P49 S4+-!- to CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Eisenlohr Collection Cornell University Library DT 60.P49S4 Season in Egypt 1887. 3 1924 028 747 628 ..... < Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028747628 A SEASON IN EGYPT 1887 ■ si- BY W: M:^ FLINDERS PETRIE AUTHOR OF " PYRAMIDS AND TEMPLES OF GIZEH," " TANIS I. AND II.," " NAUKRATIS,'' ETC. ILLUSTRATED. FIELD & TUER, "THE LEADENHALL PRESS," E.G. TRUBNER & CO., 57 & 59 LUDGATE HILL, E.G. 1888 FIELD <&^ TUEK, THE LEADENHALI. PRESS, LONDON, E.C. (t. 4347). -^aje^v, Lf> nJ\y CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. 1. CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE PRESENT WORK, 2. OUR NILE SAILORS, 3. ON A NATIVE TROOPSHIP, 4. ETHNOGRAPHIC WORK AT THEBES, J. TENT LIFE AT DAHSHUR, 6. POLICE AFFAIRS, CHAPTER I. The Rock Inscriptions of Assuan. 7. nature and position of the inscriptions, 8. COPyiNG, g. kings' names in this volume, 10. THE title nebt per, 1 1. FEMALE relationship, 12. example OF inscriptions, . 13. DETAILS OF THE COPIES, 14. INSCRIPTIONS BY THE PHILAE ROAD, 15. DO. DO. RIVER, 16. DO. AT ASSUAN, 17. DO. AT ELEPHANTINE, CHAPTER II. The Rock Inscriptions below Assuan. 18. inscriptions above silsileh, 19. THE SABA RIGALEH VALLEY, . 20. GRAFFITI NORTH OF SABA RIGALEH, 21. GRAFFITI SOUTH OF SABA RIGALEH, 22. GRAFFITI DOWN THE NILE, 23. QUARRY MARKS, CHAPTER III. Some Historical Data. 24. the inscriptions of the xith dynasty, 25. reconsideration of the xith dynasty, 26. reconstruction of the xith dynasty, 27. the vague and fixed years, 28. the inscription of una, 29. the date of king pepi, 30. the initial sothis epoch, . CHAPTER IV. The Horus-name or Ka-name. 31. SOURCE of the form OF THE TITLE, 32. THIS TITLE THE NAME OF THE ka, . 33. FIGURES OF THE KING'S KA, . PAGE I I 2 4 4 5 9 9 10 II 12 12 14 14 IS 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 22 22 CHAPTER V. Funereal Cones, &c. 34. nature of the cones, 3s. their classification, 36. translations of the cones, 37. inscriptions purchased, . CHAPTER VI. The Pyramids of Dahshur. 38. positions of the pyramids, 39. the southern pyramid, 40. triangulation around it, . 41. form of the south pyramid, 42. angle of the casing, 43. height of the pyramid, 44. entrance and passage, 45. small pyramid, 46. the peribolos wall, 47. design of these pyramids, . CHAPTER VII. The Earliest Column. 48. THE TOMB of KHUFU-KHAF, AND COLUMNS, 49. ORIGIN OF THE COLUMN, 50. OTHER EARLY COLUMNS, S I. DESIGNS OF CAPITALS, CHAPTER VIII. The Fayum Road, 52. discovery OF the roads, . 53. course of the fayum road, 54. DISTANCES of THE WAY MARKS, 55. THE OASIS ROAD, 56. LEVELS IN THE DESERT, CHAPTER IX. The Weights of Memphis. 57. character of the weights, 58. arrangement of tables, 59. tables of weights, . 60. notes on the kat weights, 61. the other standards, 62. the egyptian balance, 23 23 23 25 26 27 27 28 29 30 -30 30 31 31 32 32 33 33 33 34 35 35 36 37 38 41 41 42 PLATES. I-XIII. ASSUAN INSCRIPTIONS. XIV-XIX. INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSUAN. XX. THE HORUS-NAME OR KA-NAME. BALANCES. XXI-XXIII. CONES AND INSCRIPTIONS. XXIV. SOUTHERN PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR. XXV. THE EARLIEST COLUMN ; AND CAPITALS. XXVI. THE FAYUM ROAD. XXVII. DIAGRAM OF WEIGHTS. XXVIII. FORMS OF WEIGHTS. XXIX-XXXII. INDEX OF NAMES IN THE VOLUME. INTRODUCTION. I. In rendering the present account of another season's work in Egypt, it may be as well to say that this volume does not profess to contain the whole of the results. Much of my time was spent on procuring the ethnographical casts from the monuments; ^nd these are only alluded to here, as they require a photographic process to render them effective, and such would have been too expensive for a general publication. They have accordingly been arranged separately, as we shall notice below. When last autumn, to my great regret, it seemed undesirable to co-operate further with the existing administration of the Egypt Exploration Fund, I found myself tied, by the acceptance of a small grant from the British Association, to undertake the work of ethnological casts in Upper Egypt. That grant, although sufficient for the mere cost of materials, left to my own charge nearly all the expense of travelling and residence for a season. I therefore considered what subjects I could best take up, to render my stay in Egypt of archaeological benefit. The general examination of out-of-the-way parts of the Nile cliffs was an affair that I had long wished for ; the rock inscriptions of Assuan were awaiting a copyist ; and the pyramids of Dahshur were a promising subject for an accurate survey. Such were the subjects that I accordingly selected to occupy a season in Egypt, in addition to the racial casts. That nothing here appears of the work in the rock tombs, is due to a partition of subjects which was agreed on between my friend Mr Griffith and myself. I had the great pleasure of his company up to Assuan, and the benefit of our both working on each place, sometimes separately, but more often each checking the other's work, and consulting together. Thus it became' im- possible to separate our respective copies ; and as he had done more during the past season on tombs, while I had attended more to rock inscriptions, we agreed to divide the results, each taking in a share of the other's work. Thus Mr Griffith will publish, in Journals and otherwise, the tomb inscriptions, includ- ing my copies ; while here I have the advantage of using his work on the rock inscriptions, and his continual verification of my own copies. The individual responsibility is, however, duly noted to each inscription here. I should also acknowledge the many occasions on which Mr Griffith has given me most unreservedly the benefit of his reading and study. It is a true pleasure to be able to co-operate so freely with a student whose line of work is some- what different to my own, and whose knowledge is therefore all the more valuable in joint work. 2. Passing Middle Egypt, we went to Minieh by train, and there sought for a boat. Happily we found there a small open boat, which had had a cabin built on to it that just sufficed to hold us ; this cabin was only 12 feet long, and as it was but 7 ft. wide at the most, with a cupboard taken out of it, there was scarce room for a bench on either side to sleep on, and a passage up the middle. A table was out of the question ; so hanging two loops of string over nails in the roof, a box lid was laid in the loops, and we had a swinging table. It kept up its character well for swinging, and if there was any wind we had continually to steady it, and save our plates. A vigorous carver would have made short work of it ; but as we readily dissected our fowls in Arab fsishion, the firmness of the dinner table was not so needful. We took up with us our old reises. Said and Muhammed el Gabri; the first looked after our property and did some cooking, the latter walked with us everywhere, a regular shes. Two boatmen and a boy made up our crew. The boy, little Abd el Minm, was the best of them ; possessing a remark- able freedom of speech, he used to make the boat lively in the evenings ; his observations, generally amusing, and sometimes, I fear, scandalous, serving to keep the attention of the ship's company. He was always ready for work, whatever it might be ; if the rudder swung, or the mast creaked, in the night, a whisper would be heard outside, from the tent which hung over the outer deck for our men, " Get up, oh ! Abd el Minm '' ; and with a little grunt, one soon A A SEASON IN EGYPT. heard the pat of his feet above on the top. One day Said having purchased a skinny fowl, the bird incon- siderately flopped overboard while waiting for the decapitating knife. As we were in mid-stream, the only thing to do was to put the boat about and sail after our fowl. By the time the clumsy craft was heading down stream, the fowl was out of sight. Anxiously I stood on the top rail of our cabin roof, telescope in hand, searching the watery waste for our dinner. At last, when despairing, 1 caught sight of it about half-a-mile down ; a sort of start that would have taken full half-a-day to catch up with a light wind. Now was Abd el Minm's opportunity ; dropping his overall shirt, his little brown body plopped into the water, and swimming with splashing right and left stroke, which Arab boys love, he soon reached the shore. Running down for a mile or so, he then went in again, and intercepted the fowl. By that time it was drowned, and we watched him trotting back fowUess ; so that misguided bird went down to the dark and Typhonic regions of the north, while we sailed with a favouring wind from Amentl, up toward the blameless Ethiopians. The Nile boatmen are an interesting race, and it is as well to study their habits as soon as you get among them ; for their want of cleanliness will lead the traveller to the invariable rule of anchoring always above their boats, as necessarily as he anchors above a town. Fortunately, the Nile is a big lot of water. One day I saw a curious form of divination, in a boat not far off; the boatman had some small object in a cloth, which he dashed to and fro between his hands, crying " Wallah ! Wallah ! Wallah!" (By God); suddenly he flung the article into the stream from the cloth, saying " Will you go or come ? " and anxiously watched which way it drifted. Seeing it pass outward into the river, he said, " It goes "; and he had got his answer. It is strange how averse they are to stopping for the night at an islet or shoal in the stream ; they always will lie up by the shore. Yet they are so afraid of thieves that they greatly object to put up anywhere but at a village ; and if one boat ties up for the night in a lonely place, others are sure to stop if they come near it in the twilight, for the sake of safety in numbers. Putting this together, it shows that loneli- ness is what they dread more than actual thieves ; it is the " afrit " more than the " bad people '' that they fear. An Egyptian is a very timid being ; to go out at night, especially to any distance, is a terror to him ; the long and lonely road, and still more the dark shadows of trees or woods, will scare almost any native. One man I was told of who was very strong (in mind as well as body), and he liked to go about at night, and did not mind living a long way out of the village. One night he passed the body of a man who had been slain, lying by the road-side; the hyaenas were all round it, but hesitated to begin their feast, because the wind flapped the dead man's mantle. Whenever I came in late— often alone — the mingled chidings and rejoicings of my men were worthy of any congregation of village crones. Practically, night is the safest time to go about, if you are not known to be taking a particular road, because every one is afraid to be out. 3. In six weeks we went from Minieh up to Assuan. There we pitched our tents in a bay far above the town, and lived for ten days, while wander- ing over all the neighbourhood up to Philae, copying inscriptions. Assuan in these times is one of the most curious mixtures to be met with. In one small compass is the rolling and swirling Nile, the bright crops, the utterly barren desert, with its piles of granite crags, the Maltese grog-shop, the Arab, the Nubian, and the wild desert Bedawin with their enormous heads of dressed hair, the officer who evidently thinks that the first duty of jevery human being is to learn English, the suave Italian dealer, ancient tablets of past ages standing mute witnesses on the granite rocks at every corner, and Tommy Atkins, his parades, his stores, and his bands pervad- ing the whole place. However, as it is a choice between having a slice of Woolwich at Assuan, or else a fresh invasion of the Blemmyes or a new Tirhaka, the traveller may be glad to take things as he finds them. On leaving, we heard that the first- class in the steamer was engaged some weeks in advance. The second-class was an insufferable cabin, the air thick with tobacco and onions and dirt. So we elected to go third on deck, and very comfortable that way is to anyone with a proper roll of blankets. Only not when the Egyptian government are reliev- ing troops ; there is always room by third-class in theory, but in practice it is rather hard to find room when sixty native soldiers have divided all the small deck space with military regularity amongst themselves and their baggage. The civilians who came on clumped themselves down in the narrow pathway left between the ranks. After seizing on a space while the soldiers were away, we had to fight morally— if not physically— to hold our own. We were told to go, but demanded to have a clear space somewhere else before we stirred. After some friction, and an unpleasant hour, they made the best of it, and let us have just space enough to lie on INTRODUCTION. our edges ; on the flat was impossible. My friend, however, had a man's foot in his stomach most of the night. We all got on well together afterwards ; and our next neighbour, one of the corporals, was a very good fellow. The sacred space allotted for the promenade of the first-class during the day was only intruded on by stealth j some of the men could not resist the sight of a clear deck and plenty of room just over the hand-rail barrier. Certainly, if the Egyptian Government fill up all the space with as many soldiers as they think can be stowed on the deck, and then take all the passengers they can get in addition, some stretching of the rules of accommo- dation ought to be allowed. The boats are not built to be choked in this way; and the apology for sanitary arrangements is scandalously inadequate. If the whole affair were proclaimed to be on par with a pilgrim boat, one would take it all as it came, rough and ready; but the first-class and its civilization hedges off the deck, and curiously inspects the herd which is penned up before it. Coming down from Luxor some weeks later, the same state of matters was still going on ; only this time I was settled into the midst of a cargo of Convict soldiers, all undergoing sentence for some crimes. They were duly guarded day and night by sentries, and not one was allowed to leave the upper deck without a soldier behind him, bayonet in hand. This I thought tolerable company, squeezed together as we were ; but at one place a gang of civilian prisoners, all heavily ironed together by massive chains from neck to neck, were brought on, and settled down just on the top of myself and baggage ; I had secured a piece of the pathway, and so my neighbourhood was a little clearer than elsewhere. After some clamour, we at last got our load of wretches shunted off into a corner. A gang of Egyptian prisoners looks strange at first ; these were all utter villains, except one boy, — men whom I would never have employed under any circumstances, from their faces alone : each man walked on hugging with his chained hands his sack of provisions thrown over his shoulder, for they seemed to be required to provide all their own food. They had been seized for murders and robberies, and were on their way to trial at the Mudiriyeh. During the day there was just moving room to pick one's way across the legs and among the bodies of all our cargo of scoundreldom ; and many a pleasant hour I spent, sitting on the barrier of respectability, talking to a friend who was, luckily for me, going down in the same boat, and luckily for him first- class, there being a lady in the question. When I returned to my faithful Muhammed, who was alone with me this time, I generally found him sitting rather disconsolately, with less room about him than when I had gone ; it needs the presence of a living and acting personality to secure any space in such a crowd. But at night, when every man wants his six feet of deck, then comes the squeeze, and the early sleepers have the best of it. There is only a couple of thin iron bars around the deck, without any bulwarks, and the lower rail is more than a foot above the deck. Hence it is needful to lie end-on to the boat's side, or else a roll would send a sleeper into the water. The paddle-boxes were coveted spaces, of course legally forbidden, and without any rail or barrier whatever around them, but yet rather clearer than the deck. Watching an opportunity, I saw a soldier get up one afternoon from his space on the box, and I instantly seized it, and spread my blankets, in token of a settler in occupation of his claim. My head was safe, for the box tapered away too narrow for anybody to get at that part ; my legs were steadily intruded on until I asserted myself by a good thrust on that side ; then some one on the other side gently insinuated his legs across my feet, and was gaining ground for a while, until, when his position was matured, a convulsion from below tossed his heels in the air, and he meekly withdrew. It was not the company that I objected to, but having too much of a good thing ; individually, an Egyptian is a very pleasant fellow to travel with, conversable, kindly, and in short chummable. These soldiers had be.en seized as conscripts, probably marched off from their villages in chains, and then sent to garrison in Nubia for three years. At many a village and town that the steamer passed, a man would rise and stand looking out at every soul in sight, searching for some of his family, then call out his father's and brothers' names, in hopes that some of them might be in hearing. At one place a boy sighted his brother on board, and ran along the bank at full tear for a mile or two, shouting "Hasan! Hasan!" Happily we came to a stop near there, and Hasan's brothers and sisters and parents all came down, and rejoiced and wept over him for ten minutes, until the whistle blew, and Hasan was once more lost to their sight. These poor folks do not know how to write, and even when they do send a letter it is often not received. The post office, though excellent when a European's letters are in question, is but lax with Arab corre- spondence ; one man had written three or four letters from Assuan to his family at Dahshur, but none were ever received. When Muhammed was there with me A SEASON IN EGYPT. he took a message for them, which was faithfully- delivered. 4. While at Thebes, I was out every day taking paper casts and photographs of the innumerable sculptures of foreign races on the monuments. The great battle scenes, the rows of captives, the lines of forts, all supply examples of the physiognomy of the various races with which the Egyptians came in contact. Until this year, no general collection of these had been made ; and only drawings of some few heads and figures were available in England. My work then lay in securing good examples of every variety of type, especially searching for all bearing direct local names, or general race names. Of these I took paper squeezes, or impressions; the paper being beaten thoroughly on to the stone while wet, and left to dry on; after that it could be removed, with an impression which will bear any ordinary travelling without injury. To photograph most of these sub- jects successfully would have been a very long task, many of them being so high up on walls that a large scaffold would have been needed to bring a camera into position. However, by hang- ing a rope-ladder over the wall, weighted down at the top by Muhammed (enjoined not to move), I could scale up, holding the paper and brush in my teeth ; and then, hanging on by an elbow, beat the paper on to the sculpture. Altogether, nearly two hundred sheets were done, including about two hundred and seventy heads. Also many painted subjects were photographed in the tombs. When near the outer air, the sunlight could be reflected in by sheets of tin-plate, and many photographs were thus taken. But in the depths of the large tombs it was necessary to use artificial light. This was obtained by mingling powdered magnesium with an equal weight of chlorate of potash, and then exploding the mixture. By calculation of the pro- portions of magnesium- and sun-light to candles, I reckoned that forty grains of the metal burnt at 8 feet distance from the subject were needful to light it enough to photograph. This proportion gave excellent results with ordinary dry plates. Of course, at 4 feet (half the distance) only ten grains — a quarter of the quantity — is needed. Since my return to England, a German has published directions for taking instantaneous photographs by using sulphide of antimony with the magnesium, but this would foul the air too much in a close tomb : and an American has used a mixture of guncotton and magnesium ; but the direct oxidation of the metal by chlorate of potash seems the simplest and best way to work with it in confined spaces, and the materials are non-explosive until they are mixed for use. On bringing the paper casts to England, the question arose how best to utilise them. First, I soaked them with wax ; then I took plaster of Paris casts from them, forming about one hundred and fifty slabs of various sizes. These slabs will be presented by the British Association to the British Museum, after their exhibition at the South Ken- sington Museum, by the kind arrangement of the Palestine Exploration Fund. From the slabs, which were in relief like the original stone sculpture, I then took a series of photographic negatives ; and prints of all these negatives, as well as those of the painted figures, can be had by any one who cares to pay a photographer for printing off copies. On applying to Mr Browning Hogg, 75 High Street, Bromley, Kent, he will forward a set of the photo- graphs ; if only a selection is needed, a set of loose prints, which can be taken from their sheets at 2s. 3d. a dozen, will be sent ; if a whole set of one hundred and ninety photographs is wanted, they will be sent pasted on sheets of parchment paper, with printed titles, in a cloth case, for 45s., post free. Also the British Association have agreed to supply copies of the report by myself giving the details of position of each subject, and a paper on the geographical identifications by my friend, the Rev. H. G. Tomkins ; and these copies will be presented to any person ordering a whole set of the photographs, so far as they may be available. By these arrangements, I hope that this large ethno- graphical collection will be quite as useful to students as if it were published ; while any publica- tion by a mechanical process would entail so large an outlay, that it would be impossible to supply the prints at such a low rate of cost price as at present arranged. S. From Thebes I went down to Wasta ; and crossing the river to Berimbal, walked with a baggage ass down the east shore to Helwan. This part was little known; but there is nothing to examine beyond a few small sites, and the town of Atfih, all of which are Roman or Arab, so far as they can be seen. Crossing over to Memphis, I settled at Dahshur, in order to survey the pyramids there. Though the village of Menshiyet Dahshur is nearer than any other to the pyramids yet its distance, and the great stagnant pool of water by it, were objectionable. So I pitched my tent at INTRODUCTION. S the edge of the cultivated land, some half mile from the village, beneath a small grove of palms on a sandy rise, with several fairly good wells around it. The only trouble was the need of having guards, owing to the distance from the village. Happily I got two very quiet men, whom by many injunctions I restrained from talking at night; for when living in a tent, one is one's own policeman, and the slightest whisper outside is enough to break a sound sleep. Those guards slept in an enviable manner ; one night the mounted police came round, and angrily demanded why they were not awake ; the poor fellows could do nothing but stammer out " yes, yes, yes," to every question ; and could barely find sense enough to give their names. They were in great dread of being fined, and begged me next day to write a letter to say that I preferred them to sleep. As their official beat, however, was about two miles long, I feared the excuse would not be thought worth much. Another night I was awoke by a whine, and leaning forward to my man Muhammed, who was also awake, he said that a hyaena had been smelling the guards' feet, but thought they were alive, and so hesitated to begin on them. On Muhammed moving, he had slipped into the shadow of a palm, and stood whining at being disturbed from a prospect of supper. The guards were snoring quite steadily, when I just sent a shot over toward the beast to scare it off; as the crack of the revolver died away, I heard the same snore continuing without the least break or change. Happy sleepers who can ignore such a sound just over their heads ! 