Cornell University Library E 87.J49S44 1898 Narrative of the life of Mary Jemison 3 1924 028 675 647 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1 89 1 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Date Due Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028675647 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON DEH-HE-WA-MIS THE WHITE WOMAN OF THE GENESEE MART JBMISON BEING AKRAYED IN THE COST0ME OF A SENECA INDIAN MAIDEN. (See page 56.) A NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF MARY JEMISON DE-HE-WA-MIS THE WHITE WOMAN OF THE GENESEE BY JAMES E. SEAVER SIXTH EDITION With Geographical and Explanatory Notes and Appendix. This edition also includes numerous illustrations, further particulars of the history of De-he-wa-mis, and other in- teresting matter collected and arranged by Wm. Pryor Letchworth. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK & LONDON Zbe Iftiiicfterbocfier ©tees 1898 « (.('I; KM i I A' 1 ^^2(o[ Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877 By WM. p. LETCHWORTH In the office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington Copyright, 1898 BY WM. PRYOR LETCHWORTH Ube Knicliecbsctier Iptess, mew isocft Yi ir.^i'.-iViKiii PEEFACE. » Neither in the wildest tales of fictioii nor in the pages of romance may we find a picture of human trials and sufferings that appeals more strongly to our sympathies than the simple narrative of Mary Jemison, taken from her own lips by James E. Seaver after her long captivity among the Indians. Born on the waves of the Atlantic, made an orphan at an early age by the murder of her parents, carried a lonely captive into the depths of the American forest, eventually allied to the Indian race in the relation of wife and mother, — these, with other strange events in her life, make up a history so extraordinary as to seem unreal. The first edition of the life of Mary Jemison was published at Canandaigua, N. T., in 1824. In 1842 William Seaver & Son, brother and nephew of James E. Seaver, the author, then deceased, republished the work at Batavia, N. Y. In view of their family rela- tions to the author, the publishers felt at liberty to make such corrections as seemed necessary, and to rearrange certain chapters and parts of chapters, in order to give a clearer and more connected view of 8 PKEFACE. the subject, while carefully preserving the facts em- braced in the original narrative. They brought to their aid in the work of revision the services of Eben- ezer Mix, who was considered specially qualified for such a task. The present edition contains additional particulars connected with the early life of Mary Jemison and in- formation relating to her subsequent history. It in- cludes a chapter by William C. Bryant, ex-President of the Buffalo Historical Society ; another by Mrs. Asher "Wright, widow of the late Reverend Asher Wright ; a brief sketch of the old Jemison homestead in Adams County, Pa. ; a description of the personal appearance of the "White Woman" and of her final resting place near the old Indian Council House on the banks of the Genesee. The editorial foot-notes contained in the present edition were prepared for the fourth edition by Hon. Lewis H. Morgan, the distinguished author of the League of the Iroquois. The various incidents of this narrative have been corroborated by many different authorities. These include the testimony of General Ely S. Parker (Do- ne-ho-ga'-weh), a Seneca Sachem and member ol General Grant's staff, who, on March 24, 1856, wrote to D. M. Dewey as follows : PREFACE. 9 "Many years ago I perused Seaver's book with great interest, and have since had good opportunity of testing its reliability by comparing it with the tra- ditional history preserved of her among the Indians with whom she lived and died, all of which more than corroborates every incident related in the narrative. I have, therefore, every reason to believe it to be en- tirely true." The fact that this biography is out of print, and that much interesting matter is now added to it, is deemed sufficient apology for presenting this edition to the public. Wm. Pryor Letchworth. Glen Iris, Portage P. 0., N. Y. May 1, 1898. INTEODUOTION TO FIRST EDITION AS SEVISED BY WILLIAM SEAVER & SON IN 1843. Thb peace which was concluded between the United States and Great Britain in 1783 led to a treaty of peace and amnesty between the United States and the Indian confederacv called the Six Nations, which took nlaee at Fort Stanwix, (now Eome, N. Y.,) in 1784, conducted by commissioners on the part of the United States, and the chiefs, warriors, and head men of the Six Nations, on their part. By this treaty, all the prisoners who had been taken and were at tnat time retained by the Indians were to be set at liberty. On this joyful event, those prisoners who had escaped the tomahawk, the gauntlet, and tlie sacrifi- cial fire, were released from bondage, and restored to their friends, to society, and to the world. Althougn the num- ber of prisoners thus released were few, in proportion to the great number who had been taken, they were so numerous tnat their return brought the legends of deeds of torture and death to every section of the country. 12 INTEODUCTION. These horrid tales required not the aid of fiction, or the persuasive powers of rhetoric, to highten their colorings, or gain credence to their shocking truths. In those days, Indian barbarities were the constant topic of the domestic fireside, the parlor, the hall, and the forum. It is pre- sumed that, at this time, there are but few native citizens that have passed the middle age who do not distinctly re- collect of hearing such frightful accounts of Indian bar- barities, oft repeated, in the nursery and in the family circle, until it almost caused their hair to stand erect, and deprived them of the power of motion. Time, however, has produced a confusion of incidents in those tales, and enveloped the fidelity of their trans- mission to us in clouds of doubt. To rescue from obliv- ion, and preserve in their primitive purity, some of those legends, and to exemplify and record, for the use of pos- terity as well as for the present generation, a faithful delineation of the characteristic traits of the Iroquois, is the object of these memoirs. At the same treaty, the Six Nations, or Iroquois, were left in undisturbed possession of the greater portion of the state of New York, and had the right of possession guar- antied to them by the United States of all the territory west of a line called the property line, running nearly paral- lel with, and less than eighty miles west of the Hudson Riv- er, two small tracts excepted. At this time, Mary Jemison INTRODUCTION. 13 had been ■with the Indians twenty -nine years — seven had transpired during the French war with the British, in which the Six Nations raised the tomahawk against the British and Americans ; and seven during the revolution- ary war, in which the Indians arrayed themselves on the side of the British against the Americans; there being an interval of peace of fifteen years between — if peace it could be called — when they were constantly sending war parties against other Indian tribes, south and north, from the torrid to the frigid zone, and west to the Eocky Mountains. During this time, Mrs. Jemison had been twice married to Indian chiefs, and had a husband and seven children then living. She, too, was nearly two hundred miles from any white settlement, and knew not that she had a white relative or friend on earth : she, therefore, resolved not to accept of her freedom, but to spend the remainder of her days with the Indians, where she knew she had affectionate relatives and many kind friends. This reso- lution she carried fully into effect, and became their faith- ful and correct chronicler for more than three-fourths of a century. At this time, 1784, and for several years afterward, no settlements of white people were made in the state west of Cherry Valley, on the head waters of the Susquehanna, and the German Flats, on the Mohawk, as those places 14 INTEODUCTION. were situated nearly as far west as the property line, the boundary of the Indian lands. So fresh were the wounds which the whites had received from their savage neigh- bors, that the Indians were viewed with a jealous eye, even when unmolested and unprovoked. Under these circumstances, peaceable citizens were little inclined to trespass on their lands, or give them the least pretext for a quarrel, by even traveling into their country. No white people, therefore, visited their villages, except some half-savage traders, and a few of the refuse of soci- ety, who, to escape the meshes of civil or criminal law, bade adieu to civilized life, and took shelter in the re- cesses of the forest, under the protection of its lords. The Indian title to the lands surrounding Mrs. Jemi- son's residence was not sold to the whites until the great Council in 1797, when may be dated the first time of her associating with moral, social, civilized man, from the time of her childhood, after the lapse of forty-two years. Still, she had retained her native language with great purity ; and had treasured up, and constantly kept in her own breast, all those moral and social virtues, by the precepts of which civilized society professes to be guided, and by their directions always to be governed. At length, the richness and fertility of the soil excited emigration ; and here and there a family settled down and commenced improvements in the country which had IXTKODUCTIOX. 15 recently been the property of the aborigines. Those ^ho settled near the Genesee Eiver soon became acquainted \rith --The White 'V\'oman," as Mrs. Jemison ■vras called, ■whose history they anxiously sought, both as a matter of interest and curiosity. Frankness characterized her con- duct, and ■without reserve she ■would readily gratify them by relating some of the most important periods of her life. Although her bosom companion was an ancient warrior, and notwithstanding her children and associates were all Indians, yet it was found that she possessed an uncom- mon share of hospitality, and that her fiiendsbip was well worth courting and preserring. Her house was the stranger's home: from her table the hungry were re- freshed; she made the naked as comfortable as her means would admit ; and in all her actions, disco^vered so much natural goodness of heart, that her admirers increased in proportion to the extension of her acquaintance, and she became celebrated as the friend of the distressed. She was the protectress of the homeless fngitiYe, and made welcome the weary wanderer. Many still Uve to com- memorate her beneTolence toward them when prisoners during the ■war, and to ascribe their deliverance to the mediation of "The "White "Woman." The settlements of civilized society increased around her, and flie whole coimtry was inhabited by a rich and respectable people, principally from Xew England, as 16 INTRODUCTION. much distinguished for their spirit of inquisitiveness as for their habits of industry and honesty, who had all heard from one source and another a part of her life in detached pieces, and had obtained an idea that the whole taken in connection would afford instruction and amusement. Many gentlemen of respectability felt anxious that her narrative might be laid before the public, with a view not only to perpetuate the remembrance of the atrocities of the savages in former times, but to preserve some historical facts which they supposed to be intimately connected with her life, and which otherwise must be lost. Forty years had passed since the close of the Revolu- tionary war, and almost seventy years had seen Mrs. Jemison with the Indians, when Daniel W. Banister Esq., at the instance of several gentlemen, and prompted by his own ambition to add something to the accumu- lating fund of useful knowledge, resolved, in the autumn of 1823, to embrace that time, while she was capable of recollecting and reciting the scenes through which she had passed, to collect from herself, and to publish to the world, an accurate account of her life. I was employed to collect the materials, and prepare the work for the press ; and accordingly went to the house of Mrs. Jennet Whaley, in the town of Castile, Genesee County, N. Y., in company with the publisher, INTKODUCTION. 17 who procured the interesting subject of the following narrative to come to that place, (a distance of four miles,) and there repeat the story of her eventful life. She came on foot, in company with Mr. Thomas Clute, whom she considered her protector, and tarried several days; which time was busily occupied in taking a sketch of her narrative as she recited it. In stature, she is very short, considerably under the middle size ; but stands tolerably erect, with her head bent forward, apparently from her having for a long time been accustomed to carrying heavy burdens, sup- ported by a strap placed across her forehead. Her com- plexion is very white for a woman of her age, and although the wrinkles of fourscore years are deeply in- dented in her cheeks, yet the crimson of youth is dis- tinctly visible. Her eyes are light blue, a little faded by age, but naturally brilliant and sparkling. Her sight is quite dim, though she is able to perform her necessary labor without the assistance of glasses. Her cheek-bones are high, and rather prominent ; and her front teeth, in the lower jaw, are sound and good. When she looks up, and is engaged in conversation, her countenance is very expressive ; but from her long residence with the Indians, she has acquired the habit of peeping from under the eyebrows, as they do, with the head inclined downward. Formerly, her hair was of a light chestnut brown ; it is 18 INTEODUCTION. now quite gray, a little curled, of middling length, and tied in a bunch behind. She informed me that she had never worn a cap or a comb. She speaks English plainly and distinctly, slightly tinged with the Irish idiom, and has the use of words so well as to render herself intelligible on any subject with which she is acquainted. Her recollection and memory exceeded my expectation. It can not be reasonably sup- posed that a person of her age has kept the events of seventy years in so complete a chain as to be able to assign to each its proper time and place. She, however, made her recital with as few obvious mistakes as might be expected from a person of fifty. Indeed, in every case, where she attempted to give dates, she was remarkably correct, — so uniformly so that she coincided exactly with history, except in one instance, which was the surrender of Fort Du Quesne by the French to the English ; and this is more to be attributed to her ignorance at the time than to the treachery of her memory, for the fort was always filled with English or Yankee traders, trappers, hunters, and outlaws, as well as Frenchmen; and the Ohio Indians knew little and cared less who commanded the fort, so long as they could trade there to suit them- selves. Under such circumstances, it is not remarkable that a young woman, fifteen or sixteen years old, domes- ticated among the Indians, and reisiding three or four INTRODUCTION. 19 hundred miles from the fort, should not know the precise time that the French flag was struck and the English noisted in its stead ; which absolutely took place in 1758. while she resided in that country. She walks with a quick step, without a staff, and can yet cross a stream on a log or pole as steadily as any other person. Her passions are easily excited. At a number of periods In her narration, tears trickled down her grief-worn cheek, and at the same time a rising sigh would stop her utterance. Industry is a virtue which she has uniformly practiced from the day of her adoption to the present. She pounds her samp, cooks for herself, gathers and chops her wood, feeds her cattle and poultry, and performs other laborious services. Last season, she planted, tended, and gathered her corn ; in short, she is always busy. Her dress, at the time I saw her, was made and worn after the usual Indian fashion. She had on a brown, un- dressed flannel short-gown, with long sleeves, the skirt reaching to the hips, being tied before in two places with deer-skin strings ; below the skirt of the gown was to be seen three or four inches of the lower extremity of a cotton shirt, which was without collar or sleeves, and open before. Her petticoat, or the Indian substitute for that garment, was composed of about a yard and a quarter of blue broadcloth, with the lists on, and sewed 20 INTRODUCTION. together at the ends. This was tied around her waist, or rather above her hips, under her shirt, with a string, in such a manner as to leave one-fourth of a yard or more of the top of the cloth to be turned over the string, and display the top list, and four or five inches of the cloth below the bottom of the shirt — the main body of the garment and the other list reaching down to the calves of her legs ; below which was to be seen her leggins, consisting of pieces of blue broadcloth, wrapped around her legs, and tied or pinned on, reaching from her knees to just within the tops of her buckskin moccasins. She wore no footings or socks on her feet at any season, un- less some rags wi'apped around her toes could be con- sidered such. Over her shoulders was wrapped a common Indian or Dutch blanket, and on her head she wore an old, brown woolen cloth, somewhat in the shape of a sun-bonnet. Thus attired — and it will be recollected that she was not caught in her dishabille, as she had come from home, the distance of four miles, for the express purpose of meeting us — thus attired, I say, we met the owner of two square miles of very fertile and productive land, ly- ing in the midst of a dense population, and near an ex- cellent market — with an annuity of three hundred dollars a year, secured to her, her heirs, and assigns forever. Yet such was the dress this woman was not only contented INTRODUCTION. 21 to wear but delighted in wearing. Habit having rendered it convenient and comfortable, she wore it as a matter of choice. Her house, in which she lives, is twenty by twenty eight feet ; built of square timber, with a shingled roof and a framed stoop. In the center of the house is a chimney of stones and sticks, in which there are two fire- places. She has a good, framed barn, twenty-six by thirty-six, well filled, and owns a fine stock of cattle and horses. Besides the buildings above mentioned, she owns a number of buildings occupied by tenants, who work her flats upon shares. Her dwelling is on the west side of Genesee Eiver, about one hundred rods north of the Great Slide — a curiosity which will hereafter be described. Mrs. Jemison appeared sensible of her ignorance of the manners of the white people, and for that reason was not familiar, except with those with whom she was intimately acquainted. In fact, she was, to appearance, so jealous of her rights, or afraid that she should say something that would be injurious to herself or family, that if Mr. Olute had not been present, we should have been unable to have obtained her history. She, however, soon became free and unembarrassed in her conversation, and spoke with a degree of mildness, candor, and simplicity, that is calcu- lated to remove all doubts as to the veracity of the ■^2 INTRODUCTION. speaker. The vices of the Indians she appeared to palli- ate, or at least not to aggravate, and seemed to take pride in extolling their virtues. A kind of family pride inclined her to withhold whatever would blot the character of her descendants, and perhaps induced her to keep back many things that would have been interesting. For the life of her last husband we are indebted to her cousin, Mr. George Jemison, to whom she referred us for information on that subject generally. The thoughts of his deeds, probably, chilled her old heart, and made her dread to rehearse them ; and at the same time she well knew they were no secret, for she had frequently heard him relate the whole, not only to her cousin but to others. Before she left us, she was very sociable, and she re- sumed her naturally pleasant countenance, enlivened with a smile. Her neighbors speak of her as possessing one of the happiest tempers and dispositions, and give Her the name of never having done a censurable act to their knowledge. Her habits are those of the Indians — she sleeps on skins without a bedstead; sits upon the floor, or on a bench ; and when she eats, holds her victuals on her lap, or in her hands. Her ideas of religion correspond in every respect with those of the great mass of the Senecas. She applauds virtue, and condemns vice. She believes in a future state. INTHODUCTION. 23 in wMcli the good will be happy, and the bad miserable ; and that the acquisition of that happiness depends prima- rily upon human volition, and the consequent good deeds of the happy recipient of blessedness. But she is a stran- ger to the doctrines of the Christian religion. Her daughters are said to be active and enterprising women ; and her grandsons, who have arrived to manhood, are considered able, decent, and respectable men, in their tribe. Having in a cursory manner introduced the principal subject of the following pages, I proceed to the narration of a life that has been viewed with attention, for a great number of years, by a few, and which will be read by the public with mixed sensations of pleasure and pain, joy and sorrow, and with interest, anxiety, and satisfaction. VOWEL SOUNDS. a as m arm. a as in at. a as in ale. e as in met. o as in tone. CONTENTS. OHAPTEB, I. Parentage of Mary Jemison — Born on the sea — Lands, witfi her parents, in Philadelphia, in 1743 — Settles on Marsh creelj, in Western PonnsylTania — Indian alarms — Her childhood and education, 83 OHAPTEE II. Fancied omen — Inroad of a baud of Shawnees — Whole family taken captive in 1755 — Marched into the wilderness — Her mother's farewell address — Murder of her father, mother, two brothers, and sister — Preparation of scalps — Indian caution, to prevent pursuit — Arrival at Fort Du Quesne, 40 OHAPTEE III. Mai'y is given to two Seneca women — They descend the Ohio — Arrival at She-nan-jee — She is dressed in Indian costume — Adopted as a Seneca — Ceremony of Adoption — Is named Deh- he-wa-mis — Nearly regains her liberty — Kemoval to Wi-ish-to — She is married to She-nm-jee, a Delaware — Birth and death of a child — Birth of another child, 52 CHAPTER IV. Visits Port Pitt — Desire for liberty subsides — Labors of the Indian females — Removal fromWi-ish-to to the Genesee — Meet Shawnees who had murdered two white men, and were torturing a third — He ia rescued by Mary — Arrive at Little Beard's Town, . . .69 26 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. Geographical namea — Dialects of tlie Iroquois — Little Beard's Town - The Genesee Valley — Laud slide — Gardcau Flats — Subsequently Mary Jemison Kesorvation — Mount Morris — Big Tree Village — Caneadea iil CHAPTER VI. Indians march to fight the British — Return with cattle and prison- ers — Two prisoners burned — An Indian woman's eloquence — Tragedy of the " Devil's Hole " — Death of She-nan-jee — Attempt to take Mary to Niagara by force — She marries Hi-ok-a-too — Her cnildren — Loss of a daughter, 98 CHAPTER VII. Peace among the Indians — Their happy state — Troubles between Kng- laud and the Colonies — Treaty with the Colonies — Iroquois agree to remain neutral — Treaty with the British — Join them against the Americans — Bounty for scalps — Four female piisoners — Battle of Fort Stanwix — Indian loss — Butler and Brandt, • 108 CHAPTER VIII. Approach of General Sullivan's army — A skirmish — Two Oneida Indians taken — One sacrificed — Lieutenants Boyd and Parker cap tiued — Boyd's barbarous execution — Parker's death — Senecas retreat to the woods — Sullivan's army lays waste the country — Army retires — Senecaa return, but to disperse — Mary goes to Gardeau Flats — Expedition to the Mohawk — Cornplanter and John O'Bail — Ebenezer Allen 118 CHAPTER IX. Mary is ofiered her freedom — She dechues accepting — Her reasons Her favorite Indian brother dies — Great council at Big Tree, in 11-91 — Gardeau reservation given to Mary by the chiefs — Con- tained 1*7, 927 acres of land — Traditions of the Senecas The Great Serpent at Niin-de-wa-o, 130 CONTENTS. 27 CHAPTER X. Little Beard's death — Singular euperstition — Family government — Her sons Thomas and John quarrel — John murders Thomas — John is tried and acquitted by the chiefs — Thomas' character — His wife and children — Death of Hi-ok-a-too — His age and funeral — Hia character, 139 CHAPTER XI. Mary's family troubles continue — John's enmity toward bis brother Jesse — They quarrel — Whisky the cause — John murders Jesse — Jesse's foneral and character, 152 CHAPTER XII. Mary's pretended cousin, George Jemison — His poverty — Her kind- ness and assistance — His ingratitude — Attempt to defraud her of a part of her reservation — Is expelled from the premises, . 158 CHAPTER XIII. John Jemison murdered — Hia funeral, life, and character — His widow and children — His murderers flee — Tall Chief's speech — They return — Their fate, 164 CHAPTER XIV. Mary sella part of her reservation — The hardships of her life — Great strength of constitution — Her temperance — Destructive effects of ardent spirits among the Senecas — Witchcraft — Accusations against her — Executions for witchcraft — Her descendants, . 176 CHAPTER XV. Life of Hi-ok-a-too, half-brother of Farmer's Brother — Naturally cru- el — Inroad upon the Catawbaa in Tennessee — Present at Brad- dock's defeat — Battle of Fort Freeland — Expedition to Cherry Valley — His barbarity — Battle at Upper Sanduaky — Colonel Crawford taken, and burned at the stake — Dr. Knight's escape — Hi-ok-a-too leads a war-party against the Cherokees — His personal appearance — Dies of old age, 185 3 28 CONTENTS. CHAPTEE XVI. Ebenezer Allen — The belt of wampum — He lives at Mary's house — Marries a squaw — Taken by the Indians — Escapes and secretes himself — Fed by Mary — Taken again, tried, and acquitted — Builds a great mill at Rochester — Marries a white woman — Be- moves to Allen's creek — Marries a third wife — Kemoves to Cana- da with two wives — Abandons the first — His death, . . . 201 CHAPTER XVII. Government of the Iroquois — Civil and Military Chiefs — Counsel- ors — Religious Beliefs — The Great Spirit — The Evil Spirit — Religious festivals — Sacrifice of the White Dog — The Dance — Marriage Customs — Chastity of the Indian — Polygamy, . 21€ CHAPTER XVIII. Life of Mary continued — Seneca Reservations sold in 1825 — Is left among the whites — Discontented — Sold her remaining reserva- tion, and removed to Buffalo creek — Professes Christianity — Her death — Is buried near the Mission church — Description of her tombstone — Her descendants, 236 CHAPTER XIX. Maiy Jemiaon's Indian Name— Loss of all her property— James and David Shongo— Buflalo Tom, the present head of the Jemison FamHy^His household and how they live 242 CHAPTER XX. Mary Jemison desires to see the Missionaries— Interview with Mrs. Wright— A mother's dymg injunction asserts its influence— The Captive's anguish at forgetting her mother's prayer— Dawn upon a troubled soul — Personal appearance of Mary Jemison— Her character, 854 CHAPTER XXI. Additional particulars relating to Mary Jemison's parentage— Site of old homestead in Adams County, Pa.— William Buck's grave- De- scription of "White Woman's" personal appearance— Dr. Mun- son's and Henry O'Reilly's interviews with her 260 CONTENTS. 29 APPENDIX. 1. Eemoval of the Remains o£ Mary Jemison 271 2. Mary Jemison. Extract from Buffalo " Courier " S76 3. Deh-he-wa-mis. Extract from Buffalo "Commercial Adver- tiser" 279 4. Mary Jemison's Grave 383 5. Death of Lieutenant Boyd 385 6. Indian Geographical Names 388 rLLUSTRATIONS. PAGB Mabt Jemison Frontispiece os-que-sont, or tomahawk 80 Ga-no-sotb, or Bark House 97 YotJNO Seneca Warrior 109 Ga-nuh'-sa, or Sea-Shell Medal 117 Corn Planter 126 Bark Canoe 129 Eed Jacket 132 Ga-geh-ta, or Belt 138 0-no-nea gos-ha-da, or corn-husk bottle . . . 151 Ah-ta-qua-o-wbh, Moccasin for Female . . . 163 Ga-on-seh, or Baby Frame 165 Gabdeatj Flats 175 Ga-weh-ga, or Snow Shoe ...... 184 Ear-ring 200 Face of Ear-ring 235 Thomas Jemison (" Buffalo Tom ") 246 Portrait of Mrs. Ashek Wright 254 Portrait of James Shonqo 272 Sarcophagus Enclosing the Ebmains of the "White Woman" 275 Mart Jemison's Monument and Indian Council House . 288 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. DEH-HE-WA-MI8. CHAPTER I. Parentage of Mary Jemison — Born on the Sea — Lands, with her parents, in Philadelphia, in 11 iS — Settles in Marsh Creek, in West- ern Pennsylvania — Indian alarms — Her childhood and edu- cation. Although I may have frequently heard the history of my ancestry, my recollection is too imperfect to enable me to trace it further back than to my father and mother, whom I have often heard mention the families from whence they originated, as having possessed wealth, and honorable stations under the government of the country in which they resided. On account of the great length of time that has elapsed since I was separated from my parents and friends, and having heard the story of their nativity only in the days of my childhood, I am unable to state positively which of the two countries, Ireland or Scotland, was the land of my parents' birth and education. It, however, is my impres- sion, that they were born and brought up in Ireland. 34 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. My father's name was Thomas Jemison, and my mother's, before her marriage, was Jane Erwin. Tbeir af- fection for each other was mutual, and of that happy kind which tends directly to sweeten the cup of life ; to render connubial sorrows lighter; to assuage every discontent- ment; and to promote not only their own comfort, but that of all who come within the circle of their acquaintance. Of their happiness, I recollect to have heard them often speak ; and the remembrance I yet retain of their mildness and perfect agreement in the government of their children, to- gether with theii' mutual attention to our common edu- cation, manners, religious instruction and wants, renders it certain in my mind that they were ornaments to the married state, and examples of connubial love worthy of imitation. After my remembrance, they were strict ob- servers of religious duties ; for it was the daily practice of my father, morning and evening, to attend, in his family, to the worship of God. Resolved to leave the land of their nativity, they re- moved from their residence to a port in Ireland, where they lived but a short time before they set sail for this country, in the year 1742 or 1743, on board the ship Wil- liam and Mary, bound to Philadelphia. The intestine divisions, civil wars, and ecclesiastical rigidity and domination that prevailed in those days, were the causes of their leaving their mother country, to DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 35 find a home in the American wilderness, under the mild and temperate government of the descendants of William Penn ; where they might worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, and pursue their lawful avocations without fear of molestation. In Europe, my parents had two sons and one daughter ; their names were John, Thomas, and Betsey; with whom, after having put their effects on board, they embarked, leaving a large connection of relatives and friends, under all those painful sensations which are only felt when kindred souls give the parting hand and last farewell to those to whom they are endeared by every friendly tie. During their voyage I was born — to be the sport of fortune and almost an outcast to civil society ; to stem the current of adversity through a long chain of vicissi- tudes, unsupported by the advice of tender parents, or the hand of an affectionate friend ; and even without the enjoyment, from others, of any of those tender sympathies which are calculated to sweeten the joys of life, except such as naturally flow from uncultivated minds, that have been rendered callous by ferocity. Excepting my birth, nothing remarkable occurred to my parents on their passage ; and they were safely landed at Philadelphia. My father being fond of rural life, and having been bred to agricultural pursuits, soon left the city, and removed his family to a tract of excellent 3* 36 LIFE OP MART JEMISON. land lying on Marsh Creek, on the frontier settlement of Pennsylvania. At that place, he cleared a large farm; and for seven or eight years enjoyed the fruits of hia mdustry. Peace attended their labors; and they had nothing to alarm them, save the midnight howl of the prowling wolf, or the terrifying shriek of the ferocious panther, as they occasionally visited the improvements to take a lamb or a calf to satisfy their hunger. During this period my mother had two sons, between whose ages there was a difference of about three years. The oldest was named Matthew, and the other Eobert. Health presided on every countenance, and vigor and sta'ength characterized every exertion. Our mansion was a little paradise. The morning of my childish, happy days, will ever stand fresh in my memory, notwithstanding the many severe trials through which I have passed, in arriving at my present situation, at so advanced an age. Even at this remote period, the recollection of my pleasant home at my father's, of my parents, of my brothers and sister, and of the manner in which I was deprived of them all at once, affects me so powerfully that I am almost overwhelmed with grief that is seem- ingly insupportable. Frequently, I dream of those happy days : but alas 1 they are gone ; they have left me to be carried through a long life, dependent for the little pleasures of nearly seventy years upon the tender mercies DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 37 of the Indians ! In the spring of 1762, and through the succeeding seasons, the stories of Indian barbarities inflicted upon the whites in those days frequently excited in my parents the most serious alarm for our safety. The next year, the storm gathered faster ; many mur- ders were committed ; and many captives were exposed to meet death in its most frightful form, by having their bodies stuck full of pine splinters, which were imme- diately set on fire, while their tormentors were exulting in their distress and rejoicing in their agony. In 1754, an army for the protection of the settlers, and to drive back the French and Indians, was raised from the militia of the colonial governments, and placed, sec- ondarily, under the command of Colonel G-eorge Wash- ington. In that army I had an uncle, whose name was John Jemison, who was killed at the battle of the Great Meadows, or Fort Necessity. His wife had died some time before this, and left a young child, which my mother nursed in the most tender manner, till its mother's sister took it away, a few months after my uncle's death. The French and Indians, after the surrender of Fort Necessity by Col. Washington, (which happened the same season, and soon after his victory over them at that place,) grew more and more terrible. The death of the whites, and the plundering and burning of their property, was appa- rently their only object. But as yet we had not heard 38 LIFE OP MARY JEMISON. the death-yell, nor seen the smoke of a dwelling that had been lit by an Indian's hand. The return of a new-year's day found us unmolested ; and though we knew that the enemy was at no great dis- tance from us, my father concluded that he would con- tinue to occupy his land another season, expecting, proba- bly from the great exertions which the government was then making, that as soon as the troops could commence their operations in the spring, the enemy would be con- quered, and compelled to agree to a treaty of peace. In the preceding autumn, my father either moved to another part of his farm, or to another neighborhood, a short distance from our former abode. I well recollect moving, and that the barn that was on the place we moved to was built of logs, though the house was a good one. The winter of 1754^5, was as mild as common fall seasons ; and spring presented a pleasant seedtime, and mdicated a plenteous harvest. My father, with the assistance of his oldest sons, repaired his farm as usual, and was daily preparing the soil for the reception of seed. His cattle and sheep were numerous, and according to the best idea of wealth that I can now form, he was wealthy. But alas ! how transitory are all human affairs ! how fleeting are riches ! how brittle the invisible thread on which all earthly comforts are suspended' Peace in a DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 89 moment can take an immeasurable flight ; health can lose its rosy cheeks ; and life -will vanish like a vapor at the appearance of the sun ! In one fatal day, our prospects were all blasted ; and death, by cruel hands, Inflicted upon almost the whole of the family. My education had received as much attention from my parents as their situation in a new country would admit. I had been at school some, where I learned to read in a book that was about half as large as a Bible ; and in the Bible I had read a little. I had also learned the Catechism, which I used frequently to repeat to my parents ; and every night, before I went to bed, I was obliged to stand up before my mother, and repeat some words that I suppose was a prayer. My reading, catechism, and prayers, I have long since forgotten ; though, for a number of the first years that I lived with the Indians, I repeated the prayers as often as I had an opportunity. After the revolutionary war, I remembered the names of some of the letters when I saw them; but have never read a word since I was taken prisoner. It is but a few years since a missionary kindly gave me a Bible, which I am very fond of hearing my neighbors read to me, and should be pleased to learn to read it myself, r>ut my sight for a number of years has been so dim that I have not been able to distinguish one letter from another. 