.'. The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924019889702 Cornell University Library PN 2782.R41 The Spanish stage in the time of Lope de 3 1924 019 889 702 THE SPANISH STAGE IN THE TIME OF LOPE DE VEGA BY HUGO ALBERT RENNERT, Ph.D. (Freiburg i. b.) PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL SPANISH ACADEMY, OF THE ROYAL GALICIAN ACADEMY, MEMBER OF THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA NEW YORK 1909 Copyright, 1909, by The Hispanic Society of America TO THE MEMORY OF MY MOTHER MAY 19, 1835— JUNE 5, 1899 Death is the end of life ; ah, why Should life all labour be ? Let us alone. Time driveth onward fast, And in a little while our lips are dumb. Let us alone. What is it that will last ? All things are taken from us, and become Portions and parcels of the dreadful Past. Tennyson. PREFACE Little more than a decade has elapsed since the attention of scholars has again been directed to the history of the Spanish stage, and their labors have been rewarded with most unexpected success. While these results have been due to the work of a number of investigators— Sanchez-Arjona, Cotarelo, Restori, and others — it is to the late Dr. Cris- tobal Perez Pastor's patient and unwearying researches that we are especially indebted. The mass of material which he has brought to light will always form the founda- tion upon which others must build. For nearly a cen- tury, or since the appearance of Pellicer's work upon the Spanish stage in 1804 (excepting the very important matter contributed by Schack in the Nachtrdge to his Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, 1854), little of importance had been done by scholars in this field until very recent times. About ten years ago Perez Pastor began investigations in the Archives of Madrid and other Spanish cities that have yielded the richest results, and to these the present volume is greatly indebted. The labors of this distinguished investigator have, moreover, shown that the first volume of Pellicer's Tratado Historico sobre el Origen y Pro- gresos de la Comedia y del Histrionismo en Espana, Madrid, 1804, is, upon the whole, trustworthy as far as VI PREFACE it goes, and, sincr a number of documents to which Pelli- cer had access seem to have disappeared, his work is still valuable. It was with the purpose of utilizing the latest researches of the scholars above mentioned, and such other informa- tion as has come to my knowledge, that the present ac- count of the Spanish stage was undertaken. The amount of material for such a work is now large. I have not attempted to chronicle every known fact, and whether I have always chosen what is most important, must be left for others to judge. Frequent references will be found in the course of the succeeding pages to the stage history of other countries, especially of England and France, with the view of throwing some light upon the points under discussion. They may, it is hoped, be not unwelcome to the reader. The "List of Spanish Actors and Actresses," which originally appeared in the Revue Hispanique, Tome XVI, 1907, is now reprinted in a revised and corrected form. While it is necessarily incomplete, and while further re- searches will undoubtedly add many a detail, the data here collected may render some service pending the ap- pearance of a more satisfactory list, compiled by one to whom all the sources are accessible. H. A. R. CONTENTS PAGE Chapter I 3 Early religious representations. The festival of Corpus Christi. The secular drama. Lope de Rueda. Torres Naharro. Early secular representations. Chapter II 26 The corrales of Madrid. The Corral de la Pacheca. The Corral de Burguillos. The Corral de Puente. The founda- tion of the two famous theaters : The Corral de la Cruz and the Corral del Principe. Chapter III 47 The corrales of Seville. Las Ataraxanas. La Alcoba. San Pedro. The Huerta de Dona Elvira. The Coliseo. La Monteria. Chapter IV 62 Music in the corrales. Dancing. Spectators on the stage. Various dances and bayles at Corpus Christi. The Zara- banda, Chacona, Escarraman, etc. Chapter V 76 The staging of the comedia. English court plays. The Enter- taining Journey of Rojas. Alonso Lopez Pinciano on staging. The stage. The curtain. Scenery. Stage machinery. Apa- riencias. Tramoyas. The French stage. Private repre- sentations. Chapter VI 104 Costumes. Their impropriety. Their magnificence. Costumes in the autos sacramentales. Performances in the public thea- ters. Prices of admission. The audiences. The mosque- teros. Women in the caxuela. Ruffianism in the theaters. Seats in the corrales. Chapter VII 137 Women on the stage. In France, England, and Italy. Women on the Spanish stage. The companies of players. Companias viii CONTENTS PAGE reales. Cotnpanias de parte. Smaller companies. The Enter- taining Journey of Rojas. The traveling of companies. Chapter VIII 159 The actors. Their hardships. Alonso de Olmedo. Juan de Morales. Roque de Figueroa. Maria de Riquelme. La Cal- derona. Adventures of actors related in the "Entertaining Journey." The term autor de comedias. Relations of dramatist and manager. The stealing of plays. Honorarium of dram- atists. Collaboration. Chapter IX 181 The salaries of actors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centu- ries. Managers turn actors. Corrales in various cities. Valencia as a theatrical center. It is visited by players from Madrid. Sums received by managers for the performance of a cornedia. For autos sacramentales. Receipts of a repre- sentation. The rental of the corrales. Chapter X 206 Character of the actors and 'actresses. Decrees regulating theatrical performances. The opposition of churchmen. De- crees of 1598, 1600, 1603, 1608, and 1615 for the reformation of comedias. Chapter XI 229 Private representations before the King. Philip the Third. Philip the Fourth. The latter's fondness for the theater. Rep- resentations in 1622. Festivals at Aranjuez. The "Buen Retiro." Lope's Selva sin Amor. Dramatic spectacles by Cal- deron. Decree of 1641 regulating plays. The theaters closed in 1646 and again in 1682. Chapter XII 252 The "Partidas" of Alfonso the Learned concerning secular plays. The church and the theater. Public players declared infamous. Opposition of the clergy to the theater. It is mostly due to the players. Character of the actresses. Chapter XIII 274 The term cornedia defined. The various kinds of comedias. The licensing of comedias. The representation of a cornedia. Loas, Entremeses, Jdcaras, Sainetes, Mogigangas. CONTENTS ix PAGE Chapter XIV 297 The representation of autos sacramentales. Description of the autos at Madrid. The carros. Abuse of the representation of autos. Protests of churchmen. Sums paid for the representa- tion of autos. Autos in the theaters. Great expense of these festivals. Chapter XV 322 Contemporary accounts of the representation of comedias and autos. Francis van Aerssen. The Comtesse d'Aulnoy. The behavior of audiences. Scenes in the theaters. Spanish players abroad. Conclusion. Appendix A 345 Appendix B 357 Appendix C 360 Index 381 Addenda 403 List of Spanish Actors and Actresses . . . .407 INTRODUCTION It has been said that the dramatic literature of Spain in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries exceeded that of all other European nations combined, and this is, perhaps, no exaggeration. Lope de Vega, the great founder of the national drama, who heads the list with about fifteen hun- dred plays, would alone suffice for an entire nation. He is followed by Tirso de Molina and Luis Velez de Gue- vara, with about four hundred plays each, and by other playwrights whose productivity is almost as remarkable. Of the vast dramatic output of this period it has been estimated that fully one half is lost beyond recovery. Of Lope de Vega's repertory- about two thirds has perished; of Tirso de Molina's and Velez de Guevara's about four fifths has disappeared, and of all the great dramatists of the Golden Age perhaps Calderon is the only one whose literary baggage has descended to us almost in its entirety. 1 Theatrical representations became exceedingly popular in Spain in the last decades of the sixteenth century, and with the establishment of the first permanent theaters in Madrid — the Corral de la Cruz in 1579 and the Corral del Principe in 1582 — the passion for the theater in- creased, and it was not long before all the larger cities possessed fixed corrales or theaters, and few towns were bo small that they were not occasionally visited by strolling players. In all matters pertaining to the stage, however, 1 Concerning the drama in England, W.' W. Greg (Henslowe 's Diary, Vol. II, London, 1908, p. 146) says: "We may, I think, conclude with some confidence that the total output of the Elizabethan Age was between 2000 and 3000 [plays] and probably not very far removed from the mean. This is, of course, exclusive of masques." He gives about 650 as the total number of plays extant from Elizabeth's accession to the outbreak of the civil war (1558-1642). xii INTRODUCTION Madrid was always paramount. Upon this point the evi- dence is overwhelming. The importance oi Valencia as a theatrical center has been much exaggerated, and while a corral may have existed in that city as early as 1501$, there is no positive record of one till x;S; or 15 S3. As the dramatists of the so-called Valencian school were all followers of Lope de Vega (its activity can be dated back no farther than Lopes residence in that city in i;8$\ so. too, the Valencian stage was at all times ruled by that of Madrid. In the capital all the large companies of players were organized; here all the celebrated managers (a:, tores de comeJias) and actors lived, and from this source all the cities of Spain, as well as the capital of PortugaJ, drew for their theatrical representations. After Madrid, the most flourishing theatrical center, on account of its wealth and commercial importance, was un- doubtedly Seville, and hence, in the following account of the Spanish stage. I have confined myself almost exclu- sively to these two cities, not only because of their prime importance, but also for the no less potent reason that here the sources flow much more freely than elsewhere. As regards the city of Valencia it may not be out of place to give here such information as is furnished by the rare little book EI TeJtro dc T'alcnaa desde su Ori^ri hjstti niustros Dias, por D. Luis Lamarca, Valencia, 1S40. Concerning theatrical representations in that city Sr. La- marca says that "to Valencia belongs the indisputable glory of having been the first city in Spain in which dramas were represented in the vulgar tongue," and mentions that in April, 1304, there was performed in the Palacio del Real a tragedy entitled L'hor; e'hitnorat y In frmbra sjrisfttj, written by Mosen Domingo Masco, counselor of the King. Don Juan I. 1 A few years afterward, in 141 2. on the occasion of the "See also Wolf, SrsiJisx sir Gfssiu'ktt irr sftwucl.s xtJ fvrtx&r- shrien Xat}9na^:Ur.:t:,-, Berlin, iSjcs p. 5S4. INTRODUCTION xiii festivities celebrated by the city in honor of the visit of the King, Don Fernando, among other things four en- tramesos nuevos were enacted. Lamarca says that these were probably carros triunfales, which are now known by the name of rocas; and upon these carros were represented pasos or mysteries, for in the deliberation of March 7, 141 5, it was decreed to pay to "Mosen Juan Sist, pres- bitero, per trobar e ordenar les cobles e cantilenes ques cantaren en los entratnesos de la festhidad de la entrada del Sor. Rey, Reyna e Primogenit," thirty florins, "e igual suma a Juan Perez de Pastrana, per haber de arreglar e donar el so a les dites cantilenes e haber fadrins que les cantasen e ferlos ornar" (p. 10). This, the author says, is proof of the Valencian origin of the term entremes. As early as the middle of the fifteenth century the city had paid juglares (juglares asalariados) to represent the public festivals, as is shown by a deliberation of August 28, 1487, when the city appointed "Juan Alfonso para una plaza de juglar de la ciudad, que se hallaba vacante por muerte de Martin Alfonso; expresando, que se le concedia con los emolumentos y trajes pertenecientes a dicho oficio" (ibid.), and he continues: "Los misterios en lengua lemo- sina que se representan todavia por las calles en la vispera y dia del Corpus y en especial el de Adam y Eva, que antes de salir de la procession se ejecuta sobre el carro 6 roca de la Santisima Trinidad, bajo los balcones de la casa de ayuntamiento, son una memoria de aquellas primitivas representaciones." As to the playhouses of Valencia, Sr. Lamarca calls at- tention to the fact that Jovellanos was in error in stating that in 1526 the Hospital of Valencia possessed a theater in that city, and states that many years passed before the Hospital had any interest in the casa de Comedias. The evidence for an early theater in Valencia he finds in the circumstance that in 1566 the street now called calle de la Tertulia was called the carrer de les Comedies. The fact xiv INTRODUCTION is, however, that the Hospital, in 1582, finding itself in straits for funds, the Marquis of Aytona, then Viceroy of the kingdom of Valencia, decreed on September 1 5 of that year that the companies of players which came from various parts to Valencia could only represent in the place appointed by the Hospital. This concession was con- firmed by the Cortes of Monzon in 1585. From a deliberacion of November 6, 1584, it appears that, for a short time prior to this date, a theater had been established in a house of Ana Campo, "situada cerca dels Santets," in which Alonso de Cisneros had represented for three months (p. 18). These, however, were only provisional theaters, and on May 4, 1584, the permanent theater in the Vall-cubert was finished. This, Sr. Lamarca declares, was in the Plaza de la Olivera, now called the Plaza de las Comedias, for a deliberacion of November 6, 1584, shows that N. Velazquez represented "farsas en la casa que te lo dit spital pera dit efecte a la Olivera." At this time the entrance fee was 4 dineros, and a silla cost seven. This famous Casa de la Olivera existed for thirty-four years, until 161 8, when it was torn down and rebuilt. While rebuilding comedias were again represented in the house called dels Santets, over against what is to-day the church of St. Thomas, where performances had formerly taken place. The Teatro de la Olivera was opened on Novem- ber 3, 1619, when the first representation took place in the new structure, and here they were continued until 17 15, when it was rebuilt anew. In 1622 the dramatist Jacinto Maluenda was alcaide of this casa de comedias, and moved to the house in the theater called del Autor, "which he was to occupy and to exercise the duties of his office, receiving all the returns and profits from the sale of waters, sweets, fruits," etc., "del modo y manera que fins huy ho han tengut tots sos antepasats." (Ibid., p. 63.) In 1650 representations were INTRODUCTION xv forbidden by royal decree. In June, 1662, we find Jose Carrillo and his company representing forty comedias in Valencia. Performances continued to take place in the Teatro de la Olivera until it was demolished in 1750, at the instance of the archbishop, D. Andres Mayoral. With this brief notice of the theater at Valencia we now turn our attention to the stage of Madrid, first casting a retrospective glance over the early religious representa- tions in the peninsula. THE SPANISH STAGE THE SPANISH STAGE CHAPTER I Early religious representations. The festival of Corpus Christi. The secular drama. Lope de Rueda. Torres Naharro. Early secular representations. So far as the representation of secular dramas in Spain is concerned, we need go back no further than Lope de Rueda, who is, in fact, the first professional actor-manager whose name has been preserved in the theatrical annals of Spain. To him and to Torres Naharro, Lope de Vega, the great creator of the Spanish national drama, has ascribed the beginnings of the comedia. 1 On the other hand, any dis- cussion of the representations of the religious drama in the peninsula must necessarily revert to a much more re- mote period. The earliest definite notices of popular representations in Spain, it may be observed here, all concern the celebra- 1 In his Loa de la Comedia, Agustin de Rojas tells us that the comedia had its beginning in the city of Granada, at the time when the Catholic kings expelled the Moriscos from Spain (1492), and says that the comedia was begun by Juan de la Enzina, "who was the first and of whom we have three eclogues" (p. 120). And, again, he says that "the use of the comedia began to be discovered" when Columbus discovered the New World (p. 121). He states that Enzina himself represented them to "the Almirante y Duquessa de Castilla y de Infantado." But as Canete remarks: "Encina estuvo muy lejos de ser representante, y mucho menos autor de Companias cdmicaj en el sentido que posteriormente ha dado a este frase el tecnicismo teatral. Poetas coetaneos de nuestro salmantino [Encina] como Pedro de Vega, vendian ya sus cologuios pastoriles, que entonces se practicaban mucho, a los representantes que andaban par el reino, que fueron los pri- 4 THE SPANISH STAGE tion of the festival of Corpus Christi, which was first insti- tuted by Urban IV. in 1264. 1 Most of our information concerning these festivals has been obtained from the Archives of the larger Spanish cities, and that these notices have been recorded is due to the fact that such festal representations were given at the command and ex- pense of the corporations of the various municipalities. In this respect the Spanish Archives seem to be unusually rich, and they throw much light on the character of these early representations and on the manner in which they were produced. It may not be without interest, therefore, to cast a glance, though it be a very hasty one, at these early religious representations, i.e., before the middle of the sixteenth century. 2 According to Sanchez- Arjona the Archives of Barcelona contain accounts of the celebrations of the festival of Corpus Christi covering the first two thirds of the fifteenth century, i.e., down to 1462. This festival was first intro- duced into Spain at Gerona by Berenger de Palaciolo, who died in 13 14. It was celebrated with great solemnity in Seville during the fifteenth century, the cathedral chapter meros que salieron a recitar publicamente. Asi Io expresa Juan Lopez Osorio, en una obra historica muy anterior a las de Rojas y Mendez, y su dictamen es mas digno de credito en este punto." (Tealro completo de Juan del Encina, Edicion de la Real Academia Espanola, ed. by Manuel Cafiete, Madrid, 1893, p. xxxviii.) Of these actors, however, we have no knowledge. 1 That representations — secular as well as religious — must have taken place in Spain at a period considerably antedating those mentioned in the text, is evinced by the Siete Partidas of Alfonso X., which were probably written between 1252 and 1257. Partida I, Tit. VI, Ley 34, is a very im- portant document for the history of the early Spanish drama, to which attention has frequently been called. From it Schack has drawn the following conclusions: (1) That in the middle of the thirteenth century religious as well as secular representations were well known in Spain; (2) that they took place as well within as without the church; (3) that they were represented not only by clerics, but also by laymen; (4) that acting was followed as a profession (Erwerbszweig) ; (5) that the plays were represented not only in pantomime, but were also spoken. (Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Frankfurt am Main, 1854, Vol. I, p. 114.) 2 For an account of the origin of the religious drama and of the autos THE FESTIVAL OF CORPUS CHRISTI 5 defraying the expenses of the representations, which took place on what was called la roca, which the cathedral books (libros de fabrica) describe as a kind of platform (andas) carried by twelve men and on which were those persons who represented Maria, Jesus, Saints Dominick and Fran- cis, and the four evangelists. "There were, besides, six angels and eight prophets, who were playing (tanendo) ; we do not know whether they were upon the roca, but rather presume that they went on foot like the devils and the angels who came forth and performed a sort of dance." As early as 1454, or a hundred years before Lope de Rueda, Sanchez-Arjona gives the names of two of these performers, Beatriz and Diego Garcia, who were paid twenty-five maravedis for dancing (que iban rillendo) . It is very likely that the persons engaged for these early representations were merely mountebanks and strolling players ; in fact, in the same year forty maravedis were paid by the corporation to "Juan Canario, a juglar, and his companion, who appeared on the roca, besides ten mara- vedis for coming to this city." In Zaragoza, in 1414, on the car or float for the repre- sentation which Don Enrique de Aragon (generally, but wrongly, called the Marquis of Villena) had arranged to celebrate the nuptials of the King, Don Fernando el Ho- nes to, there was represented "a great castle with four towers at the sides, and in the middle a higher one, with a wheel in its center which gave motion to the whole device (armazon), and showed successively the various alle- gorical personages who graced it." * These castles seemed sacramentales, see, in addition to the first volume of Schack, Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, the introduction by Eduardo Gonzalez Pedroso to Vol. 58 of the Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, and Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en Sevilla, Seville, 1898. See also Wolf, Studien zur Geschichte der spanischen und portugiesischen National- literatur, Berlin, 1859, pp. 556 ff. 'For an account of this piece (written in Limousin, not in Castilian), which is ascribed to the Marquis of Villena, see Schack, Nachtrage, p. z, and Wolf, Studien, p. 583 and note. 6 THE SPANISH STAGE to have figured largely in these representations, for in 1454 "one Pedro Gonzalez, the friend who makes castles," was paid for erecting one on the roca, which must have been a similar device to the one used by the Marquis of Villena. Despite the exalted purpose with which these fes- tivals were celebrated, the earthly needs of the performers were not overlooked, as is evinced by an entry in the books of the cathedral of Seville, in which the expenses of the festival were kept. Here we find, among other items, one "for wine for the angels and prophets." ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 4.) Again, in 1462, in addition to the item "gloves for Mary," nine maravedis were paid "for another pair of gloves, together with a wound for St. Francis." In 1497, besides an increased number of personages on the roca, other innovations were made. Two reals were paid to each of six trumpeters and to a drummer and a tambourine- player. "A gilded sun was provided at a cost of ten reals, besides twelve diadems for the apostles ; keys for St. Peter, which cost two reals ; eighteen little gilded lamps and two hundred and thirty roses gilded and plated with leaves of tin {lata) to adorn the sky in which is God the Father, the gilding at two maravedis and for the plating one maravedl." In that year "Mary wore a gilded star, God the Father a tiara, Jesus Christ a diadem, and St. Domi- nick a lily." It is very likely, as Sanchez-Arjona remarks, that during the fifteenth century these festivals were chiefly in charge of the various guilds, and he adds that, to judge by the titles of these autos and the notices of them which have been preserved, these representations with which the festival of Corpus Christi was then celebrated "had no direct relation to the sublime mystery which is commemo- rated on that solemn day, and down to the middle of the sixteenth century we find no auto which unites all the distinctive characteristics of the autos sacramentalcs." He refers here to the Farsa llamada Danza de la Muerte, written by Pedraza, a native of Segovia, and cloth-shearer AUTOS REPRESENTED BY GUILDS 7 (tundidor) by trade, and first printed in 1551. 1 It was doubtless represented in that city by the guild of tundi- dores, since at that time the cars for representation were in charge of the guilds and officers of the city, who took part in the processions, preceded by a standard, bearing the ensigns of the respective guilds. This was also the case in Seville, where, besides the care of the cars, the well- cleaners had charge of the decoration of the "tarasca," the ganapanes looked after the "giants," and an enormous St. Christopher was furnished by the glovers. {Ibid., p. 8.) In Seville these autos were represented at Corpus by the various guilds and at their expense until 1554, when they were undertaken by the city, which also assumed all the charges of the representations. 2 At this time, says 1 The earliest auto bearing a definite date, that has survived, is Gil Vi- cente's Auto de San Martinho, written and represented in 1504; "la rnas antigua, entre quantas poseen fecha autentica, de dramas castellanos, hechos para solemnizar la fiesta del Sanct. Sacramento." (Gonzalez Pedroso, in Bibl. de Autores Espanoles, Vol. 58, p. xvii.) That there is, however, much uncertainty concerning the chronology of Vicente's works, has been shown by Stiefel, who makes it apparent that the Auto da Fama, for instance, was written after 1519 and perhaps not before 1525, though the date 1510 is assigned to it. (Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen (1907), p. 192.) It should be added that, while the Auto de San Martinho was represented at Corpus Christi, it had nothing to do with the glorification of the doctrine of transubstantiation ; and is not, therefore, an auto sacramental. Fitzmaurice-Kelly says: "Hernan Lopez de Yanguas est peut-etre le premier qui ait ecrit un veritable auto dans sa Farsa sacra- mental en coplas (1520)." (Litterature espagnole, Paris, 1904, p. 174.) The Farsa of Pedraza is republished by Pedroso, loc. cit., p. 41. On Lopez de Yanguas, see Canete, Teatro espahol del Slglo XVI, Madrid, 1885, pp. 61 ff. * The manuscript collection of Autos, Farsas, etc., of the Biblioteca Na- cional, to which reference is made by writers upon this subject, has been published by Rouanet, under the title Coleccion de Autos, Farsas y Collo- quies del Sigh XVI, Madrid, 1901, in four volumes. It consists of ninety-six pieces. The editor says : "Les diverses compositions du recueil pourraient se diviser en trois classes: i° sujets empruntes a la Bible (Ancien et Nouveau Testament) ; 2 sujets pris dans la legende ou la vie des saints. Les uns et les autres portent le nom d'autos. 3 Sujets allegoriques, designes sous le nom de farsas. II est a noter ici que, vers la fin du XVI e ou le commencement du XVII e siecle, le mot auto n'etait l'equivalent ni d'auto sacramental, ni d'auto al nacimiento, et ne s'appliquait pas exclusivement aux representa- tions en l'honneur de l'Eucharistie ou de la Nativite, mais a toute oeuvre dramatique en un act. Si on voulait chercher dans le Codice de Madrid le 8 THE SPANISH STAGE Sanchez-Arjona, it was the custom to place the Holy Sac- rament in the middle of the principal chapel in the church, and the town council and cathedral chapter having occu- pied the stage or platform (tablado), placed between the two choirs, the representation of the auto took place, after which divine service was held. The mass and sermon be- ing concluded, the dances were presented in the same place in which the auto had been given, and there they remained dancing before the Holy Sacrament until evening, when the procession, of which they formed a part, emerged from the church. {Ibid., p. 9.) Meanwhile the deputies ap- pointed by the city to take charge of the festival assigned the places where the representations were to take place, and once designated, fixed the arms of the city over them, so that, the representations within the cathedral and before the chapters being concluded, the players might go in their "cars" to perform the autos in all the places indi- prototype des autos sacramentales tels qu'on les concut plus tard, c'est parmi les farsas qu'on le trouverait. Les autos, au contraire, y apparais- sent comme une forme encore rudimentaire des comedias dimnas." {Ibid., p. x.) Forty years before, Wolf, in speaking of this same collection, had said that from their nature these pieces must have been represented outside the church, and that in the farsas sacramentales the special, allegor- ical form of the auto sacramental is already found developed, while the pieces which in this collection are called autos mostly treat of the lives of heroes of the Old and New Testaments, of saints, etc., and may be con- sidered the forerunners of the so-called comedias divinas. "More- over," he says, "it may be confidently asserted that the ancient religious drama in Spain was divided, as in France and England, into two prin- cipal classes: historical representations of sacred history (Mysteries or Miracle-plays) and moral-allegorical pieces (Moralities). From the former the comedias divinas were afterward developed, and from the latter the autos (in the signification which was afterward exclusively con- fined to this name)." (Studien zur Geschichte der spanischen und portugiesischen Nationalliteratur, Berlin, 1859, p. 602, quoting Schack, Vol. I, p. 243.) A piece similar to those contained in the collection edited by Rouanet, and which, moreover, bears a definite date, was written by Sebastian de Horozco of Toledo, and is printed in his Cancionero, Seville, 1874, p. 148. It is entitled "Representacion de la Parabola de Sant Mateo a los veinte Capitulos de su sagrado Evangelio; la qual se hizo y represento en Toledo en la Fiesta del Sanctissimo Sacra- mento por la Santa Iglesia. Ano de 1548 afios." It also begins with an "Argumento" or prefacio, as the author calls it. LOPE DE RUEDA 9 cated by the arms of the city. (Ibid.) So the procession moved from street to street and received the name, in popular phrase, of the "Festival of the Cars" — La Fiesta de los Carros. 1 Toward the close of the sixteenth cen- tury the auto received a new and powerful impulse through Lope de Vega, seconded by other writers; an impulse that was epoch-making in the annals of this species of composition, which developed in regularity and brilliancy, at the cost, perhaps, as Sr. Sanchez- Arjona says, of its former tenderness and simplicity, and putting an end to the autos viejos, works of tran- sition between the farces of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and the eucharistic representations of the seventeenth century, in which they constituted one of the richest and most varied manifestations of the dramatic muse. 2 Throughout the seventeenth century the autos sacra- mentales were represented publicly in the streets of Spain, 3 the performances moving from place to place, as directed by the authorities of the cities, under whose auspices and at whose expense they were given. And it is in Benavente, in 1554, that we first hear of Lope de Rueda, when he represented an auto in that city. Lope de Rueda is the earliest autor de comedias (head of a company of players) in Spain of whom we have any knowledge. His is a famous name in the annals of the Spanish theater, of which he was one of the founders. Indeed, his great successor, Lope de Vega, frequently alludes to his illustrious name- sake as the first to bring the comedia, as it was afterward known, upon the public stage. To Lope de Rueda the name autor was rightly applied; he was an author as well as actor and wrote the farces and comedies which he and his little company performed in the public squares. 'Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. II, pp. 291 ff. 2 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 8. 3 For the representation of autos in the theaters, see below, Chapter XIV. io THE SPANISH STAGE Born in Seville, probably in the second decade of the sixteenth century, he at first followed the trade of a gold- beater. The earliest documentary notice concerning him is of the year 1554, when, as just stated, he represented an auto at Benevente in honor of Philip the Second, on his passage through that town on his way to England. 1 On August 15, 1558, we find him in Segovia performing una gustosa comedia at the dedication of the new cathe- dral of that city. 2 In 1559 his company represented two autos at Seville, El Hijo prodigo and Navalcar- melo, 3 and the instrument dated April 29, 1559, is still preserved in the Archives of Seville, in which Juan de Coronado, the mayordomo of the rents and properties of the city, is commanded to pay to Lope de Rueda, "residing in this city, forty ducats, on account of seventy ducats, 4 which he is to receive for two representations, to be given on two cars (carros), with certain figures, on Corpus Christi ; the one Navalcarmelo, the other El Hijo prodigo, with all the costumes of silk and other things that may be necessary," etc. Attached is the receipt of Lope de Rueda, 'The best account of Lope de Rueda and his works is to be found in Cotarelo y Mori, Lope de Rueda y el Teatro Espanol de su Tiempo, Madrid, 1901, and in the same writer's introduction to the Obras de Lope de Rueda, published by the Spanish Academy, Madrid, 1908, 2 vols. See also Cortes, Un Pleito de Lope de Rueda, Madrid, 1903, and on the sources of Rueda's plays, the excellent article of Professor Arthur L. Stiefel, Lope de Rueda und das Italienische Lustspiel, in the Zeitschrift fiir Romanische Philologie, Vol. XV. 2 "A la tarde, celebradas solenes visperas en un teatro que estava entre los coros. . . . Luego la compania de Lope de Rueda, famoso come- diante de aquella edad, represento una gustosa comedia." (Diego de Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, Madrid, 1640, Cap. XLI, p. 516.) 'This auto is still extant and has been published by Rouanet in the Coleccion de Autos, Farsas y Coloquios del Sigh XVI, Vol. II, Madrid- Barcelona, 1901. In the introduction to Vol. I (p. xii), M. Rouanet says: "No. LIX, VAuto de Naval y Abigail est precisement celui que Lope de Rueda composa en 1559 pour la Fete-Dieu de Seville." ' For some years after this seventy ducats seems to have been the usual price for an auto. In May, 1580, seventy ducats each were paid for the autos of that year by the chapter of Toledo, Alonso Rodriguez receiving 210 ducats for three autos and Melchor de Herrera 140 ducats for two autos. (Perez Pastor, Bulletin Hispanique (1906), p. 78.) MARIANA AND THE DUKE n dated May 9, 1559, acknowledging the payment of forty ducats, and signed by his own hand. 1 The court having moved from Valladolid to Madrid, we find Lope de Rueda in the latter city on September 24, 1 56 1, married to a Valencian woman. After a short stay in Madrid, in which his company seems to have been very unfortunate — for he was obliged to leave part of his theat- rical wardrobe in pawn for a debt — he left for Valencia, whence he returned to Seville, where, on July 18, 1564, Juana Luisa, "daughter of Lope de Rueda and his wife Rafaela Anxela," was baptized. 2 A very curious document, 3 which throws an interesting light upon the early theatrical career of Lope de Rueda, is a lawsuit brought by "Lope de Rueda and Mariana de Rueda, his wife," on July 6, 1554, in Valladolid, against Juan de la Cerda, the heir and successor of Don Gaston de la Cerda, Duke of Medinaceli, for services rendered by the wife to the latter. It appears that about the year 1546, two women, who earned their living by singing and dancing, arrived from Aragon in the town of Cogolludo, where Don Gaston was residing. The Duke was so pleased with one of these singers that he admitted her to his ser- vice. She was called Mariana, and we are told that she fulfilled with extreme solicitude her duty of amusing the Duke. She remained in his service six years, "dedicating herself exclusively to furnishing him with recreation, sing- ing and dancing in his presence whenever it suited his caprice, and giving him always grande placer e contenta- miento." Mariana seems to have been an excellent singer and dancer, and, according to the testimony of one of the witnesses, "es en extremo unica e sola en lo que hace." At all events, she greatly pleased the old Duke, "who ad- mitted her to his chamber, le daba de comer en su propio 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. n. ' Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 38, note. * See Cortes, Un Pleito de hope de Rueda, Madrid, 1903. 12 THE SPANISH STAGE plato, and lavished gold and silver upon her, and in his solicitude not to be separated from her, he used to take , her with him on his hunting parties." In order the better to accompany the Duke, "now on foot and now on horse," Mariana had her locks shorn and dressed in male attire. While her position, in the circumstances, might be re- garded as rather equivocal, it should be added that one of the witnesses "affirmed under oath, and insisted upon it, that Mariana tried to please the Duke and to serve him in all that she could como muger honrada." It appears that the old Duke died owing Mariana considerable money, and sometime after her marriage to Lope de Rueda she determined to sue for the amount due her. The testimony at the trial shows that when suit was brought (1554) she had been married to Lope de Rueda for about two years. As Mariana entered the Duke's service in 1546 and re- mained six years, she must have married Lope de Rueda directly after she left the Duke. This lawsuit lasted from July, 1554, until March, 1557, during which time Lope de Rueda was living with his wife, Mariana, in Valladolid. .The testimony of some of the witnesses in this case af- fords a glimpse of Lope de Rueda's company at this time. The first witness was Pedro de Montiel, "a silk-spinner (hilador de sieda), being in this court [Valladolid] and a member of the company of Lope de Rueda." Another witness was Gaspar Diez, musico, who testified that "whenever the said Lope de Rueda represents a comedy, he calls him and pays him [the witness] well for playing the biguela in the said comedy," etc. Francisco de la Vega, musico e tanedor of Valladolid, and Alonso Centino, danzante, also testified, the latter saying that he was not in Rueda's company because he [the witness] was married. It appears, therefore, that Lope de Rueda was twice married, first in 1552 to Mariana, a strolling singer and dancer, and sometime in 1 563 or earlier to Rafaela Anxela. Two years before this, in 1561, he is said to have repre- TORRES NAHARRO 13 sented the autos at Corpus in Toledo, and on October 4 and November 28, 1561, he received one hundred reals each for two comedias acted at the instance of the Queen, Dona Isabel de la Paz. 1 He died at Cordoba shortly after March 21, 1565, the date of his testament. 