6. There was some need of guards in the place, as Dahshur is the terminus of the thieves' road to the Fayum. Whenever cattle are lifted, either about Sakkara, or in the Fayum, they are driven along this road and sold at the other end. The first day that I was going about the pyramids I smelt a smell ; and following my nose I came on some uncanny legs, off which the hyaenas had eaten the flesh, sticking out of a hollow behind some stones. I thought they looked suspicious ; so when I had Muhammed up there the next day I told him about them. He came to me, looking mysterious, and said it was a man ; he was certain of it, for he felt his hair stand on end, and moreover there were the clothes about. Certainly, the leg bones did not agree with anything I knew of quadruped anatomy. So I sent word that evening to the shekh of the village. His terror was that the police should hear of it; he therefore sent up the guards to rebury the remains ; but — as I afterwards heard — they elsewhere found a boy instead, reburied him, and thought it was all done. Finding the police were not told, I sent over to them, and had sundry visits of investigation from policemen and inspector; and finally a guard was appointed to watch the remains until a doctor could arrive. These unlucky guards were levied from the neighbouring villages, twelve in all, with four policemen ; they passed their time lying about at a corner of the pyramid, hearing the "afrits" of the murdered men by night, and baked by day in the barren desert ; parties went down to water nearly two miles off in the valley, and returned to relieve the others in rotation, until the grand day when the doctor came. Then a full examination took place, and two bodies of men were overhauled and officially reported on. The boy, neither I nor they knew of at that time. While the police (unfortunately then horseless), were waiting about at the pyramid, a party of three thieves, driving five buffaloes over from the Fayum, ran right across them. A challenge followed, then an exchange of fourteen bullets, and then the thieves bolted. So that evening the policemen marched in triumph back to the village with the cattle. When I was first surveying about the pyramids, I used to see, about twice a day, men passing with horses or cattle; but after this stir with the police such travellers entirely ceased. The bottom of the affair was that these two men and a boy had been murdered in a blood feud ; they having murdered the brother of another family of thieves, and their brother had shortly before been hung for murdering some one else. The matter was complicated by their having sundry business relations with the people of Menshiyet Dahshur; and when the mother of the murdered party came over with the police, she at once identi- fied pistol and pouch, which the shekh of the village guard was wearing, as having been her son's. How he came by them had to be explained, but as he wore them openly on such an occasion, I believe in his innocence. When I left the place, the shekh of the village, the shekh of the guard, all villagers who had known anything of the parties, and all available relations of the parties, were still in lock- up at Gizeh. In Egypt, it is quite necessary to seize and lock up your witnesses as securely as the prisoners, in order to reduce the probabilities of their receiving bribes, and also to increase the opportunities of getting bribes out of them during detention. Every time a man is examined he makes things pleasant to the clerks, otherwise troublesome errors might appear in the record, and the police A SEASON IN EG YPT. record is omnipotent against a man. When once his name gets into the police office about any affair, as plaintiff, defendant, or witness, he is liable to squeezing for years to come. Whenever a police- man wants a dollar, he may perhaps call out the unlucky man, and tell him that he is wanted on such and such a case, but if he will pay up, the policeman cannot find him. Of course he pays, for fear worse things should happen to him. While I was at Dahshur, a pohceman went from Kafr el Ayat to Sakkara, where he had no authority ; he then con- spired with a guard, and called out twelve men on a false charge, and drove them off some way toward Kafr el Ayat, and then intimated that a dollar a head — a week's wages there — would settle matters ; so they found twelve dollars, which were sweetly divided between the policeman and the shekh of the guard. Luckily this case came to the ears of the European authorities, and I even heard that the money was to be refunded. Probably the examina- tion would cost the men more than their first loss. As the Arabs say, when one remarks " Surely such an one does not take bakhshish .?" — " Everything that has a mouth will feed." Nothing but a long course of stringent and incorruptible control will ever put the country into order. A most quiet and inoffensive man, brother of my overseers, had annoyed a slave- dealer by refusing to let his house at Gizeh be used as a cover for the trade ; the caravans of slaves usually descending from the desert near there, at Abu Roash. When the dealer was caught, he falsely accused my friend of being an accomplice, out of revenge. So the poor fellow was seized and im- prisoned for over two months, while his agriculture was neglected, and he paid about twenty pounds to various officials. At last the case came before an honest Bey, — a Turk most likely, — and he asked if the slaves had identified the accused. Some of the slaves were fetched; they at once identified the dealer, but said they had never seen my friend, nor another man who had been similarly treated with him. So the innocent got off at last, and live in dread of being levied on in future. No doubt the poor peasantry could appeal for justice to the European heads of departments, if they knew how. But how can a man obtain a fair hearing who cannot write, who dreads above all things stirring the resentment of the police, and who probably does not know whom to appeal to, or how to find, or reach, the ruling power? He needs, moreover, a course of education to believe that there is, at any stage of government, such a thing as honest justice to be found, though this is at last understood by those who live near the cities. A year ago I most reluctantly decided on giving up the work which I had been carrying on for three years before, and which seemed at the time to furnish my only opportunity of excavating in Egypt. Smce then, to my surprise, private resources have been placed at my disposal for the cost of excavations, and I shall in the coming season be at work in the Fayum. I hope next autumn to have an account to give of the antiquities of that district. CHAPTER I. THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN. 7. Amid and behind the houses of Assuan, rise the rounded granite rocks which have in past ages re- sisted the wear of the Nile torrent, when the stream was far stronger and higher than it ever is in these days. On their grey and brown polished faces, every visitor will have noticed figures and inscriptions ; some carved with fine regularity, some hammered or bruised on the surface of the rock, so that they show more by their lighter colour than by any depth of cutting. These rock inscriptions are to be seen not only about the present town, but also in a bay to the south of it, on the rocks of Elephantine, and on dozens of blocks all along the road from Assuan to Philae, up the older bed of the Nile ; they there reach a profusion as they near Philae, and culminate on the pile of vast towering masses of granite known as Konosso, on which nearly all available places have been occupied. Others are to be seen on the opposite island of Bigeh ; some rude ones on the mainland east of Philae ; and many are scattered on the rocks along the side of the Nile, between the three villages which lie south of Assuan. The cross valleys between the river and the road also contain several others, and many are known on the island of Sehel at the cataracts. The purport of these inscriptions is very various. There are several royal tablets, most of which have been published by Lepsius in the Denkmdler, and therefore have not been recopied. Many are of private persons, dated in the reign of some king, or naming their offices under him. But the greater part of them are funeral stelae, stating that an offering is made to some god or gods, generally those of the district— Khnum, Sati, and Anket — for the ka, or soul of the deceased person, whose titles and family are usually stated. These inscriptions are thus exactly the same as the funeral stelae found in tombs else- THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN. where; as it was impossible to excavate tombs in the granite roclcs, the interments must have been generally in the sand, and the stela, in place of being in a tomb, was cut on the rocks. Other inscriptions, whicTi merely state the name arrd titles of some official, were probably cut by travellers while waiting in the neighbourhood for their boat to pass the cataracts, though not one actually refers to the passage of the cataracts. These brief mentions are very rough in general, and abound on the rock at the east side of the lower end of the rapids, just where voyagers would disembark. The positions of the inscriptions are various. Some are on the granite faces which dip straight down into deep water, and, are below the present level of high Nile ; generally they are at the level of the roads by which they stand, or raised somewhat on prominent faces of rock. Effective display has been sought for in most cases ; the corner of some road, or an unusually large block of stone, or a wide flat face, well exposed, have generally been occupied. In some cases, as the scene, No. 109 and others, by Amenemapt, the highest faces on the cliffs have been used, about 100 feet above the road beneath, and several tablets cannot have been cut without ladders or scaffolding. Prominence was not, however, always wished for; and one very beautifully deep-cut in- scription, No. 86, is on the flat side of a huge block facing to the cliff, and not to be seen without climbing up some distance over the piled masses, so as to reach its level. In the time of the Empire, the courtiers of the XVIIIth dynasty were not too scrupulous as to the positions they seized on ; and just south of Assuan, on the road to the Cufic cemetery, are many early tablets, the engraving of which has been cleared out, and fresh inscriptions cut on the stolen sites (No. 274, &c.). In all earlier times, however, a strict regard seems to have been shown to older inscriptions. It is seldom that the face of the rock has been specially dressed down, either in a bordered square or other- wise ; usually the smooth worn face, or a flat cleavage face of the granite was selected, and the inscription cut on it.. Thus the natural wearing of dark brown, or the shiny pitchy black where exposed to the Nile, served to throw up the light bruised surfaces of the cutting, so that no more than a mere hammering on the surface, and stunning of the crystals, sufficed for distinction in some cases. Some inscriptions, indeed, are so slightly and roughly marked, that it needs an examination of the granite crystal, by crystal, to trace the course of the bruised lines. In a few cases there are remains of red or of yellow paint on the figures ; but if painting had been general, more would have been visible now under the very minute examination of the cracked surfaces that has been continually made in the course of copying the inscriptions. 8. In the accompanying plates all the inscriptions not hitherto published are here given. As they were copied partly by Mr Griffith, and partly by myself, the copyist's initial, G. or P., is placed at the foot of each ; and where a copy has been checked by a second reader, the checker's initial follows the copyist's. Where a photograph has been used, the letter ^ follows the copyist's ; and in a few cases where , an inscription is given in the Denkmdler, the variations between that copy and this are noted. The order of the copies here is geographical from South to North, without an exact distinction however between those in the same group, though generally they follow in nearly their order on the ground. The positions of Mr Griffith's originals not being connected with those of mine, his copies are placed in a group 131 to 154, which is parallel with my group 68 to 130; and some additional copies of his appear as an addendum to the general order, Nos. 332 to 356. The quickest and most satisfactory way of working was by my making the copies, and Mr Griffith checking them, and this plan was followed as far as we could. Besides the 338 inscriptions here from Assuan to Philae, there are about two dozen in the Denkntdler ; these will be found in Band IV. 118 (Usertesen I) ; 123 (3); 144; 150 b. c. (Mentuhotep) ; 151, e. f h. (Noferhotep) ; V. 16 (Tahutmes I); 69 (Tahutmes IV); 81 (2), and 82 (3), Amenhotep III.) ; VII. 202 (Merenptah) : and VIII. 274 (Psamtik, Haabra, and Aahmes). About 60 in all have been hitherto published by Lepsius, Champollion, Mariette, &c.; all of these bear kings' names, and scarcely any of them have been re- published here. 9. Several tablets with kings' names, however, have been hitherto unnoticed, and these are given in full ; the- following being the list of kings' names occurring in these inscriptions, including those lower down at Silsileh and Thebes, and the cones and other monuments on PL xxi.-xxiii. Nefer-kha-ra, No. 309. Unas, No. 312. Pepi I., Nos. 309, 539, 630. Rameren (year 4), Nos. 81 ; 338. Pepi XL, No. 311. Antef, No. 489. Antefa, No. 310. A SEASON IN EGYPT. Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher (year 41) Nos. 213 and 243 ; 394. 443. 489- S-ankh-ka-ra, Nos. 359, 466. Amenemhat I., Nos. 67, 308. Usertesen I. (y.i) 271 ; (y.41) 91 ; Nos. 113, 273. Usertesen III. (y.6) 262; (y.r2) 340. Amenemhat III. (y.14) 151; (y.15) 84, 153; (y.24) 98; (y.2s) 154- Amenemhat IV. (y.3) 444 ; No. 703.? Neferhotep, Nos. 337, 479. Sebekemsaf, Nos. 385, xxi. 2. Karnes, PI. xxi. r. Ti-aa-aa, PI. xxi. i. Amenhotep I., Nos. 476, 480. Tahutmes I., Nos. 476, xxi. i, cone 14. Tahutmes II., No. 476. Hatasu, Nos. 357, xxi. 3. Tahutmes III., No. 357, cone 39. Amenhotep II., cone 6. Amenhotep III., Nos. 274, 334, 490,? cone 84. Khunaten, PI. xxi. 7. Seti I., Nos. 109, 130. Ramessu II., Nos. 146, 275, 662, 664, 684. Merenptah I., No. 70. Seti II., Nos. 665, 666, 673, 691. Siptah, No. 278. Ramessu III., Nos. 650, 652, 659, 661, 663, 681, cone 107. Sheshank III., cone 56. Kashta, No. 263. Amenardus, Nos. 263, xxi. 8. Nekau, PL xxi. 5. Haa-ab-ra, No. 321. Aahmes II., No. 302. Amenrut, PI. xxi. 11. The unknown cartouche Hotep, 430 ; and the unknown ka name Uaj, 414. Only about half a dozen of these have been published before, so far as I am aware. 10. From the large number of relationships re- corded in these family groups, we may ascertain the force of a very well known feminine title Neb-t fer, or " mistress of the house.'' It has been supposed to be a synonym for wife, as endowed with her husband's property ; but from inscriptions No. 1 14, we see that Thi was both nebt per and hemt — which is the regular title for wife: and in No. 1 59 we see the same condition of Nait : further, as we always find the wife called hemt-f, " his wife," though we never find nebt per-f, "his ?", it seems clear that this can neither be a synonym for a wife, nor yet a secondary wife or concubine. It is certainly a title of some respect, as it is continually used, and its meaning shows a position of authority. If it signified an heiress, in default of sons, it could not be so common as we find it to have been ; and moreover, we see in No. 145 that the nebt per Hennut was not an only child, and another such case is in No. 289. Being then neither heiress nor secondary wife, and yet an additional title to some wivesr we are reduced to examine the one other position, that of widow. Now deceased persons are usually — though not always — entitled makheru, as having the " true voice," or intonation in the other world, to recite the defensive formulae for repelling evil spirits, according to Professor Maspero's neat explanation of the phrase. If then the nebt per were a widow, her husband, whenever his name is given, should be described as makheru. Is this so.? There are six cases in these inscriptions, where a husband of a nebt per is named, Nos. 19, 82, 87 (Henutsenu) 1 14, 159 (Nait), and 244; and in five of these the husband is deceased ; the only case where he is not stated to be so is No. 19, where he was probably dead, as there are five grandchildren named j and moreover, the makheru title is not applied to any one in that inscription. This test therefore fully bears out the conclusion. But one other test remains : in any past generation there will be about as many widows as widowers, i.e., wives must have half of them died widows ; half, or rather more than half, of the women should therefore appear as nebt per, though, as that title is in many genealogies rarely given, we cannot expect a full half. As it is, there are (in inscriptions where nebt per is used), 80 mothers without the title, against 52 called nebt per, which is as close a balance as we can expect. The only explanation therefore of this title nebt per that appears possible, is that it means widow, or " mistress of the house " after her husband's death ; and this is fully confirmed by the two tests (i) of the husband being called makheru, and (2) of the equality of numbers to that of the wives. Probably, where a son or daughter took possession of the house and estates on his father's death, the widow might not have this title; and this would account, as well as the mere omission of it in the lists, for the title occurring to four-tenths instead of half of the mothers named. II. An important point, which is very prominent in all of these families, is that relationship was reckoned on the mother's, and not on the father's side. In every case of stating the descent of a person, throughout the whole of these inscriptions (and I might add the tombs and funeral stelae in most cases), it is the mother who is stated; the father rarely appears, unless he is separately commemorated. The parental identification of a man was by his mother's name. This might be thought to be only a surer identification, as a man often had children by different wives {e.g., four THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN. mothers of one set of brethren being named in No. 270), whereas re-marriage of a widow is not known so far. But it was much more than this ; the father was ignored ; so long as he lived, and filled offices, he was important, but on his death he became nobody, and was not reckoned as a link in the family. For instance, in inscriptions Nos. 86, 87, and 1 14, all of one family, the mother is commemorated and repeatedly named, the father is never mentioned ; the mother's mother is named also. In Nos. 267-8 there is not a single husband mentioned among over twenty wives, only a few unmarried sons appearing. Again, in No. 270, the four mothers of a set of brethren 'are named, the father being but once mentioned, and then not as any bond of union to the whole. It is the same in the tombs at El Kab; there interminable relations cover the walls in rows, the tombs seeming to be a sort of joint-commemoration of a whole family and their friends, for their benefit in the future worlds possibly a pious duty of the head of a house; possibly a memorial got up by joint-sub- scription. But in these tombs the relations are all on the female side, except the very nearest. Paheri, for instance, has his father, wife's father, brothers, and sons, but no further male relations ; whereas his first cousins in the female line, " daughters of the sister of the mother of his mother," are given at length. And we see from other cases that this was no mere accident of relationships. Matriarchy was in great force in Egypt, the husband in many contracts even gave his wife everything he possessed; and it seems highly probable that though offices might descend from father to son, property would go in the line in which relationship was reckoned and commemorated; so that a widow was, by -her rights, mistress of the house, or nebt per. De Rouge has shown reasons for believing that Khufu married a daughter of Seneferu, and succeeded to the throne instead of any of the sons of Seneferu ; Khafra similarly married a daughter of Khufu, and succeeded in place of any of the sons of Khufu ; and Menkaura is not among the sons of Khafra. Here we see that the throne descended in the female line ; and the long list of priestesses of Amen at Thebes, an office which also went in the female line, shows this same course of inheritance. It seems highly probable that, down to the latest times, the only legitimate succession was in the female line; and the sons of kings could only rule legally by the system of sister-marriages, which was begun in the Xllth dynasty, and fully carried out in the XVIIIth and later dynasties. The Egyptian system of the descent of property in the female line thus tended to increase the energy and ability of a family ; while the modern system of male descent rather increases its mere beauty. Perhaps the Egyptians were the wiser. 12. As an illustration of the reading of these inscriptions, for those who are not already familiar with them, we may take No. 159. "A royal offering presented to Sati, Khnum, Anket, and the gods who are in Ta-kens (the land of the bow, or Nubia) ; giving to them services, bread, wine, beeves, and fowls, and all things that are good and living amongst the gods, for the ka (soul) of the chief of the south thirty (a district of the frontier — perhaps the Dodekaschoinos of later times), Amenemhat, true-voiced {makheru) ; born of the widow {nebt-per) Thenasit, true-voiced ; and for the son of his brother Amendudu, true-voiced ; and for his wife, his be- loved, the widow Nait, true-voiced ; and his daughter Senb-tesi ; and his daughter Annutpu." The pre- cise significance of many of the formulae continually met with is still more or less uncertain ; but this example will, at least, show how such inscriptions run. The constant opening, " a royal offering," has been very happily explained by Professor Maspero ; his view being that the king was the only inter- mediary between his subjects and the gods ; he alone could offer acceptably to the gods ; and what- ever was offered could only be done in his name, as being done for him : thus every offering was a " royal offering." 13. Turning now to some details of the inscrip- tions, it should be noted that, in most cases, they are copies and not transliterations ; that is to say, the style and character of the original is preserved as nearly as may be in a hand copy. Where they are very rude, as in Nos. i to 18, ra!ch line is repro- duced as exactly as can be readily done ; where they are in better style, as in Nos. 19-22, the forms of the signs have been duly observed, the number of waves in n, the number of strokes on men, and such details, have been in nearly all cases copied. These details are of considerable value in educating the eye in styles of various periods, but they are generally ignored by copyists ; even in the ostentatiously pictorial plates of the Denkmdler, a seemingly pre- cise copy will differ altogether from its original in the forms of the signs. From this carelessness has arisen a neglect and indifference to the historic variation of such details, which is a hindrance to any Egyptologist who works from books and not B A SEASON IN EG YET. from the originals. A copy should be a true copy, and not a transcription into a style of a wholly different period ; and if any signs are unintelligible they should not be altered, but an explanatory form added as a note. Such of the copies in this volume as are mere transcripts are distinguished by being drawn in open outline, as Nos. 25 to 30; though in these any remarkable forms are observed. The hieratic forms often found in these rock in- scriptions are of considerable interest. They show the free use of hieratic for common purposes at the early date of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties. More- over, they are in many cases more difficult to form on the stone surface than their hieroglyphic equiva- lents, being adaptations for writing upon papyrus and not for cutting on stone, curved rather than straight lines ; and yet as they were used in pre- ference, it shows that they were far more familiar to the users than the hieroglyphics, which were certainly very commonly known. They form, there- fore, a distinct evidence of the common use of hieratic writing on papyrus in the middle kingdom ; an evi- dence quite in accord with that of the tomb paintings in which clerks are so often to . be seen. The date at which the various forms of hieratic signs were in use is of great interest, as bearing on the question of the early hieratic papyri being original or of later copying. Here we have a large quantity of hieratic, in various stages of decadence from the hieroglyphic, and mostly capable of being approximately dated by the names found. For instance, the Antef and Mentuhotep names, which are so frequent, are pro- bably all before the Xllth dynasty, as in that age a fresh style came in of Amenemhats and Usertesens, and all their compounds. The Sebak names are unusual before the Xlllth dynasty, and very rare before the Xllth. All of these scarcely survived into the Empire, and with them perished the sweet early names of primitive times, Apa, Beba, Teta, and such simplicities. By these data of the names the various periods of the forms of characters may be ascertained within the time of one dynasty and one change of fashion. 14. We will now make notes on a few points in the plates in their order. The inscriptions i to 18, which are on the east or further side of the plain opposite Philae, seem to be all of the Xlth dynasty, except, perhaps, the last. Konosso is the high pile of rocks, around two enormous twin masses which tower up on the eastern side of the Nile, where it makes a bend around Philae ; they are thus on the north of Philae. Though called an island, they are joined to the mainland, except at high Nile ; forming part of the eastern shore from January onwards each year. It is needful to note this, as in Murray's Guide the position is wrongly stated. Some of the inscriptions of Konosso are the largest and most striking of all ; many of them, however, belong to the Empire, the most conspicuous being the large dressed faces of the tablets of the XVIIIth dynasty. High above every other is a square con- taining the cartouches of Psamtik II. A frequent title in the earlier inscriptions is " chief of the interior of the treasury" {v. 20, 22, 29, 33, 34A, 46, SS); probably a local title in the principal temple. Another title of less important persons, and probably later, is that of "scribe of the youths," perhaps of the recruits (v. 30, 35); while a "youth of the land," or son of his country, ii shown on 41 (Amenemheb- jedaf), 42 (Hui), and 43, and these may well be the cadets in the charge of the scribe. At Bigeh most of the inscriptions have been pub- lished ; but a few fresh ones are given here, 56-9, 334-6. Bigeh, or Biggeh, is the large island on the west side of Philae ; the inscriptions seem to be limited to the rocks on its south-east part above the temple ; around the rest of the island, including the whole of the northern half, which is almost separate, I did not find a single letter. There is a slight mound of a village with late Roman pottery in the gap between the two halves. The greater part of the inscriptions lie along the road from Philae to Assuan, which in its southern part branches into different valleys. The inscrip- tions are of nearly all periods, from the Vlth to the XlXth dynasty, though mostly of the Xllth. Some, such as No. 79, are very rudely hammered ; while others, as 86, are of fine monumental cutting. One of the most complete family records is that in the three fine inscriptions, 86, 87, and 114; on drawing this out we have five generations recorded : Beba the grandmother, Tetauat the mother, her five sons Usertesen-ankh-sneferu, Usertesen-senb- penti-n, lusenb, Amenisenb, and Senb-f The first married Henutsenu, and had a son Res-senb, and a daughter Amensit, who had a son Nebui. The second married Thi, sister of Ameni, whose mother was Henutpu, and had seven children, Seneferu, Amensi, Teta-uat, Teta-ankhtha, Henutapu, Teta- senbet, and Nehia. Besides these nine other persons are named whose relationship to the family is not shown. Several peculiarities may be noted among the hieroglyphics. Ra appears with the serpent attached to the disc, as in Nos. 76 and 152. iV is generally THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN. reduced to three waves, sometimes to only two, as in No. 80 ; the great number of small waves being a late type of the empire, while in the middle and old kingdoms four or five is the usual number on the Assuan rocks, and six or seven is frequent on Memphite carvings. What appears at first like a decorated form of the disc kli (as in Nos. 80 and 270, after dnkJi), is really the usual town sign, in a group which is not merely dnkh but dnkh-n-nu, " living in the town," or " citizen." It appears full length in No. 99. Among other titles appears udrtu (^6, first line), which has been rendered "foot-soldier" or " courier " ; but in this place it seems to belong to such a high official (Rasehotepabsenb being governor of the town according to his next title), that it rather seems equivalent to king's messenger or gentleman usher. Another title, mer shent, is supposed to be equivalent to master of the rolls, literally, perhaps also actually ; it appears in Nos. 85, 165, 166, 168. Apparently a variant is her shen in No. 167. A curious variant of Sati, with the bone in place of the transfixed skin, is seen in No. 89. The title " master of the boats " occurs in No. 97, and its repetition No. 134, also in 147. A re- markable form of sat is _ given in No. 133, compared with 89. On reaching the southern part of the long straight valley which leads from Assuan toward Philae, before it branches amid the cliffs, a pile of rock stands in the midst of it at the highest point of its bed ; this pile has been a favourite spot for royal tablets of the XVIIIth dynasty, but these have been already published. On a rock just to the east of them, however, is a private tablet. No. 155, of Ramesside age, and a rough graffito, 156. The rest of the inscriptions in this road are scattered along the first mile or so out from Assuan. The Greek inscription is a splendid piece of work, equal to the very finest hieroglyphics ; the sharpness of the cutting, the equality of all the lines, their depth, and clear square-cut ends, makes this a masterpiece of granite working. It stands on a block on the east side of the valley, facing west, opposite the south end of the barracks. The inscriptions of the master of the rolls, 165, 6, 8, are on a very prominent and high block below the barracks, and 167 is near these in the middle of the valley. Several other large inscriptions accom- pany 167, but the rock is so buried in the sand that they cannot be copied. 