40 LIFE OP MAET JEMTSON. CHAPTER II. Fanci(!d omen — Inroad of a band of Shawnees — Whole family takec captive in 1755 — Marched into the wilderness — Her mother's farewell address — Murder of her father, mother, two brothers, and sister — Preparation of scalps — Indian caution, to prevent pursuit — Arrival at Fort Du Quesne. On a pleasant day in the spring of 1755, when my fa- ther was sowing flax-seed, and my brothers driving the teams, I was sent to a neighbor's house, a distance of per- haps a mUe, to procure a horse, and return with it the next morning. I went as I was directed. I went out of the house to which I had been sent in the beginning of the evening, and saw a sheet, wide spread, approaching to- ward me, in which I was caught, as I have ever since be- lieved, and deprived of my senses. The family soon found me on the ground, almost lifeless, as they said ; took me in, and made use of every remedy in their power for my recovery; but without effect, till daybreak, when my senses returned, and I soon found myself 'n good health, so that I went home with the hors' very early in the morning. The appearance of that sheet I have ever considered as DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 41 a, forerunner of the melancholy catastrophe that so soon afterward happened to our family ; and my being caught in it, I believe, "was ominous of my preservation from death at the time we were captured. As I before observed, I got home with my horse very early in the morning, where I found a man who lived in our neighborhood, and his sister-in-law who had three children, one son and two daughters. I soon learned that they had come there to live a short time ; but for what purpose I can not say. The woman's husband, however, was at that time in Washington's army, fighting for his country ; and as her brother-in-law had a house, she had lived with him in his absence. Their names I have for- gotten. Immediately after I got home, the man took the horse to go to his own house after a bag of grain, and took his gun in his hand for the purpose of killing some game, if he should chance to see any. Our family, as usual, were busily employed about their common business. Father was shaving an ax-helve at the side of the house; mother was making preparations for breakfast; my two oldest brothers were at work near the barn ; and the little ones, with myself, and the woman and her three children, were in the house. Breakfast was not yet ready, when we were alarmed by the discharge of a number of guns, that seemed to be near. Mother and the woman before mentioned almost 42 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON, fainted at the report, and eyery one trembled with fear. On opening the door, the man and horse lay dead near the house, having just been shot by the Indians. I was afterward informed, that the Indians discovered him at his own house with his gun, and pursued him to father's, where they shot him as I have related. They first secured my father, and then rushed into the house, and without the least resistance made prisoners of my mother, brothers, and sister, the woman, her three children, and myself; and then commenced plundering. My two brothers, Thomas and John, being at the bam, escaped and went to Virginia, where my grandfather Er- win then lived, as I was informed by a Mr. Fields, who was at my house about the close of the revolutionary war. The party that took us consisted of six Indians and four Frenchmen, who immediately commenced plundering, as I just observed, and took what they considered most valuable ; consisting principally of bread, meal, and meat. Having taken as much provision as they could carry, they set out with their prisoners in great haste, for fear of detection, and soon entered the woods.* On our march that day, an Indian went behind us with a whip, with which he frequently lashed the children, to make them keep up. In this manner we traveled till dark, without a * Ab Mary was born in the year 1742 or 174.3, and was taken cap- tive in 1755, she was at this time about thirteen years of age. — [En, DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 43 mouthful of food or a drop of water, although we had not eaten since the night before. Whenever the little children cried for water, the Indians would make them drink urine, or go thirsty. At night they encamped in the woods, without fire and without shelter, where we were watched with the greatest vigilance. Extremely fatigued, and very hungry, we were compelled to lie upon the ground, without supper or a drop of water to satisfy the cravings of our appetites. As in the day time, so the little ones were made to drink urine in the night, if they cried for water. Fatigue alone brought us a little sleep for the refreshment of our weary limbs ; and at the dawn of day we were again started on our march, in the same order that we had proceeded the day before. About sun- rise we were halted, and the Indians gave us a full breakfast of provision that they had brought from my father's house. Each of us, being very hungry, partook of this bounty of the Indians, except father, who was so much overcome with his situation, so much exhausted by anxiety and grief, that silent despair seemed fastened upon his countenance, and he could not be prevailed upon to refresh his sinking nature by the use of a morsel of food. Our repast being finished, we again resumed our march ; and before noon passed a small fort, that I heard my father say was called Fort Canagojigge. 44 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. That was the only time that I heard him speak from the time we were taken till we were finally separated the following night. Toward evening, we arrived at the border of a dark and dismal swamp, which was covered with small hemlocks or some other evergreen, and various kinds of bushes, into which we were conducted ; and having gone a short dis- tance, we stopped to encamp for the night. Here we had some bread and meat for supper ; but the dreariness of our situation, together with the uncertainty under which we all labored, as to our future destiny, almost deprived us of the sense of hunger, and destroyed our relish for food. Mother, from the time we were taken, had manifested a great degree of fortitude, and encouraged us to support our troubles without complaining; and by her conver- sation, seemed to make the distance and time shorter, and the way more smooth. But father lost all his ambition in the beginning of our trouble, and continued apparently lost to every care — absorbed in melancholy. Here, as before, she insisted on the necessity of our eating; and we obeyed her, but it was done with heavy hearts. As soon as I had finished my supper, an Indian took off my shoes and stockings, and put a pair of moccasins on my feet, which my mother observed; and believing DEH-HE-Wl-MIS. 45 that they would spare my life, even if thej should destroy the other captives, addressed me, as near as I can remem- ber, in the following words : "My dear little Mary, I fear that the time has arrived when we must be parted for ever. Your life, my child, I think will be spared; but we shall probably be toma- hawked here in this lonesome place by the Indians. Oh ! how can I part with you, my darling? What will become of my sweet little Mary 1 Oh ! how can I think of your being continued in captivity, without a hope of your being rescued? Oh! that death had snatched you from my embraces in your infancy : the pain of parting then would have been pleasing to what it now is; and I should have seen the end of your troubles ! Alas, my dear ! my heart bleeds at the thought of what awaits you ; but, if you leave us, remember, my child, your own name, and the names of your father and mother. Be careful and not forget your English tongue. If you shall have an opportunity to get away from the Indians don't try to escape; for if you do they will find and destroy you. Do n't forget, my little daughter, the prayers that I have learned you — say them often : be a good child, and God will bless you ! May God bless you, my child, and make you comfortable and happy." During this time, the Indians stripped the shoes and stockings from the little boy that belonged to the woman 46 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. who was taken with us, and put moccasins on his feet, as they had done before on mine. I was crying. An Indian took the little boy and myself by the hand, to lead us off from the company, when my mother exclaimed, " Do n't cry, Mary ! — don't cry, my child ! God will bless you ! Farewell — farewell ! " The Indian led us some distance into the bushes or woods, and there lay down with us to spend the night. The recollection of parting with my tender mother kept me awake, while the tears constantly flowed from my eyes. A number of times in the night, the little boy begged of me earnestly to run away with him, and get clear of the Indians ; but remembering the advice I had so lately received, and knowing the dangers to which we should be exposed, in traveling without a path and with- out a guide, through a wilderness unknown to us, I told him that I would not go, and persuaded him to lie still till morning. Early the next morning, the Indians and Frenchmen that we had left the night before came to us ; but our friends were left behind. It is impossible for any one to form a correct idea of what my feelings were at the sight of those savages, whom I supposed had murdered my parents and brothers, sister and friends, and left them in the swamp, to be devoured by wild beasts ! But what could I do 1 A poor little defenseless girl ; without the DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 47 power or means of escaping ; ■without a home to go to, even if I could be liberated ; without a knowledge of the direction or distance to my former place of residence; and without a living friend to whom to fly for protection, I felt a kind of horror, anxiety, and dread, that to me .seemed insupportable. I durst not cry — I durst not complain; and to inquire of them the fate of my friends, even if I could have mustered resolution, was beyond my ability, as I could not speak their language, nor they understand mine. My only relief was in silent, stifled sobs. My suspicions as to the fate of my parents proved too true; for soon after I left them they were killed and scalped, together with Eobert, Matthew, Betsey, and the woman and her two children, and mangled in the most shocking manner. Haying given the little boy and myself some bread and meat for breakfast, they led us on as fast as we couW travel, and one of them went behind with a long staff, poking up all the grass and weeds that we trailed down by going over them. By taking that precaution, they avoided detection ; for each weed was so nicely placed in its natural position, that no one would have suspected tbat we had passed that way. It is the custom of Indians, when scouting, or on private expeditions, to step carefully, and where no impression of their feet can be 48 LIFE OF MAKif JFMISON. left — shunning wet or muddy ground. They seldom take hold of a bush or limb, and never break one ; and by observing these precautions, and that of setting up the weeds and grass which they necessarily lop, they com- pletely elude the sagacity of their pursuers, and escape that punishment which they are conscious they merit from the hand of justice. After a hard day's march we encamped in a ihicket, where the Indians made a shelter of boughs, and then built a good fire to warm and dry our benumbed limbs and clothing; for it had rained some through the day. Here we were again fed as before. When the Indians had finished their supper, they took from their baggage a number of scalps, and went about preparing them for the market, or to keep without spoiling, by straining them over small hoops which they prepared for that purpose, and then drying and scraping them by the fire. Having put the scalps, yet wet and bloody, upon the hoops, and stretched them to their full extent, they held them to the fire tUl they were partly dried, and then, with their knives, commenced scraping off the flesh ; and in that way they continued to work, alternately drying and scraping them, till they were dry and clean. That being done, they combed the hair in the neatest manner, and then painted it and the edges of the scalps, yet on the hoops, red. Those scalps I knew at the time must DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 49 have been taken from our family, by the color of the hair. My mother's hair was red ; and I could easily distinguish my father's and the children's from each other. That sight was most appalling ; yet I was obliged to endure it without complaining. In the course of the night, they made me to understand that they should not have killed the family, if the whites had not pursued them. Mr. Fields, whom I have before mentioned, informed me that, at the time we were taken, he lived in the vicin- ity of my father ; and that, on hearing of our captivity, the whole neighborhood turned out in pursuit of the ene- my, and to deliver us, if possible ; but that their efforts were unavailing. They, however, pursued us to the dark swamp, where they found my father, his family, and com- panions, stripped, and mangled in the most inhuman man- ner : that from thence the march of the cruel monsters could not be traced in any direction ; and that they re- turned to their homes with the melancholy tidings of our misfortunes, supposing we had all shared in the massacre. The next morning we pursued our journey, an Indian going behind us and setting up the weeds, as on the day before. At night, we encamped on the ground in the open air, without a shelter or fire. In the morning we again set out early, and traveled as on the two former days; though the weather was 50 LIFE OF MAEY .TEMISON. extremely uncomfortable, from the continual falling of ram and snow. At nigit the snow fell fast, and the Indians built a snelter of boughs, and kindled a fii-e, where we rested tolerably dry through that and the two succeeding nights. When we stopped, and before the fire was kindled, I was so much fatigued from running, and so far benumbed by tne wet and cold, that I expected that I must fall and me before I could get warm and comfortable. The fire, nowever, soon restored the circulation of blood; and after I had taken my supper. I felt so that I rested well through the night. On account of the storm, we were two days at that nlace. On one of those days, a party consisting of six Indians, who had been to the frontier settlements, came to where we were, and brought with them one prisoner — a young white man, who was very tired and dejected. HLs name I have forgotten. Misery certainly loves company. I was extremely glad to see him, though I knew from his appearance that his situation was as deplorable as my ow^, and that he could afford me no kind of assistance. In the afternoon the Indians killed a deer, wmch they dressed, and then roasted whole ; which made them a full meal. We were each allowed a share of their venison, and some bread, so that we made a good meal also. DEH-HE-Wl-MIS. 51 Having spent three nights and two days at that place, and the storm having ceased, early in the morning the whole company, consisting of twelve Indians, four French- men, the young man, the little boy, and myself, moved on at a moderate pace, without taking the previously-adopted precautions to olditerate or hide our trail. In the aftemam we came in sight of Fort Du Quesne, (since Fort Pitt, now Pittsburg,) where we halted, while the Indians performed some ceremonies in conformity to their customs on such occasions. That fort was then occupied by the French and Indians. It stood at the junction of the Monongahela, (Falling-in-Banks,) and Alleghany rivers, where the Ohio Eiver begins to take its name. The word 0-hi-o signifies bloody.* At the place where we halted, the Indians combed the hair of the young man, the boy, and myself, and then painted our faces and hair red, in the finest Indian style. We were then conducted into the fort, where we received a little bread, and were then shut up in an uninhabited house, and left to tarry alone through the night. * 0-hee-yo, the radix of the word Ohio, signifies the " Beautiful River ;" and the Iroquois, by conferring it upon the Alleghany, or head branch of the Ohio, have not only fixed a name from their language upon one of the great rivers of the Continent, but indirectly upon one of the noblest states of our Confederacy. — [LEAOnK of the Iroquois, p. 436 3 52 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. CHAPTER III. Mary is given to two Seneca women — They descend the Ohio — Arrival at She-nan-jee — She is dressed in Indian costume — Adopted as a Seneca — Ceremony of Adoption — Is named Deh- he-wa-mis — Nearly regains her liberty — Kemoval to Wi-ish-to — She is married to She-nin-jee, a Delaware — Birth and death of a child — Birth of another child. The night was spent in gloomy forebodings. What the result of our captivity would be, it was out of our power to determine, or even imagine. At times, we could almost realize the approach of our masters to butcher and scalp us ; again, we could nearly see the pile of wood kindled on which we were to be roasted; and then we would Imagine ourselves at liberty, alone and defenseless in the forest, surrounded by wild beasts that were ready to de- vour us. The anxiety of our minds drove sleep from oui eyelids; and it was with a dreadful hope and painful impatience that we waited for the morning to determine our fate. The morning at length arrived, and our masters came early and let us out of the house, and gave the young man and boy to the French, who immediately took them > CO < (/) ^ CD Q) C/) -Q gj — ^. 3" ^ ^ ? -D CQ 3-CQ 5" CD CQ D) ■ 1^^^ CD ■ ^^^m O) Q_ tt ■D B c ■ ^^^ u> ■ ^^^B GO o Q. T5 Q. CO CD O CO ^ ^^ D) CD JD E _CD ^_, "S CO > GO < DEH-HE-WA-MXS. 55 away. Their fate I never learned, as I have not seen nor heard of them since. 1 was now left alone in the fort, deprived of my former companions, and of every thing that was near or dear to me but life. But it was not long before I was in some measure relieved by the appearance of two pleasant- looking squaws, of the Seneca tribe, who came and examined me attentively for a short time, and then went out. After a few minutes' absence, they returned in com- pany with my former masters, who gave me to the squaws to dispose of as they pleased. The Indians by whom I was taken were a party of Shawnees,* if I remember right, that lived, when at lome, a long distance down the Ohio. My former Indian masters and the two squaws were soon ready to leave the fort, and accordingly embarked — the Indians in a large canoe, and the two squaws and myself in a small one — and went down the Ohio. When we set off, an Indian in the forward canoe took the scalps of my former friends, strung them on a pole that he * The home country of the Shawnees, at the period ol colonization by the Europeans, was in the western part of the present state of Kentucky. They are thus located by Albert Gallatin, on his map of the sites of the Indian tribes of the Continent, published in the second volume of the " Transactions of the American Ethnological Society." The name of this nation in the Seneca dialect of the Iroquois lan- ^age is Sa-w'd-no-o-no. — [Ed. 56 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. placed upon his shoulder, and in that manner carried them, standing in the stern of the canoe directly before us, as we sailed down the river, to the town where the two squaws resided. On the way we passed a Shawnee town, where I saw a number of heads, arms, legs, and other fi-agments of the bodies of some white people who had just been burned. The parts that remained were hanging on a pole, which was supported at each end by a crotch stuck in the ground, and were roasted or burnt black as a coal. The fire was yet burning ; and the whole appearance afforded a spectacle so shocking that even to this day the blood almost curdles in my veins when I think of them. At night we arrived at a small Seneca Indian town, at the mouth of a small river that was called by the Indians, in the Seneca language, She-nan-jee, about eighty miles by water from the fort, where the two squaws to whom I belonged resided. There we landed, and the Indians went on ; which was the last I ever saw of them. Having made fast to the shore, the squaws left me in the canoe while they went to their wigwam or house in the town, and returned with a suit of Indian clothing, all new, and very clean and nice. My clothes, though whole and good when I was taken, were now torn in pieces, so that I was almost naked. They first undressed me, and DBH-HE-WA-MIS. 57 threw my rags into the river ; then washed me clean and dressed me in the new suit they had just brought, in complete Indian style ; and then led me home and seated me in the center of their wigwam. I had been in that situation but a few minutes before all the squaws in the town came in to see me. I was soon surrounded by them, and they immediately set up a most dismal howling, crying bitterly, and wringing their hands in all the agonies of grief for a deceased relative. Their tears flowed freely, and they exhibited all the signs of real mourning. At the commencement of this scene, one of their number began, in a voice somewhat between speaking and singing, to recite some words to the following purport, and continued the recitation till the ceremony was ended ; the company at the same time varying the appearance of their countenances, gestures, and tone of voice, so as to correspond with the senti- ments expressed by their leader. " Oh, our brother ! alas ! he is dead — he has gone; he will never retnm ! Friendless, he died on the field of the slain, where his bones are yet lying unburied ! Oh ! who will not mourn his sad fate 1 No tears dropped around him : oh, no ! No tears of his sisters were there ! He fell in his prime, when his arm was most needed to keep us from danger ! Alas ! he has gone, and left us in sor- row, his loss to bewail ! Oh, where is his spirit 1 His 58 LIFE OP MAET JEMISON. spirit went naked, and hungry it wanders, and thirsty and wounded, it groans to return ! Oh, helpless and wretched, our brother has gone ! No blanket nor food to nourish and warm him ; nor candles to light him, nor weapons of war ! Oh, none of those comforts had he ! But well we remember his deeds ! The deer he could take on the chase ! The panther shrunk back at the sight of his strength ! His enemies fell at his feet ! He was brave and courageous in war ! As the fawn, he was harmless ; his friendship was ardent ; his temper was gentle ; his pity was great ! Oh ! our friend, our com- panion, is dead ! Our brother, our brother 1 alas, he is gone ! But why do we grieve for his loss 1 In the strength of a warrior, undaunted he left us, to fight by the side of the chiefs ! His warwhoop was shrill ! His rifle well aimed laid his enemies low : his tomahawk drank of their blood: and his knife flayed their scalps while yet covered with gore ! And why do we mourn ? Though he fell on the field of the slain, with glory he fell ; and his spirit went up to the land of his fathers in war ! Then why do we mourn ? With transports of joy, they received him, and fed him, and clothed him, and welcomed him there ! Oh, friends, he is happy ; then dry up your tears ! His spirit has seen our distress, and sent us a helper whom with pleasure we greet. Deh-he-wa-mis has come: then let us receive her with joy! — she is hand- DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 59 some and pleasant ! Ot ! she is our sister, and gladly we welcome her here. In the place of our brother she stands in our tribe. With care we will guard her from trouble ; and may she be happy till her spirit shall leave us." In the course of that ceremony, from mourning they became serene, — joy sparkled in their countenances, and they seemed to rejoice over me as over a long-lost child. I was made welcome among them as a sister to the two squaws before mentioned, and was called Deh-he-wa-mis ; which, being interpreted, signifies a pretty girl, a hand- some girl, or a pleasant, good thing. That is the name by which I have ever since been called by the Indians. I afterward learned that the ceremony I at that time passed through was that of adoption. The two squaws had lost a brother in "Washington's war, sometime in the year before, and in consequence of his death went up to Fort Du Quesne on the day on which I arrived there, in order to receive a prisoner, or an enemy's scalp, to supply their loss. It is a custom of the Indians, when one of their number is slaui or taken prisoner in battle, to give to the nearest relative of the dead or absent a prisoner, if they have chanced to take one ; and if not, to give him the scalp of an enemy. On the return of the Indians from the conquest, which is always announced by peculiar shoutings, demonstrations of joy, and the exhibition of some trophy of victory, the mourners come forward and so LIFE OF MAEY JEKISON. make their claims. If they receive a prisoner, it is at their option either to satiate their vengeance by taking his life in the most cruel manner they can conceive of, or to receive and adopt him into the family, in the place of him whom they have lost. All the prisoners that are taken in battle and carried to the encampment or town by the Indians are given to the bereaved families, till their number is good. And unless the mourners have but just received the news of their bereavement, and are under the operation of a paroxysm of grief, anger, or re- venge; or, unless the prisoner is very old, sickly, or homely, they generally save them, and treat them kindly. But if their mental wound is fresh, their loss so great that they deem it irreparable, or if their prisoner or pris- oners do not meet their approbation, no torture, let it be ever so cruel, seems sufficient to make them satisfaction. It is family and not national sacrifices among the In- dians, that has given them an indelible stamp as bar- barians, and identified their character with the idea which is generally formed of unfeeling ferocity and the most barbarous cruelty. It was my happy lot to be accepted for adoption. At the time of the ceremony I was received by the two squaws to supply the place of their brother in the family ; and I was ever considered and treated by them as a real sister, the same as though I had been born of their mother. DEII-HK-WA-MIS. 61 During the ceremony of my adoption, I sat motionless, Qearly terrified to death at the appearance and actions of the company, expecting every moment to feel their ven- geance, and suffer death on the spot. I was, however, happily disappointed ; when at the close of the ceremony the company retired, and my sisters commenced employ- ing every means for my consolation and comfort.* * "The Iroquois nerer exchanged prisoners with Indian nations, nor ever sought to reclaim their own people from captirity among them. Adoption or the torture were the alternative chances of the captive. » * * A regular ceremony of adoption was performed in each case to complete the naturaUzation. With captives this cere- mony was the gauntlet, after which new names were assigned to them. Upon the return of a war party with captives, if they had lost any of their own number in the expedition, the families to which these be- longed were first allowed an opportunity to supply from the captives the places made vacant in their household. Any family could then adopt out of the residue any such as chanced to attract their favorable notice, or whom they wished to save. At the time appointed, the women and children of the village arranged themselves in two parallel rows just without the village, each one having a whip with which to lash the captives as they passed between the lines. The male cap- tives, who alone were required to undergo this test of their powers of endurance, were brought out, and each one was shown in turn the house in which he was to take refuge, and which was to be his future home if he passed successfully through the ordeal. They were then taken to the head of this long avenue of whips, and were compelled, one ailer another, to run through it for their lives, and for the enter- tainment of the surrounding throng, exposed at every step, unde- fended, and with naked backs, to the merciless infliction of the whip. Those who fell from exhaustion were immediately dispatched, as un- 3* 62 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. Being now settled and provided with a home, I was employed in nursing the children, and doing light work about the house. Occasionally, I was sent out with the Indian hunters, when they went but a short distance, to help them carry their game. My situation was easy; I had no particular hardships to endure. But still, the recollection of my parents, my brothers and sisters, my home, and my own captivity, destroyed my happiness, and made me constantly solitary, lonesome, and gloomy. My sisters would not allow me to speak English in their hearing ; but remembering the charge that my dear mother gave me at the time I left her, whenever I chanced to be alone I made a business of repeating my prayer, catechism, or something I had learned, in order that I might not forget my own language. By practicing in that way, I retained it till I came to Genesee flats, where I soon became acquainted with English people, with whom I have been almost daily in the habit of conversing. worthy to be saved ; but those who emerged in safety from this teat of their physical energies were from that moment treated with the utmost affection and kindness. When the perils of the gauntlet were over, the captive ceased to be an enemy, and became an Iroquois. Not only so, but he was received into the family by which he was adopted, with all the cordiaUty of affection, and into all the relations of the one whose place he was henceforth to occupy." — ^League op THE Iroquois, p. 342. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 63 My sisters were very diligent in teaching me their language ; and to their great satisfaction, I soon learned so that I could understand it readily, and speak it fluently. I was very fortunate in falling into their hands ; for they were kind, good-natured women ; peace- able and mild in their dispositions ; temperate and decent ua their habits, and very tender and gentle toward me. I have great reason to respect them, though they have been dead a great number of years. The town where they lived was pleasantly situated on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Shenanjee. The land produced good corn; the woods furnished plenty of game, and the waters abounded with fish. Another river emptied itself into the Ohio, directly opposite the mouth of the Shenanjee. We spent the summer at that place, where we planted, hoed, and harvested a large crop of corn, of excellent quality. About the time of our corn harvest. Fort Du Quesne was taken from the French by the English, and called Fort Pitt. The corn being harvested, the Indians took it on horses and in canoes, and with us proceeded down the Ohio, occasionally stopping to hunt a few days, till we arrived at the mouth of Sciota river; where they established their winter quarters, and continued hunting till the ensuing spring, in the adjacent wilderness. While at 64 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. that place, I went with the other children to assist the hunters to bring in their game. The forests on the Soiota were well stocked with elk, deer, and other large animals; and the marshes contained large numbers of beaver, muskrat, etc., which made excellent hunting for the Indians; who depended, for their meat, upon their success in taking elk and deer ; and for ammunition and clothing, upon the beaver, muskrat, and other furs that they could take in addition to their peltry. The season for hunting being passed, we all returned in the spring to the mouth of the river Shenanjee, to the houses and fields we had left in the fall before. There we again planted our corn, squashes, and beans, on the fields that we occupied the preceding summer. About planting time, our Indians all went up to Fort Pitt, to make peace with the British, and took me with them. "We landed on the opposite side of the river from the fort, and encamped for the night. Early the next morning the Indians took me over to the fort to see the white people who were there. It was then that my heart bounded to be liberated from the Indians and to be restored to my friends and my country. The white people were surprised to see me with the Indians, endur- ing the hardships of a savage life, at so early an age, and with so delicate a constitution as I appeared to possess. They asked me my name ; where and when I was taken. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. ■ 65 and appeared very much interested on my behalf. They were continuing their inquiries, when my sisters became alarmed, and, believing I should be taken from them, hurried me into their canoe, and recrossed the river — took their bread out of the fire, and fled -with me, without stopping, till they arrived at the river Shenanjee. So great was their fear of losing me, or of my being given up in the treaty, that they never once stopped rowing till they got home. Shortly after we left the shore opposite the fort, as I was informed by one of my Indian brothers, the white people came over to take me back ; but after considerable inquiry, and having made diligent search to find where I was hid, they returned with heavy hearts. Although I had then been with the Indians something over a year, and had become considerably habituated to their mode of living, and attached to my sisters, the sight of white people who could speak English inspired me with an un- speakable anxiety to go home with them, and share in the blessings of civilization. My sudden departure and escape from them seemed like a second captivity, and for a long time I brooded over the thoughts of my miserable situation with almost as much sorrow and dejection as I had done over those of my first sufferings. Time, the destroyer of every afi"ection, wore away my unpleasant im LIFE OP MAET JEMISON. feelings, and I became as contented as before. We tended our cornfields through the summer; and after we had harvested the crop, we again went down the river to the hunting-grounds on the Sciota, where we spent the winter, as we had done the winter before. Early in the spring, we sailed up the Ohio River to a place that the Indians called Wi-ish-to, where one river emptied into the Ohio on one side, and another on the other, about eighty or ninety miles above the mouth of the Sciota. At that place the Indians built a town, and we planted corn. "We lived three summers at Wiishto, and spent each winter on the Sciota. The first summer of our living at Wiishto, a party of Delaware Indians came up the river, took up their residence, and lived in common with us. They brought five white prisoners with them, who, by their conversa- tion, made my situation much more agreeable, as they could all speak English. I have forgotten the names of all of them except one, which was Priscilla Eamsay. She was a very handsome, good-natured girl, and was married soon after she came to Wiishto, to Captain Little Billy's uncle, who went with her on a visit to her friends in the States. Having tarried with them as long as she wished to, she returned with her husband to Can- a-ah-tua, where he died. She, after his death, married a UEH-HE-WA-MIS. 67: white man by the name of Nettles, and now lives with him, if she is living, on Grand Eiver, Upper Canada. Not long after the Delawares came to live with us at Wiishto, my sisters told me that I must go and live with one of them, whose name was She-nin-jee. Not daring to cross them or disobey their commands, with a great degree of reluctance I went ; and Sheninjee and I were man-ied according to Indian custom. Sheninjee was a noble man — large in stature, elegant in his appearance, generous in his conduct, courteous in war, a friend to peace, and a lover of justice. He sup- ported a degree of dignity far above his rank, and merited and received the confidence and friendship of all the tribes with whom he was acquainted. Yet, Sheninjee was an Indian. The idea of my spending my days with him at first seemed perfectly irreconcilable to my feelings ; but his good nature, generosity, tenderness, and friendship toward me, soon gained my affection ; and, strange as it may seem, I loved him ! To me he was ever kind in sickness, and always treated me with gentleness ; in fact, he was an agreeable husband and a comfortable compan- ion. We lived happily together till the time of our final separation, which happened two or three years after our marriage. In the second summer of my living at "Wiishto, I had a child, at the time that the kernels of com first appeared 68 LIFE OF MART .TEMISON. on tlie cob. When I was taken sick, Sheninjee was ab- sent, and I was sent to a small shed on the bank of the river, which was made of boughs, where I was obliged to stay till my husband returned. My two sisters, who were my only companions, attended me ; and on the second day of my confinement my child was born ; but it lived only two days. It was a girl; and notwithstanding the short ness of the time that I possessed it, it was a great grief to me to lose it. After the birth of my child I was very sick, but wai not allowed to go into the house for two weeks ; when, t( my great joy, Sheninjee returned, and I was taken in, and as comfortably provided for as our situation would admit. My disease continued to increase for a number of days ; and I became so far reduced that my recovery was de- spaired of by my friends, and I concluded that my troublef would soon be finished. At length, however, my com- plaint took a favorable turn, and by the time the corn was ripe I was able to get about. I continued to gain my health, and in the fall was able to go to our winter quar- ters, on the Saratoga, with the Indians. From that time nothing remarkable occurred to me till the fourth winter of my captivity, when I had a son born, while I was at Sciota. I had a quick recovery, and my child was healthy. To commemorate the name of my much-lamented father, I called my son Thomas Jemison. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 69 CHAPTER IV. Visits Fort Pitt — Desire for liberty Bubsidea — Labors of the Indiau females — Removal from Wi-ish-to to the Genesee — Meet Shawneea who had murdered two white men, and were torturing a third — He is rescued by Mary — Arrive at Little Beard's Town. In the spring, when Thomas was three or four moons (months) old, we returned from Sciota to Wiishto, and Boon after set out to go to Fort Pitt, to dispose of our furs and skins that we had taken in the winter, and pro- cure some necessary articles for the use of our family. I had then been with the Indians four summers and four winters, and had become so far accustomed to their mode of living, habits, and dispositions, that my anxiety to get away, to be set at liberty and leave them, had almost subsided. With them was my home; my family was there, and there I had many friends to whom I was warmly attached in consideration of the favors, affection, and friendship with which they had uniformily treated me from the time of my adoption. Our labor was not severe; and that of one year was exactly similar in almost every respect to that of the others, without that endless variety that is to be observed in the common labor of the 70 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. white people. Notwithstanding the Indian women have all the fuel and bread to procure, and the cooking to perform, their task is probably not harder than that of white women, who have those articles provided for them; and their cares certainly are not half as numerous, nor as great. In the summer season, we planted, tended, and harvested our corn, and generally had all our children with US; but had no master to oversee or drive us, so that we could work as leisurely as we pleased. We had no plows on the Ohio, but performed the whole process of planting and hoeing with a small tool that resem- bled, in some respects, a hoe with a very short handle. We pursued our farming business according to the gen- eral custom of Indian women, which is as follows : In order to expedite their business, and at the same time enjoy each other's company, they all work together in one field, or at whatever job they may have on hand. In the spring, they choose an old active squaw to be their driver and overseer, when at labor, for the ensuing year. She accepts the honor, and they consider themselves bound to obey her. When the time for planting arrives, and the soil is pre- pared, the squaws are assembled in the morning, and con- ducted into a field, where each plants one row. They then go into the next field and plant once across, and so on till they have gone through the tribe. If any remains DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 7| to be planted, they again commence where they did at first, (in the same field,) and so keep on till the whole is finished. By this rule, they perform their labor of every kind, and every jealousy of one having done more or less than another is effectually avoided. Each squaw outs her own wood ; but it is all brought to the house under the direction of the overseer. Their method of computing time was by moons and winters : a moon is a month ; and the time from the end of one winter to that of another, a year. From sunset till sunrise, they say that the sun is asleep. In the old of the moon, when it does not shine in the night, they say it is dead. They rejoice greatly at the sight of the new moon. In order to commemorate great events, and preserve the chronology of them, the war chief in each tribe keeps a war-post. This post is a peeled stick of timber ten or twelve feet high, that is erected in the town. For a cam- paign, they make, or rather the chief makes, a perpen- dicular red mark, about three inches long and half an inch wide ; on the opposite side from this, for a scalp, they make a red cross, thus, -f ; on another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make a red cross in this manner, ^, with a head, or dot ; and by placing such significant hiero- glyphics in so conspicuous a situation, they are enabled 72 LIFE OP MAET JEMISON. to ascertain with great certainty the time and circum- stances of past events. Hiokatoo had a war-post, on which was recorded his military exploits, and other things that he thought worth preserving. Our cooking consisted in pounding our corn into samp or hominy, boiling the hominy, making now and then a cake and baking it in the ashes, and in boiling or roasting our venison. As our cooking and eating utensils consisted of a hominy block and pestle, a small kettle, a knife or two, and a few vessels of bark or wood, it required but little time to keep them in order for use. Spinning, weaving, sewing, stocking knitting, and the like, are arts which have never been practiced in the Indian tribes generally. After the revolutionary war, I learned to sew, so that I could make my own clothing after a poor fashion ; but I have been wholly ignorant of the appli- cation of the other domestic arts since my captivity. In the season of hunting, it was our business, in addition to our cooking, to bring home the game that was taken by the In- dians, dress it, and carefully preserve the eatable meat, and prepare or dress the skins. Our clothing was fastened to- gether with strings of deerskin, and tied on with the same. In that manner we lived, without any of those jealousies, quarrels, and revengeful battles between families and indi- DETl-flE-'WA-MIS. @ viduals, which have been common in the Indian tribes since the introduction of ardent spirits among them The use of ardent spirits among the Indians, and a majority of the attempts which have been made to civilize them by the white people, have constantly made them worse and worse ; increased their vices, and robbed them of many of their virtues, and will ultimately produce their extermination. I have seen, in a number of instances, the effects of education upon some of our Indians, who were taken, when young, from their families, and placed at school before they had had an opportunity to contract many Indian habits, and there kept till they arrived to manhood ; but I have never seen one of those but was an Indian in every respect after he returned. Indians must and will be Indians, in spite of all the means that can be used to instruct them in the arts and sciences. One thing only marred my happiness while I lived with them on the Ohio, and that was the recollection that I once had tender parents, and a home that I loved. Aside from that recollection, which could not have existed had I been taken in my infancy, I should have been con- tented in my situation. Notwithstanding all that has been said against the Indians, in consequence of their cruelties to their enemies — cruelties that I have witnessed and had abundant proof of — it is a fact that they are naturally kind, tender, and peaceable toward their friends. 74 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. and strictly honest; and that those cruelties have been practiced only upon their enemies, according to their idea of justice. At the time we left Wiishto, it was impossible for me to suppress a sigh on parting with those who had truly been my friends — with those whom I had every rea- son to respect. On account of a part of our family living at Genishau, or Genesee, we thought it doubtful whether we should return directly from Fort Pitt, or go from thence on a visit to see them. Our company consisted of my husband, my two Indian brothers, my little son, and myself. We embarked in a canoe that was large enough to contain ourselves and our effects, and proceeded up the river. Nothing remarkable occurred to us on our way, till we arrived at the mouth of a creek which Sheninjee and my brothers said was the outlet of Sandusky Lake; where, as they said, two or three English traders in fur and skins had kept a trading-house but a short time before, though they were then absent. We had passed the trading-house but a short distance when we met three white men float- ing down the river, with the appearance of having been recently murdered by the Indians. We supposed them to be the bodies of the traders whose stores we had passed the same day. Sheninjee being alarmed for fear of being apprehended as one of the murderers, if he should go on, DEH-HE-WA-MIS, 76 resolved to put about immediately ; and we accordingly returned to where the traders had lived, and there landed. At the trading-house we found a party of Shawnee In- dians, who had taken a young white man prisoner, and had just begun to torture him, for the sole purpose of gratifying their curiosity in exulting at his distress. They at first made him stand up, while they slowly pared his ears, and split them into strings. They then made a number of slight incisions in his face, and bound him on the ground, rolled him in the dirt, and rubbed it in his wounds ; some of them at the same time whipping him with small rods. The poor fellow cried for mercy, and yelled most piteously. The sight of his distress seemed too much for me to endure. I begged of them to desist — I entreated them, with t«ars, to release him. At length they regarded my intercessions, and set him at liberty. He was shockingly disfigured, bled profusely, and appeared to be in great pain ; but as soon as he was liberated, he made ofT in haste, which was the last I saw of him. We soon learned that the same party of Shawnees had, but a few hours before, massacred the three white traders whom we saw on the river, and had plundered their store. We, however, were not molested by them ; and, after a short stay at that place, moved up the creek about forty miles to a Shawnee town, which the Indians called Gaw- 76 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. gust-shaw-ga,* (which, heing interpreted, signifies a mask or a false face.) The creek that we went up was called Candusky. It was now summer ; and having tarried a few days at Gawgushshawga, we moved on up the creek to a place that was called Tish-kah-wa-na, (meaning, in English, open mouth.) As I have before observed, the family to which I be- longed was part of a tribe of Seneca Indians, who lived at that time at a place called Genishau, from the name of the tribe that was situated on a river of the same name, which is now called Genesee. The word Genishau signi- fies a shining, clear, or open place.f Those of us who lived on the Ohio had frequently received invitations from those at Genishau , by one of my brothers who usually went and returned every season, to come and live with them ; and my two sisters had been gone almost two years. While we were at Tishkahwana, my brother arrived there from Genishau, and insisted so strenuously upon our going home with him that my two brothers concluded to go, and to take me with them. * Oa-gb-sa, in the Seneca dialect, signifies " a false face," and G'ir go-sa-ga " the place of the false face," which is doubtless the correct orthography of this word. — [Ed. f Genrtiia'-he^o is the true spelling. It signifies " the beaatiiul valley," from which the river takes its name. The adjective uut-i/o, which means " grand," or " beautiful," is incorporated in the word, and thus determines its signification. — [Ed. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 77 By this time the summer was gone, and the time for harvesting corn had arrived. My brothers, for fear of the rainy season setting in early, thought it best to set out immediately, that we might have good traveling. She- ninjee consented to have me go with my brothers ; but concluded to go down the river himself, with some fur and skins which he had on hand, spend the winter hunting with his friends, and come to me in the spring following. That was accordingly agreed upon, and Sheninjee set out for Wiishto ; and my three brothers and myself, with my little son on my back, at the same time set out for Genishau. We came on to Upper Sandusky, to an Indian town which we found deserted by its inhabitants, in con- sequence of their having recently murdered some English traders, who resided among them. That town was owned and had been occupied by Delaware Indians, who, when they left it, buried their provisions in the earth, in order to prevent their enemies enjoying them, or to have a supply for themselves if they should chance to return. My brothers understood the customs of the Indians when they were obliged to fly from their enemies ; and, suspect- ing that their corn, at least, must have been hid, made diligent search, and at length found a large quantity of it, together with beans, sugar, and honey, so carefully buried that it was completely dry, and as good as when they left it. As our stock of provisions was scanty, we con- 4 78 LIFE OF MARY JEHISON. sidered ourselves extremely fortunate in finding so season- able a supply with so little trouble. Having caught two or three horses that we found there, and famished our- selves with a good store of food, we traveled on till we came to the mouth of French creek, where we hunted two days, and from thence came on to Oonnewango creek, where we stayed eight or ten days, in consequence of our horses having left us and strayed into the woods. The horses, however, were found ; and we again prepared to resume our journey. During our stay at that place the rain fell fast, and had raised the creek to such a hight that it was seemingly impossible for us to cross it. A number of times we ventured in, but were compelled to return, barely escaping with our lives. At length we succeeded in swimming our horses, and reached the oppo- site shore ; though I and my little boy but just escaped from being drowned. From Sandusky, the path that we traveled was crooked and obscure; but was tolerably well understood by my oldest brother, who had traveled it a number of times when going to and returning from the Cherokee wars. The fall by this time was consider- ably advanced, and the rains, attended with cold winds, continued daily to increase the difiBculties of traveling. From Connewango we came to a place, called by the Indians Che-ua-shung-gau-tau, on the Alleghany River, at the mouth of what is now called Cold Spring creek, in the DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 79 town of Napoli, Cattaraugus county, state of New York, and from that to U-na-waum-gwa, or Tu-ne-un-gwan, (which means an eddy, not strong,) where the early frosts had destroyed the corn, so that the Indians were in danger of starving for the want of bread. Having rested ourselves two days at that place, we came on to Canea- dea* and stayed one day, and then continued our march until we arrived at Little Beard's Town, in Genishau, at that time a large Seneca town, thickly inhabited. Those only who have traveled on foot the distance of five or six hundred miles, through an almost pathless wUderness, can form any idea of the fatigue and suffer- ings that I endured on that journey. My clothing was thin, and illy calculated to defend me from the continually drenching rains with which I was daily completely wet ; and at night, with nothing but my wet blanket to cover me, I had to sleep on the naked ground, and generally without a shelter, save such as nature provided. In addi- tion to all that, I had to carry my child, then about nine months old, every step of the journey on my back, or in my arms, and provide for his comfort and prevent his suffering, as far as my poverty of means would admit. Such was the fatigue that I sometimes felt, that I thought it impossible for me to go through, and I would almost * Caneadea is a well-preserved Seneca name. The original, O'd-b-y'd- de-o, signifies " where the heavens rest upon the eai'th." — [Ed. 80 LIFE OF MARY JEinSON. abandon the idea of even trying to proceed. My brothers were attentive, and at length, as I have stated, we reached our place of destination, in good health, and without hav- ing experienced a day's sickness from the time we left Yishkahwana. We were kindly received by my Indian mother and the other members of the family, who appeared to make me welcome ; and my two sisters, whom I had not seen in two years, received me with every ezpression of love and friendship ; and that they really felt what they expressed, I have never had the least reason to doubt. The warmth of their feelings, the kind reception which I met with, and the continued favors that I received at their hands, riveted my affection for them so strongly that I am constrained to believe that I loved them as I should have loved my own sister, had she lived, and had I been brought up with her. \ Os-que-sont, or Tomahawk. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 8] CHAPTER v.* Geographical names — Dialects of the Iroquois — Little Beard's Town — The Genesee Valley — Land slide — Gardeau Flats — Subsequently Mary Jemison Reservation — Mount Morria — Big Tree Village — Caneadea. Having conducted the principal subject of our narra- tive to Genishau, or Little Beard's Town.t on the banks of Genesee Eiver, whereon, within the space of twelve miles along that stream, she has since resided seventy-two years of her life — this likewise being the ground on which most of the scenes we are about to relate, whether of joy or sorrow, pleasure or pain, whether ludicrous or horrible, were enacted — we will give the reader a brief geograph- ical sketch of the country, and point out the localities, and those in the surrounding country, most of which have already been, or will hereafter be, referred to in this narrative. It will be understood, that, in describing Indian villages, * This chapter was added by Ebenezcr Mix, Esq. — [Ed. f The name of Little Beard's Town was Be-o-nun^d'd-ga-a, signify- ing "Where the hill is near." It was situated upon the west side of the Genesee Valley, immediately in front of Cuylerville. — fEn. (^ LIFE OF MAHY JEMISON. etc., we have relation to their state then; for some of them have long since been deserted by the Indians, and demolished by the whites; and at this time, 1842, all those on the Genesee Eiver have ceased to exist, scarce leaving a memorial or trace to point out the spot on which they stood. It will likewise be observed that the dis- tances herein given are according to the Indian trails or paths usually traveled by them in that early day. A few remarks on Indian names and the Indian lan- guage, in this place, may be serviceable to the reader who is unacquainted with the significant properties of Indian proper names, and the monotonous sounds and full aspirations of the language of the Iroquois. It has been often observed that a great discrepancy exists among writers, not only in the spelling, but in the necessary pronunciation of Indian names of the same persons or places. It requires but a short explanation to elucidate the cause of this difficulty. Among the Six Nations, not only each nation converses in a different dialect, but each tribe in the same nation have peculiarities in their lan- guage not common in the other tribes, although probably not varying more than the dialects in many of the counties in England. All Indian names, whether of persons or places, are significant of some supposed quality, appearance, or local situation; and the Indians having no written language DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 83 originally, denominated persons and places iu conformity to such quality, etc., in their own dialect. The better to be understood, we will mention a partic- ular case or two, which will give a full explanation to the position assumed : Eed Jacket, the celebrated Indian orator, had six or seven different, and in some instances very dissimilar Indian names, as written or spoken ; but they all meant, in the dialect to which they belonged, "Keeper Awake." The same remarks will apply to the name of the creek which empties into Genesee Eiver, near Mount Morris, generally called Canniskrauga,* which has four or five other quite different Indian names, all meaning the same, in English, to wit, " Among the slippery-elms," as the creek bore the name of an Indian village through which it passed, the village having been named from its local situation. These explanations were obtained some years since, from the late Capt. Horatio Jones, who was one of the best, if not the best Indian linguist in the country; and his explanation had an influential bearing in an important land trial, as that creek had been called by several very different Indian names in the old title-deeds of large tracts of land. In order to have a correct idea of the *The name by which this creek and the village of Dansville is now known to the Senecas is, Ga-mii-ga-go, signifying, "among the milkweed." — [Ed. 84 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. pronunciation of Indian names, they must be divided into as many monosyllabical words as there are syllables, for so they originally were, and an h added to almost every syllable ending with a vowel. Therefore, as is the case in the pronunciation of all sentences composed of words of one syllable only, all difference of accent is destroyed, and the Indians use very little difference of emphasis. For example, take the original name of Oanandaigna, as now spelled and pronounced in the Seneca language, Cah-nan-dah-gwah. * Formerly, in using Indian names, it was necessary to pay some attention to the Indian pronunciation, so as to be understood by the aborigines; but as they, together with their languages, are fast fading from among us, that necessity no longer exists. Therefore, it becomes neces- sary to Anglicise such names, and make them conform to the English pronunciation in as soft and smooth sounds as possible, to which the letters composing the word, when written, should be made to correspond. Little Beard's Town, where Mary Jemison first resided when she came to Genesee Eiver, was the most consider- able Indian village, or town, in its vicinity. We have no means at this time of ascertaining, or even estimating its extent or population; but tradition, as well as Mary Jem- * Od-nun-d&-gu}a, "a place selected for a settlement," is the preBent spelling and pronunciation of this name. — [Ed. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 85 ison, informs us, that it covered a large territory for a Til- lage, and that it was thickly populated. Its chief, or ruler, was Little Beard — a strong-minded, ambitious, and cruel man; and an arbitrary and despotic ruler. This village stood near the north end of the twelve miles in length heretofore mentioned, on the Genesee Flats, on the west side of the river, between the present villages of Genesee and Moscow, about midway, although nearest to Moscow, and near the site of the new village of Cuyler, on the Genesee Valley Canal. The tract of country around its site has the most delightful appearance imaginable, considering there are no lofty snow-clad peaks, deafening cataracts, or unfath- omable dells, to stamp it with the appellation of romantic. The alluvial flats through which the river meanders for four or five miles above and many miles below are from one mile to two miles wide, as level as a placid lake, and as fertile, to say the least, as any land in this state. Thou- sands of acres of these flats were cleared of their timber when Indian tradition commences their description. These flats are encompassed on each side by a rolling country, gradually rising as it recedes from the river, but in no place so abrupt as to merit the cognomen of a hill. This was the terrestrial paradise of the Senecas ; and to this tract they gave the name of Gen-ish-a-u, Chen-ne- 4* 86 LIFE OP MARY JEMISON. se-co, Gen-ne-se-0, or Gen-ne-see, as pronounced by the different Indian tribes, and being interpreted, all meaning substantially the same; to wit, Shining-Clear-Opening, Pleasant-Clear-Opening, Clear-Valley, or Pleasant-Open- Valley. From this favorite spot Genesee Eiver took its name ; and these flats, at that early period, assumed and still continue to retain exclusively the name of Genesee Flats, as a distinction from Gardeau, Caneadea, and other flats which bear local names although lying on the same river. Genesee River rises in Pennsylvania, and, after enter- ing this state, pursues its course with some rapidity, a little west of north, through a hilly country, forming little, if any, alluvial flats, until it approaches Belvidere, (Judge Church's villa near Angelica,) about twenty miles from Pennsylvania line. From thence it continues the same general course with less rapidity, winding its way through flats of a greater or less width, to a point in Caneadea, about thirty-three miles from Pennsylvania line, following the general course of the river, whdre it alters to east of north, which direction it pursues until it falls into Lake Ontario. From Belvidere to this bow, or rather angle in the river, and from the angle to the falls below Portageville, the flats are enclosed on each side by high lands, although not precipitous or lofty. The river continues to run with moderate rapidity through fiats DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 87 from this angle to near Portageville, where the highlands close in to the river banks. At Portageville, about fifteen miles from the angle at Caneadea, begin the great Portage Falls in this river. From the upper falls to Mount Morris and Squawkie Hilt, a distance of sixteen miles, the river runs through a chasm, the sides of which are, the greater part of the dis- tance, formed by solid, and almost, or quite, perpendicu- lar walls of rock, from two to four hundred feet high. In some places, however, these walls diverge so far from each other as to allow spots of excellent alluvial flats to be formed on one side of the river or the other, and in some places on both. Immediately above the upper falls there exists all the appearance of a ridge of rock having once run across the river, in which case it would have raised the water some two hundred feet above its present level, and, of course, formed a lake from one to two miles wide, and extending back over the Caneadea and other flats, to Belvidere, a distajice of twenty-eight or thirty miles ; but, if ever this was the case, the river has, centuries ago, cut through this ridge, and formed considerable rapids where it stood, above and opposite Portageville. The river, after appar- ently cutting through this ridge, precipitates itself into the chasm below, by a somewhat broken, although what would be termed perpendicular fall of sixty-six feet. The 88 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. stream at this place is about twelve rods wide, after whicli it flows through the chasm on a smooth rock bot- tom. Half a mile below the upper falls, the river, (where it is about fifteen rods wide,) again precipitates itself in an unbroken sheet, one hundred and ten feet perpendicu- larly into a deeper channel, forming the "Middle Falls." The magnificence and beauty of these falls is not exceeded by any thing of the kind in the state, except the cataract of Niagara. On the west side of the river, at the top of the falls, is a small flat piece of land, or rather rock, on which is a saw-mill and several dwelling houses, which can be approached, down a ravine fi-om the west, with any kind of carriage. The stream pursues its course in the same direction, pent within its rock-bound and pre- cipitous shores, about two miles, where it takes its third and last leap in this vicinity, of ninety-three feet, into a still deeper chasm, the greater body of water falling on the eastern side, where a portion of it falls into a kind of hanging rock basin, about one-third of the distance down, and then takes another leap. This fall can be approached on the east side by pedestrians with perfect safety. The river then pursues its north-eastern course, through its deep and narrow channel, to Gardeau Flats, about five miles from the lower falls. The banks of the river, or rather the land bordering on the chasm the greater por- tion cf this distance, is covered with elesrant white and DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 89 Norway pine. At the upper end of the Gardeau Flats ia the Great Slide, which has been so often noticed as a great curiosity. In the month of May, 1817, a portion of the land on the west side of the river, thickly covered with heavy timber, suddenly gave way, and with a tremendous crash slid into the bed of the river, which is so completely filled that the stream formed a new channel on the east side of it, where it continues to run. This slide, as it now lies, contains twenty-two acres, and has a considerable share of the timber that formerly covered it still standing erect and growing, although it has suffered the shook produced by a fall of some two hundred feet below its former elevation. The Gardeau Flats are from eighty to one huadred and twenty rods wide, and extend two miles and a quarter down the river, lying mostly on the west side of it. There are several ravines and depressions in the high banks on both sides of the river at the upper end of these flats, so that a road has been made which admits the passage of carriages from the highlands on one side of the river to the highlands on the other, a bridge having been erected across the river : this place above the slide is called St. Helena. Some four miles below St. Helena is Smoky Hollow, containing from two to three hundred acres of alluvJAl flats, approachable from the west only with safety, 90 hlFK or MAIIY ./I'.MIHON. and in that 'Jircction ihniMi/ln a ravirn; arid dov/n a f'.t,<-^,p declivity: this was within Mre, Jf-n/is'orrH ori{.;irial rcHcr- vation. Below this place thrw; or foar jnilfH, thf; rlvCT rcccivfjH the outlet of Silver Lake.* 'Jliin lake or j/ond is a beautiful pellueid .nbeet of watCT, three and a half rnile,", long, and from half to three-fotirths of a mil*; in breadth, lying about four mile,-', west of, and ''.everal hun- dred feet above the C/Wie-iee Itiver, thi-rchy cr<:at,ing a vast water-jiov/er for ho small a stream. Some lYiHia.nf.i; b<;1ow 111'; entrance of the outlet of Silver Lake into the river, is from t^/nnty U) twenty-five ay;reH of alluvial flaf^ in a piTfi-.cA. dell, it was [iureha>:ed many years ago by a man who now r'-Hides on it, although Ilia land extend,^, over the high bank, and includes hand- s<)nie level land there. It is cat^mu that he and his family do go in and out of thi.H dell, and that be get« in cattle and other domcHtic anirnal;; ; hut, it wonld te:-;t the science of an engineer U> a>'.cerfain hov/ he effecf.s it,. At the distance of eleven rniles from St, lli;]i;Tih. is .Mount Morri.t^.f on the right, or eastern ?,ide of the river, and Sqnawkie If ill on the left or western. 'Jliese are not ir)OTint.ain.», or even bill«, within the fy;r/,mou •a.'-.f^pU.jKin f T>it nam* of M',.j.