2 To Bartoleme de Torres Naharro and Lope de Rueda belongs the singular honor of having been the "first in- ventors" of the comedia in Spain ; Torres Naharro was the first Spaniard to write comedias in the manner in which they were afterward taken up and brought to the highest development of artistic form by Lope de Vega. 3 His comedias are in verse, while Rueda's are in prose. Na- harro has been strangely overlooked by those early Spanish writers who touch upon the drama. Juan de la Cueva does not mention him, nor does Agustin de Rojas. Cer- vantes notes him briefly in the "Canto de Caliope" in his Galatea, as does Lope de Vega in the dedication of his comedia Virtud, Pobreza y Muger, in 1624, where he says: "In Spain the rules of art are disregarded; not through ignorance — for the first inventors [of the comedia in Spain], Rueda and Naharro, who have scarcely been dead eighty years, observed them — but through following 1 Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 37, note. 'Ibid., p. 39. s The most distinguished of living critics of the Spanish drama, Sr. Menendez y Pelayo, says this of our author: "Bartolome de Torres Na- harro, inferior & otros contemporaneos suyos en dotes poeticas, habia nacido hombre de teatro, y en esta parte les aventaja a todos. Comparense sus obras con cuanto inmediatamente las precedio en nuestra escena: con las eglogas, farsas y representaciones de Juan del Enzina (sin excluir las ulti- mas y mas complicadas) ; con las de Lucas Fernandez, Francisco de Ma- drid, Diego de Avila y Martin de Herrera; y aun con todo lo que Gil Vicente compuso antes de la Comedia del Viudo, que es de 1514, acaso influida ya por los ensayos de nuestro autor; y nos parecera que entramos en un mundo nuevo, y que fue un paso de gigante el que Torres Naharro dio en el camino de la buena comedia" (p. lxxxviii). Again: "Complied ingeniosamente la trama, en tres por lo menos de sus piezas; atendio por primera vez al estudio de las costumbres, y si no llego a la comedia de caracter, fue por lo menos el fundador de la comedia de intriga" (p. xciii). (Introduction to the Propaladia of Torres Naharro, Vol. II, Madrid, 1900.) i 4 THE SPANISH STAGE the bad style introduced by those who succeeded them." Juan de Timoneda, as Schack has observed, is the earliest Spanish writer to couple the names of Torres Naharro and Lope de Rueda as the founders of the Spanish drama, call- ing attention to the fact that the works of Torres Naharro are in verse, while the comedies of Lope de Rueda are in prose. 1 Lope de Rueda's historic importance lies in his in- vention of the pas'o — a dramatic interlude turning on some simple episode: a quarrel between Torubio and his wife Agueda concerning the price of olives not yet planted, an invitation to dinner from the penniless licen- tiate Xaquima, etc. Mr. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, in his brief but admirable summary of Rueda's achievement, says : "Rueda had clearly read the Celestina to his profit ; and his prose, with its archaic savor, is of great purity and power. . . . Considerable as were Rueda's positive qualities of gay wit and inventive resource, his highest merit lies in this, that he laid the foundation stone of the actual Spanish theater, and that his dramatic system became a capital factor in his people's intellectual history." 2 And Sr. Menendez y Pelayo says : "The positive and eminent merit of Lope de Rueda is not in his dramatic conception, nearly always foreign, but in the art of the dialogue, which is a treasure of popular diction, picturesque and seasoned as well in his pasos and coloquios sueltos as in those which can be culled from his comedias. This episodical part is really the very essence of them. This is what Cervantes admired 'The works of Lope de Rueda, which Timoneda began to publish at Valencia in 1567, are now accessible in the two volumes edited by the Marques de la Fuensanta del Valle in the Coleccion de Libros Espaholes raros 6 curiosos, Madrid, 1895-96, and in the new edition of the Spanish Academy, just issued in two volumes (Madrid, 1908), edited by Emilio Cotarelo. For the above allusion, see the edition of 1895, Vol. I, p. 153. The Propaladia of Torres Naharro has also been reprinted, with an excellent introductory essay by Menendez y Pelayo, in two volumes, in the Libros de Aniaho, Madrid, 1880 and 1900; the second volume containing the introductory essay. 'History of Spanish Literature, New York, 1898, p. 169. THE PROPALADIA 15 and in part imitated not only in his entremeses but also in the picturesque portion of his novels." 1 Of Lope de Rueda, Rojas says : "Digo que Lope de Rueda, Gracioso representante, Y en su tiempo gran poeta, Empecp a poner la farsa En buen uso y orden buena, Porque la repartio en actos, Haziendo introito en ella Que agora llamamos loa," etc. {Viage entretenido (ed. 1 603), p. 123.) As Pellicer had already observed, 2 Rojas does not seem to have been acquainted with the Propaladia of Torres Naharro, first published at Naples in 15 17, since he ascribes the introduction of the introito or argumento to Rueda, though it had been used by Naharro nearly half a century before. Nor is Rojas correct in saying that Rueda divided his farsas into acts. The only division of his plays is into scenes. Caiiete calls Naharro "padre y fundador de la comedia espafiola." 3 Of the plays of Naharro numerous editions appeared after the first one at Naples: at Seville in 1520, 1526, 1533, and 1545; one at Toledo in 1535, and one at Ant- werp without date, but probably about 1550. According to Menendez y Pelayo, 4 the Propaladia was first placed upon the Index Expurgatorius in 1559, and an edicion castigada was issued at Madrid in 1573, one at Antwerp 1 Introduction to his edition of the Comedias de Alonso de la Vega, Dres- den, 1905, p. xiv. He says further: "Lope de Rueda, con verdadero instinto de hombre de teatro y de observador realista transporto a las tablas el tipo de la prosa de la Celestina, pero aligerandole mucho de su opulenta frondosidad, haciendole mas rapido e incisivo, con toda la diferencia que va del libro a la escena." * Tratado historico sobre el Origen y Progr'esos de la Comedia y del Histrionismo en Espana, Madrid, 1804, Vol. I, p. 22. 'El Teatro espanol del Sigh XVI, p. 112. * Propaladia, Madrid, 1900, Vol. II, p. Ixxv. 16 THE SPANISH STAGE in the same year, and again at Madrid in 1590, though, according to the same distinguished critic, other editions, unexpurgated, were published between 1559 and 1573. This list of editions evinces considerable vogue for the Propaladia, though its influence on the Spanish drama at this period does not seem to have been proportionate. Still, those who are most competent to give an opinion in the matter declare that Naharro's influence was wide and immediate. 1 However this may be, it was in the plays of Xaharro and Rueda that Lope de Vega, with the eye of genius, saw the coming comedia, and in them it had its beginnings, as he himself tells us. Hence the career of Lope de Rueda, who was both actor and playwright, is of especial interest to us. Cervantes, born in 1547, is the most important witness we have among Spanish poets concerning Lope de Rueda. He saw him in the flesh. We can imagine Cer- vantes as a boy of ten or twelve standing in the square of Valladolid gazing with unfeigned delight at the somewhat crude and boisterous farces enacted, with due accompani- ment of horse-play, doubtless, by Lope de Rueda and his little company of strolling players. 2 They made an endur- 1 Propaladia, Vol. II, pp. cxlv et seq.; Schack, GescUthte der dramati- scAi". Literatur und Kuiui in Spanien, Frankfort am Main, 1854, Vol. I, pp. 194. ft.; Cafiete, El Teatro espahol del Siglo XVI, Madrid, 1885, p. 206; Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. I, p. 209; VoL II, p. 54. As long ago as 17+9 Bias Xasarre said of our author: "Pero Bartolome de Torres Naharro, que florecio por el mismo tiempo debaxo del Pontificado de Leon X, debe ser tenido por el primero que dio forma a las Comedias vnl- gares; las suyas se representaron en Roma," etc (Comedias j Entremeses de Miguel de Cervantes, Madrid, ^49. \ A list of pieces which were printed in the first half of the sixteenth century, containing several not men- tioned by any writer on the Spanish drama, has been published by Emilia Cotarelo y Mori, Catdlogo de Obras dramaticas impresas pero no conocidas hasta el presenie, Madrid, 1902. See also Anales de la Literature espanola, ed. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1904, p. 236. A long list of srxreenth- century pieces had been given many years ago by Gayangos in his Spanish translation of Ticknor, Vol. II, pp. 523-550. See also Canete, El Teatro espahol del Siglo XVI, pp. 55 ff. 3 Lope de Rueda evidently gave a performance whenever an audience could be collected, both in the morning and afternoon, for at the close of MIGUEL DE CERVANTES 17 ing impression on his boyish mind. From that time forth he was in the thrall of the stage, and never afterward, through all his long and checkered career, even when in his generous, valiant optimism he must have acknowledged that his plays were failures, was he able to shake off en- tirely the spell of the theater. After the lapse of more than half a century, in the prologue to the volume of his Comedias ( 1 6 1 5 ) , the old hero of Lepanto, whose name was now the greatest in all the literature of Spain, falls into one of his delightfully reminiscent moods and gives us an animated description of the primitive performances of Lope de Rueda's little band of strollers. The account is now much worn by constant usage, but Cervantes is the only eye-witness who has left anything on paper, and his narrative must serve once more here. In the time of this celebrated Spaniard [Lope de Rueda] all the properties of a theatrical manager were contained in a sack (costal), and consisted of four white pelices trimmed with gilded leather, and four beards and wigs, with four staffs, more or less. The plays were colloquies or eclogues between two or three shepherds and a shepherdess. They were set off by two or three entremeses, either that of the "Negress," the "Ruffian," the "Fool," or the "Bis- cayan," for these four characters and many others the said Lope acted with the greatest skill and propriety that one can imagine. At that time there were no tramoyas (theatrical machinery) nor challenges of Moors or Christians either afoot or on horse. There were no figures which arose or seemed to arise from the center of the earth through the hollow of the stage, which at that time con- sisted of four benches arranged in a square, with four or five boards upon them, raised about four spans from the ground, nor did clouds with angels or souls descend from the skies. The furnishings (adorno) of the stage were an old woolen blanket drawn by two cords from one side to the other, which formed what is called a dressing-room (vestuario) , behind which were the musicians, sing- his Eufemia he invites his audience "only to go and eat their dinners and to return to the square, if they wish to see a traitor beheaded, a loyal man freed," etc. (Obras de Lope de Rueda, Madrid, 1896, Vol. I, p. 88.) 1 8 THE SPANISH STAGE ing some old ballad without the accompaniment of a guitar. . - • Lope de Rueda was succeeded by Nabarro, a native of Toledo, 1 famous as an impersonator of the cowardly ruffian; he improved somewhat the setting of the comedia (levanto algun tanto mas el adorno de las Comedias), and instead of a bag for the costumes used chests and trunks. He brought the musicians from behind the curtain, where they formerly sang, out upon the stage, removed the beards of the players, for up to that time no actor appeared upon the stage without a false beard, . . . except those who represented old men or other characters which required a facial disguise. He invented stage machinery (tramoyas) , thunder and lightning, chal- lenges and battles, but these never reached the excellence which we see now, etc. Continuing, Cervantes mentions his own plays, Los Tratos de Argel, La Destruycion de Numancia, and La Batalla Naual, which were then seen in the theaters of Madrid, and speaks of the innovations introduced by him, such as reducing the comedias from five acts to three; representing for the first time upon the boards the "imag- inations and hidden thoughts of the soul and moral abstrac- tions," etc. All this is very interesting, but the accuracy of Cer- vantes's statements has been questioned because they apparently do not agree with facts that are known from other sources. 2 There can be no doubt that Cervantes is mistaken when he says that he first reduced the comedia from five acts to three. This had been done by Francisco 1 Of this autor, Pedro Nabarro, one play survives, La Marquesa Saluzia, llamada Griselda, a drama in four acts in verse. From a unique copy, dated 1603, Dr. C. B. Bourland has reprinted it in the Revue Hispanique (1905)- 2 Juan Rufo, another eye-witness of the performances of Rueda, cor- roborates the testimony of Cervantes as regards the rudeness of the stage at that time. In his Seiscientas Apotegmas, y otras obras en verso (Toledo, 1596), fol. 266, v., he says: "Quien vio, apenas ha treinta anos, de las farsas la pobreza, de su estilo la rudeza, y sus mas que humildes panos." PRAGMATIC A OF CARLOS V. 19 de Avendaiio as early as 1553. Besides, Schack cites a rescript promulgated by Charles V. in 1534 against ex- travagance in dress, "which is to extend likewise to players — men and women — musicians and other persons who take part in comedias by singing and playing." 1 Schack observes that this decree not only shows that the representation of comedias in Spain had reached a high degree of refinement at that early date, but that women also appeared upon the stage at that time, while later, under Philip the Second, women's roles were played by boys. 2 Another curious notice referring to the same period is found in the Ingeniosa Comparacion entre lo antiguo y lo presente, by the Bachiller Villalon, which first appeared in 1539. The author says that never since the creation of the world had "the comedias which we call farsas been represented with such subtlety and ingenuity as nowadays." He speaks of six men who are regularly in the pay (asalariados) of the church of Toledo, of whom the two principal ones, named Correa, are such remarkable actors that he says he would spend a large sum of money or go begging in order to see them, "though they should be many miles from here." 3 It cost but a copper to see the show: "Una 6 dos comedias solas, como camisas de pobre, la entrada a tarja de cobre, y el teatro casi a solas." (Quoted by Wolf, Studien, p. 606.) 1 Pragmatica de Carlos V. y Dona Juana, su madre, hecha en Toledo en el afio de 1534 (Lib. VII, Ley 1, Tit. 12 de la Nueva Recopilacion) : "Item mandamos que lo que cerca de los trages esta prohibido y mandado por las Ieyes de este titulo, se entienda asi mismo con los comediantes, hombres y mugeres, musicos y las demas personas que assisten en las comedias para cantar y taner, las quales incurren en las mismas penas que cerca desto estan impuestas. ' ' (Geschichte der dramatlschen Lit. u. Kunst in Spanien, Vol. I, p. 198, note.) * See below, Chapter VI. * "Pues en las representations de comedias que llamamos farsas, nunca desde la creation del mundo se representaron con tanta agudeza e industria como agora, porque viven seys hombres asalariados por la Iglesia de 2o THE SPANISH STAGE However, neither the rescript of Charles V. in i534> nor the account given by Villalon in 1539, seem to me to in- validate in the slightest degree the narrative of Cervantes. The decree of 1534 relates, almost certainly, to the elab- orate representations that were given at public and church festivals, indeed Villalon states explicitly that the players whom he had seen were regularly in the pay of the church of Toledo. So far as we know there were no fixed corrales or theaters in Spain at this early period nor for many years thereafter. We may be quite sure that the little company of Lope de Rueda (he died in 1565) never acted upon a permanent stage. Juan Rufo, quoted above, alludes to the "cruel inn-yard" and its furnace-heat in summer, while the memory of the icy winter blasts still makes him shiver. 1 Surely strolling players, acting even a quarter of a century before this, were not at all likely to be attired in such magnificent costumes as to bring them under the ban of the "Pragmatica" of Charles V. Hence the representations against which the rescript of 1534 was directed were undoubtedly the religious dramas that were acted in the public squares or within the churches, or perhaps in the open space without the church. Moreover, all the evidence furnished by the comedia itself tends to corroborate and validate the account given by Cervantes. It may be said with a great degree of proba- bility that the stage accessories in the public theaters of Toledo, de los quales son capitanes dos que se llaman los Correas, que en la representation contrahazen todos los descuydos y avisos de los hombres, como si Naturaleza, nuestra universal madre, los representasse alii. Estoy tan admirado de los ver, que si alguno me pudiera pintar con palabras lo mucho que ellos en este caso son, gastara yo grandes summas de dineros 6 mendicando fuera por los ver, aunque estuvieran mil leguas de aqui. (Page 180 of the reprint by the Sociedad de Bibliofilos Espanoles, 1898, and quoted by Menendez y Pelayo in his introduction to the Propaladia of Torres Naharro, Vol. II, p. cl, Madrid, 1900.) See also Canete, Teatro espaiiol, p. 95, note. 1 "Porque era el patio cruel, fragua ardiente en el estio, de invierno un elado rio, que aun agora tiemblan del." ITALIAN COMEDIES IN SPAIN 21 Spain down to almost the beginning of the seventeenth cen- tury were of a very simple and elementary kind. Two or three musicians had been substituted for the ballad singers, some simple devices to indicate locality and the introduction of crude stage machinery. Indeed, in spite of the improve- ments introduced upon the stage by Cervantes himself and to which he alludes with evident pride in the Prologue above quoted, we need go no further than his own plays to show the primitive character of the stage machinery of his day. To represent thunder and lightning, we read the following stage direction in his Numancia: "Under the stage they make -a noise with a barrel full of stones and discharge a rocket." x That representations were given in Spain, at this early period, in which there was, in all probability, much display of costume, there is other evidence to prove. The come- dias of Torres Naharro, as we have seen, were published as early as 15 17, and Italian comedies were not impossibly known in Spain at this time or not long thereafter. As we shall see (below, p. 29), one Muzio, with his company of Italian players, had taken part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1538. The earliest known account of the performance of an Italian comedy in Spain is dated 1548, when one of Ariosto's comedies was represented at Valla- dolid on the occasion of the marriage of the Infanta Dona Maria, daughter of Charles V., to Maximilian, Prince of Hungary. It was performed "with such apparatus and scenery as are used at Rome in the representation of come- dies," and was "a royal and sumptuous affair." 2 Creize- nach, commenting on this, says: "This is also the first known instance in Spain of the use of the scenic arrange- 1 "Hagase ruido debaxo del tablado con un barril Heno de piedras, y disparese un cohete volador." (Numancia, Act II, Scene II, p. 195, ed. of 1784O 'Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 31. The latter's authority, as Stiefel (Zeitschrift fiir Roman. Phil., XV, p. 319) remarks, is Caluete de Estrella, Felicissimo Viaje del Principe Phelippe . . . , Anvers, 1552, fol. 2 b . 22 THE SPANISH STAGE ments of the Renaissance, the sight of which was evidently a matter of the first importance to the narrator, for he does not even mention the title of Ariosto's comedy. Towards the close of the same year, Philip II., the suc- cessor of Charles, saw a comedy performed at Milan, with the greatest refinement and luxury of scenic decoration, and after he had ascended the throne (1556), according to a later account, Antonio Vignali of Siena, a member of the Academ'ia degli Intronati, is said to have produced Italian comedies at his court. Still, after this time we hear of no great lords or rich corporations in Spain instituting such elaborate productions. These were naturally beyond the reach of the professional actor, but the latter had found, even as Torres Naharro before him, many a useful hint in the Italian comedy." 1 Furthermore, we read that in 1 56 1, on the occasion of the marriage of Guglielmo, Duke of Mantua, to Eleonora of Austria, the celebrated "scultore del re di Spagna," Leon Leoni of Arezzo, was sent to Mantua "a inventare e porre in ordine qualche bellissimo apparato ed invenzione." 2 These representations, with their wealth of costume and decorations, were Italian comedies, and were performed privately by Italian players, before the King or his great nobles. They had nothing to do with plays in the market- places, for theaters, so far as we have any information, were then unknown in Spain. But during the great church festivals or on other solemn occasions, here, 1 Geschichte des neueren Dramas, Vol. Ill, p. 167. See also ibid., Vol. II, p. 297. Stiefel (/. c), and after him Creizenach, quotes Scipio Bargagli, Commedie degli Accademici Intronati, Vol. II, p. 494, as follows: ' ' Arsiccio intronato (i.e. Vignali), con onore stato conosciuto infino da 11a remotissima Spagna, mentre in buonissirao grado vi servi Filippo il Secondo la regnante, a diletto di cui fece alia guisa Italiana, ivi non prima conosciuta, rappre- sentare, dal regal tesoro illustrate, piu e chiarissime commedie, dalla ricca e piacevolissima vena del suo f elice e tanto universale ingenio scaturite. ' ' According to this, as Creizenach observes, these representations must have taken place between 1556 and the time of Vignali's death (1559), while "regnante" Philip might be taken as early as 1543. ' D 'Ancona, Origin! del Teatro Italiano, Vol. II, p. 416, note. FESTAL REPRESENTATIONS 23 doubtless, as in religious or festal representations in other countries, the costumes were often very elaborate and costly. Schack mentions such a representation at Valladolid, on June 5, 1527, at the christening of the Infanta Philip. On this occasion the auto of the "Baptism of St. John" was performed. 1 The same author, quoting Ortiz de Zufiiga, Anales de Sevilla, ed. of 1796, Vol. Ill, pp. 339 ft., mentions a magnificent representation given in Seville in the previous year (1526) in honor of the mar- riage of Charles V with the Princess Isabel of Portugal, and also the autos represented at Corpus in 1532, likewise at Seville. Schack remarks that it is very probable that allegorical figures appeared in these autos, though this fact is not expressly stated. 2 In 1563 there was represented at Plasencia, at the festi- val of Corpus Christi, the tragedy of Nabuco Donosor, with elaborate scenic display {con gran aparato), "and when the children were thrown into the furnace, it seemed so real that some persons believed that they were actually thrown in." 3 Seven years after this, in 1570, we find the 1 See the passage from Sandoval, Historia de Carlos V., Valladolid, 1604, Bk. XVI, quoted by Schack, Geschichte, Vol. I, p. 200. On page 403, indeed, he mentions some elaborate religious representations which were given a quarter of a century earlier, in 1501, in honor of the Palsgrave, afterward Kurfurst Friedrich II. He quotes from Hubertus Thomas of Luttich, Annates de inta et rebus gestis Friderici II., Francof., 1624 (Ger- man: Spiegel des Humors groszer Potentaten, Schlensingen, 1628). Speak- ing of the "pomphaf ten dramatischen Spielen" given in Barcelona, he says : "Da war angestellt ein gemachter Himmel, dabei man auch die Ilolle sah, sehr schrecklich und grausam. Dabei wurden viele Historien gespielt, welche fast an die vier Stunden wahrten." "In Perpignan sahen wir Stiicke aus dem alten und neuen Testament, Paradies und Holle waren da gleich prachtig zu schauen, und vier Stunden lang gab man da ein schauerliches Stuck zu sehen. Die Engel in weiszen Kleidern, die Teufel in Gold und Silber stattlich angethan stritten mit einander ; unter gewalti- gem Krachen und Platzen sprangen die Raketen und es gab einen Hollen- larm, als bewegten sich Himmel und Erde. Zuletzt kam Judas und erhing sich an einem Fenster, ward auch sobald mit einem Feuerstrahl getroffen und verschwand, dasz ihn Niemand mehr sahe." 2 Ibid., pp. 202, 203, and p. 205 for a list of early autos. " Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 16. See also the account of the elaborate representation in 1578, in the public square of Plasencia, of El Naufragio 24 THE SPANISH STAGE students of the college of San Hermenegildo representing a tragedy entitled San Hermenegildo, in which there were thirty-four characters, besides soldiers, pages, etc. While this was a festival performance given under the direction of the Fathers of the Company of Jesus, and not a repre- sentation in a public theater, we have here one of the earliest descriptions of stage scenery, and hence it is of interest. The stage was about five feet (un estado) in height and thirty- nine feet square. On the front was a large door of fine architec- ture, representing the city of Seville, on the frieze of which was a shield with the letters S. P. Q. H. At the two sides of this door ran a handsome canvas of a wall with its battlements, forth from which, projecting a distance of three feet, arose towers somewhat higher, of which the tower on the left served as the prison of San Hermenegildo, while the one on the right was the castle for the entertainments. On the sides of these two towers sufficient room remained for the exit of those personages who were represented as belonging outside of Seville, such as the King Leovigildo and others, for through the middle gate only those entered and de- parted who were supposed to be from Seville, like San Hermene- gildo, 1 etc. Juan de Malara, the reputed author of this tragedy, was, as is well known, an imitator of the ancient comic poets, as opposed to the popular style of Lope de Rueda. But it were useless to cite other religious or festal repre- sentations. We have already passed beyond the period of Lope de Rueda, and our chief reason for citing such spectacles is (as this is not a history of the drama) to show that, while they were not uncommon during the de Jonas prof eta, in Canete, El Teatro Espanol del Siglo XVI, p. 139, and of the Representation of Francisco de las Cuebas in Aleala in 1568. {Ibid., p. 323.) This shows, as Sr. Canete says, that ' ' el aparato escenico de los dramas religiosos era en toda Espana lujosisimo durante el siglo xvi." A copy of this Representation of Cuebas is before me, made by my col- league, Dr. Crawford, who purposes publishing it shortly. 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 41. A TRUSTWORTHY WITNESS 25 time of Lope de Rueda and even long before, they cannot serve in support of the statements of some writers that during this period the costumes and accessories of the popular theater in Spain were of an elaborate and sumptuous character. For such spectacles as we have mentioned had nothing to do with the performances of strolling players in the market-places, and hence a "prag- matica" of 1534 could not have had them in view. We are therefore safe in accepting the account of Cervantes in regard to Lope de Rueda's performances as essentially true. CHAPTER II The corrales of Madrid. The Corral de la Pacheca. The Corral de Burguillos. The Corral de Puente. The foundation of the two famous theaters : The Corral de la Cruz and the Corral del Principe. Madrid became the capital of Spain in 1560. Strolling players had certainly appeared there long before this date, but with the rapid growth of the city in wealth and popula- tion, which naturally ensued when it became the official center of the kingdom, it was necessary to find some fixed place where these companies of players could perform. The establishment of permanent theaters in Madrid was, at the outset, connected with an event that seemed to have but a" remote relation to public amusements. 1 In 1565 a number of charitable citizens of Madrid founded a fra- ternity called the Cofradia de la Sagrada Pasion, the primary object of which was merely to feed and clothe the poor ; but, under the auspices of the King and the Council of Castile, their field was soon widened, and a hospital for poor women suffering from fever, "because there was no other hospital for this purpose in the capital," was founded in the calle de Toledo. In order to increase the funds of the hospital the President of Castile, Cardinal Espinosa, and the Councilors granted to the Cofradia the privilege 1 Schack, Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Vol. I, p. 264, remarks that such a connection between public amusements and religious or charitable foundations seemed natural enough to the Spanish mind ; that it seemed equally natural to the English mind, we shall see further on. The theater being supported by the public, it does not appear so very strange, after all, that it should contribute to the public charities. 26 THE COFRADIAS 27 of providing a place for the representation of all comedias given in Madrid, and of appropriating to their pious purposes the funds thus obtained. 1 Two years after this, in 1567, another fraternity was founded called the Cofra- dia de Nuestra Senora de la Soledad, with charitable aims of greater scope than those of the older fraternity. The Cofradia de la Soledad bought a house near the Puerta del Sol and fitted it up as a hospital. The places designated for theatrical representations by the Cofradia de la Pasion were three : a square or corral in the Calle del Sol ; another belonging to Isabel Pacheco, in the Calle del Principe, 2 and a third in the same street — a corral leased from one Bur- guillos — which afterward passed into the control of the Cofradia de la Soledad. For in 1574 the latter brother- hood also petitioned for the right to furnish a place for the representation of comedias in order to maintain its hospital, 3 and the matter ended in a compromise with the 1 If now we cast a glance at theatrical affairs .in London, we find that in March, 1573-4, the Lord Chamberlain (Earl of Essex) requested that one Mr. Holmes might appoint places for plays and interludes within the city. "The Mayor and aldermen replied that it would hurt their liberties so to do, and that it was unfitting for any private person to hold such an office. They had had preferable offers of a similar nature, for the relief of the poor in the hospitals; they would accept these, if any." (Fleay, Chronicle History of the London Stage, 1559-1642, London, 1890, p. 45.) And an Act of the Common Council of London provided that all plays performed in the city should first be licensed . . . and that of the money taken there should be applied to the relief of the sick poor such sums as shall be agreed on. (Ibid., p. 46.) Again, on October 8, 1594, Lord Hunsdon wrote to the Lord Mayor asking permission for his players to play at the Cross-Keys, "as they have been accustomed [i.e., before 1592]. They will play from 2 P. M. to 4, instead of beginning at 4 or 5, . . . and be contributory to the parish poor." (Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, p. 31. See also Collier, Annals of the Stage, Vol. I, p. 216, and Henslotue's Diary, ed. W. W. Greg, Vol. II, p. 77.) 2 There is a notice of a performance here in 1568: "En miercoles a 5 de Mayo de 1568 afios entro a representar Velazquez en el Corral desta casa'. ha de dar seis reales cada dia de los que representare. ' ' (Pellicer, Tratado historico, Vol. I, p. 48. El Corral de la Pacheca, by Ricardo Sepulveda, Madrid, 1888.) 3 Among the reasons on which they based their petition were that "come- dians were people coming and going to the court [Madrid], and as they were not to remain therein longer than eight or ten days, they performed freely wherever they listed, and making use of this and wishing to do a 28 THE SPANISH STAGE older fraternity, the Cofradia de la Soledad acquiring the corral of Burguillos. Both brotherhoods finally decided to join forces and petitioned Dr. Antonio de Aguilera, Councilor of Castile and deputy for the administration of the said hospitals, that two thirds of the profits accruing from these corrales should go to the Cofradia de la Pasion, and the remaining third to the Cofradia de la Soledad; the expenses to be shared in the same proportion. This agree- ment of the two brotherhoods was approved by Dr. Agui- lera on June 7, 1574. These corrales — a name that down to our own day has remained synonymous with playhouse — were originally, before they were transformed into theaters, the yards of houses. 1 In the rear was the stage ; the larger part of the audience viewed the performance standing in the court- yard, while the windows of the principal building and of the surrounding houses served as boxes for the more dis- tinguished spectators. Arrangements for the comfort of actors and audience were at first, naturally, very crude. The stage, as well as the whole court-yard, had no roof nor any kind of protection against sunshine or rain. If the weather was unfavorable the representation was either suspended or brought suddenly to a close. 2 As early as 1574 a company of Italian players under good work and a charity to the brotherhood of La Soledad, Alonso Rodri- guez and other comedians were' representing corned i as to aid in the bringing up of foundlings, in the Corral de Burguillos, which the brotherhood had provided, and for which it had paid." (Pellicer, Tratado, Vol. I, p. 50.) 1 So in England the immediate predecessor of the playhouse was the inn- yard. Until 1576, Fleay says, public performances in London were given in inn-yards, of which there were five. (See also Collier, Annals, Vol. I, p. 36.) 2 Schack, Vol. I, p. 266. Under date of December io, 1579, we read: "No hubo representacion en ningun corral por haber llovido mucho." (Perez Pastor, in Bull. Hispanique (1906), p. 76.) Moreover, when there were but few people in the corral the managers refused to give a perform- ance. "27 de Agosto de 1579. — No hubo representacion en la calle del Lobo (Corral de Puente) porque Cisneros estaba ausente, ni en la Pacheca porque Ganasa no quiso representar al ver que habia poca gente en el corral, y se devolvi6 el dinero a las personas que habian entrado." (Ibid., P- 74-) THE CORRAL DE LA PACHECA 29 Alberto Nazeri de Ganassa 1 presented plays at Madrid (mostly in pantomime, as it appears) , and in the same year Ganassa succeeded in having a theater erected in the Corral de la Pacheca. "For while comedias had already been represented in the said corral, it was wholly open, and the stage, raised seats, and patio were exposed to the inclem- ency of the weather, so that when it rained no perform- ance could be given." And in 1574 the theater was built by two carpenters, using the "tablados, lienzos y otros pertrechos del Corral de la Pacheca," and also the awn- ings which had been made to shade the stage of this corral from the sun. 2 The agreement was that a theater and stage should be built, wholly covered by a roof, and that this theater should be leased for a period of nine or ten years, etc., the 1 Concerning Ganassa, who had a company of players in France in Sep- tember, 1571, see Baschet, Les Come"diens Haliens, Paris, 1882, pp. 18-25, and Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en Sevilla, Sevilla, 1898, p. 47. As Ganassa appeared in Seville in 1575 in the Corral de Don Juan, the corrales of the latter city were probably established as early as those of Madrid. (Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 53, and see below.) Ganassa seems to have been at the head of the company called the Gelosi as early as 1572, and to him is probably due the invention of the second Zanni or Arlecchino. Scherillo says: "La compagnia, che sembra avesse gia allora (1572) il titolo dei Gelosi, era condotta da un bergamasco Alberto, noto pel suo nome o soprannome di Ganassa; al quale, oltre tutto il resto, si deve fors' anche l'invenzione della parte e del nome del secondo Zanni, cioe dell' Arlecchino." (La Commedia dell' Arte, in La Vita Haliana del Seicento, Milano, 1895, p. 451.) It appears that a company of Italian players had visited Spain as early as 1538, when one Muzio, "Italiano de la Comedia," was in Seville, taking part in the festival of Corpus Christi. (Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 47, note.) The petition of Muzio, which is found in Vol. VI of the Escribania de Cabildo of the municipal Archives of Seville, is as follows: "Los Italianos que sacaron los carros en la fiesta del Corpus Cristi supli- can a V. S. que, pues es costumbre de repartir joyas a quien mas buena voluntad y obras mostrare en tal dia, que habiendo ellos hecho todo lo que pudieron, sean V. S. tan benignas que, aunque en ellos haya poca parte de merecimientos, puedan gozar della, y en todo sea, como suplican, con aquella brevedad que el favor de V. S. y sus necesidades requieren, a fin que se puedan ir a su viaje, e quitarse de los gastos, que son muchos, que hasta agora han tenido para aguardar tan seiialada merced." — Muzio, Italiano de la Comedia. (Ibid., p. 47, note.) Stiefel (Zeitschrift fiir Roman. Phil., Vol. XV, p. 320) conjectures that Lope de Rueda may have joined this company of Muzio's, and it is not improbable. 