15. Turning now to a more southerly point we begin on tlie river bank at the village of Shellal. Here several inscriptions occur of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties. Although No. 179 reads strictly as Ra-s-sen, yet it seems not improbable that this is a blundering abbreviation for Ra-s-hotep-{ab), or Amenemhat I., the more so as it is quite possible for the Horus-name above the cartouche to have been intended for nem-mes-tu. An inscription cut by a stranger who visited the place is seen in No. 211; it records " the noble, the chief of the prophets of Hathor, lady of Kes (Cusae), named Senba." Another tablet with a royal name is No. 213, dated in the forty-first year of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher; it mentions the visit of Khati, son of Sitra. This is of some importance, as below Silsileh is the great tablet. No. 489 ; there a Khati, who bears the same title as here, appears as vizier to Antef, who adores the deceased Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher. That Men- tuhotep was deceased is not only to be presumed from the tablet, as Eisenlohr has done, but is shown by No. 443, in which Khati alone adores the mum- mified form of Mentuhotep. As there is in the whole of Lieblein's Dictionary of about 7,400 persons, but one Khati with the title khebt net, or chancellor, among the dozen or so of men bearing the name, it is not likely that we have to deal with two different chancellors Khati in the inscriptions before us. It is almost certain, therefore, that Antef of No. 489 is adoring his immediate predecessor Men- tuhotep Ra-neb-kher, as Khati was chancellor within a few years of the death of Mentuhotep (from No. 213), and appears to have been retained as vizier by the successor Antef. This past ministry of his in the last reign accounts for the unusual appearance of him with the king in the adoration of Mentuhotep. This inscription (213) is on a cleavage face of granite in a pile of blocks on a low granite cliff overlooking the Nile, just at the foot of the lowest of the rapids. There are many other short inscriptions on the rocks near No. 213; and then no more are found until reaching a village in the first piece of shore south of the cliffs below the camp. Here is cut another tablet of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher (also dated in his 41st year), in hieratic, by a nobleman named Merri. This is on a southward face of rock, at the extreme north of the village, some way up the cliff. Near it are also two tablets of one family ; No. 244 is of " the priest, scribe of offerings of the god Tahuti, Lord of Hermopolis (Eshmunen), a noble of Nefrus (a town near Hermopolis), great one of the five in the temple of Tahuti (title of high priest at Hermopolis), Am-nefer, devoted to his lord, revivified ; and his mistress, his beloved, the widow, dwelling in his heart, the priestess of Tahuti, lord of Hermopolis, his wife, Nekhtemuaimer " A SEASON IN EGYPT. The word set, "cut stone," wfith the determinative of an obelisk, occurs here after Hermopolis, but the meaning is not clear. This inscription is over Am-nefer and his wife seated, and was evidently cut on the occasion of his death. The next inscrip- tion, 245, gives a family list of another person who had the same name and office, together with some other titles; but that it means a different person is probable by the wife's name being Merit, and she having died before him ; so, unless Nekhtem- uaimer was a second wife, these inscriptions must belong to different persons. Proceeding further down the stream, the riverside path ceases, and tracks lead up to the top of the hill. Here a small cap of sandstone remains upon the granite, not yet denuded away; and where the path skirts along this, several very rude graffiti have been cut. These seem to belong entirely to the Xlth to Xlllth dynasties, judging by the names — Apa (249), Sebakhotepi (252), Mentuantef (254), Khati and Ankhnes (342), Usertesen (343), Ankhu (344), Mentuhotep (345), &c. On the same sandstone cap, where a road first winds down to the most southerly valley which is reached after the cliffs, just below the English camp, there are two more graffiti of the same date, 256-7, naming Antefaker, Sebakdudu, Mentuensu (who scrawled also on the cliff east of Philae, Nos. 2 and 4), Mentu and Ameni. Below this, on the riverside, there are some rude signs on a loose block. Further south there is a long bay broken into two or three lesser bays, between the camp cliff and the old Assuan cliff. About the middle of this part, north of the store camp in the bay, is a group of five inscriptions. Two are dated. No. 271 in the ist year of Usertesen I., and 262 in the 6th year of Usertesen III. A remarkable inscription, of a period of which there is no other trace at Assuan, is that of Harer, a superintendent of the palace, praising, and beloved of, the daughter of King Kashta, the priestess of Amen, Amenardus. The title priestess of Amen was hereditary in the female line of the royal princesses, and distinguishes the legitimate female line of descent in the end of the empire. The other inscriptions here are long family lists; 267 and 268 name four brothers, with their mother, grandmother, and cousins on the female side; together with several other scraps of relationships which probably belong to the same family; but not one husband or father is named. No. 269 gives a long list of persons entitled si-en- mehen, "child of the dwelling of Osiris"; it seems hardly likely that a lot of young acolytes should be thus commemorated as deceased, so that si rather refers here to some adult title. That it does not refer to their being sons of a number of priestesses —and thus born in the temple precincts— seems shown by their mothers never having priestly titles. No. 270 mentions four mothers of a number of brethren, and in one case the . father, Ankhsi ; two grandmothers, Keku and Kemt, and one great- grandmother, Pent, are the oldest members of the family. 16. On the south side of the town of Assuan is a fine inscription, 273, cut under Usertesen I. And on the side toward the Cufic cemetery are several early inscriptions cut in large bold characters, but now half buried. They all border on the line of path which still runs out toward Philae, showing that this identical road has been in use for 4000 years ; but during that time it has been so much raised by blown sand and rubbish from the succes- sive town ruins, that the inscriptions, which were cut large and boldly because of their height from the eye, are now nearly buried. The courtiers of the Empire, as we have observed, appropriated earlier panels, and cut out the older inscriptions, sometimes leaving palimpsest traces as in No. 274, where we read an old name, Haksit, "daughter of the prince." The rocks amid which the modern town of Assuan is built have many inscriptions on them. Some are very rude, as Nos. 279-284; but most of them are fairly cut, with shallow lines, and are of the usual types of family lists. One on the rocks below the high Nile, No. 393, is very large and deeply cut, and can be read from afar. 295 contains the only dedication in the place to Ptah- res-anbu-sokar, Ptah-sokar of Memphis. On the opposite bank of the Nile are a few scrawls on the sandstone, which here comes down to the water's edge (Nos. 305-7). 17. At Elephantine there are a few very rough inscriptions on the riverside; these are marked by bruising away the lustrous black coat which has formed upon the granite wherever the Nile flowed over it. There are also some better inscriptions, including the names of Aahmes II. (302), which seems to have bfeen hitherto overlooked. By far the most interesting, however, is a set of tablets cut on a block of granite which sticks up out of the accumulated dust and n\ud in the beginning of the road to the village, just above the ferry. While looking around for inscriptions THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN. 13 I saw the top line of this, naming Rameri, on the rock, with some heads of further inscriptions below, as this was then juried as far up as the topmost signs in the tablets. After getting a couple of men to clear away the dust for two or three feet beneath, the whole came to light. The earliest inscription has been a band along the top (309), afterward usurped by Rameri, who altered the cartouche and the prefixed title. That this must be originally before Pepi Rameri is therefore certain ; and it runs rather sloping, diverging from the top of the Unas tablet below it, in a way which it would not do if cut later than that. Unas could not conform to it, as such a line would have tipped his figures over backwards. Hence it is probably before Unas. The traces of signs left in the cartouche show Ra, then a flat-based sign, and then nefer at the end. The only king to whom this can agree is Ra-kha-nefer, Hor-a-kau, in the middle of the Vth dynasty, a most likely period for it. This is the more interesting, as the king is hitherto only known by this name in the list of the tomb of Tunari at Sakkara. The only other mentions which have been supposed to belong to this same king are in the table of Abydos, where he is called Ra-nefer-f, and on scarabs bear- ing Ra-nefer ; both of these are, however, referred to another king, Ra-ases-ka, by other writers, leaving the table of Sakkara as our only instance hitherto of the name Ra-kha-nefer. He is supposed to be the same person as Hor-a-kau, whose name twice appears in land names on tombs of the Vth dynasty. This line of inscription projects in the original beyond the Unas tablet, but its position is here shifted a little for the convenience of drawing. The next inscription placed here was that of Unas (3 1 2), and it is remarkable for several details. The king is represented standing, with the hud, so familiar in later sculptures, above him. This is, so far as I remember, by far the earliest representation of this symbol; yet it appears with all the details as in later times, the disc, flanked by serpents, amid the outstretched wings. Beneath the cartouche is a fresh title, "lord of the mountains," referring to the sovereignty of Unas over this rugged region. The line at the bottom gives a curious mode of spelling the name of the god Khnumu; first the vase khnum, and then the u expressed as a plural by three rams. Khnumu is often followed by the ram-headed god as a determinative {see ^6, 77, 84, 106, &c.), and in one case (36) is expressed by the god with the vase khnum on his head ; but the appearance of the three rams here as a plural is strange, and may be of importance m3^ho- logically. The next inscription here is of Pepi Rameri (309), appropriating the older inscription of Ra-kha-nefer. Unfortunately the latter part of this band is weathered away. Then Pepi H., Ra-nefer-ka, engraved another tablet (311), using the side of that of Unas. Among the inscriptions known of him there is a fragment from Girgeh, now at Bulak, which mentions the sed festival that appears on this tablet. This festival occurred at the sed or "tail" of each period of thirty years, or week's, change of the rising of Sirius in the Sothis period. Next Antef-a engraved his tablet (310), which shows us that the Horus-name (or Ka-name) Uah-ankh, given by Lepsius (Kgsb. 156(2) belongs to this Antef, apparently the second of Lepsius ; thus showing the second and fourth Antef of Lepsius to be probably the same person, with or without the suflix of "great." We shall further consider this period in dealing with the tablet No. 489 further on. Lastly, Amenemhat I. has carved on the opposite side of the block a tablet (308) with his Horus-name and throne name. This block, with its successive inscriptions, shows plainly the decadence of Egyptian art. The details of the hawks in each inscription are enough ; in that of Unas the claws are clearly shown, the legs are naturally bent, and the head is expressive; under Antef the legs and claws are sticks, and the head is conventional; while under Amenemhat the bird is a mere travesty. This series of tablets, for their age, their historic interest, and their size, are among the finest rock inscriptions of the district; and it seems strange that no archaeologist walking into the village of Elephantine had noticed them before. We have now noticed the positions and most striking points of the multitude of rock inscriptions of Assuan and its neighbourhood. Those of the island of Sehel, having been already largely copied by Mariette, we did not visit that place. This collection must be looked on as a supplement to the small number of the most important inscriptions which have been published before ; but it will give a large quantity of fresh matter on both the subjects of titles and also of names, as will be seen on referring to the index of names. Those in the index with L prefixed are already published in Lieblein's Dictionary; those with a spot are vari- ants of those in the Dictionary; the unmarked ones are fresh. The light thrown on family re- lationships has also to be considered ; and in these and other ways this long series will afford material for study. 14 A SEASON IN EGYPT CHAPTER II. THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSUAN. 1 8. At about six miles north of Assuan a low plateau of broken up sandstone extends out from the eastern hills, through the fertile plain, toward the Nile ; it rises about twenty feet above the present alluvium, and as the road skirts along by its base, travellers have been tempted to record their names on the blocks. There are several Cufic inscriptions, and four in hieroglyphics, Nos. 313-6; but apparently not of importance. At about two or three miles further north the cliffs approach the river, and at about a dozen feet from the ground is a fine inscription (318J of the temple scribe, Khnumu-hotep ; a little further north is a name of a priest, Pa-amen-mes (317). Two or three miles further still, the cliff descends abruptly into the river, and the riverside path has to rise over the broken slope of rock, and passes the obstruction at a high level. At the south end of this path there is high up on a flat face of the rock a very neatly cut inscription (17 inches X 29) of Haa-ab-ra (No. 321). This probably shows the date of quarrying here for building at Kom Ombo, as this quarry was the only one south of that place from which blocks could be floated down ; and, as we shall see further on, the quarry marks here are the same as on the blocks at Kom Ombo. By the side of this is a boat with 8 oars roughly marked in, which is evidently far older than the tablet. Also a drawing of the forepart of a grain boat (320), showing the projecting platform at the side on which cargo is placed, and the heaps of grain, or fodder, exactly as in boats of the present time. The repetition of " scribe " about this sug- gests that the many graffiti of scribes on the rocks may record the scribes of estates, who accompanied cargo boats down the Nile to attend to the sale of the produce. Two names of scribes are near this (319), Meta and Kakhent. On going up the path a Coptic inscription of 14 lines is to be seen, cut at the highest point of the pass, with a long and finely-cut Arabic inscription below it. And at the north end of the path, on a large block of the sandstone which has fallen from above, many graffiti have been scratched. Nos. 323-331 show what are intelligible of them ; but as the block has rolled over further since these were cut, they are many of them almost inaccessible beneath it. Just to the north of the end of the path is a small quarry. 19. We now descend the Nile for about 40 miles below Assuan, to the region of Silsileh. ^ The most important group of inscriptions here He along a valley which was the line of a caravan road in the early days of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties. This valley was first noticed by Harris, who in 1853 worked along the Nile bank at this point; but he does not seem to have gone up it, only noticing a large scene at the mouth of it. Eisenlohr in 1869 also visited it, drawn hither by the mention in Murray's Guide : but he did not go up it, according to his account in the Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., May 3, 1881. The place is opposite to Silweh, and is known as Hosh ; and more specifically the ravine is called Shut-er-regil, and the group of Mentuhotep and Antef is known as Es sab'a rigdleh, or "the mighty (lion-like) men." Marietta alludes to this valley {Des Nouvelles Fouilles) in these words: " There exists, it is said, near Gebel Silsileh a valley in the midst of the desert, where the rocks preserve the names, cut by ancient travellers, of nearly all the kings of the Xlth dynasty ; in the tongue of the land it is called the Hunter's Rest ; it .js needful also to search there." We landed in search of this valley on the west side of the river, at a few miles below it, and thus found another series of graffiti which we shall notice further on. We here begin with the upper end of this valley ; it is a ravine in the sandstone, with more or less cliff-like sides, about twenty to sixty feet high ; its width is seldom more than about 50 yards, the bottom being of deep sand. The inscriptions are on the south side, which is both the most upright and the shady side. They begin near the point where a large sand-drift fills the valley ; only one occurring beyond this, and that at a considerable distance (No. 357). This is in honour of Hatasu after her death, and under the reign of Tahutmes III., and is therefore a very unusual conjunction of names, as Hatasu's (or Hatshepsu's) name, so far from being inscribed after her death, was almost always erased then. As it is a funereal tablet for the chief of the works of the palace Penaa (or, as we shall see in 476, Penaati), it shows that he must have died just after Hatasu, before the edict for the erasure of her name had gone forth. Also it shows that the destruction of her memorials did not take place instantly on her decease ; suggesting that her death was not accompanied or caused by open rebellion and violence. The beginning of the series of inscriptions is on a large block bearing Nos. 358 to 365. The most important of these is the scene 359, where Ra-s- ankh-ka, as deceased and mummified, is seated by a table of offerings, with various attendants around him. Two nobles kneel behind him, one with Tahuti in his name; while two attendants — one named Mentuhotep — bring ibexes to offer to him. In the original there is a considerable space be- tween these last and the table of offerings, which space is filled by a wholly different style of inscrip- tion, which is by its position evidently earlier than Sankhkara; this is No. 366. On a block near this are Nos. 367-70. 363, 7, 8, and 9 are clearly all the same inscription written rather differently. After these a long space is bare of inscriptions, until reaching 371, etc. In 385 appears the cartouche of Ra-sebek-em-saf This seems probably to be that of the king, as Ra was sometimes prefixed to names which are generally without it; as for instance Sneferka and Rasneferka, Ases-kaf and Ra-ases-kaf The draught-board, with signs opposite the squares, is curious ; it is marked on a flat block in the floor of the valley, on which persons could play, but the number of squares, 3x9, is different to the 3x10 always found in later times. The title mer ast, " chief of the place," often occurs, as in Nos. 380-2, 398, 404, 408, 416, &c. , Such of the names here as are certainly legible, are entered in the index of names. The Ka-name Uaj, No. 414, probably belongs to the Xlllth dynasty from its style, though it does not agree to any of the few known of that age. The cartouches, 430, seem to be of an unknown king Ra-hor-a, or Ra-em-a, with the private name of Hotep. Though they have been a good deal bruised, it is certain that they do not represent any king hitherto known. The form need not surprise us ; the ending with the seated figure a is paralleled in the name of king Aufna: and this might possibly read Ra-em-a, " Ra is in me": the personal name Hotep is very common at this period of the middle kingdom. No. 444 belongs to a king who can hardly be identified, although Mr Griffith and myself examined the cartouche very carefully; if not Ra-ma-kheru (Amenemhat IV.), it must be a new king. The copies signed with E. beside G.P. and ^, mark those published by Eisenlohr in Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., 3rd May 1881. His remark there on the omission of makheru after the name of Tahutmes I., in No. 476, is doubtful, as Mr Griffith has it in his copy from which I have drawn. It rather seems that Penati was superintendent of the royal works under Amen- hotep I., Tahutmes I., and Tahutmes II., placing this inscription in the reign of the last; while, according to No. 357, he died just after Hatasu, THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSUAN. IS and before Tahutmes III. had ordered the removal of her name from the monuments. In No. 479, a scribe has placed his name with that of his sove- reign Neferhotep. And in 480 is the name of Amenhotep I., "beloved of Horus, Lord of Meh," the capital of the XVIth nome of Upper Egypt. Adjoining this, and apparently contemporary, are the inscriptions 483 and 488. The principal object in the valley, occupying the most prominent place, on a flat face of rock just at the mouth, is the large tablet of Mentuhotep and Antef (No. 489), which is raised some distance from the ground. It is cut in fine low relief, with well wrought details ; as ii4 also the small tablet No. 443, which is on a fallen block a little to the west. For the con- sideration of the historical results, reference must be made to the chapter on " Some Historical Data." 20. After reaching the mouth of the Seba Rigaleh valley, a straggling succession of graffiti are to be seen on the sandstone rocks, which border the west side of the Nile for some three or four miles northwards. These inscriptions (497-569) record various travellers who passed ; the most important of them, perhaps, being the Phoenician inscription. No. 523. This is on a low cliff face, someway above the river, but accessible from rocks in front of the cliff; it is partly hidden by a block which lies in front of the north end of it. Professor Sayce translates it "Bodka cried to Isis," and assigns it to the 6th or Sth century B.C. (see Babylonian and Oriental Record, October 1887). In No. 539 there seems to be the name of Pepi. Along with all these inscription-graffiti is a vast number of figures of animals, &c., not necessarily connected with the graffiti, and in most cases wholly distinct, and of a different age. These figures have never received any attention hitherto, and their number deters one from copying or even cataloguing them. They are of all periods ; some probably done in modern times ; others later than the inscriptions, but ancient; and others older than the inscriptions. Beneath the great Mentuhotep tablet are several figures of giraffes, hammered in upon the rock face, and one of these distinctly has interfered with the arrangement of a graffito of Amenhotep I. (It is possible that these figures are intended for camels ; but the necks are quite straight, although raised upward, and there is no hump shown, so that it seems more likely that they are giraffes.) With this certain evidence of the antiquity of such animal figures, we may be prepared to give full weight to the collateral evidence of their weathering and appearance. One of the clearest cases is on the i6 A SEASON great isolated rock in the valley at El Kab ; there, alongside of graffiti of the Vlth dynasty, is a draw- ing of a long boat with a great number of oars ; and though the graffiti are but little darkened from the colour of fresh rock, during the thousands of years they have been exposed, yet the boat is almost as dark as the native surface of rock of geologic age. This is no isolated case ; repeatedly on the rocks of the Soba Rigaleh neighbourhood, the animal figures alongside of the inscriptions are seen to look far older than the graffiti of the Xllth and XVIIIth dynasties. There is a great range of colour of the surface by which to judge ; the fresh sandstone is of a slightly browny white, while the ancient weathering is of a very dark brown ; the absolute loss of the rock face being probably not the thickness of a single grain of sand during thousands of years in most parts. Hence, while on the average we might say that the inscriptions of four thousand years ago are but perhaps a quarter or half as dark as the old face, the oldest of the animal figures are perhaps three- quarters of the way toward the colour of the primitive surface. The amount of rain wash running down the face of the rock makes great difi"erences in the colour- ation ; but in many cases we can compare figures and graffiti close together in such a way that all natural effects are equalised. This whole subject of these primaeval drawings deserves full study by itself; my object at present is to give such an account of what I saw while copying the inscriptions, as to ensure these representations receiving the notice which is due to the oldest remains in Egypt. The figures of all ages include men, horsemen, giraffes, camels, elephants (four N. of the Phoenician inscription, with tusks and trunks, and large African ears), ostriches and boats of all kinds ; one of the largest boats has thirteen oars besides the steering oar, with a figure seated on the top of the cabin, and an attendant behind it. It seems probable that many of these figures date from a time when the elephant and ostrich lived in Nubia and Southern Egypt ; such was the case within the period of hieroglyphic writing, as the elephant occurs in the name of the island called thence by the Greeks Elephantine. In and near the quarries, two to four miles north of the Saba Rigaleh, are several Greek graffiti of interest (Nos. 570-579 ; see also Eisenlohr in Zeit's Aeg. Spr. 1885). They seem to have been all written by one set of quarrymen, who were there in the i ith year of Antoninus, 149 A.D. The engineer Apollonios, and the chief engineer Apollos Petesos (575, 576) were apparently the principal men ; and the work was being carried on for a temple of Apollo (or Horus), IN EG YFT. , . • '"'.> which was very probably at Esneh, as work ^^ executed there under Antoninus. One Psaman ... is eager to record his feat in getting out great stones 01 II cubits for the pylon of this temple (No. 57 1)- Three of the inscriptions (570, 572, 578) mention the mooring place where vessels came to embark the stones; and (570, 571, 578?) we read of the Nile rising to the mooring place or quay. This rising took place on the 25th day of the month Mesore (see 570, 578, and 572 1), which was equivalent in 149 A.D. to the 8th of July. The historical questions with which this is connected are discussed in the chapter on " Some Historical Data." 21. Turning south from the Saba Rigaleh valley toward Silsileh, many more graffiti and quarries are to be seen ; a family of quarrymen are recorded in No. 592, Oneous, his three' sons Psenanes, Petosiris, and Ones, and the son of Petosiris, called after his uncle Ones. On reaching Silsileh, we meet with an inscription of Pepi Rameri on a large block by the riverside, below the cliff, south of the temple of Horemheb. The position of this is important as giving a decisive guarantee that no great change has affected the narrows of Silsileh since the Vlth dynasty. All appearances are strongly against the idea of any appreciable difference having taken place along the river bank within historic times : certainly at the narrowest point not a foot of rock, probably not a quarter of an iuch, has been removed since the XVIIIth dynasty tombs were cut there, except occasionally where a few feet thickness has fallen down, owing to wear and decay beneath it. It is to geologic time,— when every gorge in Egypt poured down its floods into the river, — when the Nile stream rolled on 100 feet in depth, scouring banks of debris along its sides, and wearing palaeo- lithic implements which now lie high up on the hills, — it is to that age that we must look for the filling of the vast old channels on the eastern side, both at Silsileh and at Assuan. It would need dozens of such Niles as the present to fill the old bed on the east of Gebel Silsileh-; and when that was filled the present little cut through the rocks was merely a bye-path, quite insufficient for the full stream, which probably began to wear it through by rising high enough to pour over a saddle between the hills. 