-.t Morr;.?, ir, rtie H^i*^^ 'JwJft',-?,, wax ff<,-ru>'-jo- Kiin^ja. TfiiJ waa tfi<; Mroft of i;!;' K«rf,t>, ar, imtt/rr r,'A )<3W datin- %iuA^ amwig th% %Ktivt>iik >Mti lu-.'l Ja«V«t hlmv^lf,^ ' Kt,. DEH-HE-Wi-mS. 91 of flie words, bnt merely a desooit of two or three Inm- dred feet, and thai not abnipt, nor is its existence in set particniar line of demarkation observable, from the npper plateau of land tbrongh wbidi the depressed cbaanel of G«iesee Biver nms down to Gen^ee Mats. Ftoiq Mount Morris and SquawMe Hill, where the rirer di^oigra itself rrom tbe ihraldom of its locky aid precipitLiis banks, it moves slowly, taMog a seipentme cwnrse tbrongji the Goiesee and other flats: the hjgh grounds on each side giadnafly diminishiag in Mirht, and flie alliiTial fiats decreasing in width in prcpordon. nntil the stream merely floi'irs in Ik stallLi'H" ehannel through i champaign coimizy, before it reaches the great Mis at Sodiester, near forty miles from Monnt Morris, where, after passing the rapids, it fells ninety-srs: feet peTj>eii- dienlarly into a chasm below, throngh which it fiows one tiii a half miles farther, and then passes two more p^p^dicnlaT &IIs, within a short distance of each other, the upper one of trwenty-five feet, aid the lower of eighty-four feet. At the foot of these falls the riTei be- comes naTigable for steamboais. and runs sluggishly five miles through a deep raTice a ponion of the way To its month, where it disembognes itself into Laie Ontario. Bigtree* village, which bore ibe name of one of its chiefs, * The weird OSTtmr^h-wia-na, wWdi iras tte nazne of f^is TjHsge, i^mfieB a. "big tree." — [Ed. 92 LIFE OF MAKT JEMISON. was a small village lying a mile and a half north of Little Beard's Town. Ten miles still further down the river was situated Cannewagus* village, a place of some note for a sub-village. This was the residence of the patriarch Hot Bread. Tonawanda Indian village, whose inhabitants have always been remarkable for their peaceable and quiet dis- position, is situated on the Tonawanda creek, about forty miles north-west of Little Beard's Town, on the great Indian trail from oast to west passing through this country. The Great Bend of the Tonawanda creek, be- tween Little Beard's Town and the Tonawanda village, where the village of Batavia now stands, was a noted camping-ground for the Indians while passing to and fro on this trail. Still further north-west, thirty-two miles from Tonawanda village, is Tuscarora village, inhabited by the most civilized, agricultural, mechanical, and com- mercial tribe of the Six Nations. Lewiston is three miles west of Tuscarora village, and Fort Niagara is seven • The Iroquois still retain their goograpliical names with great fidelity. As their proper narace are descriptive, they still form a part of their language. Wherever an American village sprang up on one of their known localities, the name of the old village was immediately transferred to the new, and down to the present time the Iroquois still call them by their original names. Thus, O'd-no-wan-r/es, signifying "Stinking Water." The name of this Indian village was transferred lo Avon, by which it is still known among them. — [Ed. DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 93 miles north of Lewiston, making the whole route from Little Beard's Town to Fort Niagara, following this trail, eighty -two miles. From Lewiston seven miles south was Fort Schlosser, a mere stockade fort ; the Devil's Hole being about midway between those two points. Fort Schlosser was at the northern termination of the navi- gable waters of the Niagara Eiver above the falls ; and this seven miles from Lewiston to Schlosser was the only place requiring land transportation for men, stores, or merchandise, from Quebec to Fort Mackinaw, or in- deed, from the Atlantic Ocean to the end of Lake Supe- rior. These forts, therefore, Niagara and Schlosser, were considered very important by the contending parties in olden times, the French and the English. From Tonawanda village about twenty-five miles south- westerly lies the first Indian village on the Buffalo creek, along which and its several branches there are a number of Indian villages and single wigwams. Up the shore of Lake Erie in a south-western direction, about thirty-five miles from Buffalo creek, is the village of Cat- taraugus, situated on the creek of the same name, two or three miles from its mouth, being about one hundred miles from Little Beard's Town, following this circuitous trail, which was the one always traveled by the Indians, unless an experienced runner took a shorter cut, at his own hazard, in a case of emergency. 94 LIKE OF MARY JEMISON. East of Little Beard's Town are Conesus, Hemlock, Candice, Honeoye, Canandaigua, and Seneca lakes ; five miles west of the foot of the latter stood the famous In- dian and tory head-quarters, called the "Old Castle." The foot of Canandaigua Lake is about ten miles west of the Old Castle, and thirty-four miles east of Little Beard's Town. The Indian village of Can-ne-skrau-gah, meaning "among the slippery-elms," was situated about four- teen miles south-easterly of Mount Morris, on a creek of the same name, which empties into Genesee River near the latter place. This village stood on or near the ground now occupied by the village of Dansville. East of the junction of Genesee River and Canncskraugah creek, extending some distance up the river and down the river, was a sparsely-settled Indian village or settlement, which appeared to be a kind of suburb of GenLshau, or Little Beard's Town.* Squawkie Hill village, lying about two miles south of Little Beard's Town, was a great resort for the Indians • Dayijo' -it-ga-o, the name of thia village, means " Where the river iKsneg from the hills." It deacribeg the place where the Geneaee Eiver emerges from between two narrow walls of rock, and enters the broad valley of the Genesff;. Thia valley, scparatiiig itself from the river at this point, extends np to Dangville, and the Canescrauga creek flows through it. — [Ed. DEll-HE-Vri-illS. 95 to enjoy their sportiye games, gymnastic feats, and ciyio festivals. Caneadea Indian village, or rather villages, were situ- ated up the Genesee Eiver on the Caneadea Flats, he- ginning at the mouth of "Wiscoy, meaning 'Many Fall," creek, twenty miles from Mount MoiTis. and extending up the river, at intervals, eight or nine miles, nearly to the great angle in the river. From the southern end of Can- neadea Indian settlement south-westerly about forty-five miles, on the Alleghany Eiver, is the small Indian village called hy Mrs. Jemison U-na-waum-gwa, but now known as Tu-ne-un-gwan. Further down the river is Kill Buck's Town, at the mouth of Great Valley creek, and Buck Tooth's Town, at the mouth of Little Valley creek. Below these is Che-na-shung-gan-tan or Te-ush-un-nsh-nn- gau-tau, being at the mouth of what is now called Cold Spring creek, in the town of Napoli, Cattaraugus countj-, X. T. This vaiage is about eighteen miles below Tune- ungwan. Below these are several Indian settlements along the river, the most considerable of which is Corn- planter's settlement, extending several miles along the river, Complanter himself being located near the center. Of the population of the several Indian villages and settlements at the time Mrs. Jemison emigrated to this section of country, we can make no estimate ; and even in latter years, so wandering are the habits of the Indians 96 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. that a village may be filled to overflowing, apparently, with residents, one month, and be almost depopulated the next. Their manner of lodging, cooking, and eating, greatly facilitates their migratory propensities, as one large cabin will as well accommodate fifty as five. A deer-skin for a bed, a large kettle for a boiler, hot ashes or embers for an oven, a bark trough for a soup-dish and platter, a chip for a plate, a knife, (which each carries,) a sharp stick for a fork, and, perhaps, a wooden spoon and tin cup, comprehend a complete set of household furni- ture, cooking and eating utensils. Even at this day, the only time the number of individuals who compose a tribe is Imown, or pretended to be known, is when they are about to receive their annuities ; and it is then impossible to ascertain a " local habitation or a name" for but few of the individuals for whom annuities are drawn as be- longing to such a tribe. The following statement of the numbers and location of the Indians composing the Six Nations, in 1823, is a specimen of the precision adopted in the transaction of our public business relative to Indian affairs. This ac- count was obtained firom Captain Horatio Jones, who was the United States agent for paying the annuities to the Six Nations. The individuals belonging to the Six Nations, in the state of New York, are located on their reservations froro DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 97 Oneida Lake westward to Lake Erie and Alleghany River, and amount to five thousand. Those located in Ohio on the Sandusky Eiver amount to six hundred and eighty-eight, to wit : three hundred and eighty Cayugas, one hundred Senecas, sixty-four Mohawks, sixty-four Oneidas, and eighty Onondagas. The bulk of the Mo- hawks, together with some of each of the other five na- tions, reside on the Grand Eiver, in Upper Canada. '^to?*. ^r-T-^— -^-';-. T n"-'- ■ Ga-no-sote, or Bark House. 98 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. CHAPTER VI. Indiana march to fight the British — Return with cattle and prison- era — Two prisoners burned — An Indian woman's eloquence — Tragedy of the " Devil's Hole " — Death of She-nan-jee — Attempt to take Mary to Niagara by force — She marries Ui-ok-a-too — Her children — Loss of a daughter. When we arrived at Genishau, the Indians of that tribe were making active preparations for joining the French, in order to assist them in retaking Fort Ne-a- gaw,* (as Fort Erie was called in the Seneca language,) from the British, who had taken it from the French in the month preceding. They marched off the next day after our arrival, painted and accoutered in all the habiliments of Indian warfare, determined on death or victory ; and joined the army in season to assist in accomplishing a plan that had been previously concerted for the destruc- tion of a part of the British army. The British, feeling themselves secure in the possession of Fort Neagaw, and * The Seneca name of the Niagara River, and of Lake Ontario, was Ne-ah'-ga. They derived this name from a locality near the site of Youngstown, in the vicinity of which is the present Fort Niagara. Oui present name Niagara, is derived from this word. — FEd. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 99 unwilling that their enemies should occupy any of the military posts in that quarter, determined to take Fort Schlosser — lying a few miles up the river from Nea- gaw — which they expected to effect with but little loss. Accordingly, a detachment of soldiers, sufficiently numer- ous, as was supposed, was sent out to take it, leaving a strong garrison in the fort ; and marched off, well prepared to effect their object. But on their way they were sur- rounded by the French and Indians, who lay in ambush to receive them, and were driven back with great loss. Our Indians were absent but a few days, and returned in triumph, bringing with them two white prisoners, and a number of oxen. Those were the first neat cattle that were ever brought to Genesee Flats. The next day after their return to Genishau was set apart as a day of feasting and frolicking, at the expense of the lives of their two unfortunate prisoners on whom they proposed to glut their revenge, and satisfy their love for retaliation upon their enemies. My sister was anxious to attend the execution, and to take me with her to witness the customs of the warriors, as it was one of the highest kind of frolics ever celebrated in their tribe, and one that was not often attended with so much pomp and parade as it was expected that would be. I felt a kind of anxiety to witness the scene, having never at- tended an execution; and yet I felt a kind of horrid lOO) LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. dread that made my teart revolt, and inclined me to step back, rather than support the idea of advancing. On the morning of the execution, she made her intention of go- ing to the frolic and taking me with her known to our mother, who, in the most feeling terms, remonstrated against a step at once so rash and unbecoming the true dignity of our sex. " How, my daughter," said she, addressing my sister, " how can you even think of attending the feast, and see- ing the unspeakable torments that those poor, unfortunate prisoners must inevitably suffer from the hands of our warriors ? How can you stand and see them writhing in the warrior's fire, in all the agonies of a slow and lingering death 1 How can you think of enduring the sound of their groanings, and prayers to the Great Spirit for sud- den deliverance from their enemies, or from life ] And now can you think of conducting to that melancholy spot j'our poor sister Deh-he-wa-mis, (meaning myself,) who has so lately been a prisoner ; who has lost her parents and brothers by the hands of the bloody warriors ; and who has felt all the horrors of the loss of her freedom, in lonesome captivity 1 Oh ! how can you think of making tier bleed at the wounds which are now but partially nealed 1 The recollection of her former troubles would deprive us of Deh-he-wa-mis, and she would depart to the fields of the blessed, where fighting has ceased, and DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 101 the corn needs no tending — where hunting is easy, the forests delightful, the summers are pleasant, and the win- ters are mild ! Oh ! think once, my daughter, how soon you may have a brave brother made prisoner in battle, and sacrificed to feast the ambition of the enemies of hia kindred, and leave us to mourn for the loss of a friend, a son, and a brother, whose bow brought us venison, and supplied us with blankets! Our task is quite easy at home, and our business needs our attention. With war we have nothing to do : our husbands and brothers are proud to defend us, and their hearts beat with ardor to meet our proud foes. Oh! stay, then, my daughter: let our warriors alone perform on their victims their cus- toms of war! " This speech of our mother had the desired effect ; we stayed at home, and attended to our domestic concerns. The prisoners, however, were executed, by having their heads taken off, their bodies cut in pieces and shockingly mangled, and then burnt to ashes. They were burnt on the north side of Fallbrook, directly opposite the town, which was on the south side, some time in the month of November, 1759. Our Indians were also among those who lay in ambush on the Niagara Eiver to intercept a party of the British who were guarding a quantity of baggage from Lewiston to Fort Schlosser. When the British party arrived at 102 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. the designated point, the Indians arose from their ambush, and drove the British off the bank of the river, into a place called the Devil's Hole, together with their horses, carriages, and loading, and everything belonging to the party. Not a man escaped being driven off ; and of the whole number, one only was fortunate enough to escape with life. I spent the winter comfortably, and as agreeably as I could have expected in the absence of my kind husband Spring at length appeared, but Sheninjee was yet away ; summer came on, but my husband had not found me. Fearful forebodings haunted my imagination ; yet I felt confident that his affection for me was so great that if he was alive he would follow me, and I should again see him. In the course of the summer, however, I received intelligence that soon after he left me at Yiskahwana he was taken sick, and died at Wiishto. This was a heavy and unexpected blow. I was now in my youthful days, left a widow, with one son, and was entirely dependent on myself for his and my support. My mother and her fam- ily gave me all the consolation in their power; and in a few months my grief wore off, and I became contented. In a year or two after this, according to my best recol- lection of the time, the king of England offered a bounty DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 103 to those who would bring in the prisoners that had been taken in that war to some military post, where they might be redeemed, and set at liberty. John Van Sice, a Dutchman, who had frequently been at our place, and was well acquainted with every prisoner at Genishau, resolved to take me to Niagara, that I might there receive my liberty, and he the offered bounty. I was notified of his intention ; but as I was fully deter- mined not to be redeemed at that time, especially with his assistance, I carefully watched his movements, in order to avoid falling into his hands. It so happened, however, that he saw me alone at work in a cornfield, and thinking, probably, that he could secure me easily, ran toward me in great haste. I espied him at some distance, and well knowing the intent of his errand, run from him with all the speed I was mistress of, and never once stopped till I reached Gardeau. He gave up the chase, and returned; but I, fearing that he might be lying in wait for me, stayed three days and three nights in an old cabin at Gardeau; and then went back, trembling at every step, for fear of being apprehended. I got home without difficulty; and soon after, the chiefs in council having learned the cause of my elopement, gave orders that I should not be taken to any military post without my consent; and that, as it was my choice to stay, I should live among them quietly and undisturbed. But 104 LIFE OF MAKT JEMISON. notwithstanding the will of the chiefs, it was but a few days before, the old king of our tribe told one of my In- dian brothers that I should be redeemed, and he would take me to Niagara himself. In reply to the old king,* my brother said that I should not be given up ; but that, as it was my wish, I should stay with the tribe as long as I was pleased to. Upon this a serious quarrel ensued be- tween them, in which my brother frankly told him that sooner than I should be taken by force, he would kill me with his own hands. Highly enraged at the old king, my brother came to my sister's house, where I resided, and informed her of all that had passed respecting me ; and * There is no propriety whatever in calling any of the Seneca chiefs by this title. The nation was originally governed by eight sachems, all of whom were equal in rank and authority; and the title was hereditary in the tribe, although not strictly in the family of the indi- vidual. The son could never succeed his father, because the father and son were always of different tribes. There were eight tribes in the Seneca nation — the Wolf, Bear, Beaver, Deer, Turtle, Snipe, Heron, and Hawk. No man was allowed to marry into his own tribe; and the children were of the tribe of the mother. The title being hereditary in the tribe, the son was thereby excluded from the succession. At a later day, a class of chiefs were created subordinate to the sachems ; but in course of time they came to have an equal voice with the sachems in the administration of the affaii-s of the nation. The office was elective, and for life, and was not hereditary. To this day they have the eight sachems, still holding by the ancient tenure, and about seventy chiefs. — [Ed. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 10-5 that, if the old king should attempt to take me, as he firmly believed he would, he would immediately take my life, and hazard the consequences. He returned to the old king. As soon as I came in, my sister told me what she had just heard, and what she expected without doubt would befall me. Full of pity, and anxious for my pre- servation, she then directed me to take my child, and go into some high weeds at no great distance from the house, and there hide myself, and lay still till all was silent in the house; for my brother, she said, would return at evening, and let her know the fina} conclusion of the mat- ter, of which she promised to inform me in the following manner : If I was to be killed, she said she would bake a small cake, and lay it at the door, on the outside, in a place that she then pointed out to me. When all was silent in the house, I was to creep softly to the door, and if the cake could not be found in the place specified, I was to go in ; but if the cake was there, I was to take my child, and go as fast as I possibly could, to a large spring on the south side of Samp's creek, (a place that I had often seen,) and there wait till I should, by some means, hear from her. Alarmed for my own safety, I instantly followed her advice, and went into the weeds ; where I lay in a state of the greatest anxiety till all was silent in the house, when I crept to the door, and there found, to my great 106 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. distress, the little cake. I knew my fate was fixed, un- less I could keep secreted till the storm was over ; and ac- cordingly crept back to the weeds where my little Thomas lay, took him on my back, and laid my course for the spring as fast as my legs would carry me. Thomas was nearly three years old, and very large and heavy. I got to the spring early in the morning, almost overcome with fatigue; and at the same time fearing that I might be pursued and taken, I felt my life an almost insupportable burden. I sat down with my child at the spring, and he and I made a breakfast of the little cake, and water ol the spring, which I dipped and supped with the only im- plement which I possessed — my hand. On the morning after I fled, as was expected, the old king came to our house in search of me, to take me off; but as I was not to be found, he gave me up, and went to Niagara with the prisoners he had already got into his possession. As soon as the old king was fairly out of the way, my sister told my brother where he could find me. He im- mediately set out for the spring, and found me about noon. The first sight of him made me tremble with the fear of death; but when he came near — so near that I could discover his countenance — tears of joy flowed down my cheeks, and I felt a kind of instant relief, such as no one can possibly experience, unless when under the absolute sentence of death he receives an unlimited pardon, DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 107 We were both rejoiced at the failure of the old king's project; and after staying at the spring through the night, set out together for home early in the morning. When we got to a cornfield near the town, my brother secreted me till he could go and ascertain how my case stood ; and finding that the old king was absent, and that all was peaceable, he returned to me, and I went home joyfully. Not long after this, my mother went to Johnstown, on the Mohawk River, with five prisoners, who were redeemed by Sir William Johnson, and set at liberty. When my son Thomas was three or four years old, I was married to an Indian, whose name was Hiokatoo, commonly called Gardeau, by whom I had four daughters and two sons. I named my children, principally, after my relatives from whom I was parted, by calling my girls Jane, Nancy, Betsey, and Polly, and the boys John and Jesse. Jane died about twenty-nine years ago, in the month of August, a little before the great council at Big Tree, aged about fifteen years. My other daughters are yet living, and have families. lOS LIFE OP MAKT JEMISON. CHAPTER VII. Peace among the Indians — Their happy state — Troubles between England and the Colonies — Treaty with the Colonies — Iroquois agree to remain neutral — Treaty with the British — Join them against the Americans — Bounty for scalps — Four female prison- ers — Battle of Fort Stanwlx — Indian loss — Butler and Brandt. After the conclusion of the French war, our tribe had nothing to do till the commencement of the American Revolution. For twelve or fifteen years, the use of the implements of war was not known, nor the warwhoop heard, save on days of festivity, when the achievements of former times were commemorated in a kind of mimic warfare, in which the chiefs and warriors displayed their prowess, and illustrated their former adroitness, by laying the ambuscade, surprising their enemies, and performing many accurate manoeuvers with the tomahawk and scalp- ing knife ; thereby preserving, and handing to their children, the theory of Indian warfare. During that period they also pertinaciously observed the religious rites of their progenitors, by attending with the most scrupulous exactness, and a great degree of enthusiasm, to the sacrifices, at particular times, to appease the anger YOUNG SENECA WARRIOR. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. (ii?^ of the Evil Deity ; or to excite the commiseration of the Great Good Spirit, whom they adored with reverence, as the author, governor, supporter, and disposer of every good thing of which they participated. They also practiced in various athletic games, such as running, wrestling, leaping, and playing ball, with a view that their bodies might be more supple — or, rather, that they might not become enervated, and that they might be enabled to make a proper selection of chiefs for the councils of the nation, and leaders for war. While the Indians were thus engaged in their round of traditionary performances, with the addition of hunting, their women attended to agriculture, their families, and a few domestic concerns of small consequence and attended with but little labor. No people can live more happy than the Indians did in times of peace, before the introduction of spiritous liquors among them. Their lives were a continual round of pleasures. Their wants were few, and easily satisfied, and their cares were only for to-day — the bounds of their calculation for future comfort not extending to the incalculable uncertainties of to-morrow. If peace ever dwelt with men, it was in former times, in the recess from war, among what are now termed barbarians. The moral character of the Indians was (if I may be allowed the expression) uncontaminated. Their fidelity was perfect, 5* Ua LIFE OP MARY JEMISON. and became proverbial. They were strictly honest ; they despised deception and falsehood ; and chastity was held in high veneration, and a violation of it was considered sacrilege. They were temperate in their desires, moderate in their passions, and candid and honorable in the ex- pression of their sentiments, on every subject of importance. Thus, at peace among themselves and with the neigh- boring whites — though there were none at that time very near — our Indians lived quietly and peaceably at home, till a little before the breaking out of the Kevolutionary War, when they were sent for, together with the chiefs, and members of the Six Nations generally, by the people of the states, to go to the German Flats,* and there hold a general council, in order that the people of the states might ascertain, in good season, who they should esteem and treat as enemies, and who as friends, in the great war which was then upon the point of breaking out between them and the king of England. Our Indians obeyed the call, and the council was holden, at which the pipe of peace was smoked, and a treaty made, in which the Six Nations solemnly agreed that, if a war should eventually break out, they would not take up arms on either side ; but that they would observe a strict neutrality. With that the people of the states were satisfied, as they had not asked their assistance, nor did they wish it. The Indians returned to their homes * The council between the commissioners of the twelve United Colo- nies and the Six Nations convened at German Flats Aug. 15 and 16, 1776, and concluded its sittings at Albany Sspt 1st. — [Ed. Sixth Edition. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 113 well pleased that they could live on neutral ground, sur- rounded by the din of war, without being engaged in it. About a year passed off, and we, as usual, were enjoy- ing ourselves in the employments of peaceable times, when a messenger arrived from the British commissioners, requesting all the Indians of our tribe to attend a general counoil which was soon to be held at Oswego. The council convened, and being opened, the British com- missioners informed the chiefs that the object of calling a council of the Six Nations was to engage their assistance in subduing the rebels — the people of the states, who had risen up against the good king, their master, and were about to rob him of a great part of his possessions and wealth — and added that they would amply reward them for their services. The chiefs then arose, and informed the commissioners of the nature and extent of the treaty which they had entered into with the people of the states, the year before ; and that they should not violate it by taking up the hatchet against them. The commissioners continued their entreaties without success, till they addressed their avarice, by telling our people that the people of the states were few in number, and easily subdued; and that, on the account of their disobedience to the king, they justly merited all the punishment that it was possible for white men and Indians 114 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. to inflict upon them ; and added, that the king was rich and powerful, both in money and subjects ; that his rum was as plenty as the water in Lake Ontario ; that his men were as numerous as the sands upon the lake shore ; and that the Indians, if they would assist in the war, and per severe in their friendship to the king tiU it was closed, should never want for money or goods. Upon tiiis the chiefs concluded a treaty with the British commissioners, in which they agreed to take up arms against the rebels, and continue in the service of his majesty till they were subdued, in consideration of certain conditions which were stipulated in the treaty to be performed by the British government and its agents* As soon as the treaty was finished, the commissioners made a present to each Indian of a suit of clothes, a brass kettle, a gun, and tomahawk, a scalping-knife, a quantity of powder and lead, a piece of gold, and promised a bounty on every scalp that should be brought in. Thus richly clad and equipped, they returned home, after an absence of about two weeks, full of the fire of war, and anxious to encounter their enemies. Many of the kettles * Unanimity was a fundamental law of the Iroquois civil polity. When the question of joining the English came before the council of the League, the Oneidas refused to concur, and thus defeated the measure ; but it was agreed that each nation might engage in it upon its own responsibility. It was impossible to keep the Mohawks from the English alliance. — [En. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 115 which the Indians received at that time are now in use on the Genesee Flats. Hired to commit depredations upon the whites, who had given them no offense, they waited impatiently to commence their labor, till sometime in the spring of 1776, when a convenient opportunity offered for them to make an attack. At that time a party of our Indians were at Oau-te-ga, who shot a man that was looking after his horse, for the sole purpose, as I was informed by my Indian brother, who was present, of commencing hos- tilities. In May following, our Indians were in the first battle with the Americans ; but at what place I am un- able to determine. While they were absent at that time, my daughter Nancy was born. The same year, at Cherry Valley, our Indians took a woman and her three daughters prisoners, and brought them on, leaving one at Canandaigua, one at Honeoye, one at Cattaraugus, and one (the woman) at Little Beard's Town, where I resided. The woman told me that she and her daughters might have escaped, but that they expected the British army only, and therefore made no effort. Her husband and sons got away. After some time, they were all taken to Fort Niagara, where they were redeemed by Col. Butler, well clothed, and sent home — except one daughter, who was married to a British officer at the fort, by the name of Johnson. 116 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. Johnson was of the party who captured her; at which time he very unceremoniously took from her finger a gold ring, and appropriated it to his own use. When he saw her again at Niagara, he recognized her, restored the ring so impolitely borrowed, courted and married her; and although the marriage ceremony was celebrated in a wilderness, far from the rendezvous of civilized society, and destitute of the facilities of obtaining the elegances, conveniences, or even the necessaries of life, they were singularly provided with a wedding-ring. In the same expedition, Joseph Smith was taken pris- oner at or near Cherry Valley, brought to Genesee, and detained till after the Revolutionary War. He was then liberated ; and the Indians made him a present, in com- pany with Horatio Jones, of six thousand acres of land, lying in the present town of Leicester, in the county of Livingston. Previous to the battle of Fort Stanwix, the British sent for the Indians to come and see them whip the rebels; and at the same time stated that they did not wish to have them fight, but wanted to have them just sit down, smoke their pipes, and look on. Our Indians went, to a man ; but, contrary to their expectation, instead of smok- ing and looking on, they were obliged to fight for their lives ; and in the end of the battle were completely beaten, with a great loss in killed and wounded. Our DEH-HE-WA-MiS. 117 Indians alone had thirty-six killed, and a great number wounded. Our town exhibited a scene of real sorrow and distress, when our warriors returned, recounted their mis- fortunes, and stated the real loss they had sustained in the engagement. The mourning was excessive, and was expressed by the most doleful yells, shrieks, and bowl- ings, and by inimitable gesticulations. During the Revolution, my house was the home of Colonels Butler and Brandt, whenever they chanced to come into our neighborhood, as they passed to and from Fort Niagara, which was the seat of their military opera- tions. Many and many a night I have pounded samp for them from sunset till sunrise, and furnished them with the necessary provisions, and clean clothing, for their journey. Ga-nuh'-sa, or Sea-Shell Medal. 118 LIFE OP MART JEMISON. CHAPTEE VIII. Approach of General SuIliTan's army — A skirmish — Two Oneida Indiana taken — One sacrificed — Lieutenants Boyd and Parker captured — Boyd's barbarous execution — Parker's death — Senecas retreat to the woods — Sullivan's army lays waste the country — Army retires — Senecas return, but to disperse — Mary goes to Gardeau Flats — Expedition to the Mohawk — Cornplanter and John O'Bail — Ebenezer Allen. For four or five years we sustained no loss in the war, except in the few who had been killed in distant battles , and our tribe, because of the remoteness of its situation from the enemy, felt secure from an attack. At length, in the fall of 1779, intelligence was received that a large and powerful army of the rebels, under the command of General Sullivan, was making rapid progress toward our settlement; burning and destroying the huts and corn- fields; killing the cattle, hogs, and horses; and cutting down the fruit-trees belonging to the Indians throughout the country. Our Indians immediately became alarmed, and suffered every thing but death, from fear that they should be taken by surprise, and totally destroyed at a smgle blow. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 119 But in order to prevent so great a catastrophe, they sent out a few spies, who were to keep themselves at a short distance in front of the invading army, in order to watch its operations, and give information of its advances and success. Sullivan arrived at Canandaigua Lake, and had finished his work of destruction there; and it was ascertained that he was ahout to march to our flats, when our Indians resolved to give him hattle on the way, and prevent, if possible, the distress to which they knew we should be subjected, if he should succeed in reaching our town. Accordingly, they sent all their women and children into the woods a little west of Little Beard's Town, in order that we might make a good retreat, if it should be neces- sary; and then, well armed, set out to face the conquering enemy. The place which they fixed upon for their battle- ground, lay between Honeoye creek and the head of Conesus Lake. At length a scouting-party ii-om Sullivan's army arrived at the spot selected, when the Indians arose from their ambush with all the fierceness and terror that it was possible for them to exercise, and directly put the party upon a retreat. Two Oneida Indians were all the prisoners that were taken in that skirmish. One of them was a pilot of Gen. Sullivan's, and had been very active in the war, rendering to the people of the states essential services. At the commencement of the Eevolution, he 120 LIFE OF MAHT JEMISON. had a brother older than himself, who resolved to join the British service, and endeavored, by all the art that he was capable of using, to persuade his brother to accom- pany him; but his arguments proved abortive. One went to the British, and the other to the American army. At this critical juncture they met, one in the capacity of a conqueror, the other in that of a prisoner ; and as an Indian seldom forgets a countenance that he has seen, they recognized each other at sight. Envy and revenge glared in the features of the conquering savage, as he advanced to his brother (the prisoner,) in all the haughti- ness of Indian pride hightened by a sense of power, and addressed him in the following manner : "Brother, you have merited death! The hatchet or the war-club shall finish your career ! When I begged of you to follow me in the fortunes of war, you was deaf to my cries — you spurned my entreaties ! " Brother ! you have merited death ; and shall have your desserts ! When the rebels raised their hatchets to fight their good master, you sharpened your knife, you brightened your rifle, and led on our foes to the fields of our fathers ! You have merited death, and shall die by our hands ! When those rebels had driven us from the fields of our fathers to seek out new homes, it was you who could dare to step forth as their pilot, and conduct them even to the doors of our wigwams, to butcher our DfiH-HE-WA-MIS. 121 children, and to put us to death! No crime can be greater ! But, though you have merited death and shall die on this spot, my hands shall not be stained in the blood of a brother ! Who will strikeV Little Beard, who was standing by, as soon as the speech was ended, struck the prisoner on the head with his tomahawk, and dispatched him at once. Little Beard then informed the other Indian prisoner that, as they were at war with the whites only, and not with the Indians, they would spare his life ; and, after a while, give him his liberty in an honorable manner. The Oneida warrior, however, was jealous of Little Beard's fidelity; and suspecting that he should soon fall by his hands, watched for a favorable opportunity to make his escape; which he soon effected. Two Indians were lead- ing him, one on each side, when he made a violent effort, threw them upon the ground, and ran for his life toward where the main body of the American army was en- camped. The Indians pursued him without success ; but in their absence they fell in with a small detachment of Sullivan's men, with whom they had a short but severe skirmish, in which they killed a number of the enemy, took Captain (or Lieutenant Thomas Boyd * and one pri- vate prisoners, and brought them to Little Beard's Town, where they were soon after put to death in the most shocking and cruel manner. Little Beard, in this as in * See Appendix, page 385. 