2 Pellicer, Tratado historico, Vol. I, p. 54. 30 THE SPANISH STAGE rent being fixed at ten reals per day. But, in fact, the roof covered only the stage and the sides of the patio; the sole covering of the latter was an awning to shade the specta- tor from the sun. From this patio the rank and file — the vulgo or gente del bronce — viewed the play, standing. On account of the clamor and uproar they made, they were called mosqueteros. So in France "the boisterous and vulgar" stood, as did the "groundlings" in the pit of the inn-yards of London. Ganassa further agreed to perform two comedias for the benefit of the theater, to advance 600 reals toward the erection of it — to be returned to him at the rate of ten reals per day (the rental of the playhouse) — and agreed besides to give sixty performances. Of the plays performed by Ganassa and his Italian com- pany, Pellicer says: "Representaban comedias italianas, mimicas por la mayor parte, y bufonescas, de asuntos triviales y populares. Introducian en ellas las personas del Arlequino, del Pantalone, y del Dotore." 1 This was the Italian commedia dell' arte. Ganassa seems to have made several journeys to Spain with his company, for after this first visit in 1 574, he appeared again in June and July, 1579 (see below, p. 31), at the Corral de Puente, and also in the beginning of the following year in the Pacheca and again during the years 158 1 and 1582, 2 and in the Corral del Principe in 1584. 3 He seems to have visited Spain again in 1603, according to Pellicer, 4 though his statements are not clear on this point. We may be quite sure that the financial success reaped by Ganassa and his players, to which Ricardo de Turia (Don Pedro 1 Tratado ktstorico, Vol. I, p. 53. 2 Under date of December 31, 1581, we find the curious notice that "Saldafia did not perform on this day, because he and his company were at the Teatro de la Cruz to see the Italians." (See Perez Pastor, in Bull. Hispanique, April-June, 1906, p. 149, and Appendix A.) 3 See below, p. 43. 4 Vol. I, pp. 57 and 72. THE VALDIVIESO AND THE PUENTE 31 Juan de Rejaule y Toledo) 1 alludes many years after- ward, induced other Italian actors to try their fortunes upon Spanish soil. To these we shall recur further on. The Corral de la Pacheca, as stated above, was in the Calle del Principe.. The increased demand for theatrical representations, however, now induced the same Cofradias to rent another corral, belonging to Cristobal de la Puente, in the Calle del Lobo, which they furnished with benches and gradas or raised seats, and fitted it up for the per- formance of comedias. Besides, another corral was pro- vided by the fraternities for Francisco Osorio, a theatrical manager, who came to Madrid with his company in June, 1579. To Osorio was assigned the Corral de Valdivieso by the then comisario de comedias, Francisco de Prado, "and the said Osorio has bound himself to build a stage and two platforms (tablados) at the sides, at his own cost, and the profits arising therefrom shall be for the hospitals, without any deductions being made, and besides the said Osorio is to give ten reals for every day that he performs, and to-day [June 7, 1579] is the first day that the said Osorio represents, while also on this day Salcedo repre- sents in the Corral de la Pacheca and Ganassa in the Puente." 2 We learn, moreover, that Osorio only gave per- formances on June 7, 8, and 9, when, on account of the small number of spectators, he abandoned the corral. On Sunday, June 7, 1579, the Hospital de la Pasion received, as its two-thirds share from the performances of Ganassa, who was representing in the Corral de Puente, and from Salcedo, in the Corral de la Pacheca, two hundred and twenty-one reals and ten maravedis, and on June 8 and 9 these receipts were one hundred and fifty-six reals twelve 1 In his Apologetico de las Comedias espaholas, prefixed to the second part of Norte de la Poesia Espahola, etc., Valencia, 1616, he speaks of "el famoso comico Ganaca, que en la primera entrada que hizo en ella [Espana] robo igualmente el aplauso y dinero de todos." I possess an excellent copy of this very rare book. ."Perez Pastor, in Bull. Hispanique, 1906, p. 72, and see also Appendix A. 32 THE SPANISH STAGE maravedis, and one hundred and ninety-five reals ten maravedis respectively. Ganassa and Salcedo also repre- sented on Trinity Sunday, and on June 18 we learn that Ganassa had gone to Toledo for the festival, while Salcedo was engaged in the festival at Madrid, so that there were no representations in the Corral de Puente, where Ganassa had performed, nor in the Pacheca which Saldafia had occupied. On June 24 Ganassa re- turned from Toledo and again performed in the Puente, and on June 28 and 29 in the Pacheca. On July 2 Ganassa appeared in the Pacheca "and declared that he had been given a license by the Council of Madrid to perform two days in each week." 1 In these corrales various autores or theatrical managers gave performances, among them Ganassa, Cisneros, Alonso Rodriguez "el Toledano," Jeronimo Velazquez, Francisco Salcedo, Rivas, Juan Granado, Alonso Rodriguez of Seville, Sal- dafia, and others. 2 Of these directors of companies many wrote farces or comedias, 3 and the term autor was therefore strictly appro- priate to them at this time. It was not till some years afterward that the title autor de comedias came to mean 'The representations during the three next succeeding years will be found in Appendix A. The list is copied from the very important article by Dr. Perez Pastor, in the Bull. Hispanique, 1906. ' Pellicer mentions Alonso Velazquez among these early autores, but ac- cording to Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 98, this autor de comedias was not born till 1572. 3 Of these autores Antonio de Villegas is said to have written fifty-four comedias and forty entremeses, according to Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 116. The latter quotes Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 54, as his authority, but Pellicer's mistake was pointed out by Barrera (Catdlogo, p. 493) nearly fifty years ago. Rojas evidently meant that these comedias and entremeses formed the repertory of Villegas, not that he wrote them. None of the comedias at- tributed by Pellicer to Antonio de Villegas was written by him. Callar hasta la Ocasion, which Pellicer ascribes to Alonso de Cisneros, was, according to Barrera, written by Don Juan Hurtado y Cisneros. Pellicer also mentions Gaspar Vazquez, an actor (perhaps the lessee of the Corral del Principe in 1583, mentioned below, p. 41), who, in the opinion of Tamayo de Vargas, in his Biblioteca manuscrita, is the author of a comedia entitled La Costanza (Alcala de Henares, por Sebastian Martinez, 1570). THE CORRAL DE LA CRUZ 33 merely a theatrical director, an impresario. 1 We have seen that, after paying the autor and his company, the average net proceeds of a single representation varied, at this early period, from 140 to 200 reals, which went to the hospitals of the city. It may be mentioned here that in 1583 Philip 11. granted to the "Royal House of Incurables" at Naples half the proceeds derived from the public performances of comedias in that city. 2 Performances in these corrales always took place in the afternoon. At first they were limited to Sundays and feast- days, but with the growing demand for such spectacles, two representations were authorized during the week, on Tuesdays and Thursdays, and sometimes they continued for fifteen or twenty days before Shrovetide. On Ash Wednesday the theaters were closed till Easter, and in 1580 plays were not resumed until September 11, when Rivas began in the Pacheca. 3 All representations took place in these corrales until the Cofradias erected their own permanent theaters, the first one in the Calle de la Cruz in 1579, the other in the Calle del Principe in 15 82.* Let us turn now to these permanent theaters. A site having been purchased in the Calle de la Cruz on October 12, 1579, for 550 ducats, the wood, benches, and other properties were moved from the corral of Cristobal de la Puente. and a new theater was fitted up. 5 It is interesting 'Caramuel, writing in the latter half of the seventeenth century, says: "Autor de Comedias apud Hispanos non est qui illas scribit aut recitat, sed qui Comicos alit et singulis solvit convenientia stipendia." (Rhythmica (second ed. Campaniae, 1668), quoted by Schack, Nachtrage, p. 25.) 2 Croce, / Teatri di Napoli, p. 56. * For details see Appendix A. * Performances continued to take place in the old corrales, however, for some time after the establishment of the two permanent theaters. There is record of a representation in the Pacheca in January, 1583, and in the Corral de Puente on February 18, 1584. See Appendix A. ""Martes 8 de Diciembre [1579] :— En este dia se notified a Crist6bal de la Puente, dueno del corral de la Calle del Lobo, que tienen alquilado las cofradias, que cesaba este arrendamiento y que los asientos, tablados y 34 THE SPANISH STAGE to note that the building and the expenditures of this new theater, or Corral de la Cruz, as it was called, were in charge of Getino de Guzman, who had been the surety for Cervantes' s mother, Dona Leonor de Cortinas, for his re- demption from Algerine captivity. 1 The Corral de la Cruz had not yet been completed when the first comedia was represented therein on Sunday, November 29, 1579, by the companies of Juan Granado and Jeronimo de Galvez. 2 Though on December 8, 1579, as we have just seen, the Corral de Puente had been stripped of its benches, etc., Cisneros again began to represent in it on January 28, 1580; and we find him there again on February 11 and i8, s and according to Pellicer 4 on February 1, 1584. It is clear, however, that the new Corral de la Cruz* pertrechos que a costa de las cofradias se habian hecho en dicbo corral se trasladarian al nuevo teatro de la calle de la Cruz ya por evitar gastos ya tambien porque Francisco Salcedo, que representaba en la calle del Lobo, se ha ausentado." (Perez Pastor, Bull. Hispanique, Jan., 1906, p. 75.) 1 Bull. Hispanique (1906), p. 76. Cervantes alludes to the relation exist- ing between the theaters and the "Brotherhoods of the Hospitals" in his Entremes del Retablo de las Maravillas, where Chanfalla says: "Yo senores mios soy Montiel, el que trae el retablo de las marauillas; hanme embiado a llamar de la Corte los senores cofrades de los hospitales, porque no ay autor de comedias en ella, y perecen los hospitales, y con mi yda se re- mediara todo." (Ocho Comedias, etc., Madrid, 161 5, fol. 244.) 2 "Yo Francisco de Olea doy fee ... en como hoy domingo 29 dias del mes de Noviembre de 1579 afios fue el primero dia que se represent6 en el corral que las cofradias de la Sagrada Pasion y Nuestra Senora de la Soledad tienen en esta dicha villa en la calle de la Cruz, en el qual asi mismo represento la primera vez Juan Granado y Galvez, autores de comedias, esta ultima vez que vinieron a esta corte sin que hubiesen representado en el ni en otro corral donde se acostumbra hacer las dichas comedias otra vez desta postrera venida . . . Francisco de Olea." (Perez Pastor, Bull. Hispanique, Jan, 1906, p. 75.) 1 Ibid., pp. 77, 150. See Appendix A. 4 Vol. I, p. 80. 5 In 1576, three years before the building of the Corral de la Cruz, "the first London theater properly so called, the Theatre, was built by James Burbadge, one of Leicester's players. It was situate in Halliwell or Holy Well, in the parish of St. Leonard's, close to Finsbury fields. In 1577 we find another theater called the Curtain erected close to the Theatre, both being in the same fields." (Fleay, Chronicle History of the London Stage, p. 37.) "When Shakespeare came to London (1586?) there were two THE CORRAL DEL PRINCIPE 35 and the Corral de la Pacheca now became the favor- ite playhouses, and were leased by the most famous autores: Ganassa, Galvez, Granado, Saldana, Jeronimo Velazquez, Cisneros, Alonso Rodriguez, Salcedo, and others. On October 29, 1580, all representations in Madrid were suspended on account of the death of the Queen, Dona Ana, and the theaters were closed until November 30, 1581, when Ganassa and his Italian players again appeared at the Corral de la Cruz. 1 The success of the Corral de la Cruz and the desire to be relieved of the rent which they were paying for the Corral de la Pacheca induced the Cofradia de la Soledad y Ninos expositos, in 1582 (February 19), to buy a number theaters in London and its suburbs: the Theatre and the Curtain, both in Shoreditch. In February, 1592, a third playhouse, the Rose, was opened by the manager Philip Henslowe. It was situated on the Bankside in South- wark and was doubtless the scene of Shakespeare's pronounced success alike as an actor and dramatist. In 1594 he [Shakespeare] was connected with another theater at Newington Butts [see now Greg, in Hensloiue's Diary, II, pp. 72 and 85]; and later (1595-1599) he returned to the Theatre and Curtain. The latter playhouse was kept up till after his death, but the Theatre was torn down in 1599, and most of the materials were used by the Burbadges in the erection of the Globe on the Bankside. From the opening of this theater until Shakespeare gave up acting, it appears to have been the only one [with the Blackfriars"] with which he was regularly connected. The Blackfriars theater, originally a dwelling-house converted into a theater by James Burbadge in 1596, was in the City, not far from the northern end of Blackfriars bridge. The Times building is now on this site." (Collier, Works of Shakespeare, Vol. I, p. 80.) Between July 22, 1596, and April 17, 1597, Romeo and Juliet was acted at the Curtain by the company known as Lord Hunsdon's servants. (See Ordish, The London Theatres, p. 100.) According to the same writer Shakespeare's Henry V. was first performed at the Curtain in 1599, "presumably by the Burbadge-Shake- speare company." (Ibid., p. 84.) Ordish says that after the accession of James I., in 1603, the Chamberlain's company — which Shakespeare had joined before Christmas, 1594 (ibid., p. 169) — acted only at the Globe and at the Blackfriars. (Ibid., p. 103.) Greg suggests that Shakespeare may have been a member of Lord Strange's company (which became the servants of Baron Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, after the death of Lord Strange, then Earl of Derby, in 1594) as early as April, 1593, though Shakespeare's name does not occur in the list of the company, as he was not a shareholder. (Hensloiue's Diary, Vol. II, p. 74.) 1 "30 Noviembre 1551. — Ganasa represento en la Cruz y fue el primer dia que hubo comedia despues de la muerte de la reina Ana. 'Y de todo el aprovechamiento de la comedia, sin la representacion [i.e., the rental paid by 36 THE SPANISH STAGE of houses near the latter corral, in the Calle del Principe, for which they paid the owner, Dr. Alaba de Ibarra, physician to Philip II., the sum of 800 ducats. 1 Here they built a theater after the pattern of the Corral de la Cruz: this was the Corral del Principe, which, with the Corral de la Cruz, were, after 1584, the only public theaters of Madrid. 2 Their glory, in the annals of the modern drama, is surpassed only by the Globe and Black- friars in London. And it is a curious coincidence that the dramatic careers of the great creators of the English and Spanish dramas began at about the same time. Lope de Vega, born in 1562, began to write for the public stage about 1585. Shakespeare, born in 1564.J came to London in I586(?), and became attached to one of the theaters. Each rose to the topmost height in the dramatic art of his country, and while the wide gulf that separates Shake- speare from his contemporaries does not exist in the case of Lope de Vega, the superiority of the latter among the dramatists of his own country is now undisputed. Lope de Vega had his Sessa, and Shakespeare his Southampton, yet neither ever received aid or encouragement from his the players], se allegaron doscientos y sesenta reales y medio de que cupo a la cofradia de la Soledad de la tercia parte que lleva noventa reales y cinco maravedis, y a la Pasion le cupo de sus dos tercias partes ciento y ochenta reales y doce maravedis.' " (Perez Pastor, Bull. Hispanique (1906), p. 148.) 1 "Escritura de venta de dos pares de casas y corrales otorgada por el D r Alava de Ibarra, medico de S. M., por si y como legitimo adminis- trador de su hijo D. Juan, en favor de los diputados de la cofradia de N a S a de la Soledad y Ninos expositos, en la calle del Principe, por precio de 800 ducados. Madrid, 19 Febrero 1583. — Venta de las dos tercias partes de las casas de la calle del Principe que fueron del D r Alava de Ibarra otorgada en favor de los diputados de la cofradia de la Pasion por los de la cofradia de la Soledad y Ninos expositos en precio de 200,000 mara- vedises. Madrid, 10 Marzo 1582." (Ibid., p. 152.) 2 1 prefer to use the term Corral del Principe and not Teatro, because Corral was the only term applied to these theaters for many years after their foundation. Antonio Armona, in his Memorias cronologicas, a manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, says that these buildings began to be called teatros in 1608. They were still called corrales in 1611 (Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 376) and certainly as late as the middle of the seventeenth century, (Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 108.) SHAKESPEARE AND LOPE 37 sovereign. There is no proof at hand of personal patron- age extended to Shakespeare by either Elizabeth or James, 1 nor did Philip the Third or Philip the Fourth be- stow any favor upon Lope. 2 Neither poet seems to have been mindful of the glory he had reaped in the field of the drama, while each took a peculiar pride in his other poetical compositions. Shakespeare polished the verse of his Venus and Adonis and his Rape of Lucrece, and Lope laid the last file on his epics and sonnets, while both strangely neglected those works which have since been the delight of mankind. Lope's achievement in the drama was too stupendously vast to receive much pruning or revision at his hands, while Shakespeare never troubled himself about the fate of his plays after they were once in print. I cannot forbear quoting the words of Collier in this regard: "Shakespeare probably superintended the passage through the press of his two poems, Venus and Adonis and Lucrece, but it is our conviction that, as far as regards any of his plays, he never corrected a line of them after they were in type. Even with respect to the two dramas that with most show of probability may be said to have been published entire, in order to check the sale of imperfect, mutilated, and surreptitious copies — Romeo and Juliet and Hamlet — we feel persuaded that their author was in no way instrumental in the issue of the more authentic copies. . . . After his plays had answered their purpose on the stage, he seems to have been utterly reckless of their fate." 3 1 Ward, History of English Dramatic Literature, London, 1899, Vol. I, p. 501. ' This statement must be mildly qualified in view of a document recently- published by Dr. Cristobal Perez Pastor, Bulletin Hispanique (1908), p. 253 : "Ordenareis que se paguen a Lope de Vega Carpio ciento y cincuenta ducados de que la Reyna Nuestra Senora le hizo merced por el servicio que le hizo de la comedia de El Vellocino dorado, y esto se pagara por donde se acostumbran pagar cosas deste genero. Dios guarde al Sr. Contralor. Madrid, 3 de Noviembre 1626. — El duque y conde de Benavente. (Arch. de Palacio. — Espectaculos publicos y privados.)" But even here it will be seen that the sum was granted by Philip the Fourth's young queen. 3 Memoirs of Actors, pp. 66, 67. 38 THE SPANISH STAGE "If any one should cavil about my comedias and think that I wrote them for fame, undeceive him and tell him that I wrote them for money." 1 So wrote Lope in the autumn of 1604. From all that we know of Shakespeare, it is clear that his plays also were written merely for money, and that for him they had no further interest save the profit to be derived from them. Lope de Vega, indeed, in his later years, when he realized that his chief claim to be remembered by posterity lay in his comedias, did make an attempt to correct his plays for the press, and beginning with Part IX (1617), they were printed under his super- vision. 2 On the other hand, Shakespeare's indifference to the fate of his plays continued till the end of his life. The Tempest was probably the latest drama that he completed, and it was written, as it appears, early in 161 1 — at all events, it was well known in the autumn of that year. Moreover, Lee says : "While there is every indication that in 161 1 Shakespeare abandoned dramatic composition, there seems little doubt that he left with the manager of his company unfinished drafts of more than one play which others were summoned at a later date to complete. His place at the head of the active dramatists was at once filled by John Fletcher, and Fletcher, with some aid possibly from his friend Philip Massinger, undertook the working up of Shakespeare's unfinished sketches." 3 Shakespeare lived five years after this date, in retire- ment at Stratford. We are told that until 16 14 he made frequent visits to London, but he does not seem to have had sufficient regard for his plays to revise and correct them. He continued to draw his income from them, and in his quiet days at "New Place" his thoughts must often 1 See my Life of Lope de Vega, Glasgow, 1904, p. 154, note. ' In the following year, in Part XI of his Comedias, Lope gives the num- ber of plays he had then written as eight hundred. ' Sidney Lee, Shakespeare's Life and Work, p. 135. THE ACTOR AND THE PRIEST 39 have reverted to the scenes of his great dramatic tri- umphs, yet he allowed the plays on which his great fame rests to go through the world, not in the perfection in which they issued from his pen, but lame and halt and disfigured, as chance might change and shape them, re- gardless of their fate. 1 So there is some justification, it would seem, for Pope's couplet on Shakespeare : For gain, not glory, wing'd his roving flight, And grew immortal in his own despite. While it has not been without interest, perhaps, to thus point out coincidences and parallels in the careers of the two greatest dramatic geniuses of the modern stage, the comparison closes with a contrast. Lope de Vega was a priest, Shakespeare an actor,— almost the two extremes of the social scale in their day. Lope was the lion of Madrid, the "Phenix of Spain," whose fame had spread far and wide, and whom men came from distant lands to see. Shakespeare enjoyed no such renown among his fellow- countrymen. In the fullness of his powers, at the age of forty-seven, he withdrew from the theater, well provided with the goods of this world, to lead a life of ease and retirement in the quiet of his birthplace. Lope remained in harness, a veteran of seventy-three, battling till the end, on the scene of his early triumphs. His generous hospi- tality, his unstinted charity, kept his purse-strings ever open, and the last years of his life found him often de- pendent upon his patron for the necessities of his humble household. In 1582, as we have seen, the second of the famous thea- ters of Madrid— the Corral del Principe— was erected in 1 "He allowed most mangled and deformed copies of several of his great- est works to be circulated for many years, and did not think it worth while to expose the fraud, which remained in several cases undetected, as far as the great body of the public was concerned, until the appearance of the folio of 1623." (Collier, Shakespeare's Works, Vol. I, p. 142.) 4 o THE SPANISH STAGE the Calle del Principe. The deputies of the brotherhoods seem to have proceeded with great circumspection in the building of this new theater. An expense-book was kept, and the work was begun on Monday, May 7, 1582. Of these building expenses the Cofradia de la Pasion paid two thirds and the Soledad one third, just as they shared the profits, the former contributing 200 ducats and the latter 100 ducats toward the expense. Pellicer gives the following description of the theater: "A platform or stage was built, a green-room, raised seats {gradas) for the men, portable benches to the number of ninety-five, a gallery for the women, stalls and windows with iron grat- ings, passageways, and a roof to cover the gradas. Finally the patio was paved and an awning was stretched over it which protected against the sun, but not against the rain." Four stairways were also erected, "one to ascend to the women's gallery, with its balustrade of brick and plaster, its wooden steps and its partitions of plaster around the lower part, and the same above, so that the women who went up the said stairway and were in the balcony could not communicate with the men," etc. 1 In addition three other stairways were built, "ascending to the seats of the men [in the galleries?] and to the green-room (vestua- rio), 2 and also a stall or box in the corral, whereby women entered to a window which looked upon the stage." 1 Andres Aguado [the builder of the theater] "se obligo a hacer quatro escaleras, una para subir al corrector de las mugeres, con sus pasamanos de ladrillo y yeso, y sus peldanos de madera labrados, y sus cerramientos al rededor de yeso por la parte de abaxo, y por la de arriba ni mas ni menos, de manera que las mugeres que subiesen por la dicha escalera y estuvieseu en el dicho corredor, no se puedan comunicar con los hombres: y de la mesma manera otras tres por donde se sube a los asientos de los hombres y al vestuario: y asimcsmo un aposento en el Corral por donde entran las mugeres para una ventana que cae al dicho Teatro . . . y un tejado a dos aguas encima de la dicha ventana hasta el caballete del tejado del aposento de la calle." (Tratado Historico, Vol. I, p. 68.) 1 From this it appears that the green-room was on the floor above the stage. If this were so, a change must have been made later, for an exam- ination of the comedias of Lope de Vega shows that the vestuario must have been at the back of the stage and on both sides of it, i.e., on the same THE CORRAL DEL PRfNCIPE 41 So impatient was the public for these spectacles that the theater was opened before its completion, on September 21,1 5 83, when [Antonio ?] Vazquez and Juan de Avila rep- resented therein. 1 The proceeds of this performance, in- cluding the ten reals paid by the players for the rent of the theater for that day, amounted to seventy reals,"for neither the gradas, nor the ventanas, nor the corredor were yet finished." {Ibid., p. 69.) Adjoining the Corral del Prin- cipe on one side was the house of Dona Juana Gonzalez Carpio, afterward the wife of Francisco Alegria, one of the lessees of the theaters of the city. To Dona Juana the brotherhoods paid one hundred ducats annually for allow- ing a passage to be made through her house for a women's entrance to the theater. Payment was made by giving her two aposentos, one in the Cruz and one in the Principe? The proceeds of a single representation at this time generally amounted to about three hundred reals, after deducting expenses. Seeing the large pecuniary gains de- rived by the two fraternities from the theaters, the Council of Castile in December, 1583, decreed that the General Hospital of Madrid should henceforth have a share in the proceeds. Besides the charge for admission to the theater or corrales, the privileges for the sale of water, fruit, aloja, and confections were an additional source of income to the fraternities. 3 Schack 4 gives the following description of the corrales or theaters of that time : floor. See my article "On the Staging of Lope de Vega's Comedias," in the Revue Hispanique, 1907. Concerning the Coliseo of Seville, Sr. Sanchez-Arjona (p. 152) says: "En su origen el vestuario del Coliseo estaba lindando con la casa de D. Diego Davalos, y las puertas que daban paso a los espectadores muy proximas al tablado y vestuario." 1 Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 69. 2 Ibid., p. 70. " The privilege of selling water, fruit, etc., in the two theaters of La Cruz and El Principe was granted to Francisco Briceno on March 23, 1587; he paying on each day that a comedia was acted Ave reals for each theater, until St. Michael's day of the said year. (Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 82.) * Geschichte, etc., Vol. I, p. 369. 42 THE SPANISH STAGE The corrales were, as we have said, court-yards where the backs of several houses came together. The windows (ventanas) of the surrounding houses — provided, as is the Spanish custom, with iron railings or latticework, and then called rejas or celosias — served as boxes or stalls ; a much larger number of these windows than origi- nally existed in the buildings were especially constructed for this purpose. If these boxes were situated in the upper stories, they were called desvanes (attics) ; the lowest row of windows above the ground, however, were called aposentos, a name that, in a wider sense, seems also to have been applied to the desvanes. These aposentos (apartments or rooms) were really spacious rooms, as the name implies. The windows were, like the houses to which they belonged, sometimes the property of others, and if not rented by the fraternities, were entirely at the disposition of their owners, who, however, had to pay annually a specified sum for the privilege of seeing the plays from them. 1 Beneath the aposentos was a row of seats, raised like an amphitheater, and called gradas; in front of these was the patio, a larger open space whence the vulgo saw the play standing. In front of the patio, and nearest the stage, stood rows of benches called bancos, presumably also under the open sky, like 1 In 1635 permission was given to Don Rodrigo de Herrera to open a window looking into the Corral del Principe, he paying to the lessees of the theater the sum of thirty ducats (330 reales vellon) annually. (Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 70; Sepulveda, El Corral de la Pacheca, p. 89.) This privilege was also granted in the same year to Don Pedro de Aragon, who, having purchased in the Calle del Principe a house which already had two apo- sentos looking upon the Corral de las Comedias, wished to open another window between the two. (Sepulveda, p. 90.) This notice is interesting in view of a picture published by Sepulveda (p. 18), representing the Teatro del Principe in 1660. I do not know the provenance of this picture, but it corresponds in every detail to the description in the text as given by Schack. It represents a rectangular space inclosed on the two longer sides by houses with grated windows, and with a raised stage occupying the further end. The whole space is open to the sky, except the portion over the stage and extending some distance beyond it, which is covered by a canvas awning. In the middle space or pit are a number of benches, which cover about half the ground immediately in front of the stage. The rest of the open space or patio is free, and is the place from which the ground- lings or mosqueteros saw the play, while standing. On the left, beginning level with the ground, are rows of terraced seats — the gradas mentioned above. These are protected by a small roof supported by pillars. These seats were partitioned off from the pit. The stage seems to have had a slightly projecting roof. Of course the women's gallery (cazuela) does not appear in the picture. GANASSA AND THE ITALIANS 43 the patio, or protected only by a canvas covering. The grades were under a projecting roof at the sides. In the rear of the corraies, i.e., in the part furthest from the stage, was the gallery set apart for women, especially of the lower classes, and called the cazuela or stewpan, also called corredores de las mugeres or gallery for women. The more refined women patronized the aposentos or desvanes. 1 Women were, apparently, no less eager to see a comedia than men, and when Jeronimo Velazquez, in February, 158.6, determined to give a morning performance for women only, no less than seven hundred and sixty flocked to the theater, but on hearing of this the Council of Castile stopped the performance and confiscated the proceeds for the benefit of the hospitals. We have seen above (p. 33, n. 4) that representations continued in the older corraies even after the new theaters — the Cruz in 1579, and the Principe in 1583 — had been opened. On February 1, 1584, according to Pellicer, 2 Saldaria performed in the Corral de Puente, Cisneros in the Cruz, and Ganassa in the Corral del Principe, and on Sunday, February 5, Ganassa appeared in the Principe, Velazquez in the Cruz, and Cisneros in the Corral de Puente. It seems to result from a document published by Pellicer 3 that before 1587 all the other corraies had passed out of existence, except the Corral de la Cruz and the Corral del Principe. The success of Ganassa and his Italian company, to which we have already alluded, doubt- less induced other Italian players to visit Spain. Ganassa had appeared in the Corral de la Cruz on February 23, 1 Malone, speaking of the London theaters, says: "What was called the pit in the private theaters, like the one in Blaclcf riars, was called the yard in the public ones, as the Globe. The former theaters were inclosed by a roof, and the latter were open, except the stage, which was covered by a thatched roof. In the pit were benches for the spectators, while in the yards the groundlings stood." {Historical Account of the English Stage. See also Collier, Annals of the Stage, Vol. Ill, p. 335.) 'Vol. I, p. 80. ' Ibid., p. 81. 44 THE SPANISH STAGE 1582. Four days afterward, on February 27, we find a notice that Ganassa did not represent because he had been put in prison. 1 On June 29, 1582, we find that "an Italian performed acrobatic feats in the Pacheca and continued performing with his tumblers until St. James' day," and on August 24, 1582, los Italianos nuevos represented a comedia at the Pacheca. 2 They again appeared on Sep- tember 29 and 30, on October 17 and 18, and on Novem- ber 1. From the fact that they are called "the new Ital- ians," it is very probable that this company was not Ganassa's. In 1587 and 1588 we find another company of Italian actors in Madrid (or was it the company of 1582?) under the management of the brothers Tristano and Drusiano Martinelli. 3 This is undoubtedly the Italian company that was performing at the Corral del Principe in November and December, 1587, and for some time thereafter. Lope de Vega was a frequent visitor at this time to these plays by the "Italians," or the "Comedia of the Harlequin." 4 It is, moreover, very probable that in his early career as a dramatist Lope was much influenced by the commedie dell' arte which he saw represented by these Italian companies. The name of the male lover in these com- medie, Fulvio, Valerio, Ottavio, Leandro, Fabricio, Cin- thio, etc., and of the female lover, la comica accesa, 1 See Appendix A. 2 It is not likely that two companies of Italians were acting in Madrid at the same time, and I presume that these Italianos nuevos were the same as the company called Los Corteses (1 Cortesi), who represented in the Pacheca on August 26, 1582, and again on September 2, 8, 9, 16, 21, 23, 29, and 30, and at various times down to November 15 of the same year. (Bulletin Hispanique (1906), p. 152. See Appendix A, under year 1582.) 3 D'Ancona, Origini del Teatro Italiano, Vol. II, p. 479. Drusiano Mar- tinelli was in England with a company of players in 1577. Collier says: "There was an Italian commediante named Drousiano, and his company, in London, in January, 1577-78. The nature of their performances is not anywhere stated, but it is possible that they might represent some extem- pore comedies." (Annals of the Stage, Vol. Ill, p. 398, note.) * Rennert, Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 27 ff. Drusiano Martinelli was a famous Arlecchino. (See D'Ancona, Origini del Teatro Italiano, Vol. II, LA COM MEDIA DELL' ARTE 45 Isabella, Lucinda, Leonora, etc., we find very frequently in the comedias of Lope. Besides, there is much similarity in the situations in many of Lope's comedias de capa y espada, or comedies of intrigue, and the ordinary commedia dell' arte. In the latter they recur from piece to piece with in- considerable changes, each with the same mistakes, the same quarrels, the same night scenes, where one person is taken for another in the darkness; the same misunder- standings — scene equivoche, 1 etc. Lope de Vega, seeing these plays almost daily, at the very beginning of his dramatic career, could hardly have failed to be influenced by them. Indeed, Clemencin re- marks that the comic figure, Trastulo, in these farces of the Italians may have suggested to Lope the character of the gracioso? One of the members of Martinelli's company whom Lope saw in 1587 was undoubtedly the "Madama An- gelica," wife of Drusiano, a celebrated actress and at that time a member of the company called / Confidently In a letter of Drusiano Martinelli, published by D'Ancona, 4 he p. 497, and Scherillo, La Commedia dell' Arte, in La Vita ltaliana net Seicento. Milano, 1895, p. 475.) 