22. At El Kab there is a large mass of graffiti of the Vlth dynasty ; but knowing that they were some, or all, published, we did not stop to copy them. A few on the little temple of Amenhotep III. THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSV AN. 17 are here given. No. 6t^6 is on a pillar, plastered over in early times. The others are on the inside of the temple ; and also elaborate jokes of inscription for the kas of Mariette and of J. De Rouge, and one dated in the nominal reign of the Comte de Cham- bord. The Greek one, No. 648, is published by Bockh in the Corpus, but incorrectly. ' The Theban grafifiti do not call for any remark; they are all of the XlXth and XXth dynasties, and the king's names and private names are fully catalogued in this volume. In 693 we may just note that Alexander came from Thmuis. The Dahshur quarry marks on the stones are interesting from their age. On 697 is noted the i6th (?) day of the month Mesori. I looked longingly on the blocks for traces of car- touches, and only found what may be a part of one in No. 703, where most of it has been dressed away in building. This looks like Ra-ma . . . ., and, if so, this south stone pyramid of Dahshur must belong to Amenemhat IV. Such a result would be just in accord with the fragments of clustered lotus columns (like those of Beni Hasan, and the temple of Howara) which I have seen in the ruins of the temples at Dahshur. The style of construction of the pyramid, and its position, are nevertheless both against the attribution of it to the Xllth dynasty. 23. The subject of quarry marks is much connected with the graffiti ; and while examining the quarries for inscriptions, I also took note of the various quarry marks on their sides. At the quarries of W. Silsileh and down to Silweh, it was a custom to sculpture in relief at the head of a quarry some distinctive mark by which all the blocks from there were to be known. These relief types, or standard quarry marks, are carefully carved, and some of them are given in out- line in the plate (Nos. 17, 18, 19, 64, 65, and 81). Besides these, sets of marks may be seen on the quarry side, giving the standard marks with some additions; these are shown here, each group being divided by a point from the others. Probably these were type marks, to be copied on to the blocks of one particular batch. When we copy the quarry marks from buildings, then it is easy to settle from what place, and sometimes even from which quarry, the blocks have been brought. Thus all the blocks of the eastern pylon at Denderah bear the theta and arrow (53), which is the standard mark of one parti- cular quarry north of the Soba Rigaleh (19). At Edfu on the quay we find the table of offerings (54), which seems to be characteristic of Silsileh (69, 70, 73> 93)- The quay at Esneh also bears the table of offerings mark, 100, 103, and the shrine 109, like Silsileh, "jg. At Kom Ombo, where no quarry lay above it from which the blocks could be floated down, except one where the path runs over the cliff, there we meet just the two quarry marks which are found at this southern quarry. The large designs, 82 to 99, at Silsileh seem hardly like mere quarry marks ; but the type of a shtine may well have belonged to this quarry, from the fine shrine of Amenhotep III. which stood here, surmounted by a hawk ; the fragments of this shrine and of the bird may still be seen. CHAPTER III. SOME HISTORICAL DATA. 24. We have already briefly mentioned the tablets of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher, and some of the histori- cal results to be drawn from them. We will here consider more at length the changes which must follow in our views of the period. The tablets 489 and 443, even taken alone, prove conclusively that Antef succeeded Mentuhotep, and worshipped him, as did also the chancellor Khati; and No. 213 shows, as already remarked, that Khati had been the chan- cellor of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher, and continued in the same position under Antef. From all this we may conclude that Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher and his wife Aah (or Aaht, Wiedemann, or Mertefaah, as Eisenlohr reads it) were the parents of Antef We have obtained, therefore, two very strong presump- tions from the rock inscriptions which modify our views of the Xlth dynasty, (i.) We see that the form of the Antef names was not invariable ; for Lepsius gives (Kgsb. 156 bis) the Horus-name Uah- ankh, as associated with the king Antef; while at Elephantine the same belongs to king Antef-a (310). Unless, therefore, two kings of one dynasty took the same Horus-name, a thing never known in any other case, we must believe that the adjunct a, " great," was added at a later date to an Antef who began his reign without it. (2.) We find an Antef, son of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher, succeeding him, like the similar case where Antefaa is known to be son of queen Khnum- nefer-het (pyramidion, Br. Mus. 520), the wife of a Mentuhotep (coffin, Br. Mus. 6656a). Hence the Antefs and Mentuhoteps must have been to some extent alternate, and Lieblein's arrangement must be altogether set aside. The same result is very strongly marked in the rock inscriptions; there the names Antef and Mentuhotep are completely intermingled, and one is seldom found without the other near it ; C i8 A SEASON IN EGYPT. they are even joined in one name, Mentuhotep-antef (598)5 everything points to their being of one family, and certainly not rival dynasties, or of different periods. Further, another consideration seems to have been overlooked: the Antefs of the table of Karnak must, by their insertion there, certainly be the most legitimate Theban line; and hence they cannot be other than the Antefs buried at Thebes, in spite of a difference of title. This reduces the dozen of Antefs that have been written about to less than half the number ; as also the name Uah-ankh found at Elephantine has reduced Antefa and Antef to one. And still further, these six names in the Karnak table have been said to be all Antefs ; but one begins Men . . . . , and another is lost, so that there are but four Antefs guaranteed here. 25. Let us now, after necessarily parting from the theories hitherto held, see briefly how much can be made from the existing data ; setting aside for the present all monuments bearing simply the names Antef and Mentuhotep, which are without any dis- tinctive title or evidence of relationships. Firstly, the alternation of the two names is strongly shown, as we noticed above ; and the Egyptian custom of calling a child after his grandfather ' we see fully carried out in the list of the Vlllth Memphite dynasty. In that, the 2nd, 4th, 6th, 8th, loth, nth, 13th, and iSth kings of the table of Abydos, all bear the name of Ra-nefer-ka with various distinctions. So that, with the exception of one step (due perhaps to two brothers, or the succession of a grandson), there is an unbroken series of alternate generations bearing the same name. As this immediately preceded the Antef-mentuhotep family, the same principle there may be expected. In place of believing in as many Antefs as possible, let us then rather see how few are required by history. Firstly, as a basis, we have the table of Karnak. There we read the order, — ^ Antef, ^ Men (tuhotep), ^ Antef, * Antef, ^(lost), and ^ Antef If, on the analogy of the Vlllth dynasty, we allow the lost name to be Mentuhotep as a working hypothesis, we then have only a certain irregularity of two Antefs together; and the point which exactly explains this is the succession of Antef- a and An-antef as two brothers (Wiedemann, 223). Hitherto, this could not have been accepted, owing to the differ- ence of names, but the tablet 310 has just shown Antef-a to be otherwise Antef; and similarly An- antef may well be only a variant of Antef, written- with both the sounds a and n of the sign an. Next, another clue is in the six lost kings of the Turin papyrus, probably equivalent to the six at Karnak, followed by Ra-neb-kher and Ra-sankh-ka. This agrees to Ra-neb-kher Mentuhotep being outside of the Antef list of Karnak ; and as two Mentuhoteps are allowed for in that, we have three altogether, which suffices for all historical facts. There are then the two Mentuhoteps, — Neb-hotep and Ra-neb-taui, — to be assigned to the second and fifth places of Karnak; there is not much to show which is which, but a small consideration points to Ra-neb-taui being No. 5. He is entitled on scarabs Neter nefer, "the good god," and we find this title assumed by the Antef No. 6, next to No. 5. It is not likely to have been taken by No. 2 and then dropped again until No. 6. Thus M. Neb-hotep will be the Mentuhotep who married queen Khnum-nefer-het-Mentuhotep, recorded on a pyramidion (Br. Mus. 520). Lastly, we have to divide between the Antefs in No. i and No. 6. These must be the Ra-seshes-har-apu-maa Antufa of the Abbott papyrus, and Ra-nub-kheper Antef of the same, who reigned over fifty years, and whose tomb was found by Mariette. There is little to settle the attribution between these ; but as Ra-nub-kheper has left many remains, and a fine tomb, he is rather more likely to have come later on when the dynasty had more fuUy developed, and was evidently more flourishing, than at the very beginning of it. His long reign of over fifty years, moreover, gives room for a long co-regency to account for part of the over forty-six years of his successor Ra-neb-kher Mentuhotep. 26. We may then say that the data lead us to the following scheme of this period, referring to the K5ngsbuch, Lieblein's Chronologie, and Livre des Rois. Table of Karnak. Turin Papyrus. (i) Antef I. (2) Mentuhotep I. Kgsb. 162 Lieb. 68 77 69 ?,6 Liv. Rois. 127 Names on Monuments and Remains. 136 } Ra-seshes-har-ap-maa Antufa (Abbott pap). ^45 } Neb-hotep Mentuhotep. Tablet at Konosso. - {'l''''^g^g^""'"-"^f^'-h^t Mentuhotep (B.M. 520, 578, SOME HISTORICAL DATA. 19 Turin Table of Kamak. Kgsb. Lieb. Liv. Papyrus. Rois. (3) Antef II. 154 70 129 156a 74 78 133 137 (4) Antef III. 156 71 79 130 138 (5) (Mentuhotep II.?) 163 72 131 k 87 146 (6) Antef IV. 160 73 76 132 135 Ra-neb 1 59 88 148 Rasankh . . 165 89 149 { Names on Monuments and Remains. Uah Ankh. Ra- (Ter.?) seshes-ap-maa Antef or Antefa; son of last. Abbott pap. B.M. 520, 6656,3:. Elephantine 310. Coffin in Louvre. I Ra-seshes-her-her-maa Antef, bro. of last. Coffin \ in Louvre. I Neter-nefer Ra-neb-taui Mentuhotep. Several tablets- ) Ra-nub-kheper Antauf (Abbott pap.) Obelisks. Tomb j opened by Mariette : reigned over 50 years, f Ra-neb-kher Mentuhotep III. Many tablets at Assuan, I Saba Rigaleh, &c. ; reigned over 46 years. queen Aah. Soba Rigaleh. son, Antef V. Soba Rigaleh. Ra-s-ankh-ka. Many tablets. Soba Rigaleh, &c. I am far from saying that this is certainly the truth, but it accounts for all the kings yet known, and so far no monument necessitates our making any addition to such a list. The principal points on which this is open to revision are the transposition of Mentuhotep I. and II., and the transposition of Antef I. and IV. Also the table of Kamak might authorise making Ra-neb-kher the second Mentu- hotep, and Ra-nub-kheper his Antef son ; but then the order of the Karnak list, placing Rasankhha before Ra-neb-kher, is contradicted by the Turin papyrus and the tables of Abydos and Sakkara ; so that it is probably corrupt here. Some revision is needful, as the accepted arrangement of Lieblein is certainly wrong ; and this order, moreover, agrees better with the gradual development of the dynasty and increase of the monuments than any other. Including the other kings of this dynasty, who appear to have preceded these, Ra-snefer-ka (Lieblein No. 80), Ra. .... (81), Ra-useren (82), Ra-neb-nem (83), and Ana (75), there are five more ; these with the nine above make fourteen already accounted for out of Manetho's number of sixteen for the eleventh Diospolite dynasty. Two therefore are still to be found, either new kings, or an additional Mentu- hotep and Antef link to be separated from some stated above. At all events, we are thus clear from placing Theban Antefs in a HerakleopoHte dynasty, the Xth, as has been done by some writers. 27. We now turn to a very different subject. It is well known that the Egyptians used a year of 365 days ; and thus losing about a quarter of a day every year, their months retrograded round all the seasons, recurring to the same point, as they believed, at the end 1460 real years, or 1461 of their wander- ing years. Actually, the period was 1508 years, and such we must take it in calculating the relation of the months to the seasons ; although 1460 years is the period for allusions by the Egyptians to this cycle. The starting-point is given by the decree of JCanobos, Hne 18, in 238 B.C., when a change to a fixed calendar was fruitlessly ordered ; also by Censorinus writing in 239 A.D., and by Theon (circ. 400 A.D.). According to these, the heliacal rising of Sirius, or the last day in the year on which it could be seen before it was lost in the light of the dawn on rising, was the 20th of July, and this fell on the 1st of Payni, in 238 B.C., or on the ist of the month Thoth, the New Year's day of the calendar, in the year 139 A.D. This was, according to Theon's account, not an actual observation then, but a dead-reckoning fixed by the cycle of 1460 years from the era of Menophres, in 1322 B.C.; and this in its turn may have been either a dead reckon- ing of 1460 year cycles from 2782 B.C., 4242 B.C., or 5702 B.C.; or else a real observation according to a principle established actually in 2830 B.C., 4338 B.C., or 5846 B.C. If the principle were laid down, and intervening history had been confused, the era may have been re-established from actual observation, while the principle was older. 28. From this it is clear that if we have any seasonal event fixed to a given point in the wandering year, we know in what part of a cycle of 1 500 years it must have occurred. This principle has been applied to fixing dates by calculating from the month in the shifting calendar in which cam- paigns were begun. But another and far older datum is before us, in the inscription of Una, under Pepi of the Vlth dynasty. Some time ago I noticed, in the Pyramids of Gizeh, p. 210, how all the transport of stone must have taken place in Egypt A SEASON IN EGYPT. during the time of the inundation, both for facility of transport, and for the supply of labourers who are then disengaged. Now this is strikingly con- firmed by the inscriptions which I here publish from the quarries near Silsileh (570-578). In them we see that the quarrymen awaited the rise of the Nile, and the day when it rose high enough was recorded as the 25th of Mesore, or the 8th of July. Further, Una records that he made transports in the land of Uauat, and, " at the time of the inunda- tion, loaded them with very much granite." Now, Una does not mention the month in which he brought down this granite ; but he gives what is perhaps a stilL better datum. A block of alabaster had to be brought from Hanub, the quarries near Siut. This work seems to have been hurried, as the short time occupied in getting it, and in build- ing a boat for it, is specified. " I also extracted that slab in seventeen days. ... I made for it a boat of burthen in the little dock, sixty cubits in length, and thirty in its breadth, put together in seventeen days, in the month of Epiphi." Apparently the boat was building while the block was being quarried and brought down, the period, seventeen days, being the same; and the special mention of the time, when no other such periods are named in this long inscription, shows that the work was a tour de force. But it was not done in time for the inundation. Una continues, " Then there was not water in the turns (of the river) to tow to the pyramid Sha-nefer of Merenra safely." This is Dr Birch's translation {Records of the Past, vol. ii.), the exact words being, " not water upon turns to-enter-port unto " the pyramid. The phrase " in the turns" is her thesu, which is considered as un- translateable as yet, by Erman ; thes means not only a " turn," or " cord," or " knot," but also " high land " or " mountains," possibly referring to the water not reaching to the hills. The determinative needs re-examination. This does not, however, affect the sense of the passage, which shows that after the hurrying of the work in seventeen days, — a haste which would be needless if the Nile had been already low, — the vessel could not reach up to the landing stage at the foot of the causeway to the pyramid, because the Nile had begun to fall. Either a delay in coming down from Siut, or a fall of the Nile earlier than usual, had just upset their calculations. Such seems to be the very natural sense of the passage, and one exactly in harmony with the details of trans- port during high Nile, which we know of otherwise. 29. The fall, of the Nile does not begin till the first few days of November; and, granting that it may have been rather earlier than was reckoned on by Una, we may put the arrival of the boat at Memphis (which must have been after the fall had made a distinct difference) at about the 5 th November. As it had to come about 250 miles down the Nile, but may have been delayed on the voyage, the departure from Siut would be about 20th October. The 17 days of Epiphi would thus begin about the beginning of October. Hence the month Epiphi would have begun about 2Sth September, with an uncertainty of a week either way for the part of the month not being fixed, and another week for the state of the Nile ; altogether a limit of uncertainty of about a fortnight. Now, Epiphi fell at that season in the years 400 B.C., 19 10 B.C., 3420 B.C., and 4930 B.C.; each date within a a limit of uncertainty of 60 years either way. The first two dates are of course impossible for the reign of Pepi; the last also exceeds the limits of all chronologers. Hence, 3240 B.C., within sixty years, is the date shown by this seasonal statement made by Una. On looking at the various chronologies, we see that Champollion, Boeckh, Wiedemann, Unger, and Mariette, all place Pepi before this date ; while Brugsch, Lauth, Bunsen, Lepsius, and Lieblein suc- cessively bring him later down in history. Hence this result falls well amongst the various reckonings ; the nearest to it being that of Mariette, about two centuries earlier, and of Brugsch (by genealogies)j about as much later. Even if any one may raise an objection to this treatment of the passage, yet one result is certain, that Epiphi could not have come for four months earlier in the season, as then there would have been plenty of water ; hence it is equally impossible for the date of Pepi to be put anywhere between 3400 and 2900 B.C. But from all the facts — the known habit of transporting stone during high Nile (both from the Greek inscriptions and that of Una)— the special mention of the haste with which the block was cut — and yet the water being insufficient to float it to the base of the hills when it arrived — I think it may be granted that we have here a firmer basis than those yet proposed for the date of the Vlth dynasty. This stands solely on a seasonal fact, and not on any uncertain festivals which may have been changed, and whose identity has been so much disputed. 30. One other datum exists which ought to be examined. The Sothis period of 1460 years falls 139 A.D., 1322 B.C., 2782 B.C., 4242 B.C., 5702 B.C., &c. But as the actual cycle astronomically is of 1 508 years, it follows that Sirius cannot have actually SOME HISTORICAL DATA. risen heliacally on the ist day of Thoth (New Year's day), on more than one of these epochs; all the others are dead-reckonings by the incorrect cycle of 1460, or 4 X 365 years, from some actual obser- vation. On which of these epochs, then, was that fundamental observation made which started the calendar ? This is not a case where the knowledge of an ancient people may carry us back into a fictitious past, but where the ignorance of a people will lead us back to the real source of their error and no further. The error in one Sothis period is forty-six years (subject to small changes, for astro- nomical variation in the precessional and proper motions of Sirius, the length of the day, &c.) ; this is ^ of a cycle; and hence, at the close of 1460 years, Sirius will not rise heliacally on the same day of the year, but at twelve days from the anniversary ; or, in other words, on the anniversary it will rise forty-eight minutes too soon or too late. This is a perfectly appreciable amount; and we should, by direct observation, be able thus to settle on which Sothis epoch the cycle was started, or if it was adjusted at each epoch in default of any accuracy in the continuous chronology. The requisite obser- vations are the present day of the year on which Sirius can last be seen before sunrise as observed in Middle Egypt; this falls in the middle of May now, and so the climatic conditions would be much the same as on the initial day in July. Corrections for the precession of the equinoxes would be required, both for the change of distance between the sun and Sirius, which would affect it differently in the dawn-light, and also for the position of Sirius to the pole, and its proper motion. If some person, suitably situated, between Siut and Thebes, would watch Sirius morning by morning during May, noting how long it is visible before sunrise, until it is not to be caught sight of owing to the glow of dawn, as it rises later each day, the main fact would be obtained of the actual interval between the rising Sirius and the sun which renders it in- visible ; and, with corrections, we should have the foundation of the Sothis cycles secured. CHAPTER IV. THE HORUS-NAMES OR KA-NAMES OF EGYPTIAN KINGS. 31. The very familiar form -of name which pre- cedes the cartouche-names of each king has not hitherto been satisfactorily explained. It has been called the Horus-name, as being surmounted by a hawk ; the square name, as being in a square ; and the royal banner or standard, from a mistaken idea of the lines beneath it representing a fringe. The Egyptian name for it is simply srekh, from rekh, " to know," with the causative s prefixed, reading " that which makes known." To determine its meaning we must first examine the earliest forms of it. As I have pointed out, in Tanis, p. 5, the supposed fringe is really a false door, such as is seen in the tombs. In PL xx. will be seen collected together all the various examples of early date which throw light upon this ; most of them are from the Denkmdler. First, note in fig. 7 a fine example of the patterning of the earliest type of the false door, which always stood on the west side of the tomb chamber ; this was the entrance by which the ka or double passed between the inner burial chamber and the outer chamber of offerings. The designs of these representations of entrances vary somewhat, but the typical idea of a doorway flanked by recessed panelling is always seen. This door type, by gradual dwindling of the door, and in- crease of the inscribed panel over it, developed into the funereal stela, as Professor Maspero has shown. Now, when we turn to the pattern beneath the square panel of the Horus-names, we find exactly the same design ; compare especially figs. 3 and 7 ; note the little space over the door niche (equivalent to the " drum " in real doors), and see how like fig. 7 it is reproduced in figs, i and 4. It is quite clear that throughout the old and middle kingdoms the idea of a false door of a tomb was before the sculptor's mind. Turn next to the Empire, when such false doors had ceased to be made, and were unfamiliar objects. We then see that an actual realistic entrance was represented. In fig. 12 the two sides of a double door are clear. Fig. 13 is the sumptuous patterning of the decoration beneath a Horus-name (equal to the so-called fringe), on a recess at the Deir el Bahri temple ; the shading here is according to the heraldic colour signs, only the chequer square should be red and white in the square portions, and yellow and white in the long-shaped parts. Here, not content to show only the sides of a door, the painter put in the lintel, door sill, pivots, cross beams of the door, and the two bolts. This precious example is conclusive that the idea of a door of access was still the meaning of this orna- ment. A little later, in fig. 16, we see a double door with its framing and diagonal braces shown. A simple form of doorway also appears at the same A SEASON IN EGYPT. time in fig. 19. Descending to Ptolemaic times this space beneath the name was still regarded as a doorway ; and it is shown — both under Ptolemy II. (fig. 20) and Ptolemy XIII. (fig. 21) — as a straight- forward doorway, and nothing else, having its double door closed by a pair of bolts. We need not say more to prove that throughout Egyptian art, from Seneferu to the last of the Ptolemies, the Horus- name was intentionally and knowingly written over a doorway, which, in the earlier cases, is seen to be copied from the false door of a tomb. 32. What does this connection mean .? The square in which the Horus-name is written must be the exact equivalent of the square panel over the false door in the tombs, and the name is the equivalent of the. figure and name of the deceased written on those panels. It is the name of the king as deceased ; the name as owner's name, written over the doorway. But it was the ka, or double, or ghost, of the deceased person which possessed that doorway ; it was solely for the ka to pass from the burial vault beneath (the shaft of which was supposed to pass behind this false door) into the upper chamber, where its food of funereal offerings was provided for it (see Professor Maspero's Arckhlogie Egyptienne,'^. 115, &c.). The name therefore must be the name of the ka. Private persons had but one name, and their ka was of the same name. But a king, who took a second name on ascending the throne, took also a third name for his ka. This ka name alone occurs on the doorway in the Step pyramid of Sakkara. Under the Empire, as he had many ka statues, so he had many ka names. 33. Now observe what the monuments show us. Behind the actual fleshly king, there is often shown his double or ka, making offerings with him. Some- times the ka is of the same size as the king, sometimes lesser. And on his head he bears, as in fig. 15, the Horus-name embraced between the ka arms. For fear even this was not sufficient, an in- scription nearly always accompanies him, reading, in 15, "The king's ka, life of the lord of both lands (Upper and Lower Egypt) within the chamber of the sarcophagus, and within his chamber of offerings ; all life, happiness, and stability, all health to him, all joy of heart to him, like Ra." The word '' within " (khent) may mean " presiding over," but the sense is unchanged. It could not be stated more explicitly that the ka, which bears the Horus or ka-mme on his head, is to pass from the body to the offerings, by the very doorway which is represented beneath his name. Slightly different is the idea on a beautiful sculpture at the Bath Museum, where Ramessu II. is accompanied by his ka ; the king having his car- touches, and the ka having the ka-na.me above him. Behind them is the inscription 14 : — " The king, Ra-user-ma, Sotep-en-ra, within the chamber of his sarcophagus. The king's ka (who is) the king gliding in the temple (or place of worship) within the tomb." The last sign is strange ; it must mean the tomb j and it looks as if intended to show the dark opening of a rock tomb, beneath the mountains, whose sign is upon it. Here the king's body was to remain in his sarcophagus, while his ka was to glide about in the outer chamber, where offerings were provided, either of perishable materials, or imperish- able representations. In inscriptions 17 and 18 is a shorter form which only relates to the benefit of the ka to the body. "The king's ka living within the chamber of the sarcophagus, giving him life and happiness," and " the king's ka within the chamber of the sarcophagus, giving him life." Another form of the same idea is where the ka-na.me appears to act and live of itself, provided with ka arms which hold a feather, and a staff surmounted by the head of the "king's ka" (fig. 16); and this is known as late as Tiberius (fig. 23). The ka was young when the king was young; Amenhotep III. as a child, at Luxor, is borne by a nurse, and has also his ka borne by a nurse behind him ; the ka wearing the ka-na.me, between the ka arms, on a stand upon his head. It is needless to multiply examples or to describe them further. The ka-name of the king was always, down to the latest times, associated with the doorway of the tomb by which the ka passed to and fro ; and the ka itself whenever represented, from Amenemhat I. (fig. 10) down to Vespasian, always bears the ka- name upon his head, as his special name. Let us henceforth, then, recognise what is so amply and carefully explained to us on the monuments, and write of the ka-name as we do of the throne-name and personal name of each king. The subject of the significance of the >^a-names, when thus understood, I must leave to authorities in the matter of reading; generally the names seem to refer to virtues or deeds of the king which would avail him in his journey through the hours of night, or to place him under the protection of some deity ; while such names as Kau- neteru, Ka-nekht (written with the ka arms, as well as the bull) Usert-kau, Khent-kau-ankhu-nebu, &c., should not be overlooked in their allusions. FUNEREAL CONES AND OTHER INSCRIPTIONS. 