate resistance in the Commons was not more fortunate in the Lords. It was fought with persistent argument ; Lord Lyndhurst, who had been per- haps the most powerful supporter of the Conservative party in his day, and the most able and distinguished member of the Peel Ministry of 18.34, as well as of the later Cabinets formed by Con- servative Premiers, was especially vigorous in his opposition to it. All the force of that brilliant and powerful oratory which had secured his advancement a half-century before, was employ- ed by the old man, now nearly eighty-nine years old, to defeat this plan which was so distasteful to the hereditary legislators. "While the question was still being debated in the House of Lords, where Lord Monteagle had given notice of a hostile mo- tion, and Lord Derby had announced his intention of supporting it, although he admitted that he thought, if the income could stand it, the tax ought to be abolished, the members of the House of Commons were protesting indignantly against this usurpation of their privileges. Like our own House of Eoprescntatives, the Commons alone can originate bills relating to revenue ; and this effort of the Lords to prevent the abolition of a tax against which the Commons had decided, was looked upon as equivalent to imposing a new tax. Perhaps the Lords would not have ven- tured upon this course, had tlie niajoritiesinthellousc of Commons been greater; certainly they only hold what power the}' have on condition of never using it, and their attitude of independence The Palmerston Ministry. 201 upon this occasion was looked upon as subversive of all repres- entative government. Public meetings were held, to protest against their usurpation of power, which Mr. Gladstone de- nounced as a '' gigantic innovation." At these meetings, John Bright and his immediate adherents were of course the leading spirits, but there were others who did not always act with them. Lord Lyndhurst, who were now only too willing to be at their side. It was said at the time that the Chancellor of the Exchequer showed himself the worst Eadical of them all; quite " out-Heroded Herod" in his assertions of the rights of the people. The Lords kept on in the course which they had marked out for themseves, quite regardless of the popular agitation. The debate finally ended ; not without some strange and apparently 202 The Palmerston Ministry. irreconcilable assertions from Lord Derby, the acknowledged head of the Conservative party; he would support the abolition of the tax, if he thought that the revenue could stand it, he said again; forgetting that the recognized authority, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was in possession of data which others could not readily obtain, and who was besides his official advan- tages gifted as few financiers have been, had announced it as bis deliberate opinion that the revenue could stand it; he further acknowledged, to a deputation which waited upon him, com- posed of many eminent men who represented literature and jour- nalism, that the House of Lords had no right to modify a ttx in the slightest degree. This last acknowledgment, however, was not to be obtained from Lyndhurst, who had been Lord Chan- cellor during three administrations, and the clearness of whose judgments had never been excelled; the "old man eloquent" continued to maintain the privileges of that order to which his legal acumen had caused his admission. Others there were of less note to speak on the same side ; and we do not hear of any strong speech in support of the Govern- ment in the Upper House. This branch of the national legisla- ture is always largely Conservative, if anything like its full strength be brought out; and upon this division there were no fewer than two hundred and ninety-seven votes cast, or more than three-fourths of the whole number of peers, including those who, not being of age, were not entitled to a voice in the pro- ceedings. Of these votes, one hundred and ninety-three were against the Government, which was thus left in a minority of eighty-nine in the Upper House. The story goes, that Lord Palmerston was asked what he in- tended to do about it; with the almost American habit of joking which characterized so many of his utterances, he replied : " 1 mean to tell them that it was a very good joke for once, but they must not give it to us again." Whether the Premier actually gave this reply or not, is a question which is not answered by any competent authority ; but it was quite in his line to have spoken so to any one who made such an inquiry; and this very policy was the one which ho actually pursued. Immediately upon the reassembling of Parliament, after the recess. Lord Palmerston brought forward a scries of resolutions affirming that the Com- mons alone possessed the power of re-imposing taxes, and say- ing, in effect, that the Lords had hotter not try it again, The Palmerston Ministry. 203 Mr. Gladstone had done it all, said the Conservatives, who were not far wrong. The whole question is of little importance at this daj', save as it bears directly upon our subject ; the Lords had had their lesson, and neither in the next session, when tlie same measure was again proposed, nor since that time, under similar circumstances, have they ventured to resist the abolition of a tax which the House of Commons has decided shall be im- posed no longer. The main interest is that attaching to Mr. Gladstone in this question ; not as showing what eminence he had attained, or what influence he possessed, for that is a thing which the veriest tyro in English history can tell us, but as evidencing the progress which he had made in liberalism of opinion and feeling. He had even outrun some of his later Whig colleagues. The position which he took in this controversy was entirely dif- ferent from that assumed by Lord Pulmerston. He condemned without reserve or mitigation the conduct of the Lords, and the grounds on which he based this decision made it all the more welcome to the Radicals. He did not indeed support the course of extreme self-assertion which some Badical members recom- mended to the House of Commons; but he made it clear that he disclaimed such measures only because he felt that the House of Lords would soon come to its senses again, and would refrain from similar acts of unconstitutional interference in the future. Hitherto he had been Liberal in feeling and opinion, but this was hardly patent to himself, so gradually had the change been wrought, and so faint were the lines between the moderate Lib- erals and the moderate Conservatives; much less was it apparent to others. The first decisive intimation of the course which he was henceforward to tread was his declaration that the constitution- al privileges of the representative assembly were not safe in the hands of the Conservative Opposition. Mr. Gladstone was dis- tinctly regarded during that debate as the advocate of a policy far more energetic than that supported by Lord Palmerston. The promoters of the meetings which had been held to protest against the interference of the Lords found full warrant for the course they had taken in Mr. Gladstone's arguments. Lord Palmerston, on the other hand, certainly suffered somewhat in the eyes of these stern and uncompromising upholders of the rights of the Commons. It was urged that he who was ready enough to sanction Radical movements on the continent was far less tolerant of them at home. But whatever the reasons upon 204 The Palmerston Ministry. which the two men based their disapproval, theirs, added to that which was heard on every side, was quite sufficient to frighten the Lords, who did not try their little joke again, even when the same measure was again sent up by the Commons. There remains one other important measure introduced dur- ing the session of 1860, to bo noted in this connection. The Derby Ministry had gone out of office because of their failure to carry a Eeform Bill. Lord John Eussell, whose efforts in this direction had been made the subject of Mr. Gladstone's kindly ridicule in the previous session, was naturally the one most inter- ested in the measure, and he was the Minister to whom the work was intrusted. The bill was brought in March 1st, and read for the second time on the 19th of the same month. The debate lasted, at intervals, until the 11th of June. A measure which thus hangs on cannot be said to be a popular one with the House ; nor was this. The bill as it was proposed was rather more offensive to the conservative Liberals than to the Tories themselves ; and of tiiis division of the party in power the Premier was the head. Lord John Eussell was the chief of the more popular section, and his Eeform Bill, which was a moderate and simple scheme enough, was called The People's Bill. Palmerston was all but openly opposed to this darling measure of his colleague, how- ever ; and although he was usually a regular attendant upon the sessions of the House, he managed to be absent at nearly all the sessions that the measure came up for discussion; when he did chance to be present, he preserved a silence, which on the part of the Prime Minister when a Government bill was being dis- cussed, was extremely significant. The bill proposed that the county franchise should be lowered to ten pounds, the borough to six; and made a considerable change in the apportionment of members ; it also provided that where a constituency returned three members, the electors should vote for but two, thus giving a representative to the minority. This was in strict accordance with the ideas of the Manchester school, and partly because it was so pleasing to Messrs. Bright, Cobden, et al., the more Conservative members of the Cabinet found it extremely distasteful. Had the Premier spoken once in its favor, it would probably have been carried ; but the Conser- vatives hud an easy task before thorn. The Opposition dared not oppose the measure openly: Disraeli saw that clearly ; he might have occasion to introduce a Eeform Bill some day himself- and The Palmerston Ministry. 205 tbough he did not shrink from inconsistency, and had frequently disavowed principles of which he had formerly been the ardent Mr. Gladstone as Lord Rector of the University of Edinburgh. suj^porter, there was no use of providing his enemies with argu- ments against him. He contented himself with a quiet, languid style of speech, which seemed to say, "You may think that this is 206 The Palmerston Ministry. a Eeform Bill, but you just ought to see what I could do, if I had the opportunity and was so inclined." The bill needed no resis- tance from its enemies ; the passivity of its friends was quite enough to kill it. There were not wanting those who saw what the Premier's si- lence meant, and endeavored to reason with him. "Why should you oppose this measure?" asked a friend of him ; "The representatives who would be sent to a reformed Par- liament would be men of the same chafecter and standing with those who sit in the present Parliament." "Yes," he answered, grimly, "I suppose they would; but they would play to the galleries instead of the boxes." Mr. Gladstone was a warm supporter of the bill, and spoke in vindication of the conduct and consistency of the introducer. He ridiculed the fears of those who thought that the proposed fran- chise would deteriorate the constituencies of the country; and urged that the new electors would be fully as intelligent and capable of judging men and measures, as many who already held it. The apprehensions that the six pound electors would become so numerous as to swamp the representation of property and station in the House were utterly unfounded and delusive. The bill was read a second time withouta division, butfinding it impossible to carry it through. Lord John Eussell withdrew it; preferring delay to defeat. As we began this chapter with an account of a mission on which Mr. Gladstone was dispatched because he was a profound Greek scholar, we close with the mention of an honor which was shown him because of the same eminence in learning. April 16th, 1860, he was installed as Lord Eector of the University of Edin- burgh, having previously to the installation received the degree of LL.D. In an address, the great value of which was its practical view of the work performed by the universities, and the responsibil- ities of those who were students there, Mr. Gladstone told the assembled students how broad was the field of knowledge which they were to till ; and how broad the field of time over which the human mind has sowed ami reaped its harvest. CHAPTER VIII. EMANCIPATION FROM TORYISM. Wet Weather and Poor Harvests— Dull Session iu Parliament— Post-OfBce Saf ings Banks— Garibaldi and His Ked Shirt — IWr. Gladstone Defends the Liberator of Italy — Improvement in the Nation's Finances — Protest of the Opposition— Bitter Attack on Gladstone- Repeal of the Paper Duty— The Ionian Islands again— English Opinion and the American Civil War- Reduction of the Income Tax— iSurplus iu the Revenues for 1864— The Working Classes — Osborne's Amusing Speech — The Question of Church and State— Mr. Gladstone Declares Himself Unmuzzled. O talk about the weather of the present day is bad enongh; but what shall we say when the records of nearly thirty years ago are brought forward to explain the course of politics? Yet so it must be now ; for the weather in the summer of 1860 was the means of vindicating the wisdom of those statesmen who had so j)ersistently maintained the doctrine of Free Trade. During the months of June, July and August, there was a prevalence of severe, cold, heavy rains, violent gales, and destructive floods ; and the long continuance of this unfavor- able weather gave rise to the fear that there would be an entire failure of the crops. Toward the end of August, indeed, there was some slight amelioration ; so that the crop was really bet- ter than was anticipated, though it was by no means up to the average. The removal of the restrictions which had so long im- peded the free interchange of commodities with other countries now acted in a most salutary manner, when the enlarged neces- sities of the country had driven her to the resources of a foreign supply. Under the operation of protective laws, the country would have suffered most severelj' ; but the working-classes es- pecially, now realized the beneficial effects of Free Trade; and those statesmen who had advocated it so strongly became cor- respondingly popular. The speech from the Throne at the beginning of the session of 1861 was a disappointment to many of the supporters of the Government, as well as to some actually in the C&binet. Thera 207 208 Emancipation from Toryism. was no mention of the great question of Parliamentary Reform ; the only pi-omise of legislation which was held out had reference to some of those law-reforms which had already been under the consideration of Parliament. An amendment expressive of the dissatisfaction that was felt at this notable omission was at once brought forward, but was opposed by Mr. Disraeli, who had no notion of the Liberals achieving distinction by their advocacy of Eoform ; and by Lord John Eussell, who contended that it would be better to take no action at all until such changes as would work definite improvement in the existing system could be made. Though this view of the matter was strenuously oppos- ed by Mr. Bright, who spoke strongly i n regard to the inconsisten- cy of Lord Russell in now manifesting such lukewarmness to- ward a measure which he had formerly supported with such ar- dent enthusiasm. But the Ministry was divided in itself upon this very question ; in the previous session, the bill had been lost because of the Premier's open hostility; the majority of the members of the House of Commons were beyond a doubt anx- ious to get rid of the whole question ; and the amendment call- ing for a consideration of Reform was vetoed by a majority of eighty-three. The Palmerston Government then, had replaced the Derby Government because the Reform Bill which the latter had pro- posed was not sufficiently comprehensive to meet the demands of the people ; and the Ministry which had come into power un- der such circumstances had now coolly set asitlo the whole thing, as something which it was not expedient to consider at all. Pal- merston's colleagues must of course share the blame which attach- ed to such conduct by continuing to hold office under a Minister who had been capable of such gross inconsistonc^y. The debates of this session were characterized bj- unusual tamcness and dullness. In the House of Lords, the Earl of Derby strongly condemned the policy of the Government re- garding France and Italy ; a policy which he described as plac- ing upon the shoulders of the people " an amount of taxation absolutely unprecedented in time of peace, and only made more intolerable by the financial freaks of the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer." To this attack wo have the most eloquent of all ans- wers — that which the subsequent prosperity, brought about by those very financial freaks, gives for Mr. Gladstone. Perhaps the most important measure which was this session Emancipation from Toryism. 209 brought forward by this high officer of the revenue was that which established the Post Office Saving Banks. This is the sec- ond notable reform, especially aifecting the middle and lower classes, which was the result of Gladstone's labors; the reader will recall the provisions of that bill which, while he was Presi- dent of the Board of Trade during Sir Robert Peel's administra- tion, established the Parliamentary Train on the Railways of Great Britain. The establishment of the Post Office Savings Banks has undoubtedly been of inestimable benefit to many classes of the British community. Following the course of the session, we find Mr. Gladstone taking part in the discussion on the vexed subject of Church Eates. After an eloquent speech, he concluded by suggesting that an arrangement might be made by which the power of a majority of a parish to accept or reject Church Eates as a right, should be agreed to, at the same time allowing a parish to tax itself by the will of the majority. This proposition was assailed by Mr. Bright, as leaving the question exactly where it was al- ready, that where you could not get Church Rates j-ou were to let them alone. The bill to abolish Church Eates was carried by a small majority, which included Lord Palnierston and Lord John Russell, with other members of the Government; but Mr. Gladstone voted against the measure. If the questions which related to internal affairs were few and of but slight consequence, when viewed from this distance of time and space, those which had to do with foreign affairs were neither few nor unimportant. Italy was convulsed with that struggle which finally resulted in her independence and union ; the United States were just beginning that war which was to rage for four years, with an incalculable expenditure of blood and treasure. Austria was defending her Italian possessions and allies ; France was drawn into the struggle, as an ally of Yictor Emmanuel; the utmost efforts would be necessary to prevent England's being compelled to take part, either with Italy or Austria, with the United States or the Confederate States. Victor Emmanuel comes to our minds with the prestige of suc- cess for an added jewel to his crown ; and dazzled by that, and by the knowledge that his sovereignty of a united Italy has un- doubtedly worked much good to its people, we can hardly under- stand how the King of Naples could find friends and defenders in liberty-loving England. Ferdinand II., who was responsible 14 Qmcn Victoria nl the OpeiUiy of Parliament in 1861. 210 Emancipation from Toryism. 211 for those abuses whicli Mr. Gladstone had been the main instru- ment in correcting by his fearless exposure of the condition of the Neapolitan prisons, had now been dead for nearly two years, and his son, Francis II., reigned in his stead. The new king was a not unworthy son of such a father, but his power had been first curtailed, then forever nullified, by the acts of Garibaldi. Tlio hero of Italy had more than twenty-five years before this time been condemned to death for participating in a futile revolutionary outbreak atGeiif)a; his life since the failure of that efi'ort had been devoted to the cause of freedom. Pursued by the Austrians. his wife had d'ed in his arms, exhausted by the dangers and terrible exertions of their flight. An exile from his country, he had made himself fiimous as the liberator of others. When he returned to Italy, it was as the acknowledged repre- sentative of the people's desire for freedom and union. Success had followed him ; and his army had grown steadily. In Sep- tember, 1860, he entered Naples; not at the head of his troops, as a conqueror, but with one or two friends; that it might be seen how his coming was awaited by the people. At last the message was flashed along the wires, at the close of that last bat- tle which Garibaldi fought as commander in this struggle — "Complete victory along the whole line." Victor Emmanuel crossed the Papal frontier and resumed command of the army; Garibaldi relinquished into the hands of the constitutional sover- eign, whose authority he had agreed to recognize, in place of that of a republic, the absolute sway which he had acquired over the Neapolitan provinces. Such was the state of affairs at the beginning of the year 1861, when the question was brought up for discussion in the British Parliament. At that time, as we have already said, there were some supporters in England of Ferdinand II., and Victor Em- manuel was strongly condemned by many for the recognition of Garibaldi, for supporting him and approving the invasion of Na2:iles. The conservative element was startled at the idea of a sailor's son presuming to interfere in the government of king- doms and the questions of djmasties and thrones, which belonged properly to high-born statesmen; and was scarcely less shocked at the idea of a scion of royalty accepting the assistance of such a man. Mr. Eoebuck predicted that if Garibaldi attempted to do in Venetia what he had already done in Naples and Sicily, he would be hanged within a week. 212 Emancipation from Toryism. A motion for goi-ng into Committee of Supply having been made in tlio House of Commons, Mi*. Popo Honnessy rose to call attention to the "active interference of the Secretary of State in promoting Picdmontese policj'," and condemned that policy as causing the increase of the national burdens in Piedmont, the decline of its trade and commerce, the wasteof the poj:)ulation in predatory war, and the consequent decay of agriculture. This mo- tion gave rise to the most exciting debate of the session. It was warmly supported by Sir George Bowyer. who, in addition to the contrast between Piedmont and the Pa- pal States, which had been boldly drawn by Mr. Hennessy, urged that the English sup- port of Napoleon III. |^\ was paralyzing all other European allies. The policy of the present Government, he said, had destroy- ed that prestige of honor and justice which used to attend the British flag, since it encouraged none' but the revolutionary party in Europe, who were the unprincipled tools of the unbounded ambition of the French Emperor. The second night of the debate, Mr. Gladstone rose to speak on the other side. There were other speeches, of course, in the defense of the liberator of Italj-, and of England's recognition of his services to the race ; but his is, as usual, reckoned the most eloquent, the most crushing expose of the errors which his op- ponents were supporting. Had the debate been confined to criticisms of the King of Sardinia, he said, or if it concerned only the policy pursued by the English Foreign Minister, ho would have remained silent, Garibaldi. Emancipation from Toryism. 213 confident of the wide-spread approval which that policy com- manded. He believed it to be stamped with approval through- out the great body of the people of England, from the greatest to the least. But the speakers upon the motion had called upon the House to lament the foreign policy of the Government, which they alleged was founded upon injustice, and said that the cause which the Ministry favored in Italy was the fiorsecution of righteous governments. The revolution in Naples was called a wicked conspiracy, carried on by an unprincipled king and a cunning minister; and the people of Naples had been said to be governed by benignant laws, wisely administered, and were de- voted to their king. Mr. Gladstone, in reply to this characteriza- tion, sketched the history of Naples from the accession of Fer- dinand II. ; and the story was an unanswerable argument against the house which had been so lately dethroned. Francis had been lauded for the courage which he had displayed at Gacta. To this Gladstone replied : "It is all very well to claim considera- tion for him on account of his coui'age; but I confess I fool much more admiration for the courage of the honorable Member for Dun- dalk and the honorable member for King's County (Bowyer and Hennessy); for I think I would rather live in a stout and well- built casemate, listening to the whizzing of bullets and the burst- ing of shells, than come before a free assembly to vindicate — " Mr. Gladstone was here interrupted by the tumultuous cheering, and was for some time unable to proceed. When the confusion had subsided, he continued : " — than to vindicate such a cause as that which those honorable gentlemen have espoused." With merciless exactitude he went on piling up accusations against Francis, and substantiating each by indisputable proofs. Nor was Naples the only state on which he turned the brilliant light of his eloquence. The Romagna, Perugia, Modona, all fell under the lash; and the Italians were exonerated from the charge of rebellion by a recital of the policy which had been pursued by Austria. He closed with a felicitous reference to the manner in which the revolution had boon accomplished, and tlie lasting blessing which the consolidation of Italy, and her restoration to national life, would be to Europe at large as well as to herself. So eloquent were the supporters of the Government, and so popular was the cause of Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel, that the debate terminated without a division. The subject again came up for discussion during the latter part of the session, when 214 BmancijMtion from Toryism. Mr. Gladstone took occasion to deny the charge of promoting revolutionary movfments in Italy, which had been brought against the Ministr}-; and adduced facts and circ'unistanees in justification of his previous attack upon the I)uke of Modena, by which he showed how criminal justice was administered in that duchy. The budget of the j'ear was presented to the House on the fifteenth of April. The House was densely crowded when Mr. Gladstone rose, immediately upon the opening of the daily session. He briefly sketched the previous year's budget and its provisions, and the financial history of the year. It had been signalized by the commercial treaty with France, by the re- moval of great national burdens, bj' the abolition of the last pro- tective duty from the system; it had been a j'ear of the largest expenditure that had occurred in the time of peace, while it was characterized by an unparallclled severity of the seasons. The apparent deficiency was £2,559,000; but certain deductions re- duced this to an actual deficiency of £221,000. We need not here recount the various taxes which were held, \>y their reduction or abolition, to have brought about this deficit; we may barely say that Mr. Gladstone, in contrasting the revenue of this year with that of 1853, when there had been another such change in the sources from which the income of the state was derived, while he did not attempt to deny that the revenue was not so elastic in the latter case as in the earlier, contended that this was due in some part to the vast increase in the expenditure, which was full twenty millions sterling greater than it had been seven j'ears before. Mr. Gladstone next proceeded to show that the legislation of the past 3'car, especially that relating to the treaty with France, had not been without a salutary effect; for though times were hard, and many of the peojjle without emploj-ment, that was owing to the unexampled harvest. He commended the efforts which the French Ministry had made to fulfill their part of the treaty, and again adverted to the service which Mr. Cobden had performed in negotiating it. The estimated revenue for the ensuing year was so considera- bly in excess of the estimated cx])enditurc that the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that it was proposed to remit the ad- ditional penny of the Income Tax which had been imposed the year before. Under the magic wand of the great financial en- gl.') 216 Emancipation from Toryism. Of this speech, a writer of the time said : "Among those who ought to be judges there is an almost unanimous opinion that, taltod to her. Prefacing his speech, therefore, with the statement that he would refi'ain from aslcing for any ex]ilana- tions, and by an exjn-ession of his symjiathy with Mr. Disraeli in liis doniestio affliction, Mr. Gladstone ])(iiiited out that while fliere was a clear (v/,s».s Ar///, it was not at all clear that there would be much gained by a war; the Ministry would have to convince the IIf)uso that the ohjects of the expedition were ob- tainable, and show both how il \v:is ]ii'o]Miseil to carry on the ex- pedition, and what would he lis limits, lie pressed for a settle- Bcpresmting South Lancashire. 