1 See Mantzius, History of Theatrical Art, Vol. II, p. 228. J Cervantes, Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Madrid, 1833, Vol. IV, p. 126, note. See also his very interesting note on the hobo of the comedia, ibid., p. 64. That Lope de Vega was an assiduous visitor of the theater, care- fully observing the striking situations, is also asserted by Ricardo de Turia in his Apologetico de las Comedias Espanolas, prefixed to the Norte de la Poesia espahola, Valencia, 1616. He says: "EI Principe de los Poetas Comicos de nuestros tiempos, y aun de los pasados, el famoso y nunca bien celebrado Lope de Vega, suele oyendo asi Comedias suyas como agenas, aduertir los pasos que hazen marauilla y grangean aplauso; y aquellos aunque sean impropios imita en todo, buscandose ocasiones en nueuas Co- medias, que como de fuente perenne nacen incesablemente de su f ertilissimo ingenio," etc. 3 See below, p. 143. That both Drusiano and Tristano Martinelli were in Spain in this and the following year is shown by a letter which the former wrote to his mother, dated August 18, 1588, in which he says: "Staremo tutto quest' anno qui in Spagna." (Rasi, / Comici Italian!, Firenze, 1897, Vol. II, p. 104.) For his wife Angela or Angelica, see also ibid., p. 16. ' OrHgini del Teatro Italiano, Vol. II, p. 479. 46 THE SPANISH STAGE signs himself "husband of M? Angelica," and from an- other letter 1 it appears that M? Angelica was quite as frail as most of her sister-actresses. In a document of 1587 2 her name is given as Angela Martineli ; she, Angela Salo- mona, and La Francesquina (Silvia Roncagli) seem to have been the only women then in the company of the Confidenti. 3 1 Origini del Teatro Italiano, Vol. II, p. 523. * See below, p. 143. 'Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 21. This company had been in Paris in 1584-85. (Moland, Moliire et la Comedie Italienne, p. 41.) CHAPTER III The corrales of Seville. Las Atarazanas. La Alcoba. San Pedro. The Huerta de Dona Elvira. The Coliseo. La Monteria. Turning now to another city, to Seville, we find more detailed information concerning the public theaters or corrales than was available in the case of Madrid. In Seville, as already noted, corrales seem to have been estab- lished at about the same time that we first find them in Madrid. The Corral de Don Juan was in existence as early as 1575 ; here the Italian Ganassa performed in that year, "and those who went to see the comedias of Ganassa in the Corral de Don Juan paid an entrance fee of half a real; a real for each chair (silla) and a cuartillo (=^4 real) for each seat on the bancos." 1 In 1578 the Corral de las Atarazanas was built, followed by that of the Huerta de la Alcoba and the San Pedro (the latter apparently ceased to exist after 1610), besides one mentioned by Rodrigo Caro, which was in the Collacion de San Vicente, and lastly, and perhaps the most famous of all, that of Dona Elvira. 2 During the seventeenth century two others 1 Sanchez- Arjona, Anales del Teatro en S 'evil la, 1898, p. 51. From this ■work the account in this chapter is taken. 2 There were other corrales in Seville besides those here mentioned, ac- cording to Sanchez-Arjona. "Mateo de Salcedo y Juan Cano arrendaron en 1600 unas casas que hubieron de servir de posada para los comediantes, y en cuyo patio hicieron un teatro con algunos aposentos de tablas, 'sin otra mezcla que la trabazon,' y los autores que venian a Sevilla 'negociaban representar sus comedias en el dicho teatro y casa de Salcedo, sin haber habido otra licencia de la Ciudad.' " Besides this corral there were "las casas del coliseo del Duque de Medina Sidonia (situadas en la plaza del Duque)" and "el corral de San Pablo, proximo sin duda al convento de este nombre, de cuyos corrales no tenemos mas noticias que esta ligera refe- renda." (Ibid., pp. 502, 503.) 47 48 THE SPANISH STAGE were built: the Coliseo and La Monteria, "notable for their construction and famous in the annals of the theater." "With the establishment of fixed corrales de comedias," says Sanchez-Arjona, "as well in the capital as in Seville and other cities of importance, and with the increased fondness of the people for theatrical representations, the number of professional actors also continued increasing, and as, down to this time, those who furnished the text for the autos 1 also represented them, or, at all events, in- trusted their representation to persons who were not pro- fessional players, from this time there began to take charge of these representations autores de comedias, as the chiefs or directors of the companies were called, and a distinction was established between the writer and the player." 2 Of the Corral de Don Juan nothing seems to be known beyond the fact just stated, that Ganassa acted therein with his company of Italians in 1575. 3 The Corral de las Atarazanas, which was built in 1578, was of wood and was constructed by Diego de Vera, lessee of the huerta de las Atarazanas, at a cost of two thousand ducats, upon a spot once occupied by a rubbish-heap in the huerta. It passed out of existence in 1585, when a mint was built on its site. On petition to the city, the builder and lessee, Diego de Vera, who had had a lease for eighteen years, at an annual rental of 1 50 ducats, was permitted to erect a new corral with the wood and materials of the old one, in the huerta de 'The word auto was first applied to any and every play; then, the mean- ing becoming narrower, an auto was a religious play, resembling the me- dieval Mysteries (Gil Vicente's Auto de San Martinho is probably the earliest piece of this type) . Finally, a far more special sense was developed, and an auto sacramental came to mean a dramatized exposition of the Mys- tery of the Blessed Eucharist, to be played in the open on Corpus Christt day. (Fitzmaurice-Kelly, History of Spanish Literature, p. 327.) 2 Anales del Teatro en Sevilla, p. 54, sub anno 1575- See above, p. 32. ' It stood upon the site of what is to-day the Iglesia de los Menores, and derived its name from its owner, Don Juan Ortiz de Guzman. {Ibid.,p. 51.) LA CORRAL DE DONA ELVIRA 49 la Alcoba, likewise upon a spot that had once been a dung- heap. It was in the Corral de las Atarazanas that two comedias by Juan de la Cueva, La Libertad de Espaha por Bernardo del Carpio and La Libertad de Roma por Mucio Scevola, were first performed, the former by Pedro de Saldafia, the latter by Alonso de Capilla. 1 The Corral de Dona Elvira was in existence as early as 1579, for in that year, according to the same writer, three plays by Juan de la Cueva were first represented therein by the company of Alonso Rodriguez. Their titles are: La Muerte del Rey Don Sancho y Reto de Zamora por D. Diego Ordonez; El Saco de Roma y Muerte de Borbon y Coronacion de nuestro invicto Emperador Carlos V., and the tragedy Los siete Infantes de Lara. Besides, the fol- lowing four plays, also by Juan de la Cueva, were repre- sented this year in the same corral by the company of Pedro de Saldafia : El Degollado, El Tutor, La Constancia de Arcelina, and the tragedy La Muerte de Ayax Telamon sobre las armas de Aquiles, in which, Cueva says, Saldaha played the part of Ajax admirably. 2 The Corral de Dona Elvira was situated in the parish of the Sagrario, near the residence of the Count of Gelves, at the mouth of the Borceguineria, with an entrance through two small streets (callejas) near the Plazuela del Pozo Seco. 3 The corral was- so called because it was built on the property of Dona Elvira de Ayala, wife of the admiral 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 60. 2 Ibid,, p. 64. This corral was originally called La Huerta de Dona Elvira. ' It may not be without interest to note that in 1619 (and doubtless before this) the Corral de Dona Elvira belonged to the Counts of Gelves. In that year there was some litigation concerning this corral, and the Count of Lemos is mentioned as administrator (curador) of "la condesa de gelbes dona Catalina de Portugal." [Ibid., p. 196.) Dona Leonor de Milan, wife of D. Alvaro de Portugal, second Count of Gelves, was the divinity of Fernando de Herrera's verses, whom he celebrates under the name "Luz." She died either shortly before or after September 29, 1581, the date of her husband's death. Their eldest son, D. Jorge Alberto de Portugal, born in 1566, died in 1589, "sans laisser de posterite." The Dona Catalina mentioned above was probably his widow. See Coster, Fernando de Herrera (El Divino), pp. naff. 50 THE SPANISH STAGE D. Alvar Perez de Guzman, and daughter of the great Chancellor of Castile, Pero Lopez de Ayala. 1 It consisted of a spacious patio surrounded by numerous aposentos (rooms or boxes) and a cazuela, having its entrance through the Calle del Agua, opposite the Calle del Chorro. Perhaps originally the patio was open to the sky, and only the aposentos and the cazuela were covered, as in other corrales of the time. But, if this was the original arrange- ment, the corral was probably completely covered after- ward, for in 1 617 it was directed that "toda la armadura [framework, truss] que cubre el dicho coral de Dona Elvira, juntamente con los colgadizos [shed, shed-roof] de los lados," should be torn down. 2 Still, it is probable that the armadura may have merely protected the stage. In a document existing in the Archivo del Alcazar of Seville, dated October 10, 1585, Diego de Vera, lessee of the Corral de las Atarazanas, is described as the gardener of the huerta de la Alcoba, for which he paid a yearly rental of 450 ducats, and in consideration of the permis- sion to build a theater on the grounds he agrees to pay an additional 150 ducats, or 600 ducats annually. 3 The theater, called El Coliseo (the street in which it stood still bears the name), was finished in 1607, and was leased at the beginning of the following year for the term of six years to Diego de Almonaci, at a yearly rental of 3250 ducats, the city reserving fourteen aposentos, which were leased to Luis de Aguilar, for the same term, at 800 ducats annually. The price of the aposentos was fixed at six reals each for every representation. At this time, it seems, there were only two other corrales in Seville, besides 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 65. The corral must have been built on property belonging to the descendants of Dona Elvira de Ayala, for if she was the daughter of Pedro Lopez de Ayala she must have been dead about two hundred years at this time, as her father, the great Chancellor, died in 1407. See Salazar de Mendoza, Origen de las Dignidades seglares de Castillo y Leon, Madrid, 1794, p. 278. 'Ibid., p. 65. * See above, p. 48. THE COLISEO 51 the Coliseo, namely, the Doha Elvira and the San Pedro. We learn, moreover, that in 1608 less than one hun- dred and fifty comedias were represented in the city, "on account of the rains, the dog-days, Lent, and for lack of theatrical companies." 1 Indeed, it is said that, on an aver- age, the period during which performances were given in a corral did not exceed four months in the year, after deducting Sundays, Lent, the summer months (in which no plays were given), the rainy days, and other occasions. The price of the sillas in the theaters at this time was half a real ; a seat on the bancos one real, and the aposentos six reals each. The Coliseo, though the latest and largest of the cor- rales in Seville, was originally without a roof, as we learn from the fact that those living in the immediate neighbor- hood used to gather on the tops of their houses to view the performance, "thus occasioning considerable loss and much noise." 2 It was a wooden structure, which must have been very poorly built, for por- tions of it had to be repaired and rebuilt in 1614. It was, on its reconstruction, provided with 250 seats with backs (sillas de respaldo) and 50 benches cov- ered with leather and having stuffed backs (taburetes con asientos de vaca y los espaldares aforrados de baldana con sits clavos de hierro negros ) . The interior was supported by twenty Doric columns, with bases and capitals of white marble; these were ten feet high, the first gallery hav- ing twenty columns, likewise of marble, seven feet high. In this gallery were the twenty-nine aposentos, the guard- rails of which were of iron, and above this another gallery or corredor. Here the ventanas were situated, each more than two and a half yards high and one and a half yards wide, in the wall in the side of the house of the Marquis of Ayamonte. The object of these ventanas was to give light to the corral, which, unlike other theaters of the 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 133. 'Ibid., p. 152. 52 THE SPANISH STAGE time, was covered by a roof and painted ceiling. Besides the patio, in which the representations took place, there was another space, forming an entrance, the floor of which was paved with stone and likewise decorated in marble. The principal entrance was also of marble, surmounted by the arms of the city. In the body of the house (patio de las representaciones) were placed fixed benches (bancos) and the sillas de respaldo and taburetes above mentioned. The work of rebuilding, though begun in 1614, progressed slowly, and the theater was finally leased for 6500 ducats annually, on condition that the lessee should finish it by Easter of 1616. 1 It appears that, in spite of the large amount of money expended in the construction of the Coliseo, its acoustic properties were defective, and the autores coming to Seville preferred the Corral de Doha Elvira, although the latter was now in poor condition and in need of repairs. These two corrales were the only ones in Seville in which performances were now given, and so great was the pref- erence for the older of them (Dona Elvira) that in 1617 Juan Acacio, after representing for some time in the Coliseo, petitioned that his company might now pass to the Dona Elvira (in which Pedro Llorente's company was then performing) , on account of the few people who visited the Coliseo, and that representations be given alternately by. the two autores for fixed periods in the two corrales. 2 Such, however, was the unsafe condition of the Dona Elvira (the roof and other portions of which were in imminent danger of falling, according to an examination made by a commission) that it was resolved to tear down this corral in part and rebuild it. Accordingly, Pedro de Valdes, who was then (February, 161 7) representing with his company in the Doha Elvira, was notified to cease, under a penalty of 200 ducats. Valdes objected on ac- count of the large amount that he had expended for apariencias especially made for a comedia already an- 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 174. "Ibid., p. 183. AUTOS IN THE CORRALES 53 nounced, and the threat to close the theater was not carried into effect, though it is to be presumed that some repairs were made in the building, for in the following May, Pedro Llorente was still performing therein. At this time the yearly rental of the Corral de Dona Elvira was 3700 reals, plus one half the profits, the other half going to the lessee. 1 As the residence of the Marquis of Ayamonte, in the Plaza de la Regina, adjoined the Coliseo, the city granted him the privilege of making a private entrance to one of the aposentos, "in view of the fact that his party-wall had been used without expense to the theater; that he had furnished water from one of his private fountains, and had otherwise aided in the construction of the said corral." This aposento was to be enjoyed by him and his successors without cost. Lope de Vega's Obras son Amores, an auto written in 1 61 5, but not yet performed, was represented in Seville in this year (161 8), he receiving 600 reals for it. The number of persons frequenting the theater having greatly diminished, to the serious loss of all concerned, and especially of the city and of the dependent charities, it was resolved to close the Corral de Dona Elvira and to restrict all performances to the Coliseo. No representations were to be given in the Dona Elvira after January 1, 1620, and the rental of the Coliseo was increased 400 ducats an- nually, to counterbalance the loss occasioned by the closure of the Dona Elvira. It was customary, says Sanchez- Arjona, to represent the autos of the festival of Corpus Christi in the corrales, which was an additional source of profit to the theatrical managers. This year (161 9) they were represented in the Dona Elvira by the companies of Juan Acacio and Diego Vallejo, and a poster announcing a performance on June 5, 161 9, is still preserved in the Archivo del Ayuntamiento of Seville. 2 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 185. 2 See below, p. 133. 54 THE SPANISH STAGE On the afternoon of July 25, 1620, the Coliseo was com- pletely destroyed .by fire during the performance of Clara- monte's comedia San Onofre 6 elRey de los Desiertos, by the company of Juan Bautista and Juan Jeronimo Valen- ciano. Fifteen or sixteen persons, mostly women and chil- dren, lost their lives. The actors all escaped, the one who played the part of San Onofre running into the street almost nude, "with a bunch of ivy (mat a de yedra) for small-clothes (por patios menores). On seeing him in this strange guise, he was pursued by a shouting crowd of little boys until he reached his house, which, unfortunately, was some distance off." 1 While some of the good citizens of Seville looked upon the burning of the Coliseo as a visitation of the wrath of the Almighty, the municipal authorities, considering the loss which the city had sustained in its revenues, viewed it in a different light and resolved to rebuild the theater. Meanwhile all theatrical performances were confined to the Dona Elvira, which had been condemned and ordered to be torn down after January 1, 1620, as we have seen. As a matter of fact, representations did not cease in the Dona Elvira on January 1, and the lessee at the time, Luis de Leon, 2 continued to give performances in it. On March 31, 1621, Philip the Third died, the theaters were closed, and all representations were suspended until July 28, not a castanet being heard at the performance of the autos of that year. 3 The city, having resolved, in 1622, to rebuild the Coliseo, which had been destroyed by fire in 1620, hit upon a rather novel expedient. The new theater was to be leased for a period of nine years, the lessee to pay 2000 ducats annually, to build the theater at his own expense, and to be recouped from the receipts. The lease was ad- judged to Juan Bautista de Villalobos, apparently a man 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 212. 2 Ibid. In Nuevos Datos, p. 174, this name is given as Luis de Lesa. 'Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 161. SOME STATISTICS 55 of straw, put up by Diego de Almonacid. The rent was to begin on January 1, 1623; the theater to be fin- ished, according to plans furnished by the city, on the first day of Pascua Florida of 1624. The prices for ad- mission to the various localities in the theater were fixed as follows: one real for each banco (which was to hold at least three persons), 24 maravedis for a Mia, 18 mara- vedis for a taburete, 6 reals each for the aposentos which were entered through the corral, and 12 reals for each aposento entered from the outside of the corral, because persons using the latter were to pay nothing at the entrance. Out of these 12 reals, however, the lessee was obliged to pay the theater's share in the maintenance of the public prison and such other imposts as were payable out of the entrance money. In addition, the lessee was entitled to his share of the takings at the second door. In the patio eight or nine fixed benches were to be placed for those who only paid the entrance fee. 1 In order to determine the rental to be paid, the following curious statistics were drawn up, showing the amounts produced and the expenses incurred. It is one of the most important documents concerning the early Spanish theater which we possess, and is as follows: Representations can only be given on 198 days out of the 365 in a year, since none can be given on the remaining 1 67 days, for the following reasons : 46. days during Lent. 77 days for the months of July, August, and half of Sep- tember, when no autores come to Seville. 34 for the Saturdays, on which days no performance can be given. 10 days to be allowed for the making of apariencias (stage machinery) ; for St. Sebastian's and St. James's day; because of few spectators and on ac- count of rain. 167 days. 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 218. $6 THE SPANISH STAGE There remain 198 days for representations, "rather less than more, for none have been deducted for the time that elapses between the coming and going of the various autores." The lessee's share for these 198 days is: From the en- trance fee of each person he receives 5 maravedis, "and as it is notorious that many persons enter who do not pay, it is calculated that, taking one day with another, about 350 persons will pay each day, which, at 5 maravedis, amounts to 5 1 l /i reals." From each silla he receives 6 cuartos (=24 maravedis) and from each taburete 4^ cuartos (=18 maravedis), and taking into account those for which nothing is received, it is estimated that 40 sillas and 20 taburetes will be paid for daily, which amounts to 39 reals. From each banco the lessee receives one real, and count- ing that on an average thirty-two are rented daily, this amounts to 32 reals. Of the twenty-eight aposentos, supposing that on an average twelve are rented, and taking these at an average rate of 9 reals each, produces 108 reals daily. Estimating the rental of the right to sell water, sweets, fruit, aloja (a kind of mead), etc., at 8 reals per day, it gives a total of 238J4 reals daily, which, for 198 days, amounts to 47,223 reals. Besides, during Lent and at other times it is customary to have in the Coliseo puppet- shows or pantomimes {titer es) and other games, and these produce about 1000 reals yearly. The living-rooms in the residence portion of the Coliseo (which are also one of the benefits accruing to the lessee) are worth 600 reals each year. This makes the total annual receipts of the lessee 48,823 reals. Payments and expenditures: The amount expended in sending for the various autores, for sums advanced to" them, and for cost of apariencias and other expenses, 5 reals for each day of representation. To the person who LA MONTERIA 57 takes the money at the first entrance, 8 reals daily; to the person in charge of the sillas and buncos, 6 reals daily; to the person who hires the aposentos on the right-hand side, 6 reals ; to the one who hires the aposentos on the left, 6 reals daily. To the autor representing, an average of 64^ reals daily as an ayuda de costas. 1 To the poor of the prison, one sixth of the proceeds of the aposentos, sillas, and bancos (together 179 reals), that is, 29 y 2 reals. This makes a total daily expenditure of 125 reals, or in 198 days 24,750 reals. Adding to this the interest on the sum expended in the erection of the Coliseo, about 10,000 ducats, which amounts to about 10 reals per day, or 3650 reals for the year, the total amount of expenditures is about 28,400 reals. Deducting this from the receipts, 48,823 reals, leaves a profit of about 20,423 reals annually. If, therefore, the corral were rented for 1600 ducats (17,600 reals), it would leave a sufficient profit to the lessee. We have seen that it had been rented to Juan Bautista de Villalobos for 2000 ducats annually. In 1626, in the former Alcazar of Seville, in the spa- cious "patio de la Monteria" a new theater was built called La Monteria. The corral was leased to Diego de Almonaci, the younger {el mozo), "who shall cause to be constructed on his own account, and according to the plans made by Bermudo Resta, a corral for the representation of comedias, he to enjoy the profits for the space of ten years, to begin with the day of Pascua de la Resurreccion." The condition of the agreement was that the amount ex- 1 Besides this amount the autor received his share of the money taken at the door. This, however, does not seem to have been the usual practice. It was customary for the lessee of the theater to give a fixed sum to the autor of the company for each performance. As an instance we may men- tion that Diego de Almonacid, lessee of the corrales of Seville in 1619, had signed an agreement in that year, whereby Hernan Sanchez de Vargas and his company were to give sixty representations in the Coliseo, the said Sanchez to receive 1000 reals for each performance. These representations were actually given by the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan. (Nue- vos Datos, p. 177.) 58 THE SPANISH STAGE pended by the lessee, under the supervision of the oficiales of the Alcazar, was to be deducted from the rent, which was fixed at 850 ducats annually, Almonaci agreeing to finish the corral by the next ensuing Pascua Florida, the contract being dated December 6, 1625. As already stated, the theater was to be built at the sole expense of the lessee, "who was to enjoy all the profits there might be from the street entrance to the second door of La Monteria, as well as what might be taken from the ad- missions, bancos, sillas, aposentos, or any other thing which might or ought to be profitable." 1 Only one real was to be charged for each silla as well as for each banco (perhaps this means for each seat on a banco, as they held three persons) ; six reals for the aposentos (boxes or stalls) entered from within, and twelve reals for those entered directly from the street, because persons using the former also had to pay an entrance fee. It was stipulated that there should be two alguaciles, each to be paid ten reals daily, at the joint expense of the lessee and the autor; one of these officers to be stationed at the first entrance, the other at the entrance for women. The building was to be of wood and all the aposentos and passages to be paved with brick; the aposentos to be furnished with partitions and iron railings and lattices or blinds. The whole to be whitewashed and the aposentos to be provided with doors, locks, and keys. The structure was oval, 2 with two rows or series of aposentos, situated on the right and left of the principal entrance. There were thirty-four aposentos, sixteen above and eighteen below, of which four were reserved for the Alcazar. Above the aposentos was the cazuela (stewpan), or place set apart 1 "Que acabado el corral el arrendador habia de gozar de todos los aprovechamientos que hubiere 6 pudiese haber desde la puerta de la calk hasta la segunda puerta de la Monteria, asi lo que se cobrase de entradas, bancos, sillas," etc. (Sanchez-Arjona, p. 250.) 'This was the first oval theater, to my knowledge. All others had been rectangular in shape. A COSTLY THEATER 59 for women. The patio, in which the sillas and bancos were placed, was of earth firmly rammed, and the whole corral was covered by a wooden roof. The building also con- tained living-rooms for the autor or for the players. Its total cost was over 183,000 reals. 1 This sum, which represents a purchasing power to-day of about $45,000, will give some idea of the character of the new theater, ha Monteria. The first representation in it took place on May 25, 1626. The Corral de Dona Elvira, which had its entrance in the Calle del Agua, opposite the Calle del Chorro, had long been in need of repairs. Like the rest of the older theaters of the time, it consisted of a spacious patio open to the sky, surrounded by covered aposentos and a covered cazuela. The more convenient situation of La Monteria (though it was not very far from the Dona Elvira), and the fact that the former was a new and much handsomer structure, gradually caused the public to neglect more and more the Dona Elvira, which was finally closed and torn down. A part of it was converted into a tavern, the remaining ground being used for games. Later, cards and dice were played here, and the place be- came the haunt of ruffians and vagabonds. Finally, in 1679, an asylum for poor priests was built on its site. In 1629 La Monteria was leased to Domingo de Rogas for six years at 1450 ducats annually. While the Coliseo was to have been finished by Easter, 1624, as we have 1 The very interesting memorandum, preserved in the Archivo del Alca- zar, is as follows: "Importe de la madera 63,730 reales. Materiales 35,587. La clavazon 18,091. Raspadores, aserradores, traida de maderas y mate- riales, jornales al carpintero Felipe Nieto y sus oficiales y al albanil Gabriel Marin y sus oficiales y peones 50,985. En lucir el frente del teatro y otras paredes, solar los dos aposentos del vestuario de ladrillo, igualar a pison el suelo del patio, hacer unas gradas, tarimas y otras obras de arbanileria y carpinteria, y por ultimo el escudo, columnas y la Fama que se pinto encima del teatro, por cuya pintura solo se abonaron mil reales — 4000. Planchas de hierro y abrazaderas para la seguridad y firmeza de la obra y hierra- mientas, etc., 11,000 reales," making a total of 183,393 reals. (Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 252.) 60 THE SPANISH STAGE seen, the building was not actually completed until 1631. Much of what had been built in this long interval by the lessees was so badly done that the city determined to tear it down and build it anew. An agreement was made with Alonso de Vergara to construct a new theater. He was to pay 1400 ducats yearly for ten years, the cost of the new building to be deducted from the rent. A further con- dition was that the structure must be finished by Easter, 1632. Rodrigo Caro describes this magnificent and costly building, "worthy of all esteem and praise," as "the finest of its kind in Spain, and capable of holding between four and five thousand spectators, all of whom were equally able to see and hear." 1 In 1636 La Monteria was leased to Miguel de Molina for six years at an annual rental of 1450 ducats (15,950 reals), to be paid in three payments. 2 In the following year Antonio de Prado, autor de comedias, agreed with the lessee of the Coliseo to give sixty performances, from the second day of Easter till Corpus, receiving 200 reals for each performance as an ayuda de costas; of these 12,000 reals 4000 were to be paid on signing the contract, and the balance on Palm Sunday. On October 4, 1659, the Coliseo was again destroyed by fire, only the front wall and a few rooms (in which actors lived) remaining of the famous edifice. It may be noted that the two companies of players in Seville in the follow- ing year (1660) were managed by women. These autor as were Francisca Lopez and Juana de Cisneros. *"El Coliseo tenia tres ordenes de aposentos, de balconeria de hierro, unos sobre otros, trabados en estribos de magnifica y costosa silleria, cubierto el alto de un arteson igual por techo, con rica pintura, para las representa- ciones que se hacen al pueblo, con tanta distincion para dif erentes personas de hombres y mujeres, que no pueden embarazarse unos a otros, y tan capaz su disposition que caben cuatro a cinco mil personas, pudiendo gozar todas igualmente de la vista y oido de su teatro; obra digna de toda estimation y alabanza por la mejor de Espana de las de su genero," etc (Antigue- dades de Seiilla, fol. 25 v, quoted by Sanchez-Arjona, p. 270.) ' In 1642 La Monteria was leased to Antonio Correa at a yearly rental of 13,000 reals vellon. DESTRUCTION OF LA MONTERIA 61 The Coliseo was rebuilt in 1676. Three years later both theaters were closed on account of the plague. A portion of La Monteria was then used as a stable, in which, on May 3, 1691, a fire broke out, and the whole corral was reduced to ashes, "causing it to disappear for- ever." 1 How soon after 1679 representations were resumed in the Coliseo is uncertain. It is not likely, however, that any performances were given in it until 1692, when permission . was granted to a company of acro- bats and sleight-of-hand performers to represent therein. These performances found such favor that women used to go to the theater early in the morning to secure a seat. On November 12, 1698, during the performance of Mescua's comedia El Esclavo del Demonio, a woman in the cazuela raised a cry of fire. In the attempt to escape from the building a number of women were killed, and thereafter all theatrical representations in the Coliseo were forbidden, which interdict lasted till after the middle of the eighteenth century. 3 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 495. 2 Concerning the theater in Valladolid, Sr. Cortes says : "El patio de comedias se hallaba situado en el mismo sitio donde aiin existe el teatro antiguo (plaza de las Comedias). Su administration correspondia a la cofradia de S. Jose, con el directo apoyo del Ayuntamiento, que tenia su aposento propio para presenciar las representaciones." (Noticias de una Corte literaria, Valladolid, 1906, p. 30.) CHAPTER IV Music in the corrales. Dancing. Spectators on the stage. Various dances and baylts at Corpus Christi. The Zarabanda, Ckacona, Escarrttman, etc About the middle of the sixteenth century, in the time of Lope de Rueda, as we have seen, the music accompany- ing the plays acted in the public squares was provided by one or two persons "who sang an old ballad without the accompaniment of a guitar," behind a woolen blanket, which served as a curtain, and which separated the dress- ing-room (vestuario) from the stage. 1 It was Pedro Navarro of Toledo, Cervantes tells us, "who brought the musicians, who formerly sang behind the curtain, upon the public stage." 2 Here they played before and after the performance of the farce or between the acts of a 1 See above, p. 17. Rojas, speaking of the time of Lope de Rueda, says that a guitar was played behind the curtain: "Tanian una guitarra Y esta nunca salia fuera Sino a dentro." (Fiage entrtttmdt, ed. 1603, p. 1*4.) * "Sucedio a Lope de Rueda Nabarro, natural de Toledo, el qual . . . sacd la musica que antes cataua detras de la manta al teatro publico." (Ocho Comrdias, etc., Madrid, 1615, "Prologo al Lector.") "El teatro publico" evidently means the stage. As late as 1671 the musicians of Moliere's troupe were concealed from the spectator: "Jusques icy [15 Auril, 1671] les musiciens et musiciennes n'auoient point voulu parroistre en public; ils chantoient a la Comedie dans des loges grillees et treillissees, mais on surmonta cet obstacle, et auec quelque legere despance on trouua des personnes qui chanterent sur le Theatre k visage descouuert, habilles comme les Comediens, scauoir . . ." etc., and he gives the names of eight musicians. (Registrf de la Grangt, Paris, 1876, p. 134.) In the London theaters, the "band," as Malone calls it, "sat in an upper balcony, over 6:> THE MUSICIANS 63 comedia. As I have nowhere found any special place designated for the musicians, it is probable that they occupied the stage during the whole of the best period of the comedia. Indeed, as the principal' part of their entertainment consisted of singing, they could not have been stationed elsewhere. In 1593 we find that a comedia was performed "with its entremeses and with its music of a viola and guitars," 1 and we are told that later the music consisted of "two or three violins and an oboe." Even in the middle of the seven- teenth century theatrical companies in Spain rarely contained morethanfourorfivemusicians. Most of the actresses were also dancers ( bailarines ) , and every company containedper- sons who were designated especially as dancers, while most players were hired both to act and dance. In the company of the famous Alonso Riquelme, a favorite autor of Lope de Vega, we find the following musicians in 1607: Luis de Quinones, musico y repre- sentante; Vega; Francisco Martinez; Leon, musico y bailarin; Marigraviela, musica y representanta; Maria de los Angeles, musica y representanta, and Juan Catalan, musico y representante. 2 Here the term musica, in the case of the actresses, probably meant merely singer. In 1 619, when the comedia was almost at its apogee, the company of Diego Vallejo contained but two musicians, and the same number were in the companies of Juan Acacio and Cristobal Ortiz. 3 By 1640 the number of musicians in a company seems to have been greatly increased. In •what is now called the stage-box," and was not placed "between the pit and the stage," until 1667. (Historical Account of the English Stage, Basil, 1800, pp. 120, 123.) 1 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 37. Minsheu says viola is the same as ■vihuela, "an instrument called a viall, sometimes a bandore," and defines Vihuela de drco as "a viall de Gamba, or a great viall that men set be- tween their legs to play on." (Spanish Dictionary, London, 1599.) Clemencin says: "Vihuela en lo antiguo era distinto de guitarra, y habia vihuela de mano y de arco." (Don Quixote, ed. 1833, Vol. V, p. 423.) 2 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 126. * Ibid., pp. 203, 204. 