122 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. all other scenes of cruelty that happened at his town, was master of ceremonies, and principal actor. Poor Boyd was stripped of his clothing, and then tied to a sapling; where the Indians menaced his life, by throwing their tomahawks at the tree directly over his head, brandishing iheir scalping-knives around him in the most frightful manner, and accompanying their ceremonies with terriflSc shouts of joy. Having punished him suflSciently in this way, they made a small opening in his abdomen, took out an intestine, which they tied to the sapling, and then un- bound him from the tree, and drove him round it, till he had drawn out the whole of his intestines. He was then beheaded, his head was stuck upon a pole, and his body left on the ground unburied. Thus ended the life of poor Thomas Boyd, who, it was said, had every appearance of being an active and enterprising officer, of the first tal- ents. The other was, if I remember distinctly, only beheaded, and left near Boyd. This tragedy being finished, our Indians again held a short council on the expediency of giving Sullivan battle, if he should continue to advance; and finally came to the conclusion that they were not strong enough to drive him, nor to prevent his taking possession of their fields ; but that, if it was possible, they would escape with their DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 123 own lives, preserve their families, and leave their posses- sions to be overrun by the invading army. The women and children were then sent on still further toward Buffalo, to a large creek, which was called by the Indians Catawba, (Stony creek, which empties into the Tonawanda creek at Varysburg, Wyoming county,) ac- companied by a part of the Indians, while the remainder secreted themselves in the woods back of Little Beard's Town, to watch the movements of the army. At that time I had three children who went with me on foot, one who rode on horseback, and one whom I carried on my back. Our corn was good that year, a part of which we had gathered and secured for winter. In one or two days after the skirmish at Conesus Lake, Sullivan and his army arrived at Genesee River, where they destroyed every article of the food kind that they could lay their hands on. A part of our corn they burnt, and threw the remainder into the river. They burnt our houses, killed what few cattle and horses they could find, destroyed our fruit-trees, and left nothing but the bare soil and timber. But the Indians had eloped, and were not to be found. Having crossed and recrossed the river, and finished the work of destruction, the army marched off to the east. Our Indians saw them move off, but, suspecting it was 124 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. Sullivan's intention to watch our return, and then to take us by surprise, resolved that the main body of our tribe should hunt where we then were, till Sullivan had gone so far that there would be no danger of his returning to molest us. This being agreed to, we hunted continually till the Indians concluded that there could be no risk in our once more taking possession of our lands. Accordingly, we all returned; but what were our feelings when we found that there was not a mouthful of any kind of sustenance left — not even enough to keep a child one day from per- ishing with hunger. The weather by this time had become cold and stormy ; and as we were destitute of houses, and food too, I imme- diately resolved to take my children, and look out for myself, without delay. With this intention, I took two of my little ones on my back, bade the other three follow, and traveled up the river to Gardeau Flats, where I arrived that night. At that time, two negroes, who had run away from their masters some time before, were the only iahabitants of those flats. They lived in a small cabin, and had planted and raised a large field of corn, which they had not yet harvested. As they were in want of help to secure their crop, I hired to them to husk corn till the whole was harvested. DEH-HIS-WA-MIS. 125 I have laughed a thousand times to myself, when I have thought of the good old negro who hired me, who, fearing that I should get taken or injured by the Indians, stood by me constantly when I was husking, with a loaded gun in his hand, in order to keep off the enemy ; and thereby lost as much labor of his own as he received from me, by paying good wages. I, however, was not displeased with his attention ; for I knew that I should need all the corn that I could earn, even if I should husk the whole. I husked enough for them, to gain for myself, at every tenth string, one hundred strings of ears, which were equal to twenty-five bushels of shelled corn. This seasonable supply made my family comfortable for samp and cakes through the succeeding winter, which was the most severe that I have witnessed since my remem- brance. The snow fell about five feet deep, and remained so for a long time ; and the weather was extremely cold, so much so, indeed, that almost all the game upon which the Indians depended for subsistence perished, and reduced them almost to a state of starvation through that and three or four succeeding years. When the snow melted in the spring, deer were found dead upon the ground in vast numbers ; and other animals of every de- scription perished from the cold also, and weie found dead in multitudes. Many of our people barely escaped 126 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. with their lives, and some actually died of hunger and freezing. Having been completely routed at Little Beard's Town, deprived of a house, and without the means of building one in season, after I had finished my husking, and having found from the short acquaintance which I had had with the negroes that they were kind and friendly, I concluded, at their request, to take up my residence with them for a while in their cabin, till I should be able to provide a hut for myself. I lived more comfortably than I expected to through the winter, and the next season made a shelter for myself The negroes continued on these flats two or three years after this, and left them for a place that they expected would suit them much better. But as that land became my own in a few years, by virtue of a deed from the chiefs of the Six Nations, I have lived there from that to the present time. The next summer after Sullivan's campaign, our In- dians, highly incensed at the whites for the treatment they had received, and the sufferings which they had conse- quently endured, determined to obtain some redress, by destroying their frontier settlements. Cornplanter, other- wise called John O'Bail, led the Indians ; and an officer by the name of Johnston commanded the British in the CORN PLANTER. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 127 expedition. The force was large, and so strongly bent upon exemplary retaliation and ample revenge that appa- rently nothing could avert its march or prevent its depre- dations. After leaving Genesee, they marched directly to some of the head-waters of the Susquehanna Eiver and Schoharie creek ; went down that creek to the Mohawk River ; thence up that river to Fort Stanwix ; and from thence came home. In their route, they burnt a number of places, destroyed all the cattle and other property that fell in their way, killed a number of white people, and brought home a few prisoners. In that expedition, when they came to Fort Plain, on the Mohawk Eiver, Oornplanter and a party of his In- dians took old John O'Bail, a white man, and made him tt prisoner. Old John O'Bail, in his younger days, had frequently passed through the Indian settlements that lay between the Hudson and Port Niagara ; and in some of his excursions had become enamored of a squaw, by whom te had a son, that was called Oornplanter. Oornplanter* was a chief of considerable eminence ; and having been informed of his parentage and of the place of his father's residence, took the old man, at this time, in order that he might make an introduction leisurely, and become acquainted with a man to whom, though a stran- ger, he was satisfied that he owed his existence. * Cornplanter'a tomahawk is now in the State Indian Collection, at Albany. — TEd. 6 •12® LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. After he had taken the old man, his father, he led him as a prisoner ten or twelve miles up the river, and then stepped before him, faced about, and addressed him in the following terms : "My name is John O'Bail, commonly called OorD- planter. I am your son ! you are my father ! You are now my prisoner, and subject to the customs of Indian warfare. But you shall not be harmed — you need not fear, I am a warrior. Many are the scalps which I have taken. Many prisoners have I tortured to death. I am your son ! I am a warrior. I was anxious to see you, and to greet you in friendship. I went to your cabin, and took you by force. But your life shall be spared. In- dians love their friends and their kindred, and treat them with kindness. If now you choose to follow the fortune of your yellow son, and to live with our people, I will cherish your old age with plenty of venison, and you shall live easy ; but if it is your choice to return to your fields, and live with your white children, I will send a party of my trusty young men to conduct you back in safety. I respect you, my father ; you have been friendly to Indians, and they are your friends." Old John chose to return. Cornplanter, as good as his word, ordered an escort to attend him home, which was done with the greatest care. Among the prisoners who were brought to Genesee, r>EH-HE-WA-MIS. 139 was William Newkirk, a man by the name of Price, and two negroes. Price lived a while with Little Beard, and afterward with Jack Berry, an Indian. When he left Jack Berry, he went to Niagara; where he now resides. Newkirk was brought to Little Beard's Town, and lived with Little Beard and at Fort Niagara about one year, and then enlisted under Butler, and went with him on an expedition to the Monongahela. About this time, one Ebenezer Allen ran away from Pennsylvania, and came to live among us. He was much at my house with my son Thomas ; he was always hon- orable, kind, and even generous to me ; but the history of his life is a tissue of crimes and baseness of the blackest dye. I have often heard him relate his inglorious feats, and confess crimes, the rehearsal of which made my blood curdle, as much accustomed as I was to hear of bloody and barbarous deeds. Bark Canoe. 130 LIFE OF aiABT JEMISON. CHAPTER IX. Maiy is offered her freedom — She declines accepting — Her rcasous — Her favorite Indian brother dies — Great council at Big Tree, in 1797 — Gardeau reservation given to Mary by the chiefs — Con- tained 17,927 acres of land — Traditions of the Senecas — The Great Serpent atNan-de-wa-o. Soon after the close of the Eevolutionary War, my In- dian brother, Kau-jises-tau-ge-au, (which being interpreted signifies Black Coals,) offered me my liberty, and told me that if it was my choice I might go to my Mends. My son Thomas was anxious that I should go; and offered to go with me, and assist me on the journey, by taking care of the younger children, and providing food as we traveled through the wilderness. But the chiefs of our tribe, suspecting, from his appearance, actions, and a few warlike exploits, that Thomas would be a great warrior, or a good counselor, refused to let him leave them on any account whatever. To go myself, and leave him, was more than I felt able to do ; for he had been kind to me, and was one on whom 1 placed great dependence. The chiefs refusing to let him go was one reason for my resolving to stay; but DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 131 another, more powerful if possible, was, that I had got a large family of Indian children that I must take with rae ; and that, if I should be so fortunate as to find my rela- tives, they would despise them, if not myself, and treat us as enemies, or, at least, with a degree of cold indifference, which I thought I could not endure. Accordingly, after I had duly considered the matter, I told my brother that it was my choice to stay and spend the remainder of my days with my Indian friends, and live with my family as I hitherto had done. He appeared well pleased with my resolution, and informed me that, as that was my choice, I should have a piece of land that I could call my own, where I could live unmolested, and have something at my decease to leave for the benefit of my children. In a short time, he made himself ready to go to Upper Canada ; but before he left us he told me he would speak to some of the chiefs at Buffalo, to attend the great council, which he expected would convene in a few years at fur- thest, and convey to me such a tract of land as I should select. My brother left us as he had proposed, and soon after died at Grand Kiver. Kaujisestaugeau was an excellent man, and ever treated me with kindness. Perhaps no one of his tribe, at any time, exceeded him in natural mildness of temper and warmth and tenderness of affection. If he had taken 132 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. my life at the time when the avarice of the old king in- clined him to procure my emancipation, it would have been done with a pure heart, and from good motives. He loved his friends, and was generally beloved. During the time that I lived in the family with him, he never offered the most trifling abuse; on the contrary, his whole conduct toward me Was strictly honorable. I mourned his loss as that of a tender brother, and shall recollect him through life with emotions of friendship and gratitude. I lived undisturbed, without hearing a word on the subject of my land, till the great council was held at Big Tree, in 1797, when Farmer's Brother, whose Indian name is Ho-na-ye-wus, sent for me to attend the council. When I got there, he told me that my brother had spoken to him to see that I had a piece of land reserved for my use ; and that then was the time for me to receive it. He requested that I would choose for myself, and de- scribe the bounds of a piece that would suit me. I ac- cordingly told him the place of beginning, and then went round a tract that I judged would be sufficient for my purpose, (knowing that it would include the Gardeau Flats,) by stating certam bounds with which I was acquainted. When the council was opened, and the business afforded a proper opportunity. Farmer's Brother presented my claim, and rehearsed the request of my brother. Red Jacket, whose Indian name is Sagu-yu-what-hah, (which, ( ' RED JACKET. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 133 interpreted, is Keeper-awake,) opposed me and my claim with all his influence and eloquence. Farmer's Brother insisted upon the necessity, propriety, and expediency of his proposition, and got the land granted. The deed was made and signed, securing to me the title of all the land I had described ; under the same restrictions and regu- lations that other Indian lands are subject to. This tract is more than six miles long from east to west, and nearly four and three-fourths miles wide from north to south, containing seventeen thousand nine hun- dred and twenty-seven acres, with the Genesee River run- ning centrally through it, from south to north. It has been known ever since as the Gardeau Tract, or the Gar-, deau Reservation. Red Jacket not only opposed my claim at the council, but he withheld my money two or three years, on the account of my lands having been granted without his con- sent. Jasper Parrish and Horatio Jones, who had both been taken prisoners by the Indians, adopted and detained with them many years, the first being the Indian agent for the United States, and the other interpreter, inter- fered, and at length convinced Red Jacket that it was the white people, and not the Indians, who had given me the land ; and compelled him to pay over all the money which he had retained on my account. My land derived its name, Gardeau, from a hill that is within its limits, which 134 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. is called, in the Seneca language, Kautam. Kautam, when interpreted, signifies up and down, or down and up, and is applied to a hill that you ascend and descend in passing ; or to a valley. It has been said that Gardeau was the name of my husband Hiokatoo, and that my land derived its name from him ; that, however, is a mistake ; for the old man always considered Gardeau a nickname, and was uniformly offended when called by it. My flats were extremely fertile, but needed more labor than my daughters and myself were able to perform, to produce a sufficient quantity of grain and other necessary productions of the earth for the consumption of our family. The land had lain uncultivated so long that it was thickly covered with weeds of almost every descrip- tion. In order that we might live more easy, Mr. Parrish, with the consent of the chiefs, gave me liberty to lease or let my land to white people to till on shares. I accord- ingly let out the greater part of my improvements, and have continued to do so, which makes my task less bur- densome, while at the same time I am more comfortably supplied with the means of support. About three hundred acres of my land, when I first saw it, was open flats, lying on the Genesee River, which is supposed was cleared by a race of inhabitants who pre- ceded the first Indian settlements in this part of the country The Indians are confident that many parts of this DEH-HE-WA-MIS. / 135 country were settled, and for a number of years occupied, by the people of wiom their fathers never had any tradi- tion, as they never had seen them. Whence those people originated, and whither they went, I have never heard one of the oldest and wisest Indians pretend to guess. When I first came to G-enishau, the bank of Fall Brook had just slid off, and exposed a large number of human bones, which the Indians said were buried there long before their fathers ever saw the place, and that they did not know what kind of people they were. It, however, was, and is, believed by our people that they were not Indians. The tradition of the Seneca Indians, in regard to their origin, is, that they broke out of the earth from a large mountain at the head of Oanandaigua Lake; and that mountain they still venerate as the place of their bii-th. Thence they derive their name, " Ge-nun-de-wah,"* or " Great Hill," and are called " The Great Hill People," which is the true definition of the word Seneca. The great hill at the head of Oanandaigua Lake, from whence they sprung, is called Genundewah, and has for a long time past been the place where the Indians of that nation have met in council, to hold great talks, and to * The true name of the Senecas ia Nun-da-w'd-o-no, from Nun-da- lo'd-o, "a great hilL" Hence the name of Nunda, from Ntm-dd-o, "hffly.' — [Ed. 6* 136 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. offer up prayers to the Great Spirit, on account of its having been their birthplace ; and, also, in consequence of the destruction of a serpent at that place in ancient time, in a most miraculous manner, which threatened the destruction of the whole of the Senecas, and barely spared enough to commence replenishing the earth. The Indians say, that the fort on the big hill, or Ge- nundewah, near the head of Canandaigua Lake, was sur- rounded by a monstrous serpent, whose head and tail came together at the gate. A long time it lay there, con- founding the people with its breath. At length they attempted to make their escape, some with their hominy blocks, and others with different implements of household furniture ; and in marching out of the fort walked down the throat of the serpent. Two orphan children, who had escaped this general destruction by being left on this side of the fort, were informed, by an oracle, of the means by which they could get rid of their formidable enemy — which was, to take a small bow and a poisoned arrow, made of a kind of willow, and with that shoot the serpent under its scales. This they did, and the arrow proved effectual; for, on its penetrating the skin, the serpent became sick, and, extending itself, rolled down the hill, destroying all the timber that was in its way, disgorging itself, and breaking wind greatly as it went. At every motion a human head was discharged, and rolled down DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 137 the hill into the lake, where they lie at this day in a petri- fied state, having the hardness and appearance of stones ; and the Pagan Indians of the Senecas believe, that all the little snakes were made of the blood of the great serpent, after it rolled into the lake. To this day, the Indians visit that sacred place to mourn the loss of their friends, and to celebrate some rites that are peculiar to themselves. To the knowledge of white people, there has been no timber on the great hill since it was first discovered by them, though it lay apparently in a state of nature for a great number of years, without cultivation. Stones in the shape of Indians' heads may be seen lying in the lake in great plenty, which are said to be the same that were deposited there at the death of the serpent. The Senecas have a tradition, that previous to, and for some time after their origin at Genundewah, the country, especially about the lakes, was thickly inhabited by a race of civil, enterprising, and industrious people, who were totally destroyed by the great serpent that afterward surrounded the great hill fort, with the assistance of others of the same species; and that they (the Senecas) went into possession of the improvements that were left. In those days the Indians throughout the whole country, as the Senecas say, spoke one language ; but having be- come considerably numerous, the before-mentioned great 138 LIFE OF MABY JEMISON. serpent, by an unknown influence, confounded their lan- guage, so that they could not understand each other; which was the cause of their division into nations — as the Mohawks, Oneidas, etc. At that time, however, the Senecas retained the original language, and continued to occupy their mother hill, on which they fortified them- selves against their enemies, and lived peaceably, until having offended the serpent, they were cut off as I have before remarked. Ga-geh-ta, or Belt. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. ' 139 CHAPTER X. Uttle Beard's death — Singular superstition — Family government — Her sons Thomas and John quarrel — John murders Thomas — John is tried and acquitted by the chiefs — Thomas' character — His wife and children — Death of Hi-ok-a-too — His age and funeral — His character. From the time I secured my land, my life passed for many years in an unvaried routine of superintending my family and taking care of my property, without the occur- rence of any event relative to me or my affairs worth notic- ing, and but few in which the nation or our villages felt much interest. About the first of June, 1806, Little Beard died, and was buried after the manner of burying chiefs. In his lifetime he had been quite arbiti"ary, and had made some enemies whom he hated, probably, and was not loved oy them. The grave, however, deprives enmity of its malignity, and revenge of its keenness. Little Beard had been dead but a few days when the great eclipse of the sun took place, on the 16th of Juic, which excited in the Indiajj.s a great degree of astonishment ; for as they were ignorant of astronomy, they were totally 140 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. unqualified to aoooiint for so extraordinary a pheinomenon. The crisis was alarming, and something effectual must be done without delay, to remove, if possible, such coldness and darkness, which it was expected would increase. They accordingly ran together in the three towns near the Genesee Eiver, and after a long consultation agreed that Little Beara, on the account of some old grudge which he yet cherished toward them, had placed him- self between them and the sun, in order that their com might not grow, and so reduce them to a state of starva- tion. Having thus found the cause, the next thing was to remove it, which could only be done by the use of powder and ball. Upon this, every gun and rifle was loaded, and a firing commenced, that continued without cessation till the old fellow left his seat, and the obscu- rity was entirely removed, to the great joy of the ingeni- ous and fortunate Indians. I have frequently heard it asserted by white people, and can truly say from my own experience, that the time at which parents take most satisfaction and comfort with their families, is when iheir children are young, in- capable of providing for their own wants, and are about the fireside, where they can be duly observed and in- structed. In the government of their families among the Indians, the parents are very mild, the women superintending DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 141 the children. The word of the father, however, is law, and must be obeyed by the whole who are under his au- thority. The Indians are very tenacious of their precedence and supremacy over their wives, and the wives acknowledge it by their actions, with the greatest subserviency. It is a rule inculcated in all the Indian tribes, and practiced generation after generation, that a squaw shall not walk before her husband, or take the lead in his business. For this reason we never see a party on the march, in which squaws are not directly in the rear of their partners. Few mothers, perhaps, have had less trouble with their children during their minority than myself. In general, my children were friendly to each other, and it was very seldom that I knew them to have the least diflference or quarrel; so far indeed were they from rendering them- selves or me uncomfortable, that I considered myself happy — more so than commonly falls to the lot of par- ents, especially to women. My happiness in this respect, however, was not without alloy; for my son Thomas, from some cause unknown to me, from the time he was a small lad, always called his brother John a witch, which was the cause, as they grew toward manhood, of frequent and severe quarrels between them, and gave me much trouble and anxiety for their safety. After Thomas and John had arrived to the age of 14:2 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. maiihood, another source of contention arose between them, founded on the circumstance of John's having two wives. Although polygamy * was tolerated in our tribe, Thomas considered it a violation of good and wholesome rules in society, and tending directly to destroy that friendly social intercourse and love which ought to be the happy result of matrimony and chastity. Consequently, he frequently reprimanded John, by telling him that his con- duct was beneath the dignity, and inconsistent with the principles of good Indians ; indecent, and unbecoming a gentleman; and, as he never could reconcile himself to it, he was frequently — almost constantly, when they were together — talking to him on the subject. John always resented such reprimand and reproof with a great degree of passion, though they never quarreled, unless Thomas was intoxicated. In his fits of drunkenness, Thomas seemed to lose all his natural reason, and to conduct like a wild or crazy man, without regard to relatives, decency, or propriety. At such times he often threatened to take my life for hav- ing raised a witeh, (as he called John,) and has gone so far as to raise his tomahawK to split my head. He, how- ever, never struck me ; but on John's account he struck * Althongh polygamy has prevailed to a limited extent among the Sonecas In later times, it was prohibited in earlier days, and considered diHgraceful. — [Ed. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 143 Hiokatoo, and thereby excited in John a high degree of indignation, -which was extinguished only by blood. For a number of years their difficulties and consequent unhappiness continued, and rather increased, continually exciting in my breast the most fearful apprehensions, and greatest anxiety for their safety. With tears in my eyes I advised them to become reconciled to each other, and to be friendly ; told them the consequences of their con- tinuing to cherish so much malignity and malice — that it would end in their destruction, the disgrace of their families, and bring me down to the grave. No one can conceive of the constant trouble that I daily endured on their account — on the account of my two oldest sons, whom I loved equally, and with all the feelings and affec- tion of a tender mother, stimulated by an anxious concern fbr their fate. Parents, mothers especially, will love their children, though ever so unkind and disobedient. Their eyes of compassion, of real sentimental affection, will be involuntarily extended after them, in their greatest ex- cesses of iniquity; and those fine filaments of consan- guinity, which gently entwine themselves around the heart where filial love and parental care are equal, will be lengthened and enlarged to cords seemingly of sufficient strength to reach and reclaim the wanderer. I know that such exercises are frequently unavailing; but notwith- standing their ultimate failure, it still remains true, and 144 LH'E OF MARY JEMISON. ever will, that the love of a parent for a disobedient child will increase, and grow more and more ardent, so long as a hope of its reformation is capable of stimulating a dis- appointed breast. My advice and expostulations with my sons were abortive ; and year after year their disaffection for each other increased. At length, Thomas came to my house on the first day of July, 1811, in my absence, somewhat intoxicated, where he found John, with whom he imme- diately commenced a quarrel on their old subjects of dif- ference. John's anger became desperate. He caught Thomas by the hair of his head, and dragged him out of the door, and there killed him, by a blow which he gave him on the head with his tomahawk. I returned soon after, and found my son lifeless at the door, on the spot where he was killed. No one can judge of my feelings on seeing this mournful spectacle; and what greatly added to my distress was the fact that he had fallen by the murderous hand of his brother. I felt my situation insupportable. Having passed through various scenes of trouble of the most cruel and trying kind, I had hoped to spend my few remaining days in quietude, and to die in peace, surrounded by my family. This fatal event, however, seemed to be a stream of woe poured into my cup of afflictions, filling it even to over- flowing, and blasting all my prospects. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 1 45 As soon as I had recovered a little from the shock which I felt at the sight of ray departed son, and some of the neighbors had come in to help take care of the corpse, I hired Shanks, an Indian, to go to Buffalo, and carry the sorrowful news of Thomas' death to our friends at that place, and request the chiefs to hold a council, and dispose of John as they should think proper. Shanks set out on his errand immediately, and John, fearing that he should be apprehended and punished for the crime he had committed, at the same time went off toward Oaneadea. Thomas was decently interred in a style corresponding with bis rank. The chiefs soon assembled in council on the trial of John, and after having seriously examined the matt«r according to their laws, justified his conduct, and acquitted him. They considered Thomas to have been the first transgressor; and that, for the abuses which he had offered, he had merited from John the treatment that he had received. John, on learning the decision of the council, returned to his family. Thomas, except when intoxicated, which was not fre- quent, was a kind and tender child, willing to assist me in my labor, and to remove every obstacle to my comfort. His natural abilities were said to be of a superior cast, and he soared above the trifling subjects of revenge which 14:6 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. are common among Indians, as being far beneath his attention. In his childish and boyish days, his natural turn was to practice in the art of war, though he despised the cruelties that the warriors inflicted upon their subju- gated enemies. He was manly in his deportment, cour- ageous, and active ; and commanded respect. Though he appeared well pleased with peace, he was cunning in In- dian warfare, and succeeded to admiration in the execu- tion of his plans. At the age of fourteen or fifteen years, he went into the war with manly fortitude, armed with a tomahawk and scalping-knife ; and, when he returned, brought one white man a prisoner, whom he had taken with his own hands, on the west branch of the Susquehanna River. It so happened, that as he was looking out for his enemies, he discovered two men boiling sap in the woods. He watched them unperceived till dark, when he advanced with a noiseless step to the place where they were stand- ing, caught on« of them before they were apprised of danger, and conducted him to the camp. He was well treated while a prisoner, and redeemed at the close of the war. At the time Kaujisestaugeau gave me liberty to go to my friends, Thomas was anxious to go with me ; but as I have before observed, the chiefs would not suffer him to leave them, on the account of his courage and skill in war : DEH-HB-WA-MIS. 147 expecting that they should need his assistance. He was a great counselor, and a chief when quite young ; and, in the last capacity, went two or three times to Philadelphia, to assist in making treaties with the people of the states. Thomas, at the time of his death, was a few moons over fifty-two years old. He was then living with his fourth wife, having lost three; by whom he had eight children. As he was naturally good-natured, and pos- sessed a friendly disposition, he would not have come to so untimely a death, had it not been for his intemperance. He fell a victim to the use of ardent spirits : a poison that will soon exterminate the Indian tribes in this part of the country, and leave their names without root or branch. The thought is melancholy ; but no arguments, no exam- ples, however persuasive or impressive, are sufficient to deter an Indian for an hour from taking the potent draught, which he knows at the time will derange his faculties, reduce him to a level with the brutes, or deprive him of life. Jacob Jemison, Thomas' second son by his last wife, who is at this time, 1823, twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age, went to Dartmouth College, in the spring of 1816, for the purpose of receiving an education, where it was said he was an industrious scholar, and made great proficiency in the study of the different branches of educa- tion to which he attended. Having spent two years in 148 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. that institution, he returned in the winter of 1818, and is now at Buffalo, where I have understood he contemplates the study of medicine as a profession. In the month of November, 1811, my husband Hiok- atoo, who had been sick of consumption for four years, died at the advanced age of one hundred and three years, as nearly as the time could be estimated. He was the last that remained to me of our family connection, or rather of my old friends with whom I was adopted, except a part of one family, which now resides at Tonawanda. Hiokatoo was buried decently, and had all the insignia of a veteran warrior buried with him; consisting of a war-club, tomahawk and scalping-knife, a powder-flask, flint, a piece of spunk, a small cake, and a cup ; and in his best clothing. According to the Indian mode of burial, the deceased is laid out in his best clothing, and put into a cofRn of boards or bark ; and with him is deposited, in every in- stance, a small cup and a cake. Generally two or three candles are put into the cofiBn, and in a few instances, at the burial of a great man, all his implements of war are buried by the side of the body. The coffin is then closed and carried to the grave. On its being let down, the per- son who takes the lead of the solemn transaction, or a chief, addresses the dead in a short speech, in which he charges him not to be troubled about himself in his new DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 1 49 situation, nor on his journey, and not to trouble Ids friends, wife, or cliildren, "whom he has left; tells him that, if he meets with strangers on his way, he must inform them what tribe he belongs to, who his relatives are, the situ- ation in which he left them ; and that, having done this, he must keep on till he arrives at the good fields in the country of Nauwaneu; that, when he arrives there he will see all his ancestors and personal friends that have gone before him, who, together with all the chiefs of celebrity, will receive him joyfully, and furnish him with every article of perpetual happiness. The grave is now filled and left till evening, when some of the nearest relatives of the dead build a fire at the head of it, near which they sit till morning. In this way they continue to practice nine successive nights, when, believing that their departed friend has arrived at the end of his journey, they discontinue their attention. During this time the relatives of the deceased are not allowed to dance. Formerly, frolics were held for the dead, after the ex- piration of nine days, at which all the squaws got drunk ; and those were the only occasions on which they were intoxicated : but lately those are discontinued, and squaws feel no delicacy in getting inebriated.