255 tncnt of the troubles in Ireland, where llic Fenian outbreak was at its height. He trusted tliat the riinnjr was incorrect which assigned to the Irish Church Commission the function of draw- ing up plans for its reorganization. Mr. Disraeli was unusually moved when he rose to reply, tlianking Mr. Gladstone for the expression of sympathy, and the House for the manner in which it had been received. His speech did not promise much defin- itely. The Government hoped to accomplisli all that was de- 7nanded of them ; thoy were still unpledged to the Abj'ssinian Expedition; they would introduce a bill dealing with tlie Irish troubles; and were giving their earnest attention to Church mat- ters. The House a few days later voted a sufHcient sum to carry on the African war, and, agreeably to the plan for which Mr. Gladstone had on tliis occasion as on others so warmly pleaded, imposed an additional tax to meet the expense without adding to the debt. Tlie House adjourned about the middle of Decem- ber, the objects of this special session having been accomplished. Eeform Bills relating to Scotland and Ireland were carried dur- ing the session of 18G8, and the work for which Earl Eussell had so long hoped was thus accomplislied by his political opponents, who had opposed nothing so vehemently and persistent!}^. A question which had long occupied the attention of Parlia- ment was definitely settled this session, chiefly by the eft'orts of Mr. Gladstone. The measure, which was the Compulsory Church Eates Abolition Bill, passed both houses, though not without some opposition from the Conservatives. It provided that there should be no legal proceedings for the collection of Church Eates, unless money had been borrowed on them as se- curity ; but voluntary agreements might be made, and the money so promised might be collected in the same way that any other contracts might be enforced. While this bill was looked upon as a Eadical measure, it is not clear that it really made much change in the real state of affairs. Pai-liament simply agreed that the Church would waive the right which she bad asserted, in case she could not secure the recognition of that right from those who supported other places of worship. The Irish Church had long been a subject which had perplexed the legislators of the Empire. If the Dissenters in England had been strong enough to compel that act of justice which has just been chronicled, the Non-conformists of Ireland were strong enough numerically to have done much more, had all other 2315 Reprvsentuig South Lancashire. things been equal. Bnt the mere assertion of a right by an Irish- man seems always to have been enongh to arouse the opposition lion. Charles Slewarl Pitrndl. of Englishmen. A nation whieh prides itself upon its sense of jus- tice, its regard for the rights of man, its love of liberty, has never hesitated to grind a subject nation to the dust. The Irish Mepresenting t:>ovt/i Lancasidre. 257 Church was exotic, and only the care which was given it by Par- liament enabled it to stand the cold regard of the people of the country. As long ago as 1835, in that pamphlet which won his baronetcy for him, Bulwer-Lytton had said that the words "Irish Church" wore the greatest bull in the language; that it was called the Church of Ireland because it was not the Church of the Irish. We have had occasion before this to speak of the difficulty which was experienced in collecting tithes; that diffi- culty had not diminished in the least. To mend the matter for the incumbents, wlio were thus unable to collect their incomes, the Government had formulated a scheme by which the Church would be less embarrassed ; this was the plan of charging the landlord with the tithes, and allowing him to add a correspond- ing sum to the rent which had before been exacted. Arcfraetury Irishman, who paid a hundred poundsaycarfVir his holding, thus had his rent raised to one hundred and ten pounds, in order that a church for which he had no regard might be enabled to support her ministers. This was the chief change that had been made in the government of the Irish Church since the days of O'Connell, and it was one that bore heavily upon an already over-burdened people. On the 16th of March, 1868, Mr. Maguire having moved that the House resolve itself into a committee of the whole to con- sider the Irish question, Mr. Gladstone struck the first blow in the fight which was to end in the disestablishment of the Irish Church. After sjieaking feelingly of the wrongs which the Irish had endured at the hands of the English for centuries, he said that there must be religious equality established; but that the principle of leveling up was a most pernicious error. The Irish people had repeatedly been urged to loj'alty and to union; that was what he would advocate, too ; but it was idle, it was mock- ery to use the words without giving them some substantial mean- ing by action. It is unnecessarj' to quote his pleadings for a meas- ure which has long since become law ; but his conclusion is perti- nent to the present, and will be so until Ireland is free: "If we are prudent men, I hope we shall endeavor, as far as in us lies, to make some provision for a contingent, a doiibtful, and probably a dangerous future. If we be chivalrous men, I trust we shall endeavor to wipe away those stains which the civilized world for ages has seen, or seemed to see, on the shield of Eno-- land in her treatment of Ireland. If we be compassionate men '7 258 Bepresenting South Lancashire. I hope that we shall now, once for all, listen to the tale of woe which comes from her, and the reality of which, if not its jus- tice, is testified to by the continuous emigration of her people; that we shall endeavor to ' Haze out the written troubles from her brain, Pluclc from her memory the rooted sorrow.' But, above all, if wo be just men, we shall go forward in the name of truth and right, bearing this in mind ; that when the case is proved, and the hour is come, justice delayed is justice denied." This eloquent appeal carried consternation into the camp of the enemy. Mr. Disraeli bewailed his own misfortune in being confronted with this ancient problem at the very outset of his career as Premier; the same state of affairs had existed while the Palmerston and Russell Governments were in power, to both of which Mr. Gladstone had belonged, and no attempt had been made to deal with it. He strongly objected to the de- struction of the Irish Church, beingpersonally in favor of eccles- iastical endowments. At Mr. Gladstone's request Mr. Maguire withdrew his motion. But the spectre had been raised, and could not be laid. The Irish Church question had moved forward an enormous stride when Mr. Gladstone had made that appeal, and it was impossible to go back, or even to stand still. The country speedily took up the cry of disestablishment, and it became the one aim of the Liberal party of the time. Mr. Gladstone himself did notrecede from the advanced position which he had taken, but laid upon the table of the House of Commons a series of resolutions, which he intended to move in committee of the whole, affirming that it was necessary that the Established Church of Ireland should cease to exist as an establishment, due regard being had to all personal rights and individual interests ; and that an ad- dress should be presented to Her Majesty, praying that her inter- ercst in the temporalities, dignities, and benefiees in Ireland be placed at the disposal of Parliament. To these resolutions Lord Stanley, a few days later, gave notice of an amendment to the cifcet that the whole subject might well be left to the considera- tion of a new Parliament. March 30th, Mr. Gladstone delivered his famous speech in con- nection with these resolutions. Having given assurance that his measure did not contemplate tlio violation of any vested right or interest, but would endeavor to work this groat reform without Jtepresenting South Lancashire. 259 injustice to any one, he proceeded briefly to recapitulate his per- sonal history in connection with the subject. We need scarcely remind the reader what changes his opinions had undergone; those who are so interested in the subject as to desire a detailed account, may be referred to the pages of Hansard, or the pub- lished speeches of the great Liberal, or to that resume of his own which we have before had occasion to quote, "A Chapter of Auto- biography." The speaker showed the futility of the attempt to Protestant- ize Ireland by the maintenance of the Establishment; though the census of 1861 showed a small proportionate increase, the rate was so small that it would take 1500 or 2000 years to ef- fect the ,onversion of the entire people. He recognized that many felt that it was an unhallowed act to disestablish a Church, and while he fully understood the feeling, he thoughtit an error, which it was his duty to overcome and repress. Throughout the whole speech there ran a tone of deepest sympathy with those earnest thinkers who looked upon this measure as almost, if not quite, an act of sacrilege; a sympathy the more profound be- cause the speaker had himself passed through that stage of thinking ; he had held the faith which they now held ; but hav- ing grown out of it, ho called to them to rise to the level which he had reached. That journal which had called him a Tory ele- vated and purified into a Radical, might well now have styled him a Churchman purified and elevated into a Christian. Lord Stanley justified his amendment upon the ground that Mr. Gladstone's resolutions merely affirmed the necessity for ac- tion, without specifying what should be done. Lord Cranborne, on the other hand, condemned the amendment as ambiguous; it left all to the future policy of the Government, which be would as soon undertake to predict as to tell the House which way the weather-cock would point to-morrow. This fling at the Premier's inconsistency was followed by a thoroughly Conservative speech by Mr. Gathorne Hardy, who it will be remembered was that successor of Mr. Gladstone as the representative of Oxford who was not regarded as dangerous on account of any phenom- enal ability. Mr. Bright, of course, justified disestablishment, on the ground that the Irish Church had been, both as apolitical institution and a missionary church, a most deplorable failure. The Conservative party had resisted Free Trade, Ecform and other measures, and this was not more serious than they had been. 260 The First Gladstone Ministry. Mr. Lowe spoke forcibly in favor of disestablishment, arguing that the Irish Church was founded upon an injustice, on the dom- inant right of the few over the many ; as a missionary work, it was a miserable failure; and, like Mr. Bright, he showed how disproportionate to the eftbrt in this direction had been the result, a fact that must be universally conceded. Hon. Gathorne Hnrdy. To all these Mr. Disraeli answered in a speech which even for him was of an unusually personal character. Lord Salisbury, he said, was a man of great talent, and had vigor in his language. As soon as the noble lord heard the amendment, he concluded that the Government was about to betray its trust. Mr. Lowe suffered more .severely at his hands. There was nothing that he liked, and almost everything that he hated. Mr. Disraeli then stated, with that cooluesfi which distinguished him upon such Sepresenting Smith Lancashire. 261 occasions, that he had never attacked any one in his life. He was interrupted by loud cries, in which the name of Peel was plain- ly heard ; and those became so numerous that he adroitly added the proviso, " unless I was first attacked." But even thisprudent addition did not hush the cries. He talked of having fathomed a conspiracy between Eitualism and Popery to overthrow the throne ; and declared that as long as, by the favor of the Queen, he stood there, he would oppose this nefarious effort of Mr. Gladstone and his friends. Mr. Gladstone retorted that there were some parts of the Prime Minister's speech the relevancy of which he could not discern ; while others were due to a heated imagination. For himself, he did not wish to deny that he advocated the disestab- lishment of the Irish Church ; and he demanded that this Par- liament should at least prepare the way for that necessary meas- ure. The debate had lasted four nights before divisions were taken. In the two which were taken at the close of the discussion, the Government was defeated by majorities of fifty-six and sixty. The Liberals had not dared to hope for such a decisive major- ity. The party was now united as it had not been for a long time, and the popular feeling was largely with them in this ques- tion. But the Conservatives were not willing to allow that they were wholly beaten, especially in the opinion of the people. If a Liberal meeting were held, a Conservative followed. Various means, not always fair ones, were resorted to, to prove the Op- position in the wrong. Serious charges wore circulated against the leader of the Liberal party. When he was at Rome, he had made arrangements with the Pope, being a Catholic at heart, to destroy the Established Church of Ireland ; he had publicly con- demned the support of the clergy in the three kingdoms out of public or Church funds; he had, when at Balmoral, refused to at- tend the Queen to church; he had received the thanks of the Pope for his course with regard to the Irish Church ; and he was a member of a High-Church Ritualistic congregation. " These statements, one and all," wrote Mr. Gladstone, when thej^ were brought to his knowledge, " are untrue in letter and in spirit, from beginning to end." Mr. Gladstone's resolutions were stigmatized as unconstitution- al by Lord Derbj', who s])oko in the House of Lords while the measures were yet Bending in the Commons. When the debate 262 Representing South Lancashire. was summed up, on tho night when the first resolution was car- ried, Mr. Gladstone repelled this charge, and declared that he would not take the word of command from the House of Lords. Urging tho resolution as a part of a policy which would add to the glory and strength of the Empire, he gave place to his rival, who merely reiterated his objections to disestablishment. The division followed the speeches of the two leaders, and the Op- position found that they had a majority of sixty-five. The decrease of the Government's strength was unmistakable, and Mr. Disraeli waited upon the Queen. The proper constitu- tional course, ho told her, was to dissolve Parliamentand appeal to the country, though at the same time he ofl'ored the resigna- nation of the Ministry; but if the House would co-operate with the Government, he thought it would be better to delay dissolu- tion until the Autumn. But this was by no means what the Liberals wanted and had worked for. Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Bright and Mr. Lowe protest- ed against this failure to dissolve at once under such cireum. stances as unconstitutional ; but the Premier had laid his plans cunningly. To dissolve at once was to appeal to the existing constituencies; there must be an appeal very shortly to the con- stituencies established by the Reform Bill of the previous year, so that the new Parliament would sit for only a single very short session. Under such circumstances, the desired delay was grant- ed ; and the Ministers having agreed to confine themselves to such business as was absolutely necessary, the Opposition yield- ed the point. The remaining resolutions which Mr. Gladstone had intro- troduced were put and carried without serious opposition. The Ministers negatived them as a matter of course, as thej' were but corollaries of tho first ; but there was no division. Then arose such a scene as tho House of Commons has seldom beheld. A Scotch member, a Liberal, elated with the victory which had al- ready been gained, and thinking that matters might as well be pushed to tho utmost, moved the abolition of the Maynooth grant and tho reijiuiii doiniin (separate annual grants of public money by tho Govornnicnt to the Catholics and Presbyterian clergy in Ireland). This was more than Mr. Gladstone and his immediate adherents had bargained for, and the Liberals were at onto rc-dividcd among tiiemsclves. The Ministers walked out of the House, leaving the Opposition to fight out JBepresenting South Lancashire. 263 their civil war in their own way. The uproar was at its height. Bellowing, scroeching, cheering, yelling, echoed and re-ochoed in that hall which should have been the scene of dignified delib- eration. Everywhere there was extravagant gesticulation from members who had the floor, and members who wanted it. In the midst of the confusion the Prime Minister returned. His ex- pectations had been realized, he said, and the gentlemen on the opposite side of the House were now quarreling over their booty. But this sarcasm did not shame them ; it only added to the disorder; and in the midst of the confusion the Scotch mem- ber's rider to Mr. Gladstone's resolution was adopted. The Scotch Reform Bill necessitated some further changes in that measure which applied to the southern kingdom ; but these were passed without much opposition. There were some minor measures passed, and some of considerable importance to the country, such as the authorization of the purchase of the vari- ous telegraph lines; but none that are of interest in connection with our subject. Mr. Gladstone was too closely identified with that great measure which he finally passed, to speak at length on other topics. His Suspense- Bill, which was preliminaiy to one abolishing the Establishment in Ireland, was at last introduced and passed the House by a majority of fifty-four ; but it was defeated in the House of Lords, where the Conservative element so far outnum- bia-s the Liberal. If there were exciting times in the House of Commons, the members were not free from cares connected with their seats when they had left St. Stephen's. Parliament was prorogued the last day of July, with a view to its dissolution the middle of ^November. The candidates at once piroeeeded to make their canvass. The election speeches of Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone, while nominally addressed to their special constituents, were of course meant as general expositions of the policy of their re- spective parties. As such, we need not quote them, as they dealt mainly with that great question which had defeated the Ministry. One sentence of a speech which Mr. Gladstone de- livered at St. Helen's is so apt a description of the Irish Church that we give it, alone: "Tou must not take away its abuses, be- cause, if you take them away, there will bo nothing left." It was wejl known that the Conservatives would spare no ef- 264 Eepresenting South Lancashire. fort to defeat Mr. Gladstone in Southwest Lancashire. Though the weather was bitterly cold when the nominations took place, the space around the hustings was crowded. The Conservatives had displayed their wit upon numerous placards, which were en- joyed by Mr. Gladstone as well as by his enemies. "Bright's Disease and Lowe Fever," " Time-table to Greenwich," and similar happy hits were to be seen. During Mr. Gladstone's speech of forty minutes, he was regaled with a choral perform- ance of the national anthem. Notwithstanding this, he proceed- ed, with much eloquence, to state the Liberal policy. While there was a great preponderance of feeling in favor of Mr. Gladstone at tlie hustings, the polls told a different story, and the foremost Liberal would have been left without a seat in Parliament, had not tlie Liberals of Greenwich, fearful of such a contingency, placed him in nomination and elected him hy a triumphant majority. Other notable members of the party who were defeated at this election were the Marquis of Hartington and Mr. John Stuart Mill. But in spite of these notable single defeats, the Liberals had carried the day. More than half a million voters of the three kingdoms were the majority for the Opposition. Since 1832 no such party majority had been known. Under such circumstances, Mr. Disraeli did not think it nec- essary to wait until Parliament should assemble ; but at once tendered his resignation, and those of his col'eagues, to the Queen. There was no question as to who was to be his successor; for although Earl Eusscll was still a not inactive member of the House of Lords, he had practically renounced the leadership of the party. After him there was but one, the man who had been the most illustrious of his colleagues, who had occupied the most responsible post in the Administration which had resigned to make way for Derby and Disraeli. For him the Queen sent; and William Ewart Gladstone now reached that liighost emin- ence attainable by a British subject — that of First Minister of llio Crown, or, as more familiarly designated. Prime Minister of Xiroat Britain. CHAPTER X. THE FIRST GLADSTONE MINISTRY. Prime Minister of England — Disestablishment of the Irish Church — Disraeli's Sarcasm — Eloquent Defense by John Bright — Opposition Among tlie Peers — Irish Land System — Bill for the Belief of Ireland — System of Education— English Tourists Seized by Greek Brigands — War Between France and Prussia — Kussia's Control of the Black Sea — Marriage of the Princess Louise — Army Eegulation Bill — Tory Abuse of Mr. Gladstone — Ballot Bill — Proposal to Admit 'Women to the Franchise— Much Opposi- tion to the Government — Able Speeches by the Premier. mE. GLADSTONE was fiaj'-nine years old tlio same month that ho became Prime Minister of England for the y first time. There were scarcely any evidences of ad- vancing years to be seen in liis face and he had all tbe fire of youth in his voice and manner. He was at the head of a power- ful party,which had come into office with a strength that had not been equalled for nearly forty j'cars. His Government was a strong one; what might he not hope to accomplish ? When it was known that the Liberals were in the majority, no one had the least doubt but that Mr. Gladstone would be Prime Minister ; and it was equally ecilain tliat certain men would be included in his Cabinet. But there was considerable surprise ex- cited by one appointment which he made. This was the nomin- ation of John Bright to be President of the Board of Trade. It was thought that Mr. Bright would not consent to be hampered in the expression of his individual opinions, as a Cabinet Minis- ter must be when ho is not in full accord with his colleagues; Lord Palmcrston had humorously complained, some years be- fore this time, that aPrime Minister was no longer able to do just as he liked; men with consciences, ideas, abilities of their own, were in office, and would not consent to be the mere clerks of their chief. It was indeed with some reluctance that Mr. Bright accepted this post, and he was careful to explain to his constitu- ents that they must not think he had changed his opinions, if the measures of the Ministry wore sometimes opposed to his 2G5 Win. M. Gladstone at Age of Fifty-nine. 266 The Pirst Gladstone Ministry. 207 known ideas, unless ho himself should announce such modification to them. It had been originally planned to make him Secretary for India, but the possibility of circumstances arising in which he would be obliged to direct military operations made it desirable to place him in some offlco where he would not be called upon to do that which was in direct antagonism with his opinions as a member of the Society of Friends. If the Government was a strong one, it had need of all its strength. The task before it was an exceedingly ditficult onej and although the policy of the party had been approved by such a vast majority of the people, there were not wanting those who regarded the disestablishment of the Irish church as an act of sacrilege, and did not hesitate to say so. At public meetings it was characterized as a wicked, ungodly and abominable measure, framed in a spirit of inveterate hostility to the Church, a great national sin, a dreadful thing, a perilous weakening of the foun- dations of property, which the Queen must, at all hazards, inter- fere to prevent, as she had better jeopardize her crown than de- stroy the Church. These were expressions used by bishops and other clergymen, and by noblemen, who were presumably civil-spoken. The laity of lower rank, as was to be expected, were even more unmeas- ured in their denunciations. The statements of the Liberal press and the Liberal speakers were lies ; the members of the Govern- ment were traitors, robbers, political brigands ; if there were any form of abuse that was not used, it was because it was unknown to these zealous defenders of the Establishment. Mr. Gladstone, of course, paid not the slightest attention to these outcries of the defeated party. He gave notice that he should bring in his bill on the 1st of March. His speech occupied three hours in the delivery, but even Mr. Disraeli, who seems to have been in an unusually complimentary mood, admitted that there was not one sentence that the subject and the argument could have spared. The bill was a simple one, and seems to have been a justly framed measure. The Irish Church was to cease to exist as a State Establishment, and was to become a free Episcopal Church. The bishops would of course lose their seats in the House of Lords. A governing body, elected from the clergy and laity, would be recognized by the Government ; the union between the English and Irish Churches was to be dissolved, and the Irish 268 TAt! First Gladstone Ministry. Ecclesiastical Courts were to be abolislied. Tlicn there were provisions for the disposal of the revenue in such a way as to prevent any injustice being done to tlioso wlio had claims upon the Establishment. Tiioro would bo a considerable surplus after ail claims were satisfied, and it was projiosed to use this to allev- iate unavoidable suffering in Ireland. There was some discussion with regard to this, as it was thought to be somewhat indefinite ; Mr. Gladstone spoke of making provision for tlie blind, the deaf and dumb, for reformatories, schools for the training of nurses and the support of county infirmaries. Of this disposition of the funds Mr. Bright was the ardent champion. Along with the Establishment, the Maj-nooth grant and the regiiim donum came to an end. We have in a previous chapter spoken of the former; the latter was a royal allowance for the maintenance of Presbyterian ministers in Ireland. It had begun under the Stuarts, and been abolished under the same House; but was restored by William III., who had reason to be grateful to Irish Presbyterians. Both weresmall things, but their abolition established the equality of religious denominations in Ireland. The bill was of course resisted, but it was not such a resistance as is opposed when the Opposition has any hope of succeed- ing. Mr. Disraeli spoke, but his speech was characterized as " flimsiness relieved by spangles — tlie definition of a columbine's skirt." " He began in the philosophical vein," said the Times, which had given this definition ; " and while we acknowledge that Mr. Disraeli's fun is exquisite, his philosophy is detestable." He had no faith in the possibility of success, it was evident to his hearers ; the speech was a perfunctory one, a mere matter of form ; and contrasted badly, sparkling and bewildering in its conceits and illustrations as it was, with that in which the Prime Minister had introduced the measure, which was said at the time to be "a Parliamentary achievement unequalled even by him- self." But if Mr. Disraeli took little interest in the contest in which he had only to expect defeat, it was not so with some of his adher- ents. Mr. Gathorne Hardy, in particular, who is said to have been so constituted that ho could see but one side of a question at a time, saw what was most decidedly the Conservative side of this one, and did not hesitate lo say so, in a s]ieech so filled with tiie conviction tliat this was an act of spoliation and sacri- lege that it was almost up to the level of eloquence. 