23 CHAPTER V. FUNEREAL CONES AND OTHER INSCRIPTIONS. 34. In most Egyptian collections are to be seen a few long cones of pottery, stamped on their bases with inscriptions in relief; generally but few of these are brought home by any traveller or collector, their weight and cumbrousness being inconvenient. Hence they are far scarcer in museums than would be expected on seeing their numbers at Thebes. But few have been published hitherto; perhaps twenty or thirty types, at the most, from any one collection ; yet their interest and value are quite equal to that of the shorter funereal stelae. While at Thebes this year I steadily collected them from the Arabs, and as the inscriptions are all that is really required, the bulk of the cone was removed, either by sawing, if soft, or breaking, if hard. Thus, with a very small loss, I reduced a collection of over 250 to a more manageable bulk. On working through these in England they were seen to be of a hundred different types ; and these, with two or three that I have seen since in England, are published here in Pis. xxi-xxiii. The sizes of these cones are variable ; some are 1 5 inches long, and 4 inches across the inscribed base ; others are not more than half that size each way. They are nearly always solid, and are usually painted white, sometimes -with a coat of red beneath it. They are found always outside the tomb ; either in the sand and chips which covered over the entrance to the tomb, or, it is said, in the sand before the entrance. Among those here shown, probably one of the earliest is No. 72 of Amenemhat (XHth dynasty .'), and the latest, that of the king's son, chief of the Mashuash (99) (XXIVth dynasty). The custom of making these cones seems to have covered the long range of history, from the rise of the middle kingdom to the incoming of Greek iniluence, as Professor Maspero states them to range from the Xlth to the XXVIth dynasty. His explanation of their meaning, as representing the conical loaves of bread with a floury outside, seems obviously true. They are only known at Thebes ; and they seem to have been made there, much as stone figures of ducks and other eatables were made at Memphis, and offered for the perpetual sustenance of the ka. (See "Guide au Musie de Boulaq" p. 138). Occa- sionally these offerings are not conical, but square cakes, sometimes wedge-shaped, and stamped on the edges. 35. In dealing with some hundreds of these, it is necessary to have some simple and direct method of classifying them. Generally it happens that no one example of a cone gives the whole inscription ; and hence the need of comparison, and the difficulty of sorting by the names, since the name being at the edge is often lost. Sorting by alphabetic names, moreover, cannot give a grouping according to age dr class ; and some characteristics of the style are there- fore better to follow for classification. As a simple system, which is always applicable, I have here begun with the inscriptions in vertical columns, from five down to two columns (1-47) ; next those without dividing lines, which are read vertically in three or two parts, or a single column (48-63) ; next those reading horizontally, in two, three, or four parts (64-70); then those with horizontal dividing lines in three, four, or five divisions (71-99); and lastly, various arrangements with scenes (100) and in square borders, or in cartouches (101-7). The copies here given do not profess to be exact facsimiles, but to show the general style and forms of the signs ; the narrow raised parts being represented by a single line, and the broad raised parts being outlined. The numbers following some of them show the number of copies examined. By the arrangement here followed, it will be easy to compare other cones with this collec- tion ; and such a system would be perhaps the best also for a museum. 36. As some readers may wish to follow out the reading of these cones, and as they form a good series of short titles, translations of them are here given ; for several of the readings I am indebted to Mr Griffith, who has also worked over them. The open- ing formula which is most common \s Amakki kker Asar {ee.g. 4-9); this is perhaps best rendered "Devoted to Osiris"; it is abbreviated as D. O. below here. Another formula is Asar {ee.g. 14-16) "the Osirian," or the deceased as identified with Osiris; marked below as O. The usual title of deceased persons, makheru, which follows the deter- minative figure at the end of the name (see 20, but usually appearing as merely two lines) is, according to Professor Maspero's explanation, the "true voiced," i.e., possessing the true intoning of the defensive formulae for the unseen world; it is below here abbreviated as T. V. Of the meaning of neht per as "widow," at least in earlier times, the reasons have been fully stated in sect. 10 on the Assuan inscriptions. I. D.O. Scribe of the accounts (v. 37) of the cattle of Amen, .... the nomes of the south and the north, 24 A SEASON IN EGYPT. 13- 14. 15- 16. 17- 18. 19, 20. 23- 24. 25- 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. Hebi, T.V. ; son of the scribe of the accounts of the cattle of Amen, Ames .... born of the widow- La ... . {see 21). D.O. Guardian of the vases (?) of Amen, Tahersettnef; by his son, making his name hve, guardian of the vases (?) of Amen, Herari, T.V. D.O. Guardian of the vases (?) of Amen, Tahersetnef, T.V. D.O. The priest Her-ar-n-re-ga, T.V. D.O. The prophet of Ra-a-klieperu (Amenhotep II.), Nefer-neb-neb, T.V. His sister the widow Ta .... uai. D.O. Scribe of the city .... Tahuti-em-heb, called .... un-sa-er-su, T.V. D.O. Master of the sailors of the chief prophet of Amen, Mer-pet-f (?) ; the widow Mut D.O. Chief in the heart of the king, Amen-nekht; T.V. before Amen. His sister the widow Mut- nefert. D.O. The hereditary noble, overseer of cattle (?), overseer of workmen, overseer of . . . ., overseer of the cattle of Amen, Mai, T.V. D.O. Scribe of the table of the lord of both lands, (the king) Neter-mes. D.O. Amenemhat. His wife, the widow Sitamen, devoted to the great god (the king). D.O of Amen .... Amenhotep. O of Ra-a-kheper-ka (Tahutmes I.), A-kheper .... devoted to the great god. O. Overseer of the mares, overseer of the cattle of Amen, Piaa . . . . ; by his son overseer of the cattle of Amen .... T.V. O. Overseer of the mares of the king of both lands, south and north, Meru .... T.V. O. Hereditary noble, seal bearer, high prophet of Amen, Ra-men-kheper-senb. (v. 98) T.V. The royal scribe the overseer of the temple of Amen, overseer of the granary .... pa-sar T.V. Scribe of the accounts of the cattle of Amen, lord of the gods Scribe, overseer of the house of the head prophet of Amen-Ra, Amenhotep, T.V. Scribe, overseer of the granaries of the divine wife (queen), Amenhotep, T.V. ; the widow Lau T.V. ; born of the overseer of the granaries, Ka-Ra, T.V. ; born of the widow Mahu T.V. Overseer of the palace .... the royal scribe Khem- du-f-an The tutor (father-nurse) Aahmes ; overseer of the royal harem, Aahmes ; overseer of the sanctuary (cellars?), Aahmes; overseer of the cattle, Aahmes. For the ka of the chief prophet of Aah, Nefer-aah, T.V. in peace. The v/idow the chantress of Amen, the praiser of Mut, Neter-hemt, T.V. in peace. Satisfying the heart of the king, the captain of the bodyguard, making pleasant the land to its extent .... Deped The transporter of the cattle (?) of Amen_. . . . over- seer of the western hill (necropolis) of Thebes .... ididm Master of the serfs, Aahmes; born of ... . Aah- hotep, T.V. Royal scribe, overseer of the granaries of the south and the north, Kh .... ser. T.V. D.O. King's son of Keshi (viceroy-prince of Ethiopia) Mermes. D.O chief of the priests of Amen, An-ta-ua-ref. 3^- 32- 33- 34- 35- 36. 37- 38. O 39- 40. 41. 42. 43- 44. 45- 46. 47- 48. 49. SC- S2- S3- 54- S5- 56- S7- S8. 59- 60. 61. 62. 63- 64. 6S- 66. 67. 68. 70. 71- 72. 73- D.O. Chief lieutenant Amenhotep, T.V. His sister the widow Arti, T.V. D.O. High prophet of Amen, Amenhotep. D.O kha, T.V. His ... . the widow Hent- taui. D.O. Scribe Aanen. D.O. Captain of the bodyguard, Hebi (v. 25). D.O. Guardian of the vases (?) Nefer-renp. O. Scribe of the accounts of the cattle of Amen, Amenhotep, T.V. His wife, the widow Sit- amen. Scribe of the treasury of the lord of both lands, Simut; son of the judge Pabak; born of the widow Tanefer, T.V. Second prophet of Ramen-kheper (Tahutmes III.) Amenemka (v. 53); his wife, the chantress Re- merit. Fan bearer of the royal boat, Kha-em-ma, son of Aset T.V. Chief of the followers, captain of the selected recruits, Pasar (see Assuan inscriptions 35, 41-3)- Third prophet of Amen, Hotep, T.V. His wife, the widow Amenhotep. Overseer of the treasury ; overseer of the works ; Ta- hutiamakh, T.V. Overseer of the cattle of Amen, Ha-tahuti. Overseer of the treasury, scribe, Khonsu. Captain (superior of the archers), chief of the infantry, Amenemapt. Commander of the infantry, Amenemheb. D.O. Administrator of offerings of funereal vestments (or chief of the police, v. 77), Lele, T.V. D.O. Scribe, Sen-neter, T.V. . . . . chief of the prophets of Anhur, scribe, Khem- T.V. The noble, scribe of the words (?).... of the lord of both lands, Pa-ura .... T.V. His son the scribe Hap. Seal bearer, high prophet of Amen, Khem, and Menthu, his name Sen . . . . ar, T.V. Seal bearer, fourth prophet of Amen, Ka-em-amen (v- 39)- Captain Aah, born of Shepstuhat (?) T.V. Great scribe, Amenkena, revived (living again) T.V. ; born of the scribe Neferemheb. An official of Ra-user-ma, Meri-amen-Shenk (Shes- hank III.). Scribe of the fields of the queen, Tera, T.V. Scribe of the queen's palace, Tahuti-nefer, T.V. Captain, Hatmeshau. Governor of the city, Amenemapt. The recruit (see Assuan inscriptions, 35, 41-3), Pen- amen. Governor of the city, Hapu, T.V. .... of the treasury. Priest, Tetanefer. Royal scribe, overseer of the treasury, Amenemha. Fourth prophet of Amen, Si-tahuti, T.V. Scribe of the account of the bread of the south and north, Amenemhat. Priest of Amen, Userhat, son of the noble Adehmes. The noble, overseer of the granaries of Amen, over- seer of all the seals of the temple of Amen, the scribe Anen, T.V. D.O. Scribe Ma . . . .; the widow Hui. D.O. Priest of Amen, Amenemhat, T.V. D.O. Scribe of the temple of Set, Nefer-mennu, T.V. FUNEREAL CONES AND OTHER INSCRIPTIONS. 25 74. D.O. Scribe of the accounts of bread of the lord of both lands, Usi, T.V. 75. D.O. Scribe of the fields, Nebmehti. 76. D.O. Scribe of the treasury of Amen, Meri. 77. D.O commander of the police, Simut, T.V. 78. O. Royal scribe, the fan bearer on the .... of the lord of both lands, Surer (temp. Amenhotep III., statue in London, No. 123). 79. Scribe of the royal bread, Piaa; his wife, the widow Netemt 80. Scribe of the granary .... of the bread, Pa-amen. 81. The chief (priest) of Mentu, lord of An (Hermonthis), the scribe, Kanekht. 82. Priest of Amen Ra-aa-kheper .... Pasu 83. D. Overseer of the royal harem, Us-ha, T.V. ; son of the judge Neh, T.V. born of Anpu 84. D.O. Scribe of the works of the palace of Ra-ma-neb (Amenhotep III.) on the west of Thebes, Anhur- mes, T.V. before the great god. 85. D.O. Fourth prophet of Amen, Menthuemhat, T.V.; his wife (see Turin No. 3425, where Ultarenset is his son's mother) loving him, royal relation, the widow, Utarenset, T.V. 86. D.O. Priest, scribe of treasury of Amen, Userhat; son of the scribe of the treasury Nebhebu. 87. D.O. Overseer of the fields of Amen, head sealer of the jars of Amen, priest, Nefer-kha T.V. 88. O. Chief reporter of the lord of both lands, praiser of the good god, near his heart (?) Menkh-ra. 89. O. Chief (?) priest of Amen, director of the palace, Amenabt, T.V. His sister loving him, chantress of Amen, the widow Tamut. 90. Fourth prophet of Amen, royal scribe (?), Menthuem- hat, T.V. His chief son, of his body, prophet of Amen, royal relation, Nesptah ; born of the widow Neskhon(su). 91. Fourth prophet of Amen, noble of the town, Men- thuemhat, T.V. (His) son, prophet of Amen, scribe of the drink offerings (?) of the temple of Amen, noble of the town, Nes-ptah, T.V. 92. Royal offering to Osiris, chief of the west (?) may he give the sweet breath of the north wind, .... for the ka of the scribe Rema. 93. The hereditary noble, the chancellor, the sole com- panion, beloved, the true (real) royal relation, overseer of the great house, guardian of the god, Abaa beloved of the god the living Horus. 94 the chanter of Amen, Meru-f 95. O. Scribe of the festivals (?) of Amen, Tahuti-nefer ; his name Seturti (?) T.V., born of the scribe Messu, T.V. 96. The chancellor, overseer of the prophets of the south and north ; high prophet of Amen, Meri ; overseer of the temple of Amen, overseer of the granaries of Amen, Meri ; overseer of the treasury of silver, and overseer of the treasury of gold, of Amen, Meri ; overseer of the cattle of Amen, Meri. 97. The chancellor, chief prophet of Amen, Meri; overseer of the prophets of the districts of the south and north, Meri J overseer of the fields of Amen, overseer of the granaries of Amen, Meri ; (keeper of) all seals in the palace of the king, life, wealth, and health to him ! Meri ; overseer of the cattle of Amen, Meri. 98. Overseer of the cattle of Amen, guardian of the temple of Amen, body-servant of the good god (the king), scribe of the food of the lord of both 99. lOI. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. lands, Ra-men-kheper-senb, T.V. before the good god (v. 17). Son of the living Horus, the noble, great chief of the Mashuash .... overseer of the prophets of Ba-neb- dadu (Mendes) .... born of the widow Shapen (ast?)T.V. (He) says (I am) devoted to thee, Osiris ; (he) says (I am) devoted to thee, Anpu. D.O. The hereditary chief, chancellor, sole com- panion of the lord of both lands, high prophet of Amen, Amenemhat. Overseer of the ... . of Khem, and of Isis, Amen- hotep, T.V. His sister, the widow Kedtmert. Royal offering to Osiris, lord of eternity .... chief of the police ? . . . . O. Prophet of the lord of the land, overseer (?) of the priests, Ser-ka. Governor of the city, Tetamekh. Overseer of the serfs, Ai. The lord of both lands Ra-user-ma-mer-amen, happi- ness and life, lord of the diadems Ra-messu-hak-an (Ramessu III.) every day (perpetually) the good god, living. 37. It now remains to notice the other inscriptions on PI. xxi. The stela of Mas (fig. i) is of interest, as very few^ notices of the two earlier kings named on it are to be found elsewhere. First, there comes after the priesthood to gods, the mention of the priesthood to the king Tahutmes I.; then to an earlier king Tau a a, apparently the second of that group of Rasekenen kings, though slightly modified from the form in the Abbott papyrus ; and then is the priesthood to Kames, who thus appears to be the earliest of these three. The usually accepted relation of Kames, as husband of queen Aah hotep, and father of Aahmes I., seems to be based on the jewellery found with that queen ; as, however, that find pro- bably came from the first plunderings of the treasure of the Deir el Bahri cave, the collocation of the objects is of no historical significance. This tablet is of good work in fine Theban limestone; I purchased it at Thebes, and exchanged it to M. Grebaut, who wished for it at the Bulak Museum. The other objects on this plate, not being required at Bulak, I have brought home. The statuette of Sebekemsaf (fig. 2) is in fine grained dark green basalt ; it is of heavy, cold, work, but not badly finished ; the style is much like some figures from Ekhmim, but the mention of Khonsu makes it more likely that this belonged to Thebes, where I purchased it. The height of' the figure is 11^ inches to the broken neck. This is of interest, as monuments of this king are rare ; the only other remains of his being the statue at Bulak from Abydos, the rock tablets at Hamamat, his ushabti- box of wood, and his heart-scarab. The statuette of Tahuti (fig. 3) is a small enveloped D 26 A SEASON IN EGYPT. squatting figure in a block form, headless, well cut in limestone. The stela of Mahu (fig. 4) is in sandstone. Both purchased at Thebes. The torso . of a figure of Horuta (fig. S) is finely carved in the hardest and closest black basalt, the piece from the waist to the neck being 8| inches high. It names " the devoted to king Nekau (who is like the sun), the hereditary- noble, superintendent of the gate of the mountains, Horuta." He states that he was sent with the workmen to some place (the name unfortunately lost) to " make great obelisks of granite, and monu- ments all of basalt and granite." Horuta seems therefore to have been the chief quarrymaster to Necho. I purchased this at Memphis; as also the piece of a fine alabaster canopic jar of Li (fig. 6) with the inscription complete. At Tell el Amarna, amongst other little things, I got the two limestone stamps, one of Khunaten (fig, 7), and the other of queen Thi (fig. 10); also a slab of limestone with the lower part of the face of Khunaten of the finest work, and a small headless and kneeless figure of one of his little daughters, well carved in sandstone. At Thebes, an Arab dealer sold me a fine green glazed scarab of queen Amenardas (or Ameniritis) and king Kashta, bearing traces of gilding; and with it a piece of a dark brown limestone ushabtl of Amenardas (fig. 8); only one (in the Louvre) is hitherto known. This suggests that her tomb has been lately re-entered; its place is unknown to Europeans. The little base of a head-rest (.') from Thebes, in limestone, names the sister of Amenhotep I., Amenmert, who is only known otherwise in the tomb of Ken at Thebes, and on the sarcophagus of Butehamen now at Turin (Wiedemann, Geschichte, 314, 317). The fragment of a standing statuette which I got at Memphis is of interest ; it is made of the finest light green stoneware, though cracked and spoilt in the baking, or rather incipient fusion, which it has received in the manufacture. The work is very delicate and detailed both in the dress and the anatomy of the knees; and from its style, as well as the colour, it seems very hard to. assign it to any age but the IVth century B.C., the nearest parallel being the green stoneware of Hakar. Though the second cartouche is lost, we can hardly err in attributing this to the king Amen-rut, the fragment of whose sarcophagus is at Berlin, and whose crystal vase is in the Louvre; no other king since the XXHnd dynasty was named Ra-user-mat. These cartouches have been variously attributed to Urdamen of the XXVth dynasty, and to Amyrtaeos of the XXVHIth. But now the style of this fragment strongly shows that Lepsius and Wiedemann are right in the attribution, to Amyrtaeos ; since it would be scarcely possible to assign this piece to the Vllth century B.C. (Urdamen); while, on the contrary, it precisely accords with the style of the IVth century under Amyrtaeos. CHAPTER VI. THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR. 38. On the flat limestone plateau which borders the Nile valley, there stand the four pyramids of Dahshur, at about 17 miles south of Cairo. Like all the other pyramids they are on the westeirn side of the stream ; but the larger two are placed rather farther back into the desert than is usual, being about a mile and a half from the cultivated land. The lesser two are lower down, on more broken ground, which was not a favourable site for great structures. The desert in this region is much cut up by shallow valleys all along its edge; and its surface is not of barren rock, as it is in many other places, but con- sists, for some considerable depth, of marly insoluble remains, probably derived from the limestone which has been removed by solution. This material, how- ever, has been long beneath water, and re-deposited by water, as the flints in it are broken small and completely rounded, in place of being in large nodules or sheets. This bed is analogous, in short, to English clayey gravels ; just as the limestone with flints be- neath it is analogous to chalk, though stratigraphi- cally of a rather higher level, belonging to the middle Eocene.* This material was not favourable for a foundation ; but all the pyramids of this region (so far as we know), are based on a layer of pavement placed on the cleared gravel, and not sunk down to a rock bed. I had hoped to have completely surveyed all of the Dahshur pyramids this year ; but the long delay in obtaining the necessary order from the govern- ment to permit me to remove the broken chips, prevented my attempting to examine the two lesser pyramids. And on clearing the rubbish about the northern large pyramid, the ancient construction * I may as well note here my finding a large palaeolithic pointed flint, well worn by river action, on a spur of the desert hills about six miles west of Esneh, and about 200 feet above the present river level. This shows that the high level of the water in the Nile valley, of which there are such abundant signs, was not at all remote, geologically speaking. THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR. 27 was found to have been so much destroyed that it would need much work to find anytraces of the original base; this, therefore, was also impossible for me to survey in the short time I had left. The southern large pyramid, and the little one adjoining it, are therefore all that are here described, and in several respects this pair are the most interesting and im- portant of the group. The two lesser pyramids, though originally appearing like the others encased in fine limestone, were in their bulk all of crude brick ; the limestone only now remains in chips around, and a few blocks buried at the bases, and these pyramids are always now known as the brick pyramids. It is important to see in the southern one that it was not built by concretion, or enlarge- ment by successive coats, but, on the contrary, in flat courses. This is shown by the varied colours of the different batches of bricks, some blacker, some greyer, some browner ; and where deep gashes have been made in the side of the mass, the varied courses may be seen extending into it in horizontal lines. Hence the pyramid was begun of its full size of base, and gradually completed, course by course ; agreeing thus with what was certainly the system in building the large pyramids of Gizeh (see Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh, pp, 163-5.) -A-t the northern large pyramid, which is of stone, I had made a triangulation around it while waiting for permission to clear the chips away ; but as my remaining time would not suffice to find the remains of the original base, this work was useless, and all I could do was to observe the present slope of ,the rough surfaces of the core masonry. This appears to be on the N. 44° 42', E. 44° 32', S. 44° 30', W. 44° 41', mean 44° 36' ± 3'. Hence it is clearly not 45° ; and the only likely rule for its construction seems to be a slope of 7 on a base of 5, as this would require an angle of 44° 34' 40", which is within the uncertainties of this pyramid. Vyse states this as 43° 36' 1 1", apparently just a degree in error. 