64 THE SPANISH STAGE that year the first five actresses in the company of Antonio de Rueda have added to their names the word musica, and in two of these cases the word arpa is also used ; four men musicians are also in the company, one of them being maestro de la musica and two being harpists. As this company represented the autos in Seville in that year, the large number of musicians may be due to that fact. 1 Upon the English stage more attention seems to have been paid to instrumental music, where it was likewise played between the acts; the instruments chiefly used were trumpets, cornets, hautboys, lutes, recorders, viols, and organs. Malone 2 cites the following stage directions from Marston's Sophonisba, acted at the? Blackfriars theater in 1606: "The ladies draw the curtains about Sophonisba; — the cornets and organs playing loud full musicke for the act. . . . Organ mixt with recorders, for this act. . . . Organs, viols, and voices play for this act. ... A base lute and treble viol play for this act." And in Henslowe's Diary 3 we read: "Lent unto Richard Jonnes the 22 of desember 1598 to bye a basse viall & other enstrementes for the companey, x x x x s." It is well known that in the Elizabethan theater the gal- lants frequently took seats upon the stage; 4 whether this 1 In 1631 Luisa de Guevara agreed to play third parts in the company of Juan Martinez and also first musical parts (primera parte de musica) (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 220) ; and in 1633 Alonso Gonzalez Cama- cho agreed to play the violin, dance, and poner los tonos in the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas during the octave of Corpus for 500 reals, a very considerable amount. (Ibid., p. 233 ; see also ibid., p. 246.) Every company also contained a prompter (apuntador). 'Historical Account of the English Stage, Basil, 1800, p. 120, note. * Edited by W. W. Greg, London, 1904, Vol. I, p. 100. "'Whether therefore the gatherers [Spanish = cobradores~\ of the public or private playhouse stand to receive the afternoones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himself up to the throne of the Stage. I mean not into the Lords roome . . . but on the very Rushes where the Comedy is to daunce. ... By sitting on the Stage, you haue a signed patent to engrosse the whole commodity of Censure; may lawfully presume to be a Girder ; and stand at the helme to steere the passage of scttnes, etc. . . . By sitting on the stage, you may (with small cost) purchase the deere acquaintance of the boyes ; haue a good stiole for six pence," etc (Dekker, SPECTATORS ON THE STAGE 65 custom prevailed in Spain in the early period we are unable to determine. 1 I find no evidence of spectators being ad- mitted to the Madrid stage at any time. That they occu- pied seats on the stage in Seville is shown by an incident recorded by Sanchez-Arjona. On May 31, 1635, in the theater La Monteria, the company of Salvador Lara and Maria Candau, his wife, was representing the burlesque comedia Casarse por defender. In the second act there is a passage which necessitates the drawing of swords, and one of the actors, Antonio de Rueda, accidentally wounded in the face a boy who was sitting on the stage viewing the performance, and who promptly ran out of the theater shouting, "Confession, confession, they have The Gufs Horne-Booke, London, 1609, chap, vi.) From the three legs of the stools here mentioned, they were called tripos. Wallace says that "the fad of sitting on the stage came into vogue with the Blackfriars in 1597. ... It was a custom in no other theater in Elizabeth's reign." He adds that it was imitated afterward by two other private theaters, the Cockpit (1617) and Salisbury Court (1629), but that it was never toler- ated at the Globe or at any public playhouse, and was abolished sometime prior to September 14, 1639. (The Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars 159J—1603, Lincoln, Nebraska, 1908, pp. 130 ff.) According to this writer the custom spread from England to France. 1 From the Argumento which precedes the Auto de la Ungion de David (second half of the sixteenth century), one might infer that at the repre- sentations of the short autos or farces of that time the spectators were in the habit of gathering upon the platform or stage. This Argumento is as follows: "... El acostunbrada atencjon que en semej antes casos se rrequiere pide el autor, para que con ella entiendan claramente la obra; y porque siento qu'el profeta [one of the characters] sale, le quiero desocupar el sitio, suplicando a vs. mds. suplan nuestras faltas." (Coleccion de Autos, Farsas, etc, ed. Rouanet, Vol. I, p. 315.) Bapst says that the custom of the elegants sitting upon the stage was unknown in France in the middle of the sixteenth century. (Essai sur I'histoire du Theatre, Paris, 1893, p. 146.) But it was evidently in vogue in 1661, for in that year Moliere, in the opening lines of Les Facheux, denounces this reprehensible practice, and four years later he again complains of it at the performance of the tragi-comedy La Coquette ou le Favori at Versailles: "Le Vendredy 12 Juin, [1665] la Troupe est allee a Versailles par ordre du Roy, oil on a joue le Fauory dans le jardin, sur un theastre tout garny d'orangers, M r de Moliere fist vn prologue en marquis ridiculle qui uouloit estre sur le theastre malgre les gardes, et eust une conuersation risible auec vne actrice qui fist la marquise ridiculle, placee au milieu de l'assemblee." (Registre de La Grange, Paris, 1876, p. 74.) Voltaire also alludes to "la foule des spectateurs confondues sur la seine avec les acteurs" on the 66 THE SPANISH STAGE killed me." The wound was a slight one, and the barber, we are told, made "la primera cura." 1 As early as the beginning of the Christian era Spanish women were celebrated as dancers, 2 and as far as modern times are concerned, Ticknor truly observes that "dancing has been to Spain what music has been to Italy, a passion with the whole population." As Cervantes says : There never yet has been a Spanish woman Who was not born into this world a dancer. 3 /•"**■ ! From the King down, everybody danced, and it was said of the grave and somber Philip the Third that "he dances very well and it is the thing that he does best and enjoys ' most." 4 occasion of the first performance of his Semiramis. (Dissertation sur la Tragedie Ancienne et Moderne (seconde partie), in Oeuvres Completes, Paris, 1823, Vol. Ill, p. 111.) According to Despois this practice did not cease in France till 1759. See his interesting note in Oeuvres de Moliere (ed. des Grands IJcrivains de la France), Paris, 1876, Vol. Ill, p. 36, and Fischmann, Moliere als Schauspieldirektor, in Ztft. fiir Franz. Sprache und Lit. (1905), p. 30. 1 Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 296. 1 Spanish dancers were famous among the Romans, the lascivious dances of the women of Cadiz being especially mentioned by Juvenal and Martial. Mariana, in his chapter on the Zarabanda, says: "las mugeres que hacian este baile de deshonestidad las Hamaban en Roma gaditanas, de Cadiz, ciudad de Espafia, donde se debio de inventar en aquel tiempo." (Contra los Juegos publicos, cap. xii.) Martial's words are : "Nee de Gadibus improbis puellae Vibrabunt sine fine prurientes Lascivos docili tremore lumbos." See also the eleventh Satire of Juvenal, the passage beginning: Forsitan expectes ut gaditana canoro, etc. * "No ay muger Espanola que no saiga del vientre de su madre bayladora." La gran Sultana, Act III. (Ocho Comedias, Madrid, 1615, fol. 130, v.) * See the very interesting Cuadros viejos of Julio Monreal, Madrid, 1878, the chapter entitled "Los Bailes de antafio." In Lope's El Maestro de Danzar (written in 1594), Tebano says: "Verdad es que es el danzar £1 alma de la hermosura, Que mas que el rostro procura Persuadir y enamorar. DANCES AT CORPUS 67 Music and dancing seem to have been indispensable accompaniments of the comedia from the earliest times. They were also a necessary part of all religious festivals and representations, and we may be sure that no auto was performed without music and dancing for the delectation of the spectators. One of the earliest documents pre- served in the Archives of Madrid concerning these dances is dated May 17, 1574, when Alfonso de Silva, dancing-master, agreed to present four dances at the festi- val of the Holy Sacrament; 1 and in 1579 Jusepe de las Cuevas produced a dance "representing the battle of Rodrigo de Narvaez with the Moor Abindarraez" at the festival of Corpus Christi, and also a dance of the "Seven Virtues and Seven Sins." 2 These dancers were frequently Portuguese, and in 1587 one Hurtado, at the Corpus festival in Seville, exhibited a car "with five Portuguese women, with their tamboriles and sonajas 3 and instru- ments, who are to dance, play, and sing along the streets through which the procession is to pass"; 4 and in 1590 eight ducats were paid to Leonor Rija, a mulatto, to ap- pear upon a car at Corpus in Seville, and dance, sing, and play the guitar, sonajas and tatnboril, together with four other mulatto women and two men. 5 In the same city at the Corpus festival of 1591, two sleight-of-hand perform- Que aquel agil movimiento Muestra con mayor afeto Un sentimiento secreto Que nos muestra sentimiento." (Act I, Scene IV, ed. Hartzenbusch, II, p. 73.) 1 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 9. * Ibid., p. 12. * Tamboril = timbrel or tabor ; sonajas = "a kind of instrument the country people dance to, being a round, flat frame of wood, with both sides covered with parchment like a drum, not above six inches diameter, and not above two inches between the parchments, and round the frame horse-bells or loose brass plates are set; this they shake with the one hand and strike it with the other to make a rustical musick." (Delpino's Spanish Dictionary, Lon- don, 1758.) * Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 77. *Ibid.,y. 81. 68 THE SPANISH STAGE ers, with living birds, "according to the custom of the Italians," with music and ballads "in the sacred style," took part. 1 For a dance at the Corpus festival of 1609 the Villa de Madrid paid 1550 reals to Andres de Najera. This was a danza de cascabel, entitled "The dance of Gay- feros and rescue of Melisendra," to consist of nine per- sonages: "four Frenchmen, four Moors, and the infanta Melisendra; also an enchanted castle, a horse of painted pasteboard (papelon), and Don Gayferos." A descrip- tion of the rich costumes of the dancers follows, and we are told that the castle is to be provided with hinges, so that it may be opened where desired. 2 In 161 1 there is mentioned a "Dance of King Alonso," 3 and in 1623 a dance called "The History of the Marquis of Caiiete." 1 Sanchez-Arjona, p. 82. For other dances at the Corpus festival at Madrid in the closing years of the sixteenth century, see below, pp. 74, 75. 2 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 113. "Las danzas de cascabel eran para gente que puede salir a danzar por las calles. Y hubiera sido indecente que asistiesen a ellas los maestros. Era danza muy diversa de la de cuenta que era para Principes y gente de reputacion." (Don Quixote, ed. Clemen- cin, Vol. VI, p. 273.) Clemencin's source for this statement was probably Juan de Esquivel, Discursos sobre el Arte del danzado, Sevilla, 1642, who tells us that Philip IV. was extremely fond of dancing: "El Rey nuestro Senor, a cuya obediencia se postran los dilatados terminos del mundo, aprendio este arte, y quando le obra, es con la mayor eminencia, gala y sazon que puede percibir la imaginacion mas atenta." He mentions the most famous dancing-masters of the time, among them Antonio de Almenda, of Madrid, Philip's teacher, Jose Rodriguez Tirado of Seville, Antonio de Burgos, Juan de Pastrana, and others. On fol. 30, v., he says that "jdcara, rastro, zarabanda y tarraga son una misma cosa." He always speaks with contempt of the "bailes populares, a los que llaman danzas," as un- worthy of gentlemen. On fol. 44, v., he says : "Todos los maestros aborrecen a los de las danzas de cascabel, y con mucha razon porque es muy distinta a la de quenta y de muy inferior lugar, y ansi ningun maestro de reputacion y con escuela abierta, se ha hall ado jamas en seme j antes chapandacas y si alguno lo ha hecho, no habra sido teniendo escuela, ni llegado a noticia de sus discipulos, porque el que lo supiese rehusara serlo de alii adelante, porque la danza de cascabel es para gente que puede salir a dangar por las calles, y a estas dancas llama por gracejo Francisco Ramos, la tarasca del dia de Dios," etc. (Gayangos, in the Spanish translation of Ticknor's History, Tomo III, p. 458.) 'This seems to have been a very ancient dance. Cervantes alludes to it at the close of his entremes El Rufian -viudo as : "El Rey don Alonso el Bueno, Gloria de la antiguedad." BAYLES 69 In 1634 costumes were hired from Alonso de la Vega, autor de comedias, for a dance in the town of Mejorada, the sum paid being 150 reals, besides a skin (bota) of wine of half a gallon, and a hen, "which are to be presented to the said autor by the mayordomos of the Lady of the Rosary of the said town"; 1 and in 1637 we read of a sword dance (danza de espadas) to be performed in the town of Valdemoro. 2 Dances or bayles, and short interludes, called erttre- meses, were inseparable from the comedia. Most of the players in a theatrical company, as already observed, also sang and danced, besides acting in the comedia, and many of the contracts between manager and player stipulate that the player is to act, sing, and dance {para representor, cantar y bailar) . Of the nature of these bayles we know very little, except that many of them were deshonestos. 3 They were always accompanied by words or by singing; 4 the three or four most celebrated bayles, at least, having each its particular air, to which the later ones were often sung. They were frequently of such a loose and licentious «- nature that they caused great scandal and obliged the It is mentioned in the Tragicomedia de Lysandro y Roselia (Salamanca (?), 1542). See Coleccion de Libros espaholes raros 6 curiosos, Vol. Ill, Madrid, 1872, p. 22s, and Pellicer's note to his edition of Don Quixote, Madrid, 1797, Vol. IV, p. 102. 'Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 238. 2 On the danza de espadas, see Leon-Pinelo, Velos antiguos y modernos, Madrid, 1641, fol. 112, v. 8 Gonzales de Salas makes the following distinction between danzas and bailes: "Dances are measured and grave movements in which the arms are not used, but the feet only. Bailes admit of freer gestures of the arms and feet at the same time." (Nueva Idea de la Tragedia antigua, Madrid, 1778, p. 171.) See, however, Pellicer's note to Don Quixote, Pt. II, chap, xlviii, on the distinction between bailar and danzar. "'Assi tambien lo vemos en nuestros Theatros, pues unas veces Danzan i Bailan solo al son de los instrumentos, i otras veces al son de lo que con los instrumentos cantan las voces. I lo que mas es, los mismos que danzan i bailan, cantan juntamente, primor i elegancia en estos ultimos aiios [before 1633] introducida, i sumamente dificultosa, siendo fuerza que estorbe, para la concentuosa harmonia de la voz, el espiritu alterado i de- fectuoso con los ajitados movimientos." (Gonzales de Salas, ibid., p. 173.) 70 THE SPANISH STAGE authorities to intervene and suppress them. 1 Of these bayles the most famous as well as the most voluptuous and indecent, it seems, was the Zarabanda, first introduced about 1588, according to Pellicer. The earliest authentic date that I have found for the Zarabanda is contained in the Cancionero Classense, from which excerpts and a complete list of contents have been published by Professor Restori. 2 This Cancionero was copied by Alonco de Nabarete of Pisa in Madrid, in 1589. On fol. 94, v., we read: La Qarabanda: L,a Qarabanda esta presa que dello mucho me pesa que merece ser condesa y tambien emperadora "A la perra mora! A la matadora!" 3 'It is well known that the Elizabethan plays generally began with a prologue and ended with a "jig," which has been described as a "dramatic performance in rime, every part of which was sung by the performers, and one which was frequently exhibited on the stage as an afterpiece, as farces are at present." (Ward, History of English Dramatic Literature, Vol. I, p. 476. See also Collier, Annals, Vol. Ill, pp. 376 flf.) 2 Cancionero Classense, Roma, 1902. * This shows, moreover, that the bayle entitled La Perra Mora and also La Matadora were then well known, and as Professor Restori remarks that there are "30 strofe con vari ritornelli," it is very probable that many other bayles current at the time are mentioned in these refrains. Three bayles by Quinones de Benavente are published among his Entremeses. They generally contain about a hundred verses or less, and are danced by two men and two women and a gracioso, or three men, three women, and a gracioso. A Bayle famoso del Cauallero de Olmedo, compuesto par Lope de Vega, is printed at the end of Lope's Comedias, Part VII, Barcelona, 1617, made up, in no small part, of snatches from the old popular ballads. In Cervantes's entremes La Cueua de Salamanca, near the end, we are told that the Zarabanda and other bayles were invented in hell : Pancracio: "Digame senor mio, pues los diablos lo saben todo 1 donde se inuentaron todos estos bayles de las zarauandas, zambapalo, y dello me pesa, con el famoso del nueuo escarraman? Barber 0: Adonde ? en el in- fierno, alii tuuieron su origen y principio." (Ocho Comedias y ocho Entre- meses nueuos, etc., Madrid, 1615, fol. 252, v.) Many of the dramatists wrote bayles, and they are found in nearly all the collections of en- tremeses published in the .second half of the seventeenth century. The- little volume called Migaxas del lngenio contains several by Lanini, among them a "baile cantado." THE Z ARAB AND A 71 Much has been written about this dance; all agree that it was -pestiferous," and perhaps this ought to suffice. 1 It is therefore most strange that, in spite of its notorious immorality, the Zarabanda should have been danced at the festival of Corpus Christi in Seville in 1593, when the autos were represented by the company of the cele- brated Jeronimo Velazquez. 2 Many were the remon- strances against this dance, especially by churchmen. 3 The Zarabanda was followed by other and, it is to be feared, not much more decorous dances. 4 Among the most cele- 1 Alonso Lopez gives a description of the Zarabanda as he saw it danced in the house of his friend Fadrique. There he saw "una moca de buen talle, y a una vieja de feo y pesimo. La moca se inclino hazia el un lado del suelo, y alcp una vihuela, y comengo a cantar, y cantando, acabo uno y otro romance viejo; tan bien, que el Pinciano quedo a ella honestamente aficionado, que hasta entonces parecian las mugeres, la una, una sancta Monica; y la otra una sancta Anastasia: pero poco despues descubrieron la hilaza (como dizen) que la que parecia antes Anastasia, se troco en Satha- nas, y la Monica en Demonica fue conuertida: porque se levanto la una, y la otra de la mesa, y la moga con su vihuela dangando y cantando, y la vieja con una guitarra cantando y dangando, dixeron de aquellas suzias bocas mil porquerias, esforgandolas con los instrumentos, y mouimientos de sus cuerpos poco castos. Tal fue la dissolucion, que los tres hombres, que solos eran, estauan corridos y afrentados." (Philosophia antiguq foetica, Madrid, I S9^> P- 4 Z 9-) See also, on the Zarabanda, the interesting note of Bonilla y San Martin in his edition of Guevara's Diablo Cojuelo, Vigo, 1902, pp. 140, 141, and the learned dissertation on this and other dances by Rodriguez Marin, El Loaysa de "El Celoso Extremeno" Sevilla, 1901, pp. 256-288. 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 85. 8 See Cotarelo y Mori, Bibliografia de las Controversias sobre la Licitud del Teatro en Espana, Madrid, 1904, pp. 375 ff., an excellent work. * The historian Mariana in his treatise Contra los Juegos publicos devotes a whole chapter (xii) to the bade y cantar llamado Zarabanda. He is scathing in his denunciation of this dance, which he says was danced in one of the most illustrious cities of Spain in the procession and festival of Corpus Christi: "Sabemos por cierta haberse danzado este baile en una de las mas ilustres ciudades de Espana, en la misma procesion y fiesta del santisimo Sacramento del cuerpo de Cristo, nuestro Scfior, dando a su Majestad humo a narices con lo que piensan honralle. Poco es esto: despues sabemos que en la raesma ciudad, en diversos monesterios de monjas y en la mesma festividad se hizo, no solo este son y baile, sino los meneos tan torpes, que fue menester se cubriesen los ojos las personas honestas que alii estaban." (Biblioteca de Autores Espaholes, Vol. XXXI, p. 433.) In this Mariana is supported by the evidence of Cervantes, cited in the text. Ticknor also mentions a performance of the Count of Lemos's comedia La Casa confusa, now lost, which was given in the church of San Bias at 72 THE SPANISH STAGE brated were the Chacona and the Escarraman. Cervantes and Lope de Vega were both great admirers of the popular dances, and the former has introduced a chacona in his novel The Iltustrious Kitchen-maid, which is danced by muleteers and Galician girls, the refrain of which is : The Chacona is a treasure: Makes of life a real pleasure. The third stanza is as follows: 1 Oft that noble dame Chacona, With the Saraband allied, Has put our carking cares to rout And the black bitch has defied. Oft Chacona makes its entry Through the chinks of convent cell, And that tranquil virtue flutters Which in sacred haunt should dwell. Often those who most admire it Rail against Chacona's charm, For the fool is ever eager, And the loose imagine harm, etc. 2 But the Chacona and the Escarraman were no less vigor- ously opposed by the clergy than the Zarabanda had been. Lerma, before Philip III. and his court in 1618, ending with "the scandalous and voluptuous dance of the Zarabanda." (History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 519, note.) This also shows that the dance continued in vogue despite all opposition. In fact, as Pellicer (Vol. I, p. 138) says: "la Zara- banda quedo tan mal muerta que aun vivia y pirueteaba en los Corrales de Madrid el ano de 1640." 1 Cervantes, The Exemplary Novels, translated by N. Maccoll, Glasgow, Gowans & Gray, 1902, Vol. I, p. 55. 2 "Que de veces ha intentado Aquesta noble sefiora Con la alegre Zarabanda, El pesame, y perra mora Entrarse por los resquicios De las casas religiosas," etc. It should be observed here that the pesame and the perra mora were also bayles. The Escarraman is danced in Cervantes's entrcmes entitled El Rufian biudo. THE CHACONA 73 In 1 613 we find the Catalan Jesuit, P. Juan Ferrer, speaking of them in these terms: "In a certain city in Spain there was current at one time one of those songs which they call the chacona, of such licentiousness that it created the greatest scandal, and now there are songs which they call escarraman, sung in this city [Barcelona], that have been produced in the theaters with such lewdness that even the admirers of the comedia were scandalized thereby, and many left the theater to avoid hearing them." x Besides the three bayles or dances just mentioned, which 1 Cotarelo y Mori, Controversial, p. 253. The Chacona is defined as a "Son 6 tanido que se toca en varios instrumentos, al cual se baila una danza de cuenta con las castanetas, muy airosa y vistosa, que no solo se baila en Espana en los festines, sino que de ella la han tornado otras naciones, y le dan este mismo norabre." (Die. de Aut.) In the very rare volume, "Norte de la Poesia Espanola ilustrado del Sol de doze Comedias (que forman Segunda Parte) de laureados Poetas ValenAanos, etc. Ano 1616. Impreso en Valencia: En la Impresion de Felipe Mey," there are found, at the end of Ricardo de Turia's comedia La Fe pagada, "tres f amosas Chaconas para cantar," of which the first is as follows : "Assi vida, vida bona, vida vamonos a Chacona. Acuerdome un tiempo quando dulce, y amada Senora, la noche me hallo en tus bracos, y en ellos el Alba hermosa. Y en medio destos contentos, aunque mejor diria glorias, con la grana de tus labios mescle mis dos amapolas. Y aunque acertaron a hallarse dos lenguas en cada boca, en un profundo silencio pasamos la noche toda. Ay quanto un amor se aumenta, y una aficion se acrisola entre sauanas suaues, y entre las obscuras sombras. Alii en bonanca tranquila olas de estorbos se cortan, los uracanes de celos su fuerca, y poder aflojan. Los escollos de desdenes en dulce puerto se tornan, y los baxios de ausencia del gran Neptuno en la concha. Y con tener sesgo el mar, y tener el viento en popa, no nauega mal quien puede nauegar legua por hora. Que del trabajo del vaso por ser materia porosa, Sudan mastiles y jarcias, y los velames se mojan. Que en seme j ante ocasion sudaran hasta las rocas; tal es el dulce trabajo, y la apacible congoja. Los prosperos vientos cesan, y asesan con vozes roncas los pechos que el pecho dieron al agua del amor sabrosa. Falta el viento, y el aliento antes de salir se ahoga, quedando el Vagel rendido en una calma amorosa, hasta que refresca el viento, y la gente se alboroca, continuando el viage hasta arribar a las costas. Asi vida, vida bona," etc. 74 THE SPANISH STAGE were the most popular, Pellicer mentions a number of other "bayles antiguos" : the Turdion, Pavana, Madanta Or- liens, Pie de gibao, Rey Don Alonso el Bueno, etc., and of what he calls the "populares y truanescos," he gives a long list, including the Carreteria, Hermano Bartolo, Polio, Perra Mora, Canario, 1 etc. That these dances were in vogue at about the same time is shown by the fact that the Canario, Rey Don Alonso el Bueno, Coscolina, Repulida, Pizpita, Chiquinaque, Mostrenca, Juan Claros el galan, Zambapalo, Pesame dello, Gallarda, Villano, and others are mentioned by Cervantes in the Escarraman which he has introduced into his interlude El Rufian biudo. 2 Many other curious dances are mentioned by Perez Pastor, which were performed at the Corpus Christi fes- tival in Madrid: in 1584 the Danza de Radamante, Reinaldos, Roldan, Oliveros and Montesinos, and the Llegada de Eneas a Cartago; 3 in 1592 the Danza de seis Abestruces y seis Muchachos zapateadores and the Danza de la Recuperacion de Espana;* in 1596 the Danza del Robo de Elena and Danza de Villanos y Villanas; 5 in 1 Tratado historico, Vol. I, p. 126, and p. 137 for a long list of bayles that were danced to the air of the Zarabanda. 2 Lope de Vega laments the disappearance of these old dances, and mentions another, La Alemana: "se van oluidandose ... las dancas antiguas, con estas acciones gesticulares, y mouimientos lasciuos de las Chaconas, en tanta ofensa de la virtud de la castidad, y el decoroso silencio de las damas. Ay de ti Alemana, y Pie de Gibao, que tantos afios estuuistes honrando Ios saraos !" (La Dorotea, Madrid, 1632, Act I, Scene VII, fol. 40.) Gongora, in one of his ballads, says there is no dance like the Gallarda: "Que quiere dona Maria Ver bailar a dona Juana Una Gallarda espanola, Que no hay danza mas gallarda." The stately gravity with which the Gallarda was danced is described at some length by Calderon in his El Maestro de Danzar, Jornada II, Scene XXV. See Monreal, Cuadros viejos, Madrid, 1878, p. 85. In a French work on dancing, Arbeau's Orchesographie, published at Macon in 1588, the Tordion and Gaillard are described as being danced exactly alike. See Shakespeare's Much Ado about Nothing, ed. by Dr. Horace Howard Furness, Philadelphia, p. 65, note 69. * Nuevos Datos, p. 15. * Ibid., p. 33. 'Ibid., p. 43. DANZAS HABLADAS 75 1598 a Danza de Portugueses^ in 1599 a Danza de veintequatro Sdtiros y Fdbulas y un Sileno, danced on the occasion of the entrance of the Queen into Madrid. 2 I presume that these were all what were called "Danzas habladas." 3 It appears that down to the close of the sixteenth cen- tury and perhaps even later, these dances at the Corpus festivals were performed and the expenses were borne by the various guilds. In March, 1599, there was an agree- ment between the company of tavern-keepers (gremio de taberneros) and Jusepe de las Cuevas to represent the "danza de los caballeros para la entrada de la Reina" ; 4 and in April of the same year Juan Granado is to give the dance La Boda a lo sayagues by order of the blacksmiths, and the Danza de los Dioses, to be paid for by the shoe- makers, and the Danza de la Pandorga, performed by the joiners and inn-keepers (cajoneros y mesoneros). 6 Be- sides, the "gremios" or guilds of "cabestreros, esparteros, zurradores," and "curtidores" represented dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1599. 6 * Nuevos Datns, p. 48. ' Ibid., p. 349. 3 See Don Quixote, Part II, chap. 30c, and Clemencin's note. Delpino de- fines a Danza hablada as "a dance composed of many persons, with dresses suitable to represent any passage in history." {Spanish Dictionary, London, 1758.) 4 Nuevos Datos, p. 49. ' Ibid., p. 50. ' Ibid. CHAPTER V The staging of the comedia. English court plays. The Entertain- ing Journey of Rojas. Alonso Lopez Pinciano on staging. The stage. The curtain. Scenery. Stage machinery. Apariencias. Tramoyas. The French stage. Private representations. In any discussion of the stage or scenic arrangements of the early Spanish theater the distinction between autos and other festival or court performances, on the one hand, and those which took place in the public corrales, on the other, must always be borne in mind. In the former, as al- ready observed, there was often an elaborate display of scenery and ornamentation even before the middle of the sixteenth century, while the public theaters or Hcorrales were almost destitute of scenery, in our ac- ceptation of the word. And this, we know, was also the case in England in Shakespeare's time. 1 Cunning- ham 2 gives some curious information concerning the private representations at the English court. As early as 1 57 1, after mentioning several plays, the last of which is Paris and Vienna, "shewen on Shrovetewsdaie at night by the children of Westminster," we read: "All whiche vi playes being chosen owte of many and ffownde to be the best that then were to be had; the same also being often perused and necessarely corrected & amended by all thaf- forseide officers. Then they being so orderly addressed, were likewise throwghly apparelled & furnished with sun- 1 See the interesting articles by G. F. Reynolds in Modern Philology, Vols. II and III (1904-5). 'Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court, London (Shakespeare Society), 184a. 76 ENGLISH COURT PLAYS 77 dry kindes and sutes of Apparell & furniture, flitted and garnished necessarely & answerable to the matter, person & parte to be played. Having also apt howses, made of canvasse, fframed, ffashioned & paynted accordingly as might best serve theier severall purposes" (p. 13). 1573 (it may be noted that in this year Italian players are mentioned at Windsor, ibid., p. 79) : "Mrs. Dane for Canvas to paynte for howses for the players & for other properties as Monsters, great hollow trees & suche other," etc. (p. 54). 1574: There is frequent mention of frames and canvas as early as this year, and also the following entry: "Pulleys for the Clowdes and curteynes . . . Dubble gyrte to hange the soon in the clowde," etc. (p. 90). 1578: "For a hoope and blewe Lynnen cloth to mend the clowde that was borrowed and cut to serve the rock in the play of The burnyng Knight," etc. (p. 147). 1579: "The History of Serpedon shewen at Whitehall on Shrovetewesdaye at night enacted by the Lord Cham- berleyns servants wholly furnyshed in this office whereon was ymployed for head attyres for women and Scarfes xi ells of Sarcenett, a greate Cittie, a wood, a castell and vi payre of gloves" (p. 156). Colors for painting scenery are mentioned in this year: "William Lyzarde for sondry things by him browght into the office. Syse, cullers, pottes, nayles and pensills used and occupyed upon the payntinge of vii Cities, one villadge, one Country howse, one battle- ment, iiii axes, a Braunche, lillyes, and a mount for Christ- mas Hi Holidaies" (p. 162). 1580: "A Storie of Pompey, enacted in the hall [Whitehall], on twelfnighte whereon was ymployed newe, one great citty, a senate howse, and eight ells of double sarcenet for curtens and xviii paire of gloves" (p. 167). 1584: " The History of Felix &? Philomena shewed and enacted before her highnes by her Ma tes servauntes on the sondaie next after neweyeares daie, at night at Grenewiche, 78 THE SPANISH STAGE whereon was ymploied one battlement & a house of can- vas." Lastly, in the same year we read: "A pastorall or Phillyda £sf Choryn . . . whereon was ymployed . . . one greate curteyne and scarfs for the nymphes, one moun- tayne and one greate cloth of Canvas" (p. 188) . All these were court performances and had nothing to do with the public theaters in England, which at this time had probably advanced no further than those of Spain. To these we now return. There can scarcely be a doubt that down to about the last decade of the sixteenth century (i.e., even a few years after Lope de Vega had begun to write for the stage) the public theaters of Madrid possessed only the most primi- tive stage machinery and appliances, and no scenery in our sense of the word. This view, however, is not in accord with an opinion expressed by Schack, though this dis- tinguished writer's other statements upon the subject can hardly be reconciled with the assertion to which we refer, which is as follows: "According to Rojas, /therefore, the improvements in scenic arrangements had / progressed to such an extent by about 1580 that come- j dias were performed in which were represented mirac- i ulous visions, artistically contrived scenes, and alarms • of war, and even horses were brought upon the stage." 1 Schack bases this statement upon the following lines of the "Loa de la Comedia" contained in the Viage entre- tenido of Rojas: "Now they made inflated verses, wore costumes of cloth, satin, and velvet, and silken stockings. They wrote [comedias] in three acts and introduced challenges; they sang by two and threes, and women acted. The time arrived when comedias de apariencias (i.e., with scenic effects) and lives of saints and plays with 1 "So war, nach Rojas, die Vervollkommnung der scenischen Vorrich- tungen um 1580 schon so weit gediehen dasz man Comodien rait Wunderer- scheinungen, Coulissenkunsten und Kriegslarm auffiihrte und sogar Pferde auf die Biihne brachte." {Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur u. Kunst in Spanien, Vol. I, p. 308.) AGUSTIN DE ROJAS 79 stage machinery came into vogue, and among these, farces in which battles were represented. Pedro Diaz then wrote his comedia El Rosario, which was good, and Alonso Diaz his San Antonio, and finally there was not a poet in Seville who did not write a comedia about some saint. Then they sang by threes and fours ; the women were beau- tiful and dressed in male attire, and gallantly and well made up they stepped upon the stage, adorned with pearls and chains of gold. Now horses were brought upon the stage, a feat never seen until this time, nor was this the least of them. All these things passed away, and then came our day, which may be called the Golden Age, to judge by the point reached by comedias, actors, plots, conceits, epigrams, inventions, novelties. . . . What, that has not already been done, can they do who come after us? What can they invent that is not already invented?" etc. 1 Important as the Viage entretenido is in many respects, 1 After mentioning Artieda's Los Encantos de Merlin (now lost), Luper- cio's tragedies, the Semiramis of Virues, and the Conde Loco of Morales (v. Barrera, Catdlogo, pp. 517, col. i, and 527), Rojas continues: "Hacian versos hinchados, Vestianse en habito de hombre, Ya usaban sayos de telas Y bizarras y compuestas, De raso, de terciopelo, A representar salian Y algunas medias de seda. Con cadenas de oro y perlas. Ya se hacian tres jornadas, Sacabanse ya caballos Y echaban retos en ellas, A los teatros, grandeza Cantaban a dos y a tres, Nunca vista hasta este tiempo, Y representaban hembras. Que no fue la menor de ellas. Llego el tiempo que se usaron En efecto este paso, Las comedias de apariencias, Llego el nuestro, que pudiera De santos y de tramoyas, Llamarse el tiempo dorado, Y entre estas farsas de guerras, Segun al punto en que Uegan Hizo Pedro Diaz entonces Comedias, representantes, La del Rosario, y fue buena, Trazas, conceptos, sentencias, San Antonio Alonso Diaz, Inventivas, novedades, . . . Y al fin no quedo poeta En Sevilla que no hiciese i Que haran los que vinieren De algun santo su comedia : Que no sea cosa hecha ? Cantabanse a tres y a quatro, i Que inventaran, que no este Eran las mugeres bellas, Ya inventado? cosa es cierta," etc. (El Viage entretenido, Madrid, 1603, pp. 127, 128.) Rojas then mentions the appearance of Lope de Vega, La fenix de nuestros tiempos, and after him El Divino Miguel Sanchez. 80 THE SPANISH STAGE it was not the purpose of its author to write a history or the Spanish stage. It was composed, as the title indicates, for the mere entertainment and pastime of the reader. Rojas, in all probability, took no great pains to be precise and accurate in his statements. What he wrote slipped from his pen without much thought of chronology. His statements should not be taken al pie de la letra. Moreover, his experience on the stage was limited, according to his own statement, to about three years. Of Pedro Diaz and his comedia El Rosario, mentioned by Rojas, we know nothing, but Alonso Diaz is said by Sanchez-Arjona {Andes, p. 86) to be the author of an auto entitled Santa Maria Egipciaca, for which he received thirty ducats when it was represented by the company of Gaspar de Porres at Seville in 1594. Alonso Diaz was, therefore, a contemporary of Lope de Vega. His San Antonio was doubtless one of that large class of comedias de santos which greatly depend .for their effect on the use of apariencias and tramoyas, quite primitive stage ma- chinery at that time, we may be sure. As Morel-Fatio says: "Les pieces, en effet, ou etait representee la vie d'un saint se pretaient particulierement au jeu de cette machi- nerie primitive qui enchantait le peuple." The same writer quotes Cristobal Suarez de Figueroa (El Passagero, Alivio iii) , who says: "En las comedias de cuerpo (pieces a grand effet par opposition a celles dites de ingenio ou de capa y espada) que, sin las de reyes de Hungria o principes de Transilvania, suelen ser de vidas de santos, intervienen varias tramoyas o apariencias, singular anagaza para que reincida el poblacho tres o quatro vezes con crecido pro- vecho del autor." 