269 2T0 The First Gladstone Ministry. Mr. Bright was one of tho most eloquent defenders of the measure. Ho spoke in replj^ to Mr. Disraeli's speech. AKad- ing to tho statement that the Establishment was a protect- or of the freedom of religion and toleration, which had been advanced by the ex-Premier, he said that Mr. Disraeli "seem- ed to read a different history from everyone else, or else he made his own, and, like Voltaire, mado it better without facts than with them." He closed what was justly called a magnificent oration, with a noble and dignified appeal, which, coming from any other lips, would have seemed daring, but which from him exercised a powerful and impressive effect upon the House. Mr. Lowe, who had como out of the Cave of Ad ul lam long ago, and was now Chancellor of the Exchequer, made an attack up- on Mr. Disraeli, and proved to his own satisfaction, if not to that of the Conservative chief, that the Irish Church had neglected all its opportunities of conciliating the people. Mr. Gladstone reviewed the course of the debate. Mr. Hardy, he said, had, by his accusations of the Irish people, shown that ho dare do what Burke would not attempt — " draw an indict- ment against a whole people." But even in this picture of the Irish'people, which was little, if any, short of libellous, there M'cre evils displayed for which Mr. Hardy had no remedy. He then went on to consider the charge that this bill would necessi- tate a oliange in the Coronation Oath, and showed the ground- lessness of that argument. One after another, the pleas which had been advanced for the maintenance of a Church in which the people had no part, save to be taxed for its support, were taken up and pulled to pieces. Mr. Gladstone showed that these arguments were like Mr. Disraeli's speech in one respect only — there was flimsiness without tho spangles. The division was then taken. There was intense excitement throughout the House, though the Government was secure in a majority suflieient to carry the measure through. But the whips had been hard at work, and it was not known how this might bo diminished. There woro actually present in tho House six hun- dred and twenty-two members, a numberwhich has seldom been exceeded, or even equalled. Much to tho surprise of both sides, the majority was nearly double those of tho previous year upon tho same question j and the progress of public opinion was clear- ly demonstrated. The further progress of the bill was slow, but sure. It was The First Gladstone Mhnstnj. 271 three months before the final reading came on, and it was at last adopted by the Commons. The ordeal of the House of Lords yet remained J and for some time its fate was doubtful. Some of ( the debates in the House of Lords are said to have been more in- teresting than those in the Commons. The hereditary legislators dared not set themselves directly against a clear expression of public opinion, but, mindful of the condition on which they are said to hold their power, contented themselves with discussing amendments. There was atone time a rumor that the Peers would reject orgreatly delay the bill, and Mr. Bright wrote an angry let- ter on the subject, addressed to a Birmingham meeting, in which he said that if the Lords persisted in throwing themselves athwart the national course they might meet with accidents not pleasant for them to think of. The Peers were many of them shocked and scandalized that a Cabinet Minister should give such plain and forcible expression to his opinions, and it was made the subject of some sharp discussion among them as 'well as in the Com- mons. But tho very publicity and unexpectedness of the menace gave it a force which made it irresistible. If Cab- inet Ministers had been in the habit of expressing themselves so openly when they hold such opinions, there would have been nothing thought of it ; but even Palmerston, when he de- clared that the Lords should not be allowed to resist the will of the people, as expressed by tho vote of the Commons, had put it into the form of a jest. Mr. Bright, however, had a peculiar priv- ilege in England ; he could say just what he meant. Perhaps this unusual permission was accorded him because it was well under- stood that he would do as he pleased anyhow. But the attacks which had been made upon tho bill and its au- thor outside, were renewed in the House of Lords. The Earl of "Winchclsea compared Mr. Gladstone to Jack Cade, and after hinting at the coming of an Oliver Cromwell, declared that he would go to the block before he would surrender. Lord Grey said that the Lords were humiliated and degraded. The passage of the Act for the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, introduced and carried within a space of five months, has been called the most remarkable legislative achievement of modern times. It was carried mainly by the resolute will and unflinching energy of the man with whom it had originated, and who had become Prime Minister because of it. But the thing could not end here. One reform is never ac- The Election Campaign — Mr. O'/adsloiie in (he Asscmhty Hall at Edlnbijnjh. 272 The First Gladstone Ministry. 273 complished ■without making another more necessary. There is no possibility of strict conservatism in politics; there must be progress, or there is retrogression. Having settled the question of the Irish Church, the Gladstone Government found itself face to face with the Irish Land Problem. It liad carried the one; but even . tbe prestige of that victory would not avail them if they failed \ to do anything with the other. There had been some who said that the State Church was merelj' a sentimental gi'ievanee; but as an eminent Irish writer of the yjresent day observes, if the land sj'stem were a grievance at all, it must be acknowledged that it was a terribly practical one. The Irish Land Sj'stem is one wliich has seldom been under- stood, simply because a bare and simple statement of the facts seems incredible. The upholders of it have instanced landlords who were all that could be wished, just as the upholders of slavery in our own country brought forward hundreds of cases in which the.slaves were better off before than after emancipa- tion ; it would of course be impossible to find any state of affairs, however crj'ing the evil, where there were not good men whose conduct ameliorated the evil as far as their influence extended; and there have been Irish landlords who have had consideration for their tenants, just as there wore humane slaveholders. But a system which put such power into the hands of any body of men, some of whom were certain to misuse it, was at best a faulty one. The Irish tenant held his land at the will of his landlord. If he cultivated the land so as to raise a greater crop than it had before produced, he showed that it was of more value than the owner had .supposed it was, and his rent was raised. If he put any improvements upon the place, he added to its value, and his rent was raised. If the little farm seemed a desirable holding to any one else, and an offer were made to the landlord or agent in accordance with this opinion, the unfortunate tenant had reason to congratulate himself that his rent was simply raised, and that he and his family were not turned adrift to shift for themselves. The demand was so great that men would offer any price for land — a price which they must have known they could not get out of it. True, there was but a slip-shod system of farming in vogue among them, but what more could be expected ? There was literally no room for improvement, until a better law should wideu the limits of their exertions. i8 274 The First Gladstone, Ministry. It was not so in all parts of Ireland. There was one province in which the stronger law of custom had overcome the weaker written rule. The principle of "tenant-right" prevail in Ulster — tenant-right, which Lord Palmerston, with more wit than hu- manity or justice, had defined as "landlord-wrong." A man was allowed to remain in possession as long as he paid his rent; he was entitled, on giving up his holding, to compensation for un- exhausted improvements ; and he was at liberty to sell what may be called the good-will of his farm for what it would bring in the market. Wherever this tenant-right principle prevailed, there was industry and prosperity ; where it was unknown, there were idleness and poverty, with discontent and crime as their natural consequences. How far the fact that this right had been asserted in Ulster and not in the other provinces was due to the character of the people, and how far the maintenance of it was due to the different estimation in which the inhabitants of the North and of the South were held in England, is a question which each must de- termine for himself. It is difficult to state one's opinion exactly without either unjustly accusing the English people of a re- ligious intolerance, which made any act of oppression seem justi- fiable, or, on the other hand, exonerating them from a charge which is not in all respects undeserved. Such was the state of affairs when, on the 15th of February, 1870, Mr. Gladstone introduced his Irish Land Bill into the House of Commons. It was thought inefficient and unsatis- factory by some of the Irish members, and was for that reason opposed by them. The most that it did was to establish as the law for the whole island what custom had already made law in Ulster. Landlords, under certain conditions, were allowed to contract for themselves out of the provisions of the bill; and hence it arose that these opposing members appeared to be justified in their course by the fact that eventually there were more evictions, immediately after the passage of the bill, than there had been before. If the bill were regarded as a half-measure by the Irish, it was not so esteemed by the landlords, who declared it to bo revolu- tionary. It put an end to the landlord's absolute power, and recognized that the Government could interfere with the right of the land-owner, to limit it for flic good of the community, just as it can interfere for the same purpose with the rights of others. The First Gladstone Ministry. 275 The bill was not put forward by the Government as a perfect measure. They had worked hard at it, Mr. Gladstone told the House, and it was the best that they could do; but they invited, in perfect good faith, the co-operation of all p)arties and all mem- bers in its improvement. Thoy desired that tlie measure should be a great boon to Ireland, and put an end to the grievances and sufferings which her people had so long endured. They had not knowingly proceeded in any spirit of partisanship ; and as they had afforded the occupier improved security of tenure, so thoy afforded the landlord a better security for his rent and for the better cultivation of his land. With regard to the Irish laborer, the only thing which they could hope to do for him — and it was a great thing — was to increase the demand for his labor; this Would bo done by stimulating the agricultural interests of the country; a course which, by making more demand for labor, would raise the price of it. The landlord might suffer some at first; but he would not ultimately be the loser. He believed that there was a store of undeveloped wealth in the Irish soil, which could only be developed by the joint action of landlord and tenant. He hoped that this bill would bo accepted by both classes, because it was just. He said that the Government hoped by this measure to effect a great change in Ireland, but to effect it by gentle means. Every line had been carefully studied, so that it should import as little as possible of violent shock or al- teration into the existent condition of things ; it was desired that the operation of the bill should be like that of nature, when she restores upon a desolated land what has been laid waste by the hand of man. This they knew could not be done in a day. The evils had grown up through a long period of time, and could not be suddenly corrected without injuring many innocent persons. That the bill might pass, it was necessary to view it, not as the triumph of one class over anotlier, or of party over party, but as a common work of common love and good-will to the common good of the common countrj'. The only enduring ties by which Ireland might be united to England and Scotland were freewill and free affection. The Opposition of course spoke against it with more or less effect — generally less. Sir Eoundell Palmer, while he described the bill as large and important, called it a humiliating neces- sity; Mr. Disraeli said that " a more complicated, a more clum- sy, or more heterogeneous measure was never yet brought before 276 The First Gladstone Ministry. the attention of Parliament." The scheme of course included some means of enforcing the changes which were made, and Mr. Disraeli described at length, and with some effect upon the risi- bilities of the House, the difficulties which would beset the courts thus established. Sir RuundcU Palmer (afterward Lord Selborne). In closing the debate, Mr. Gladstone had few arguments to re- ply to; the speeches of his ojiponents had been mainly invec- tive. One portion of this s]ieech well deserves place in our re- cord, as an expression of the Government's duly: " It is our desire to be just, but to bo just we must be just to all. The oppression of a majoritj' is detestable and odious; the oppression of a minority is oidy b}' one degree less detestable md odious, The face of .hislice is like that of the god Jauus. It The Firai Ghulsfone. Ministry. 211 is like the face of those lions, the work of Landseer, which keep watch and ward around the record of our countr3''s greatness. She presents the tranquil and majestic countenance towards every point of the compass and everj'' quarter of the globe. That rare, that noble, that imperial virtue has this above all other qualities, that she is no respecter of persons, and she will not take advantage of an unfavorable moment to oppress the wealthy for the sake of flattering the poor, any more than she will con- descend to oppress the poor for the sake of pampering the luxur- ies of the rich." The Opposition had not intended to divide, but a division was forced upon tlicin, with an extraordinary result. Mr. Disraeli and many of his influential supporters went into the lobbj' with Mr. Gladstone, so that the whole number of votes for the Gov- ernment the tirst reading was four hundred and forty-two. The teller on the other side had an unusually easy time of it, for he had but eleven men to reckon over. When the bill went into committee, there was more serious op- position. There were no fewer than throe hundred amendments moved ; one of which, proposed by Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Gladstone declared was an effort to overthrow one of the cardinal principles of the bill. Upon a division on this question the Government had a majority of seventj'-six. The further discussions in the House of Commons, prolonged as tbe}^ were, did not atfect the fortunes of the bill, which went up to the Lords at the end of May. It passed the Upper House without important alteration, and received the royal as- sent on the 1st of August. Mr. Gladstone had said some time before this that the Irish Upas-tree had three Brancnes — the Established Church, the Land System, and the System of Education ; and that he meant to hew them all down if he could. The figure met with not a little ridicule at the time it was used, but it expressed a resolute purpose, which was now two-thirds accomplished. Perhaps, in view of the principle before enunciated, that one reform is al- ' waj^s followed b}' another, it would be nearer the truth to say that his purpose was alniost accomplished; for certainly the dis- establishment of the Irish Church, and the change which had been efTcctcd in the tenure of land, had gone a long way toward preparing men's minds for the fall of the third branch of that deadly tree. * 278 The First (riadstone Ministry. The second imjDortant measure which had passed the House during this session related to elementary education in England and "Wales, which was in a very unsatisfactory condition. The Government bill which was introduced by Mr. Forster, was based upon the principle of direct compulsory attendance. The" Government and the Opposition agreed so cordially about this measure that the ire of some of the Liberals was aroused, and the Ministry were charged with having thrown the Non-confor- mists overboard, in order to secure the supjjort of the Conserva- tives. The Premier had led one section of the Liberal party through the Valley of Humiliation, complained Mr. Miall, speak- ing on behalf of the Non-conformists, and they would not again be betrayed by him. " Once bit, twice shy," he concluded, " and we can't stand this sort of thing much longer." This speech stung the Premier to an unusually sharp retort. If they thought it better to withdraw for the sake of the cause which they had at heart, let them withdraw from the support of the Government. The Government did not want their support any longer than it was consistent with their own sense of duty and right. But when the Government thought that Mr. Miall and his companions had the interests of the communities which they represented too much at heart, to the detriment of the gen- eral interests, the Ministry which was willing to co-operate with them for the common good of all, could no longer aid them; they must then recollect that they were the Government of the Queen, and propose to themselves no meaner nor narrower object than the welfare of the Empire at large. The measure eventually passed both houses, and became law, in spite of the protests of Messrs. Miall & Co. A profound sensation wi\s created in England by an outrage which was perpetrated in Greece during the spring of this year. A party of English tourists was seized by Greek brigands, and held for an enormous ransom in money coupled with a demand for certain immunities. An effort to rescue them resulted in the murder of the prisoners. The matter being formally brought to the attention of Parliament, the Government interfered with such effect as to secure the execution of many brigands, and al- most complete extirpation of the band immediately implicated. It was thought at the time that this would lead to a complete in- vestigation o-f the condilion of Greece, but the stirring events elsewhere during the latter portion of the year caused it to bo The First Gladstone Ministry. 279 forgotten by all except those families to whom it was a matter of sad interest, and who were obliged to content themselves with many sincere expressions of public sympathy. During the latter days of the session of 1870, there arose the dispute concerning the succession to the Spanish crown which ended in the Franco-Prussian War. Isabella II. had abdicated » Emperor Napoleon III. in favor of her eldest son, Alphonso, Prince of the Asturias ; who was for some time a resident of England and a stndent at Wool- wich ; his nominal accession not bringing the cares of state with it for some years afterward. But the Powers were speedily busying themselves to find a successor to Isabella, whose forced abdication was due to circumstances which naturally drove the whole family from Spain, for the time at least. Prince Leopold 280 The First Gladstone Ministry. of Hohenzollern was nominated, but the candidacy of a Prus- sian prince filled France with alarm. Thence arose the quarrel ; and even Leopold's withdrawal did not mend matters, as the Emperor persisted in making demands which the King of Prus- sia was unable to grant. Napoleon III. was smarting under the disgrace which had attached to his recent desertion of Maximilian, and had resulted in the deposition and execution of the Mexican Emperor : he had for some time been endeavoring to regain the ground thus lost, but vainly; a war would give him military pres- tige; and lie determined uj)on war. A very short time was sufficient to show that whatever military- prestige the war might give was not for Napoleon III. In six weeks after the formal declaration was made, Napoleon was a prisoner, Eugenie a fugitive, France a republic. The sym- pathies of the English were at first with Prussia ; and England had taken no small part in upholding the claims of Leopold. The Government, however, determined to preserve a strict neutrality. But the popular sentiment changed, and set strongly in favor of France, when the interests of that country were once divorced from the fortunes of the wily trickster so long at the head of her Govern- ment, and who was so generally disliked and distrusted by the mass of the English people. It was felt that Prussia, or rather Ger- many (for we must after this date speak of the empire of which the kingdom was the nucleus) had gone too far in its efforts to humiliate a conquered people ; and the popular voice became clamorous on the other side. Tiie English seem to have been in a warlike humor at this time, and determined to fight some one, it did not much matter who it might be; but fortunately for the nation, the good sense of the men at the head of affairs preserved her neutrality, and saved her from the curse of war. Parliament was prorogued Aug. lOtli, although much of the legislation which the Government had desired to carry through had been abandoned for lack of time. Two great reforms, how- ever, had been accomplished in the passage of the acts relating to the Irish Land System and to elementary education ; and it was likely that a Ministry which had begun with making such changes would not be content with the laurels thus acquired, but would with renewed energies attack other abuses. There is one action of the Premier's during this session which deserves to be rccoulcd, as an instance of the difference between the Gladstonian and the Tory views of the treatment of political 281 282 TJie First Gladstone Ministry. prisoners. The Fenians had actually offended against the laws, not only of the British Empire, but against those broader prin- ciples which are at the bottom of every legal system. They were in actual and open rebellion against constituted authority. As long, therefore, as that authority could uphold itself, just so long their rebellion was not revolution ; and they must be punished as traitors. Whatever be our personal feelings with regard to the efforts which have been made, from time to time, for the libera- tion of Ireland, we must acknowledge that any government must punish rebels against its authority or consent to forego its right to govern. But with a generosity to the fallen, and with a wise recollection that persecution only strengthens a cause, Mr. Glad- stone declined to prosecute the prisoners who were accused of treason. They would be released on condition of their not re- maining in the United Kingdom, or returning to it. This course, he said in his letter to the Lord Mayor of Dublin, he believed was " perfectly compatible with the paramount interests of pub- lic safety, and, being so, will tend to strengthen the cause of peace and loyalty in Ireland." During the recess, the Government had to deal with the vexed question of Eussia's control of the Black Sea. The Czar had de- clined to recognize its neutrality any longer, and it was necessary for the Powers to take some action for the protection of Turkey and their own interests. A conference was held in London to discuss the question ; and the assembled diplomats wisely con- cluded that as the Euxino was only a Eussian lake anj-how, do what they would, the Powers might as well let that member of their body have control of it. There were certain concessions demanded for the Porte, and those, being chiefly matters of form, were granted; the Porte was permitted to open the Dar- denelles and the Bosphorus for the passage of vessels of war of friendly and allied powers, in case it should be necessary for the maintenance of the treaty which closed the Crimean War; but the power of Eussia was too great to be easily limited. At the opening of the session of 1871, Mr. Disraeli severely criticised the foreign policy of the Government. The naval force particularly was the subject of his amusing sarcasm; and he en- tertained the House with an account of the " attenuated arma- ment" which made impossible an armed neutrality. Mr. Glad- stone retorted that wliat he now called an attenuated armament be had characterized as a bloated armament ten years before; 'The Pirst Gladstone Minisiry. S8S and showed conclusively that England was not to blame for not having secured the strict neutrality of the Black Sea, since all the Powers besides were opposed to the continuance of a state of affairs which all the statesmen of the day, including Lord Clarendon and Lord Palmerston, hadbelieved would bo only temporary. The foreign policy continued to be the subject of discussion for some time, though the Leader of the Opposition would not bring the thing to a head by moving an amendment to the Ad- dress, or by any course which would cause a division to be taken. Mr. Herbert, however, soon brought forward a motion afJfirming that the House thought it the duty of the Government to inter- fere, together with other neutral Powers, to secure terms of peace as favorable as possible for the vanquished in the war which had cost Napoleon III. his throne. Mr. Gladstone answer- ed that the attitude of the Government had not been one of self- ish isolation, as the speaker had stigmatized it ; that concerted ac- tion with Eussia was impossible ; that an extorted peace was what England had to fear ; that the greater the magnanimity shown by the victor, the better it would be for all the neutral Powers, as well as for Germany herself; that neither of the belligerents desired the intervention of others; that England had no cause to be discontented with the position which she occupied in Eu- rope, but that the action of neutrals, to be effective, must be con- certed. Mr. Herbert finally expressed himself satisfied with the position of England, as stated by Mr. Gladstone, and withdrew his motion. The marriage of the Princess Louise occurred in March of this year, and Parliament was of course asked to make some provision for her. The proposed grant aroused the opposition of some members, who affirmed that they represented the inter- ets and sentiments of a considerable number of the people. The position of the ministry was warmly supported by its head, who defended the moderate nature of the grant asked for, and showed with what economy the royal expenditure was managed. He also dwelt upon the value of a stable dynasty, and the un- wisdom of making calculations of a minute nature upon such oc- casions. Whether tho opposing members were converted to this view of the question, or simply absented themselves when it came to a vote, does not appear ; but when the resolution forthe marriage portion came to bo reported, there was but one dissent- ing voice in a House of three hundred and fifty-one members. Siatue of Mr. Gladstone in St. George's Hall, Lwerpuol. ibi TfSr^-^ MRS. WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE The First Gladstone Ministry. 