* • The religious Rystem of the Iroquois taught that it was a journey ftom earth to heaven, of many days' duration. Originally it was 150 LIFE OP MAEY JEMISON. Hiokatoo was an old man when I fii-st saw him ; but he was by no means enervated. During the time of nearly fifty years that I lived with him, I received, according to Indian customs, all the kindness and attention that was my due as his wife. Although war was his trade from his youth till old age and decrepitude stopped his career, he uniformly treated me with tenderness, and never of- fered an insult. supposed to be a year, and the period of mourning for the departed was fixed at that term. At its expiration it was customary for the relatives of the deceased .to hold a feast — the soul of the departed having reached heaven, and a state of felicity, there was no longer any cause for mourning. In modern times the mourning period has been reduced to ten days, and the journey of the spirit is now believed to be performed in three. The spirit of the deceased was supposed to hover around the body for a season before it took its final departure ; and not until after the expiration of a year, according to the ancient be- lief, and ten days according to the present, did it become permanently at rest in heaven.// A beautiful custom prevailed, in ancient times, of capturing a bird, and fi-eeing it over the grave on the evening of the burial, to bear away the spirit to its heavenly rest. Their notions of the state of the soul when disembodied are vague and diversified ; but they all agree that, during the journey, it required the same nourish- ment as while it dwelt in the body. They, therefore, deposited beside the deceased his bow and arrows, tobacco and pipe, and necessary food for the journey. They also painted the face, and dressed the body in its best apparel A fire was built upon {he grave at night, to enable the spirit to prepare its food. With these tokens of affection, and these superstitious concernments for the welfare of the deceased, the children of the forest performed the burial rites of their departed kindred." — [Leagub or THK Iroquois, p. lli. DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 151 I have frequently heard him repeat the history of his life from Ms childhood ; and when he came to that part which related to his actions, his bravery, and valor in war ; when he spoke of the ambush, the combat, the spoil- ing of his enemies, and the sacrifice of his victims, his nerves seemed strung with youthfiil ardor, the warmth of the able warrior seemed to animate his frame, and to pro- duce the heated gestures which he had practiced in mid- dle age. He was a man of tender feelings to his friends, ready and willing to assist them in distress, yet, as a war- rior, his cruelties to his enemies perhaps were unparal- leled, and will not admit a word of palliation. O-no-nea Gos-ha-da, or Corn-Husk Bottle. 152 LIFE OF MAHT JEMISON. CHAPTER XI. Mary's family troubles continue — John's enmity toward his brother Jesse — They quarrel — Whisky the cause — John murders Jesse — Jesse's funeral and character. Being now left a widow in my old age, to mourn the loss of a husband, who had treated me well, and with whom I had raised five children ; and having suffered the loss of an affectionate son, I fondly fostered the hope that my melancholy vicissitudes had ended, and that the remainder of my time would be characterized by nothing unpropitious. My children dutiful and kind, lived near me, and apparently nothing obstructed our happiness. But a short time, however, elapsed, after my husband's death, before my troubles were renewed with redoubled severity. John's hand having been once stained in the blood of a brother, although acquitted of murder by the chiefs, it was not strange that every person of his acquaintance should shun him, from a fear of his repeating upon them the same ceremony that he had practiced upon Thomas. My son Jesse went to Mount Morris, a few miles from home, on business, in the winter after the death of his father; DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 153 and it so happened that his brother John was there, who requested Jesse to come home with him. Jesse, fearing that John would commence a quarrel with him on the way, declined the invitation, and tarried over night. From that time John conceived himself despised by Jesse, and was highly enraged at the treatment which he had received from him. Very little was said, however, and it all passed off apparently, till sometime in the month of May, 1812 ; at which time Mr. Eobert Whaley, who lived in the town of Castile, within four miles of me, came to my house early on Monday morning, to hire George Chongo, my son-in-law, and John and Jesse, to go that day and help him slide a quantity of boards from the top of the hill to the river, where he calculated to build a raft of them for market. They all concluded to go with Mr. Whaley, and made ready as soon as possible. But before they set out, I charged them not to drink any whisky ; for I was confident that if they did, they would surely have a quarrel, in con- sequence of it. They went and worked till almost night, when a quarrel ensued between Chongo and Jesse, in con- sequence of the whisky which they had drank through the day, which terminated in a battle, and Chongo got whipped. When Jesse had got through with Chongo, he told Mr. Whaley that he would go home, and directly went off. 154 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. He, however, went but a few rods, before he stopped and lay down by the side of a log to wait, as was sup- posed, for company. John, as soon as Jesse was gone, went to Mr. Whaley, with his knife in his hand, and bade him jogo I i. e., be gone ; at the same time telling him that Jesse was a bad man. Mr. Whaley, seeing that his coun- tenance exhibited a demon-like malignity, and that he was determined upon something desperate, was alarmed for his own safety, and turned toward home, leaving Chongo on the ground drunk, near to where Jesse had laid, who by this time had got up, and was advancing toward John. Mr. Whaley was soon out of hearing of them ; but some of his workmen stayed till it was dark. Jesse came up to John, and said to him, " You want more whisky, and more fighting," and after a few words went at him, to try in the first place to get away his knife. In this he did not succeed, and they parted. By this time the night had come on, and it was dark. Again they clenched, and at length in their struggle they both fell. John, having his knife in his hand, came under ; and in this situation gave Jesse a fatal stab with his knife, and repeated the blows till Jesse, crying out " Brother you have killed me," quit his hold, and settled back upon the ground. Upon hearing this, John left him, came to Thomas' widow's house, told them that he had been fighting with their uncle, whom he killed, and showed them his knife. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 156 Next morning, as soon as it was light, Thomas' and John's children came and told me that Jesse was dead In the woods, and also informed me how he came by his death. John soon followed them, and informed me him- self of all that had taken place between him and his brother, and seemed to be somewhat sorrowful for his con- duct. Tou can better imagine what my feelings were than I can describe them. My darling son — my youngest child — him on whom I depended — was dead; and I, in my old age, left destitute of a helping hand ! As soon as it was consistent for me, I got Mr. George Jemison (of whom I shall have occasion to speak,) to go with his sleigh to where Jesse was, and bring him home — a distance of three or four miles. My daughter Polly arrived at the fatal spot first ; we got there soon after her, though I went the whole distance on foot. By this time, Chongo, who was left on the ground drunk the night before, had become sober, and sensible of the great misfortune which had happened to our family. I was overcome with grief at the sight of my murdered son, and so far lost the command of myself as to be al- most frantic ; and those who were present were obliged to hold me from going near him. On examining the body, it was found that it had re- ceived eighteen wounds, so deep and large that it was believed that either of them would have proved mortal. 156 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. The corpse was carried to my house, and kept till the Thursday following, when it was buried after the manner of burying white people. Jesse was twenty-seven or eight years old when he was Ivilled. His temper had been uniformly very mild and friendly; and he was inclined to copy after the white people, both in his manners and dress. Although he was- naturally temperate, he occasionally became intoxicated ; but never was quarrelsome or mischievous. With the white people he was intimate, and learned from them their habits of industry, which he was fond of practicing, especially when my comfort demanded his labor. As I have observed, it is the custom among the Indians for the women to perform all the labor in and out of doors, and I had the whole to do, with the help of my daughters, till Jesse arrived to a sufficient age to assist us. He wa" disposed to labor in the cornfield, to chop my wood, milk my cows, and attend to any kind of business that would make my task the lighter. On the account of his having been my youngest child, and so willing to help me, I am sensible that I loved him better than I did either of my other children. After he began to understand my situ- ation, and the means of rendering it more easy, I never wanted for anything that was in his power to bestow ; but since his death, as I have had all my labor to perform alone, I have constantly seen hard times. DEH-HE-Wi-MlS. 1 57 Jesse shunned the company of his brothers, and the Indians generally and never attended their frolics ; and it was supposed that this, together with my partiality for him, were the causes which excited in John so great a de- gree of envy that nothing short of death would satisfy it* * "Soon after the War of 1812, an altercation occurred between David Reese, (who was ut that time the government blaclcsmith for the Senecas, upon the reservation near Buffalo,) and a Seneca Indian called Toung King, which resulted in a severe blow with a scythe, inflicted by Reese, which nearly severed one of the Indian's arms ; so near, in fact, that amputation was immediately resorted to. The cir- cumstance created considerable excitement among the Indians, which extended to Gardeau, the then home of the Jemison family. John Jemison headed a party from there, and went to Buffalo, giving out, as he traveled along the road, that he was going to kill Reese. The author saw him on his way, and recollects how well he personated the ideal "Angel of Death." His weapons were the war-club and the tomahawk; red paint was daubed on his swarthy face, and long bunches of horse-hair, colored red, were dangling from each arm. His warlike appearance was well calculated to give an earnest to his threats. Reese was kept secreted, and thus, in all probability, avoided the fiite that even kindred had met at the hands of John Jemison." — [Turner's History of the Holland Pdrchase, p. 295. 158 LIFE OP MART JEMISON. CHAPTER XII. Mary's pretended cousio, George Jemiaon — His poverty — Her kind- ness and assistance — His ingratitude — Attempt to defraud her of a part of her Reservation — Is expelled from the premises. A YEAR or two before the death of my kusband, Capt. H. Jones sent me word that a cousin of mine was then living on Genesee Plats, by the name of George Jemison; and as he was very poor, thought it advisable for me to go and see him, and take him home to live with me on my land. My Indian friends were pleased to hear that one of my relatives was so near, and also advised me to send for him and his family immediately. I accordingly had him and his family moved into one of my houses, in the month of March, 1810. He said that he was my father's brother's son — that his father did not leave Europe till after the French war in America, and that when he did come over, he settled in Pennsylvania, where he died. George had no personal knowledge of my father; but from information, was con- fident that the relationship which he claimed between himself and me aclually existed. Although I had never DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 159 before heard of my father having had but one brother, (him who was killed at Fort Necessity,) yet I knew that he might have had others ; and, as the story of George carried with it a probability that it was true, I received him as a kinsman, and treated him with every degree of friendship which his situation demanded. I found that he was destitute of the means of subsist- ence, and in debt to the amount of seventy dollars, with- out the ability to pay one cent. He had no cow, and finally was completely poor. I paid his debts to the amount of seventy-two dollars, and bought him a cow, for which I paid twenty dollars ; and a sow and pigs, that I paid eight dollars for. I also paid sixteen dollars for pork which I gave him, and furnished him with other provisions and furniture ; so that his family was comfort- able. As he was destitute of a team, I furnished him with one, and also supplied him with tools for farming. In addition to all this, I let him have one of Thomas' cows, for two seasons. My only object in mentioning his poverty, and the articles with which I supplied him, is to show how ungrateful a person can be for favors received, and how soon they will apparently forget charitable deeds, and conspire against the interest of a benefactor. Thus furnished with the necessary implements of hus- bandry, a good team, and as much land as he could till, 7* 160 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. he commenced farming on mj' flats, and for some time labored well. At length, however, he got an idea that if he could become the owner of a part of my reservation, he could live more easily, and certainly be more rich ; and accordingly set himself about laying a plan to obtain it, in the easiest manner possible. I supported Jemison and his family eight years, and probably should have continued to have done so to this day, had it not been for the occurrence of the following circumstance : When he had lived with me some six or seven years, a friend of mine told me that as Jemison was my cousin, and very poor, I ought to give him a piece of land, that he might have something whereon to live that he could call his own. My friend and Jemison were then together at my house, prepared to complete a bargain. I asked how much land he wanted ? Jemison said that he should be glad to receive his own field, (as he called it,) contain- ing about fourteen acres, and a new one that contained twenty-six. I observed to them that as I was incapable of transacting business of that nature, I would wait till Mr. Thomas Olute, (a neighbor on whom I depended,) should return from Albany, before I should do anything about it. To this Jemison replied, that if I waited till Mr. Olute returned, he should not get the land at all ; and appeared very anxious to have the business closed with DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 1 6 1 ijut delay. On my part, I felt disposed to give liim some land ; but knowing my ignorance of writing, feared to do it alone, lest they might include as much land as they pleased, without my knowledge. They then read the deed, which my friend had prepared before he came from home, describing a piece of land by certain bounds that were a specified number of chains and links from each other. Not understanding the length of a chain or link, I described the bounds of a piece of land that I intended Jemison should have, which they said was just the same that the deed contained, and no more. I told them that the deed must not include a lot that was called the Steele place, and they assured me that it did not. Upon this — putting confidence in them both — I signed the deed to George Jemison, containing, and conveying to him, as I supposed, forty acres of land. The deed being completed, they charged me never to mention the bargain which I had then made to any per- son ; because if I did, they said, it would spoil the con- tract. The whole matter was afterward disclosed ; when it was found that that deed, instead of containing only forty acres, contained four hundred, and that one-half of it actually belonged to my friend, as it had been given to him by Jemison, as a reward for his trouble in procuring the deed in the fraudulent manner above mentioned. My friend, however, by the advice of some well-dispoaed l(ja LIFE OF MAST JEMISON. people, a while afterward gave up his claim. George Jemison, however, held on to his claim; but knowing that he had no title to the land — even if I had then possessed the power of coHveyiai=;, which it since appears that I did not — as the deed was void, having been ob- tained by falsehood and fraud, he dared not press his claims under it himself, for fear of being punished for a misdemeanor. He therefore sold his claim for a mere trifle, to a gentleman in the south part of Genesee comity, who lost that trifle, whatever it was. But had Jemison been content with getting a deed of the forty acres which I intended to have given him, and not have undertaken to defraud me out of more, I should have made his title good to that land when I did receive tb« power ; and the forty acres would have been worth to him from forty to fifty dollars per acre. This is another proof that, in all cases, " honesty is the best policy." Some time after the death of my son Thomas, one of his sons went to Jemison to get the cow that I had let him have for two years ; but Jemison refused to let her go, and struck the boy so violent a blow as to almost kill him. Jemison then ran to Jellis Clute, Esq., to procure a warrant to take the boy ; but Young Bang, an Indian chief, went down to Squawky Hill, to Mr. Clute's, and settled the affair, by Jemison's agreeing never to use that ilub again. Having satisfactorily found out the unfriend!'. DEH-HE-WA-inS. 163 disposition of my cousin toward me, I got him off my premises as soon as possible. I am now confident that Greorge Jemison is not my cousin, tut that he claimed relationship only to obtain assistance. Ah-ta-qua-o-welj, Moccasin for Female. 1*1 4 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. CHAPTER XTTI. John Jemison murdered — His funeral, life, and character — His widow and children — His murderers flee — Tall Chief's speech — They return — Their fate. Trouble seldom comes single. While George Jemison was busily engaged in his pursuit of wealth at my ex- pense, another event of a much more serious nature occurred, which added greatly to my aiBictions, and con- sequently destroyed at least a part of the happiness which I had anticipated was laid up in the archives of Provi- dence, to be disposed of on my old age. My son John was a doctor, considerably celebi'ated among the Indians of various tribes for his skill in curing their diseases, by the administration of roots and herbs, which he gathered in the forests, and other places, where they had been planted by the hand of Nature. In the month of April, or first of May, 1817, he was called upon to go to Buffalo, Cattaraugus, and Alleghany, to cure some who were sick. He went, and was absent about two months. When he returned, he observed the Great Slide of the bank of Genesee River, a short dis- tance above my house, which had taken place during his GA-ON-SEH, OR BABY FBAMB. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 167 absence ; and, considering that circumstance to be omi- nous of his own death, called at his sister Nancy's, told her that he should live but a few days, and wept bitterly at the near approach of his dissolution, Nancy endeav- ored to persuade him that his trouble was imaginary, and that he ought not to be affected by a fancy which was visionary. Her arguments were ineffectual, and afforded no alleviation to his mental sufferings. From his sister's he went to his own house, where he stayed only two nights, and then went to Squawky Hill, to procure money, with which to purchase flour for the use of his family. While at Squawky Hill he got into the company of two Squawky Hill Indians, whose names were Doctor and Jack, with whom he drank freely, and in the afternoon had a desperate quarrel, in which his opponents, as it was afterward understood, agreed to kill him. The quar- rel ended, and each appeared to be friendly. John bought some spirits, of which they all drank, and then set out for home. John and an Alleghany Indian were on horseback, and Doctor and Jack were on foot. It was dark when they set out. They had not proceeded far when Doctor and Jack commenced another quarrel with John, clenched and dragged him off his horse, and then with a stone gave him so severe a blow on his head that some of his brains were discharged from the wound. The Alleghany Indian, 168 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. fearing that his turn would come next, fled for safety as fast as possible. John recovered a little from the shock he had received and endeavored to get to an old hut that stood near; but they caught him, and with an ax cut his throat, and beat out his brains, so that when he was found, the con- tents of his skull were lying on his arms. Some squaws who heard the uproar, ran to find out the cause of it ; but before they had time to offer their assist- ance, the murderers drove them into a house, and threat- ened to take their lives if they did not stay there, or if they made any noise. Next morning Mr. Clute sent me word that John was dead ; and also informed me of the means by which his life was taken. A number of people went from Gardeau to where the body lay, and Dr. Levi Brundridge brought it home, where the ftmeral was attended after the manner of the white people. Mr. Benjamin Luther and Mr. William Wiles preached sermons and performed the funeral ser- vices ; and myself and family followed the corpse to the grave as mourners. I had now buried my three sons, who had been snatched from me by the hands of violence when I least expected it. Although John had taken the life of his two brothers, and caused me unspeakable trouble and grief, his death made a solemn impression upon my mind, and seemed, in DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 169 addition to my former misfortunes, enough to bring down my gray hairs with sorrow to the grave. Tet, on a sec- ond thought, I could not mourn for him as I had for my other sons, because I knew that his death was juat, and what he had deserved for a long time, from the hand of justice. John's vices were so great and so aggravated that I have nothing to say in his favor ; yet, as a mother, I pit- ied him while he lived, and have ever felt a great degree of sorrow for him, because of his bad conduct. From his childhood, he carried something in his fea- tures indicative of an evil disposition, that would result in the perpetration of enormities of some kind; and it was the opinion and saying of Ebenezer Allen that he would be a bad man, and be guilty of some crime deserv- ing of death. There is no doubt but what thoughts of murder rankled in his breast, and disturbed his mind even in his sleep ; for he once dreamed that he had killed Thomas for a trifling offense, and thereby forfeited his own life. Alarmed at the revelation, and fearing that he might in some unguarded moment destroy his brother, he went to the Black Chief, to whom he told the dream, and expressed his fears that the vision would be verified. Having related the dream, together with his feelings on the subject, he asked for the best advice that his old friend was capable of giving, to prevent so sad an event. 170 LIFE OF MART JEMISOK. The Black OMef, with his usual promptitude, told him, that from the nature of the dream he was fearful that something serious would take place between him and Thomas; and advised him by all means to govern his temper, and avoid any quarrel which in future he might see arising, especially if Thomas was a party. John, however, did not keep the good counsel of the chief; for, soon after he killed Thomas, as I have related. John left two wives, with whom he had lived at the same time, and raised nine children. His widows are now living at Oanneada, with their father, and keep their chil- dren with and near them. His children are tolerably white, and have got light-colored hair. John died about the last day of June, 1817, aged fifty-four years. Doctor and Jack, having finished their murderous de- sign, fled before they could be apprehended, and lay six weeks in the woods back of Canisteo. They then re- turned, and sent me some wampum by Chongo, my son- in-law, and Sun-ge-gaw,* that is, Big Kettle, expecting *" The greatest of all human cruues, murder, was punished with death ; but the act was open to condonation. Unless the family weio appeased, the murderer, as with the ancient Greeks, was given up to their private vengeance. They could take his life wherever they found him, even after the lapse of years, without being held accountable. A present of white wampum sent on the part of the murderer to the family of his victim, when accepted, forever obliterated the memory of the transaction." — [Leagdk of the Iroquois, p. 831. DKH-HE-WA-MIS. 171 that I would pardon them, and suffer them to live as they had done with their tribe. I, however, would not accept their wampum, but requested that, rather than have them killed, they would run away and keep out of danger. On their receiving back the wampum, they took my advice, and prepared to leave their country and people immediately. Their relatives accompanied them a short distance on their journey, and when about to part, their old uncle, the Tall Chief, addressed them in the following pathetic and sentimental speech : "Friends, hear my voice! When the Great Spirit made Indians, he made them all good, and gave them all good cornfields ; good rivers, well stored with fish ; good forests, filled with game, and good bows and arrows. But very soon each wanted more than his share, and In- dians quarreled with Indians, and some were killed, and others were wounded. Then the Great Spirit made a very good word, and put it in every Indian's breast, to tell us when we have done good, or when we have done bad — and that word has never told a lie. " Friends ! whenever you have stole, or got drunk, or lied, that good word has told you that you were bad Indians, and made you afraid of good Indians ; and made you ashamed, and look down. " Friends ! your crime is greater than all those ; you 172 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. have killed an Indian in a time of peace; and made the wind hear his groans, and the earth drink his blood. You are bad Indians ! Yes, you are very bad Indians ; and what can you do? If you go into the woods to live alone, the ghost of John Jemison will follow you, crying " Blood ! blood ! " and will give you no peace. If you go to the land of your nation, there that gbost will at- tend you, and say to your relatives, " See my murderers ! " If you plant, it will blast your corn ; if you hunt it will scare your game ; and when you are asleep, its groans, and the sight of an avenging tomahawk, will awake you ! What can you do? Deserving of death, you can not live here ; and to fly from your country, to leave all your relatives, and to abandon all that you have known to be pleasant and dear, must be keener than an arrow, more bitter than gall, more terrible than death ! And how must we feel? Your path will be muddy; the woods wUl be dark ; the lightnings will glance down the trees by your side, and you will start at every sound ! Peace has left you, and you must be wretched. " Friends, hear me, and take my advice. Eeturn with us to your homes. OflFer to the Great Spirit your best wampum, and try to be good Indians. And if those whom you have bereaved shall claim your lives as their only satisfaction, surrender them cheerfully, and die like good Indians. And — " DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 173 Here Jack, highly incensed, interrupted the old man, and bade him stop speaking, or he would take his life. Affrighted at the appearance of so much desperation, the company hastened toward home, and left Doctor and Jack to consult their own feelings. As soon as they were alone, Jack said to Doctor, " I had rather die here than leave my country and friends. Put the muzzle of your rifle into my mouth, and I wUl put the muzzle of mine into yours, and at a given signal we will discharge them, and rid ourselves at once of all the troubles under which we now labor, and satisfy the claims which justice holds against us." Doctor heard the proposition, and, after a moment's pause, made the following reply : "I am as sensible as you can be of the unhappy situation in which we have placed ourselves. "We are bad Indians. "We have for- feited our lives, and must expect in some way to atone for our crime. But, because we are bad and miserable, shall we make ourselves worse 1 If we were now inno- cent, and in a calm, reflecting moment should kill our- selves, that act would make us bad, and deprive us of our share of the good hunting in the land where our fathers have gone ! "What would Little Beard say to us on our arrival at his cabin? He would say, 'Bad In- dians ! Cowards ! You were afraid to wait till we wanted your help ! Go (jogo) to where snakes will lie 174 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. in youi path ; where the panthers will starve you by de- vouring the venison ; and where you will be naked, and suifer with the cold ! Jogo ! (go,) none but the brave and good Indians live here.' I can not think of performing an act that will add to my wretchedness. It is hard enough for me to suffer here, and have good hunting here- after — worse, to lose the whole." Upon this. Jack withdrew his proposal. They went on about two miles, and then turned about and came home. Guilty and uneasy, they lurked about Squawky Hill near a fortnight, and then went to Cattaraugus, and were gone six weeks. When they came back, Jack's wife earnestly requested Mm to remove his family to Tona- wanda; but he remonstrated against her project, and utterly declined going. His wife and family, however, tired of the tumult by which they were surrounded, packed up their effects, in spite of what he could say, and went off. Jack deliberated a short time upon the proper course for himself to pursue ; and finally, rather than leave his old home, he ate a large quantity of muskrat root, and died in ten or twelve hours. His family, being immediately notified of his death, returned to attend the burial, and are yet living at Squawky Hill. Nothing was ever done with Doctor, who continued to live quietly at Squawky Hill till some time in the year 1819, when he died of consumption. DEH-IIE-WA-MI8. 1 75 OHAPTEE^XIV Mary sells part of her reservation — The hardships of her life — Great strength of constitution — Her temperance — Destructive effects of ardent spirits among the Seneoas — Witchcraft — Accusations against her — Executions for witchcraft — Her descendants. In the year 1816, Micah Brooks, Esq., of Bloomfield, Ontario county, and Jellis Olute, Esq., of Leicester, began to negociate with me for the purchase of a part of my land, as it lay in an unproductive state to me. Many obstacles presented themselves in the transaction of the business. In the first place, it was objected that I was not a citizen of the United States, and could not legally convey land, without a special act of the legislature. To surmount this difficulty, Messrs. Brooks and Clute procured a special act of the legislature of this state to be passed, conferring naturalization on me, and confirming my title to the land as far as that body could effect it. It was then discovered that the assent of the chiefs of the Seneca nation must be had to the conveyance, and that the proceedings to obtain such assent must be in council, under the superintendence of a commissioner appointed by the President of the United States. 176 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. After much delay and vexation in ascertaining what was necessary to be done to effect the object in a legal manner, and having consulted my children and friends, in the winter of 1822-3, I agreed with Messrs. Brooks and Olute, that if they would get the chiefs of our nation, and a United States commissioner of Indian lands, to meet in Moscow, Livingston county, N. Y., I would sell to them all my right and title to the Gardeau reservation, containing 17,927 acres, with the exception of a tract for my own benefit, two miles long and one mile wide, lying on Genesee River, where I should choose it; and also reserving a lot I had promised to give to Thomas Clute, as a recompense for his faithful guardianship over me and my property for a long time. The arrangement was agreed to, and the council assem- bled on the third or fourth day of September last, at the place appointed, consisting of Major Carrol, Judge Howell, and N. Gorham, acting for and in behalf of the United States government; Jasper Parish, Indian agent; Horatio Jones, interpreter; and a large number of Seneca chiefs. The bargain was assented to unanimously, and a deed was executed and delivered by me and upward of twenty chiefs, conveying all my right and title to the Gardeau reservation, except the reservations before mentioned, to Henry B. Gibson, Micah Brooks, and Jellis Olute, their heirs and assigns forever. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 177 The tract which I reserved for myself begins at the center of the Great Slide; thence running west one mile; thence north two miles ; thence east about a mile to the river; and thence running southerly up the river; and bounding on the west bank to the place of beginning. In consideration of the before-mentioned sale to Messrs. Gibson, Brooks, and Clute, among other things, they bound themselves, their heirs, assigns, etc., to pay to me, my heirs or successors, three hundred dollars a year forever. When I review my life, the privations that I have suf- fered, the hardships I have endured, the vicissitudes I have passed, and the complete revolution that I have experienced in my manner of living; when I consider my reduction from a civilized to a savage state, and the various steps by which that process has been effected, and that my life has been prolonged, and my health and rea- son spared, it seems a miracle that I am unable to account for, and is a tragical medley that I hope will never be repeated. The bare loss of liberty is but a mere trifle, when compared with the circumstances that necessarily attend, and are inseparably connected with it. It is the recollection of what we once were, of the friends, the home we have left, and the pleasures that we have lost; the anticipation of misery, the appearance of wretched- ness, the anxiety for freedom, the hope of release, the 178 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. devising of means of escaping, and the vigilance witli which we watch our keepers, that constitute the nauseous dregs of the bitter cup of slavery. I am sensible, how- ever, that no one can pass from a state of freedom to that of slavery, and in the latter situation rest perfectly con- tented; but as every one knows that great exei-tions of the mind tend directly to debilitate the body, it will appear obvious that we ought, when confined, to exert all our faculties to promote our present comfort, and let future days provide their own sacrifices. In regard to ourselves, just as we feel, we are. For the preservation of my life to the present time I am indebted to an excellent constitution, with which I have been blessed in as great a degree as any other per- son. After I arrived to years of understanding, the care of my own health was one of my principal studies; and by avoiding exposures to wet and cold, by temperance in eating, abstaining from the use of spirits, and shunning the excesses to which I was frequently exposed, I effected my object beyond what I expected. I have never once been sick till within a year or two, only as I have related. Spirits and tobacco I have never used, and I have never once attended an Indian frolic. When I was taken prisoner, and for some time after that, spirits were un- known among the Indians ; and when they were first intro- duced, it was in small quantities, and used only by the DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 1 79 Indians; so that it was a long time before the Indian women began even to taste it. After the French war, for a number of years it was the practice of the Indians of our tribe to send to Niag- ara and get two or three kegs of rum — in all six or eight gallons — and hold a frolic as long as it lasted. When the rum was brought to the town, all the Indians col- lected, and before a drop was drank, gave all their knives, tomahawks, guns, and other instruments of war, to one Indian, whose business it was to bury them in a private place, keep them concealed, and remain perfectly sober till the frolic was ended. Having thus divested them- selves, they commenced drinking, and continued their frolic tUl every drop was consumed. If any of them became quarrelsome, or got to fighting, those who were sober enough bound them upon the ground, where they were obliged to lie tUl they got sober, and then were un- bound. When the fumes of the spirits had left the cosa- pany, the sober Indian returned to each the instruments with which they had entrusted him, and all went home satisfied. A frolic of that kind was held but once a year, and that at the time the Indians quit their hunting, and came in with their deer-skins. In those frolics the women never participated. Soon after the Eevolutionary War, however, spirits became common in our tribe, and have been used indiscriminately 180 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. by both sexes ; though there are not so frequent instances of intoxication among the squaws as among the Indians. To the introduction and use of that baneful article which has made such devastation in our tribes, and threatens the extinction of our people, (the Indians,) I can with the greatest propriety impute the whole of my misfortune in losing my three sons. But as I have before observed, not even the love of life will restrain an Indian from sipping the poison that he knows will destroy him. The voice of nature, the rebukes of reason, the advice of parents, the expostulations of friends, and the numerous instances of sudden death, are all insufficient to restrain an Indian who has once experienced the exhilarating and inebriating effects of spirits, from seeking his grave in the bottom of the bottle. My strength has been great for a woman of my size ; otherwise I must long ago have died under the burdens which I was obliged to carry. I learned to carry loads on my back, supported by a strap placed across my fore- head, soon after my captivity ; and continue to ca,rry in the same way. Upward of thirty years ago, and with the help of my young children, I backed all the boards that were used about my house from Allen's mill at the outlet of Silver Lake, a distance of five miles. I have planted, hoed, and harvested corn every season but DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 181 one since I was taken prisoner. Even this present fall, 1823, 1 Lave husked my corn, and backed it into the house. The first cow that I ever owned, I bought of a squaw sometime after the Eevolution. It had been stolen from the enemy. I had owned it but a few days when it fell into a hole, and almost died before we could get it out. After this, the squaw wanted to be recanted; but as I would not give up the cow, I gave her money enough to make, when added to the sum which I paid her at first, thirty-five dollars. Cows were plenty on the Ohio, when I lived there, and of good quality. For provisions, I have never suffered since I came upon the flats; nor have I ever been indebted to any other hands than my own for the plenty that I have shared. I have never been accused of many vices. Some of my children had light-brown hair, and tolerably fair skin, which used to make some people say that I stole them ; yet, as I was ever conscious of my own constancy, I never thought that any one really believed that I was guilty of adultery. It was believed for a long time, by some of our people, that I was a great witch ; but they were una- ble to prove my guilt, and consequently I escaped the certain doom of those who are convicted of that crime. 182 • LIFE OF MAKT JBMISON. which, by the Indians, is considered as heinous as murder. The term in the Seneca language meaning witch ap- plies equally to both sexes. They believe that there are many witches, and that, next to the author of evil, they are the greatest scourge to the people. The term denotes a person to whom the evil deity has delegated power to inflict diseases, cause death, blast corn, bring bad weather, and, in short, to cause almost any calamity to which they are liable. With this impression, and believing that it is their actual duty to destroy, as far as is in their power, every source of unhappiness, it has been a custom among them from time immemorial, to destroy every one that they could convict of so heinous a crime; and in fact there is no reprieve from the sentence. Executions for witchcraft are not an uncommon occur- rence. More or less, charged with being witches, have been executed in almost every year I have lived on the Genesee. Many, on being suspected, made their escape ; while others, before they were aware of being implicated, have been apprehended and brought to trial. A number of years ago, an Indian chased a squaw, near Little Beard's Town, and caught her ; but on account of her great strength she got away. The Indian, vexed and disappointed, went home, and the next day reported that DEH-HE-WA-M18. 183 he saw her have fire in her mouth, and that she was a witch. Upon this she was apprehended and killed imme- diately. She was Bigtree's cousin. I was present at that execution, and also saw another who had been con- victed of being a witch, killed, and thrown into the river. Thus, from the most trifling causes, thousands have lost their lives through the superstitious fanaticism of the pagan Indians, for they will not " suffer a witch to live." I have been the mother of eight children; — three of whom are now living, — and I have at this time thirty-nine grand-children, and fourteen great-grand-children all living in the neighborhood of Genesee Eiver, and at Buffalo. I live in my own house, and on my own land, with my youngest daughter, Polly, who is married to George Chon- go, and has three children. My daughter Nancy, who is married to Billy Green, lives about eighty rods south of my house, and has seven children. My other daughter, Betsey, is married to John Green, has seven children, and resides eighty rods north of my house. Thus situated in the midst of my children, I expect I shall soon leave the world, and make room for the rising generation. I feel the weight of years with which I am loaded, and am sensible of my daily failure, in seemg, 184 r^IT"E OF MAET JEMISON. hearing, and strength; bnt my only anxiety is for my family. If my family will live happily, and I can be ex- empted from trouble while I have to stay, I feel as though I could lay down in peace, a life that has been checked in almost every hour, with troubles of a deeper dye than are commonly experienced by mortals. Ga-weli-gH, or Snow Shoe. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 186 CHAPTER XV.* Life of Hi-ok-a-too, half-brother of Farmer's Brother — Naturally cru- el — Inroad upon the Catawbaa in Tennessee — Present at Brad- dock's defeat — Battle of Fort Freeland — Expedition to Cherry Valley — His barbarity — Battle at Upper Sandusky — Colonel Crawford taken, and burned at the stake — Dr. Knight's escape — Hi-ok-a-too leads a war-party against the Cherokees — His personal appearance — Dies of old age. HiOKAToo was bom on the banks of the Susquehanna, in the year 1708, in one of the tribes of the Senecas which inhabited that region at the time of his birth. He was own cousin to Farmer's Brother, a chief who had been justly celebrated for his worth. Their mothers were sisters, and it was through the influence of Farmer's Bro- ther that I became Hiokatoo's wife. In early life he showed signs of thirst for blood, by at- tending only to the art of war, in the use of the toma- hawk and scalping-knife, and in practicing cruelties upon everything that chanced to fall into his hands which was susceptible of pain. In that way he learned to use his implements of war effectually, and at tho same time * This chapter was added by Ebenezer Mix. 8* 186 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. blunted all those finer feelings and tender sympathies that are naturally excited by hearing or seeing a fellow-being in distress. He could inflict the most excruciating tor- tures upon his enemies, and prided himself upon Ms forti- tude in having performed the most barbarous ceremonies and tortures without the least degree of pity or remorse. Thus qualified, when very young he was initiated into scenes of carnage by being engaged in the wars that pre- vailed among the Indian tribes. When he was a young man, there lived in the same tribe with him an old Indian warrior who was a great counselor, by the name of Buck-in-je-hil-lish. Buckinje- hillish having, with great fatigue, attended the council when it was deliberating upon war, declared that none but the ignorant made war, and that the wise men and the warriors had to do the fighting. This speech exas- perated his countrymen to such a degree that he was ap- prehended and tried for being a witch, on the account of his having lived to so advanced an age ; and because he could not show some reason why he had not died before, he was sentenced to be tomahawked by a boy on the spot, which was accordingly done. In 1731, Hiokatoo was appointed a runner, to assist in collecting an army to go against the Catawbas, Chero- kees, and other southern Indians. A large army was col- lected, and after a long and fatiguing march, met its ene- UES-HE-WA-MIS 187 mies in what was then called the " low, dark, and Woody lands," near the mouth of Red River, in what is now called the state of Tennessee, at or near the site of the present vil- lage of Clarksville, in the county of Montgomery. The Catawbas and their associates had, by some means, been apprised of their approach, and lay in ambush to take them at once, when they should come within their reach, and destroy the whole army. The northern Indians, with their usual sagacity, discovered the situation of their ene- mies, rushed upon the ambuscade, and massacred twelve hundred on the spot. The battle continued for two days and two nights with the utmost severity, in which the northern Indians were victorious, and so far succeeded in destroying the Catawbas that they at that time ceased to be a nation. The victors suffered an immense loss in killed; but gained the hunting-ground, which was their grand object, though the Cherokees would not give it up in a treaty, or consent to make peace. Bows and arrows at that time were generally used as implements of Indian warfare, although a few guns had been introduced. From that time he was engaged in a number of battles, in which, as in the Catawba and Cherokee wars, Indians only were engaged, and made fighting his business till the commencement of the French war. In those battles he took a number of Indians prisoners, whom he killed by tying them to trees, and setting small Indian boys to 188 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. shooting at them with arrows, till death finished the mis- ery of the sufferers ; a process that frequently took two days for completion. During the French war he was in every battle that was fought on the Susquehanna and Ohio rivers; and was so fortunate as never to have been taken prisoner. At Braddock's defeat, he took two white prisoners, and burnt them alive in a fire of his own kindling. In 1777, he was in the battle at Fort Freeland, in Northumberland county. Pa. The fort contained a great number of women and children, and was defended only by a small garrison. The force that went against it con- sisted of one hundred British regulars, commanded by a Colonel McDonald, and three hundred Indians under Hiokatoo. After a short but bloody engagement, the fort was surrendered. The women and children were sent under an escort to the next fort below, and the men and boys taken ofi" by a party of British to the general Indian encampment. As soon as the fort had capitulat- ed and the firing had ceased, Hiokatoo, with the help of a few Indians, tomahawked every wounded American, while earnestly begging with uplifted hands for quarter. The massacre was but just finished when Captains Dougherty . and Boon arrived with a reinforcement to assist the garrison. On their arriving in sight of the fort, they saw ^at it had surrendered, and that an Indian DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 189 was holding the flag. This so much inflamed Captain Dougherty that he left his command, stepped forward, and shot the Indian at the first fire. Another took the flag, and had no sooner got it erected than Dougherty dropped him as he had the first. A third presumed to hold it, who was also shot down by Dougherty. Hiokatoo, exasperated at the sight of such bravery, sallied out with a party of his Indians, and killed Oapt's Dougherty, Boon, and fourteen men, at the first fire. The remainder of the two companies escaped by taking to flight, and soon arrived at the fort which they had left but a few hours before. In an expedition that went out against Cherry Valley and the neighboring settlements, Captain David, a Mohawk Indian, was first, and Hiokatoo the second in command. The force consisted of several hundred Indians, who were determined on mischief, and the destruction of the whites. A continued series of wanton barbarity characterized their career, for they plundered and burned every thing that came in their way, and killed a number of persons, among whom were a number of infants, whom Hiokatoo butchered or dashed upon the stones with his own hands. Besides the instances which have been mentioned, he was in a number of parties during the Revolutionary War, where he ever acted a conspicuous part. The Indians, having removed the seat of their depre- dations and war to the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Ohio, 190 LIFE OF MAEY JEMISON. Kentucky, and the neighboring territories, assembled a large force at Upper Sandusky, their place of general rendezvous, from whence they went out to the various places which they designed to sacrifice. Tired of the desolating scenes that were so often wit- nessed, and feeling a confidence that the savages might be subdued, and an end put to their crimes, the American government raised a regiment, consisting of three hun- dred volunteers, for the purpose of dislodging them from their cantonment, and preventing further barbarities. Col- onel William Crawford, and Lieutenant-Colonel David Williamson — men who had been thoroughly tried and approved — were commissioned by General Washington to take the command of a service that seemed all-important to the welfare of the country. In the month of July, 1782, well armed, and provided with a suificient quantity of provisions, this regiment made an expeditious march through the wilderness to Upper Sandusky, where, as had been anticipated they found the Indians assembled in full force at their encampment, prepared to receive an attack. As Colonel Crawford and his brave men advanced, and when they had got within a short distance of the town, they were met by a white man, with a flag of truce from the Indians, who proposed to Colonel Crawford, that, if he would surrender himself and his men to the Indians, DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 191 their lives should be spared ; but that, if they persisted in their undertaking, and attaclsed the town, they should all be massacred to a man. Crawford, while hearing the proposition, attentively surveyed its bearer, and recognized in his features one of his former schoolmates and companions, with whom he was perfectly acquainted, by the name of Simon Gurty. Gurty, but a short time before this, had been a soldier in the American army, in the same regiment with Crawford ; but on the account of his not having received the promo- tion that he expected, he became disaffected, swore an eternal war with his countrymen, fled to the Indians, and joined them, as a leader well qualified to conduct them to where they could satiate their thirst for blood, upon the innocent, unoffending and defenseless settlers. Crawford sternly inquired of the traitor if his name was not Simon Gurty ; and being answered in the affirmative, he informed him that he despised the offer which he had made ; and that he should not surrender his army, unless he should be compelled to do so by a superior force. Gurty returned, and Crawford immediately commenced an engagement that lasted till night, without the appear- ance of victory on either side ; when the firing ceased, and the combatants on both sides retired to take refreshment, and to rest through the night. Crawford encamped in the woods near half a mile from the town, where, after the 192 LIFE OP MART JEMISON. sentinels were placed, and each liad taken hia ration, they slept on their arms, that they might be instantly ready in case they should be attacked. The stillness of death hovered over the little army, and sleep relieved the whole, except the wakeful sentinels, who vigilantly attended to their duty. But what was their surprise when they found, late in the night, that they were surrounded by the In- dians on every side, except a narrow space between them and the town. Every man was under arms, and the oiB- cers instantly consulted each other on the best method of escaping ; for they saw that to fight would be useless, and that to surrender would be death. Crawford proposed to retreat through the ranks of the enemy in an opposite direction from the town, as being the most sure course to take. Lieutenant Colonel Williamson advised to march directly through the town, where there appeared to be no Indians, as the fires were yet burning. There was no time or place for debates. Colonel Craw- ford, with sixty followers, retreated on the route that he had proposed, by attempting to rush through the enemy : but they had no sooner got among the Indians than every man was killed or taken prisoner. Among the prisoners were Colonel Crawford, and Doctor Knight, surgeon of the regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Williamson, with the remainder of the regiment, together with the wounded, set out at the same time that Crawford did, went through DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 193 the town without losing a man, and, hy the help of good guides, arrived at their homes in safety. The next day after the engagement, the Indians dis- posed of all their prisoners to the different tribes, except Colonel Crawford and Doctor Knight ; but those unfor- tunate men were reserved for a more cruel destiny. A council was immediately held on Sandusky Plains, con- sisting of all the chiefs and warriors, ranged in their cus- tomary order, in a circular form ; and Crawford and Knight were brought forward and seated in the center of the circle. The council being opened, the chiefs began to examine Crawford on various subjects relative to the war. At length they inquired who conducted the military opera- tions of the American army on the Ohio and Susquehanna rivers during the year before ; and who had led that army against them with so much sMll, and such uniform success 1 Crawford, very honestly, and without suspecting any harm from his reply, promptly answered that he was the man who had led his countrymen to victory, who had driven the enemy from the settlements, and by that means had procured a great degree of happiness to many of his fellow- citizens. Upon hearing this, a chief, who had lost a son the year before, in a battle where Colonel Crawford com- manded, left his station in the council, stepped to Craw- 19'4 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. ford, blacked his face, and at the same time told him that the next day he should be burned. The council was immediately dissolved on its hearing the sentence from the chief, and the prisoners were taken off the ground, and kept in custody through the night. Crawford now viewed his fate as sealed ; and, despairing of ever returning to his home or his country, only dreaded the tediousness of death, as commonly inflicted by the savages, and earnestly hoped that he might be dispatched at a single blow. Early the next morning the Indians assembled at the place of execution, and Crawford was led to the post — the goal of savage torture, to which he was fastened. The post was a stick of timber, placed firmly in the ground, having an arm framed in at the top, and extend- ing some six or eight feet from it, like the arm of a sign- post. A pile of wood, containing about two cords, lay about two feet from the place where he stood; which he was informed was to be kindled into a fire that would burn him alive, as many had been burned on the same spot, who had been much less deserving than himself. Gurty stood and composedly looked on the prepara- tions that were making for the funeral of one of his for- mer playmates, a hero by whose side be had fought; of a man whose valor had won laurels which, if he could have returned, would have been strewed upon his grave by his DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 195 grateful countrymen. Dreading the agony that be saw he was about to feel, Crawford used every argument which his perilous situation could suggest, to prevail upon Grurty to ransom bim at any price, and deliver him, as it was in his power, from savages and their torments. Grurty heard his prayers and expostulations, and saw his tears with indifference ; and finally told the forsaken vic- tim that he would not procure bim a moment's respite, nor afford him the most trifling assistance. The colonel was then bound, stripped naked, and tied by bis wrists to the arm which extended horizontally from the post, in such a manner that bis arms were extended over his head, with his feet just standing upon the ground. This being done, the savages placed the wood in a circle around him, at the distance of a few feet, in order that bis misery might be protracted to the greatest length, and then kindled it in a number of places at the same time. The flames arose, and the scorching beat became almost insupportable. Again be prayed to Gurty, in all the an- guish of his torment, to rescue him from the fire, or shoot bim dead upon the spot. A demoniac smile suffused the countenance of Grurty, while he calmly replied to the dying suppliant, that he had no pity for his suffering ; but that he was then satisfying that spirit of revenge which for a long time be bad hoped to have an opportunity to wreak upon bim. Nature being almost exhausted from 196 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. the intensity of the heat, he settled down a little, when a squaw threw coals of fire and embers upon him, which made him groan most piteously, while the whole camp rung with exultation. During the execution, they mani- fested all the ecstasy of a complete triumph. Poor Craw- ford soon died, and was entirely consumed. Thus ended the life of a patriot and hero, who had been an intimate with General Washington, and who shared, in an eminent degree, the confidence of that great, good man, to whom, in the time of Eevolutionary perils, the sons of legitimate freedom looked with a degree of faith in his mental resources unequaled in the history of the world. That tragedy being ended, Doctor Knight was informed that on the next day he should be burned, in the sam« manner that his comrade Crawford had been, at Lower Sandusky. Hiokatoo, who had been a leading chief in the battle with, and in the execution of Crawford, painted Doctor Knight's face black, and then bound him, and gave him up to two able-bodied Indians to conduct to the place of execution. They set off with him immediately, and traveled till toward evening, when they halted to encamp tUl morning. The afternoon had been very rainy, and the storm still continued, which rendered it very difficult for the Indians to kindle a fire. Knight, observing the difficulty under which they labored, made them to understand, by signs, DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 197 that if they would unbind him, he would assist them. They accordingly unloosed him, and he soon succeeded in making a fire by the application of some dry stuff, which, at considerable trouble, and displaying much inge- nuity, he procured. While the Indians were warming themselves, the Doctor continued to gather wood to last through the night ; and in doing this he found a club, which he placed in a situation whence he could take it conveniently, whenever an opportunity should present itself in which he could use it effectually. The Indians continued warming, till at length the Doctor saw that they had placed themselves in a favorable position for the execution of his design, when, stimulated by the love of life, he cautiously took his club, and, at two blows, knocked them both down. Determined to finish the work of death which he had so well begun, he drew one of their scalp- ing-knives, with which he beheaded and scalped them both. He then took a rifle, tomahawk, and some ammu- nition, and directed his course for home, where he arrived without having experienced any difficulty on his journey. The next morning the Indians took the track of their victim and his attendants, to go to Lower Sandusky, and there execute the sentence which they had pronounced upon him. But what was their surprise and disappoint- ment, when they arrived at the place of encampment, when they found their trusty friends scalped and decapi- 198 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. tated, and that their prisoner had made his escape. Cha- grined beyond measure, they immediately separated, and went in every direction in pursuit of their prey ; but after having spent a number of days unsuccessfully, they gave up the chase, and retired to their encampment. In the time of the French war, in an engagement which took place on the Ohio Eiver, Hiokatoo took a British colonel, by the name of Simon Canton, whom he carried to the Indian encampment. A council was held, and the colonel was sentenced to suffer death, by being tied on a wild colt, with his face toward its tail, and then having the colt turned loose, to run where it pleased. He was accordingly tied on, and the colt let loose, agreeable to the sentence. The colt ran two days, and then returned with its rider yet alive. The Indians, thinking that he would never die in that way, took him off, and made him run the gauntlet three times ; but in the last race a squaw knocked him down, and he was supposed to have been dead. He, however, recovered, and was sold for fifty dollars to a Frenchman, who sent him as a prisoner to Detroit. On the return of the Frenchman to Detroit, the colonel besought him either to ransom him or set him at liberty, with so much warmth, and promised with so much solemnity to reward him as one of the best of benefactors, if he would let him go, that the Frenchman took his word, and sent him home to his family. The colonel DEII-HE-WA-MIS. 199 remembered his promise, and in a short time sent his deliverer one hundred and fifty dollars as a reward for his generosity. Since the commencement of the Eevolutionary War, Hiokatoo has been in seventeen campaigns, four of which were in the Cherokee war. He was so great an enemy to the Cherokees, and so fully determined upon their subju- gation, that on his march to their country, he raised his own army for those four campaigns, and commanded it ; and also superintended its subsistence. In one of those campaigns, which continued two whole years without inter- mission, he attacked his enemies on the Mobile, drove them to the country of the Creek nation, where he con- tinued to harass them, till, being tired of the war, he re- turned to his family. He brought home a great number of scalps, which he had taken from the enemy, and ever seemed to possess an unconquerable determination that the Cherolcees should be utterly destroyed. Toward the close of his last fighting in that country, he took two squaws, whom he sold on his way home, for money to defray the expense of his journey. Hiokatoo was about six feet four or five inches high, large boned, and rather inclined to leanness. He was very stout and active, for a man of his size. It was said, by himself and others, that he had never found an Indian who could keep up with him on a race, or throw him at 200 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. wrestling. His eye was quick and penetrating ; and his roice was of that thrilling and powerful kind, which, among Indians, always commands attention. His health was uniformly good. He was never confined by sickness, till he was attacked with consumption, four years before his death ; and although he had, from his earliest days, been inured to almost constant fatigue, and exposed to the inclemency of the weather in the open air, he seemed lo lose the vigor of the prime of life only by the natural decay occasioned by old age. Ear-ring. DKH-HE-Wl-MlS. 201 CHAPTER XVI. Ebenezer Allen — The belt of wampum — He lives at Mary's honse — Marries a squaw — Taken by the Indians — Escapes and secretes himself — Fed by Mary — Taken again, tried, and acquitted — Builds a great mill at Rochester — Marries a white woman — Ke- moTes to Allen's creek — Marries a third wife — Removes to Cana- da with two wives — Abandons the first — His death. Sometime near the close of the Revolutionary War, a white man, by the name of Ebenezer Allen, left his people, in the state of Pennsylvania, on account of some disaffection toward his countrymen, and came to the Genesee River to reside with the Indians. He tarried at Genishau a few days, and came up to Gardeau, where I then resided. He was, apparently, without any business that would support him ; but he soon became acquainted with my son Thomas, with whom he hunted for a long timfl, and made his home with him at my house. Winter came on, and he continued his stay. * When Allen came to my house, I had a white man * "Ebenezer Allen was no hero, but, rather, a desperado. He warred against his own raoe,- country, and color ; and vied with his savage al- lies in deeds of cruelty and bloodshed. He was a native of New Jer- sey." — [Tubner's Histoet of the Holland Pttbcbase, p. 297. 