1 That skilful engineers or machinists were employed by the public theaters in staging such plays at the time alluded to by Rojas, is not at all probable. 1 Bulletin Hispanigue, October-December, 1901, p. 481. See also Cle- mencin's note to his edition of Don Quixote, Madrid, 1833, Vol. Ill, p. 407, and Suarez de Figueroa, Passagero, ed. 1617, ff. 104-106. HORSES ON THE STAGE 81 Concerning the assertion of Rojas, "Sacabanse ya caba- llos" ( horses were now brought out upon the stage ) , there is no dramatist prior to 1 602 to whom this could particularly refer, so far as I know, except Lope de Vega. 1 In the latter's La Serrana de la Vera, El Sol parado, and La Varona Castellana, all written before 1603, and in El primer Faxardo, perhaps also before that date, a horse appears on the stage. According to Luis Fernandez Guerra, 2 it was Andres de Claramonte particularly who was fond of bringing horses upon the stage in his plays. He says: "Gozabase en aderezar muchas de sus comedias con desafios a caballo y en pasear sobre hipogrifos de carne y hueso a las hermosuras de bastidores por en medio de lo mas turbulento y alegre de la concurrencia. . . . Esto dio lugar a que Ana Mufioz, obligada en uno de sus dramas a salir a caballo por el patio, alborotado el corcel con la algaraza de los mosqueteros, malpario un varon." As Claramonte is mentioned by Rojas 3 among those actors who had (at least as early as 1602) written farsas, has, bayles, etc., it is not improbable that the allusion may be to him. In any event, it carries us no further back than the time of Lope de Vega, who was a contemporary of Clara- monte's. Moreover, Miguel Sanchez, el Divino, who is mentioned after Lope de Vega, was undoubtedly one of Lope's predecessors. Hence the period to which Rojas refers cannot be "about 1580," as Schack had supposed, but was, in all probability, more than a decade later. 4 1 In El gallardo Espanol by Cervantes, Act I, is the stage direction: Entra Alimuzel a cauallo, con lanza y adarga. And in La Casa de los Zelos, Act I: ha de entrar por el patio Angelica la bella sobre un pala- fren. These plays may date before 1592. Tirso de Molina also not infre- quently introduced horses upon the stage, though at a much later date. 'Don Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, p. 186. * Fiage entretenido, p. 131. * It is interesting here to note the observations of a very acute and learned writer, Alonso Lopez Pinciano, concerning the decorations of the stage, the costumes, etc., written about 1595 or perhaps a little before. From a refer- ence to two of the older Spanish autores de comedias, it has been considered that, though published in 1596, the work alluded to was written at least 82 THE SPANISH STAGE We may readily believe that with the appearance of a genius like Lope (who wrote plays at twelve, but perhaps did not begin to write for the public stage until about 1585) the progress in the comedia was accompanied by a corresponding advance in staging. Yet it seems reason- ably safe to say that, even for some years after Lope be- gan his career as a playwright, the decorations and scenic effects in the public theaters of Spain were very primi- tive. As Schack observes, any attempt at optical illusion was wholly out of the question. "Nor was there a curtain in front of the stage, from which it follows that, at the beginning of a piece, the stage could not be occupied by groups [of players], but the actors had to enter before the eyes of the spectators." An examination of the comedias ten years earlier. (Schack, Vol. I, p. 299, says that it was written shortly after 1580.) The passage is: "When I see the placards of Cisneros or Galvez, I cannot help going to see them, and while I am in the theater I neither feel the cold in winter nor the heat in summer." But we know now that Jerdnimo Galvez was acting at least as late as 1590 and probably later, while Alonso de Cisneros did not die till September 10, 1597. It is probable, therefore, that our author's remarks refer to about the time that his work was published. This work is in the form of a conversation between the author and his friends Ugo and Fadrique, and consists of a number of let- ters written by the author to one Don Gabriel and the replies of the latter thereto. In the thirteenth and last letter "de los adores y representantes," Don Ugo remarks: "So far as the action is concerned, the person, the time, and the place ought to be considered, for it is clear that a different decora- tion and dress or costume is required for a prince than for a servant, and different ones for youths and old men. Wherefore the second consideration, that of time, is very important, for the Spain of to-day demands a different decoration and dress from the Spain of a thousand years ago, and hence it behooves to examine carefully histories which throw light upon the costumes of the times, and we should likewise take note of the various countries, for in each they have different kinds of dress. The actor should observe these matters carefully, for the poet rarely pays any attention to them, generally writing the poem to be read rather than to be represented, leav- ing those matters that refer to the action to the actor, whose business it is to represent. Whence it is to be inferred that the good actor (especially the chief of a company) ought to know much of fiction (fabula) and of history, so that, in accordance with the difference in time, besides the cos- tumes of the persons in the action, there is required a corresponding decora- tion for the theater itself, besides the necessary machinery, which ought to be in conformity with the poem: if it be pastoral, there should be woods; if the action take place in a city, there should be houses; and so in accord- ance with the other differences, the theater should have its various decora- THE CURTAIN 83 of Lope de Vega proves the truth of this assertion, as re- gards the theaters of Madrid, and that there was no outer curtain in the theater at Valencia is shown by a number of plays by Valencian dramatists which appeared in a volume entitled Norte de la Poesia espanola, Valen- cia, 1616. 1 This statement seems to be contradicted by a passage at the close of Lope de Vega's Lainocente Sangre, published in Part XIX of his Comedias, the Aprovacion of which is dated 1622. Here one of the characters, Mendo, says: "Corre essa cortina, y desse fin a los Carauajales," etc. Five players are on the stage, and the curtain is drawn to conceal them from the audience. It is possible, how- ever, that this, too, was a curtain farther back on the stage. Unfortunately, we do not know the date of this tions (ornato). And in the machinery there should be much excellence (primor), for there are some machines which are fitting for a miracle and others for different purposes, and they have their differences according to the persons, for an angel must appear to be flying and a saint going through the air with joined feet, and both must descend from on high, while the demon ascends from below. ... In a word, the actor should observe and study the various machinery and artifices, so that suddenly, as if by a miracle, a person be made to appear: by magic art, if terrestrial; without it, if the person be divine." (Philosofhia Antigua, ed. 1596, pp. 522, 523.) 1 Lope's El Rey Bamba (written before 1603) shows clearly that there was no outer curtain. At the close of the play the King is lying dead upon the stage, when Atanarico says: "Cojamos el cuerpo en ombros y luego el entierro se haga, dando fin a la comedia y vida y muerte de Bamba." (Comedias, Part I, Valladolid, 1604, fol. 116, v.) And in his La Quinta de Florencia, Part II, 1609, we read at the end: "Vanse todos par su orden, con que se da fin a la Comedia." At the close of Aguilar's play, published in the Norte de la Poesia espanola, entitled El Mercader Amante, is the stage direction: Entranse todos, y se da fin a la Comedia del Mercader Amante. Ricardo de Turia's Burladora burlada concludes with the stage direction: Entranse todos cada uno for su puerta, dandose con eslo fin a la famosa Comedia, etc. The same author's La belligera Espanola and Aguilar's La Fuerca del Interes close with similar stage directions. These would, of course, have been unnecessary had there been an outer curtain. 84 THE SPANISH STAGE play. Though not printed till 1622, Lope says in his dedication that he had written it years ago : "Anos ha que escriui este suceso." There was a curtain at the back of the stage, like the traverses of the Elizabethan theater, which could be drawn aside to represent a tent, bedchamber, chapel, etc. 1 The sides of the stage were also hung with curtains, as the stage directions abundantly show. 2 Cervantes even tells us that the curtains were of green baize, and they must have been arranged, upon occasions, in such a manner that the spectator could see behind them. 3 In the background, raised some distance from the stage, was a gallery (lo alto del teatro), which served for "In the first act of Lope de Vega's El As alto de Mastrique (Comedias, Part IV, 1 614), we read the stage direction: Corrase una tienda, o cortina, y veanse sentados el Duque de Parma, etc. . . . los soldados se arrimen al Teatro. Afterward: Cierrese la tienda, y los soldados digan: "Soldado: Parece que ya se van de la tienda." In El Marmot de Felisardo, Act III (written before 1604), occurs the stage direction: Corre Tristan la cortina, detras de la qua! estd Elisa, etc., and in Las Pobrezas de Reynaldos (also before 1604), Act II: Corren una cortina, y descubrese una Capilla con tin altar, etc. So near the close of Act III of Guillen de Castro's La Tragedia por los Celos (1622) the curtain that was drawn to show the dead body of Margarita de Hijar was doubtless at the rear of the stage. And in Ricardo de Turia's La Burladora burlada (printed in 1616), Act III, Laura says: "Detras deste tapiz rico pienso escuchallas." This is followed by the stage direction: quedase detras de la cortina. 2 See La Burladora burlada, cited in the previous note. Also in Alarcon's El Desdichado en fingir (one of his earliest plays, written probably before 1600), at the close of a scene in Act II, is the direction: Vanse, y escondense detras de una cortina. In Act III of Tirso de Molina's La fingida Arcadia, a stage direction seems to show that a curtain sometimes covered the whole rear of the stage. The direction is: Tocan trompetas, etc. Cdese aba jo todo el lienzo del teatro y quede un jardin lleno de flares y yedra. This is a late play, however, certainly after 1621, for in it Tirso mentions Lope de Vega's La Filomena, which appeared in that year. For further examples see my article "The Staging of Lope de Vega's Comedias," in the Revue His- panique, Vol. XV, 1907. * In La Gran Sultana we find the stage direction : Parece el Gran Turco WINDOWS AND BALCONIES 85 various purposes ; for example, to represent the walls of a city, the balcony of a house, a tower, a mountain, etc. In the above article I have collected many examples under the various headings: "A wall or tower at the back of the stage," "A window," "A balcony," etc., which show that the "balcony" was merely a gallery at the upper part of the back of the stage, which was covered by a hanging curtain, so that there was no essential difference in the representation of a wall, a tower, a window, or a balcony. That a gallery ran along the back of the stage, perhaps a continuation of the gallery occupied by the spectators, ap- pears from stage directions in a number of plays. 1 The stage, Schack observes, was not nearly so deep as that of the modern theater, but was rather wide. "Its decorations consisted of curtains of a single color, hung at the sides and in the background, leaving the various entrances free. These represented now a room, now a hall or a street, now a garden or a forest, without any visible change." 2 Continuing, the same writer observes: "With this simple arrangement those pieces were played the action of which was supposed to take place in ordinary domestic and civil life, chiefly therefore the comedias de capay espada, but especially those in which the stage did not essentially enter into the action of the play and where the imagination of the spectator could be relied upon. Whether more machinery was to be used or not delras de unas cortinas de tafetan verde . . . descubrese la cortina: parece el Gran Turco. (Comedias, etc., Madrid, 1615, fol. 121.) 'In Tirso de Molina's Dona Beatriz de Silva, Act I: Tiros de Artilleria; musica de todo genero; fiestas de dentro, y saca Silveria sobre los corredores de arriba, a un lado una bandera con las armas de Portugal y Castillo. Afterward we read: Al otro lado saca arriba Olivenza otra bandera, etc. Finally: Eniranse los de arriba. This comedia was written about 1618, according to Cotarelo. See additional cases cited below, p. 94, note 1. * These statements require some modification. That there were at least two doors at the back of the stage, always called puertas, is shown by every comedia. In the above article on the staging of Lope's plays, numerous instances are given to show that trees were represented on the stage either painted on canvas hanging at the sides, or single trees or groups of trees on frames standing on the stage. Some examples are cited below. J 86 THE SPANISH STAGE was left to the discretion of the theatrical manager. This depended especially upon whether the play in question, from its subject-matter, necessitated scenery and was such that all could not be left to the imagination. In such cases the objects which would otherwise have to be imagined were actually brought before the eye, and the plays in which such apparatus had to be employed, beyond the I simple curtains, and in which the costumes were richer and costlier, were called comedias de teatro. Decorations, however, in the modern sense of the word, or a regular change of scene, were wholly unknown." 1 For most scenes, as just remarked, a simple curtain sufficed, and this was used to represent the most diverse localities. "If the stage was unoccupied for a moment and persons came upon it through another entrance, a change of scene had to be imagined by the spectator, though none was visible on the stage, and this was irrespective of the entrances or exits of the characters." Schack cites several instances of this : Act II of Calderon's El Alcayde de si 1 Schack, Geschichte der dram. Lit. u. Kunst in Spanien, Vol. II, p. 120. Spaniards, according to Caramuel, considered changes of scene super- fluous, as neither the exactness of the thought, nor the elegance of the dic- tion, nor the splendor of the production, depended upon them. He says: "Scenarum mutationes Hispani superfluas judicant: quas tamen Itali esse necessarias supponentes in theatri fabrics pro unica interdum Comoedia magnam summam ducatorum impendunt. Et hie, si loquamur sincere, incon- sequenter Hispani laborare videmur: quoniam hinc leges scribendi Comoe- dias ab Antiquis latas fastidimus, inde scenarum mutationes quasi super- fluas judicamus, cum tamen haec duo non subsistant. Cur non volumus ut nostrae Comoediae subsint Veterum legibus? Quia falsae hypothesi leges a Veteribus prolatae insistunt. Putabant ipsi Comoedias Viris tantum doctis scribi, et coram doctis tantum agi, cum tamen certum sit et nos supponimus, illas scribi vulgo et coram numeroso vulgo representari. Et cur non vo- lumus mutare Scaenas? Quia ab earum mutatione conceptuum subtilitas, verborum elegantia et nitor prolationis non dependent. Ecce severas scribendi Comoedias leges negligimus, nam illae representantur propter vulgus, qui illas leges non capit: et ecce Scenarum mutationes negligimus, nam docti, quorum est, de conceptuum et versuum nitore judicare, ut bona laudent carmina, hoc impendio non indigent. Ego hoc auderem discurrere. Seu doctis seu indoctis scribantur Comoediae, debent Scenae mutari et ap- parentiae quas vocant admitti: illarum enim varietate doctorum et indoc- torum oculi dilectantur." (J. Caramuelis, Primus Calamus, Tom. II, quoted by Schack, Nachtrage, p. 28.) LOS EMBUSTES DE FABIA 87 mismo opens in a park; the second scene is a forest; enter three peasants and Antona, who says that Benito has as- sured her that on her return to the forest she will find his love "more firm than this oak." Nothing has been said to intimate a change of scene when Federico enters, and in a dialogue with Roberto says: "Is not some one knocking? Roberto: Yes. Federico: Then go and open the door," and the stage direction follows: "Federico sits down in a chair; enter Marguerite," whereby a change to the interior of the castle is to be supposed by the spectator. 1 In Lope de Vega's Los Embustes de Fabia, Aurelio has been in the chamber of his mistress and has not left the stage, when he says: "Here is the palace and there Nero, our Emperor, appears, for the poet has permitted this ex- pedient to be employed, since, if the Emperor should not enter now, the narrative would be so vague that nobody would understand it." 2 A better example to illustrate the point under discussion could hardly be found. We do not know when Los Embustes de Fabia was written, but it was one of Lope's early plays, for it is mentioned in the list in the first edition of his Peregrino en su Patria, and hence must be earlier than 1604. A notable instance of where a change of scene is indicated merely by the actor's going 'Schack, Geschichle, etc., Vol. II, p. 121. It should be noted that this incident was first referred to by Damas Hinard, that excellent scholar to whom Spanish literature owes so much. In his Chejs-d' cewure du Thidtre Espagnol, Calderon, 2 e Serie, Paris, 1841, note to p. 316, he says: "Nous etions tout-a-1'heure dans le pare, et tout-a-coup nous voila transported dans 1'interieur du chateau. Comme Frederic et Roberto n'ont pas quitte le theatre, il nous est impossible d'indiquer un changement de scene. Mais enfin le lecteur est averti, nous sommes maintenant dans le chateau de Bel- flor, ou de Miraflor." 3 "Este es el palacio, aca sale Neron, nuestro Emperador, Que lo permite el Autor Que desta industria se vale; Porque si aca no saltera Fuera aqui la relacion Tan mala y tan sin razon Que ninguno lo entendiera." (Comedias, Part XXV, Zaragoza, 1647, fol. 537.) 88 THE SPANISH STAGE in one door and coming out of another is furnished by La Espanola de Florencia, a comedia wrongly ascribed to Cal- deron. The example is of especial interest because of the comparatively late date of the play, which was probably written between 1630 and 1635. 1 Schack further remarks : "That the stage did not always realize what one should sup- pose, even in the so-called comedias de teatro, results from the speeches of the characters, who frequently indicate the locality, which would have been unnecessary if it had been actually brought before the eyes of the spectator. Only when the progress of the action could not well be otherwise indicated was recourse had to such expedients of the scenic art as were available. Such cases were mostly left to the judgment of the theatrical manager, inasmuch as the poets only gave directions in the most necessary cases. The 1 "Salen Carlos y Gerardo. Gerardo: Ya hemos Uegado a casa. Carlos: | Ay, Gerardo, que el pecho se me abrasa! Lucrecia: Cavalleros, si el cielo a piedad os inclina, tened duelo de una muger, si noble, desdichada, que llega de su suerte atropellada a pedir vuestro amparo. Valgame vuestra casa de reparo, que en tanta desventura mi honor vuestra noble'za me assegura. Entranse Carlos y Lucrecia. Carlos: Entrad, Senora en ella. Gerardo: j Por Dios, que la muger parece bella! No seria en mi amo dicha poca, si por esta oluidasse [a] la otra loca. Entranse, y salen por la otra puerta todos tres. Carlos: Ya estamos en la posada." (Comedias Escogidas, Vol. XII, Madrid, 1658, Jornada II, fol. 105.) Jornada III furnishes a similar instance: "Salen Cesar y Valeria. Cesar: Ya a casa a buscaros me boluia, Carlos ; yo os hallo, j que gran dicha es mia ! Lleguemos a la entrada. LUcrecia: Lida, aquesta ocasion es apretada. Carlos: Ya en vuestra casa estamos." I quote these passages at length on account of the scarcity of this comedia. Dr. M. Rosenberg purposes publishing a critical edition of it shortly. SIMULTANEOUS SCENERY 89 staging of plays was therefore very arbitrary." 1 A deco- ration which happened to be at hand was sometimes used in cases where it was not necessary, while in other in- stances, where the required apparatus was lacking, an appeal was unreasonably made to the imagination of the spectator. Moreover, the freedom exercised in the matter of scenery can hardly be exaggerated. "There was no thought of any actual illusion — of any deception of the senses. The painting of scenery according to the rules of perspec- tive, so that the stage should have some appearance of reality, was wholly unknown. A few houses or trees painted on pasteboard or linen did duty for a street or a forest, while the simple curtain in the background or the sides remained unchanged. After such a decoration had been set upon the stage, no particular care was taken to remove it at the end of the scene, and frequently it had to suffice to indicate another similar place." There can scarcely be a doubt that simultaneous scenery was used upon the Spanish stage, as it was used at the same period in the Elizabethan theater. In the representation of Calderon's El Alcayde de si mismo it is very probable that a tree was represented upon the stage at the opening of the second act and was not removed until its close. In Alarcon's El Dueno de las Estrellas (1618?), toward the close of Act III, the scene is supposed to represent a street at night. The King and Palante appear before the house of Marcela. Palante gives a sign, and we have the stage direction : Asomase Marcela a una ventana. "Marcela: ;Es Palante? Palante: Si. Marcela: Ya voy. (Vase a abrir la puerta.)" Presently Palante says : "Ya esta a la puerta Marcela. (Aparece Marcela en la calle.) Marcela: Entrad. Rey: Marcela querida, etc. Marcela: Seguidme. (Vanse de la calle, y dando la vuelta por detras del teatro, entranse despues en la sala \de Marcela].)" That is, the actors merely pass out on one side of the stage and enter on the other, and the scene is supposed to change from a street to a room in Marcela's house. 1 For a detailed account see my article already referred to, in the Revue Hispanigue for 1907. 9o THE SPANISH STAGE "Sometimes a change of scene was indicated by simply drawing a curtain aside, whereby the essential object be- came visible, the rest of the stage remaining unchanged, only a small scene, as it were, stepping out of the larger one. In this way it is frequently supposed that from the foreground, which represents a street or a room, one can look into the interior of a house or into another apartment. How little attention was given to the probability of a scene may be observed from the fact that not seldom the stage represented a field of great dimensions, in which the personages traverse long distances, so that the scene was actually to be considered movable. Thus, in the first act of Calderon's Dos Amantes del Cielo, 1 one of the charac- ters, Chrysanthus, is represented as being in the grove of Diana ; then it is supposed that he goes thence deeper into the mountains ; he describes the wild, mountainous country which he is now approaching, without leaving the stage for a moment. A change of scene could not have taken place here ; the same trees and perhaps hills which had at first served for a grove were afterward taken to represent the wilder mountain region." Another and similar case is the following : "when the per- sonages upon the stage are supposed to be moving forward and have reached an object which attracts their attention and which enters into the action of the play, a back or side curtain is drawn in order to permit this to appear. Exam- ples are frequent. At the beginning of Lope's Arauco dotnado a number of soldiers are wandering in the neigh- borhood of a South American seaport. They are on their way to the public square, where a Corpus Christi proces- sion is to pass under a triumphal arch ; when they arrive at the spot, the scene is opened by withdrawing a curtain, and a glimpse is afforded of the arch and the holiday crowd." 2 So in Tirso de Molina's El Burlador de Sevilla 1 The date of this play is unknown: it was written before 1651. a Schack, ibid., p. 123. For a similar scene, see Lope's La Prueba de los THE PLACE OF ACTION 91 (written before 1630), Don Juan and his servant are roarffirig the streetsoT Seville, and after they have been upon the stage a considerable time, the statue of the Comendador, Don Gonzalo de Ulloa, is suddenly dis- closed. Sometimes the place of action is mentioned in the dia- logue at the beginning of a scene; more rarely by a stage direction. 1 But the stage remained the same, there was no visible change, whether the action was transported to Florence, Rome, or Hungary. Indeed, there is often great difficulty in distinguishing interior from exterior scenes. Many scenes, in fact, are entirely unlocalized, and here, as in the Elizabethan drama, "vagueness of localization" is a fundamental fact. 2 Besides, it must be borne in mind that costume was a Amigos (1604.), Act III, in the article above mentioned on The Staging of Lope de Vega's Comedias, p. 7, and La Fe rompida (before 1604), Act I, ibid., p. 9. 'In Lope de Vega's Rey Bamba (Part I, 1604), Act II: "Rodrigo: Esta es la Vega famosa, del Tajo la placa liana y aquesta de Galiana la morada deleytosa." In Lope's Comedia del Molino (Part I, 1604), Act III: "Rey: Que gente es esta que camina al bosque," showing that a grove is intended. Lope's La Quinta de Florencia (Part II, 1609), Act I: "Alexandra: Hermosa ciudad Florencia." Coello's El Conde de Sex (a late play, probably about 1635), Act II, at the beginning: "Cosme: Aora, a Londres llegaraos, y ya a palacio venimos?" Place indicated in stage direction: Lope de Vega, La Escolastica zelosa (Part I, 1604), Act III: "Sale Marico solo de camino en Alcala." Lope, La Burgalesa de Lerma (1613), Act I: "Salgan en Madrid Clauela y Lu- cia." Lope, De Cosario a Cosario (Part XIX, 1623), Act I: "Salen en la calle Mayor Celia, dama," etc. Lope, Peribanez y el Comendador de Ocana (Part IV), Act I: "El Comendador en casa con ropa, y Luxan lacayo." Numerous cases could be cited; see the above-mentioned article in the Revue Hispanique for 1907. ! See an excellent article by William Archer in the Quarterly Review 92 THE SPANISH STAGE very important means, and frequently the only one, or indicating a change of scene. Many examples could be quoted. In Lope de Vega's La Fe rompida, 1 at the open- ing of Act I we find the stage direction: "[Enter] Luzinda as a huntress with a javelin and Alberto, peasant," show- ing that a wood is to be imagined by the spectator. In Los Comendadores de Cordoba , 2 Act I, near end: "Enter D. Fernando with cloak and buckler, as if at night." In the rear of the stage were two doors. It is quite probable, indeed, that there were three, the middle door being in a recess (nicho) in front of which a curtain could be drawn. This was certainly the case later, as Calderon's El Encanto sin Encanto 3 shows. While the exact date of this play is unknown, it was performed, in all probability, before 1635. The dressing room, or vestuario, occupied the two sides and the back of the stage. It is evident from a number of stage directions that an actor could enter upon the stage directly from the vestuario. In fact, when a man was killed upon the stage he generally managed to fall into the dressing-room. In Cervantes's El gallardo Es- pahol, Act III, we read the stage direction, "They fall for April, 1908, p. 447, who very pertinently says: "The category of place imposed itself but faintly and intermittently on the mind of the Elizabethan play-goer: a fact which the believers in the habitual indication of scenes by placards, and even by painted cloths, would do well to note. . . . We believe that -vagueness of localization of the Elizabethan drama to be a fundamental fact which cannot be fully realized until the student has dis- missed modern editions from his mind, and gone back to the original texts." 1 Comedias, Part IV, Madrid, 1614. ' Comedias, Part II, Madrid, 1609. * Jornada I, stage direction : Escondense los dos en la puerta de en medio, y sale el Gobernador, etc. Jornada II, Los dos se pasen, y sale al patio Serafina, Libia, etc. Jornada III, Arrimanse al nicho, suena ruido en la otra puerta, etc. That painted canvas was then used, is evinced by the following direction: Jornada II: Vanse las dos, y abriendose una puerta, que estard pintada de muralla, y que convenga con lo demas. The term bastidores also occurs in this piece. While I have seen no edition of this play earlier than 1760, the stage directions are probably unchanged, as this edition is not divided into scenes. For the date of this play, see Schmidt, Die Schauspiele Calderon's, Eberfeld, 1857, p. 59. THE VESTUARIO 93 within the dressing-room"; 1 in Lope de Vega's La Oca- sion perdida (written before 1604) : "Enter Leoncio . . . then the Princess ... all come close to the can- vas (liengo) of the vestuario." 2 That the vestuario was separated from the stage by a canvas (liengo) results from a number of stage directions, and also that it contained doors, for it is very probable that the doors mentioned in these stage directions some- times referred, not to the two doors at the back of the stage, but rather to doors at the sides, for it is clear that the stage could be entered from the two sides, which were provided with hangings at first and afterward were evi- dently of canvas. 3 Many of Lope de Vega's earliest comedias, being come- dies of intrigue, required no theatrical accessories of any kind except a balcony or window. These balconies, which served also for windows or towers, seem to have been, as already stated, a continuation of the gallery or corredor of the theater, and extended behind the hangings or parti- * Comedias, Madrid, 1615, fol. 26. In Lope's El Capellan de la Virgen (printed in Part XVIII, 1623), Act II, is the stage direction: Vase desati- nado a caer en el vestuario. 2 Entra Leoncio, Pinabelo, . . . y la Princessa detras, llega Doriclea a besarle las manos, y arrimanse todos al lienco del vestuario, descubiertos. (Comedias, Part II, Madrid, 1609, fol. 37, v.) 8 In Lope de Vega's La Obediencia laureada (Part VI, 161 5), Act I, stage direction : Mira hacia el vestuario. "Carlos: A cielos, dos bultos veo, mas parece, yo lo creo, liengo de Ninfas pintadas" (fol. n). Lope de Vega, La Imperial de Oton (Part VIII, 1617), Act III, stage direc- tion: Entrense, y con musica descubran el lienco del vestuario . . . y Mar- garita en lo alto. Lope, El Amante agradecido (Part X, 1618) : Veanse dos medias barcas con sus ramos a la puerta del vestuario, etc. La bella Aurora (printed in Part XXI, 1635), Act II: Las dos huyendo se pongan en dos tramoyas, que estaran en dos partes del lienco del vestuario, etc. In Alar- con's La Cueva de Salamanca (perhaps the first of his works, and written about 1599, according to Hartzenbusch), Act I, a cord is stretched across the stage to trip an alguacil, and the stage direction reads: A tan el cordel atra- vesando el vestuario, where evidently the back of the stage only is meant. But near the close of Act II is the stage direction: Sale Lucia y un Gana- pan, con un cajon de la estatura de un hombre; ponelo en pie a raiz del 94 THE SPANISH STAGE tion which separated the sides of the stage from the auditorium. 1 It is, perhaps, needless to remark that Lope de Vega did not divide his comedias into scenes, nor did any of the older dramatists. The only division that they made was into three acts. These scenes are the work of later editors. It is equally superfluous to add that, for the pur- poses of an examination like this, the editions of these later editors are absolutely useless. Recourse should be had only to the original editions, and these only have been consulted in the present examination. 2 The appeal to the imagination of the spectator for a change of scene is sometimes made in words, by the poet. Cervantes, in his Rufian dichoso, Act II, says : To the auditor it matters Little that I in a moment vestuario. Afterward we read: Abre el cajon, y sale del Don Diego; que el cajon ha de tener la espalda tambien hecha puerta, que se abre hacia el vestuario, de suerte que la gente no lo eche de ver; y asi, cuando dona Clara cierra el cajon, abren la puerta trasera, y quitan la estatua y entra don Diego. In the same author's La Manganilla de Melilla (written in 1616- 17), Act III, is the stage direction: Coge Acen del vestuario un hombre iiestido como Pimienta [one of the characters of the play], y echalo par un escotillon, y Pimienta aparece luego en lo alto del vestuario. These stage directions, it should be added, however, are taken from the edition of Harteenbusch in the Bibl. de Autores Espanoles. The existence of a side curtain is shown very clearly in Lope's La Reina Doha Juana de Napoles (Part VI, 1615), Act I. The Queen, Ludovico, and Tancredo are in a garden; as Isabela enters, the stage direction reads: Escondese la Reyna detras del pano y sale Isabela, a strange confusion. For other examples, see above, p. 84, note, Ricardo de Turia's La Burladora burlada, and the article mentioned above. 1 See the previous note. But other cases may be cited : In Lope de Vega s Los Torneos de Aragon (Part IV, 1614), Act III, is the following stage direction: Chirimias y sientanse en un corredor, que tome todo lo alto del Teatro, el Rey de Aragon, etc. In Alarcon's El Examen de Maridos, writ- ten at the beginning of 1625 or earlier, Act III, is the direction: Sale Ochauo en el corredor mas baxo, y salta al teatro. So it reads in Lope's Comedias, Part XXIII, £aragoca, 1633, fol. 59. In the Comedias de Alar- con, ed. Hartzenbusch, we find: Desde un tejado muy bajo salta al suelo y caese. See also Lope's El Amor Vandolero, Act II, and El Favor agrade- cido, Act II. " The one exception is especially noted above. EL RUFIAN DICHOSO 95 Pass from Germany to Guinea, Though from off this stage I move not. Human thought, indeed, is nimble ; Well may they accompany Me with it, where'er it may be, Without losing me or tiring. 1 Yet it must not be inferred from what has just been said that no attempt at verisimilitude was made — that nothing was done to aid the imagination of the spectator. There is abundant and indisputable evidence to the contrary. A garden was represented on the stage; of this there are numerous instances; 2 or a fountain, 3 or rocks and moun- tains. 4 Trees were represented on the stage, either painted on canvas or by set pieces. Many examples might be cited. 5 1 "Muy poco importa al oyente Que yo en un punto me passe Desde Alemania a Guinea Sin del teatro mudarme. £1 pensamiento es ligero ; Bien pueden acompanarme Con el, do quiera que fuere, Sin perderme ni cansarse." Comedias, Madrid, 1615, fol. 97. See also the closing lines of his comedia Pedro de Urdemalas, ibid., fol. 220. 2 In Lope de Vega's La Ocasion perdida (before 1604), Act II, stage direction : La Princesa detras de un muro baxo, y dentro se vea como jardin. Act III : Assomase la Infanta en lo alto del jardin. So in La octava Mara- villa (Part X, 1618), Act II: Este un jardinillo en el teatro, y saiga el Rey con un escardillo. For further examples, see the article above mentioned. "Lope de Vega's La Quinta de Florencia (Part II, 1609), Act II, stage direction: Ha de estar en el tablado una fuente, donde ha de auer estado todo este tiempo Laura, junto a ella hinchando el cantarrillo. "Laura: Por estas ramas me voy. Sale Belardo. Belardo: Estos los marmoles son de aquellas fuentes hermosas.'' 