285 The condition of affairs in Ireland again commanded the atten- tion of the Government. The special difficulty at this time was the spread of an agrarian conspiracy in Wcstmeath and the ad- joining counties. A motion was made for a committee to inquire into the existing state of affairs tlici-o, Lord Ilartington, who was Chief Secretary for Ireland, admitting that it was with feel- ings of painful dismay that he did so. Tlio lawless condition of things in that particuhir section, however, was no criterion of the general condition of the coTintrj'. Crime had suhsided, and the constabular}' reports evidenced a mai-ked improvement. In West- meath, and the adjoining jiai'ts of Meat h and King's County, how- ever, the state of things had become intolei'ahle, and tliO appoint- ment of a committee was desired b^'tlie Government, so thatwhen further powers were asked for, it would be certain that such ad- ditional authority was necessary for tiie mainteiiance of the peace. The polic}' of tlio Government was bitterly condemned by Mr. Disraeli and Mr. JIai-dj-, who seems to have been at this time the right-hand man of the Tory leader. Tlie Cliief of the Opposition said that Jlr. Gladstone was regarded by his party as having possession of the philosopher's sliine, so far as Irish atfairs were concerned ; that he had come into p>ower with an im- mense majority, for the express purpose of securing the tran- quility and content of tliat country ; that neither time, labor, nor devotion had been begrudged him ; that under his influence, and at his instance. Parliament had legalized confiscation, conse- crated sacrilege, and condoned high tj'cason ; destroyed church- es, shaken property to its foundations, and emptied jails ; and now ho could not govern Ii-eland, without coming to Parliament for a committee. After all his heroic exploits, and at the head of his great majority, he was making Government ridiculous. Mr. Hardj-'s denunciations were hardly less unmeasured. Mur- der "was stalking abroad, he said j the Government was becoming contemptible; with much more to the same eft'ect. Mr. Glad- stone, who has always appeared to bo as nearlj' insensible to per- sonal attacks as it is possible for a man to be, and to content him- self with defending the policy advocated by him, replied to these intemperate speeches with his accustomed coolness. Mr. Hardj^'s heated language was rebuked; but that was the duty of the Head of the Government which had been so insultingly characterized; and he announced that the GJovernment could pot, consistently with its sense of duty, withdrjiw the motion 286 The First Gladstone Ministry. for a committee. Mr. Disraeli's expressions seem to us severe; but Mr. Gladstone was happy to learn that the right honorable gentleman had got down to expressions so moderate and judicial as " legalized confiscation and consecrated sacrilege," after the language which he had used in opposing the disestablishment of the Irish Church. Mr. Disraeli had admitted that in 1852 he had not adopted the means which he believed most suitable for the protection of life and projicrty in the throe counties of Ireland, because the Government was weak. Mr. Gladstone made most effective use of this admission ; and concluded by saying that the Government, acting upon its immediate elementary obligations, to secure personal peace and freedom in the transactions of life, felt assured of the endorsement of the House. In a humorous speech by a member of the Opposition, the Cabinet was described as consisting chiefly of " Whig Marion- ettes;" the same sj^eaker alluded to the changes which had been made in that organization as similar to a sluifliing which left them in the same positions as at first. Over the door was plainly written the legend, "No Irish need apply." The Solicitor-Gen- eral replied to these strictures in a speech which was an argu- ment ad homincm ; saying that if the last speaker were given an office he would speedily become a supporter of the Government; and that his boast that he was a member for an Irish constituen- cy, and his sclf-gratulations on that honor, would last till the next general electioTi. This rejoinder seems to havesilencedthe Opposition, whose chief strength lay in personal attacks; and the committee was appointed. After events fullj' justified the course of the Government in this respect. An Army Ecgulation Bill was introduced by Mr. Cardwcll, the Minister for War. This was tlio topic which excited the most in- terest of the session. His scheme for the reconstruction of the army included several changes of importance. The various branches of the service, regular troops, militia, volunteers, and reserve, were to be combined under one sj-stcm of discipline. But the point which excited the most ojiposition was the pro- vision that the purchase sj'stem should be abolished. This was a great abuse, which, like other al)uscs, had grown up so gradual- ly that it has come to ho looked upon by manj' as a necessary con- dition of the existence of the arnlJ^ An officer bought his first commission, he bought his promotions, step by step. Mr. Card- wcU's bill proposed to do away with this, and substitute pro- The First Gladstone Ministry. 287 motion by merit and senioritj'. Commissions were looked upon as vested interests, as jiersonal propertj', for the holders of them had bought them, and expected to sell them on promotion or re- tirement. The abolition of the purchase system had been advocated by generations of reformers, but without success. Because the army, when this was the rule, contrived to get along and do its duty in some eort of fashion, there were not wanting those who stoutly maintained that it was necessary ; that if it were abolished, the army would waste away, and the military glory of Britain be forever at an end. For many years past there had been a motion for its abolition made an- nually by Sir DoLacy Evans; but his unweari- ed persistence came to be the laughing stock of many. Mr. Trevelyan had supported it, and Lord Stanley, whose cool good sense saw the advantages of the reform, had been its friend. But there were none of these who had both the will and the power to press the sub- ject upon Parliament in such a way that there was no getting rid of it. Mr. Gladstone, on his accession to power, had resolved to in- clude it in the list of reforms to be attempted by his Govern- ment. Of course it was bitterly opposed. It was essentially a Liberal measure, in the sense that the Liberal party is the repre- sentative of the people as opposed to the aristocracy, of which the Conservative or Tory party is the natural exponent. As such the reform was acrimoniously opposed by the Conservatives who were convinced that the aristocratic system was the only one under which the English army could prosper ; that promotion by merit was too French or too American, or at any rate too un-En- glish. They therefore proposed all manner of amendments, and oiFered all kinds of obstructions. The same arguments were re- peated again and again, almost in the same words. Besides the Rt. Hon. Edward Cardwell, 288 The First Gladstone Ministry. other objcetionalilo features, it was far from being an economical measure, as the Government woulil lie obliged to expend a large sum of money to re-])nrchase commissions lield at the time that the system should bo abolished. The Ijibcral Government had frequently been censured by the Opposition for its pinchingpar- siraony, but here was an instance of unnecessary extravagance; and the C^onservativo orators made the most of it. Meanwhile, the session was wearing along ; if the matter were not speedily settled, it would lie over until the next session, when it would have to be taken up again wrth all the disadvantage which at- taches to a bill abandoned in one session and brought up again by the same Ministry in the next. The Government accordingly resolved to abandon the greater part of its complicated scheme for the reorganization of the army. The part of the bill which was nearest the heart of the Premier, was that which related to the purchase sj'Stem ; and this was almost all that was retained. Shorn of its fair jjroportions it passed the second reading, though not b}' a very large majoritj'. Meanwhile the Lords had been looking on with alarm. If this reform were demanded by the Commons, they could not long resist it ; but something must be done to express their sense of the national danger. The bill had not j'et come before them for action, it is true ; but for that they could not wait. At a sort of caucus of Conservative Peers, it was resolved that the Government should be asked for further information before the Lords considered the bill. It was worded cunningly ; they did not object to the bill ; they simplj- asked to what it was to lead. The amendment of the Lords was adopted, and the bill was got rid of fur the present. Meanwhile, Mr. Gladstone was the object of a good deal of abuse by the ultra Tories who so strenuouslj^ opposed the reform. The reason for this was the course which he took to defeat the Lords. It was an ingenious plan, the auilacity of which almost took away the breath of the Opposition. Mr. Gladstone announced that as the system of purchase was the creation of royal regula- tion, he had advised the (^ueon to take the decisive step of can- celling the royal warrant which made ]iurchase legal. It was a lilow for tlie TToiise of Lords. Having made public beforehand what they were going to say, they found that there was no chance to say it. The only |)art of the hill wliirli remained was that relating to tlu^ compensation of officers, but wliicli had been deprived of their money value; to refuse to pass this would sim- 19 289 290 The Pirst Gladstone Ministry. ply be to refuse the officers, for whose interests they were eon- tending, the one small compensation which the Government would give them. Nothing was left for the House of Lords but to pass the bill as quickly as possible, and this they did ; coupling its passing, however, with a resolution announcing that it was pass- ed only in order to secure to officers of the army the compensa- tion they were entitled to receive, and censuring the Govern- ment for having obtained, by the exercise of the Royal Preroga- tive, and without the aid of Parliament, that which Parliament was not likely to have granted. When the course of the Government was announced in the House of Commons, it was received after a moment of bewilder- ment with a wild outburst of Liberal exultation. It was at once felt to be a splendid party triumph. But after the first enthusi- asm of victory was over, there were not a few Liberals who, looking at it more coolly, saw it with less favorable eyes. It was then felt to have been an act of tj'ranny, almost; it was the ex- ercise of the Prerogative to combat the will of Parliament. Of course, Mr. Disraeli and his adherents were the first to utter such censures, but they were echoed by men who had heretofore supported the Government. Among the opponents of this course of proceeding, who had been counted among Mr. Gladstone's own friends, was Mr. Faw- cett, whose eminence as a Parliamentary debater was achieved in spite of disadvantages (he was totally blind) which would have deterred many a man from the attempt. He was a thorough Lib- eral in principles, but absolutely independent of the expedients and sometimes of the mere discipline of party. If he believed that the Liberal Ministers were going wrong, he censured them as freely as if they had been Tories; on this occasion he felt strongly about the course which Mr. Gladstone had pursued, and did not hesitate to condemn it before the House. Mr. Disraeli had characterized the action of the Government, and had reserved, until further consideration, the more objec- tionable epithet, illegal. There was no question of the legality of this step, however. At the advice of her principal Minister, the Queen had exercised what was undoubted]}- her constitution- al power. It was strictly in accordance with the forms which custom had prescribed. But it was gcnerallj^ felt to bo an unfair course, one not sanctioned by the spirit of the constitution which bad grown up by such slow degrees. The unfairness lay in this: The First Gladstone Ministry. 291 ■while the measure was before Parliament, to which it had been submitted with the tacit intimation, implied in its being pro- Pro/. Fawcett. posed to the Houses, that their decision would be accepted, it was suddenly, uj^on the first hint of their rejection, taken from their jurisdictionj and placed in an entirely different position. If 292 The First Gl,ids>one Ministry. the decision of tlio Lords and Commons were not to be final, tiie question should not liave boon siiljmitted to them at all, but the Eoyal Prerogative iii\okcd in tlie first place. Certainly the reform was a much needed one, and the most vio- lent Tory would not now desire the restoration of the system which was thus abolished; but whether or not Mr. Gladstone was justified in the means wiiich he used for its abolition, is an- other question. It was doing evil that good might come; and that wliich is wrong in a moral jjoint of view can hardly be right in politics. Had he not taken this course, there would certainly have boon delay ; the Lords would 2)robably have re- jected the bill; but it would have been for one session onlj^ If it were re-introduced the next sessi(jn, it would again be carried by the Commons, ami the Peers would not again dare to reject a bill thus doubly approved by the representatives of the people; possibly it would have passed the Upper House the same session, though not, of course, immediatolj'. Whatever judgment we may now express on the matter, it was a course which brought about its own result. It was tlie cause of considerable loss of strength by the Government, whose major- ity was rapidly waning. Another important measure which was brought before the House this session was the Ballot Bill. This dragged its slow length along the House of Commons, violently opposed by the Conservatives, and amended until it was but the skeleton of the original measure. It then went up to the Lords, where it was rejected by a considerable majority. The Lords had rejected the Univcrsit}' Tests Bill which had been introduced the previous J'ear, but a measure which was substantially the same was again introduced by Mr. Gladstone this session, and finally cari'ieil. The Peers amended it, but the Commons rejected the ann'mlment ; then the Lords rejected the very amendment which they themselves had proposed, and the hill went through. The substance of this bill was that all lay students, of whatever creed, should thereafter be admitted to the universities on equal terms. A bill to admit women to the franchise was proposed this ses- sion, but r( jieted. In a speech on the subject, the Premier caused a commotion in the House by the assertion of his opinion that if the balkjt were estalilished, he did not see why the fran- chise could Jiot bo extended to women. 77(f Firfi (I lad done Mini.^Jrij. 293 Mr. Miall, llic snmc Noii-eonformist wlio had threatened to leave the Tjibcral part}', and wlio had been told by its head that ho was at liberty to do so, brought forward a hill for the disestab- lishment of the Church of England. This was opposed by both Disraeli and Gladstone. The former announced his belief that R[r. Edivanl Mion thi^ traditional ways of Enl^land by which light wines were allowed to bo sold by grocers and pastry-cooks. There was a war of repartee, in which Mr. Gladstone was not the vanquished, when Mr. Ayrton's bill for the Ecgulation of Parks cfiwo boforo tlio House. Mr. Hardy stigmatized the Gov- The First Gladstone Ministry. m ernment's efforts to throw the responsibility of certain by-laws for the parks upon Parliament as a cowardly proceeding ; whereupon Mr. Gladstone rebuked him for bringing an acrid and venomous spirit into the debate, and said that it was the late Government whose bungling and feeble conduct had led to the present diffi- culties. This brought Mr. Disraeli to his feet, who accused Mr. Gladstone of sitting sullen and silent when the question was before discussed, and only expressing himself to the crowd which gathered about his residence. Mr. Gladstone retorted with a quotation from that speech of Sheri- dan's in which the brilliant wit accuses his opponent or drawing upon his memory for his jokes and his imagi- nation for his facts ; and ad- vised Mr. Disraeli, before he accused others of forget- ting the course they had formerly pursued, to prac- tice what he preached, and be sure that his accusations were well founded. The shot told home, and the cheers and laughter of the House were renewed when Mr. Gladstone told Col. Gil- pin, a member of the Op- position who had renewed the attack, that he did not thiuk the imagination which prevailed on the front bench had extended so far back as the third and had infected that row of members. The session of 1872 is remarkable for one of the most tumult- ous scenes which ever took place in the House of Commons. Sir Charles Dilke had, during the previous autumn, been making him- self notorious as an advocate of Republicanism. He had during that time been the best abused man in Great Britain ; the comic papers and theatrical burlesques hail made free with his name; the telegraph had carried his doings everywhere; newspaper corres- pondents had interviewed him, and then held him up to ridicule as the " President of England." When the Prince of Wales was Lord Littleton. 204 The First Gladstone Ministry. taken sick, tlio abuse which was heaped upon Dilko was such as might have been inei'ited if he had had a hand in filling the roy- al system with the germs of disease. And yet, he was not so far ahead of the time. The countries of Europe, which had at first looked upon the establishment of the American Republic as an experiment which was doomed to speedy failure, had come to have their doubts about it when fifty years and more passed by, and the United States still flourished. An eminent French poli- tical economist had declared that the only tost "./hich it had not stood was a great war; if it should be thus tried, and should come out triumphant from the ordeal, there was no other danger. The war had come ; the very earth had yawned, as if to engulf the structure, which was shaken to its foundations ; but that structure stood firm ; and the seven years which had passed since the earthquake ceased had seen that "bloody chasm," about which we have heard so much, gradually closing. It was appar- ent then that a republic was possible, and the recent events in France had led the English to think a European republic might be as stable as the American. There has always been more or less republican sentiment on the surface of the radicalism of Great Britain ; and Dilke had but crystallized this in his own mind, and given it expression. lie had been challenged to repeat in the House of Commons the statements which he had made in the country; so in March he brought on a motion for inquiring into the manner in which the income and allowance of tlie Crown are expended. What- ever we may think of the wisdom of the man who thus tackled, almost single-handed, a sj'stem which had been growing for more than a thousand years, and which limitation and change had but rendered more stable, we cannot but admire his courage in thus facing the House where all, save two or three, were bit- terly opposed to what he advocated. He foced his antagonists with dogged calmness; he brought forv,'ard his array of facts and figures, and presented them with well-arranged arguments; but his quiet, dry and labored style was far from being eloquent, and the House began to grow apathetic before he was nearly through. The duty of answering such a demand of course devolved up- on the First Minister of the Crown, and Mr. Gladstone did so with a zeal and warmth which surprised those who thought him half a, Eadical, and almost a sympathizer with Sir Charles Dilke The First Gladstone Ministry. S05 himself. No one thought that ho could bo so passionately mer- ciloss as ho showed liimsclf to bo. IIo said that a detailed refutal of the charges against the Crown's extravagant expenditure would 1 be impossible without some previous notice ; but he asserted that the information now before the House in another form would show that the Civil List had been largely reduced during this reign as compared with the two preceding it. lie concluded by asking the House to reject the motion without further discus- sion. The Speaker had not ruled against the motion as irregular, and the mover and sec- onder were therefore en- titled to be heard. But when Mr. Auberon Her- bert arose to second it, the scene which ensued was, it is to be hoped, one which was never witness- ed before and will never be repeated. The author of a noted novel has told us how Tittlebat Titmouse defeated a measure against which his whole party was powerless, sim- ply by his imitations of the crowing of a cock, whicii caused a diversion and gave the members time to alter their minds. There was a small army army of Titmouses present, to all appearance ; and the crowing, hooting, groaning, hissing, howling and yelling, drowned the voice of the unfortunate speaker completely. JNTothing daunted, he waited until the cries had lulled sufficiently to permit him to be heard, though still with difficulty, when he apologized for Sir Charles Dilke, who had been far from wisliing to make a personal attack upon the Sovereign, and announced that he, too, preferred a republican form of government. Hero a con- siderable number of members arose and left tlie House, while those who remained renewed the noises which had before pre- 30 Sir Charles DilAe. 306 The First Gladstone Ministry. vented his l)eing heard. Mr. Herbert sent out for a glass of wa- ter with as much sang froid as if his speech had been greeted with cheers, and continued speaking; but the remainder consis- ted merely of disjointed sentences. Many times during the period that he remained upon his feet he was interrupted by demands that the House be counted. No less than three counts were talien, but each time it was found that there were more than forty members present. At last the Speaicer's attention was blandly called to the fact that there were strangers present. This, of course, included the reporters; and while the Speaker can be as blind as he pleases to their presence upon all other occasions, the instant a member of the Hou^e informs him that there are others than members present, he is bound to order their expulsion. The remainder of the debate was then without witness save the members themselves; and the absence of the outsiders did not conduce to the order- liness of the debate. The question was at last put, and the re- sult showed 2 ayes to 276 noes, those members who had left the House having returned in the meantime. The Ballot Bill was again introduced this session. An amend- ment was proposed, which was carried against the Government; but a modified form of it being accepted by the Ministry, the bill finally prevailed and went up to the Lords. It was there amended and sent back to the Commons, where the changes were at first hotly contested; but eventually a compromise was effected, and this important measure, effecting a complete change in the system of voting, became a law. Mr. Gladstone had the satisfaction of seeing the first elections conducted under the law which had been one of his darling projects, of the most orderly and satisfactory character. But while such an important measure excited little comment in the country at large, there was another subject on which the popular feeling was at white heat. This was the Alabama claims, as presented before the Arbitration Commission at Geneva. Much to the surprise of the English, it was found that the Uni- ted States claimed compensation for indirect losses as well as direct; and Mr. Gladstone was violently assailed for his assur- ances that the treaty permitted but one interpretation. It was only another instance of his nice distinctions being misunder- stood by intellects of less subtle keenness. The Commissioners finally decided that the British Government 807 308 The First Gladstone Ministry. was not justly liable for claims for indirect damages, but was to pay for direct injuries inflicted by the Alabama, the Florida and the Shenandoah. The sum total awarded to tlie United States was a little more than one-third of the original claim. The session of 1872 was not a barren one, as far as the enact- ment of laws relating to domestic afFrJrs was concerned. Not only the Ballot Act, but various others, relating to the regula- lation of mines, the adulteration of food, the public health, and licensing, owed their final enactment to this session. Fifteen years after the date of which we are writing, one of the great London dailies styled the Irish Question "the Old Man of the Sea of Parliament." The comparison is no inapt one, and is unfortunately likely to be applicable for a long time to come. The Gladstone Ministry had made two great attempts to settle it, but there was a third task to be undertaken before they should have accomplished all that had been promised in their original programme. Feb. 1.3th, the Government introduced the bill which it was hoped would hew down the third branch of the Upas Tree. It dealt altogether with the state of education in Ireland. In his speech introducing the bill, Mr. Gladstone showed that so far from the Queen's Colleges which had been established, being the means of increasing educational facilities, they seemed rather to have alienated the Irish still further; for the number of collegi- ate students in 1872 was actually less than it had been in 1832. The Eoman Catholic population of Ireland contributed but one- eighth of the whole number of students, and of these not more than one-half would in England be ranked as university stud- ents. The bill provided for the abolition of all religious tests; for the incorporation of Dublin University and the union of the Queen's Colleges with it; for the maintenance of all the chairs usual in such institutions of learning which were not incompati- ble with perfect religious equality for the students; this latter exception excluding, as was specially stated, chairs in theology, moral philosophy, and modern history. The Government hoped that this bill would conciliate the Catholics by the concessions which were made to them, and the English Liberals would be pleased with its moderation. But as is usually the case when the atlemjit is made to jileaso two parties of ojiposito opinions by one and the same measure, each one saw what the other was in- tended to see; the Catholic Bishops denounced the measure, and The First Gladstone Mtnistry. 