39. The southern large pyramid is remarkable for being built in two different slopes, the upper part flatter than the lower, and also for still retaining a large part of its original fine stone casing. It is built of stone throughout, as also is the lesser one adjoin- ing it, and the peribolus wall around them. To what reign it is to be assigned is very uncertain. The similarity of some points of construction to those at Gizeh lead one to suppose that it is of the IVth dynasty. The work is certainly far better than that of the Vth and Vlth dynasties at Sakhara ; but it might belong to the fine period of the Xllth dynasty. In favour of this latter view we may notipe, in the ruins of the temples which adjoin the brick pyramids here, that the columns were like those in the tombs of the Xllth dynasty at Beni Hasan, and those of the same age at Hawara ; the fragments show them to have been composed of six colonnets clustered together, in all about 27 inches across. On one of the blocks of the south stone pyramid is apparently a portion of a cartouche, most of which has been dressed away (see inscrip- tions, No. 703) ; and among all possible names this certainly would correspond only to Ra-ma-(kheru), Amenemhat IV. 40. The general method of the survey was like that which I made around the pyramids of Gizeh six years before.' A triangulation was formed around the pyramid on fixed station marks, and from these shorter measurements were made to the ancient points of construction, by lineal measure or smaller triangulations. As, however, only one pyramid and its surrounding parts were to be surveyed, it was not desirable to encounter a large triangulation, exten- sive jenough to form a thoroughly stiff series of sufficiently large triangles all around the pyramid. A better result could be obtained from the same amount of work by rendering each side independent of the observations on the other sides; or, in fact, by measuring each side separately. As the rise of the rubbish on each face quite prevented the corners from being visible from one another, a point was therefore chosen so near to each corner as only just to be visible from the similar points at the other corners ; in short, the least square visible from corner to corner, EFGH on the plan, PI. xxiv. Then to determine the length of each of the sides, a base line was measured along the flattest and most suit- able piece of ground at each corner, EJ, FK, GL, HM ; and the angles were observed subtended by these bases, as seen from the other end of each side, EFJ, FGK, GHL, HEM. These secondary points, J, K, L, M, not only served thus to ascertain the lengths of the sides of the square, E, F, G, H ; but they were also so placed as to triangulate well with the corner of this square, for fixing the station marks placed at the corners of the pyramid itself, A, B, C, D. Thus altogether there were three first- class checks in the set of observations: first, the sum of the four corners of the square, EFGH, must be 360° ; second, the length of its north side checks the length of the south side, the angles being known; third, the east and west sides check each other likewise. The actual adjustments required to reconcile the 28 A SEASON IN EG YPT. observations, are an average change of 2" on each of the azimuths observed along the sides ; an average change in the angles of subtention of the measured bases of i"2" on each azimuth, or else an equal change of '14 inch on each of the measured bases, which is equal to the effect of 7° cent, of tempera- ture. Or, if no such corrections be made, the whole discrepancies of the lengths of the sides of the square amount to an average of '6 inch on 9000 inches. The results of the main triangulation may therefore be trusted to within half-an-inch. The surrounding points of the peribolos and the small pyramid were fixed by minor triangulation from the main stations ; the lines of this triangulation are not shown on the plan, in order to avoid confusion. The details of the nature of the remains at each point will be stated further on. For fixing the azimuth of all the triangulations a set of four observations were made with the small theodolite on Polaris, with as many on Sirius to give the sidereal time. The result for time showed a mean variation of 6 seconds in the observation, or of 50" in the angle between Polaris and Sirius. The probable error of the resulting azimuth is rather under i'; an amount of error due to the great difficulties of illuminating the field so as to see the spider lines and the stars together, and. the reading the circle by candlelight. We had also to keep our lights shrouded as closely as we could, as my men were much afraid of attracting some roving thieves from the Fayum road which passes these pyramids ; and the examples we had seen of the doings of these gentry were not re-assuring. The instruments used were those already described in the Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh, chapter ii., as having been used for that survey. The main theodolite was the very fine one of Gambay's, with lo-inch circle, verniers to 3", and powerful microscopes. It was always centered over the stations by transiting with two small theodolites, set up about twenty feet from it at right angles ; these were duly levelled, and pointed to the station ; then they were elevated to point to the large theodolite, which was slid about on its stand, until the cone of its circle was bisected by both of the small theodo- lites. The short distance triangles were done with the small theodolites of 4 and 5 inch circles. The base lengths were all measured by a steel tape in catenary suspension, as that is by far the most accurate way of working in the field. Stones were placed to receive marks at each 100 feet of length ; the tape, held at one end by a stand with a hook, and by a lever weight at the other, was kept at a constant tension, the stands which held it at each end being temporarily weighted down by blocks of stone. Then I walked from end to end alternately five or six times, reading the station marks on to the tape, and so taking the length between the pair of marks. When they were ascertained, the tape was moved on another length, and 100 feet more read similarly. The readings, apart from gusts of wind, seldom varied more than i-5oth inch, and were often the same i-iooth inch through- out. The manner in which the tape would be shortened by a puff of wind, and then spring back to the same reading again, was a good proof of its delicacy of action and freedom from friction on its supports. The ends being at six inches from the ground, the length of 100 feet generally needed two supports in order to suspend it clear of the ground; with only one support in the middle, the shortening due to the catenary mode of suspension is but "04 inch, and with two supports this is re- duced to -03, on the whole length of 1200 inches, with the standard tension of lolbs. The small corrections are easily applied for catenary shortening, for difference of level in the supports throughout, and for temperature ; the last was always read with three thermometers, one facing the sun, one facing the ground, and one in the shade, and the best circumstances for work are a cloudy sky and gentle hot wind, at about 90° to 100° F. 41. The south pyramid, according to this survey, was originally of the following size and shape, upon its pavement surface : — N. 7463-2 inches —10' 35" (N. of E.) E. 7453'4 " ? S. ? — i3'53"(N. ofE.) W. 7460-3 „ — 3' 8" (W. of N.) Mean 7459-0 — 9' 12" The construction of the base differs much from that of the pyramids of Gizeh, owing to the absence of rock foundation ; yet the principle is the same. The level which was intended as the apparent base, or pavement level, is fully fixed by the fine white mortared pavement which was found outside the place of the stone paving, at the E.S.E. and S.S.W., as well as by the pavement found in situ at the N.N.E., E.N.E., and N.W. No doubt therefore can exist on this point. At the N.W. corner, which is the best preserved, there lies a large socket block in the ground; its level is 13 inches below the pavement, part of which there still overlies it. This socket block bears a sloping bed on its upper face, THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR. 29 as all the bedding of the courses of this pyramid is inclined inwards 5° or 10°. This bed is well dressed, haying of course a slight re-entering angle along its diagonal, where the sloping bed of the north side cuts that of the west. Outside of this sloping surface it falls away slightly and runs about level, to receive a level pavement outside of the pyramid. The block is over 10 feet x \\ feet, with another adjoining it, both together forming this socket bed (see section in corner of plan, pi. xxiv.). The slant face of the casing started directly from the edge of the sloping socket bed, and must thus have been covered over its face by the pavement to a depth of 13 inches. This is proved by the remaining block of pavement still on the socket floor, having a sloping line of dressing on its edge rising at the pyramid angle, in the plane of the casing. And by the analogy of the great pyramid casing and sockets, this is just what we should expect. Probably the corner casing stone sunk down below the pavement level into the socket, as otherwise there would be no object in projecting the slope below the pavement, in the manner in which we find it marked down the side of the vertical paving joint. A similar slanting draft is to be seen on a paving block in the S.W. socket. The pyramid therefore was based on a horizontal pavement, the edge-blocks of which were turned upward at a slope of 5° to 10° all round, to bed the sloping casing upon; while at the corners large blocks were sunk to form a similar sloping bed for the corner stones to rest upon, below the level of the others. The angle of the bedding of the sockets and pavement is, N.W. 7" 7' and 6° 48', N.N.E. 13° 27', E.N.E. 6° 41', S.E. 6° 44': mean 6° 50', omitting the N.N.E. of 13° 27', or 2 x 6° 43'. In the upper parts of the casing the bed varies more, being at N.W. 7" 25', N. 8° 35', N.E. 5° 36', E.N.E. 8° 42', 6° 41', E. 7° 3', E.S.E. 6° 16', S.S.E. 10" 56', S. 6° 22', S.S.W. 10° 8', W.S.W. 9° 42', 8° 41', W.N.W. 6° 8'. There seems to be no regularity in these angles ; the stones appear to have been simply piled on, regardless of exact parallelism of their bed-surfaces; the bedding angle varied anyhow, and the face was dressed uniform afterwards. The stone pavement projected but little from the pyramid, perhaps 20 or 30 inches ; beyond that the gravel ground was dressed down to a hard face, and a thick coat of mortar, finished with a fine white surface, was laid upon it, to form an ap- parent continuation of the pavement. How far this extended I did not discover. The actual points of the original construction, on which the recovery of the size of the pyramid depends, are as follows. At the N.W. the original socket with sharp edge to the bed; and pavement upon it, showing the pavement level. At the N.E. the socket is entirely destroyed; but the casing bed was found at about 100 inches from it along each side. The actual casing edge was destroyed ; but by the casing face remaining some feet higher up, the angle of the casing, and the angle of the bed, the original position of the edge could be fixed. At the S.E. the corner is destroyed ; and although I sunk several pits along the E. side, no trace of the stone pave- ment could be found. The length of the S. side and azimuth of the E. side is therefore not re- covered. This corner has suffered far more than others, and the casing is destroyed for nearly half- way up the pyramid ; hence it is impossible to re- stone the original edge,, unless some block of it should be found by more extensive digging. The pits here need to be sunk some fifteen feet through a mass of loose chips and blocks ; retaining walls have to be carefully built up; and so tender is the ground that it is dangerous to strike with a pick for fear of bringing it all down ; each stone has to be gently pulled out by hand, On th§ S. side a part of the S.E. socket block remains, 34 inches below the paving level; and the edge of this, re- duced for the slant upward of the casing from that level, gives the point for the original base. At the W. end of the S. side no part of the original base could be found, although several pits were sunk; here, however, the casing remained down to within 280 inches of the usual level of the pavement, but only 272 above the mortar pavement remaining near that ; the difference of 8 inches being the error of levelling the pavement. This point is therefore carried down to the mortar pavement level, at the angle observed on the face, in order to give the base line. The S.W. corner is destroyed; but part of the pavement remains on the W. side, with a draft line on its vertical joint, running down from the edge in continuation of the casing slope, like that on the edge of the N.W. paving block. The levels observed, or computed from the bed, for the base on the pavement are, N.N.E. — i -4, E.N.E.— 2"6, E.S.E (mortared pavement) o, S.S.W. (mortared pavement) -f- 8, N.W. -|- 2: and the size stated for the base is in relation to its actual pavement, and not to a theoretical true level. Other points are, socket block in S.E. pit — 34, socket edge N.W.— 11. 42. Proceeding now to the casing, the lower part is about 70 inches thick at a minimum, while at 30 A SEASON IN EGYPT. the top it is but two feet thick, and the corners nine inches high. The angle of it varies a good deal. The lower half, up to the change of angle, is convex, being in nearly all parts steeper below and flatter above; the difference is as much as i" 36' in one place, and only about the N. and N.E. is the variation not to be noticed. In consequence of the face thus curving over up the E. side, while rising straight at the N.E., the N.E. corner of casing, where the change of angle takes place, appears to stick out unduly some 20 inches beyond the rest of the face at that level. The slope of the E. face at the S. end, where projected down to the N.E. corner, is some 60 inches outside the face there. The angles of the casing were observed by setting up the theodolite, so that its telescope was exactly in the plane of the casing; and then reading the difference of angle between the sight up the casing, and the level position of the telescope. The actual angles of the lower part of the faces all round are N.N.W. SS° 23', near W. 54° 59', N.N.E. 55° 2', E.N.E. 55° 12', E. 55° 20', E.S.E. 54° 46', S.S.E. 54° 40', S.S.W. 54° 38', W.S.W. 55° 2', W.N.W. 55° 4', niean 55° i'; while the upper parts of the faces are' N.N.W. 54° 59', N.N.E. 55° 2', E.N.E. 55° 12', E. 53° 44', S.S.E. 54° i', S.S.W. 54° 38', W.S.W. 54° o', W.N.W. 54° 36', mean 54° 31'; or, omitting those parts where the lower angle is carried up, the angle of the upper parts is 54° 12'. The upper slope of the pyramid is much less steep, but shows a similar convexity; at the N.N.W. it is 43° 2' high up, and 43° 19' lower; the N.N.E. is 43° 24', the W. 43° o', or perhaps 42° 39' higher up. The mean of all is 43° 5'. 43. The height of the pyramid may be approxi- mately calculated from the angles. The place of the N.E. corner, where the change of slope occurs, was triangulated, and it is 1301-1 from the edge of the N. face, and 12887 from the edge of the E. face, measur- ing horizontally. This difference shows a still larger variation than do the angles, as observed from below; the vertical height by the N. at 55" 2' appearing as 1860-5, and by the E. at 55° 12', 1854-2, mean 1857 inches. Assuming the line of change in the face to be level all round, the height of the upper part will be 2277 inches : the whole, therefore, 4134 inches. A curious feature of the casing is the frequent letting in of small pieces of stone to fill up damaged parts ; the acute lower edges of the stones, and sometimes the vertical joints, are cut away to a depth of a couple of inches, and a slip of stone inserted to make good accidental injuries. 44. The entrance is of special interest, as showing the evident signs of a flap door of stone, which turned on a horizontal axis. The joint holes in the sides of the passage, and the cut-away in the roof show this ; but as I have fully described them in the Pyramids and Temples,, the account need not be repeated. Within the stone door was also a wooden one, on a vertical hinge. The position of the entrance is not, as in the Gizeh pyramids, on one side of the middle, but in the mid line. The middle of the pyramid being at 3731 '6 from either end, the axis of the passage is at 3731-0 from the E. side, or -6 inch east of the mid line. The irregularities of the form, by the varying angle of the sides, will far more than cover this minute difference; and we may say that the entrance is as exactly in the middle of the pyramid as that can be defined. As the roof is 352-3 inside the line of the base horizontally, the floor will be 327-7 ; and as the casing angle was observed as 55° 10' at the door, this will be 471-0 above the pavement; or 468-0, if the angle be 55° o', as shown by the rest of the face. The azimuth of the passage is -I-13J', or that amount east of the true north. There is a very remarkable dislocation in the line of the passage ; the floor and roof, in their outward course, rapidly turn upward at a steeper angle, and then suddenly drop back to the former line. The amount of change, ii-i inches, seems far more than could be produced by any settlement of such solid masonry ; and yet there is a fissure in the masonry at that point. The angle of the passage, far below the dislocation, is 26° 20', close to the point it rises to 27° 53', and at the mouth it is 28° 22'. The passage is choked at the bottom, so that the inner chambers are inaccessible at present. 45. The small pyramid to the south of the great one is clearly connected with it; the peribolos includes both together, the position is exactly symmetric with the large pyramid (the line joining the centres being inclined — 18' 52"), and the distance between the pyramids is apparently 100 cubits (2055-4 at N.E., 2044-2 at N.W. corner). In seems not unlikely that the lesser pyramid is the tomb of the wife or daughter of the king who was buried in the greater. The dimensions of this pyramid are — N. 2o65'8 inches. -)- 4' 51". E. 2064-7 'I — 21' 10 . S. 2062-4 " +32. W. 2065-7 It — 27' 30 . Mean 2064-6 inches. — 14' 8 . Mean diff. I'l " 10' 12 . THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR. 3T This is certainly intended for lOO cubits of 20-646 ±005 inches. The actual points recovered of this pyramid are: — N.N.W., casing in situ weathered somewhat, but still fairly defined, as well as the pavement; N.N.E., casing gone, but a front edge clearly defined on the pavement; E.N.E., a line on the pavement, which is similar to one at 55 inches inside of the N.N.E. edge, and which was therefore supposed at the time to have been SS inches inside the E. side, but which is now seen, by the accordance of the above measurements, to be really the line of the E. side itself; outside of this line the paving is destroyed ; E.S.E., casing in situ on the pavement ; S.S.E., line on pavement ; S.W. corner, edge of slop- ing bed on pavement; verified by W.S.W., casing in situ over pavement; W.N.W., casing in situ over pavement. Thus it will be seen that in most parts a course of casing, more or less destroyed by weathering, still remains in the debris around this pyramid. The casing does not seem to have been sunk into sockets at the corners, but to have been bedded on the pavement with a slightly sloping bed. The angle of the casing on a good block at the E.S.E. is 44° 34'; and on a worse example, 45" 3'; no other stone was in sufficiently good condition to be worth measuring. The height was therefore 2034 inches. This is probably the same angle as the North Stone pyramid, which I observed as 44° 36' on its core masonry. The entrance to this pyramid is blocked up with rubbish. The pavement around the pyramid seems to form a sort of narrow plinth to it at the N.W. corner ; it is there 25 inches wide on the N., and 29 on the W., with a space of mere sand and rubbish between it and the peribolos wall. 46. The foundations of the peribolos wall around these pyramids is well constructed of roughish blocks ; these probably supported a fine stone wall above. The entrance happens to be remarkably well pre- served, the east side of the gateway being still 18 inches high. This shows fine work and the best quality of limestone ; the outer and inner faces of the wall have a slight batter. The form is shown below the plan on PI. xxiv. On the outer side are two recesses for the hinges of the doors, with socket holes 12 inches deep ; the mark is clear on the side of gate- way where the door post wore against it in turning, and this suggests that the door remained in use for some length of time before it was dismantled. The doorway is 113 inches wide, the hinge recesses 5-5 wide and 47 deep, the width of the gates being thus 124 inches or 6 cubits. The wall is 8o-8 thick. and the breadth of the flat pilaster at the side of the gate is 68-5 inches. The axis of the gateway is 2028-6 from the outer side of the east wall. The whole of the large square is — N. side 11755-7 inches -4' 34" E. II ii753'5 " - i6'4o" S. M 11757-6 11 -38'5o"? W. M 11772-9? 11 -i6'8" or 1 1757 if the inner face be followed. The points found along it being the N.W. corner outside ; the N.E. corner outside ; the S.E. corner inside and outside; the outside at the turn south by the small pyramid ; the S.E. corner by that ; the S.W. corner by that could not be found, and seems entirely destroyed ; the N.W. corner by that both inside and outside ; the main S.W. corner is lost, and a point found on the S. side was not well fixed, so the S. side is here prolonged from the N.W. of the small pyramid in a line from the S.E. corner of the great square; this is not satis- factory however in the result, as it gives a length of the W. side very different to that of the others, unless the inner face of the wall be followed ; a point was fixed also on the W. side. The distance from the large pyramid to the outside of the peribolos is — N.N.E. 2139-8 E.N.E. 2I22-0 E.S.E. ! S.S.E. 2159-5 S.S.W. 2155-5 W.S.W. 2142-7 W.N.W. 2170-7 N.N.W. 2153-5 The distance from the small pyramid to the outside is — E.N.E. 300-5, E.S.E. 289-2, S.S.E. 326-8, N.N.W. 273. The thickness of the peribolos wall is, at gate- way, fine stone upper wall, 80-8 ; rough wall at E.S.E. 100; at S.S.E., 106; further, 104; W. of small pyramid, 88; S.S.W., 120. From the front of the gateway a road runs N.E. at an azimuth of +54° 41'; on reaching the edge of the plateau, about a hundred yards from the gate, it turns more to the east, and runs down a gentle slope into a valley towards the river. The road has been all of fine white limestone, but only a part of one edge was found in situ. 47. It now remains to observe what were the ideas of the architect in designing the two pyramids. Firstly, the large pyramid base of 7459- odb2-2 inches, is 360 cubits of 20-72 ±'Oo6, the ordinary Egyptian cubit ; while the base of the lesser pyramid is 2o64-6zt:-5, or 100 cubits of 20-646±-005. The clear space around the pyramid was also 100 cubits; it averages 2149-1^24-3 to the outer side of the foundation of the wall, and deducting 80-8, the 3* A SEASON IN EGYPT. thickness of the upper wall as preserved at the gate, and I'l the distance of the gate-face inside the line of foundation from N.E. to N.W. corners, there is 2o67±4 or lOO cubits of 20'67±.04. Thus it is clear that the wall is merely an added feature to the pyramid, and not made in any round numbers in itself, as its outside comes to 568 cubits. The idea of the gateway position seems to be to place it so as to look southward, just clear of the east face of the pyramid. In height the change of slope occurs at 1857 inches from the pavement, or 90 cubits of 20"63, and the upper part is 2277 inches high, or no cubits of 2070; thus the whole pyramid was 200 cubits high. The angles of slope at the lower half of the larger pyramid is 55°i' low down, and 54°36' above that. This seems as if planned on a rise of 10 with a base of 7, or one cubit three palms vertical for every cubit horizontal; such a slope is 55°o'29". If so, the base of this part will be 63 cubits for the 90 cubits vertical. The upper part being at 43°5', seems to be planned on a rise of 14 on a base of 15, or a cubit vertical for a cubit and two digits horizontal; such a slope is 43°i'33". The small pyramid is 44" 34', and the northern large pyramid is 44°36'; these are close to 45°, but yet seem distinct ; and a slope 7 long on a base of 5, or one cubit of slope on 5 palms horizontal, gives an angle of 44°34'4o". We see thus that all these three angles are very closely explained by simple ratios; and further, that these ratios all involve the division of the cubit in the usual Egyptian way, with 7 palms. The errors of workmanship are much greater than those of the Great or Second Pyramid of Gizeh, but rather less than that of the third pyramid. But the errors of angle are the most conspicuous ; the sides being far more truly parallel than they are square to one another. This, as well as the departure from true north, shows a much lower capability' for angular measurement than in the Great Pyramid of Gizeh. The cubit values given then by different parts are: — Large pyramid base, 360 cubits of 2072 ± -006. Small pyramid base, 100 n 20'646 + oo5. Space around pyramid, 100 n 20-67+ -04. Lower height of pyramid, 90 n 20-63. Upper height of pyramid, no n 20-70. Only the first two are really accurate data, and they give a mean cuibt of 2o-68±03, with which the other three examples well agree. The azimuth of the step pyramid of Sakkara was observed by eye on its rough core masonry, as pointing to parts of the S. pyramid of Dahshur. This resulted in showing it to be -|-4°I4' for E., and +^"22,' for W. side; or mean 4''2i' E. of true N. CHAPTER VII. THE EARLIEST COLUMN. 48. Behind one of the small pyramids at Gizeh, on the eastern side of the great pyramid, is the larger part of a fine tomb of a son of Khufu, named Khufu-kha-f. This is therefore of the begin- ning of the IVth dynasty, or within the first century of dateable remains in Egypt. The tomb is now heaped around with rubbish, which entirely covers its ancient doorways ; and the visitor descends by jumping down into the outer chamber. This chamber has been considerably cut about in process of hav- ing an arched roof built into it, at about the time of the XXVIth dynasty. The tomb had evidently been partially despoiled before that, and was then refitted and completed for later use. The inner chamber has also had its walls continued up where broken, and a new roof put on ; the new work being all plain stone, and the thin mortaring having run down over the old sculpture. On either side of a doorway in the inner chamber leading to the serdab, is a column in low relief, represented as supporting the lintel. This column is here care- fully reproduced on PI. xxv., by measurements taken from a paper squeeze. Its form is most striking when we consider that it belongs to the very first age of architecture, many centuries before the columns of Beni Hasan. Here is a well formed base, a slight taper of the column in rising from it, an astragal at the top, and a spreading capital which seems much like the prototype of the later lotus flower capitals. The whole of the members of a complete column are here, harmonious and well designed ; and this is of a time when even the series of pyramids — the earliest known type of build- ing — was but beginning its course. 49. What was the origin of this earliest column ? In the same tomb, among the various articles of luxury borne before the son of Khufu, is a stand containing two wine jars ; they are of a beautiful form, with long spouts, probably of metal cut off flat THE EARLIEST COLUMN. 33 on the upper side of the mouth, and with little lids on the necks. Between these jars is the drinking bowl set on a stand,— just such a stand as is often found in early tomb furniture, carved in alabaster. Here is unmistakeably the form of our column and capital. The bowl on its stand had caught the eye of the architect, and there sprung into being the first complete column that we as yet have seen. The only modification to adopt the form to architecture, was the deepening of the lower torus for a base, and the straightening of the sides of the shaft; with these slight changes the column was complete ; and to this day, after the cycles of architecture in all history, we are not radically beyond this model of the dawning period : even with all the ornamentation which has been lavished on columns, and all the con- tortions they have been forced into, it is a question whether any one could find a reasonable complaint if this type was used in a building of to-day. It would be difficult to find fault with its form, even after all the experience of the civilised world in the ages which have passed over it. 50. That this beautiful type did not take deep root, we see by the curious but ugly capitals which support the roof of a rock tomb of the VI th dynasty, at Isbayda (PI. xxv.). Even at Beni Hasan, in the Xllth dynasty, there is no true capital, but only a square abacus placed flat on the shaft, or else the purely vegetable type of the bundle of lotus. For a true, well-defined capital we must descend to the XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty before we find anything comparable, as an architectural form, to the column of the son of Khufu. 51. The diagrams of capitals from the Roman quarries at Gebel Abu Fodeh are of much interest as showing the methods of design. They have been published before, but inaccurately; and the present drawings are made from magnified photographs. The squares in the Hathor capital are half a cubit each, the cubit averaging 2074 from this. The lotus capital appears to have been laid out by a cubit and digits. The arrangement of it is, however, complex ; and so far as I can trace, the rules are as follows : — AB = AC . AD = AE. The curve of the everted edge at C is a quadrant. AF = FG = GE, each one-third of AD. What determines the base line H, I do not see. Bisect CH, and set off HJ = the half From J draw a line to bisect the space AB on the line F. This forms the slope of the lower part of the capital. Join CJ, and the line cuts G line in the centre of an arc which forms the under edge of the everted lip. The purport of the circle near this I do not under- stand. So far, there is scarcely a break in the rules deducible from this. It should be noted that no lines whatever have been added to these drawings; only exactly such lines as could be seen in the originals, and in the photographs, are here marked. The reference letters are of course not in the original. These working drawings are lined out in red paint, on the clear walls of a subterranean quarry; and many painted graffiti of the first century A.D. show the period when they were doubtless executed. CHAPTER VIII. THE FAYUM ROAD. 52. While taking a walk some nine miles into the desert behind Dahshur, for the purpose of noting the level of the country, and its nature in that unknown region, I there came across a cubical block of lime- stone ; and I observed, moreover, a track past it, and another block in the distance, also on the track. On enquiring of the Arabs on my return, they told me that all along the road to the Fayum from Sakkara, there were blocks of stone at intervals. I then on other occasions followed out this road from its beginning near Sakkara to one-third the distance to the Fayum ; at that point I could not find any more way marks for a long space, and that being a walk of some 19 miles out and back, I could not get my men to go further, nor would they let me go out of their sight, considering the thievish character of the district. Some consideration must be shown for a native guard's feelings, as he and his are liable for whatever befalls you while in his jurisdiction ; and in Egypt, wherever you may go, you are in somebody's charge, and that person will be seized, imprisoned, and plundered by the police if aught happens to you. I left therefore the two-thirds of the road which is beyond a walk out from Dahshur to be done at some time with regular camping out. What I have planned (see PL xxvi) fully shows the nature of the road and its system of mensuration. I found, more- over, another road marked in a different way, by lines of gravel swept up on either side of it, and leading to the oasis of Ammon, or Siwa, or as the Arabs said, " to Tunis." In the plan all the details of these roads are fully entered ; but the hill shading is only a rough approximation, to show the character of the ground. 