'Lope de Vega's El Animal de Ungria (Part IX, 1617), Act I: Subese el Nino en una pena. El Principe despenado (1602), Act II: Va baxando por la sierra la Reyna dona Eluira en habito de Saluage con una piel, y parece en medio de la sierra, y prosigue. "Lope de Vega's San Isidro labrador de Madrid (Part VII, 1617), Act II: Vease un arbol con algun algodon encima, que parezca neuado, y unas palomas- en el. // 96 THE SPANISH STAGE In one instance a fort 1 was represented by a painted can- vas, and again a castle. From the examples just cited it may be inferred that painted scenery, at all events in Lope de Vega's later years, was not unknown to the public stage, but that it was not movable on rollers or slides, we may be reasonably sure. A most important matter, to be borne constantly in mind when treating of the staging of plays, is that of chronology. Only where we know the exact date of a play or a reason- ably approximate date can it furnish us with helpful and reliable evidence. For here a matter of a very few years may make a vast difference in scenic appliances. Lope de Vega wrote for the public theater for half a century, and naturally there were many innovations upon the stage in the course of his long career. In the Prologo del Teatro a los Let ores, prefixed to Part XI (1618) of his Comedias, the Theater (i.e., the stage) , speaking, says: "Despues que a viua fuerga de tantas, y tan diferentes comedias de varios Poetas, como en mi se han representado (Letor amigo, o enemigo, como tu quisieres) he aprendido a hablar, aunque compuesto de tablas, y liencos, con mas trampas que un hombre que no tiene de que pagar, ni verguenga de deuer, descanso con quexarme de los muchos sinrazones que mis duefios padecen, y a mi me hazen." From this we see that lienqos, or canvases for scenery, were getting to be of frequent use. Again, in the Prologo Dialogistico, prefixed to Part XVI (1623), the Theater says: "I have come to great misfor- tune, and I presume that it is due to one of three reasons : either because there are no good actors, or because the poets are bad, or because the auditors lack understanding ; for the managers avail themselves of machinery, the poets "Lope de Vega's Pobreza no es Fileza (written in 1624. or earlier), Act II : Salen despues de auer toe ado caxas sol da Jos, y el Conde de Fuentes, aura en el teatro un fuerte pintado de canteria. See also El Casamiento en la Muerle (Part I, 1604), Act III, and La Vitoria del Marques de Santa Cruz (before 1618), Act II. APARIENCIAS AND TRAM OY AS 97 of the carpenters, and the auditors of their eyes." Further : "But to return to the common people, I say that they are justly moved by this machinery to delight the eyes, but not by that of the Spanish comedia, where the figures rise and descend so clumsily, and animals and birds appear in like manner, which* the ignorance of the women and the rude mechanics among men come to see." 1 Lope's complaint is significant, moreover, inasmuch as it shows that a great change had come over his audiences early in the third decade of the seventeenth century. The vulgo now went to - see the play, not to hear it ; the comedia had become a spectacle for the eyes. And so the j^" play degenerated and the splendor of scenery and stage setting increased, until in the eighteenth century we come - to a playwright like Cornelia, in whose comedia Cristovai Colon, Act I, we find the following stage direction: "Jar- din magnifico, adornado de macetas cenadores, y fuente grande en el medio, con asientos al rededor, el foro repre- senta el Palacio con su galeria y escaleras, para baxar; la galeria estara adornada de macetas de flores. Aparece la Reyna sentada, y las Damas repartidas, cogiendo flores," etc. Here we find the term bastidor (wing of stage scenery), 2 and at the end of the act, the direction: Cae el telon, the drop-curtain falls. The help of stage machinery of various kinds, under the name of artificios, invenciones, apariencias, and tramoyas, had been invoked in the religious representations of Spain since very early times. One of the primary requisites was^t a trap-door, and with these the public stages were early _Jj provided. In the performance of the autos of Corpus Christi the apariencias formed a very important feature of the festival and were frequently of the most elaborate character, the municipalities expending large sums of 1 Life of Lope de Vega, Glasgow, 1904, p. 289. 2 Bastidor es or wings were in use long before this, and we find them mentioned at the beginning of 1643 among the stage appliances at La Mon- teria, Seville. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 364, and see above, p. 92, note 3.) 98 THE SPANISH STAGE money in their preparation. Upon the stage of the public theaters, on the other hand, we may well imagine that the apariencias or tramoyas were of a more crude and inexpen- sive kind. Still, Lope de Vega, as we have seen, early complained of the great importance attached to stage ma- chinery, and he again refers to the work of the stage carpenter in the Prologue to Part XIX of his Comedias (Madrid, 1623). Here, too, in a dialogue between the Poet and the Theater, the former says: "Since they use apariencias, which they call tramoyas, I do not care to publish my comedias." He never concealed his contempt for the arts of the scene-painter and the machinist. As Mr. Fitzmaurice-Kelly says : "Lope needed no scene-paint- ers to make good his deficiencies. In lAy Verdades! que en Amor ( 1625) , he laughs at the pieces en que la carpinteria suple concetos y trazas." 1 Likewise in Don Quixote (Part I, chap, xlviii), the Ca- non, in the course of his remarks on the drama of the day, says : "Y aun en las [comedias] humanas se atreven a hacer milagros, sin mas respecto ni consideracion que parecerles que alii estara bien el tal milagro y apariencia como ellos llaman, para que gente ignorante se admire y venga a la comedia." Apariencia or tramoya was, therefore, the technical term for stage machinery, and commenting on this passage, Clemencin says: "Apariencia es tramoya 6 maquina teatral para representar trasformaciones 6 acon- tecimientos prodigiosos." 2 The term appearances was also used on the English 1 Chapters on Spanish Literature, London, 1908, p. 182. See also the close of Lope's Epistola d Pablo Bonnet, the verses beginning: "EI Teatro de Espana se ha resuelto En aros de cedazos y clauos." * Edition of Madrid, 1833, Vol. Ill, p. 409. In 1633, when Gonzalez de Salas published his Nueva Idea de la Tragedia antigua, he spoke of the THE FRENCH STAGE 99 stage. When Cartwright's Royal Slave was presented be- fore the King and Queen at Oxford, in August, 1636, the changes of scene then produced by Inigo Jones were called "appearances." They were eight in number, but whether they were effected by sliding frames covered with canvas, or by falling curtains now technically called "drops," is not stated. 1 We may be quite sure that theatrical machinery had made no greater advances in the public theaters than the stage decoration. That this machinery was still very rudi- mental and imperfect, even after the middle of the seven- teenth century, is evinced by the accounts published by Francis van Aerssen, Madame d'Aulnoy, and other trav- elers in Spain. From the above instances we are enabled to form a fairly ^ clear conception of the resources ( or perhaps it were better to say the limitations) of the Spanish stage in the time of the great creator of the Spanish drama. They also furnish information that is not without importance as to the ar- rangement of the Spanish stage. It did not project into the theater, as did the Elizabethan stage, and its two sides / were provided with hangings (panos), behind which the 1 actors could retire, and from which they could make their f entrances. The stage setting of the French theater at this time was quite different from that in use in Spain and England, and in the time of the playwright Hardy it was that of the Mysteries of the Middle Ages. With slight modifications this system reigned for nearly a hundred years at the Hotel de Bourgogne, the only public theater in Paris dur- ing the second half of the sixteenth and the first thirty word tramoya as if it had been but lately introduced: "las Machinas de la Scena, las appariencias quiero decir, i ingeniosos artificios, a quien vulgar- mente Ios Nuestros llaman con un vocablo nuevo Tramoias." (Edition of Madrid, 1778, Vol. I, p. 248.) This seems to show that the work was written some years before the date of its publication. 'Collier, Annals of the Stage, London, 1831, Vol. Ill, p. 372. ioo THE SPANISH STAGE years of the seventeenth century. 1 This stage of the Mys- teries consisted of two parts: the mansions and the stage proper, or the free space between and in front of the mansions. These mansions were simply houses or build- ings to which the action was transported during the play. Thus one might represent the house of the Virgin at Naza- reth, another the temple at Jerusalem, another the palace of Pilate, which formed so many mansions in the Mystery of the Passion. In other words, the simultaneous scenery of these religious plays of the Middle Ages was trans- ferred to the public stage, which was divided into several regions, and France might be represented by one corner of the theater, Turkey by the other, and Spain in the middle of the stage. Indeed, the author of the Traite de la disposition du poeme dramatique (1637), quoted by Rigal, 2 says: "II ne faut pas introduire ni approuver la regie qui ne represente qu'un lieu dans la scene." It is this system to which Corneille objected in his Examen de Melite (1629), when he says: "Common sense, which has been my sole guide, gave me sufficient aversion to this horrible confusion, which placed Paris, Rome, and Constantinople on the same stage, to reduce mine to a single city." 3 Here, too, we are told that a wood was. represented merely by a little foliage, an encampment by half a tent, and that the sea and the mountains "were absolutely lacking in majesty." 4 "Besides the permanent decorations and those which appeared only at certain times in the performance, the players used also more or less ingenious machinery, but whether these trues were al- ways successful, is more than we care to affirm." 5 That this stage setting as late as 1642 was very crude and far from satisfactory is shown by the complaints made by d'Aubignac concerning the manner in which his tragedy 1 Rigal, Le Theatre franfaii avant la periode classique, Paris, 1901, pp. 238 ff. 2 Ibid., p. 246. 5 Ibid., p. 247. * Ibid., p. 252. s Ibid., p. 255. PARTICULARES 101 La Pucelle d 'Orleans was staged. Bapst says that in 1634 the stage at the Hotel de Bourgogne was ornamented with pilasters, cornices, moldings, arabesques, etc. "It was the Italian stage setting on a small scale . . . there were three doors, one at the back and one on each side, without counting the lucarnes." The canvases were painted in per- spective. In 1635 representations took place by daylight, without lamps. At the beginning of the seventeenth cen- tury a police ordinance fixed half-past four o'clock in the afternoon as the closing hour of the spectacles in winter. In the middle of the seventeenth century the Opera, Moliere, and the Comedie Frangaise had no place for their performances except the tennis courts, which must have been most unsatisfactory, both optically as well as acoustically, to both auditors and actors. 1 In these ten- nis courts, transformed into theaters, the rich and the nobility occupied boxes or stalls, while "the less fortunate public stood in the part of the building that was not occupied by the stage." 2 The poverty of scenic effects upon the Spanish stage applies, as already stated, only to the public theaters, like the Cruz and the Principe in Madrid, where an entrance fee was paid. The representations which took place in the palaces of great nobles (these representations were called particulares) , 3 and those given before the King in his private theaters (see below, Chapter X), were generally accompanied, as we may readily imagine, by ingenious and costly scenic effects and stage machinery. 'Bapst, Essai sur Vhistoire du Theatre, Paris, 1893, P- l &7- 2 Ibid., p. 171. * In October, 1602, Antonio Granados represented a comedia before D. Diego Gomez, "who was sick with quartan fever," receiving 200 reals (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 353) ; in February, 1603, Nicolas de los Rios received 300 reals for a comedia which he represented before the Duke of Lerma, "en la Huerta de la Ribera del Pisuerga" (ibid., p. 353) ; and in November, 1603, the same autor de comedias received, for going from Valladolid to Tordesillas, and representing four comedias before the King, 1200 reals, besides 371 reals for expenses. This was, apparently, also a festival given by the Duke of Lerma. (Ibid., p. 354.) 102 THE SPANISH STAGE We read, for instance, that in 1618 Luis Velez de Guevara's comedia El Caballero del Sol was performed by the company of Baltasar Pinedo in the house of D. Juan Gaytan de Ayala, in the Calle de Atocha, "with the same invenciones and stage arrangement with which this comedia was represented in the garden of his Excellency the Duke of Lerma." This latter representation was, doubtless, intended solely for the delectation of the Duke's friends. The performance in the house of D. Gaytan de Ayala, however, is the only one that I have found recorded, in which an admission fee was charged, and from which other profits accrued to the per- son giving the comedia. The details are so curious that I transcribe them. The document is in the form of an agreement between D. Juan de Vidaurre, Captain in Ordinary to his Majesty in Madrid and his entretenido in that city, and the lessees of the profits which result to the hospitals from the performance of comedias, reciting that the said comedia is to be given by the company of Pinedo in Ayala's house. "That the said D. Juan de Vidaurre is to provide the said invenciones and to erect, at his own cost, in the said house and yard, the theater and boxes {aposentos) and seats {gradas) necessary for the men as well as the women to hear the said comedia. Like- wise that the said lessees are to give to the said D. Juan forty ducats, in part payment of the expenses. Likewise that all that may result by way of profit during the whole time the said comedia is to be given in the said corral — deducting the share of the said Baltasar de Pinedo, autor — as well from the entrance fees as from the aposentos, and all other profits, are to be divided equally between the said lessees and the said D. Juan, but the forty ducats which the said Baltasar de Pinedo is to give to the said D. Juan are to belong solely to the latter. All the fruits and confections while the festival lasts are to be sold by Roque Hernandez, who is also to receive eight THE KNIGHT OF THE SUN 103 reals, one half to be paid by the said lessees and one half by the said D. Juan. Likewise the said forty ducats are to be returned by the said D. Juan, unless he erect the said theater and gradas in eight days." x 1 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, pp. 164, 165. CHAPTER VI Costumes. Their impropriety. Their magnificence. Costumes in the autos sacramentales. Performances in the public theaters. Prices of admission. The audiences. The mosqueteros. Women in the cazuela. Ruffianism, in the theaters. Seats in the corrales. As there was little thought of verisimilitude in the stage setting, so, as regards the costumes worn by the players, there was no pretense to historical accuracy. All charac- ters appeared in the Spanish costume of the time. This is due to a peculiarity — shared in a measure by the drama of other nations at the time (particularly the English), but eminently characteristic of the Spanish drama— that is, the tendency to translate everything which it represents into the present and actual in which it moves: that the remotest past and the strangest occurrences are transformed into the national usages and customs, and that what is most foreign is changed, as it were, to some- thing essentially Spanish. The single exception was in the case of plays founded upon Spanish history or legend, —here only an attempt was made to reproduce the spirit of a bygone age. 1 1 "Ein ganz eigenthiimlicher, nirgends in gleicher Starke hervortretender Zug der spanischen Comodie nun besteht darin, dasz sie in Allem, was sie vorfiihrt, sich die nachste Gegenwart und Umgebung, in der sie selbst lebt, abspiegeln laszt^dasz sie die fernste Vorzeit, die fremdeste Begebenheit in die heimische Sitte und Gewohnheit hiniiberzieht und selbst das Entlegenste durch Umwandlung gleichsam zum spanischen Nationalgut raacht. Gewisz ist diese Art, die Gegenwart zur Grundlage der Darstellung zu machen, die einzige, wie ein wahres Nationalschauspiel entstehen kann. Denn das Drama, das vor allem auf lebhafte Anregung seiner Zuhorerschaft bedacht sein musz, wird durch alles Entlegene, nicht unmittelbar Verstandliche in seiner lebendigen Wirkung beeintrachtigt, und vermag die Begebenheiten SPANISH COSTUMES 105 As Ticknor says, "Coriolanus was dressed like Don John of Austria, and Aristotle came on the stage with a curled periwig and buckles on his shoes, like a Spanish Abbe." 1 Only the most obvious distinctions were made: a Moor, naturally, would appear in the traditional cos- tume, or, at all events, in a turban and long mantle, for these were known to the audience, but the Roman wore a short cloak and sword. Lope de Vega, in his Arte nuevo de hacer Comedias (1609), complains of the impropriety of Romans wearing breeches upon the Spanish stage, for Greeks and Romans, as he says, appeared with cloak and sword, in the national costume. 2 But this reproach applies not only to the Spanish drama, but to all others of the time as well. Concerning the French theater we are told : "Le meme costume, cheveux tombants, cuirasse collant au corps, avec tonnelets, brodequins et casque a panache, sert a tous les roles historiques, depuis David et Salomon und Verhaltnisse fruherer Zeiten oder ferner Lander nur insofern zu ge- brauchen, als es sie mit der Gegenwart verkniipfen und seinen Zuschauern in nachste Nahe riicken kann. Nur die Stoffen aus der nationalen Geschichte oder Sage hat sich daher die spanische Comodie bemuht, sich genau in den Geist und Ton vergangener Zeiten zu versetzen, weil diese der lebenden Generation noch mannigfach vertraut und gegenwartig waren; die Ge- schichten des classischen Alterthums und des Auslandes dagegen finden wir durchaus phantastisch und in der Art behandelt, dasz die spanische Natio- nalitat, die Sitte und Sinnesart der Gegenwart iiberall durchklingt." {Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Vol. II, pp. 79, 80; cf. also ibid., pp. 29, 30.) These remarks, it seems to me, apply with almost equal force to the Elizabethan drama. An audience totally ignorant of the facts of history was responsible for such a condition and requisite for its maintenance. Hence the glaring anachronisms that occur in the plays of Lope, Shakespeare, and other dramatists of the period passed unnoticed. There was, for instance, no hesitancy in introducing firearms upon the stage in a play, the action of which took place long before gun- powder was invented, if the effect of the action were heightened thereby. 1 History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 539. 2 The stage directions, however, abundantly show that some regard was had, here also, for the fitness of things. The costume, being an indi- cation of rank, helped to tell the story. Apart from the very obvious fact that the peasant always appeared in a costume suited to his station (ex- amples: Lope de Vega, Lie gar en Ocasion (Part VI), fol. 12, v.-.Salen Fenisa, y Otauio con gauan de labrador. El mejor Maestro el Tiempo (Part VI), Act III: Sale Oton de villa.no con un azadon, etc., etc.), we find such stage 106 THE SPANISH STAGE jusqu'a Charles V." 1 Of course the Roman citizens of Shakespeare's time wore the English costume then in vogue, and we know that, in the middle of the eighteenth century, Garrick appeared as Macbeth in a powdered wig and knee-breeches. In Spain, too, this carelessness as to costume was maintained until far into the eighteenth cen- tury. D. Jose Clavijo y Fajardo, speaking of the autos in 1762, says: "Who could help laughing aloud on seeing a Levite appear, in the first age of man {en la primer a edad del hombre), dressed like a priest and wearing a miter? It would be hard to say which were the greater nonsense, to introduce a Levite at that period or to clothe him in this manner." 2 When it is said, however, that the costumes had little or no regard for historical accuracy, it by no means implies that they were not magnificent and costly. 3 On the con- trary, there is ample evidence to prove that Spanish actors and actresses were exceedingly extravagant in the matter of costumes, and the amount of money expended upon them often shows an improvidence which has been a char- acteristic of the theatrical profession in all times. In 1589 Sebastian de Montemayor, an autor de comedias or theat- rical director, and Ana de Velasco, his wife, paid 100 ducats (= 1 100 reals) for a rich skirt and jacket ("precio directions as: Salen dos alabarderos, vestidos como Tudescos, con su bota de Vino. (Lope de Vega, Urson y Valentin, Part I, 1604, fol. 171.) In El Hijo de Reduan (Part I), Act I: Entra Gomel con un alguizel [Moorish cloak] de alarde, y un bonete Colorado, y unas abarcas de pellejos(io\. 143). Servir con mala Estrella (Part VI, 1616), Act I: Salen Rugero de V aloes y Turin su criado de camino a lo Frances. Cervantes, La Gran Sultana, Act I, opening: Sale Dona Catalina de Oviedo Gran Sultana vestida a la Tur- quesca, and a little later: Salen Madrigal de cautiuo, y Andres en abito de Griego. 1 Bapst, Essai sur I'histoire du Theatre, p. 176. a Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, p. 159. The same writer says: "Un Elias vestido muy pobreraente, con mucha barba y zapatos encarnados con galon de oro ya lo habiamos visto en Ios Tres Prodigios del Mundo, pero Cristo peinado de ala de pichon, con polvos y corbatin, esto estaba reservado para aumentar las deformidades de los autos." * The theatrical wardrobe -was, perhaps, the manager's heaviest item of MAGNIFICENCE OF COSTUMES 107 de una basquiria y un manteo ricos, para representar"). 1 In 1602 Melchor de Leon paid 330 reals for a skirt of straw-colored satin ("basquina de razo pajizo"). 2 In 1607 Baltasar Pinedo paid 550 reals for hats, feathers, and silks. 8 In 16 10 Diego Lopez de Alcaraz paid 240 reals for a costume "de pario de mezcla aceitunada," or mixed cloth of an olive color. 4 In 161 7 Jusepe Jimenez and his wife Vicenta de Borja, players in the company of Baltasar Pinedo, paid 440 reals for a skirt and waist of grosgrain with silk lace ("basquina y jubon de gorgoran con pasamanos de seda"). B In 161 9 Juan Bautista Mufiiz and his wife Eugenia Osorio paid 2400 reals for a costume of greenish-gold sateen with gold lace and edging of red sateen with trimmings of gold fringe, lined with red taffeta silk ("vestido de raso de oro verde con pasamanos de oro y pestafias de raso encarnado y alamares de peinecillo de oro forrado en tafetan encar- nado"). 6 In 1636 Pedro de la Rosa, theatrical director, bought from Bartolome Romero and his wife Antonia Manuela, both players, "un calzon de ropilla y ferreruelo [short cloak, without cape] de lana parda, bordado de coronas y palmas de oro y plata, y las mangas del jubon de canutillo [embroidery] de plata," for 3600 reals. 7 One may form some conception of this extravagance, bearing in mind that the average price received by Lope de Vega for a comedia, at the height of his popularity, was 500 reals. Sometimes, indeed, the costumes used in the representa- tion of the autos sacramentales — which were given at the expense of the municipality — were so costly that expense. A conception of the splendor of the costumes in Spain at the beginning of the seventeenth century may be formed from the "Memoria del hato para representar" sold by Baltasar Pinedo to Juan Granados, on April 25, 1605, printed in the Bull. Hispanique, 1907, pp. 369-371. "Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 337. 'Ibid., p. 78. 'Ibid., p. 101. * Ibid., p. 119. "Ibid., p. 163. 'Ibid., p. 181. ''Ibid., p. 251. 108 THE SPANISH STAGE the actors petitioned the city for an extra sum to defray this expense, alleging that the costumes were useless for any other purpose. This the town council frequently did, in one case paying 200 reals. 1 Many instances are re- corded where actors and actresses were granted a special sum by the town council, as a prize for having particularly distinguished themselves in the performance of an auto either by their acting or costume. While the principal players possessed their own cos- tumes, the autores de comedias provided them for the lesser members of their companies. Frequently, also, a town, in order to give a dance or comedia for some fes- tival, hired the costumes from some autor. So in 1597 the clothes and costumes ("ato y vestidos de farsa") of Gaspar de Porres were hired; in 1634 Sanchez de Vargas hired out his costumes for a dance in the town of Mejo- 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, pp. 307 and 322. The value of Spanish money in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is a very difficult matter to ascertain even approximately, as it varied so much from time to time. The only Spanish coins with which we have to deal are the ducado, the real, and the maravedi. There is an excellent article on the maravedi in the Reiiista de Archivos for March -April, 1905. The ducado = 11 reals, and the real plate = 34 maravedis. Minsheu's Spanish Dictionary, London, 1599, tells us that a ryall plate=s\xe pence^34 maravedis. The maravedi, which was at first a gold coin, became in the time of Philip III (1598- 1621) a copper coin of very small value. And just here occurs the diffi- culty. Seldom is it stated whether the real vellon (copper) or the real de plata (silver) is meant, the real plate being equal to two reals copper. It would seem, however, that at one time there was little difference between the real de plata and the real vellon. As an example : under date of Valla- dolid, September 1, 1604, Gaspar de Porres, autor de comedias, bound him- self to pay to the Brotherhood of the Ninos Expositos of that city 2000 reals silver, which he had received in vellon from the treasurer of the Brotherhood (Nuevos Datos, p. 88). This may be explained by a note which I find in Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. Ill, p. 1150: "AI principio deste ano (1604) se quilataron las monedas de vellon en todos los reinos de Castilla, doblandose el valor para socorro de S. M. y se pregono con graves penas en esta cibdad (Cordoba) a 29 de Marzo que no corriese la moneda sino quila- tada." Again, in 1612, Juan de Morales Medrano, autor de comedias, promises to repay 1000 reals, which he had borrowed, "in silver and not in •vellon." (Nuevos Datos, p. 129.) I believe that the silver' real of the double value of the real vellon is called the real de plata doble. (See Nuevos Datos, p. 160.) An account of the value of money at a later period (1667) is furnished by a work entitled Hispania Illustrata, or the Maxims HIRING OF COSTUMES 109 rada. 1 In 1636 Andres de la Vega hired out to Pedro de la Rosa, to be returned after the festival of Corpus, a costume of Moses, a ropon for Aaron, a capuz for a Jew, and a ropon for a Moor, together with eight cloaks of taffeta, for 2500 reals. 2 In 1636 Mariana de Aparicio agreed with Andres de la Vega to play second parts in his company, he to furnish the costumes. 3 Andres de la Vega seems to have been possessed of a rich and extensive theatrical wardrobe, which he frequently hired out. 4 Some idea of the extent and quality of the ward- robe of a prominent theatrical manager in the mid- dle of the seventeenth century is furnished by the list of the effects of Jacinto Riquelme, which were attached in 1652 to compel the performance of a contract to act in the Corral de La Monteria in Seville. 5 In this list are included all the properties, scenery, and machinery neces- sary to represent what were called comedias de apariencias, "besides the costumes for the fools and peasants." 6 It may not be without interest to note here that in 1608 of the Spanish Court, etc., London, 1703. On p. 53 we find: "In 1667, 500 doblones = £450 sterling. A doblon = 4 pieces of 8 = 74 reales vellon, and that a real plate = 6d. and a real •vellon = zVzd." From such data as I have been able to gather, I infer that the purchasing power of a real in the early seventeenth century was about five times its value in present money, i.e., that a real plate = about 25 cents. So we are told that in Moliere's time, which was nearly half a century later, money was worth five times as much as at present, i.e., in 1654 six cents livres = trois mille francs. (Soulie, Recherches sur Moliere, p. 68.) A convenient norm for the value of money in Spain at the close of the sixteenth century is furnished by an instrument dated March 26, 1596, by which Baltasar Pinedo, autor de come- dias, agrees to pay to Gabriel Rubio, tailor, of Madrid, 24 ducats = 264 reals, for board and lodging for six months for himself and servant, at the rate of 4 ducats per month, i.e., n reals per week, for two persons. (Nuevos Datos, p. 43.) The great depreciation of money during the reign of Philip IV., and the many attempts to regulate its value, render any definite general statement impossible. 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 238. s Ibid., p. 252. * Ibid., p. 258. 4 See ibid., pp. 269, 271. 5 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, pp. 398 ff. For a list of the properties and cos- tumes of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1602, see Nuevos Datos, p. 63. '"Todo el jato que llaman ornato del vestuario, pafios y maromas, y vestidos de villanos y bobos, y garruchos y hierros y tramoyas. no THE SPANISH STAGE Shakespeare was proprietor of the wardrobe and proper- ties of the Blackfriars theater, besides owning four shares, which brought him in £133 6s. id. "These properties, we may conclude, he lent to the company for a certain consid- eration." 1 When in financial straits, a condition that has ever been familiar to the followers of Thespis, the mainstay of the player or manager was the wardrobe, which he could al- ways pawn with some money-lender. 2 A curious case is that of Lorenzo Hurtado de la Camara, who in 1639 paid 1000 reals to redeem a costume which he had pawned to the convent of S. Juan de Dios in Ocafia. 3 Indeed, with very few exceptions, both autores de comedias and actors seem to have been almost constantly in debt, as the many obligations and agreements collected by Perez Pastor amply show. To compel the pay- ment of a debt, recourse was had to the very efficacious remedy of clapping the debtor into prison. Not infre- quently, as the records prove, did this misfortune befall the theatrical manager and actor of those days. In 1601 Rodrigo Osorio, autor de comedias, was imprisoned at Madrid for a debt of 700 reals, being released on the guaranty of his son-in-law Diego Lopez de Alcaraz and his daughter Magdalena Osorio to pay the debt; 4 and in 1605 Alonso de Riquelme, a famous autor, was impris- oned in Valladolid for a debt of 900 reals. 5 1 Shakespeare's Works, ed. Collier, Vol. I, p. 191. Greg (Hensloioe's Diary, II, p. 130) says: "The wardrobe of a company appears to have been a complicated affair; part, like the stage properties, belonged to the com- pany in general, that is to say, -was the common property of the sharers, while part belonged to individual actors. Thus, we find Pembroke's men pawning their 'parel in 1593, and Edward Alleyn buying Jones's share in the common stock of playing-apparel, etc., belonging to Worcester's men in 1589," etc. 2 A list of the theatrical wardrobe of the stranded company of Jeronimo de Amelia, seized for debt in Valencia in 1628, is given in the Bull. His- panique, 1906, p. 377. ' Nuevos Datos, p. 315. * Ibid., p. 54. 'Ibid., p. 91. (See also Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 374.) TIME OF PERFORMANCES in With the passing of the Corral de Puente, about 1584, the theaters of Madrid were reduced to two, the Corral de la Cruz and the Corral del Principe. These continued to be the only public theaters in Madrid till the close of the seventeenth century. The King had his own private thea- ters, and from an account of the events which happened at court between 1599 and 1614, written by the historian Luis Cabrera de Cordoba, it follows that private perform- ances of comedias must have taken place in the King's palace, the Alcazar, as early as the beginning of the seven- teenth century. Besides this stage, which was erected in one of the rooms of the palace, Philip the Third, in 1607, caused a theater to be built in the Casas del Tesoro, near the palace. 1 Dramatic performances in the public theaters always took place in the afternoon, at three o'clock in summer and at two in winter. 2 By an ordinance of 1608 it was pro- vided that the doors of the theaters 3 should not be opened 1 Cabrera says under the date, Madrid, January 20, 1607: "Hdse hecho en el segundo patio de las casas del Tesoro un teatro donde vean sus Ma- gestades las comedias, como se representan al pueblo en los corrales que estan deputados para ello, porque puedan gozar mejor de ellas que quando se les representa en su sala, y asi han hecho alrededor galerias y ventanas donde este la gente de Palacio, y sus Magestades iran alii de su Camara por el pasadizo que esta hecho, y las veran por unas celosias." (Relaciones de las Cosas sucedidas en la Corie de Espana desde el Ano 1599 hasta 1614, edited by D. Pascual de Gayangos, Madrid, 1857, P- 2 9 8 -) It appears that Philip IV., in 1622, the year after his accession to the throne, enter- tained the project of building another theater in Madrid. (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 191. See below, p. 237.) 'Court performances, on the other hand, were generally given at night; this was also the rule in England. (Malone, Historical Account of the English Stage, p. 185.) 3 Don Luis Fernandez-Guerra, in his excellent biography of Alarcon, p. 181, says that the Corral de la Cruz had seven doors and the Principe eight, "cada cual para su objeto, ya de subir a los aposentos, ya para el escenario y su servicio, ahora'para entrada de hombres, ahora para las mugeres; cual, la de la alojeria; una, la del cocheron; y la ultima, la de la taberna." His authority for this statement is Armona, Memorias cronoUgicas. The latter work, because of the recent publications of Perez Pastor and Cotarelo, is now of little importance. I have a popy of portions of it, and under the caption "Visita que en el ano de 1606 se hizo por el visitador del Real Hospedaje, etc. Ano de 1606," it is stated that the Corral del Principe has ii2 THE SPANISH STAGE until noon, and that representations should begin, during the six months beginning October i, at two o'clock, and during the remaining six months at four in the afternoon, "in such a manner that the performance may be concluded an hour before nightfall," and the comisarios and bailiffs were to take particular care that this proviso be ful- filled. The same ordinance likewise provided that posters should be put up to indicate clearly the comedias which were to be represented each day. 1 The same provisions are again found in the "Regulations for the Theaters," issued in 1641, to which we shall recur in a succeeding chapter. A performance generally lasted from two to three hours. 2 The price of admission to the corrales varied at different eight doors, the first to ascend to the aposenlos and the other five (sic) for entrance, but there is besides "a casa con dos puertas en que hay una tienda y taberna." These two doors evidently did not give access to the theater. Likewise in 1638 there were only six entrances. In the "Visita general que se hizo el afio de 1606," to the Calle de la Cruz, we find: "Corral de la Cruz. For no estar labrado no se taso," which I do not understand. In 1638 there were seven ( ?) doors: one to the Alogeria, two to the aposentos, one for women, and another entrance is described as a coach-house (cochera). The latter is probably accounted for as follows: in 1631 the King commanded that his entrance to the Corral de la Cruz, which was the property of the Duke of Medina de las Torres, should be changed to a more retired and more decent place. In April, 163 1, a corral was taken which belonged to D. Fernando Segura in the Plazuela del Angel, and an entrance made, so that the coach of the King could be driven to the stair- way, a rent of 2000 reals yearly to be paid. Since, in doing this, a part of the property of Dona Potencia de Quesada would have to be occupied, it was necessary to rent this also for 75 ducats yearly. (Averiguador, Vol. I, p. 171.) This entrance was still in existence in 1653. 1 Cotarelo y Mori, Controversial, p. 623. ' "La comedia aora empecamos, De aqui a dos horas saldremos, Quando ya estara acabada, Que todo lo acaba el tiempo." (Loas to Comedias of Lope de Vega, Part I, Valladolid, 1604, p. 3.) And again: "Boluamos a lo importante, Que es el silencio pedido, Por tres horas no cabales." (Ibid., p. 7.) THE PRICE OF ADMISSION 113 times. What it was in Madrid in the latter part of the sixteenth century, we learn from a document dated March 6, 1589, published by Pellicer. 1 According to this, "every person who entered to see the said comedias paid for his seat 4 quartos (= 16 maravedis), and at the entrance, be- sides what he gives to the players, he pays another quarto, in such manner that each person who enters the comedia pays 5 quartos, besides what he gives to the players." 2 In Seville, "those who went to see the comedias of Ganassa in 1575 at the Corral de Don Juan paid half a real en- trance, one real for each silla, and a cuartillo (= one fourth of a real) for each seat on a banco." 3 About 1585 the price of a seat on the buncos in the Corral del Principe was a half-real. 4 This price was afterward increased, but in April, 1602, the court being no longer in Madrid (it was removed to Valladolid in January, 1601, and did not return to Madrid till the end of January, 1606) , the town council of Madrid again lowered the prices and declared : "that the autor (manager) receive from each man and woman, at the entrance, 1 2 maravedis ; and that the Gen- eral Hospital receive, as it had received, two maravedis from each person at the entrance." 5 Thus the entrance fee for the mosqueteros (who stood in the patio), and for the women, was 14 maravedis, or a little less than half a 1 Tratado historico, Vol. II, p. 191. ! "EI Hospital General de Madrid tiene dos Corrales, donde se represen- tan Comedias, y cada una de las personas que entran a ver las dichas Co- medias, dan por el asiento en que se asientan quatro quartos, y a la entrada, ademas de lo que se da a los Comediantes, se da otro quarto: por manera que son cinco quartos los que cada uno de los que entran en la Comedia paga, demas de lo que dan a los Comediantes," etc. These 5 quartos (= 20 maravedis) were therefore the limosnas, or alms, which was the share of the hospitals from each one who entered the corrales; and in addition to this the spectator had to pay a sum to the manager of the players. This charge the theologians, to whom it was referred, did not consider excessive in view of the fact that four and even six reals were at that time paid in Madrid for a seat to see a bull-fight. (Ibid., p. 195.) * Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 51. * Life of Lope de Vega, p. 28. "Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 73. ii4 THE SPANISH STAGE real. The price of the sillas and seats on the buncos (which held three persons) was probably the same as be- fore, or one real. The court having returned to Madrid in January, 1606, another decree was issued, dated March 21, 1606, in which the deputies of the Brotherhoods were called upon to fix the price of admission to the corrales, restoring the prices in vogue when the court left Madrid. They agreed that from the first day of Pascua de Resur- rection every man admitted to the gradas was to pay 16 maravedis, and every woman who entered the large compartment for women (cazuela), 20 maravedis, which included the quarto (=4maravedis) for the General Hos- pital ; each aposento was 1 2 reals and each banco [seat on a banco ?