809 while they did not decline what it offered, let it be known that they wanted much more; the Catholic members, who had been expected to be its warmest supporters, were its bitterest oppos- ers; and the Liberals objected strongly to the proposed omissions from the curriculum. At the request of Mr. Disraeli, the second reading of this bill was postponed until the beginning of March; as the opposition desired time to consider so important and complicated a meas- ure. It was then demanded that the Government should specifj' the members of the governing bodj which the bill proposed for the universitj' ; but this was, as Mr. Gladstone pointed out, im- possible; as the positions could not bo offered until the bill had made some progress in committee, nor until there was some pros- pect that there would be positions to accept. The opposition to the bill was remarkable both for the variety of the arguments and the diversity of the parties represented by tlioso who spoke against it. The debate ended with speeches by Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone. The ex-Premier's oi-alion was a brilliant one, though not alwaj^s relevant to the subject; it called forth vehe- ment cheering from the members on the Opposition benches. Be- fore this had fairly subsided, Mr. Gladstone arose to replj'. His powerful speech was a summing up of the arguments j*ro and fo?;, and a strengthening of those for the bill, with an appeal to the House for the justice which was demanded. In his eyes, it was all that was necessary to satisfy Ireland ; all that justice demand- ed for her; and so tlie conclusion of his speech assured them : " To mete out justice to Ireland, according to the best view that with human infirmity we could form, has been the work, I will almost say the sacred work of this Parliament. Having put our hand to the plow, let us not turn back. Let not what we think the fault or perverseness of those whom we are attempting to assist have the slightest effect in turning us even by a hair's breadth from the path on which we have entered. As we nave begun, so let us persevere even until the end, and with firm and resolute hand let us efface from the law and practice of this country the last — for I behove it is the last — of the religious and social grievances of Ireland." All the eloquence of this speech, however, was not sufficient to convince those who were opposed to it; and the division showed that the Government was in a minority of three. Up- on this defeat they had not counted, as the bill had at first met 310 the First Gladstone Ministry. with a favorable reception ; even Mr. Horsman, who had vio- lently opposed it on the second reading, had in a letter to Mr. Lowe, written immediately after the first presentation of the bill, spoken of it in the most favorable terras; the letter was read to the House during the debate, but seems to have pro- duced no effect upon the Opposition. Questioned some years af- terward regarding this measure, Mr. Gladstone said tiiat consid- ering the extremely favorable reception with which the bill had met at the outset, he was most emphatically astonished at its ultimate fate. Although the majority of the Opposition had been so small, the importance of the measure which the Government had wish- ed to carry was such that Mr. Gladstone determined to resign; and he did so at once. But then arose a peculiar difficulty. Dis- raeli was his only possible successor ; but it would have been im- possible for him to form a Government, with the majority of the House of Commons opposed to him, as it undoubtedly Was; a few days later, therefore, Mr. Gladstone announced that he and his colleagues had consented to resume the positions which they had felt obliged to resign. Mr. Disraeli's refusal to accept office had been unconditional, and Mr. Gladstone contended that his action was contrary to precedent and parliamentary usage. Mr. Disraeli replied that a considerable part of the majority against the Government in the late contest consisted of Liberals, with "whom he had no bond of union whatever. A Government could not well dissolve without entering upon its duties, and there was at present nothing to dissolve upon ; such a course required some definite policy, to be submitted to the electors for their decision. Mr. Gladstone, he said, had resigned upon very inadequate grounds; and his return to office was the best possible solution of the difficulty. He had had some experience of the difficulty of carrying on a Government in the face of a majority opposed to it, and was not anxious to try it again. Mr. Fawcett, who had strenuously opposed the Irish Uni- versity Bill, brought forward a measure relating to the same sub- ject, during this session ; the changes made were such that it be- came simply an abolition of religious tests before it was carried. There were several bills relating to financial measures, which were carried by the Government. Mr. Miall pressed the Bill for the Disestablishment of the English Church, which was opposed by Mr, Gladstone in the strongest speech made during tho do- The First Gladstone Ministry. 311 bate; and a proposal to permit laymen and Dissenters to deliver- sermons in the churches was also negatived. Shortl}' after the close of the session, there were some impor-- tant changes in the Ministry. Mr. Lowe having resigned the: post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gladstone undertook the double duties of that office and of those of the First Lord of' the Treasury. Throe other members of less note, Lord Eipon, Mr.. Childers, and Mr. Baxter, retired; and Mr. Bright re-entered it, as Chancellor oi the Duchy of Lancaster. The Government grew more and more unpopular as time wont on. Its reforms had been too sweeping and sudden ; they had. frightened the people, whom the Conservatives easilj^ convinced that everj'thing was in danger from this mania for change ; the^ bj'-elections which had taken place were all considerable Con- servative victories ; not only was the Bible in danger from the course which the Liberal Government had taken with regard to the Irish Catholics, but the changes which had been made in the license law threatened Beer. Says one of Mr. Gladstone's most reliable and minute biographers : "The joint flag of 'Beer and Bible' having been hoisted the cry against the Ministry became irresistible " Mr G'adstone recognized that it would not be long after the meeting of the new session before he would be compelled to re- sign ; he foresaw the difficulties into which the Opposition, thus tiansferrcd to the Treasury Benches, would be thrown; and he kr-ew that evil to the country would result from a weak Govern- ment In these circumstances, he determined to appeal to the country , that, if his course were approved, he might have the strength necessary to carry out his measures ; if it were disap- pioved, there would be fewer obstacles in the path of hissucces- ors. Ho probably had little hope of the result when, on the 23rd of January^ he issued a manifesto to the electors of Greenwich, announcing that the existing Parliament would be dissolved without defay and writs immediately issued for a general elec- tion This document, which was an unusually long one, is fairly entitled, from its political and historical importance, to rank as a state paper. Reviewing the history of that Parliament, he retraced the steps by which the Cabinet had proceeded, from an overwhelming popularity to the present state of unpopularity ; and admitting that the state of affairs had not improved dur- ing the recess, asked that the people should show that l^hey 312 The First Gladstone Ministry. 313 were with the Government which had wrought such important reforms. He reviewed the policy which liad been pursued in financial matters, and promised a reduction of taxation for the future. Referring to the charge which the Conservatives had not hesitated to make, that the Liberal party had endangered the in- stitutions and worried all the interests of the country, he denied its truth, and claimed that if any were offended, it was because the Government had honestly tried to do all that was in its power to promote the highest interests of the nation. He chal- lenged a comparison between the years of Liberal and the years of Tory rule, with their results. The newspapers of the day, of course, accorded a reception to this address which varied with the standpoint generally taken. On the one hand, the JVews said that it was a policy which would revive the enthusiasm of the Liberal party, and greatly benefit the country; on the other hand, the Standard declared that the policy followed must be described as one of surprise and in- trigue. Mr. Disraeli lost no time in issuing a manifesto to his con- stituents, as a reply to this address of Mr. Gladstone's. It was brusque, in some parts at least; and its flippancy contrasted as strangely as usual with the dignity and gravity of Mr. Glad- stone's st}'le. Parliament was dissolved the 26th of January, and the new House was summoned to meet March 5th. Thus there was but a little over a month for the electioneering campaign, and it be- gan in good earnest. It was the first general election at which the voting was by ballot, and it passed off with orderliness and peace. The result showed considerable gains for the Conserva- tives, that party having a majority of forty-six votes in a full house. There were many interests arrayed against the Ministry which had instituted so many reforms; and there were some whose support was given to the Conservatives in the hope that there would be legislation for their benefit as soon as a Tory Ministry took charge of affairs. As soon as the national verdict was known, Mr. Gladstone placed his resignation in the hands of the Queen. He had in- curred the displeasure of the people of whom he had been the virtual ruler ; but, as it was said at the time that he went out of office, "a great many people entertain towards Mr. Gladstone's Government the same sort of sentiment as that which worthy 314 The First Gladstone Ministry. Mrs. Bertram, in Scott's romance, felt for the energetic revenue officer who would persist in doing his duty, instead of following the example of his predecessor, who sang his song, and took his drink, and drew his salary without troubling any one." Such being the offense which had been committed, it seems more honorable to have offended than it would have been to have pleased. There were some political wiseacres who said that if Mr. Glad- stone had not dissolved, but had brought forward a budget an- nouncing the repeal of the income tax, a measure which he had announced as one which would be supported by his Government if the country endorsed its policy, he would have regained the support of the Liberal party in toto. But this was not done ; he had dissolved; his rival had come into office, and was, for the first time, at the head of a Ministry which was endorsed by a majority of the House. Nor was the election all; there were not wanting former professed friends of Mr. Gladstone who jeer- ed at his fall from power. Shortly before the House met for active business, Mr. Glad- stone addressed a circular to the Liberal members of Parliament, reiterating the intention which he had expressed conditionally before the election, to retire from the leadership of the Liberal party. The condition had been fulfilled, in the failure to secure an endorsement of his policy ; and he wrote to Lord Granville, who had long been the leading Liberal Peer, a more explicit statement of his reasons for so doing. From this letter we learn little, however, beyond the bare fact that he considered his age to entitle him to some rest ; and he alleged "various personal reasons" for not engaging himself as closely with Parliamentary matters as he had done. The new Ministerialists indulged in a little pleasantry con- cerning an Opposition without a leader, and the party which had so lately divided its support found how necessar3- Mr. Glad- stone was to its success. But the opposing parties did not measure swords at once. For a while there was quite a Utopian state of things in Parliament; true, an over-zealous Tory did propose a vote of censure upon the late Ministrj- for dissolving, but Mr. Disraeli promptly silenced him, making Mr. Gladstone's annihilation of his arguments quite unnecessary. The new Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, Sir Stafford Northcoto, confessed that the calculations of the late Prime Minister were quite correct. The First Gladstoiie Ministry. 31'j and there wns a surplus, as stated, in the revenue. The Govern- ment made no pretensions to any original policy, but followed that which their predecessors had intended to pursue ; and every- thing was lovely. Such a state of aifairs could not last very long, however, and the introduction of several important religious measures speed- ily aroused the sleeping lion of contention. The first of these concerned itself with the Church Patronage of Scotland ; this had been a subject of agitation for the last three hundred years, or ever since the regent Murray set aside the authority and the religion of his royal sister. The General Assembly had passed various resolutions expressing their dissatisfaction with tho ex- isting state of affairs, but nothing definite had been brought for- ward by any Government until this time. The present bill, a short but comprehensive one, was supported bj' some influential Liberal Peers, being introduced in that House; but was op- posed by the Liberal members of tho Lower Chamber. The chief feature of the debate was a vigorous speech by Mr. Gladstone, who had not appeared in the House for some time, and whose rising was therefore greeted with unusual warmth by his adher- ents. While the motive of the bill was laudable, he considered its details as extremely objectionable, and as such opposed them with all the force of his eloquence. Tho statement, " I am not an idolator of Establishments," called forth ironical cheers from the Treasurj^ Benches, which were speedily drowned in genuine applause from his own friends. The opposition was fruitless, however, for the second reading was carried by a considerable majority. A bill for tho Eegulation of Public "Worship was introduced in- to the House of Lords ^by the Archbishop of Canterbury; and upon this, when it came down to the Commons, Mr. Gladstone made another important speech. "He fairly electrified the as- sembly," said a contemporary newspaper. It opposed the billon the ground that it was an undue interference with freedom ; and claimed that perfect uniformity of ritual was impossible. His speech was described by Sir William Harcourt, who replied to it, as a powerful plea for universal Non-conformity, or optional con- formity; and the resolutions which he proposed as a substitute for the bill could only point, according to Mr. Disraeli's under- standing of them, to the abolition of that religious settlement which had prevailed in England for more than two centuries. 316 The First Gladstone Ministry. The Government, by these declarations and others of the same nature, clearly adopted the bill, and it soon became evident that Mr. Gladstone's resolutions wore distasteful to many of his own supporters. He withdrew his resolutions when it became ap- parent that the greater part of the House was in favor of the bill; and the measure eventually became law, though it has never accomplished the object for which it was intended. The Endowed Schools Act Amendment Bill was looked upon by the Liberals as a step backward, and opposed accordingly. That party, when in power, had given into national control the schools which had formerly been under sectarian government; and this was a reversal of that policy, in eifect. It was moved by Mr. Forstor that the bill should be rejected, and the motion was strongly sujiported by Mr. Gladstone. The ex-Premier pointed out that this was a reversal of the policy of the last Parliament, and was unwise as well as unusual. The Liberal party, he said, during the last forty or fifty 5^ears, had taken the initiative of policy in almost every instance, and had been followed by the Conservatives, acting in prudence and honesty. It was the first instance, he claimed, of any direct attempt being made by a Min- istry at retrogression. The only similar case which he could find in history dated back to the reign of William III., and the act then passed was now proposed for repeal. Although the Govern- ment had a considerable majority upon the second reading, and also upon the motion to go into committee, they found that it would be so hotly contested in committee that they judged it best to make some important modifications ; and it in its mutil- ated state finally passed and received the royal assent. Mr. Gladstone's retirement from the leadership of the Liber- al party had been assigned a possible limit in his letter to Lord Granville; that limit was reached Jan. 1st, 1875, but the same cir- cumstances still existed, and he definitely withdrew from politi- cal life, so far as anything more than occasional presence in the House of Commons was concerned. His withdrawal brouo-htcon sternation to his political friends, who had been willin"- to en- dure his absence for a time, if they might look forward to his re- turn ; but his resolution was unalterable. Words of praise were showered u])on him by all alike; and it was feared that he had finally Icit the strife of party. It was of course necessary to elect a now leader. There were two men whoso names first occurred to the observer of the field The First Gladstone Mimstry. 317 — Mr. Bright and Mr. Lowe. Mr. Bright, it was well known, would not accept the vacant post, for tlio same reason that he had hesitated about accepting ofRcc ; as for Mr. Lowe, he was a man of undoubted ability — but — then the speaker would shako his head significantly, and the listener would know exactly what was meant regarding that erratic genius, and agree with him. The list was thus reduced to Mr. Forster, Sir W. Harcourt, Mr. Goschen, and the Marquis of Hartington. The first three were subsequently withdrawn, and Lord Hartington unanimously elected to the vacant place. The choice was not an unwise one ; for although the now lead- er was indolent and lacked many of the brilliant qualities of his predecessor, he defeated the projihecies of those who had pre- dicted his failure ; and justified very largely the eulogy which Mr. Bright had pronounced upon him at the time of his election. Mr. Gladstone did not often appear in the House during the session of 1875. His first important speech was upon Mr. Os- borne Morgan's Burials Bill, which proposed that the friends of the deceased should have the privilege of deciding upon the ser- vice to be used in a parish graveyard. It seems to be something similar to that which Mr. Gladstone had before advocated. lie spoke in favor of this, as did Mr. Bright, but it was finally nega- tived by a majority of fourteen. The budget introduced by Sir Stafl^ord ITorthcote was the sub- ject of another speech. Mr. Gladstone objected to various meas- ures which were proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and maintained that the surplus for the ensuing year was over- estimated. The plan for reducing the JSTational Debt, he main- tained, was founded upon the supposition that there would be a large surplus every year for the next thirty years, and that suc- ceeding Chancellors of the Exchequer would do the reverse of what Sir S. Northcote had done. The plan was, however, adopt- ed. There were other speeches made during the session, but not many ; and they were upon topics of little or no permanent inter- est. During the autumn, Mr. Gladstone met the Hawarden ten- antry, and made the most pleasing speech of the year. The reason for his continued silence was found afterward to be the preparation of controversial works, which forever settled the question of his secret membership of the Catholic Church, a,nd which we shall consider in a later chapter. CHAPTER XII. GLADSTONE IN OPPOSITION. Eastern Question — Turkey Does Nothing but Promise — Suicide of the Turkish Sultan — Oriental Races — Explanations by Disraeli — Raised to tlie Peerage Bulgarian Horrors — Lord Salisbury in the East — Earl of Shaftesbury — Duke of Argyle — Lord George Hamilton — (lladstone's Pamphlet on the Turkish Question — Action in Parliament on the Turkish Situation — Pro- tracted Debate — Vote of Credit — "Peace with Honor" — Sir Stafford Northcote — Gladstone Arraigns the Government — Triumphal March Through Scotland — " Grand Old Man " — Great Ovations Everywhere. ALTHOUGH Mr. Gladstone had thus formally retired from tlie leadership of the Liberal party, he was not destined to remain in retirement for a long period. Perhaps it would have been impossible for a man constituted as he was, and accustomed for many years to take a prominent part in direct- ing the affairs of tlie nation, to content himself with merely liter- ary activity; certainly the events of the years immeiliatelj' suc- ceeding his effort to devote himself to purely intellectual pursuits were stirring enough to arouse him from the repose which he had promised himself. When the Crimean war closed, Lord Aberdeen had said that the treaty might piossibly remain intact for five and twenty years J ho was laughed at as a pessimist, but the event proved that he was rather 0]itimistic than otherwise. Belure the quar- ter century had elapsed, the Eastern Question was once more the problem of the hour. The fact that many of the jirovinees of Turkey were inhabited by alien races was bound to lead to foreign interference on the behalf of such peoples. Such interference was rendered more frequent because of the diiferenee in religion, which was often made the excuse when there was no real need of outside assis- tance. Tlio Banubian Principalities had been under the protec- torate of the Czar, but this state of affairs was never recognized at Constantinople, and the Treaty of Paris had restored them to Turkey. Their subjection was only nominal, however, foi when 318 l7i Opposition. 819 Moldavia and "Wallacnia united themselves under one govern- ment, and expelled their ruler, the P^rto could only look help- lessly on. Encouraged by this success, and probably by the fact that the Cretan rebellion had not been a complete failure, the Servians demanded that the Turl^ish garrisons should be re- moved from their midst, and the Turks complied. Russia had declared that she was no longer bound by the Treaty of Paris, and this gave fresh courage to the provinces which were always ready to revolt when occasion offered. But although the Turks had withdrawn the garrisons when required to do so, they had not relaxed the oppression which was practiced in other ways. It has frequently been remarked that there is in Turkish rule no medium between neglect and tyranny ; and that the portions of the Enipire where tyranny might be excusable, as being the only means of maintaining public order, are the very portions whore the hand of authority is never felt. The strength which should be used, under a just government, in repressing crime and disor- der, is exercised in the oppression of those quiet and law abid- ing provinces which should be protected from others. It must be admitted, however, that the Christian provinces were not at this time, and had not been for many years, orderly and law-abiding; they had suffered so much from the tyranny of their Mahometan masters that they were always in a ferment of revolt. Early in July, 1875, the news reached England that the op- pression had at last become unbearable, and that the Herzegov- ina was in open rebellion. It became quite clear at once that a new chapter of the old troubles was beginning. The Turkish statesmen insisted that the rebels were receiving outside assis- tance, and called upon England to interfere. England was the enemy of Russia, and as such was regarded as the friend of the Porte. Austria was one of the offenders against whom complaint was made. Servia and Montenegro were requested to stop send- ing supplies of arms and men to the insurgents. But none of the Governments thus appealed to seem to have done anything. Lord Derby, the Foreign Secretary, pursued a decidedly feeble course. Ho knew that the oppression of the Turkish Christians would be unpopular, but, on the other hand, the repression of the Turkish cruelties would be pleasing to Russia, who always desired to see the Ottoman humbled ; and anything which pleased Russia was sure to displease the English people. Uudei such circumstances, ho decided to act with the Porte; and urged 320 In Opposition the Government at Constantinople to put down the insurrection as quickly as possible, and not allow it to swell to the magnitude of a matter for European intervention. This oflfended, not only 'lopuJar feeling, but the popular conscience; and somewhat in- terfered with the popularity of the Disraeli Government. But the recommendation to the Porte was more than he could ohaj. It was impossible to put down the insurrection, which continued to spread. Finally, on the last day but one of the year 1875, Count Andrassy, the Austrian Minister, in conjunction with the representatives of Germany and Russia, addressed a note to the Porte. This Note from the three great Empires de- clared that the promises of reform made by Turkey had been broken, and that some combined action of the Powers of Europe was nee essary to insure their fulfillment. If this were not done they declared, the governments of Servia and Montenegro, would be compelled by the enthusiasm of those peoples to sup- port the revolutionary cause in Bosnia and Herzegovina; and this would mean a general outbreak. This Note was communi- cated to the Powers which had signed the Treaty of Paris; Franco and Italy at once signified their concurrence; England alone hesitated. It was not until Lord Derby received a request from the Turkish Government that ho would join in it, that he complied. It seems at first strange that such a request should come from the Porte ; the reason for it is scarcely honorable to England, for she was regarded as a secret friend by Turkey. Lord Derbj' joined in the Andrassy Note, and it was sent to the Porte. The Turks listened gravely to the complaints and de- mands, and promised all sorts of good behavior for the future. The Powers had evidently gained their point at once. But Turkey did nothing but promise. Not one of the griev- ances was redressed, and it soon became apparent that she did not intend to take any steps to meet the demands. The Berlin Mem- orandum was accordingly drawn up by the three Imperial Min- isters, pointing out the increasing danger of disturbance, and the necessity for carrying into effect at once the objects of the An- drassy Note. It was proposed that hostilites should bo suspend- ed for two months between the Porte and the insurgents, while a peace was being negotiated ; and that the consuls and other rep- resentatives of the powers should watch over the proposed re- forms. Tho Memorandum significantly intimated that if the desired objects were not attained during the period of two Jn Opposition. 