53. We will begin by following the Fayum road E 34 A SEASON IN EGYPT. from its north-eastern end (see PI. xxvi.). Close by the Mastaba Far'un, on rising up the side of a valley which runs some way into the desert, faint traces of two parallel lines of flints may be seen ; these run straight across the plain of table land on which the pyramids stand, and up the ridge of desert hill. At the top of the ridge, about ninety feet south of the road, is the base of a small chamber (A), about five feet square ; this is probably the lower part of a sentry box, from which to watch the road both ways, as it is on the nearest high point to the road, which naturally crosses the ridge at the lowest part. Further on, the road is lost in modern tracks, but is very plainly seen before reaching the bit of stone, B. It is here marked by two parallel ridges of pebbles swept up to either side; these ridges are generally about 5 ft. wide, and 1085 inches apart from crest to crest; this width is slightly more than is usual in the adjoining Oasis road, but, like that, it is doubtless intended for 50 cubits or 1035 inches. A little way to the north of the road is a slight hollow, with much limestone and fossil wood about it ; possibly foundations of a building. The parallel lines bordering the road come to an end on reaching the first of the regular way marks (C), a block of limestone with a socket cut in the top of it to receive a pillar; the form of this is shown restored in the outline of a looo cubit mark at the top of the plate. These base blocks or sockets are usually about 20 inches cube, and the most complete piUar yet found is 27 inches long and 9 inches square. Of socket C only two-thirds is left, and that tipped over on the side of a hollow in which it probably stood originally; many of these marks have been dug around and disturbed. Socket D is but a half Socket E is cracked in two, but complete. At F is a different arrangement; an oblong block 307 X 24-5 inches, and 18 high, has in its upper face a socket 23-oxii'3. This seems to have been for holding a stela, a cubit wide and half a cubit thick (20'6 x iO'3) such as we shall see later on. A fragment, perhaps of this stela, is lying about 150 feet to the N.E. This form is restored at the top of the plate, as the " schoenus mark.'' There is a pit close to it on the N.N.E., and another about 45 feet to the E.; these pits are about 1 5 feet wide, and apparently the result of digging. At G is a piece of a pillar, 8 x 8-8 inches, and 27 long, but broken. At H is a socket broken into two equal parts, which are now separated 40 inches. J is a fragment of a pillar about 9 inches cube, and some scraps. At K, out of the road line, is a socket 16 inches wide, and 6 high, with a piece of a pillar beside it, 87 x 87 x 18 inches. This is probably not yet put in position, as we shall see some duplicate blocks further on. At L is a bit of a pillar 9x7x16, and some scraps of stone at M. The road here is bent to the west, to run round the base of a low rise. At N. is a socket, 18 inches square and 9 high, and a stone which may be part of pillar. At O, close to it, is another socket, part lost, but still showing it to be 23 inches square and 19 high, one of the largest of all. Probably this was not yet placed in position. Some way to the S.W. of these are two flat slabs of Hmestone, much weathered ; and the ground is all dug over. P is a socket, broken in two, but complete. At Q is a well preserved socket-block, 21 square at base and 18 at top, 19 inches high, and the socket in it 10 inches square. This is the first stone I saw, and beside it is a human skull and a few bones ; perhaps some wayfarer perished of thirst here in sight of his journey's end, or more likely he was murdered. After a socket at R, upright and complete, 13 inches high, we come to the most interesting stone, a stela ; originally it stood on its base block as in the restora- tion of a "schoenus mark"; now it lies by its side, the stela 20^4 wide, and 35 inches high, but broken at its lower end. The base block has no socket in it. I turned the stela over in hopes of finding some inscription ; but the sand blasts of the desert have ploughed off its faces in hollow scoops all over, so that no trace of letters or figuring can be seen. Possibly some other such stela, further on in this road, might have been early overthrown face down- ward, and so be preserved. At T and U are two sockets. Lastly at V is a part of a pillar 8 inches square and 17 long. I went about half a mile further, and looked on ahead some distance, but saw nothing but a scrap of fossil wood. Here there is certainly a great break in the line of marks,, and possibly no more were placed. To the east of the rise by L, M, is a hollow with blocks of limestone about it, and pieces of red pottery ; evidently a guard house, but strangely far from the road. Three faint paths leading from it in different directions may be descried. 54. It is evident, on looking at the map, that these way-marks are at regular intervals ; J, L, N, P, Q are at equal distances apart, and Q, R, S, T are at half such intervals. These intervals we must determine from the plan, which is produced by triangulation to the pyramids; hence we cannot be certain of them with any great accuracy; only in one part, F to J, was a continuous measurement made with the steel tape, but that sufficed to show that no very close exactitude was to be sought for. THE FA YUM ROAD. 35 To tape over seven miles of road was rather too much to do with an Arab. The intervals are as follows : — inches. -:- inches. A-B 62200 3000 20-73 B-C 19800 1000 19-80 C-D 9700 500 19-40 D-E 10300 500 2o-6o E-F 21300 1000 21-30 F-G 20493 1000 20-49 G-H 10498 500 2I-00 H-J 10312 500 20-62 J-L 39200 2000 19-60 L-N 40900 2000 20-45 N-P 41600 2000 20-80 P-Q 41800 2000 20-90 Q-R 20600 1000 2o-6o R-S 20800 1000 20-80 S-T 20000 1000 20 -OO T-U 10200 500 20-40 U-V 44200 ? (T-V 53600) 2500 21-44? ■'^-U 399703 19500 20-50 Here the distances are manifestly in round numbers of the usual Egyptian cubit; the exact value of the mean depends of course on the general scale of the plan, which depends in turn on the distances of the pyramids by which it was fixed. The probable error of the result is probably ± -06 on the cubit of 20-50. The positions of the stelae at F and S are 12,000 cubits apart; and though the value of the schcenus was somewhat variable, the most accepted quantity is 12,000 cubits. Hence these stelae are called here " schcenus marks." The little guard-chamber on the crest of the ridge seems to have been the half schcenus from the starting- point ; and as its position is naturally fixed, probably the start was not an exact point, but assumed as half a schcenus before this hut. The distances therefore are reckoned from the mouth of the valley near Sakkara, which is just the point where this straight line of road would have to bend eastward into the cultivated land. 55. Parallel with this in its earlier part is the Oasis road. This is marked out by two lines of flints swept up on either side, forming a band about five feet wide. The middles of these bands are 1070, 1030, loio, and 1030 inches apart, at different portions of the road; averaging 1035, or 50 cubits of 20-7 inches. This road differs from the Fayum road in not having any distance marks. It rises from the plain of the pyramids up the ridge behind that, and there parts from the Fayum road. A slight ridge of pebbles branches from it in cross- ing a sloping open ground. It then dips into a valley ; and by its side there occurs a dug-up hollow with pieces of limestone lying about, which looks as if it were the foundation of a small station or guard-house. On rising out of this slight valley, it makes a sharp turn at about 45° up the slope, and then nearly regains its original direction, gradually slanting across a very wide valley which runs down to Sakkara. A few small bits of limestone have been dug out of a hole about %6 feet north of the road. At the furthest point reached, the ridge of pebbles was seen stretching away in the distance as far as it could be traced. 56. A few notes may be here added on the nature of this part of the desert, which has probably not been examined before. There are no sharp valleys in it, and what slight depressions there are scarcely ever exceed 10 or 20 feet in depth. Generally speaking, the ground rises continuously from the Nile valley up to the range which extends from Kom el Kashab behind the Gizeh pyramids, along to the west of the Birket Kurun. This range, at its highest point (which is 2-7 miles N., and 16-4 miles W. of the South Dahshur pyramid), is about 970 feet above the high Nile ; at the very prominent point, seen plainly from Cairo, and known as Kom el Kashab, behind the Gizeh pyramids, the range is about 760 feet over high Nile. (This point is 10-2 N., and 11:6 miles E. of the South Dahshur pyramid). These are some of the highest points of this long ridge, which forms a great watershed of this region. Its position is shown approximately on the map, p. 445, of Baedecker's Guide; though a corner there runs too near the Nile by about four miles near Abusir. From this ridge the de- scent to the Nile valley is almost continuous. There are two main valleys, or rather ledges, in the slope between this and Dahshur. One runs out at Abusir or north of that, its east side rising not more than about 10 feet; the other runs out at Sahkara, and is divided from the Nile valley by a rise of about 20 or 30 feet. The long and wide valley marked on the War Office map, and in the Denkmdler, as running from the south of the Dahshur pyramids some 15 or 20 miles to the N.W., is entirely wrong. That valley reaches its watershed at barely three miles W. of Dahshur, and is only a small drainage valley eroded at right angles to the edge of the Nile valley. It has nothing to do with the great structural valleys, which all run S.W. to N.E., and which, with their parallel branches, dominate the form of this region between the Fayum and Cairo The Fayum road, it will be seen, keeps in the 36 A SEASON IN EG YPT. lowest ground in its direction, avoiding the slight rises; and it appears to rise steadily after passing the ridge behind the pyramids, ascending about lOO feet in six miles ; it seems, at the furthest point, to continue gently rising, and probably goes up a couple of hundred feet more before dipping over into the Fayum basin. The levels here stated are all obtained by observ- ing the altitude of the tops of the pyramids and hills. This is but an approximation, but it is prob- ably quite safe to within 5 or lo feet in the nearer parts, and 30 or 40 feet on the distant points of the range. The average variation in the levels, as given separately by the tops of the two pyramids, was 4^ feet; and as the mean was taken, the data vary only 2\ feet on an average from the stated result. The regularity of the levels along the road, which are all determind solely from the pyramid tops without any intercomparison, will show how far the results may be trusted. This Fayum road is a most interesting, and so far unique, example of an ancient Egyptian road, with its way-marks. Probably it may be assigned to the Ptolemaic period, when Arsinoe, and Bacchis, and the temple of Kasr Kerun, all show the flourish- ing state of the Fayum. The distances of the marks show unmistakeably what was the itinerary system of the time ; the decimal cubit lengths, ended by a schoinos measure of 12,000 cubits. The road to the Oasis being over 300 miles long, could not of course be furnished with distance marks on such a system ; and spaces there were probably reckoned by day's journeys. It would be of interest to as- certain how far the marking out by lines of flints is continued ; and whether there are remains of sleeping stations by the road-side. It is probably not very different in age to the Fayum road, as it is marked out of just the same width, 50 cubits, as the beginning of that ; and the Oases were best known in Ptolemaic and Roman times. {Note. — As the pyramids are valuable survey signals, it is as well to state here their positions as approximately fixed for this survey. N. to S. pyramids, Dahshur, 6702 feet, at 171" 13'. N. to Step pyramid, Sakkara, 23,000 feet at 8° 10'. S. to Step pyramid, 29,476 feet, at 4° 22'. N. to 2nd pyramid, Gizeh, 66,173, at 158° 33'. Levels above highest Nile deposit in plain ; top of S. pyramid 450 feet, top of N. pyramid 456 feet, top of Step pyramid 338 feet. These bearings are to true N., corroborated by an observation of Professor Smyth's on Dahshur from Gizeh. Magnetic N. was 5° 50' west of true N. by mean of observations at 22 stations ; average error of observation 10', probable error of mean 2', epoch April 1887. The French survey, in the Description de FEgypte, is quite useless for questions of accuracy). CHAPTER IX. THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS. 57. When I visited Memphis for the first time this season, I was told — before I had mentioned the word " weight " to any one — that a mound there was known as the Kom el Mezanat, or " mound of weights," owing to the number of ancient weights found in it. I never again saw the man who told me of this ; but I could easily credit it when the supply of weights began to flow in to me at Dahshur, from the various Arab dealers. In th^ six weeks that I lived there over 500 weights were brought, ranging from a few grains up to twenty-five lbs. In the interests of metrology it would be most important to excavate scientifically in the region they come from ; but all such work is pro- hibited at Memphis in the supposed interests of the Bulak Museum ; and hence the history is destroyed by the Arabs without any remedy. Such is the case all over the country to a very sad extent. The destruction of historic material will go on ; and if no thorough system of record is at work, the history perishes as it has done in all past destructions. This series of weights gives, for the first time, an outline of the metrology of Memphis ; which, though unhappily not dated, is comparable with the large series which I have worked out from Naukratis and Defenneh. The general arrangement of the material here is on the same principles that I laid down in the treatment of the Naukratis weights in 1885. As there were but few bronze weights from Memphis, and those corroded, I have not included them in this statement. The entire absence of leaden weights shows that this series cannot extend much into the Greek period, when lead was a usual material ; and the only weight showing its own age is one belonging to "Atha, son of Horuta," probably of the XXVIth dynasty. At first sight, I doubted whether many of the stones I saw were ancient weights, owing to their not following the standard types of forms, but being only rounded ; however, on examining them, and considering their forms, it did not seem possible to assign them to any other use. We have here pieces of very hard stones, mostly quartzose, which have been carefully smoothed. THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS. 37 and polished all over ; such an amount of labour as is shown by these .would not be thrown away for a mere fancy or freak, ia preparing hundreds of such stones * Moreover, these do not show, in most cases, any signs of having been used for work, either polishing, grind- ing, or hammering. As a matter of later use, all kinds of weights, highly wrought or merely smoothed, were often employed for hammers, as is only to be expected ; much as modern weights serve as both hammers and anvils in modern kitchens. But so far as the original purpose of these stones can be inferred, they were not applied to any hard work. These rounded or cuboid forms are just about as numerous as the fully shaped weights of the regular types ; and hence they occupy about half of the present collection. When, apart from the consideration of their forms, we study their weights, we see good reason independently to accept them as ancient weights. If they were a mere chance series of stones, such as would be used for hammers, we ought to find that they do not all conform to the regular grouping of the known weights. And on drawing out diagrams of the distribution of the w,eights (as in PI. xxvii.), we ought to iind that the curves are all blurred together and confused, if we have included a large series of chance stones. On the contrary — although there is some difference in the forms of the curves from those of other collec- tions — we see very clear and clean gaps between the various standards, e.g. at 84 to 85 grains, 87 to 94 grains, 118 to 122 grains; and this certainly shows that but a very small proportion of casual or accidental stones could possibly have been in- cluded in the present collection. To any one accustomed to our modern weights of cast metal, bearing inscriptions, it might seem hard to believe that mere pieces of polished stone were formed for weighing with. But if we look round an Egyptian market of the present day, we see how greatly this skill of the modern people has fallen off from that of their predecessors. In place of fine polished pieces of hard stones, the weights now-a-days are mere lumps of stone without any attempt at form or regularity, sometimes brickbats knocked away to the required amount. Often I have hunted over a jeweller's box of weights in search of ancient bronze weights which are to be found in use ; not only are there Arab dirhem weights, but also French grammes, ancient Egyptian weights, bits of stone, old coins ground down, and scraps of china saucers and plates chipped round. It is such a style of weights that we * I need hardly say that I am not referring to the multitude of regular hammer stones, which are so common in every Egyptian site ; such stones do not show the long and toilsome work of polishing to which I refer above. must start from in considering ancient Egyptian weights, and not from a modern system of the west, with government stamps enforced by Act of Parlia- ment. 58. In the following tables of the weights some slight difference has been made from the tables published in Naukratis and Tunis II. The refer- ence numbers here are begun at 4001 in order to maintain a fixed number for every weight that 1 publish in this complete manner. The weights of the Egypt Exploration Fund reach 1292, with about a thousand more in metal still to be ex- amined ; these take that set up to 2300. Leaving 1700 more for future additions, this set begins at 4000 and runs to 4500; and the weights in the Greek department of the British Museum I have numbered in my report on them from 6001 to 6515. Thus, for some time to come, the various series can expand without over-running four figures ; the object in view being to maintain one reference number to each fully published weight, to distinguish and designate it for all future notice. The statement of material in the second column of the tables does not profess strict geologic exactitude, but is sufficient to give a fair idea of the substances ; the black basalt indeed is more and more infiltrated by a network of minute quartz, until it merges into a microscopic syenite, so far as eye inspection goes, insomuch that it seems impossible to draw a clear line between the kinds. No doubt, in field work, the masses could easily be classified, but in small specimens taken out of veins or patches, a certain nomenclature is not to be had without microscopic examination. The numbers of the types of forms in the third column refer to the types which have been already twice published in Naukratis, and in Tunis II ; such fresh forms as required illustration (153 to 173) are here given in PI. xxviii. The fourth column contains the present weight in British grains, when that differs from the ancient weight by reason of any perceptible wear or chipping: where no difference exists the entry is only made in the column of ancient weight. ' The fifth column contains the amount of change of weight when such change exceeds 2 per cent., such being the limit which I assigned before for excluding weights from consideration in results, as a greater loss leaves too much doubt as to the ancient weight. Thus where there is no alteration, the weight is reported in the "ancient" column; where there is under 2 per cent, change as estimated, its present amount is put in the " present " column ; and where there is over 2 per cent, change, attention is called to it by the 38 A SEASON IN EGYPT. difference being entered in the "ch." column. The multiple of the unit follows, and lastly the value of the unit as shown by the example in question. 59- Egyptian Kat Standard (190). z CO No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 4001 Greenstone 33 13-6 tV 136-0 4002 Hsematite, br. 21-38 138-3 I 138-3 4003 Basalt, bk. 165 27710- 200 138-5 4004 Basalt, br. 26-33 6805- — 6930- 50 138-6 4005 Syenite, gr. 18-165 6942- 50 138-8 4006 Basalt, bk. 5 6943- 50 138-9 4007 Basalt, br. 12 1383-4 — 1390- 10 139-0 4008 Syenite, bk. 38-39 2779-5 20 139-0 4009 Basalt, bk. 36-37 6921* — 6950 50 139-0 4010 Granite, br. 38 6838 — 6950 50 139-0 401 1 Basalt, br. 33 695-3 — 695-6 5 139-1 4012 Basalt, bk. 54 3478-7 25 139-1 4013 Syenite, bk. 5-12 3474-8 — 3479- 25 139-2 4014 Felsite ? br. 9 6966 50 139-3 4015 Diorite, gr. 54 2789-2 20 139-5 4016 Basalt, br. 165 27910 200 139-5 4017 Syenite, gr. 31-33 139-6 I 139-6 4018 Syenite, gr. 54 3491-9 25 139-7 4019 Felsite, br. o3^ 2803-5 20 140-2 4020 Syenite, gr. 38 fine 14030- 100 140-3 4021 Jasper, bk. 6-12 140-5 I 140-5 4022 Basalt, br. 38, 164 1405-9 10 140-6 4023 Syenite, bk. 25-29 1406-5 — 1406 -6 10 140-7 4024 Basalt, br. 165 2812-7 — 2814- 20 140-7 4025 Sandstone, br. 12 ^ 28140- 200 140-7 4026 Basalt, bk. 38-43 2817-2 20 140-9 141 -2 4027 Limestone, br. 26 141 -2 I 4028 Haematite bk. 48-50 141-3 I 141-3 4029 Basalt, bk. 24 141-3 I 141-3 4030 Basalt, bk. II 3533-2 25 141-3 4031 Diorite, gn. 154 70-7 4 141-4 4032 Basalt, br. 42-43 2829-1 20 141-5 4033 Syenite, gr. 2 2829-5 20 141-5 4034 Granite, br. 33 I4150- 100 141-5 141-6 141-7 4035 Hematite, br. 38 70-8 4 4036 Basalt, br. 38 283-5 2 4037 Basalt, br. 19-27 708-3 — 708-4 5 141-7 141-8 4038 Basalt, bk. II 3546-4 25 4039 Granite, br. 25-165 28060- — 28360- 200 141 -8 4040 Haematite, br. 49 283-9 2 141-9 4041 Basalt, br. 27 283-8 2 141-9 4042 Syenite, gr. 19-27 2837-5 20 141-9 4043 Basalt, bk. 11-54 3548-2 25 141-9 4044 Basalt, bk. 7-54 3548-1 25 141-9 141-9 142-1 4045 4046 Sandstone, br. Basalt, bk. 23 155 56600 — 56750 I42-I 400 I 4047 Granite, gr. 44-45 7068 — 71IO 50 142-2 4048 Basalt, br. 33 284-6 2 142-3 142-4 4049 Basalt, br. 27-33 712-1 5 4050 Syenite, gr. 54 2852-1 20 142-6 142-7 4051 Syenite, bk. 11-54 3567-6 25 4052 Basalt, br. 22 tall 71-4 \ 142-8 142-8 142-8 142-8 142-9 142-9 142-9 143-0 143-0 143 -2 143-3 143-3 143-3 143-7 143-7 143-8 143-9 143-9 143-9 144-0 4053 Basalt, br. 33 71-4 \ 4054 Basalt, bk. 19-82 2855-4 20 4055 Basalt, bk. 2 3571-5 25 20 4056 Basalt, bk. 33 2858-7 4057 Basalt, br. 33 28190 — 28590 200 4058 4059 Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. 38-40 27 71400 — 71460 143-0 2861- 500 I 4060 Basalt, bk. 38-43 20 4061 Basalt, br. 26-33 1428-I — 1432- 10 4062 Basalt, br. 38 716-8 1433-4 2865-9 47-9 143-7 3596-1 287-8 1438-8 5 10 20 i I 25 2 10 4063 4064 4065 4066 4067 4068 4069 Basalt, br. Granite, gr. Limestone, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite bk. 15 165 14-35 31 39-42 33-36 18-23 4070 4071 Basalt, br. Limestone, bk. , \v. 82 157 28740- 135-3 9- 28780 144-0 200 I 4072 Syenite, gr. 165 7164- 7200- 50 144.0 No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 4073 Granite, gr. 40-165 28830 200 144-1 4074 Basalt, bk. 27 144-2 I 144-2 4075 Basalt, br. 25-33 721-2 5 144-2 4076 Basalt, br. 33 288-7 2 144-3 4077 Basalt, br. 32-40 1441-4 — 1444- 10 144-4 4078 Basalt, bk. 11-54 2889-3 20 I44-S 4079 Granite, br. 26-33 72320 500 144-6 4080 Basalt, br. 32-33 289-4 2 144-7 4081 Basalt, br. 37-156 1446-6 — 1447- 10 144-7 4082 Quartzite, br. 19-33 14470' 100 144-7 4083 Basalt, bk. 27 144-8 I 144-8 4084 Basalt, br. 37-38 1448-2 10 144-8 4085 Basalt, bk. 8-54 3621-7 25 144-8 4086 Basalt, gr. II 7247 SO 144-9 4087 Basalt, br. 33-37 28900 — 28980 200 144-9 4088 Basalt, br. 38 2900-7 20 145 -P 4089 Basalt, br. 33 725-6 5 145 -I 4090 Basalt, bk. 101-165 72450- — 72570 500 145-1 4091 Basalt, bk. 38-40 2905 -0 20 145-2 4092 Syenite, gr. 82 7266 — 7267 SO 145-3 4093 Basalt, br. 33-36 726-9 5 145-4 4094 Syenite, bk. 32-33 1453-9 — I454-I 10 145-4 4095 Syenite, gn. 33 1454 1 10 145-4 4096 Basalt, bk. 10-S4 3637-4 25 145-4 4097 Felsite, gr. 8-54 3640-8 25 145-6 4098 Basalt, br. 43-44 291-7 2 145-8 4099 Granite, gr. 19 29150 — 29170 200 145-8 4100 Basalt, br. 33 144-6 — 145-9 I 145-9 4IOI Basalt, br. 165 1452-7 1459- 10 145-9 4102 Basalt, br. 33 292 2 146-0 4103 Serpentine, gn. 33 730-2 5 146-0 4104 Basalt, br. 23 2896-0 — 2920- 20 146-0 4105 Syenite, gr.- 3 3652-2 25 146-1 4106 Basalt, bk. 20-33 2918-1 — 2924 20 146-2 4107 Basalt, bk. 27 146-1 — 146-3 I 146-3 4108 Syenite, gr. 38-44 292-7 2 146-3 4109 Syenite, bk. 54 2928-6 20 146-4 4110 Syenite, bk. 54 3658-8 25 146-4 4III Basalt, br. 26-33 732-7 5 146 -5 4112 Basalt, bk. 26 2930-3 — 2931 20 146 -5 4113 Basalt, br. 33 293-3 2 146-6 4114 Basalt, bk. 38 3665-3 25 146-6 4115 Basalt, bk. 65 3668-8 25 146-8 4I16 Basalt, br. 33 293-5 — 293-8 2 146-9 4117 Basalt, He. 12 2937-8 20 146-9 4I18 Basalt, br. 27-33 294-0 2 147-0 4119 Basalt, br. 33 1467-2 — 1469-6 10 147-0 4120 Syenite, bk. 33 2942-6 • — 2943-6 20 147-2 4121 Basalt, gr. 33-165 7161 200 7360 50 147-2 4122 Basalt, br. 33 147 1 -7 — 1472-9 10 147-3 4123 Basalt, bk. II 7370 50 147-4 4124 Basalt, br. 27-33 737-5 5 147-5 4125 Basalt, bk. 3 7374- 50 147-5 4126 Limestone, w. 37-38 1474-2 — 1474-6 10 147-5 4127 Syenite, gr. 32 1476-0 10 147-6 4128 Basalt, br. 31-33 1477-1 10 147-7 4129 Syenite, bk. 54 3692-1 25 147-7 4130 Basalt, br. 18-27 295-6 2 147-8 4131 Syenite, bk. 12-14 2955-5 20 147-8 4132 Basalt, br. 33 147-9 I 147-9 4133 Basalt, br. 27-33 295-9 2 147-9 4134 Basalt, br. II 739-9 s 148-0 4135 Basalt, br. 33 296-3 2 148-1 4136 Basalt, br. 27-33 296-4 2 148-2 4137 Granite, gr. 2-38 148-4 I 148-4 4138 Basalt, br. 33 296-9 2 148-4 4139 Basalt, br. 58 296-8 2 148-4 4140 Syenite, gr. 42-44 29640- — 29690 200 148-4 4141 Basalt, br. 33 49'5 \ 148 -5 4142 Basalt, bk. 26 i486 -I — 1487-5 10 148-7 4143 Haematite, bk. 5 12-4 A 148-8 4144 Basalt, bk. 54 3720-6 25 148-8 4145 Basalt, br. 32 29800 200 149-0 4146 Haematite, br. 2-28 49-7 \ 149-1 4147 Basalt, br. 33 298-2 2 149-1 4148 Basalt, br. 33 745-9 s 149-2 4149 Basalt, br. 33 49-8 \ 149-4 4150 Basalt, br. 27-35 149-4 I 149-4 4151 Basalt, br. 33 298-9 2 149-4 4152 Syenite, gr. 32-33 298-8 2 149-4 4153 Granite, gr. 38 29680 — 29930 200 149-6 THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS. 39 No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 4IS4 Basalt, bk. 43 299-4 2 149-7 415s Basalt, br. 33 149-9 I 149-9 4156 Basalt, bk. 40 2998-5 20 149-9 4157 Granite, bk. 40 738-6 — 750- 5 150-0 4158 Syenite gr. 8-42 15000 100 150-0 4159 Basalt, bk. 171 14950- — 15010 100 150-1 4160 Basalt, bk. 16S 150, 080 — 150,130 1000 150-1 4161 Basalt, br. 7 So-i \ 150-3 4162 Basalt, bk. 5S 3004-6 — 3006 20 150-3 4163 Syenite, gr. 11-16 3756-8 25 150-3 4164 Basalt, bk. : 33 300-8 2 150-4 4165 Serpentine, gr. 38 1501-0 — 1504- 10 150-4 4166 Alabaster 33 150-5 I 150-5 4167 Diorite, bk. 9 3776-2 25 151-1 4168 Basalt, br. 40 75-6 4 151-2 4169 Sandstone, br. 42-54 3024-3 — 3026 20 151-3 4170 Basalt, bk. i'-S4 3783-6 — 3788 25 151-3 4171 Basalt, br. 33 151-4 I 151-4 4172 Basalt, br. 33 7540 — 7570 50 151.4 4173 Syenite, bk. 2-8 3031 -5 20 151.6 4174 Syenite, bk. 12-42 759-3 5 151-9 4175 Basalt, bk. 23-165 . 