9 202 LIFF OF MAET JEMISON. living on my land, who had a Nantiooke squaw for his wife, with whom he had lived very peaeeahly; for he was a moderate man commonly, and she was a kind, gentle, cunning creature. It so happened that he had no hay for his cattle ; so that in the winter he was ohliged to drive them every day perhaps a mile from his house, to let them feed on the rushes, which in those days were so nu- merous as to nearly cover the ground. Allen, having frequently seen the squaw in the fall, took the opportunity when her husband was absent with his cows, daily to make her a visit ; and in return for his kindnesses she made and gave him a red cap, finished and decorated in the highest Indian style. The husband had for some considerable length of time felt a degree of jealousy that Allen was trespassing upon his rights, with the consent of his squaw ; but when he saw Allen dressed in so fine an Indian cap, and found that his dear Nanticoke had presented it to him, his doubts all left him, and he became so violently enraged that he caught her by the hair of her head, dragged her on the ground to my house, a distance of forty rods, and threw her in at the door. Hiokatoo, my husband, exasperated at the sight of so much inhumanity, hastily took down his old tomahawk, which for a while had lain idle, shook it over the cuckold's head, and bade him jogo (i. e. go off.) The enraged husband, well knowine: that he should feel a DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 203 blow if lie waited to hear the order repeated, instantly re- treaitd, and went down the river to his cattle. We pro- tected the poor Xanlicoke woman, and gave her victuals ; and Allen sympathized with her in her misfortimes till spring, when her husband came to her, acknowledged his former errors, and that he had abused her without a cause, promised a reformatioii, and she received him with every mark of a renewal of her affection. They wem home lov- ingly, and soon after removed to Xiagara. The same spring, Allen commenced working my flats, and continued to labor there till afber the peace of 17 S3. He then went t-o Philadelphia on some business that de- tained him bat a few days, and returned with a horse and some dry goods, which he carried to a place that is now called Mount Morris, where he built or bought a small house. The British and Indians on the Xiagara frontier, dissat- isfied with the treaty of peace, were determined, at aU hazards, to continne their depredations upon the white settlements which lay between them and Albany. They actually made ready, and were about setting out on an expedition to that effect, when Allen (who by this lime understood their system of war) took a belt of wampum, which he had fraudulently procured, and carried it as a token of peace fi«m the Indians to the commander of the nearest American military post. The Indians were soon 204 LIPK OP MAEY JEMISON. answered by the American officer, that the wampum was cordially accepted, and that a continuance of peace was ardently wished for- The Indians, at this, were cha- grined and disappointed beyond measure; but as they held the wampum to be a sacred thing, they dared not go against the import of its meaning, and immediately buried the hatchet, as it respected the people of the United States, and smoked the pipe of peace. They however resolved to punish Allen for his officiousness in meddling with their national affairs, by presenting the sacred wampum without their knowledge; and went about devising means for his detection. A party was accordingly dispatched from Port Niagara to apprehend him, with orders to conduct him to that post for trial, or for safe keeping, till such time as his fate should be determined upon in a legal manner. The party came on ; but before it arrived at Gardeau, Allen got news of its approach, and fled for safety, leav- ing the horse and goods that he had brought from Phila- delphia an easy prey to his enemies. He had not been long absent when they arrived at Gardeau, where they made diligent search for him till they were satisfied that they could not find him, and then seized the effects which he had left, and returned to Niagara. My son Thomas went with them, with Allen's horse, and carried the goods. Allen, on finding that his enemies had gone, came DEH-IIE-WA-MIS. 205 back to my house, where he lived as before ; but of his return they were soon notified at Niagara, and Nettles, (who married rdBcilla Ramsay,) with a small party of Indians, came on to take him. He, however, by some means found that they were near, and gave me his box of money and trinkets to keep safely till he called for it, and again took to the woods. Nettles came on, deter- mined, at all events, to take him before he went back ; and, in order to accomplish his design, he, with his Indians, hunted in the day time, and lay by at night at my house; and in that way they practiced for a njimber of days. Allen watched the motions of his pursuers, and every night after they had gone to rest, came home and got some food, and then returned to his retreat. It was in the fall, and the weatier was cold and rainy, so that he suffered extremely. Some nights he sat in my chamber till nearly daybreak, while his enemies were below ; and when the time arrived, I assisted him to escape unnoticed. Nettles at length abandoned the chase, went home, and Allen, all in tatters, came in. By running in the woods l>is clothing had become torn into rags, so that he was in a suffering condition, almost naked. Hiokatoo gave him a blanket, and a piece of broadcloth for a pair of trousers Allen made his trousers himself, and then built a raft, on which he went down the river to his own place at Mount Morris. 206 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. About that time he married a squaw, whose name was Sally. The Niagara people, finding that he was at his own house, came and took him by surprise, and carried him to Niagara. Fortunately for him, it so happened that just as they arrived at the fort, a house took fire, and his keep- ers all left him, to save the building if possible. Allen had supposed his doom to be nearly sealed ; but, finding himself at liberty, he took to his heels, left his escort to put out the fire, and ran to Tonawanda. There an In- dian gave him some refreshments, and a good gun, with which he hastened on to Little Beard's Town, where he found his squaw. Not daring to risk himself at that place, for fear of being given up, he made her but a short visit, and came immediately to Gardeau. Just as he got to the top of the hill above the Gardeau Flats, he discovered a party of British soldiers and In- dians in pursuit of him ; and, in fact, they were so near that he was satisfied that they saw him, and concluded that it would be impossible for him to escape. The love of liberty, however, added to his natural swiftness, gave him sufficient strength to make his escape to his former castle of safety. His pursuers came immediately to my house, where they expected to have found him secreted, and under my protection. They told me where they had seen him but a few moments before, and that they were confi- DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 207 deut that it was within my power to put him into their bands. As I was perfectly clear of having had any hand in his escape, I told them plainly that I had not seen him since he was taken to Niagara, and that I could give them no information at all respecting him. Still unsatis- fied, and doubting my veracity, they advised my Indian brother to use his influence to draw from me the secret of his concealment, which they had an idea that I con- sidered of great importance, not only to him, but to my- self. I persisted in my ignorance of his situation, and finally they left me. Although I had not seen Allen, I knew his place of security, and was well aware that, if I told them the place where he had formerly hid himself, they would have no difficulty in making him a prisoner. He came to my house in the night, and awoke me with the greatest caution, fearing that some of his enemies might be watching to take him at a time when, and in a place where, it would be impossible for him to make his escape. I got up, and assured him that he was then safe ; but that his enemies would return early in the morning, and search him out if it should be possible. Having given him some victuals, which he received thankfully, I told him to go, but to return the next night to a certain corner of the fence near my house, where he would find a quantity 208 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. of meal that I would have prepared and deposited there for his use. Early the next morning, Nettles and his company came in while I was pounding the meal for Allen, and insisted upon my giving him up. I again told them that I did not know where he was, and that I could not, neither would I, tell them any thing about him. I well knew that Allen considered his life in my hands ; and although it was my intention not to lie, I was fully determined to keep his situation a profound secret. They continued their labor, and examined, as they supposed, every crevice, gully, tree, and hollow log in the neighboring woods, and at last concluded that he had left the country, gave him up for lost, and returned home. At that time Allen lay in a secret place in the gulf, a short distance above my flats, in a hole that he accident- ally found in a rock near the river. At night he came and got the meal at the corner of the fence as I had directed him, and afterward lived in the gulf two weeks. Each night he came to the pasture and milked one of my cows, without any other vessel in which to receive the milk than his hat, out of which he drank it. I supplied him with meal, but, fearing to build a fire, he was obliged to eat it raw, and wash it down with the milk. Nettles having left our neighborhood, and Allen considering himself safe. DEfi-HE-WA-MIS. 209 left his little cave, and came home. I gave him his box of money and trinkets, and he went to his own house at Mount Morris. It was generally considered, by the In- dians of our tribe, that Allen was an innocent man, and that the Niagara people were persecuting him without a just cause. Little Beard, then about to go to the east- ward on public business, charged his Indians not to meddle with Allen, but to let him live among them peaceably, and enjoy himself with his family and property if he could. Having the protection of the chief, he felt himself safe, and let his situation be known to the whites, from whom he suspected no harm. They, however, were more inimical than our Indians, and were easily bribed by Nettles to assist in bringing him to justice. Nettles came on, and the whites, as they had agreed, gave poor Allen up to him. He was bound, and carried to Niagara, where he was confined in prison through the winter. In the spring he was taken to Montreal or Quebec for trial, and was honorably acquitted. The crime for which he was tried was for having carried the wampum to the Americans, and thereby putting too sudden a stop to their war. From the place of his trial he went directly to Phila- delphia, and purchased on credit a boat-load of goods, which he brought by water to Oonhocton, where he left them, and came to Mount Morris for assistance to get 9* 210 LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. them brought on. The Indians readily went with horses, and brought them to his hyuse, where he disposed of his dry goods; but not daring to let the Indians begin to drink strong liquor, for fear of the quarrels which would naturally follow, he sent his spirits to my place, where we sold them. For his goods he received ginseng roots, principally, and a few skins. Ginseng at that time was plenty, and commanded a high price. We prepared the whole that he received for the market, expecting that he would carry them to Philadelphia. In that I was disap- pointed ; for, when he had disposed of, and got pay for, all his goods, he took the ginseng and skins to Niagara, and there sold them, and came home. Tired of dealing in goods, he planted a large field of corn on or near his own land, attended to it faithfully, and succeeded in raising a large crop, which he harvested, loaded into canoes, and carried down the river to the mouth of Allen's creek, then called by the Indians Gin-is- a-ga, where he unloaded it, built him a house, and lived with his family. The next season he planted corn at that place, and built a grist and saw-mill on Genesee Falls, now called Rochester. At the time Allen built the mills, he had an old Ger- man living with him by the name of Andrews, whom he sent in a canoe down the river with his mill-irons. Allen DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 211 went down at the same time ; but, before they got to the mills, Allen threw the old man overboard, as it was then generally believed, for he was never seen or heard of afterward. In the course of the season in which Allen built his mills, he became acquainted with the daughter of a white man who was moving to Niagara. She was handsome, and Allen soon got into her good graces, so that he married and took her home, to be a joint partner with Sally, the squaw, whom she had never heard of till she got home and found her in full possession ; but it was too late to retrace the hasty steps she had taken, for her father had left her in the care of a tender husband, and gone on She, however, found that she enjoyed at least an equal half of her husband's affections, and made herself con- tented. Her father's name I have forgotten, but her's was Lucy. Allen was not contented with two wives, for in a short time after he had married Lucy he came up to my house, where he found a young woman who had an old husband with her. They had been on a long journey, and called at my place to recruit and rest themselves. She filled Allen's eye, and he accordingly fixed upon a plan to get her into his possession He praised his situation, enu- merated his advantages, and finally persuaded them to go home and tarry with him a few days at least, and par- 212 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. take of a part of his comforts. They accepted his gene- rous invitation, and went home with him. But they had been there but two or three days, when Allen took the old gentleman out to view his flats ; and as they were deliberately walking on the bank of the river, pushed him into the water. The old man, almost strangled, suc- ceeded in getting out ; but his fall and exertions had so powerful an effect upon his system that he died in two or three days, and left his young widow to the protection of his murderer. She lived with him about one year, in a state of concubinage, and then left him. How long Allen lived at Allen's creek I am unable to state ; but soon after the young widow left him, he re- moved to his old place at Mount Morris, and buUt a house, where he made Sally — his squaw, by whom he had two daughters — a slave to Lucy, by whom he had one son; still, however, he considered Sally to be his wife. After Allen came to Mount Morris at that time, he married a girl by the name of Morilla Gregory, whose father, at the time, lived on Genesee Flats. The ceremony being over, he took her home to live in common with his other wives ; but his house was too small for his family — for Sally and Lucy, conceiving that their lawful privileges would be abridged if they received a partner, united their strength, and whipped poor Morilla so cruelly that he was obliged to keep her in a small, Indian house, a short distance DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 213 from his own, or lose her entirely. Morilla, before she left Mount Morris, had four children. One of Morilla's sisters lived with Allen about a year after MorUla was married, and then quit him. A short time after they had been living at Mount Mor- ris, Allen prevailed upon the chiefs to give to his Indian children a tract of land two miles square, where he then resided. The chiefs gave them the land, but he so art- fully contrived the conveyance that he could apply it to his own use, and by alienating his right, destroy the claim of his children. Having secured the land in that way to himself, he sent his two Indian girls to Trenton, N. J., and his white son to Philadelphia, for the purpose of giving each of them a respectal^^Miglish education. While his cMpPn were at school, he went to Phila- delphia, and sold his right to the land, which he had begged of the Indians for his children, to Robert Morris. After that, he sent for his daughters to come home, which they did. Having disposed of the whole of his property on the Genesee River, he took his two white wives and their children, together with his effects, and removed to Dela- ware Town, on the River De Trenm, in Upper Canada. When he left Mount Morris, Sally, his squaw, insisted upon going with him, and actually followed him, crying 214 LIFE OP MART JEMISON. bitterly, and praying for his protection, some two or three miles, till he absolutely bade her leave him, or he would punish her with severity. At length finding her case hopeless, she returned to the Indians. At the great treaty in 1797, one of Allen's daughters claimed the Mount Morris tract, which her father had sold to Robert Morris. The claim was examined, and decided against her, in favor of Morris' creditors. He died at the Delaware Town, on the River De Trench, in the year 1814 or 1815, and left two white widows and one squaw, with a number of children, to lament his loss. By his last will, he gave all his property to his last wife, Morilla, and her children, without providing in the least for the support of Lucy, or any of the other mem- bers of his family. Lucy, soon after his death, went with her children down the Ohio River, to receive assistance from her friends. In the Revolutionary War, Allen was a Tory, and by that means became acquainted with our Indians, when they were in the neighborhood of his native place, deso- lating the settlements on the Susquehanna. In those predatory battles he joined them, and for cruelty was not exceeded by his Indian comrades. At one time, when he was scouting with the Indians, he entered a house very early in the morning, where he found a man, his wife, and one child, in bed. The man DBH-HE-WA-MIS. 215 iustantly sprang on the floor, for the purpose of defending himself and little family ; but Allen dispatched him at one blow. He then cut off his head, and threw it, bleeding, into the bed with the terrified woman ; took the little in- fant from its mother's breast, dashed its head against the jamb, and left the unhappy widow and mother, to mourn alone over her murdered family. It has been said by some, that, after he had killed the child, he opened the fire, and buried it under the coals and embers; but of that I am not certain. I have often heard him speak of that transaction with a great degree of sorrow, and as the foulest crime he had ever committed — one for which I have no doubt he repented.* * " Governor Simcoe gi'anted him three thousand acres of land, upon condition that he would build a saw-mill, a grist-mill, and a church — all but the church to be hia property. He performed his part of the contract, and the title to his land was confirmed. In a few years, he had his mills, a comfortable dwelling, large improvements, was a good liver, and those who knew him at that period represent him as hospit- able and obliging. About the year 1806, or ISC'?, reverses began to overtake him. At one period he was arrested, and tried for forgery ; at another, for pass- ing counterfeit money ; at another, for larceny. He was acquitted of each offense upon trial. He was obnoxious to many of hia white neighbors, and it is likely that at least two of the charges against him arose out of a combination that was promoted by personal enmity. All this brought on embarrassments, which terminated in an almost entire loss of hia large property. He died m 1814." — Tubnee's Histoey op IHJE Holland Pubchase, p. 302-3. iJi&~-> LIFE OF MAEY JKMISON. CHAPTER XVII. Government of the Iroquois — Civil and Military Chiefe — Oounael- ors— Religious Beliefs — The Great Spirit— The Evil Spirit — Religious festivals — Sacrifice of the White Dog — The Dance — Marriage Customs — Chastity of the Indian — Polygamy. The government of the Six Nations when they were in the zenith of their prosperity and power, was an oligarchy, composed of a mixture of elective and hereditary power ; and to the skeleton of such a government the remnant of the race still adhere. Their government was adminis- tered by chiefs — each tribe having two ; one of whom was hereditary, and the other elective ; the term of whose office was during good behavior, and might be removed for any real or supposed sufficient cause, which, however, was seldom put in execution. The elective sachem was the military chieftain, whose duty it was, to attend to all the military concerns of the tribe, and command the war- riors in battle. They were both members of the general council of the confederacy, as well as of the national council, which met as often as necessity required, and settled all questions, involving matters in which their own nation only had an interest ; but the general council of the confederacy met but once a year, except in cases of DEH-HE-Wi-MIS. 217 emergency. It then met at Onondaga, being the head- quarters of the most central nation, where all great ques- tions of general interest, such as peace and war — the concerns of tributary nations, and all negociations with the French and English were debated, deliberated upon, and decided. All decisions made by the chiefs of a tribe, which affected the members of that tribe only — all de- cisions of the national council, solely relative to the affairs of that nation, (a majority of chiefs concurring,)*and all decisions of the general council of the confederacy, were laws and decrees from which there was no appeal. There is also a class of counselors in the several tribes, who have great influence over, but no direct voice in the de- cision of any question, t * The author has fallen into an error in this particular. It was a fiindamental law of the confederacy, and also of each nation, that the chiefs "must be of one mind;" that is, unanimous. — [Ed. |"At the institution of the league fifty permanent sachemships were created, with appropriate names ; and in the sachems who held these titles were yested the supreme power of the confederacy. To secure order in the succession, and to determme the individuals entitled, the sachemships were made hereditary, under limited and peculiar laws oi descent. The sachems themselves were equal in rank and authority, and instead of holding separate territorial jurisdictions, their powers were joint and co-extensive with the league. As a safeguard against contention and fraud, such sachem was " raised up," and invested with his title, by a council of all the sachems, with suitable forms and cere- monies. Until this ceremony of confirmation or investiture, no one could become a ruler. He received, when raised up, the name of the 218 LIFE OF MAET JEMISON. Perhaps no people are more exact observers of religious duties, than those Indians among the Senecas who are denominated Pagans, in contradistinction from those, who, having renounced some of their former superstitions no- tions, have obtained the name of Christians. The tradi- tionary faith of their fathers, having been orally trans- mitted to them from time immemmorial, is implicitly believed, scrupulously adhered to, and rigidly practiced. They are agreed in their sentiments — are all of one order ; sachemship itself, as in the case of the titles of nobility, and so also did his successors, from generation to generation. The sachemships were distributed unequally between the five nations. Nine of tijiem were assigned to the Mohawk nation, nine to the Oneida, fourteen to the Onondaga, ten to the Cayuga, and eight to the Seneca. The ^,- chems, united, formed the council of the League — the ruling body in whom resided the executive, legislative, and judicial authority. It thus appears that the government of the Iroquois was an oligarchy, taking the term, at least, in the literal sense, "the rule of the few;" and while more system is observable in this, than in the oligarchies of antiquity, it seems, also, better calculated in its framework to resist political changes Next t» the sachems, in position, stood the chiefs — an inferior class of rulers, the very existence of whose ofiBce was an anomaly in the oligarchy of the Iroquois. The office of chief was made elective, and the reward of merit ; but without any power of descent, the title terminating with the individual After their election they were raised up by a council of the nation ; but a ratification by the general council of the sachems was necessany to complete the investiture. The powers and duties of the sachems and chiefs were entirely of a civil character, and confined by their organic laws to the affairs of peace."— [Lkaouk op the Iroquois, p.'62-7l. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 219 individaal and public good, especially among themselves, being the great motive which excites them to attend to those moral virtues that are directed and explained by all their rules, and in all their ceremonies. Many years have elapsed since the introduction of Christian missionaries among them, whom they have heafld, and very generally understand the purport of the message they were sent to deliver. They say that it is highly probable that Jesus Christ came into the world in old times, to establish a religion that would promote the happiness of the white people on the other side of the great water, (meaning the sea;) and that he died for the sins of his people, as the missionaries have informed tifem. But, they say that Jesus Christ had nothing to do with them ; and that the Christian religion was not designed for their benefit ; but rather, should they em- brace it, they are confident it would make them worse, and consequently do them an injury. They say also, that the Great Good Spirit gave them their religion ; and that it is better adapted to their circumstances, situation, and habits, and to the promotion of their present comfort, and ultimate happiness, than any system that ever has or can be devised. They, however, believe that the Chris- tian religion is better calculated for the good of white people than theirs is, and wonder that those who have embraced it, do not attend more strictly to its precepts. 220 LIFE OF MART JEMISON. and feel more engaged for its support and diffusion among themselves. At the present time, they are opposed to preachers or schoolmasters being sent or coming among them, and appear determined by all means to adhere to their ancient customs. They believe in a Great Good Spirit, whom they call in the Seneca language Nau-wah-ne-u,* as the creator of the world, and of every good thing ; that he made men, and all inoffensive animals; that he supplies men with all the eomforts of life ; and that he is particularly partial to the Indians, who, they say, are his peculiar people. They also believe that he is pleased in giving them (the Indians) good gifts ; and that he is highly gratified with their good conduct, that he abhors their vices, and that he is willing to punish them for their bad conduct, not only in this world but in a future state of existence. His residence, they suppose, lies at a great distance from them, in a country that is perfectly pleasant, where plenty abounds, even to profu- sion. That there the soil is completely fertile, and the seasons so mild that the corn never fails to be good — that the deer, elk, buffalo, turkeys, and other useful ani- mals, are numerous, and that the forests are well calculated to facilitate their hunting them with success — that the streams are pure, and abound with fish; and nothing is wanting, to render fruition complete. Over this terri- * Bd-wen-nl-yu. — [Ed. DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 221 tory they say Nauwahneu presides as an all-powerful king ; and that without counsel he admits to his pleasures all whom he considers to be worthy of enjoying so great a state of blessedness. To this Being they address prayers, offer sacrifices, give thanks for favors, and per- form many acts of devotion and reverence. They likewise believe that Nauwahneu has a brother that is less powerful than himself, and who is opposed to him, and every one that is or wishes to be good ; that this Bad Spirit* made all evil things, snakes, wolves, cata- mounts, and all other poisonous or noxious animals and beasts of prey, except the bear, which, on the account of the excellence of its meat for food, and skin for clothing, they say was made by Nauwahneu. Besides all this, they say he makes and sends them their diseases, bad weather, and bad crops ; and that he makes and supports witches. He owns a large country adjoining that of his brother, with whom he is continually at variance. His fields are unproductive; thick clouds intercept the rays of the sun, and consequently destructive frosts are fre- quent ; game is very scarce, and not easily taken ; raven- ous beasts are numerous ; reptiles of every poisoned tooth lie in the path of the traveler ; the streams are muddy j and hunger, nakedness, and general misery, are severely felt by those who unfortunately become his tenants. He * ffa-^e-go-ate-geh, the "Evil-minded." — [Ed. 222 LIFE OF MARY JKMISON. takes pleasure in afflicting the Indians here, and, afier their death, receives all those into his dreary dominions who, in their lifetime have been so vile as to be rejected by Nauwahneu, under whose eye they are continued in an uncomfortable state for ever. To this source of evil they offer some oblations, to abate his vengeance, and render him propitious. They, however, believe him to be, in a degree, under subjection to his brother, and incapable of executing his plans only by his high permission. Pub- lic religious duties are attended to in the celebration of particular festivals and sacrifices, which are observed with circumspection, and attended with decorum. In each year they have five feasts,* or stated times for assembling in their tribes, and giving thanks to Nauwahneu, for the blessings which they have received from his kind, liberal, * " Six regular festivals, or ' thanksgivings,' were obserred by the Iroquois. The first in the order of time was the Maple festival. This was a return of thanks to the maple itself, for yielding its sweet waters. Next was the Planting festival, designed chiefly as an invocation of the Great Spirit to bless the seed. Third came the Strawberry festival, instituted as a thanksgiving for the first fruits of the earth. The fourth was the Green Com fesiival, designed as a thanksgiving acknowleilgfirjr-nt for the ripening of the com, beanti, and gquashcs. Next wag cel<;brated the Harvest festival, instituted as a general thanksgiving to 'our supporters,' after the gathering of the harvest. Last in the enumeration is placed the New Ye.'ii's festival, the great jubilee of the Iroquois, at which the white dog was sacrificed." — [LKAGt* OF THE InOQUOlS, p. 183. DEH-IIK-WA-JU8. 223 and provident hand; and also to converse ufxm the best nwans of meriting a continuance of his favors. The first ijf these feasts is iinrnediately after they have finished sugaring, at which time they give thanks for the favorable weather and great quantity of sap they have had, and for the sugar that they have been allowed to make for the benefit of their families. At this, as at all the succeeding feasts, the chiefs arise singly, and address the audience in a kind of exhortation, in which they express their own thankfulness, urge the necessity and propriety of general gratitude, and point out the course which ought to be pursued by each individual, in order that Nauwahneu may continue to bless them, and that the evil spirit may be defeated. On these occasion.s the ehiefM describe a perfectly straight line, half an inch wide, and perhaps ten miles long, which they direct their people to travel upon, by placing one foot before the other, with the heel of one foot on the toe of the other ; and so on till they arrive at the end. The meaning of which is, that they must not turn aside to the right hand or to the left into the paths of vice ; but keep straight ahead in the way of well-doing, that will lead them to the paradise of Nauwahneu. The second feast is after planting ; when they render thanks for the pleasantnesH of the season ; for the good time they have had for preparing thdr ground and plant- 224 LIPK OF MAET JEMI80N. ing their corn ; and are instructed by their chiefs by what means to merit a good harvest. When the green corn becomes fit for use, they hold their third or green corn feast. Their fourth is celebrated after corn harvest ; and the fifth at the close of their year, and is always celebrated at the time of the old moon in the last of January or first of February. This last deserves particular description. The Indians having returned from hunting, and having brought in all the venison and skins that they have taken, a committee is appointed, consisting of from ten to twenty active men, to superintend the festivities of the great sacrifice and thanksgiving that is to be immediately cele- brated. This being done, preparations are made at the council-house, or place of meeting, for the reception and accommodation of the whole tribe ; and then the cere- monies are commenced ; and the whole is conducted with a great degree of order and harmony, under the direction of the committee. Two white dogs, without spot or blemish, are selected, (if such can be found, and if not, two that have the fewest spots,) from those belonging to the tribe, and killed near the door of the council-house, by being strangled. A wound on the animal, or an effusion of blood, would spoil the victim, and render the sacrifice useless. The dogs are then painted red on their faces, edges of their ears, and DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 225 on various parts of their bodies, and are curiously decorated with ribbons of different colors, and fine feathers, which are tied and fastened on in such a manner as to make the most elegant appearance. They are then hung on a post near the door of the council-house, at the hight of twenty feet from the ground. The practice of sacrificing two dogs was formerly strictly adhered to, but at present they sacri- fice only one. This being done, the frolic is commenced by those who are present, while the committee run through the tribe, and hurry the people to assemble, by knocking on their houses. At this time the committee are naked — wearing only a breech-clout — and each carries a paddle, with which he takes up ashes, and scatters them about the house in every direction. In the course of the ceremonies, all the fire is extinguished in every hut throughout the tribe, and new fire, struck from the flint on each hearth, is kindled, after having removed the whole of the ashes, old coals, etc. Having done this, and discharged one or two guns, they go on ; and in this manner they proceed till they have visited every house in the tribe. This finishes the business of the first day. On the second day, the committee dance, go through the town with bearskin on their legs ; and at every time they start they fire a gun. They also beg through the tribe, each carrying a basket in which to receive whatever may be bestowed. The alms consist of Indian tobacco, and 10 'SM LIKE Ob' MAKV JIOMISON. otlur lutioU's that, uro utit'd fov inconso or saorifui*. Kiu'h manager, at this tinio, carries a diiod tortoise or turtlo sholl, coiitainiug a tow beai\s, wliioh he tVoquently rubs on the walls of tlio lunisos, both inside and out. This kind of niananivring bv tbo couiniittee continues two or throo davs, during wliich time tbo i>ooplo at the counoil-houso reoroiite thtnnsolves by dauoiuir. t)u tbo fourth or llflli da>-, tbo munmittoi' nuiko falso I'aoos of the huslss, in wbioli they run about, uuiking a frightful but ludicrous a|)poai'auoe. Tn this dross, still ■wearing the bearskin, tboy run to tbo council bouse, smear- ing themselves with dirt, and liodaub excrj' one wbo refuses to contribute sonielbing toward tilling the basket of in- cense, which tliey continue to carry, soliciting alms. l)ur- ing all this tinus tliey collect the Kvil Spirit, or drive it oft" entirely, for the present, and also conceutrate within tlieuisolves all the sins of their tribe, however nunu>rous or heinous. On tlie eighth or ninth day, the committee having received all their sins, as before observed, into their own bodies, they take down the dogs ; and after having transfused the whole of them into "no of tiieir own num- ber, he, by a peculiar sleight of hand, or kind of nuigie, works them all out of himself into the dogs. The dogs, thus loaded with all the sins of the people, are placed upon a pile of wood, that is directly set on lire. Here DEH-HE-WA-MIS. 227 they are buraed, together with the sins with wnich they were loaded, surrounded by the multitude, who throw incense of tobacco, or the like, into the fire, the scent of which, they say, goes up to Nauwahneu, to whom it is pleasant and acceptable.* * " On the morning of the fifth day, soon after dawn, the white dog was burned on an altar of wood, erected by the " keepers of the faith," near the council-house. It is difficult, from outward observation, to draw forth the true intent with which the dog was burned. The ob- scurity with which the object was veiled has led to various conjec- tures. Among other things, it has been pronounced a sacrifice for sin. In the religious system of the Iroquois there is no recognition of the doctrine of atonement for sin, or of the absolution or forgive- ness of sins. Upon this whole subject their system is silent. An act once done, was registered beyond the power of change. The greatest advance upon this point of faith was, the belief that good deeds can- celled the evil, thus placing heaven, through good works, within the reach of all. The notion that this was an expiation for sin is thus refiited by their system of theology itself. The other idea, that the sins of the people, by some mystic process, were transferred to the dog, and by him thus borne away, on the principle of the scapegoat of the Hebrews, is also without any foundation in truth. The bijining of the dog had not the slightest connection with the sin of the people. On the contrary, the simple' idea of the sacrifice was, to send up the spirit of the dog as a messenger to the Great Spirit, to announce their continued fidelity to his service, and, also, to convey to him their united thanks for the blessings of the year. The fidelity^