321 months, the Powers would have to see what should bo done. This threat meant that the matter must bo settled as the Note and Memorandum had intimated ; for Turkey could not think of resisting the arms of united Europe. Unfortunately, the English Government did not see its waj' clear to join in this Memorandum. The general impression was, that Eussia had been stirring up the discontent which had cul- minated in these difficulties, that the Christian Powers might be compelled to interfere in Turkish matters, to the manifest disad- vantage of the Porte. Lord Derby himself was of the opinion that r. .jccret agreement had existed among the empires since 1873, ftnd he feared that England would bo drawn into a danger- ous con-:plication. His refusal made concert among the Powers impossible for the time, and the Memorandum was never pre- sented. Then every one in Europe and America knew that war was certain in tho East. This refusal of the English Govern- ment seems to have given fresh courage to the Turks, who had been pretty well frightened by the magnitude of the storm which had threatened them a little while before. There was an out- break of Mussulman fanaticism at Salonica, and the French and German consuls were murdered. There was a revolution in Con- stantinople itself, and Abdul Aziz was dethroned to mako waj' for a sultan capable of carrying on a war with an empty treas- urj'. This rara avis, it was thought, they had found in his nephew, whom the Sottas made Murad V.; but throe months af- ter this remarkable discovery was made, they had proved to their own satisfaction that they were mistaken ; and Murad stepped down and out to make room for his brother Hamid. Nobody expressed any special regret when Abdul Aziz open- ed the arteries of his arm, and bled to death in his palace; but there were circumstances more terrible than these changes, which were soon to alarm and horrify all Europe. An insurrection broke out in Bulgaria, and the Turkish Government sent large numbers of Bashi-Bazouks and other irregular troops to crush it. The insurrection was duly crushed, but the Bashi-Bazouks did not cease their horrible work. Repression turned to massa- cre, and rumors began to reach Constantinople of hideous whole- sale unprovoked murders in the northern province. Tho cor- respondent of the London Daily JVears heard them, and resolved to investigate them ; he did so, and found that the reports were but too well founded in fact. In a few days afterward accounts 21 322 In Opposition. were published in England of what has ever since been knowil as the Bulgarian Atrocities. Thousands of innocent men, women and children had been slaughtered; at least sixty villages had been destroyed, after the extermination of their inhabitants; for- ty girls were shut up in a straw loft and burned alive ; the most unnamable outrages wore committed; and a district once the most fertile in the Ottoman Empire had been ruined. While the English public was reading these tales of horror, and shuddering at the tortures to which the prisoners had been subjected before death came to relieve them, the Prime Minister was taking things very coolly. He made it very evident that he did not know much about the Turkish provinces of the time, nor about Turkish affairs in general; he had not considered the charges worth investigating ; but assuming that such atrocious crimes were greatly exaggerated in the telling, endeavored to set the matter before the House of Commons in the light in which he saw it. The newspaper correspondent had been in search of sensations ; of course he had not made the picture any the loss dark ; rumor has a thousand tongues ; and there must be much allowance made for "coffee-house babble." The Bashi- Bazouks, ho informed his hearers, were the regular occupants of Bulgaria, being a Circassian race who had settled there long ago, with the concurrence of all Europe. As for the torture. Orient- al races " generally terminated their connection with culprits in a more expeditious manner." Mr. Disraeli's debonair treatment of the question did not sat- isfy the House. The Bashi-Bazouks were not the gentle, harm- less creatures that he had represented them to be ; they believed that the statements in the News were entitled to more creditthan he was willing to give them ; and they grew more and more in- dignant that the Prime Minister of England should speak thus lightly of the outrages committed by Mahometan soldiery. That the newspaper statements were not exaggerated, was shown by the report of Mr. Baring, who was sent out to investi- gate the Tuattcr ; he reported that so far from the only deaths be- ing those which took place in battle, between armed insurgents and the soldiers, he had himself seen whole masses of the bodies of woman and children piled together, in places where no bodies of combatants were to bo seen. No fewer than twelve thousand persons had been killed in the single district of Philippopolis. This report from a man who was generally supposed to be in In Opj)osition. 323 sympathy with Turkey upon the question as a whole, was indis- putable; and the Turkish Government showed that they had no intention of disowning these atrocities by their action, soon af- terward, in rewarding the chief perpetrators by new honors con- ferred upon them, presumably for the part borne in these mur- ders. What followed in England ? The Premier became only too anx- ious to explain away his words. There had been no levity, he assured his listeners, in the expression which he had used when he spoke of the improbability of Turks torturing their prison- ers ; he had not denied the existence of the Bulgarian atrocities, but having no official information that they had taken place, was bound not express his intentions regarding them. The public excitement was at white heat; the words of Mr. Disraeli were regarded simply as another instance of his inconsistency ; they were swept impatiently aside, while the people looked about them for a leader. Not the man who had scoffed at the story of outrage ; not any of the Government which had half condoned the offenses of the Turks; not Mr. Bright, whose health was too uncertain to allow him to take the part which his down- right antagonism to what he believed wrong would have led him; not the new leader of the Liberal party, who was some- what slow ; but a man whose eloquence could inflame the cold- est ; a man whose principles were unquestioned ; a man whose standing was such that his slightest word must command atten- tion ; a man skilled in dealing with others — such was the leader that was sought for what Bright characterized as " an upris- ing of the English people." Was there such a man ? And would he lead them when he was found? Such were the questions which were earnestly asked. The former was perhaps easily an- swered, as men turned their eyes to one who was but seldom heard now-a-days ; the latter was fully answered when William Ewart Gladstone, casting aside polemics and criticism, forgetful alike of the Bard of Greece and the Pope of Eome, emerged from his semi-retirement and took up the gauntlet which Dis- raeli had allowed to "drop from his over-careless hand. He had now nearly approached the limit of three score and ten ; at six- ty-seven we scarcely expect much ardor from the advocate of any cause ; but he flung himself into the contest with all the keen and impassioned energy of a youth. "He made speeches in the House of Commons and out of it ; he attended monster 324 In Opposition. Benjamin Disraeli^ Karl of Beaconsjield. meetings in doors and out of doors ; ho published pamphlets; he wrote letters ; he brought forward motious in Parliament; he hi Opposition. 6zb denounced the crimes of Turkey and the policy which would support Turkey, with an eloquence that for the time set England aflame." Prince Milan had left Belgrade in June, declaring that Servia could not longer endure the oppressions of Turkey ; and his province was, like its neighbors, in open revolt. We need not follow the whole course of events in the East ; we are interested only in what was done in England. There were frequent de- bates in Parliament upon the subject, and Mr. Gladstone, who had so rarely been jiresent at the daily sessions, now spoke al- most every night ujson some topic connected with the outrages and the course which the Government pursued. It was in vain that Mr. Disraeli explained that the British Government liad re- fused to join in the Berlin Memorandum, because that represented a policy of aggression, with which England would have nothing to do ; that the British fleet had been sent to Besika Baj^, not for the protection of the Tu)-kish Empire, but to maintain the rights of the British ; it was in vain that Lord Derbj' defined the course of the Government as one of strict neutrality, and approved by the other Powers. The people had made up their mind, and their decision was not favorable to the stand which the Government had taken. August 11th, 1876, Mr. Disraeli made his last reply to Mr. Gladstone and his adherents in the House of Commons. It was upon this subject ; he affirmed that the Turks were not the es- pecial proteges of England, and that she was not responsible for what had occurred in Turkey ; he announced that the sole duty of the Government, according to his understanding of the case, was to maintain the Empire of England, and that they would never agree to any step which hazarded the existence of the Em- pire. After this speech, Mr. Disraeli left the House, never again to address it from the Ministerial or Opposition benches; for the next morning's papers contained what had hitherto been a well-kept secret: The Prime Minister had been created Earl of Beaconsfield. Perhaps it will not be out of jjlace to turn aside at this mo- ment to note what was the nature of this reward, and for what it was bestowed. Mr. Disraeli had long been a faithful servant of the Crown; he had served it with thcbestof what was no mean ability; upon entering on the discharge of the duties of the First Lord of the Treasury at the beginning of the jiresent session of Parlia- 326 In Opposition, ment, he had determined upon the aggrandizement of the Crown by every legitimate means; there was to be another Elizabeth- an period, the people were told; and every one waited with confident expectancy to see the Elizabethan revival. To some extent they did see it; but whatever power great men may pos- sess to mould circumstances to their will, they cannot wholly create those circumstances. There was much that was lacking to make the Victorian Era a reproduction of tiie Elizabethan ; per- haps, if the matter had been strictly analyzed, the Tories would not have become the more popular by their efforts to bring back the glory of the tyrannical Tudor; but the phrase, like so many to which the brilliant novelist gave currency, was a taking one, and the Ministry was lauded for the intention. The Queen was given the new title of " Empress of India," though the Op- position carried an amendment which prohibited the use of the new title in the United Kingdom ; the Prince of Wales was par- aded through India, that he might see some of the princes who were well-disposed toward his royal mother, or who were afraid to be anything else; the Government bought a certain number of shares in the Suez Canal, which were just then going begging, and thus acquired the controlling interest in it; and the Eliza- bethan revival was completed. When Mr. Disraeli resigned at the close of the year 1868, he was offered that reward so dear to the heart of an Englishman — elevation to the peerage. Somewhat to the surprise of those who knew him, he declined it for himself; accepting it for the wife to whom he owed so much. The Viscountess Boaconsfield died four years later, childless. The Premier, b}^ his talents as a debater, and his persistency under defeat, had won the admir- ation of his opponents as well as of his adherents ; personally he wasmostacceptable to the Queen ; and it was not a matter of won- der when the announcement above mentioned was made. JSTo one objected ; no one cried out that he had not deserved well of the Sovereign ; if he wanted an earldom, by all means let him have it; and his enemies were among the first to applaud the royal recognition, for his transfer from the House of Commons to the House of Lords was a material weakening of his party in the legislative chamber where his party was the less strong. Throe days after this. Parliament was prorogued. In the very beginning of the recess apjiearcd the oflScial report of Mr. Baring concerning the Bulgarian atrocities; and Beaconsfield was con- In Opposition. 327 victed by the evidence of one of his own subordinates of gloss- ing over crimes which well deserved punishment, because he did not choose to investigate the truth of the charges until public opinion compelled him to do so. Far different was the course taken by the great Liberal leader, as he still ranked in men's minds, though he had chosen that another should have that title. Scarcely a month after the prorogation, he published a pamphlet entitled, "Bulgarian Horrors, and the Question of the East." Eng- land, he maintained, should not only aim at the termination of the war actually in progress, but should demand the accomplish- ment of three great objects, before she rested from her labors. The first thing to be done was to put an end to the anarchical misrule, the plundering, the murdering, which still desolated Bulgaria ; there must then be effective measures taken to pre- vent the repetition of such outrages as had been recently perpe- trated under the sanction of the Ottoman Government, by ex- cluding its administrative action for the future, not only from Bosnia and Herzegovina, but from Bulgaria as well; the latter province being the one, really, which it was most essential to protect in this manner. The third object to be attained, to which these were the steps, was the redemption of the honor of the British name, which in the deplorable events of the past year had been more gravely compromised than ever before within his recollection. He supported his position with all the force of his powerful eloquence ; and that had ripened year by year, so that now, when he had so nearly reached the limit of average human life, this faculty was at its very zenith ; nor could that star, which had thus risen, and which cast so glorious a light upon the progress of human libertj^, decline until everlasting night should blot it from the vision of men. A few days after the publication of this pamphlet, Mr. Glad- stone addressed his constituents at an immense meeting on Black- heath. The speech, which was among the most eloquent and im- passioned of his political orations, furnished the watchwords of his party in the campaign which followed. At various points in his address the audience was completely carried away by the emotions which he aroused. There had been an effort made to compare these to other massacres and outrages, of which his- tory had told; but the effort was shown to be futile and puerile. But, he told them, if all these dark pages in English history could be concentrated into a single spot, that spot would not be 828 In Opposition. 329 worthy to appear upon the pages which should hereafter tell of the infamous proceedings of the Turks in Bulgaria. He advo- cated, not t1ie abolition of the Turl'cish Empire, but the limita- tion of its power in such manner that it could not again practice these dire refinements of cruelty. This could only bo done by the combined action of all the Powers; though there were two whose responsibilities were greater than any other's ; these two were England and Russia. He did not claim that Russia was ex- empt from ambition ; but she had wilhii. her the pulse of human- ity, and it was this pulse which he now believed was throbbing almost ungovernably in the minds of her people. The power of Russia upon land was irresistible; that of England by sea was at least as great; ho closed with the significant question, which the Foreign Secretary essaj'ed to answer not long afterward : " I ask j'ou, what would be the condition of the Turkish arm- ies if the British admiral now in Besika Bay were to inform the Government that, from that hour, imlil atonement had been made — until punishment had descended, until justice had been vindi- cated — not a man, not a ship, not a boat should cross the waters of the Bosphorus, or the cloudy Euxine, or the bright vEgean, to carry aid to the Turkish troops?" This address created too much enthusiasm among the people to bo left unanswered ; and the Pi'eniier himself undoi'took the task. Speaking at Aj'lesburj', ho admitted that the Ministerial policy was unpopular, but strongly condemned those "designing politicians who take advantage of sublime sentiments, and apply them for the furtherance of their own sinister ends." This lan- guage was of course quoted with approval among the ultra-Con- servatives ; but it was wai-mly denounced as extraordinary tri- fling, by those who were less bitter in their personal dislike of the great Liberal and his followers. Lord Derby directed the British embassador at Constantinople to lay Mr. Baring's report ujjon the Bulgarian atrocities before the Ottoman Government, and to demand that the offenders should bo punished. This was said at the time to be an answer to that question which Mr. Gladstone propounded to his listen- ers on Blackheath, and which wo have quoted above; and it would have been, had the demand been enforced. But that was the last of it ; the British Government never pressed the Porte for a definite answer, and the Government which had rewarded Ach- met Agha, the Turkish general in Bulgaria, with the Order of 330 In Opposition. the Medjidie, was not likely to give such satisfaction until com- pelled to do so. Turkey finally agreed to an armistice of eight weeks, and the Czar who had brought the pressure to bear which resulted in this, pledged, his sacred word of honor to the En- glish ambassador that he had no intention of occupying Constan- tinople ; and that if necessity compelled him to occupy a portion of Bulgaria, it would only be provisionally, and until the safety and jieace of the Christian population were secured. A week after this, Lord Bcaconsfleld delivered a warlike sj^eech at the Ministerial banquet at Guildhall ; whereupon the Czar declared that if Turkey did not accede to his demands, Eussia would be prepared to act independently. Lord Salisbury, who had been accredited as the English rep- resentative at the Conference of Constantinople, arrived in that city Dec. 5th. Three days later, there was a great meeting at St. James' Hall for the purpose of discussing the Eastern Ques- tion. The Duke of Westminster was the Chairman, and the meeting was addressed by men eminent in politics, letters, science, religion and the army. At a second meeting, the even- ing of the same day. Lord Shaftesbury, the well-known and now lamented statesman and philanthropist, presided, and the address- es were at least as interesting as in the afternoon. Mr. Gladstone spoke at this time, in company with Mr. Fawcett, Canon Liddon, Mr. E. A. Freeman, and others of similiar standing. Mr. Free- man urged tliat tlie right must be maintained at all costs, even of the interests of England ; Mr. Fawcett, referring to the injunc- tion, "forgive and forget," insisted that there was one man whose acts ought never to bo forgiven by Englishmen, and that man was the Prime Minister of England. After such speeches as these, Mr. Gladstone arose, to clinch their denunciations with his own. As at Bhickheath, he was received with deafening cheers. Eeitudiating the accusation that these meetings were held for the purpose of embarrassing the Government, he charged Lord Bcaconsfiold Avith pursuing a policy which he knew was in direct antagonism to the sentiment of the country; it was not until the Aylesbury speech that Lord Boaconsfield had given any evidence that ho thought England had duties toward the Christian population of Turkey. This acknowledgment was one which the Opposition had tried in vain to draw from the Ministry during the last session; the first declaration of this knowledge was made by Sir Stafford ISTorthcote, who had re- In Opposition. §31 marked, during a speech somewhere in the North, " Of course we are all aware of our duties to the Christian population of Turkey." Mr. Gladstone said that he was glad they were aware of it, but the recognition of that obligation was not to be found Lord Shaflesbury. in the proceedings of Parliament or the official correspondence for the past year. Expressing a hope that Lord Salisbury's instructions were not in accordance with Lord Bcaconsfield's recent speech at Guild- hall, which had so directly influenced the Czar, he trusted that the English representative would be permitted to give scope 332 In Opjiosltio/i. to his own generous inatincts, and that the Plenipotentiaries in general would insist upon tlie future independence of the provin- ces, or at least upon such a form of government as would insure them freedom from op])rossion. Willie the meetings at St. James' Hall were not witliout their eflfeol, tlieir influence would have been even deeper and wider if it had rot been fi)r the fact tliat tlie Conference at Constan- tinople was sitting, and was ex]iected to accomplish all that could be hoped. Tiiese hopes were, however, doomed to be dis- appointed J for the Conference found its demands rejected by the Turkish Government. These demands had finally been reduced to two : that the Powers should nominate an International Com- mission, witliout executive powers ; and that the Sultan should appoint governors-general, holding their office for the term of five years, the appointments to be subject to the approval of the guaranteeing Governments. But the "Unspeakable Turk," as Mr. Gladstone was fond of apostropliizing the brutal Ma- hometans, found these propositions "contrary to their integrity, independence and dignity," and would have none of them. The responsibility of this situation of affairs, Mr. Gladstone did not hesitate to declare, belonged to the Government. He ajid his friends had been told to mind their own business. To this exceedingly impolite injunction, the statesman replied that the Eastern Question was their own business. The plea was urged that the Treaty of 1856 had been broken. To this he made answer that Turkey had trampled all treaties under foot. If the treaties were in force, they were as binding upon Turkey as upon England ; but when one disregarded them the other was not bound to observe them. When Parliament opened, in February, the war which had been raging in meetings and other public gatherings broke out afresh in the two Houses. In re])ly to the Duke of Argj-U, who had urged tlie necessity for decisive action upon tho Govern- ment, the Premier said that any interference at the present would tend to make the condition of the Turkish Christians worse than it was at this time. Jlr. Gladstone, in the House of Commons, enlarged u])on the contradictory statements of recent negotiations. Foreign Office documents, the (Queen's speech, and the orations of tlio Ministers. Mr. Hardy rejilied for the Gov- ernment, and said that the time had not yet come for England to cut this Gordiau knot with the sword. In Opposition. 333 Mr. Chaplin complaincil tliat Jfr. Gladstone and other Liher- als had endeavored to regulate the sentiment of the country by the publication of pamphlets upon the subject, and by the deliv- ery of numerous speeches, and by the so-called National Con- ference at St. James'. There was one of two things which Mr. Gladstone must do — he must either make good or withdraw his assertions; there was was no other course which was open to a man of honor. The last expression was ruled out by the Speak- er as unparliamentarj', and it was accordingly withdrawn. Mr. Chaplin then went on to say that he regret- ted most sincerely Mr. Gladstone's course du- ring the recess ; ho had done so much to impair the respect and esteem which were felt fur him by all member.; of the House and to shako to its foundations the reputation of a man whom all England had long been accustomed to regard as one of the greatest of her sons. He moved the adjourn- ment of the debate. Mr. Gladstone's re- plj' to this attack was an i m p r o m p t u o n o , ^"'"' "^ ^ '•''''"• which fnlljsustaincd his rcinitation as one of the ablest debaters who ever sat in the House of Commons. In seconding the mo- tion for an adjournment, he said that he was surprised to be ac- (;;isi'il, for the first time iji a public career extending over near- ly half a century, of au unwillingness to meet his opponents in fair fight. Why had not the honorable gentleman attended those meetings of which ho complained so much? He spoke of his own reluctance to enter upon this question, and declared that it was only the strength of the public sentiment which had made him foel an avoidance of its manifestation impossible. Ho adminis- tered a scathing rebuke to Lord George Hamiltonj -^yho had in-! 334 In Opposition. torrupted him twice, and then turned again to the original assailant. Upon him the floods of wrath were poured. If he (Mr. Gladstone) by his speeches and his pamphlet had done all this mischief, why did not Mr. Chaplin write another pamphlet, and make other speeches, which would set the people right? It was the nation which had led the leaders and the classes in this matter, not the classes and the leaders who had led the nation; the speeches and pamphlet had been no more than the match which is applied to fuel already prepared. The attack had been a viru- lent one; the reply was such as to make Mr. Chap- lin sincerely regret that he had aroused the sleep- ing lion. Said Mr. Glad- stone: " He says, sir, that I have been an inflamma- tory agitator, and that as soon as I have got into this House I have no dis- position to chant in the same key. But before these debates are over, before this question is set- tled, the honorable gen- tleman will know more about my opinions than he knows at present, or is likely to know to-night. lamnotahout to reveal nowto the honorable gentleman the secrets of a mind so inferior to his own. I am not so young as to think that his obliging inquiries supply me with opportunities the most advantageous to the public interest for laying out the plan of a campaign. By the time the honorable member is as old as I am, if ho comes in his turn to be accused of cowardice by a man of the next generation to himself, he probably may find it convenient to refer to the reply I am now making, and to make it a model, or, at all events, to take from it hints and suggestions, with which to dispose of the antagoni.st that maj^ then rise against him. * * * I will tell the honorable gentleman something in answer to bis questions, Lord George Ha^nilton. In Opposition. 335 and it is that 1 will tell him nothing at all. I will take my own counsel, and beg to inform him that he shall have no rea- son whatever to complain, when the accounts come to be settled ' and cast up at the end of the whole matter, of any reticence or suppressions on my part." Mr. Gladstone went on to correct the mis-statements of what he had really said at Taunton. He had said tliat it was neces- sary to watch closely the policy of the Government; that he had great confidence in Lord Salisbury, but he did not know whether the Government had one policy or two. This was the greatest question, he added, which had come before Parliament in his time ; and it behooved all who were responsible for the course of England to consider that coiirse most carefully. He urged upon them the setting aside of all party considerations, and the duty of striving to the utmost that justice should be done. It is rare that Mr. Gladstone condescended to a personal speech; he was in general so taken up with measures that he had no time in which to consider men ; his opposition to the course which a Government might pursue did not involve any personal animosity to its members ; but the above extracts will show that he was perfectly able to defend himself when neces- sary. Certainly Mr. Chaplin was provided with an excellent model for the repelling of future attacks on himself. The appeal which closed this speech was received with pro- tracted cheering. Such was its effect upon those who heard it, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself remarked that he was not surprised at the enthusiastic applause which followed the speech. Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet before mentioned had argued that the only way to secure any permanent good for the Christian provinces of Turkey was to turn the Turkish oiBcials " bag and baggage" out of them. His enemies were not slow to quote garbled extracts from this argument to prove that Mr. Glad- stone favored nothing less than the expulsion of all the Turks from Europe. Against this accusation, and against the charge that he had advocated a different policy at the close of the Crim- ean war from that which he upheld now, he was obliged to de- fend himself in Parliament as well as out of it. But the mis- chief was more easily done than undone. He was represented as demanding the instant expulsion of every Turk — man, wo- Mari^uis of Salisbury — Premier of Oreat Britaiit, Tn Opposition. 837 tnan and child — from Europe; if this were done, the Eussians would at once occupy Constantinople, and the power of Eussia be indefinitely increased. Lord Bcaconsfield, on the other hand, was opposed to any extension of tiie Czar's dominions, and took great care to keep this continually before the minds of the . people. There were many sneers, too, from the Government and i its supporters, about sentimentality introduced in questions of statesmanship. Thus it came to pass that Lord Beaconsfield was looked upon as the champion of England, and the enemy of her enemy; while his great rival was openly accused of being the friend and instrument of Eussia, bj' thousands of English- men who honestly believed what they said. So, by degrees, the great masses of the people began to look with different eyes upon the war, and to think that the interests of the country were perhaps safe in Beaconsfield's hands after all. But Mr. Gladstone was not left without supporters of his cause. There were still manj^ who thought as he did. A close observer has said that men who prided themselves upon being practical politicians upheld the course of the Government, main- taining that Turkey must be held as a barrier against Eussia at all hazards; while men who held that sound politics cannot ex- ist without sound morals, protested with the Liberal chief against England making herself responsible for the crimes of Turkey. The one cried out for the interests of moralit}^, the other for the interests of England; and exclaimed against the ambition of Eussia or the atrocities of Turkej', as tlie case might be. A Protocol was signed at the English Foreign OiBee on the last day of March, 1877, stating that the Powers intended to watch carefully over the Christian provinces of Turkey, and if their condition should not be improved, in accordance with the demands which had already been made, in such a way as to pre- vent the return of the complications which periodically disturb- ed the peace of the East, such a state of affairs would be con- sidered incompatible with the interests of Europe in general, and the Powers in particular. The Turkish Government pro- tested against the humiliating situation in which it was placed by the Protocol, and Eussia accordingly declared war April 24th. A week later, England, France, and Italy issued proclam- ations of strict neutralit}'. On the 7th of May, Mr. Gladstone gave notice of certain reso- lutions which he intended to move, and which on the face of 22 338 In Opposition. them were extremely hostile to the foreign policy of the Gov- ernment. Many members of the Liberal party declined to sup- port them, on the ground that they pledged England to co-op- erate with Eussia's policy of force; and Mr. Gladstone ultim- ately amended them so that they did little more than affirm that Turkey had forfeited all claim to moral or material support from the British Crown. In the speech which introduced these altered resolutions to the House, Mr. Gladstone called attention to the vast numbers of meetings which were being held for the discussion of the subject; and asserted that in nineteen cases out of twenty, the general scope of the resolutions passed at these meetings had been co-extensive with, not the mild and moderate declarations which ho now offered to the consideration of the House, but the more incisive statements which he had first proposed. His speech was a noble effort; fixing the responsibility for the atrocities upon the shoulders of the Turkish Government, he declared that the remonstrances of England had no effect, because the Porte knew that they began and ended in mere words. He taught them what right the Christians of Turkey had to look to Christian Europe for protection against their Mussulman masters ; he told of the time when England was the hope of freedom, when the eyes of the oppressed were always turned to her, as the home of so much privilege and so much happiness; and pleaded thatthis should still be the light in which she was regarded. He told of the heroism of the Montenegrins and the Bulgarians; and what a great and noble prize was the privilege of removing their load of woe and shame. The debate lasted for five nights, and some of the most elo- quent speakers in the House, if not all of them, were heard up- on the subject. Some of the Liberals spoke in support of the Government, whose policy was defined, now that the war had actually begun, as one of strict neutrality; among these was Mr. Roebuck, who, however, paid high tribute to Mr. Gladstone as " a man whom the countrj- has believed to be one of its greatest and most deserving and patriotic Ministers at one time or an- other; a man endowed with great ability, with vast power, with a winning manner, and whose influence in this House has been almost illimitable." It is well said by one of Mr. Gladstone's biographers that it was the high moral courage and loftiness of purpose which had been so conspicuously displayed in his atti- In Opposition. 839 tude upon that Eastern Question, which had given him this " al- most illimitable" influence. Lord Hartington, who had opposed the resolutions in their original shape, was now one of their most determined support- ers. Mr. Gladstone, in closing the debate, pointed out the dif- ferent courses which the Government had seemed to pursue at different times. He did not believe that the time when united Europe could make an authoritative demand had gone by; that demand should be made at once ; coercion did not mean war. If Eussia failed in the work which she had undertaken, he pointed out, the condition of the Christian Provinces would be infinitely worse than it had ever been before ; if she succeeded, as she de- served to do in such a cause, the performance of such a work would secure for her undying fame ; when that day came, he con- cluded — " When that work shall be accomplished, though it would not be in the way and by the means I would have chosen, as an Eng- lishman I shall hide my head, but as a man I shall rejoice. ISTev- ertheless, to my latest day I shall exclaim : Would God that in this crisis the voice of the nation had been suffered to prevail; would God that in this great, this holy deed, England had not been refused her share !" But the eloquence was in vain ; the re-action against the so- called sentimentalism had strengthened the hands of the Govern- ment; and tho first resolution was defeated by a majority of one hundred and thirty-one. Mr. Gladstone addressed a large meeting at Birmingham, be- fore the close of the session, upon the topic of the hour; and up- on his return from a visit to Ireland in the autumn he again spoke at various points. While the country, as represented by the House of Commons, seemed to be content with a policy of strict neutrality and watchfulness, the people themselves seem never to have tired of hearing the great advocate of the rights of the Turkish Christians. In ISTovember of this j'ear Mr. Gladstone was again elected Lord Hector of the University of Edinburgh, Lord Beaconsfield retiring. His opponent was Sir Stafford Northcote, the Chancel- lor of the Exchequer ; but the member of the Government re- ceived only a little more than one-third the whole number of votes polled. We need not follow the fortunes of the Eussians and the Turks 340 In Opposition. upon the field of battle, or tell of the fall of Kars and Plevna, or the capture of Schipki Pass. It is ciiuiigh here to record that on the 2.jrd of .lanuary, 1S78, the Turkish Plenipotentiaries at Adrianople received orders from the Porte to accept the bases of peace as submitted to them by the Grand Duke Nicholas. tj!2.<.'UU~^i-adlaugh ought not to be ]iermitted to take the oath, though it might be wise to let him affirm. Mr. Labouchere, his colleague ca o 365 366 Tlie Second Gladstone iMinistry. in the representation of Northampton, offered a resolution declaring his right to make affirmation. This resolution was supported by the Prime Minister; but this measure, the first trial of strength between the Ministry and the Opposition, if a question which involved no part of the Government's policy could be so called resulted in a defeat to the Cabinet's cause. The resolution was lo.st by a vote of tvi^o hundred and seventy-five to two hundred and thirty. But Mr. Bradlaugh was not willing to accept defeat. On the following day he presented himself at the table to be sworn. The Speaker gravely informed him of the resolution of the House, and requested him to withdraw. He claimed the privilege of being heard at the bar of the House, and this he was not refused. His speech was an eloquent one, but it did not avail him. Advancing at its conclusion to the table, he again demanded that the oath be administered; the sergeant-at-arms touched him on the shoulder, and he again retired below the bar, but only to advance and ])lead, from the very floor of the House, for what he believed to be his right. The Speaker appealed to the House, and Mr. Bradlaugh was arrested in due form. He was not kejit under restraint for a long time, however, but was released in the course of the week. Immediately upon his release, the Government introduced a resolution to the effect tliat any one claiming the privilege of making an affirmatii)n should be allowed to do so, at his own risk of the statutory penalties provided in case of any one not duly qualified to sit and vote, attempting to do so. 'J'his resolution was carried, and under it Mr. Bradlaugh was finally allowed to take his seat. An action was immediately brought agai]ist him, however, to recover heavy penalties for having sat and voted without having previously taken the oath. As the penalty for each vote so cast was £500, the sum claimed rapidl}' grew to tremendous proportions. The Bradlangli episode was a windfall to the Conservatives, dis- heartened as tliey had been by the severe losses in the late election. They saw that the immense Liberal majority was not a sure support of the Governin(>nt ; that the party was not really as unital as the leader would have had it. It was an unex])ected source of strength; if not of absolute ]iowcr in debate, it was yet a {lowerful weapon with which to annoy the Ministry. 'Ike Second Gladstone Minutry. g6? There was yet anotlier effect of the Bradlaugh controversy. Out of it arose the Fourth Party, as it was called, derisively at first. In the House of Commons there was the sou of a great Tory duke, to whom nobody had ever jiaid much attention. He had been listened to, of couise, but simply because he was the son of the Lord rMndolph Churchill. Duke of Marlborough; not for any interest which he had been able to excite by his speeches. This was a golden opporti'iiity, and he seized upon it. He was the bitter opponent of the atheistic claimant of a seat, and of the Government wdiich supported that claim. All the members laughed at the young Lord Randolph Churchill, as they have laughed in other days at many who became famous in spite of the laughter; remembering Burke and Disraeli, Lord 368 The Second Gladstone Ministry. Randolph paid no attention to the ridicule, and spoke when he ])leased ; lie also said what he pleased, regardless of the Conserva- tive traditions which were constantly being thrown at his head. He boon fonnd adherents. In the days of the Adullamites, Mr. Bright had quoted authorities to prove that two men might con- stitute a party : Lord Randolph had a superabundance of followers, reckoned on that basis, for, including the leader, the Fourth Party soon numbered four members. These fated invigorators of the enervated Tory Party were Sir Henry Wolff, Mr. Gorst and Mr. Arthur Balfour. When tlie intentions of the new party were announced by its leaders, the gentlemen sitting on the Treasury benches were accus- tomed to smile in a good-natured sort of W'ay, as indulgent elders smile at wayward children; the gentlemen on the opposite side of the House would reflect this smile; and perhaps it would often extend to the small Third Party, the Parnellites. But this was soon changed. They saw that the Conservative party, since Sir Stafford Northcote had succeeded Mr. Disraeli as its leader in the House of Commons, had lost "all of its passion and most of its vitality." Its chief characteristic, says a keen-sighted critic, ap- peared to be a "comprehensive amiability." But there was noth- ing amiable about the Fourth Party, politically considered. It was their business to annoy and obstruct the Government; and their perseverance and unflagging energy certainly entitled them to the success which they obtained. Passing now from the difficulties which encompassed the Gov- ernment in its foreign policy, we come to the domestic legislation. It was but a broken session, and there was not much accomplished in this direction. The supplementary budget was introduced by Mr. Gladstone early in June; the Premier holding the double office of First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. It was proposed to reduce the tax on light foreign wines, to re-adjust the tax upon alcoholic liquors; to abolish the malt-tax, and sidistitute a duty upon beer; and to supply the deficiency which these changes would create by adding a penny to the income tax. This budget was accepted with slight modifications, though there was some dissatisfaction expressed that it said nothing about the Tlte Second Gluddoae M'niktry. 869 Indian deficiency; Mr. Gladstone stating in the speech with which lie introduced the financial scheme of the Government, that he was not as yet prepared to make any statement on that subject. The old measure to permit the burial of Non-conformists in church yards with the rites of the sect to which their friends hi'- longed was again brought forward this session. It originated in the House of Lords and was finally carried. Sir WiUiatii Vernon Harcourt. Other very important legislation was carried this session. Among this was an amendment to the iniquitous game laws. Hitherto no tenant farmer dared kill a hare or rabbit, no niattei how his crops were damaged, and these pests were preserved for the landlords' sport. Harcourts' "Hare and Rabbit Bill,'' liow- ever, gave the right to the tenant to kill in certain seasons, and made such right inalienalde. There was also a measure fcr the remission of cumulative penalties for failure to vaccinate, but the 24 Ho 'J'hc hiecond (jfladstone Ministry. Government was obliged to withdraw it, as it was bitterly opposed by many Liberals as well as Conservatives. The Government also brought forward a bill to regulate the responsibility of em- ployers with regard to accidents by which their workmen might be injured. Under the old law, an employer was not responsible unless the accident were proved to be the result of his direct personal negligence; the bill thus introduced made his immediate delegate or person implied as such, his full rejireseutafive. While this bill did not go far enough to please the advocates of the workingmen, it went too far to please the Ijords, who desired to limit its operation to the term of two years. The Commons extended this to seven, when the bill came down again with the amendment of the Peers, and the Upper Chamber accepted this compromise. This action was perhaps due to the fact that the workingman was represented in this Parliament as he had never ijecn before. For the first time in English history, men who had supported themselves and their families by actual manual labor sat in the House of Commons, and took part in the councils of the nation. There had been theorists there, who had contended for the rights of the lower classes as someching in whicii they took a kindly interest or which they a(lv(jcated because, without any specia regard for the workingman individually, they saw that his welfiire meant the welfare of all other classes ; but never before had one of themselves spoken for him. It was the direct result, the ultra Tories told each other, of that lleform Bill, which had been entireiy too swcejjing in its provisions; and the Tory advocates of the Reform Bill were forced to admit that it was. Of course the workingmen sat on the benches at the right of the Sjwaker, and that made it all the worse. Mr. Fawcett ina stay evicticjns, they thought, since these had increased in an alarming ratio of late years. The Irish niendjcrs made a gallant attempt to ])erform the duty for which tliey had been elected, in preparing a bill for the purpose of staying evictions. This the government refused to acce])t; but ])i-()p(ised in place of it a Compensation for Disturb- ance bill, wliit:li adopted S(nne of their suggestions. In cases where a non-payment of rent was due to insolvency caused by a failure of crops, the connty court judges were authorized to allow compensation. ]\Ir. Forster cx|ilained to the House that this was simply an extension of the act of 1870, and denied that it was a concession to the anti-rent agitation. At the same time he admitted that since 1877 the annual rate at which evictions had increased was nearly double that of previous years. The bill passed the House of Commons after a protracted de- bate, and went up to the Lords. But the Peers did not see as the Commons did, and rejected it by an immense majority. The vio- lence with which many evictions had been resisted, and the out- rages which had been perpetuated in revenge for the wrongs in- flicted, in the eyes of the peasants, by the landlord class, were an insuperable bar to any favorable consideration of tiie claims of the Irish. Perhaps, had this measure passed the Lords, there would have been less agitation in Ireland since that time; but after the lapse of a decade the same state of affairs obtained. The Irish mend)ers jileaded vainly with the Government for some resistance of this fiat of the Peers. The most that the Min- istry would do was to ])romise a comprehensive measure next session with a committee, for the present, to inrpiire into the agri- cultural condition of the country. Perhaps the IMinisters, in the absence of their diief, hesitated to take any decided action; and certainly such action, taken by Hartington, would have iiad much less weight than if Gladstone had insisted uj)ou it. Tlie Second Gladstone 3Iinidry. 375 Tlie Home Rulers were of course bitterly opposed to thia quiescence, and did not hesitate to say so, iu many speeches which the Government considered inflammatory; and this judgment was perhaps not without foundation. The Ministry had made the mistake of not consulting a single Irish member in connection with Hon. EdvMirl Fnrster. its Irish policy; incredible as it may seem, not even those moder- ate members, who, under the leadership of ]\Ir. Shaw, sat and voted with the Lil)erals, were treated as political friends and allies in this respect. Araong the speeches outside of Parliament which thus aroused 376 The Second Gladstone Ministry. the ire of the Government was one delivered by Mr. Dillon, in which he called upon the young farmers of Ireland to defend those who were threatened with eviction. Tlje attention of the Irish Secretary having been called to this speech, he denounced it as wicked and cowardly. Mr. Dillon replied ; Mr. Forster retorted. Then came one deliate after another, upon Irish topics; during one of these discussions, the Secretary took occasion to defend the Irish constabulary for the use of buck-shot as ammunition, and thus built himself an everlasting name, as " Buckshot Forster." I'arliament was prorogued September 7th, nothing of import- ance having been done toward the settlement of this vexed ques- tion. But the Land Leaguers were not silenced. The tenants were advised to form a sort of jirotective union, for the purpose of oppos- ing a passive resistance to evictions, and also to the exaction of an unjust amount of rent over the valuation authorized by tlie Par- liament of 1824, and finally made in 1852. The leaders of the Land League were anxious to avoid all vio- lation of the law; and hence a strictly legal mode of freezing out the obnoxious landlords and agents was resorted to. This was called, from the name of the first victim, " Boycotting ; " and was an ingenious means of evading the letter of the law, worthy of an Irishman's quick wit. Still there were outrages, though the Land League claimed that it did all in its power to prevent them. " While we abuse coer- cion, we must not be guilty of coercion," was the principle which Davitt and his associates constantly enunciated ; but there was much for whicli the Government held them responsible; and the trouljle culminated in a State prosecution of fifteen prominent members of the society, among whom Messrs, Parnell, Dillon, Sexton, Sullivan and Biggar, all members of Parliament, were of course included. The charge was seditious conspiracy, but the jury was unable to agree, and tlie trial came to nothing. At the end of the session of ]880, Mr. Forster had said that the Government would introduce an Irish Land Bill and a Coercion Bill the next session. lie intimated that coercion would precede legislation on the land question. The Irisli members were liardly surprised then, M'hcii at the opening of the session of 1881, the Queen's speech declared that tiie multiplication of agrarian crimes. The Second Gladstone Ministry. 377 and the insecurity of life and property in Ireland demanded coer- cive measures. On the otlier hand it was admitted that the con- dition of Ireland called for an extension of the Laud Act of 1870. Monday, January 24th, Mr. Forster introduced his first coer- cion measure. Liberals and Conservatives alike looked at his statistics of outrages perpetrated in Ireland with horror, until Mr. Labouchere showed that in most cases one outrage was made to stand for several, by multiplying it by the number of men con- cerned with it. This somewhat weakened the force of tiie argu- ment based on the statistics, but Mr. Forster did not look upon it in that light. The bill gave the Lord Lieutenant the power of arresting any one who was suspected of treasonable practices, and the commission of crimes of intimidation, or incitement thereto. It was an ex-pod facto law, as it did not limit the arrest to those who had offended after the passage of the bill. On the day after tiie introduction of this bill, Mr. Gladstone moved to declare urgency for the coercion bills, and thus give them precedence over all other business. Then ensued a series of sittings without precedent in the history of Parliament. The first sitting of the House at which this was the business of the hour was prolonged, not only all night, but until two o'clock the next afternoon. The debate was resumed on Thursday, with a speech from Mr. Bright. The Radical of the old school had long been regarded as a friend to Home Rule, and it liad been confi- dently asserted that the silence which he had hitherto preserved upon this all-absorbing topic was due to his disap]n'oval of the course which his colleagues were pursuing. But if this opinion really obtained, it was most effectually dissipated by this speech. The Land League had been compared to the anti-Corn Law League, and the impression that Mr. Bright was a devoted friend of the Irish was perhaps due in no small degree to this compari- son. But now he angrily denied the parallel, and with more than his usual vehemence literally flung himself upon the Irish party. The Irish national press was exasperated to find Mr. Bright thus decisively arrayed upon the side of their enemies ; he was the last link that had bound the extreme Irish party to the Government ; and now that had been snapped. But Mr. Bright's sjjeech, eloquent as it was in its fierce denun- S78 Tlie Second Gladdone, Minvdry. ciations of the Land Leaguers, was completely overshadowed by one from Mr. Gladstone the next day, upon the same subject His speech was a justification of coercion in the disorganized con- dition of Ireland, and a bitter denunciation of many of the speeches which had been made by Mr. Parnell and Mr. Biggar. The fierce- ness of his attack had had no precedent since the time when he had defended the monarchy against the republicanism of Sir Charles Dilke. " Passion is the spell which most surely unlocks Mr. Gladstone's skill as an orator of attack. The fury of his indignation swept over the House and stirred it to its depths, arousing tumultuous enthusiasm in the majority of his hearers, and angry protest from the minority he was assailing. The jiale, unmoved face of Mr. Parnell occasionally showed through the storm as he rose to cor- rect the Prime Minister in his ({uotatious from his speeches, and was howled and shouted, if not into silence, at least into being inaudible." Such is the description of an eye-witness, who was certainly not unfavorable to Parnell. But the House was not to be swept along on this tide of fiery elofpience. There wei'e breakers ahead, in the obstruction policy of the Irish members ; the members of the Gov- ernment sat in their places; some doggedly defiant of these efforts, some appearing to be extremely depressed because the measure was not carried through with a rush. Entirely different was the atti- tude of the Opposition during this prolonged sitting; what was death to the frogs in the fable was fun for the boys ; and the members of that party whose Irish policy had been so severely condemned by the party in power, and who were promised that they should see how speedily the Irish difficulties would be settled by the Liberals, enjoyed themselves immensely during this exciting debate. Finally the Speaker proceeded to put the main question. An Irish member rose; the Speaker refused to hear him. Then there arose a cry which Jiad not been lieard in the House of Commons since 1642, when Cliarles I. suddenly appeared in its sacred pre- cincts and dcMiandcd (hat the members whom he accused of liigh treason slionld be delivered up to him. "Privilege, Privilege!" shouted the whole Irish jiarty, leaping to their feet as one vansi, The Second Crladstone M'mistry. 