3808-2 25 152-3 4176 Quartz, gn. 172 15210 — 15250 100 152-5 4177 Granite, br. 1 1-7 1 30500 200 152-5 4178 Basalt, bk. 32 152-8 I 152-8 4179 Syenite, gr. 10-45 3056-3 20 152-8 4180 Basalt, bk. 7-54 3820-1 25 152-8 4181 Basalt, bk. 33 76-5 4 153-0 4182 Basalt, br. ■« 33 153-0 1 153-0 4183 Diorite, gr. 32-32 153-0 I 153-0 4184 Flint, br. 12-62 761-2 — 765- 5 153-0 4185 Porphyry, br. 4 3051-1 — 3061 20 153-0 4186 Syenite, bk. 32 766-2 5 153-2 4187 Sandstone, y. 19-38 30640 200 153-2 4188 Syenite, bk. S4 . 3836-2 25 153-4 4189 Basalt, bk. 7-16 3839-0 25 153-6 4190 Glass, br., bk. 44 153-9 — 154-1 I 154-1 4191 4192 4193 4194 4195 4196 4197 4198 4199 4200 4-201 4202 4203 4204 4205 4206 4207 4208 4209 4210 421 1 4212 4213 4214 4215 4216 4217 4218 4219 4220 4221 4222 4223 4224 4225 4226 4227 Memphite Bi-uten (21). Basalt, bk. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Porphyry, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Granite, gr. Syenite, bk. Limestone, ly. Basalt, bk. 10-54 5898 2 62 fine 5918 — 5920 2 11-160 17770 6 10-14 5926 — 5937 2 12-42 17770 — 17810 6 11-14 17940 b 9-54 5968 2 12-14 8960 3 10-54 5979 2 8-10 5995 2 11-54 8987 — 8997 3 8-33 6019 2 2-54 602 1 2 81-82 6069 2 62-171 6089 — 6092 2 7-11 6093 2 26 11700 500 12200 4 3-11 6143 2 63-171 6154 2 46 60760 — 61560 20 11-14 6171 2 Assyrian Shekel Standard (24). Basalt, br. Alabaster Syenite, gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Limestone, bk. Syenite, bk. Sandstone, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Quartz, bk, Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. 43-156 58 160 24 153 14 39-44 20-33 44-46 171 54 165 4-54 165 38-156 244-0 30-3 "^ 30-5 490-9 122-5 122-8 30-8 618-6 1237-1 1237- 5 2485 -s 2490 1256-4 1259-0 I24IO 12600 2537-6 2537-3 2550-3 2561 -0 2563 644-6 2 i 4 I 5 10 20 10 10 100 20 20 20 20 5 2949 2960 2962 2968 2968 2980 2984 2987 2989 2997 2999 3009 3010 3034 3046 3046 3050 3071 3077 3078 3085 122-0 122-0 122-7 122-8 123-2 123-7 123-7 124-5 125-6 125-9 126-0 126-9 126-9 127-5 128-1 128-9, No. Material. 4228 4229 4230 4231 4232 4233 4234 4235 4236 4237 4238 4239 4240 4241 4242 4243 4244 4245 4246 4247 4248 4249 4250 4251 4252 4253 4254 4255 4256 4257 4258 4259 4260 4261 4262 4263 4264 4265 4266 4267 4268 4269 4270 4271 4272 4273 4274 4275 4276 4277 4278 4279 4280 2281 4282 4283 4284 4285 4286 4287 4288 4289 4290 4291 4292 4293 4294 4295 4296 4297 4298 4299 4300 4301 4302 4303 4304 Serpentine, b.w. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Serpentine, bk. Gneiss, gr. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Form. 31-33 11-27 165 158 58 58 thin 23 81-156 Present. 12830 258-3 2600-3 13040 1307-1 Ch. Ancient. 43-0 2580-0 12930 2595 648-8 2610 13070 1308-0 20 100 2 5 20 100 10 129-0 129-0 129-3 129-7 129-8 130-5 130-7 130-8 Attic Drachma Standard (94). Syenite, gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Serpentine, br. , w Basalt, bk. ' Granite, gr. Limestone, y. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Syenite, gr. Granite, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Syenite, bk. Limestone, It. br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Limestone ! gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, gr. Serpentine, gr. Basalt, bk. Granite, gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Serpentine, gn. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, bk. Syenite, bk. Limastone, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Syenite Basalt, br. Syenite, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Granite, pink Sandstone, br. Hematite, br. Hjematite, br. Limestone, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, gn. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, amyg. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Granite, gr. 20-165 13-71 7-54 165 20 165 165 33 40-165 167 29-33 38-40 23,173 36 31-33 20-33 2 24 63 38 „54 8-11 38 156 49 II 25-36 165 14-35 43 7 36 165 26 24-27 27-33 23-33 115 33 38-43 23 54 23-27 11-54 54 12 27-33 38-156 37 12-26 54 II 26-27 165 tall 23-3 109 50-52 40 27 38 44 27 33 26-33 10 11-156 18 12-58 20-33 6501 6461 6521 26150 12870 6560 1320-0 6608 33010 33050 664-2 2636-1 6656 1333-7 1315-0 2682-0 6711 672-8 3339-5 62-5 675-7 2669-7 3386-7 1358-2 27070 1363*3 6741 250 28 6504 100 65 -Q 6505 100 65-0 6509 100 65-1 6511 100 65 -I 261-4 4 65-3 6533 100 65-3 26170 400 \^'\ 13120 200 65-6 6567 100 65-7 6599 100 66-0 1322- 20 66-1 6613 100 66-1 33040 500 66-1 132-4 2 66-2 33080 500 65-2 6641 100 66-4- 26560 400 66-4 133-1 2 66-5 664-8 10 66-5 2660 40 66-5 6646 100 66-5 6667 100 66-7 6670 100 66-7 133-7 2 66-8 1336- 20 66-8 6682 100 66-8 133-9 2 66-9 13380 200 66-9 67-0 1 67-0 1341-0 20 67-0 3351-4 50 67-0 1343- 20 67-1 2688 40 67-2 6716 100 67-2 269-4 4 67-3 673-2 10 67-3 1346-2 20 67-3 3365 50 67-3 67-5 I 67-5 675-3 10 67-5 2701 -4 40 67-5 3374-7 50 67-5 675-9 10 676 3379-1 50 67-6 3382-s SO 67-6 135-4 2 67-7 270 9 4 67-7 676-8 10 67-7 676-9 10 67-7 2710 40 67-7 3388 SO 67-7 3383-8 SO 67-7 1359 20 67-9 13580 200 67-9 27170 400 67-9 680-7 10 68-1 68-2 I 68-2 136-4 2 68-2 1363-5 20 68-2 34090 500 68-2 136-7 2 68-3 ,136-7 2 68-3 136-6 2 68-3 684-1 10 68-4 3417-9 SO 68-4 6840 100 68-4 137-1 2 68-5 2739-5 40 68-5 13700 200 68-5 40 A SEASON IN EGYPT. No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 4305 Basalt, br. 32-40 274-5 4 68-6 4306 Basalt, bk. 38 274-6 4 68-6 4307 Basalt, bk. 40 685-8 — 685-9 10 68-6 4308 Sandstone, br. 33-40 1367 "9 — 1373- 20 68-6 4309 Basalt, br. 27-40 2743-5 40 68-6 4310 Silicified wood. 10-54 2745-2 40 68-6 43" Basalt, br. 33-40 68-7 I 68-7 4312 Basalt ? gn. 12-14 ? 137-4 2 68-7 4313 Basalt, bk. 11-38 13740 200 68-7 4314 Basalt, bk. 40 •37-6 2 68-8 4315 Serpentine, bk. , w. 32 I374'5 — 1375-5 20 68-8 4316 Basalt, br. 55-65 2752-5 40 68-8 4317 Basalt, bk. 33-37 132,560 5000 137,600 2000 68-8 4318 Syenite, bk. 12-27 137-9 2 68-9 4319 Syenite, bk. 54 3446-0 50 68-9 4320 Limestone, gr. 32-33 276-0 4 69-0 4321 Basalt, bk. 64-80 2702-8 60 2760 40 69-0 4322 Syenite, bk. 12-20 276-5 4 69-1 4323 Basalt, br. 37-40 1376 -6 — 1382- 20 69-1 4324 Basalt, bk. 11-14 1381-3 20 69-1 4325 Basalt, bk. 39 low 2762-9 40 69-1 4326 Quartz, bk. 4-54 2763-7 40 69-1 4327 Syenite, bk. 58 1383-2 20 69-2 4328 Syenite, gr. 37-165 2766-5 40 69-2 4329 Basalt, gn. 36 138-6 2 69-3 4330 Basalt, br. 165 2776-6 40 69-4 Phcenician Shekel Standard (62). 4331 4332 4333 4334 4335 4336 4337 4338 4339 4340 4341 4342 4343 4344 4345 4346 4347 4348 4349 4350 4351 4352 4353 4354 4355 4356 4357 4358 4359 4360 4361 4362 4363 4364 4365 4366 4367 4368 4369 4370 4371 4372 4373 4374 4375 4376 4377 4378 4379 4380 4381 Limestone, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Serpentine, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, bk^ Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt,' br. Basalt, bk. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Felsite, gr. Basalt, bk. Diorite, br., w. Granite, gr. Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Syenite, gr. Haamatite, bk. Syenite, bk. Syenite ? bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Quartz, gr. Basalt, br. Haematite, bk, Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk., w. 62 52-1 7-1 1 10545 54-117 2114-8 165 4929-2 370 5300 15 5325 55 1616-5 90 1710 2-54 4276-5 10-11 5375 3-168 5391 14 tall 2157-5 10-54 4331-9 11-54 4336-8 — 4339- 8-54 544-3 22 tall 54-5 42-44 5459 54 4367-8 14 4388-5 7-35 4398-1 9-10 2202-3 33 1757-9 — 1763 8 5513 12 22080 11-14 5543 54 4434-1 55 2221 -6 54 4444-3 165 tall 1 1 130 II 5567 11 5585 10 5588 55-58 1788-5 50 111-9 — 112-0 2-54 4483-8 11 2229-9 — 2244 58 4500-0 — 4506 11-54 4520-9 II 5655 10-54 4526-9 — 4539 8-10 5686 10 4550-0 168 4571-8 10-11 5716 2 11430 2 4573-5 2-165 5727 — 5767 2-56 2298-4 165 5743 — 5752 50 230-4 H 4611-5 38 2313-0 0-167 4639-2 50 10 25 25 8 20 25 25 10 20 20 25 i 25 20 20 20 10 8 25 100 25 20 10 20 50 25 25 25 208-4 210-9 211-5 2120 213-0 213-7 2138 215-0 215-6 215-7 2166 2169 217-6 218-0 218-4 218-4 219-4 219-9 220-2 220-4 220-5 220-8 221-7 221-7 222-2 222-2 222 6 222-7 223-4 223-5 223-6 224-0 224-2 224-4 225-3 226-0 226-2 226-9 227-4 227-5 228-6 228-6 228-6 228-7 229-1 229-8 230-1 230-4 2306 231-3 232-0 No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 4382 Basalt, br. 54-64 4620-0 4645- 20 232-2 4383 Sandstone, br. 27 174,320 — 174,420 750 232-6 4384 Syenite, gr. 58 thin 4635-6 — 4660 20 233-0 4385 Granite, gr. 12-13 4633-3 — 4660 20 233-0 4386 Syenite, bk. 16 4656-3 — 4661 20 233-0 4387 Diorite, gr. 65 1870-1 : — 1874 8, 234-2 4388 Syenite, bk. 8 4685-3 20 234-3 43S9 Granite, gr. 7 4689-5 20 234-5 4390 Basalt, bk. 10-167 5862 25 234-5 4391 Syenite, bk. 10-54 4696-3 20 234-8 4392 Basalt, bk. 54 4696-1 20 234-8 .^GiNETAN Drachma Standard (35). 4393 4394 4395 4396 4397 4398 4399 4400 4401 4402 4403 4404 4405 4406 4407 4408 4409 4410 4411 4412 4413 4414 4415 4416 4417 4418 4419 4420 4421 4422 4423 4424 4425 4426 4427 4428 4429 4430 4431 4432 4433 4434 4435 4436 4437 4438 4439 4440 4441 4442 4443 4444 4445 4446 4447 4448 4449 4450 4451 4452 4453 4454 4455 Haematite, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Limestone, gr. Serpentine, bk. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Agate, red Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Granite, gr. Alabaster Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Alabaster Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. 49-50 loi 165 54 54 14-165 54 55 27-33 11-58 II 12 3 12 161 159 ball 54 II 2 18-23 4 10-54 19-33 15 11-54 58 170 19-27 7-54 12 9 168 11-12 7-1 1 2 1913-0 2422-3 4856-8 1177-2 ? 3822-6 ? 188-0 4761-4 4788-1 2404-9 2413-4 4827 -2 4829 -4 1927 582-3 2426- 4867- 4872-9 4901 -6 1178-4 394-6 1183-2 2469-3 4940-6 4947 -2 1187-5 4961 -8 4964-0 4975-0 33-3 4997-3 2502-5 3835 405-7 5075 5077 5085 5101 5123 10322 5186 2 SO SO 25 25 50 50 20 6 25 50 50 50 50 12 4 12 25 50 50 12 50 SO 50 SO 25 19 4 50 50 50 SO SO 100 SO I Eighty Grain Standard (70). Alabaster Basalt, bk. Basalt, gr. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Sandstone, br. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Syenite, gr. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Porphyry, bk. Basalt, br. Syenite, bk. Syenite, gr. Diorite, w. Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. 15-23 3060 40 38 3080-1 40 II 3859-8 50 54-86 3864-6 50 12-14 3096-7 40 14-54 3098-7 40 54 3873-6 50 54 3876-5 50 33 779-4 10 11-12 3894-6 50 7-54 3903-6 50 16 7789 — 7810 100 54 3129-2 40 163 1566-1 20 26-33 6267 — 6287 80 8-12 6280 80 10 3146-4 40 33 3>4-9 — 315-2 4 33 1581 -0 — 1581-6 20 3-54 3169-5 40 9 3961-2 50 23-165 6230 — 6340 80 42-54 3171-4 40 54 3970-8 SO 38-54 3178-7 40 38 318-6 4 38 7906 — 7960 100 94.0 95-2 95-7 96-2 96-5 96-5 96-6 96-8 97-0 97-0 97-4 97-4 97-8 98-0 98-9 99-0 99-2 99-3 99 -S 99-9 99-9 loo-i 100-9 101-4 101-5 101-5 101-7 102-0 102-4 103-2 103-7 76-5 77-0 77-2 77-3 77-4 77-5 77-5 77-9 77-9 77-9 78-1 78-1 78-2 78-3 78-3 78-S 78-7 78-8 79-1 79-2 79-2 79-2 79-3 79-4 79 -S 79-6 79-6 THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS. 41 No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 4456 Basalt, bk. 54 3186-8 40 79-7 44S7 Syenite, bk. 10-54 3979 '5 50 79-9 4458 44S9 4460 Granite, gr. Alabaster Basalt, bk. 165 IS 174 6375 " 6391 1597-5 2003-6 80 20 25 79-9 79-9 80-1 4461 4462 Basalt, bk. Limestone, bk. IO-S4 31 oval 4015-5 80-4 50 I 80-3 80-4 80-4 4463 Haematite, bk. 49-50 160-9 2 4464 Basalt, bk. 10-54 6433 80 80-4 4465 Basalt, bk. 169 3212-5 — 3215-5 40 8o-s 4466 Syenite, gr. 165 3990-9 — 4030 50 80-6 4467 Basalt, br. 38 6447 — 6457 80 80 -6 4468 Basalt, bk. 166 16130 200 80 -6 4469 Basalt, bk. 54 3230-0 40 80-7 4470 Hsematite, rd. 38-43 40-4 4 8o'8 4471 Syenite, gr. i68 6466 — 6471 80 80-9 4472 Syenite, gr. 11-167 4056-8 — 4058 5° 81 -J 4473 Syenite, bk. 11-54 4063-7 5° 81 -2 4474 Syenite, gr. lO-II 3254-0 40 81-3 447S Jasper, gn. 15 thin 40-7 i 81-4 4476 Basalt, bk. IO-S4 3258-2 40 81-5 •4477 Basalt, br. 33 tall 163-2 i 81 -6 4478 Syenite, bk. 10-54 3262-6 40 81.6 4479 Basalt, bk. 20-33 32510 — 32670 400 81 -7 4480 Basalt, bk. 167 4090-7 5° 81 -8 4481 Syenite, bk. 54-87 4101-5 5° 82-0 4482 Basalt, bk. II-S4 3283-3 40 82-1 4483 Granite, gr. 16S 8200 — 8210 100 82-1 4484 Diorite, gr. 166 3290-1 — 3292 40 82-3 4485 Granite, gr. 7-42 2063-4 — 2070 25 82-5 4486 Basalt, bk. 7-1 14 8iii — 8260 100 82-6 4487 Syenite, gr. 3-11 16530 200 82-6 4488 Syenite, gr. II 8279 100 82-8 4489 Basalt, br. 27-33 166-0 2 83-0 4490 Jasper gn. 5 332-0 4 83-0 4491 Felsite, gr. 7-54 4157-2 — 4170 SO 83-1 4492 Basalt, bk. 39-54 4191-9 5° 83-8 4493 Basalt, bk. 2 4192-2 so 83-8 4494 Syenite, bk. 7-54 4192-4 50 83-8 4495 Basalt, gr. II * 8381 100 83-8 4496 Haematite, bk. log 1680 2 84-0 4497 Basalt, bk. 1 11-54 4198-1 SO 84-0 Persiai f SiLVE R Standard (3). 4498 Syenite, br. II-14 8536 100 85-4 4499 Basalt, br. 12-63 864-3 10 86-4 4500 Jasper, gn. 162 865-6 10 86-6 60. The whole of the preceding results are shown in the diagram on PI. xxvii., to which we now refer. In the Egyptian kat weights the distribution is different to that which we have seen to prevail in both Naukratis and Defenneh, and elsewhere (see Tanis II.). Though generally covering the same range, none of the prominent varieties (shown by the greater heights of the curves) are alike. This seems to show that they come down by a descent different from that of the Delta weights. The smaller weights, which were probably used more for valuable articles, have not so wide a range, being nearly all within the range 141 to 150 grs.: the haematite weights, however, belong to a low variety, four being less than 142, and only one over that. A unit of two kats is shown by No. 4022, which is marked with five cuts on the top; being of one uten, this shows two kats as a basis; and it is connected with the two-kat weights being com- moner than those of the unit, the kat. A remarkable multiple of the kat seems to have been used at Memphis. Many weights were noticed not to agree to any system, except to binary and ternary multiples of the uten ; and though such multiples are so unusual that they could not readily be accepted, yet the quantity of examples of these weights, and their near agreement, obliges us to regard them as a special variety. That they are a branch of themselves, and not merely unusual multiples of the uten, is seen by their not being distributed over the whole range of the uten. On the diagram will be seen, within the "Egyptian" curve, a smaller broken line showing the distribution of these weights, which I provisionally call the Memphite bi-uten. Their basis may have been the uten, only we have as yet no ground to take a lesser basis than two utens. The data of this curve are entered below it by sloping marks, to distinguish them from the upright kat marks. It will be noticed that the large multiples of the kat (3 of 100, 5 of 200 and I of 1000), just agree in their distribution with the curve of this peculiar series ; and probably therefore should be regarded as the lower multiples of this slightly differenced unit. The truth seems to be that at Memphis the uten was not treated decimally in all cases (including multiples by 2 and S), as was usual elsewhere; but was multiplied by 2, 4, 6, 8, 12 and 40 : a course so unusual that we are justified in separating it as a local variety of a high standard. 61. Of the Assyrian shekel, there are but few examples as compared with the numbers found at Naukratis and Defenneh. This standard seems never to have taken root at Memphis ; and the characteristic sexagesimal multiplication of it is entirely absent. Not a single multiple by 3, 6, 12, 30 or 60 is found, all the examples being on the Egyptian decimal system of multiples, \, 2, 4, 5, 10, 20 and 100. A very curious token of the neglect of this system is shown by weight No. 4420; this is of alabaster, a favourite material for Assyrian weights, and it weighs exactly half a mina (3835 -=-30=i27-8) ; but it is marked with 19 on its face, an odd number which at once shows it to be an adapted weight. Originally then a half mina weight, it was useless at Memphis where the mina was un- known; consequently it was weighed in terms of another standard— the Aeginetan — and marked to be used for that. The system of weight later known as the Attic standard, from having been adopted by Solon to replace a previous system, is very common at Mem- 42 A SEASON JN EGYPT. phis. This fact corroborates what I had previously pointed out as to the pre-Greek origin of this unit ; especially as the absence of leaden weights here shows the lack of Greek influence. Further, one of these weights, No. 4284, bears an inscription probably of the XXVI th dynasty (see PL xxviii.). There is much confusion between the heavier varieties of this and the lighter Kat weights; and I have been obliged to make a somewhat arbitrary separa- tion. But that they really constitute two separate units, may be seen on looking at the smaller multi- ples in the diagram; these are the more accurate, and the separation between the Attic and the kat units is very marked and clear in all the lower multiples: it is only on reaching 20 units that the confusion arises. The lowest varieties of the Attic are also due to the rougher large weights, the ac- curate small weights being nearly all between 66'5 and 69 grains. A super-multiple of half a mina is shown by No. 4248, which is marked with the hieroglyphic " 10 " on the top ; as it weighs 500 drachmae, this shows 50 drachmae to be the basis of its numeration. The Phoenician shekel standard is considerably developed in Memphis. And this, coupled with the rarity of the Assyrian, points to these weights belonging mostly to a period after the Phoenician intercourse, but before the Assyrian conquest, about 700 B.C. The distribution differs from the examples at Naukratis and Defenneh, excepting the main features of a maximum at 223, a fall at 226, and a second maximum. The extent of range is, however, just the same. There are very few small weights, however, among the Memphite, scarce any under five ounces, and they are mostly over half a pound British ; hence this was not a standard for valuable articles. The Aeginetan standard — so called from its use at Aegina in later times — was an ancient unit in Egypt. I pointed out in 1883 {Arch. Jour.) that the weight of Amenhotep I. in the British Museum, shows by its inscription an indubitable unit of 207'6 grains, and that this was probably an early weight of the Aeginetan system. Syrian examples bridged over the interval between 207 and 192 grains, but that was all. Now, however, at Memphis we find two marked weights, No. 4420 giving a unit of 202 grains, and No. 4407 giving a unit of 196 grains. Thus by marked examples in Egypt we have 207, 202, and 196 grains, fully connecting this standard with the historic Aeginetan system. On looking at the diagram in PI. xxvii. it will be seen that the ex- amples of this standard at Memphis just cover this same range, being there entered on the halfstater or drachma as 95-104 grains. This is considerably different to the Naukratite or ordinary Greek dis- tribution, which alike extend from 92-100, but not higher; the high range of the Memphite examples probably belongs to the earlier, pre-Greek, period, when the unit was not so much degraded from the heavy standard of 104 which occurs under Amen- hotep I. For the further consideration of the history of this standard in Greece, refer to "Weights and Measures," in the Encyclopcedia Britannica, where I have stated its varieties. The standard which I found at Naukratis, and provisionally called the "eighty-grain," was very fully used at Memphis ; and its range extends about two grains higher than at Naukratis. There is, otherwise nothing special in the examples here found ; and for its history and names in other countries I must refer to the article above mentioned. The Persian silver standard, always a rare one, is particularly scarce at Memphis, agreeing to the early age of these weights. In general it may then be said that where there are differences from the series found at Naukratis and Defenneh, they are such as are fully explicable by the more inland origin, and earlier age in general, of the Memphite collection. The broad features of interest are the extension in full force in Memphis of the two systems which we know by Greek names, as the Attic and Aeginetan, thus confirming what I had before suggested of their Egyptian origin. 62. At the foot of Plate xx. are some illustrations of the mechanics of the Egyptian balance. This has been so misunderstood by Wilkinson, that it is well to set this matter in its obvious light. The beam was suspended by a loop or ring from a bracket pro- jecting from the stand ; this bracket is shown in side view though at right angles to the beam, just as the Egyptians drew a full eye in a side face. Then below the beam a long tongue was attached, not above the beam, as with us. To test the level of the beam, a plummet hung down the tongue, and it was this plummet which was observed to see if the tongue was vertical and the beam horizontal. The weigher is often shown steadying this plummet with his hand, as it would be set swinging by the motions of the beam. Such is the whole system, which is so simple, that it seems strange that any mistake could be made about it ; to say nothing of the mechanical absurdity of the explanation which has been current for so long. MR W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. THE PYRAMIDS AND TEMPLES OF GIZEH. By W. M. Flinders Petrie. Containing an Account of Excavations and Surveys carried on at Gizeh during 1880-81-82 ; with the application of the results to various modem theories of the Pyramids. {Illustrated.) Cheap and Revised Edition. Six Shillings. " No one can fail to profit by a study of Mr Flinders Petrie's exact and luminous account of the Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh." — Spectator. LONDON: FIELD & TUBR. TANIS. Part I., 1883-84. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, Author of "Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh," &c. With 19 Plates and Plans. Royal 4to, pp. viii and 64, boards. 253. LONDON: TRUBNBE & CO. TANIS. Part II. Nebesha Daphne (Tahpenes). By W. M. Flinders Petrie and F. LL. Griffith. Royal 4to, pp. viii and 164. Sixty-four plates, boards. 25 s. LONDON: TRUBNBR & OO. NAUKRATIS. I. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, with Chapters by Cecil Smith, E. A. Gardner, and B. V. Head. Royal 4to, pp. viii and 100. With 45 Plates. 253. LONDON: TRUBNBR & OO. 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F U N E RE AL CONES 74 7^ XXIIl Mm ^* SKIM i)^glM'MM(l,lZ^I -tn H^ ^-gr^ .:=^t=^ibM^ o-;^-^ :^N^^u ±:T:'f\° ^.J^^^s^ 11^ Wf^ M^li 7S 81 '^^^^ ^^^^s: i;^^ ^--j^ M^ *^^-^, - "S-II^^J '':fe^PI'« 86 ffipaz:^!! Kj,^^ J!^ a/;g^^p8"r ^A^rT^i)^ ,.____^ __ " "1^-^®-^- :^^gy IP^v^ #:«^-«^ liB^ J^M^ 3#*wiTrCji(. ^' ^ (J3il e±!j vHj in iM, ^ tiiJ • n ^Vj^isS^ 90 *^p"-'n ''■^/w~-> ^^^^^ >/ 'I O ^-w^ 4!7f^ 91 i2_^(]"ii P'^ITq Mr2 (fconv^l.fct«.A (fa-M. T«.rC*--) 93 .=^ 94- ./i^--- Jpl \\\ 'S/q^^ ■^^^ PM. Sliq"^^Mfl 9« oc °ni"j^ 99 ^*^:J>: _s> ^^ ^ ? ^. ^#i^ loo 1 — XI Xl^HnM ' Stt-TVvC OVl- «- -•■•-eL o f- frr-ue^U I0» ^ ^5 PL lif >e3 / En J^ \^ 31. • flea in r -^ ^ ■«: yvt/w\ ' — -*^ u lol 104- ir lor C3^ 0<°'< lot 107 JSM I r^ r«-i W M.F ;^ XXIV P C-f L & O to S Ul cut I . :^ -f SOUTHERN PYRAMIDS AND PERIBOLOS. DAHSHUR. SCALE IMJOO '■Hiv-r-^T'-y W.M. F. P. THE EARLIEST COLUMN, AND LATER CAPITALS XXV ic«.ic '/3 ' Ct>.t, il'cli a-t /j iay do..)/!''' J.<^>^c^}tj i iroL-tj^cf ht of axt^^ita-l aJC CjiijL Ai^Fo'' f- '-rj II, ,\\ ^ .\^.\ K \\ 3-. I 5^ Ji''! \' WEIGHTS OF MEMPHI s . XXVII ;i ^ - V- - < o In r . H ^ to ^ 7 ( V ] i4 -[j K N ■^ — ( / ) N <4 o . In ■ "i '■ < ) 1 \ ^_ ft o ^ C - — — —^ / / : -;= t •■J ^ 2 y 1 . \ 1 * ta ^ ^ ) 1, ;■ % N : (4 ■ 3 ■ S \ \ ' ' O / ^ y' y* • "7 j:.: 5 O V \ .- ■ * *^w 7 /■ ^ = " ■ «> V- : •*! / \ ■ ■ V :- ■ [Z r- \ ■ ? »/> j.^ / / r •X ^ : ■] i • V ■ (J M ...... ■ -< o\ -Q / / ^ ■ 1 , . '^0 . :. = - U Ci. c \^+ L P_L.. * ( L> "Jjf ■3- r- ) ■ f^ s! <^ ^ v 3 ^ ^ y r ■ ^ -^ -^ ^ « ■ " H in •i \ N, : L 5J ^ - "It ■ — - ~N 1 ' o . -/ ^ - :; =- \^ ^ 5 N (*i 1 ■ r- ■s i: - s ^ & ^ 7 V V, V \ : ;■ 0* * — "^ L r-. ._i__ll:L. Ml' ^i.j ,_» "3 _ii \ . \f, ( - s * ^ \ k - =v 1! •■ > - O s + r S 1 M X \ ~ > •0 CK ■s ■^ ■^ — - ■o I-.. ij Ov ^ 1 ■Si ff* CS < c ' / ^ ■ > ■ '/' ■N . ■ : fi? ; a 'i ( CO _i_ _L _L CO V \ ^ 00 (^ 1 J_ 00 •0 / ) ■ > " « J V Q. > % \ ■^ at V A - i^ W) ^ —] / / — — 1 . «* Q ^ / / ■ 1 <* I 00 r - t« CO •0 / / /H ■'■ I \ " ,--. i 1 -/ / y / X A ■ : : = o , ._ pi c •^ ■ :: O- o- V > ■ 00 <%J '•J Ul \ ' : ^ *^ r^ In — °^ — - ~ r 1^ ""* .«k^H— -|11 ^«'7-67° + ^ •-? !1^I] 43« il'^S IX, ^44 . ft tii-*-i jos.bor 117, 170, IBS". Z5-7, 2.70 ,2.70, 170, zgi, iSfc.x^t ,3 5-r 35-fe, 35-8 31 it 4-97—4-0 II gn. 24 ,4ir,zj^c.,.,37uH %\ 144 .^r==> 9,446 n -=^t= ? 2-5-i ? s? *=r 97,117,148 ISTt. 1^9.267.169, x^r toi-j-s l^ . 47 ,77. , tol ^•-r-'-^87,)lil,l37,ir4 ^ o^P 3r4- (- ■» ^f\^; •io ]\21 2.38 Jc:£Jm' -7' if. 6»3 ,4^^ 60, tU i|-^H^a> 74- i 11^ /////// ^"^ ,7b, %.a<) , 7,69, 344, 3£rs, 43f, ^3" ^^•^ ^^ ^7.6 XXIX ^'^— P 34Z- -^]?^'^ J^? -^^^ ■'t^ /s/«-». 82. T o jS' fTf^ »4 ■:^ ^-^tli '^ '^^ X:::^ ^ '=''^'2" at? tzLsn. 74, '°^ t!ffS.Pj"7 ij^i ^4^ ■■ -« - _- ■ f- «*>"" ijH 5-50 y !1 ^ 5-64. r9«. 1)1^° life J Ij I) J. 7S 7^>r5^ 2-69 J\ "^11^66, 114,2.86,191 •]1V> '77 ■^^ — ^ © 2.i.r >^. ' 2.86 ^^ r ^^ cy^-.. 74- >4i|^V/////2.7? ^^/.M.F. R tt p^^ '-'*"*^ **'*' I4.y, 148 ,17*, )7i. tP^PJ^ 86,87 tP^ //////// 608 INDEX OF NAMES So sr iri. □ 38 32. L D D l| 7a MM -'^ ' 3- WW "^ 5-4-3 C3^ 2-4-5- I. .11/^7, i?,S7,"4, •-J J '^ a-zijl, 7.67, 2-<5S, y 8r,x57,^^^r H:=>1*-"^ 464,4*5 u^^-^'^ »,^,7.",'4 ^ — — ^JTaca IS- 17,3791 9J, ^6 , 101, 107, |3|_ J36. 141 ,188,194,1^5; ■Loo^zo-j, XI t 117, 34s; 3si,36o,376,>a4,39o 41.Z, 44»,4.7o,r9c;,Aoo. 5^>fSi^J >4. ^^>^/^" ^-=.1|B 7"»,79, 8>,iri, 131. 363. itr, 367,168, 3tV,39S-,it72, c..76,9<>,97 ^\^> I.'?.V7,I31, ^1 ,45^ , ttfVUL. 16. Xs.^ 14-3 ^«*P^? •7*'.'76 (^I^")£i|;i^?48? .jfjp xxci Mil)- 9" /WWN I]^ 108 ^^^ '-- r:: ^^ M9 /w^^ 1) 148 Bi-5-1 r38 ^^1 i4y I «JU ^74- -=--if 337 XXX ^>^4-7 9 •'='>'76 •«=» J '^ 3STS ^' ^1)1} - 2.4-S" U'^ = STbo^ sit r5=fnT^-^?:^^i,7? ':?;-TMqi^. ^'7 t -^ —87 •-it I ^9' . t *^ 97, '^4 h/.M.F. P. ,5S- 3t r333, 13/t- ;> 1^ ^ ^^ sj.'sg, as,ss, 59 H4, 114, 137,(49, ^^8 A'*^*-^ n 74- . '"6 JC=K Q llfl 12 1i 7 Ul 11 - -4-9 L^-=^t t^6 ^ v^79 • " ^P^ '4-8 O fctii^H'7 t-.^ 17,^8 °lh°P ^74- LOIjj^P 334 oiffl^ 14^ O t ^4- o •- O ^ U 33,7s', 1^3 O- — ^|3^ I 31. 0>?3j 4.30 oP^'-'^^ll^ '^7 of^^'Pj'll><>.7'>'38 :rf 494- N D E X OF NAMES Dp jp 74, lot <=>P;£_ 100 ^ >. 44t [13 - 1 e±3 I <* I 1 I 86,37, 114 33 WK^^lg ^7? ly^'S' 337 ^.2^ 79 <=> n^ 53, s-4,Uo, ■^ ^I'J >-73,7.6j,s-34- ■^^PPjf 89,91-, '57, 14.1, (45-, T.'?, ■5'M, rs"! , rr--4-. ""TT- I)i) 3r, 4^ ,c^n-*-7' u^aZjH 1.77. Q ^ 80,88,5^,90, »4S' Ad a,4r,x67,i68 A«» J? 114, 11^ ,^-9'l- ^®^ X>ci-r xxvm. ^ 3»,3r XXXI ^^r.*. 3^3 2-7 .^M 336 -B-W 111 I 73", ■It.- -^-^ "=^^ in- '8''VJ>2-S7 j> ^ S-4 1 j'^^-?X74 a. a. a • (4-9 Q 361,390, 4 >0^ci.vre41 ij -2.8 6 (4«'-Jl:fe) -<^y>^477 ^-^'. 74,106 "" "fc. o. ? 74, ioi,ls-^ □ a'=''; 314 «- -g'P 300 ^«a (M ^ 3^7 SPT^S7 «'7r & ST) 3-+9 9?" '-'5 5ty''3' L^^.^- 3l8,33S-, 2.g4? ^:rr| 313 ■Z.T ^79 ^;.>^> '»;' /B<=»H>>-'^ 347 **-==* xi3 Zil. 3S8, 399,408 ,437, 443,45T>,45^.'*8 9 ^^1^1)11 48G ® ^M^ /r4 w- M • r- ^. f* N O 7S ■i I-2.0, 2.^3 ~^ "^"^ 74-, /o6 i-l ' I6« ■ 1 1^ °> '^° ^3^ t «=» I 74- , 1 1> 6 i!:zdPu i.r P^>J ^^ '4 J so p^Ilf] 74-, lot I T^i T>. 31, at, 14-1, i7«-> 4-87 lot, ixo, 137, 14- 5" 149, is-t, irj, 173 4^^° "' •P-^^^ 2.51- p^ as LpJ> 87,1.4,114.182. i-PT^> (S3 DEX or NAME ^^ log =- 110 ■\% "7 J |_J c^z7o ^ '=^>'^i'/ c-iv^ S-4- LLJ L |_J 3S-2^ ^ ^>># 2.9 a ^J i)q 374 t3S3 ^-^^ loT. J^>7. "S^I^ l.Si,337 A/////// 24,^4 • ■Cs 170, 2-7° ■Ji's CV n io,7.y,4t,^4, -'t^' 111-, 1x7, 140 f^j X.S6 ~W J^^ ^ 63.96 uT-^ 73 — no /;; 95", n "1-1 (16, 1x7, 14-0, 147, 197 Sni- S6,S7, 87, '^ M 114,114- XXXII ^il->>^t:i- 76 >q!] ir 87, "4 ] 2)^1- 'X97. :^>^VNX4 5 ;=? "^ o. 7 74., lob ^ 63 ^S^ "^^ 14^ ■^J q i^ 77 -=^-J _.^e.iii 6n a ^^^ c*"-^ 2-6 ' ^f~ xx\-3 ^ ^ c.r.^43 i-^fnp^7 l"^ I tdv-M, 5^,95- 7.04- , XX'L W. M.F. P ;:!ra3|«bpia ' pi'. PS'-f WM "■Sir