37b Then, bowing to the Chair, they marched out of the House in the same unbroken jjhalanx. Tlius ended a scene without parallel in Parliamentary history. The long sitting was the first actual triimiph of obstruction, which had often delayed business, but which had never before revolu- tionized parliamentary law and precedent. The occasion was full of weird interest, and was chiefly remarkable for the daring audacity of tiie pi'iucipal actors in it. Again and again did the Irish patriots move that the House adjourn, tliat progress be reported, that the Sj^eaker leave the chair, and a variety of similar motions. Again and again did the sonorous voice of Mr. Eiggar break the stillness of the air with his peculiarly pronouuced " Misthur S[)aker, Sur-r-r." Under cover of motions to adjourn, the whole question was re-opened, until, on the morn- ing of the second day, it was discovered that one of the solid gang had not addressed himself to the bill itself Up rose this zealous patriot, and when it was found he insisted on reading the measure, clause by clause, a groan escaped from a score of lips. When the lights were put out at daybreak on Tuesday, the ap- pearance of the House was miserable. The usual sweeping and cleaning had been impossible, and the iloor was strewn with rubbish of all kinds, torn newspapers, and even pieces of orange peel abounding in every direction. Then the Liberals commenced going home to sleep in sections, and every few hours a score or two members would appear clothed and in their right minds, to replace an equal number of dirty and sleepy legislators, who ir turn went home to recuperate. For the nonce all party feeling was forgotten, and the Opposi- tion loyally supported the Government in its attemjjt to silence Irish protests and Irish demauds for justice. Sir Stafford North- cote personally appealed to Mr. Gladstone to go home and sleep, pledging himself to remain in his absence and " keep a House." Of ludicrous incidents there were several. It is "strictly out of order " for members or strangers to bring refreshments on to the iloor of the House. This rule did not hurt the English and Scotch members, who could easily get away to eat ; but it was not so with the Irish, who ate sandwiches and drank out of flasks to their heart's couteut. Among the lunch eaters was an Irish obstruo- 380 The Second Gladstone Ministry. tionist whose reputation as a drinker of whiskey exceeded his elo- quence. Mr. Wharton called the Speaker's attention to the fact that this gentleman was eating and drinking, whereupon the wine- bibber proceeded to stand up and empty his flask in face of the Speaker's studied rebuke. The bill was immediately brought in, and the first reading car- ried. The House adjourned till noon of the same day, this single sitting having lasted about forty-one hours, and being the longest then on record. The Irish members thought better of it when the time oame for re-assenibliug, and were promptly on hand to criti- cise the action of the Speaker in thus bringing the debate to a close upon his own motion. The Speaker ruled that it was not a cj^uestion of privilege ; whereupon an Irish member moved the adjournment of the House, and the debate on that question was kept up until nearly six o'clock, when, upon division, it was found that but forty-four members out of more than three hundred were in favor of it. As it was six o'clock by the time that the result of the division was announced, and the day was Wednesday, the House was obliged, by its own rules, to adjourn. The Irish were resisting with all their might. They could only hope to weary out the Government, and thus obtain some conces- sions. If the ministry would not pass a law for the relief of Ire- land, they should not pass one for her oppression. So they rea- soned ; and the members who sat on the right hand of the Speaker were doubtful as to the result, until their chief found a wav out of the difficulty. The obstruction policy of the verv small Irish party must be the excuse for the revival of rules whicii had been allowed to sink into oblivion. The Irish had brought the cry of " Privi- lege " from the echoing chambers of the past; and they were silenced with thunders from the same stormy region. When question time came on Thursday, Mr. Parnell suddenly asked if it were true that Mr. Davilt had been arrested. The Home Secretary answered that he had ; whereupon the wildest cheering ensued ; when the noise subsided, Sir William Harcourt went on to state that the Irish Secretary and he, after due considta- tion with their colleagues and the legal advisers of the Govern- ment, had decided that Mr. Davitt had violated the conditions of The Second Qhidstnne Miimtry. 381 his ticket-of-leave. Mr. Pariiell tried to ascertain what conditions had been broken, but the Speaker decided that Mr. Gladstone, who was waiting with his Urgency Motion, had the floor. Mr. Dillon arose to a point of order, but was not allowed to state it. Amid much noise from all jiarts of the House, the Speaker declared that Mr. Gladstone was entitled to be heard. Mr. Dillon did not sit down when the Speaker rose, but remained defiantly standing facing hiiu ; he demanded his privilege of speech. In the noise which ensued there were few or no members silent. The Irish members shouted vociferously, "Point of Order!" The other members, with more volume of voice, but with no more vehemence, demanded that Mr. Dillon should be named by the Speaker. This last demand was the one with which the Speaker complied, the offense which was thus punished being Mr. Dillon's defiance of the rules by remaining on his feet after the Speaker had risen. In view of the somewhat frequent use of this means of dis- cipline of late years, we luay here remark that the last member " named," prior to Mr. Dillon on this occasion, was Fergus O'Con- nor, who, in the heat of debate, had struck the member sitting beside him in 1848. Mr. Dillon was silenced for the time; and the Prime Minister at once moved that he be sus|)ende(l froui the service of the House for the remainder of the sitting. This was carried by an immense majority, and the speaker called upon IMr. Dillon to withdraw. He began to speak, but there was such c(jnfusion that nothing could be distinguished ; finally, the Sergeant-at-Arms approached him, accompanied by several attendants, and Mr. Dillon left the House. After the excitement had somewhat lessened, Mr. Gladstone made another effort to go on with his speech, but was interrupted by several Irish members, chief among whom was Jlr. Parnell, who moved that Mr. Gladstone be no longer heard. The Speaker declined to recognize the member for Cork ; the member from Cork declined in effect to recognize the Speaker, since he refused to sit down. This was the very offense for w'hich Mr. Dillon had just been expelled, and a similar fate awaited Mr. Parnell. Thirty- three members had voted against the expulsion of Mr. Dillon • there were but seven in the minority when Mr, Gladstone proposed 382 The Second Gladstone Ministry. a similar course with regard to Mr. Parnell. The Irish members remained in their seats, refusing to vote when the division was called for. It was not without reason that they complained of the treatment which they had received. This was indeed an antiquated mode of procedure, to demand that a Speaker be no longer heard ; but Mr. Parnell would hardly have made use of it had not the Prime Minister himself done so in the first place. It was simply a turn- ing of his own weapon against him, though the majority decided that the Premier might use arms which were not permitted to others. Mr. Gladstone, who was literally speaking under difficulties, was again interrupted by an Irish member, Mr. Finigan, and there was a repetition of the little comedy which had been twice before per- formed before the House. There were twenty-eight members of the Irish party remaining, and the Speaker having called the attention of the House to their refusal to vote, named them one after another. Mr. Gladstone moved their expulsion in a body; it was carried with but six dissenting voices. Then ensued a scene which was ludicrous in its monotony. Each member as he was named, rose and made a speech protesting against the action of the Government, and declining to obey the order to leave unless compelled to do so ; the sergeant at arms would solemnly approach him with his attendants at his heels; touch him on the shoulder without saying a word. In most cases the member obeyed this mute summons; but in some cases they refused to do so until a sufficient number of attendants had been brought to show that resistance was absolutely hopeless. Mr. Gladstone again rose and tried to go on with his motion, but it was not to be as yet. Some of the Irish party who had not been in the House while this was taking jilace now returned, and tried the same tactics. It was necessary to suspend six of these before he was at last permitted to proceed. Steps were at once taken to amend the rules of the House in such manner that the obstruction policy could not be used to such an advantage. A fall upon the ice having confined Mr. Gladstona to his house for a few days, tlie final passage of the bill took placa in his absence, February 27th, Lord Hartington moved that the «ii*aihiiii It I Inquiring Concerniag Mr. Oiachione'.'i Injuries. 383 384 The Second Gladstone Minldry. debate on the bill, which was at that time in committee, and about to be reported, should end at seven the next day. Any amend- ments which were unreported upon at that time were to be denied consideration. Thi.s motion, which did not admit of being dis- cussed, was carried, and the Speaker promptly cut the debate short at the hour named. The Coercion Bill was carried with but thirty- six negatives in the Commons, and passing rapidly through all its stages in the House of Lords, became a law March 2d. The long promised Laud Bill was introduced April 7th. It was supposed to be based upon the reports of two Commissions which had been appointed, one by the late and one by the existing Gov- ernment, for the purpose of investigating the land question in Ire- land. The number of reports presented by these two Commissions seems to have been limited only by the numl)er of gentlemen who had been appointed to investigate tlie subject ; but with one excep- tion they agreed that there ought to be a court which should decide between landlord and tenant when they differed with regard to rent. Fair rent. Fixity of Tenure, and Free Sale — the three F's, as they were called — were the main objects of the Bill; and the vexed quest/on of peasant proprietary was not omitted. It wag a moderate measure; and if it should prove practicable, the Gov- ernment hoped that the condition of the Irish would be greatly ameliorated by its action. It was bitterly opposed by the Conservatives, who characterized it as eomrnimistic, revolutionary, socialistic, and by any other epithets that appeared sufficiently condemnatory. The Irish mem- bers, perhaps, were astonished at the introduction of such a measure by the Government; but although it was more than they had hoped for, it was less than they wished. They set themselves to work to widen its scope, and in this they were fairly successful. It was not finally jircsented to the House until the end of Jtdy, when it passed the third reading. The Bill was then sent up to the Lords. If the Irish members had done their best to obstruct the Coercion Bill, the Lords were equally unreasonable witli regard to the Land Bill. It was amended so that it was hardly recnignizable, and the Peers, flat- tering tbemsclves that they had done great things, passed it in its altered form, and it went again to the Commous. Tlie Second Gladstone Ministry. 885 The Commons declined to accept tlie clianges, and sent it back to the Lords. The Lords made new amendments, and sent it down to the Commons again. The ministry made some minor conces- sions, but declined once more to accept those sweeping changes on which the Peers had insisted. At last the Lords, after all their bluster, yielded some points, and the Land Bill of 1881 became law. In the meantime Mr. Bradlaugh's seat had been formally de- clared vacant, and a writ for a new election issued. He was again elected, and the old trouble began afresh. The Government held to the opinion that the House could not interfere when a duly elected member presented himself to take the oath, as Mr. Brad- laugh now did ; and the Opposition having carried a resolution affirming that Mr. Bradlaugh should not be permitted to repeat the oath, which he regarded as a mere, meaningless, empty cere- mony, Mr. Gladstone informed them, in answer to their inquiries, that it was their business to carry out that resolution, against which he had voted. The government promised to deal with the question in the usual way, and the Parliamentary Oaths Bill was brought in ; but it was finally decided that it would be impossible to proceed with it, and the matter was allowed to lie over until the next session. The disturbance excited by Mr. Bradlaugh's persistency in urging his claims to a seat therefore continued until nearly the time for pro- rogation. Cobden, speaking to a friend of Disraeli and his brilliant career, had asked, " How will it be with him when all is retrospect?" That solemn question, like an echo of the archangel's blast, now was brought to the minds of men. On the 19th of April, 1881, all became restrospect with the great Tory statesman. The long, long rivalry was ended, and Mr. Gladstone was left without a peer in the ranks of living Englishmen. After the passage of a number of measures of special im- portance only in a local or temporary sense, the stormy session came to a close. Up to its end the Government had not shown any special animosity to the Irish members, and seemed disposed to treat the Land Leaguers in general with more lenity than ever. This was evidenced by the release of Father Sheehy, who had been imprisoned as an agitator. But the advocates of Irish freedom 25 •386 27(6 Second Gladstone Ministry. from British rule continued their self-appointed task, and the patience of the Ministry was finally worn out. Mr. Gladstone spoke at Leeds on the 7th of October, in reply to an address from the Mayor and Town Council. His speech touched upon the all- absorbing Irish Question; and as he warmed to the work, he spoke of Mr. Parnell in such terms that he was accused of a bitter, personal attack. The extreme views of the Parnellites were com- pared unfavorably with those of the men of the 1848 school, and even with those of the moderate men of to-day, like Mr. Dillon. Mr. Parnell promptly replied to these strictures, and Mr. Dillon refused to accept Mr. Gladstone's compliment. One speech fol- lowed another from the lips of the incensed Irishmen, and the Government finally issued warrants for the arrest of the prominent Land Leaguers. This was announced by the Prime Minister in a most dramati- cally effective manner. In the midst of an address to a crowded assembly at Guildhall, he made an eloquent plea for the preserva- tion of law and order. Suddenly he produced a telegram, an- nouncing that the Land League leaders had been arrested and conveyed to jail. The effect was marvellous. Friends and foes strove to outdo each other in their wild applause. CHAPTER XIV. THE SECOND GLADSTONE MINISTRY. (Continued.) Mr. Bradkmgh Ouce More — Home Rule — The Lords and tlie Land Act — Amend- ment of the Rules — Arrears Bill — Concessions to the Irish — Phoenix Park Murders Crimes Bill — Obstruction — Friends Failing — The Egyptian Question — Bombardment of Alexandria — Autumn Session — Forster's At- tack on Gladstone — The Reply — Explosives Bill — And Still, Mr. Brad- laugh — Jlinor Legislation — The Soudan Difficulties — L'repressible Mr. Bradlaugh — The Egyptian Trouble Continues -The .\fglum Boundary — Failure of the Soudan War — The Budget -A Sk-epy Time— Waking Up— A Remaikable Speech — A Great Surprise — Fall of the Ministry. T-\ARLIAMENT opened February 7, 1882. The cliief topic h~^ of discussion, always excepting the omnipresent Irish Ques- tion, was the amendment of the rules. This had been in- trusted to a committee the year before, and was expected to come up before the House very early in the session. The sul)ject was of special interest, because, upon the passage of a rule which would render obstruction more difficult, the Irisii Question could be more speedily discussed, if not more easily settled ; and the reforms in this direction had gone just far enough to make the oppressed more eagerly desirous of aid. But the first question which came before the House was the Bradlaugh difficulty. Mr. Bradlaugh had been excluded from the House the year before by a sessional order, whicli, of course, re- mained in foi'ce only until the prorogation. On the demand of his rights, Mr. Gladstone expressed the opinion that the courts of law were the only authority competent to deal with the question ; but tiie matter was otherwise decided by the Hou.se of Commons, and Mr. Bradlaugh was once more directed to withdraw. Mr. Labou- chere having moved for a new writ for Northampton, the motion was negatived by a large majority. Thereupon Mr. Bradlaugh, advancing from the seat which he had been occupying, and which was not in the technical limits of the House, drew a New Testament from his coat-pocket and gravely 387 388 The Second Gladdone Ministry. proceeded to swear himself in as a Member of Parliament. This (lone, he produced a paper stating that lie had duly taken the oath, signed it and laid it upon the table. 'J'he House was literally struck dumb by this performance, and only began to recover itself as Mr. Bradlaugh concluded the extraordinary ceremony. Then there was " confusion worse confounded." Lord Randolph Churchill led the argument, and when that has been said the aggressive nature of it may be inferred. But the law-officers of the Crown could not decide that Mr. Bradlaugh had reully violated any statute, and Mr. Gladstone succeeded in postponing the con- sideration of the question until the next day. The wrangle thus delayed ended in the expulsion of Mr. Brad- laugh, the issuing of a new writ, and the re-election of Mr. Brad- laugh. This had come to be quite the recognized order of things; but there was a slight change in what followed. Mr. Labouchere having proposed that Mr. Bradlaugh should be heard in his own behalf, instead of addressing the Commons from below the bar, as usual, that gentleman boldly advanced to the sacred precincts of the House itself, and, taking a seat below the gangway, proceeded to argue the point with the Speaker as a member of the House of Commons. He was expelled by a vote of 297 to 80 ; a new writ was immediately granted, and Mr. Bradlaugh was again re-elected. A resolution of Sir Stafford Northcote, carried by a majority of fifteen, afiSrmed the sessional resolution, and forbade him to take the oath. The strife extended to the House of Lords, where there was a bill brought in to exclude all atheists from Parliament, suc- ceeded, when it was lost, by an Affirmation Bill, which shared the same fate. The Government arrived at an understanding with Mr. Bradlaugh, by which he was to be permitted to occupy a seat on one of the benches, on condition that he did not join in the debates, and did nothing to disturb the House. The Irish Question had been broached during the debate upon the Address, but had not been discussed in anj' other form. But this debate is not without interest, since it disproves the assertions which have sometimes been made, that the alliance of Mr. Glad- stone with Mr. Parnell was merely a device to regain power by the aid of the Irish vote. If, in the height of his career as Prime Minister for the second time, he began to advocate Home Rule, it Mr- and Mrs. Gladstone in 1883. 389 390 The Second Gladstone Ministry. is clear tliat it could not have been a sudden change, made for any sinister motive. It was quite characteristic of the man, whose whole political life was signalized by gradual growth from extreme Toryism to extreme Liberal views. Had it been possible for Gladstone to have lived ten years longer, in the full possession of his mental and physical powers, it is not im2)robable that he would have come to uphold those very principles which he had so severely condemned when answering Sir Charles dike's speech on Republicanism. The change would have been no greater than others which took place in his life. Mr. P. J. Smyth had moved an amendment supporting a restora- tion of the Irish Parliament, but this had been lost after he offered to withdraw it. Mr. Gladstone had spoken upon the subject, and, in a later stage of the controver.sy, he was called to account for this speech. The Irish members themselves demanded the explanation, some passages seeming to indicate that he was not averse to Home Rule. Mr. Gladstone replied that he had always considered that a demand for the local government of Ireland was not too dangerous to be considered, as it was rated by the Conservatives; but up to this time no case, which combined a proper formulation of the Irish claims with a due regard for the supremacy of the British Crown, had ever been submitted to the Government. Such cautious admissions meant that the time would come when Gladstone would advocate Home Rule. The utterances were not so interpreted at the time, for tlie party most interested scarcely dared to trust such hopes, and the Irish Question was considered of less importance for the present until the working of the new Land Act .should be tried, than it had been the previous session. But to give the new Land Act a fair trial was just what the Tories did not intend to do. It was agitated anew in the quarter whence trouble was least expected — the House of Lords. Many of the ])cers regretted bitterly that the Land Act had been forced u])on them, and they emliraced the first ojiportunity to protest. The ]\Iinistry was now embarrassed by the Bradlaugh difficulty. Their action was unjwpular with the great majority of people, who look'cd upon atlicisfieal tendencies with liorror. The landlord party in the House of Lords attacked Mr. Glad- The Second Gladstone Minislry. 391 stone fiercely because of his utterances upon Home Rule, and dwelt with malicious emphasis upon a pamphlet which had recently been reprinted by its author, who had been appointed Secretary to the Irish Land Commission. This pamphlet defended peasant j)ro- prietorship, aud spoke of the " cause for which ParncU and Dillon and Davitt had labored and suffered." Although the writer re- signed his office as soon as the pamj)hlet became the subject of unfavorable comment, this did not serve to excuse the Government. A motion for a select committee to inquire into the workings of the Land Act was made and carried by a majority of more than forty of the Lords, and in spite of the attitude of the Commons, the com- mittee was appointed. It must have delighted the soul of Sir Charles Dilke and his co- republicaus when the vote concerning Prince Leopold's allowance, in view of his approaching marriage, was announced ; for the pro- position to increase it from £10,000 to £25,000 was carried against the largest minority that ever opposed a grant to a royal prince. It was the general opinion among Englishmen that Protection had been dead and buried long ago, but during this session there was an effort made to revive it, under the name of fair trade. Tlie motion for a committee, in the interests of fair trade, to consider the operations of foreign tariffs upon British commerce, was 7iega- tived by a vote of 140 to 89. All this time Mr. Parnell was in prison. It is true that at some time during the mouth of April he was released on parole, to attend the funeral of a relative, but he was not free to occupy his seat in Parliament. He occupied his time in drafting a bill to meet the difficulty of the arrears of rent, which weighed down tlie tenant farmers. This Irish Arrears Bill was kindly received by Mr. Gladstone, as an evidence that the Irish members would do their best to make the Land Law of 1881 effective. But this attitude of the head of the Government was not a little puzzling to observers. Would the Ministry accept a measure proposed by a man whom they had imprisoned for his course in this very matter? The thing was so glaringly inconsistent that it was speedily rumored that the Irish policy would immediately be changed. The prisoners had been privately offered their liberty if tliey would leave the country, if for ever so short a time; they might 392 The Second Gladstone Ministry. only cross the Channel and return at once ; but to this they would not agree; they had been imprisoned unjustly, as they considered, and they would make no compromise to secure their release. Mr. Gladstone's significant words to which we have before alluded seem to have been prompted by a kindly feeling for Ire- land; he was already progressing toward his later attitude. And here we may add a word regarding this change in opinion. The subject of Irish affairs is one on which the densest ignorance pre- vails in England, or did prevail until the time of which we write. Mr. Gladstone was no exception to the rule ; he has told us himself that he did not understand the case until the beginning of his second administration, when he set to work to study it more thoroughly than ever before. He had been devoting himself mainly to this subject, and the more he studied it, the more he M'as convinced that Ireland was the victim of tyranny. Finally, on May 1st, Lord Salisbury addressed a string of ques- tions to Lord Granville, who was the head of the Government in the House of Lords. In answer to these, Lord Granville announced that Earl Cowper had resigned the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland some weeks ago, but had left it with the Premier to say when it should take effect ; that it had been accepted, and Ijord Spencer appointed in his stead. The Government had decided to release the three imprisoned members, and would introduce legislation on the arrears question and the Bright clauses of the Land Act. An Irishman might say that everything was rose-colored in the Emerald Isle; it was indeed true that the Irish Question was nearer its solution than it had been for many a day. The Govern- ment was favorably disposed, or at least Mr. Gladstone was, and his strong will controlled his subordinates. But from this clear sky fell a thunderbolt. The announcements thus made, and similar ones in the House of Commons at the same time, were the most important, as indicating a change of ministerial policy, that had been made since Sir Robert Peel informed the House that he had abandoned the principle of Protection ; and they produced a corresponding effect. Of course there was but one line of action for Mr. Forster to follow, his Irish policy had been severely condemned by the colleagues who had thus decided to pursue exactly the opposite course, and he resigned. The Second Gladstone Ministry. 39? This vas liiglily satisfactory to the Irisli members, one of whom iiaJ pa.id tiiat under the new Government Ireland had suffered from three things — famine, tlie House of Lords, and Mr. Forster ; the speaker and his iiearers inclining to the opinion that the last was the (vorst infliction. Edii spencer. But everything was not lovely as yet. The Opposition de- manded to be informed if the withdrawal of the famous No-rent manifesto was a condition of the release of the Irish members. Mr. Gladstone replied that information tendered the Government had justified and mairdy prompted their action in releasing the prisoners, and that this was one of the subjects upon \\hich that information liad touched, Thereupon Mr. Dillon demanded to know if his 394 The Second Gladstone Ministry. name had been used in connection with the manifesto. Mr. Glad- stone replied in the negative. Similar questions were asked by Messrs. O'Kelly and Sexton, all three disclaiming such use of their names, if it had been made; but Mr. Gladstone answered as before. Pressed for a definite reply, he said that the information had been voluntarily given by members of the House, whose duty it was to make explanations when they were present, but he declined to answer further questions on the subject for the present. This was followed by a speech from Mr. Forster, who desired to explain the reasons for his resignation; and who, in doing this, managed to attack the whole policy of the Government. He was a man who made carelessness an art ; even the arrangement of his hair, which had the appearance of never having been combed, was always so exactly the same that its studied effect became evident. His speech on this occasion had the appearance of candor and rug- ged honesty ; but like the disorder of his dress, it was carefully prepared for the occasion. In answering this speech, Mr. Gladstone assumed a more defiant attitude than on the occasion when he was questioned about the manifesto. After the usual compliments upon a late member of the Government, he regretted that Mr. Forster should have allowed himself to charge the Government with giving the question of the rules pi-ecedence over all others, regardless of the condition of Irish aflPairs. As far as the release of Mr. Parnell and his associates was concerned, the Government was fully responsible for it as for their arrest. There had been no concessions made, because there had been none required. Mr. Parnell and his friends had not been required to make any statement that their views had change