~\ one real ; each of the celosias which has its entrance through the house of the Condesa de Lemos, 1 2 reals, and that likewise the General Hospital should receive at the entrance doors of the corrales a. quarto from each person, and the same from the persons who occupy the aposentos, "which are the prices which are ordinarily paid when the court is in Madrid." 1 1 Pellicer, Tratado Historico, etc., Vol. I, p. 88. Information concerning the price of admission to the English theaters of the period is not very definite. Malone says: "The galleries or scaffolds and that part of the house which in private theaters was named the pit, seem to have been at the same price, and probably in houses of reputation, such as the Globe and that in Blackfriars, the price of admission into those parts of the theater was six pence, while in some meaner playhouses it was only a penny, in others two pence. The price of admission into the best rooms or boxes was, I believe, in Shakespeare's time a shilling; though afterward [about 1640] it appears to have risen to two shillings, and half a crown. At the Black- friars theater the price of the boxes was, I imagine, higher than at the Globe." {Historical Account of the English Stage, pp. 77-79.) As regards the English actors in Germany, Creizenach gives the following prices of admission to their performances : "In Ulm and Frankfort the ordinary price was 2 Kreuzer; in the former city at first 1 Kreuzer; in Strassburg 3 Kr., though the players would have preferred a Batzen (=4 Kr.) ; later, in 1618, it was 1 Batzen. In Cologne 2-4 Albus (Albus = 2 Kr.). In Mem- mingen in 1600 it was 4 Kr. In Nurnberg at first Y? Batzen, after- ward as high as 6 Kr. In Munster in 1599, one Schilling. The difference in price is probably due to the fact that in some instances the cost of the seat is included. Where this is not the case, the price given i9 for entrance only, an additional sum being required for a seat. In Frank- THE CORRAL DE DONA ELVIRA 115 In the ordinance of 1608 we find that every person who entered the theater paid 5 quartos (= 20 maravedis) at the door, men as well as women, of which 5 quartos the autor received 3, and the hospitals of Madrid 2 quartos. 1 In the Corral de Doha Elvira at Seville, in 16 10, the price of a silla was half a real and the banco one real, and each aposento 6 reals. 2 Here 8 maravedis was the amount exacted from each entrance fee for the benefit of the city hospital. 3 This seems to have been in addition to the regular charge for entrance. This admission fee I infer to have been 16 maravedis (= 4 quartos) , from the petition of Juan Jeronimo Valenciano, an autor de come- dias, who, in 1625, sets forth that the lessees of the Coliseo had refused to advance him and his company the customary sum as an ayuda de costa, and he therefore begs that he be .given a license to perform in Triana, within the walls, in such place as he may find, receiving 4 quartos from each person. 4 In 1 61 7 the price of a silla in the Coliseo or the Dona Elvira was 4 quartos, while the banco remained at one real. It was particularly specified in the leases of these theaters fort in 1 601 the entrance was 8 Pfennig, and 4 Pfennig additional for a seat in the gallery, which is designated as a preferred place in 1610. In 1613 the Council of Niirnberg fixed the entrance fee at 3 Kr., besides 3 Kr. for a seat in the gallery. In 1611 at Ulm only 2 Kr. could be charged, and in 1611 the Council of Frankfort declared that a scale of prices must be hung outside the theater door. Here, too, overcharges were frequent, and in 1599 Sackville had to pay a fine of 20 Florins for overcharging. At Leyden in 1608 the players were obliged to give half their receipts for the support of poor orphans, the guardians of the orphans furnishing a person at the outer door to collect this amount." (Die Schauspieler der Engli- schen Comedianten, pp. xvii-xix.) Concerning the theaters in France, a police ordinance of 1609 forbade actors charging more than five sous to the pit and ten to the boxes and galleries. These prices were still in vogue about 1620, but in 1634 they seem to have been about nine or ten sous for the pit and nineteen or twenty for the boxes, while in 1652 it was fifteen sous for the pit. (Rigal, he ThSdtre frangais avant la Piriode classique, pp. 156, 157.) 1 Cotarelo y Mori, Controversial, p. 624. ' Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 144. 3 Ibid., p. 147. i Ibid., p. 241. n6 THE SPANISH STAGE that no spectator be allowed to bring into the theater any seat or chair; the entrance fee entitled to standing room only. Admission to the aposentos, which were numbered, was by a numbered ticket. 1 The ticket-scalper or speculator is not a creation of our own day; sometimes he was the lessee of the theater, for we find that, in 1616, Don Francisco Mejia, lessee of the Dona Elvira in Seville, exacted 20, 24, and even 32 reals for the aposentos, instead of 6 reals, and 2 reals for each silla instead of 24 maravedis. 2 In like manner, the youth who had charge of the sillas and bancos in La Monteria in 1633 charged 3 reals and even more, instead of one, the regular price. 3 And in 1637 Domingo Hernandez, who hired the lower aposentos in the same theater, compelled strangers to pay 20 and 24 reals, instead of 12. 4 There were generally two outer doorkeepers or cobra- dores; one collected the money at the principal entrance and the other at the entrance for women. Two collections were made, one for admission and a second for the benefit of the hospitals, 5 besides the extra price paid for a seat, for this was not included in the entrance fee. Two alguaciles, or peace officers, were also stationed, one at each door, and frequently also one in the women's gallery. Besides these there were persons to collect the extra charge for the sillas and bancos, and others in charge of the aposentos or rooms. Green and dried fruits, water, sweets, aloja (a kind of 1 Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 262. 'Ibid., p. 178. * Ibid., p. 283. 4 Ibid., p. 308. "There are many references showing that two fees were collected: On March 26, 16 14, Francisco Mufioz entered into an obligation with Alonso de Heredia, autor de comedias, to collect at both doors for him (para cobrar a la puerta y traspuerta) . (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 143.) And Cervantes, in the "Adjunta al Parnaso," subjoined to his Viaje del Parnaso (1614), mentions the privileges sent by Apollo to the Spanish poets, and among them: "Item, that every comic poet who has brought out three successful comedias shall have the entry of the theaters without pay- ment, unless it be the pittance for the poor at the second door, and even this, if need be, shall be excused him." (Edition of Madrid, 1784, p. 148.) ODI PROFANUM VULGUS 117 mead), and barquillos (thin rolled wafers) were sold among the audience. The audiences were often unjust and noisy, and always hard to please. The mosqueteros, or infantry, as the rough and boisterous crowd who stood in the patio or pit, were called, constituted, as Ticknor says, the most formidable and disorderly part of the audience, and were especially feared by both author and actor, for upon their whims the success or failure of a comedia generally depended. Many are the complaints made, by even the greatest dramatists, of the injustice and turbulence of these spectators. Lope de Vega often alludes to the vulgo, as he calls them, in a tone of bitter contempt, and Alarcon shows his utter despisal of the rabble by addressing them as bestia fiera (wild beasts) in the prologue to the first volume of his Comedias (1628) : "To you I address myself, wild beasts, for to the noble it is unnecessary, for they speak for me better than I myself could do. Here are my comedias : treat them as is your wont ; not as is just, but as is your pleasure, for they face you fearlessly and with contempt, and having passed the ordeal of your whistlings they can now readily pass that of your lurking-places. If they displease you I shall rejoice, for it will be a proof that they are good; if they please you, however, then the money they have cost you will be for me a sufficient re- venge for this proof of their worthlessness." The theat- rical manager Lorenzo Hurtado, in a Loa with which he began his representations in Madrid for the second time In Seville, in 1620, 8 maravedis were collected for the benefit of the city at the second door of the Corral de Dona Elvira from each person who en- tered, and this continued to be the custom, for we read that in 1652 2 quartos ( = 8 maravedis) were also collected at the second door of La Monteria for the same purpose. (Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en Semlla, pp. 213, 404.) In 1619 at the Teatro de la Olivera in Valencia the price of an aposento was 4 reals in Valencian money ( = 5 reals 22 mara- vedis), which was afterward increased to 8 reals 16 maravedis. The share of the players was 8 dineros per person, and the entrance 6 dineros, so that the general admission was 14 dineros, which was paid at two doors, 8 at the first and 6 at the second door. (Lamarca, El Teatro de Valencia, p. 27.) n8 THE SPANISH STAGE (1632-34?), addresses the mosqueteros, "who already have their whistles at their lips," 1 and Roque de Figueroa, the friend of Lope de Vega, and one of the most celebrated theatrical directors of his time, tries to conciliate his audi- ence in a Loa 2 . He speaks in turn to the spectators in the different parts of the theater : the buncos were back of the standing-place of the mosqueteros in the pit, the gradas were the rising seats on the sides, the aposentos were rooms whose windows extended around the three sides of the court-yard in different stories, the uppermost being the desvanes. These were occupied by persons of both sexes who could afford such a luxury, as Ticknor says, and who not unfrequently thought it one of so much consequence that they held it as an heirloom from generation to genera- tion. 3 Even the court poet Calderon did not consider it beneath him to beg the indulgence of the mosqueteros* Nor were the women who attended the theater any 1 "A los mosqueteros, Que en el pico de la lengua Tienen ya los silbos puestos." (Entremeses de Quinones de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, Madrid, 1873, p. 32.) s He addresses them as follows: "Sabios y criticos bancos, Gradas bien intencionadas, Fiadosas barandillas, Doctos desvanes del alma, Aposentos, que callando Sabeis suplir nuestras faltas; Infanteria espanola, Porque ya es cosa muy rancia El llamaros mosqueteros." (Ibid., p. 172.) 8 History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 524. "II y en a qui ont leur place aupres du Theatre, qu'ils gardent de pere en fils comme un Mayo- razgo, qui ne se peut vendre ni engager, tant ils ont de passion pour cela.' (Relation de I'Estat et Gowvernement d'Espagne par Francois Bertaut, Cologne, 1666, p. 59.) 4 At the end of Calderon's El galan fantasma (written in 1635 or earlier), Candil, the gracioso, thus addresses the mosqueteros: "Yo, que pase tantos sustos, No quiero de nadie nada, THE DISORDERLY STEW-PAN 119 more orderly or charitable. Of course I do not refer here to the more respectable who occupied the boxes or apo- sentos and who generally went masked. 1 But the motley crowd that surged into the cazuela (stewing-pan), which men were not allowed to enter, was no less disorderly than the "infantry" of the patio, so that an alguacil, or peace officer, was always stationed in this gallery to keep them within bounds. Here no woman with any regard for her reputation entered unmasked. 2 Like the mosqueteros, these denizens of the jaula, or cage, as it was also called, pelted the actors with fruit, orange-peels, pepinos (cucum- bers), or anything they found at hand, to show their dis- approval, and generally came provided with rattles, whistles, or keys, which they used unsparingly. 3 Roque Sino de los Mosqueteros £1 perdon de nuestras faltas, Para que con esto fin Demos al galan fantasma." 1 Guillen de Castro, Los mal Casados de Valencia, Act II. Malone notes that respectable women also wore masks in the English theaters. {His- torical Account of the English Stage, p. 126.) The same custom prevailed in France: "Peutretre aussi dans les loges y avait-il quelques femmes hon- netes, mais trop curieuses, cachees sous le masque. On sait, en effet, que les dames ne sortaient jamais sans masque, sauf a le laisser attache pres de l'oreille, si elles ne le voulaient pas porter, comme font de bonnes dames de Paris, qui, encore qu'elles ne se masquent jamais dans la rue, craignant de s'echauffer ou pour quelque autre sujet, ont toujours le masque pendant, comme un volet pres de la fenetre, de peur que l'on n'ignore leur noblesse." (Rigal, op. cit., p. 213, note, quoting Maison des jeux, Vol. I, p. 457.) * In the interlude De los Pareceres by Benavente, one of the characters, Petronila, speaks of a lady -whom she had seen at the entrance to the theater : "I could not speak to her," she says, "but watched her" : "Que tapada se entraba en la cazuela." (Entremeses, ed. Resell, Vol. II, p. 312.) ' In France ladies can hardly be said to have visited the Hotel de Bour- gogne (the only regular theater in Paris for nearly thirty years from the beginning of the seventeenth century) until Richelieu began to take an active interest in the theater, about 1635. Women did go to the theater, as Rigal says, "puisqu'il arrive a Bruscambille de leur adresser la parole; mais il ne le fait guere que pour leur dire des obscenites. C'etaient done surtout des femmes perdues." He says further: "Les honnetes femmes n'allaient point a l'Hotel de Bourgogne et n'y pouvaient aller, effrayees par les insolents et par 1'immoralite des spectacles; mais leur abstention meme 120 THE SPANISH STAGE de Figueroa, in the Loa above mentioned, addresses them: Damas que en aquesa jaula Nos dais con pitos y llaves Por la tarde alboreada, A serviros he venido, thus showing the awe in which even the most famous play- ers held these mugercillas. Indeed, Roque's prayer, beg- ging the indulgence of his unruly auditors, is the best evidence of the character of this vulgo, before whom the works of the greatest dramatists of Spain were represented. But despite the above description of the audience in Spanish theaters, 1 let us not imagine for one moment that these men and women were worse than we find them else- where in Europe at the public theaters. Indeed, the weight of the evidence here rather favors the Spaniard, as against other European nations. The plays that he saw were cleaner and on a higher moral plane than those which were represented before his contemporaries elsewhere. And this in spite of what we shall read hereafter concern- ing the immorality of the Spanish stage. An examination of the Elizabethan theater, or of the farces and comedies in France and Germany at this time, to say nothing of Italy, etait un mal et laissait le champ libre a l'immoralite comme aux inso- lences." (Entremeses, ed. Rosell, Vol. II, p. 214.) 1 Suarez de Figueroa, in his Passagero (1617), says of these mosqueteros: "Dios os libre de la furia mosqueteril, entre quien si no agrada la que se representa, no hay cosa segura, sea divina 6 profana. Pues la plebe de negro no es menos peligrosa, desde sus bancos 6 gradas, ni menos bastecida de instrumentos para el estorbo de la comedia, y su regodeo. Ay de aquella cuyo aplauso nace de carracas, cencerros, ginebras, silbatos, campanillas, capadores, tablillas de San Lazaro, y sobre todo de voces y silvos incesables. Todos estos generos de musica infernal resonaron no ha mucho en cierta farsa, Uegando la desverguenza a pedir que saliesa a baylar el Poeta, £ quien llamaban por su nombre" (fol. 104). Besides the instruments here mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa, which the vulgo brought to the theater for the purpose of creating a noise and disturbance, Gonzalez de Salas mentions the castradores : "Sabida cosa es, que las Flautas Pastoricas cons- taban antiguamente de aquella desigualdad de canas, que hoi vemos imi- tada en Ios vulgares instrumentos, que la plebe llama grosseramente THE MOSQUETEROS 121 whose theater was the most immoral in Europe, will soon convince one of the truth of this statement. The Spaniard was quick and vigorous in his disapproval of a play, and he made his dislike unmistakable, but he doubtless com- pares very favorably with his contemporaries in other countries. 1 As already observed, the success or failure of a new comedia generally hung upon the judgment of this popu- lacho in the pit. If they applauded and shouted Victor! it was a good augury, and the popularity of the play was assured; if they whistled and hissed, the comedia was doomed. 2 Bertaut relates the story of an author who went to one of these mosqueteros and offered him a hundred reals to-be favorable to his play, which was about to be acted. Eut he replied haughtily that he would see whether the piece was good or not, and it was hissed. 3 Some years later, in 1679, Madame d'Aulnoy relates that the chief arbiter of the fate of a comedia in Madrid was a shoemaker, "who had acquired such absolute authority Castradores. De estos usa hoi tambien el vulgo en los Teatros, para affli- gir, como con los Silvos, la no bien accepta Representation." (Nueva Idea de la Tragedia Antigua, Madrid, 1778, Vol. I, p. 210.) 1 An idea of the character of the rabble at the Hotel de Bourgogne is furnished by the Fantaisies de Bruscambille, first printed in 1612. Brus- cambille, irritated by the impatience of the mob, which is clamoring for the performance to begin, says: "A-t-on commence? C'est pis qu'antan. L'un tousse, l'autre crache, l'autre pete, l'autre rit, 1'autre gratte son cul," etc. Quoted by Rigal, op. cit., p. 206, who remarks concerning the audience: "Et combien il etait bruyant, agite, querelleur! La plus grande partie se trouvait au parterre, et la, debout . . . [elle] constituait pour les pieces et pour Ies acteurs le moins attentif et le plus irritable des juges." (Ibid., p. 204.) "lis ne cessent de parler, de siffler et de crier," etc. (ibid., p. 208), and the players run the risk "d'etre assomme a coups de pommes cuites." (Ibid.) Of the audiences at the Hotel de Bourgogne during the first twenty or thirty years of the seventeenth century, Rigal says they were "en majo- rite turbulent, grossier et immoral." (Ibid., p. 215.) 2 James Mabbe, who was in Madrid in 1611-13, speaks of the "plaudits of the auditors in the theaters, crying, 'Vitor, Vitor, . . . Pinedo or Fer- nandez,' while in the intervals he watched the Spaniards entertain the women they brought thither with good wines cooled with snow and sweetmeats." (Celestina, tr. by Mabbe, ed. H. Warner Allen, 1909, p. Ixxviii.) 3 Relation de I'Estat et Gowvernement d'Espagne, Cologne, 1666, p. 60. 122 THE SPANISH STAGE in these matters, that authors were in the habit of going to him when they had finished a play, in order to procure his approval ; they read their pieces to him, and the shoe- maker, assuming a grave air. says a hundred impertinences, which they must endure. Finally, at the first representa- tion, all eyes intently watch every move and gesture of this low fellow. The younger men, whatever be their quality, imitate him; if he yawns, they yawn; if he laughs, they laugh. Finally he gets impatient, draws forth a little whistle, places it to his lips, and immediately the whole house resounds with whistlings. The poor author is in despair, and all his pains are at the mercy of the good or ill humor of this scoundrel." 1 Quick and unruly as the audiences were in showing their dislike of a play, they were equally noisy and demonstrative in manifesting their approval, which they did by crying Victor! Not infrequently dramatic authors — mostly second-rate ones — condescended, at the end of their plays, to ask the audience for a victor. Lope de Vega never stooped so low as this; at all events, I have not found a single instance in his comedias. His disciple, Montalvan, however, often sinned in this regard, as did also Moreto, and especially Francisco de Rojas. It was the custom of all playwrights — inaugurated, I believe, by Lope de Vega — at the conclusion of a comedia, to ask the auditors, who were generally addressed as "El ilustre Senado," to pardon the faults of the play. But these later dramatists often exercised considerable ingenuity in introducing the prayer for a victor. At the conclusion of Montalvan's Cumplir con su Obligation, Mendoza says : To me then it falls to say it : Fulfil ye your obligation, And you all will have fulfilled it, If, as courteous as you are, You a victor in the bargain 1 Relation du Voyage d'Espagne, La Haye, 1693, Part III, p. 21. PLAUDUNT HISTRIONI 123 Give, even if not for the Poet, For the wish he has to serve you. 1 And Moreto ends his celebrated comedia El Desden con el Desden with the words : And with this and with a victor, Which most courteously and humbly The Wit begs, here the comedia Scorn repaid with Scorn concludeth. 2 Rojas, in his El mas impropio Verdugo por la mas jttsta Venganza, even carries his obligation for a victor beyond the grave : If you should at tip of tongue Or at hand applause have ready Or victor or other money, 1 Mendoza: "A mi me toca el decirlo: Cumplir con su Obligation, Y todos la havreis cumplido, Si como tan Cortesanos Nos dais de barato un vitor, Ya que no .por el Poeta, Por el gusto de serviros." So in La mas constante Muger: "Decid victor al deseo De quien vuestro esclavo es." a "Y con esto, y con un vitor que pide humilde, y cortes el Ingenio, aqui se acaba El Desden con el Desden." In his comedia Fingir y Amar he asks for a •vitor "if there be any at hand": "Un vitor si le hay a mano." And in La Confusion de un Jardin he asks for it as a charity: "Dadle un vitor de limosna." In his El Parecido en la Corte the actors call for a victor for him : "Tacon: Y con esto y con un vitor Todos: Para Moreto aqui tiene fin dichoso el Parecido." At the close of the comedia Lo que son Mugeres, Rojas asks for a victor because the play contains neither a death nor a marriage : "Y don Francisco de Rojas Un vitor solo pretende 124 THE SPANISH STAGE In this life and in the other The poet will pay you for it. 1 Many more examples might be cited, but we will conclude with this one by Solis, who, in his El Doctor Carlino, stoops to the groundlings, asking for a victor to bury his comedia : Here expireth the Comedia; If aught of success it merit, Give, to bury it, a victor, You, senores mosqueteros. 2 We have seen the efforts that were made by the players to conciliate their audiences; these examples show quite conclusively that the playwrights feared them no less. There were, quite naturally, in Spain, in these early days, not a few persons (and they have not decreased in our own time) who thought they were entitled to enter the theater without paying. As Ticknor says, it was deemed a distinction to have free access to the theater, and persons who cared little about the price of a ticket strug- gled hard to obtain it. 3 But it is safe to say that to the vast majority of those who tried to enter without paying, the gate-money was a matter of capital importance. These persons seem to have existed nowhere in such large Porque escribio esta comedia Sin casamiento y sin muerte." Sin Hour a no hay Amistad concludes with: "Dad un vitor de piedad Al que escribio la comedia." '"Si hubiere quien tenga a lengua, Como a mano algun aplauso, Un vitor u otra moneda, En esta y en otra vida Se lo pagara el poeta." ' "Y aqui espiro la Comedia; Si tuviere algun acierto, Den para enterrarla un vitor Los senores mosqueteros." ' History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 525. DEADHEADS 125 numbers as in Seville, where the populacho easily bore off the palm for ruffianism, 1 a distinction which, I am told, that city has maintained to the present day. As a conse- quence, brawls and stabbing affrays at the doors of the theaters were of frequent occurrence. In 1 6 1 5 Pedro Martinez de Asensio, to whom the city of Seville had farmed out for 4000 reals annually the charge of 8 maravedis which inured to the city from each person entering the corrales, complained of the many per- sons who entered the Doha Elvira without paying, and requested that those who enter by force be seized and taken to the prison of the Real Audiencia? In 1628 Luis Candado, a well-known actor, was taking the money at the door of La Monteria when one Juan de Heredia at- tempted to enter without paying. It was charged that Heredia took Candado's sword from him and threatened him with it, though no harm was done, as others inter- fered. Heredia tried to exculpate himself by declaring that Candado had stooped to collect some coppers which he had let fall, whereupon his (Candado's) sword was pushed out from his belt, which sword Heredia grasped, so that the owner of it might not injure himself. Heredia was fined 12 reals, "as an alms for some pious work, and notified that henceforth he should pay at the door of the theater." 3 The spectacle of a hidalgo with a sword, gath- ering coppers, is certainly ludicrous. By 1632 the number of persons who entered the Coliseo without paying was so great that not enough money was taken at the door to defray the expenses of the company. 4 1 Their reputation for never paying the entrance money when they could possibly avoid it had reached every quarter of Spain. In the Loa to Turia's La Fe pagada, printed in Valencia in 1616, we read: "Quien paga, y quien por honrado a lo de Sevilla se entra." * Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 164. ' Ibid., p. 260. 'Ibid., p. 281. In a Bayle de X dear a published about forty years after 126 THE SPANISH STAGE In the following year, on January 5, a bloody affray took place at the door of La Monteria, when five or six young men in the dress of students forced their way through the first door and were met at the second by the alguacil with his "rod of justice," who declared that "on former occa- sions he had entreated them to pay on the day of a new comedia, since they did not pay on the other days." The ruffians withdrew, and arming themselves with swords, re- turned and attacked the alguacil, wounding him. 1 In Madrid these brawls and stabbings at the theater doors seem to have been less frequent, though this may be due to the lack of exact information. That "deadheads" were equally plentiful, however, we may be quite sure. They stood around the doors of the theaters in the rain, drenched through, waiting for a chance to slip in without paying. 2 Of the turbulent character of these audiences and of this, we read that "only the mosqueteros, those who whistled down the co- medias, paid their money" : "En la comedia solo los mosqueteros los que siluan lo pagan con su dinero." (Migajas del Ingenio, Zaragoza (no date), p. 30.) And those who entered the theater gratis were the first to whistle: "Acabemos el bayle no nos le paguen con algun silvo fiero, que entre de balde." (Bayle de la Entrada de la Comedia, by Pedro Francisco Lanini, ibid., p. 18.) 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 283. See also pp. 306 and 333. The latter case happened on June 4, 1638. Besides the public representations of the autos which were given, they were also performed this year in La Monte- ria. A waterman of Triana, when requested by the doorkeeper to pay, said that he never paid, and drawing a sword, wounded the alguacil who was standing at the door. On the following day a similar affray took place at the same theater, when the aggressor, "who was certainly a Creole," in the words of the doorkeeper, "was one of those who did not pay, nor was he accustomed to do so." (Ibid., p. 324.) 1 In the Jdcara sung by the company of Ortegon in Madrid, in 1635, Leonor sings: "En el corral de comedias Lloviendo a la puerta estan NUGAE CANORAE 127 their ruffianly behavior within the theater there is other and ample testimony. On the afternoon of November 10, 1639, in the theater La Monteria in Seville, a comedia was performed, and after the bayle or dance at the end of the first act had been executed by Jacinta Herbias, one Don Pedro de Montalbo, a spectator who was studying for the priesthood (clerigo y estudiante), cried out: "Bravo, Jacinta !" to which Antonia Infante (who was playing the first part to Jacinta's second) called from the stage: "Bravo indeed, and welcome, for she deserves it." And as some of those who were shouting exclaimed, "Bravo, Jacinta, and down with Antonia 1" one Don Lope de Eslava arose and cried out, "Bravo, Antonia, and down with Jacinta! and whoever says otherwise lies, like a cuckold." Whereupon Don Pedro shouted, "You lie!" On hearing which, Don Lope, blind with rage, drew his sword, and rushing upon Don Pedro, mortally wounded him. "Yet those were not wanting who asserted that an old feud had existed between Don Pedro and Don Lope, because the former had accused Dona Ana de Espinosa [also an actress and wife of the actor Juan Roman] of living with Don Lope." 1 Another instance occurred in 1641. The students of the college of Maese Rodrigo had been celebrating the festival of the "Boy Bishop" (Obispillo) , 2 and after creat- ing a great tumult and scandal at the college gate, they sallied forth upon the streets with "prohibited weapons," knocking down everybody they met on their way. In the afternoon they went to the Corral de la Monteria, and Mohadas y mas mohadas, Por colarse sin pagar." (Entremeses de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 445.) 1 Saochez-Arjona, A males, p. 304. 2 "La farsa llamada del Obispillo" is as old as the fourteenth century. (Espafia sagrada, Tomo 45, trat. 88, cap. ii, p. 18, ed. of Madrid, 1832. Wolf, Studien, p. 579.) See also, for the festival of the "Boy Bishop," Chambers, The Medieval Stage, Vol. I, pp. 336-371. 128 THE SPANISH STAGE entering the aposentos, they caused the performance, which had already commenced, to be begun again. Not content with, this, they started a fight on coming out, in which several persons were wounded. 1 Again, on Sunday, January 25, 1643, tne comedia San Cristobal was an- nounced by posters to be played in the Corral de la Monteria, but the Inquisition had forbidden its perform- ance until certain passages were expunged. The autor (director) came on the stage and announced this fact and ; offered to substitute another comedia. "The low and common people (la gente baja y popular), who had come because it was a feast-day and they were not working, and having congregated in great numbers because there were apariencias — a matter which the common people and the women enjoy more than the artistry, verses, and plot of the comedia — became turbulent and unruly because they wanted no other comedia than San Cristobal, which they shouted amidst great tumult, and as this could not be represented without incurring the penalty of excommunica- tion, they began to break benches and chairs, shattering them and destroying the curtains (celosias) of the apo- sentos and the whole theater, as well as the costumes of the players which they found in the green-room (vestua- rio)." 2 The company acting in La Monteria at this time was probably that of Manuel Alvarez Vallejo. And in 1645, while the company of Luis Lopez was repre- senting in La Monteria, "there was another one of those scandals which were so frequent there. It appears that from the cazuela, where the women sit, somebody threw some lemon-peels (cdscaras de Union), which, falling upon the head of a man standing in the patio, he shouted: 'The devil take the . Why don't you look where you are throwing ?' Whereupon a man who was close by replied : 'Why don't the cuckold look to what he says?' and at the 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 349. 'Ibid., p. 365. MEN IN THE CAZUELA 129 same time dealt him a blow. At this the other drew a pistol, the discharge of which caused a great scandal." 1 We have seen that from their very beginning the Span- ish theaters had set aside a place exclusively for women. This gallery, called the cazuela (stewpan), jaula de las mugeres, or corredor de las mugeres, had a separate en- trance and was provided with a doorkeeper, so that it might be wholly apart from the portion occupied by the men. 2 Despite this arrangement of the theaters and the fact that an alguacil was always stationed at the women's en- trance, the attempt to separate the men from the women was not always successful. In 1627 complaint was made in Seville "that the women occupied seats in the first and second rows of the sillas and bancos among the men, and likewise in other parts of the theater, from which great scandal results," etc. 3 And in 1651, in view of the con- tinued disturbances in La Monteria, occasioned by permit- ting men and boys to enter the cazuela of the women, "against the expressed mandate," the lessee, one Juan de Bartanes, was notified to place at the entrance door, 1 Ibid., p. 374. 2 The same precautions for separating men from women in the public theaters were observed in the Spanish colonies in South America. On April 17, 1630, an edict of the Viceroy of Peru, the Count of Chinchon, provided that men should not enter the aposentos of the women in the Corral de las Comedias of Lima; commanding that the said aposentos be separate, and that two entrances be constructed, one for men and the other for women, and imposing of January | 1598 |. Mih Drayton." (Henslotoe's Diary, ed. Greg, Part I, 1904, p. 59.) In 1598 Anthony Munday received £$ for Robin Hood: "Layd owt unto antony monday the 15 of febreary 1598 for a playe boocke called the firste parte of Robyne hoode, v"." ENGLISH DRAMATISTS 179 to the sharers or proprietors of a theater, it could not be performed by any other company, and remained for sev- eral years unpublished; when that was not the case, he printed it for sale, to which many seem to have been in- (Ibid., p. 83.) The same amount was paid for the second part of Robin Hood, which seems to have been written by Munday, Chettle, and Shaw (ibid., p. 84), while Drayton, Dekker, and Chettle received £4 5/. for "the famos wares of henry the fyrste & the prynce of walles" (ibid., p. 85), though a payment on account may have been previously made. Again, in 1598, Drayton, Dekker, Chettle, and Wilson received £6 "for the boocke of goodwine & his iii sonnes" (ibid., p. 85), and Richard Hathwaye received £5 for "his boocke of kynge arthore" (ibid., pp. 86, 87). In 1599 Dekker received £6 for his History of Fortunatus (ibid., pp. 114, 115), and in 1601 he was paid the same sum for Kynge Sebastian of portyngall, while in 1602 Thomas Haywood received £6 for A Woman killed •with Kindness (ibid., p. 189), so that £6 seems to have been the usual price for a play at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The following lucid statement of the matter is given by Greg (Hensloive's Diary, II, p. 126) : "For the earlier period, that is, down to 1597, we entirely lack evidence upon the subject, and in the absence of any reason- able basis, conjecture would be worse than useless. From the end of 1597 onward, we have, on the contrary, very full evidence, which shows that the sums paid to authors were gradually rising. This was only part of the general rise in prices during this period, due to the steady deprecia- tion of money consequent upon the continued influx of the precious metals from the New World. The earliest play for which we have complete records is Mother Redcap, for which Drayton and Munday received £6 in full. This appears to have been the usual sum, though it is probable that in some cases not more than £5 was given, as for each part of Robin Hood. The first part of Black Baldman was bought for £7, but for Part II the authors only got the usual sum of £6. This continued the standard for a long time, with occasional variations of £5 on the one hand and £7 on the other. We suddenly find Chapman receiving £8.10 for his World runs on Wheels, though this may possibly include a payment for another piece. Chapman appears, however, to have commanded prices rather above the average, and Dekker and Jonson received £8 for Page of Plymouth. Prices now begin to fluctuate considerably. Day and Haugh- ton only get £5 for Cox of Collumpton and Thomas Merry, respectively, but the authors of Sir John Oldcastle get £7 for each part, besides a bonus of iar. on the occasion of the first performance, and Wilson £8 for 2 Henry Richmond, a play of which the first part is not recorded. The highest price entered [in the Diary] also appears about this time, namely, the £10 paid for Patient Grissel (Dekker). It is, however, pretty certain that, though the company authorized the expenditure of sums amounting to this total, the authors did not really get them, but only £6 most likely. The prices drop again, moreover, to something between £5 and £7 till about May, 1602, when £8 begins to be a not infrequent price. This sum was obtained by the six or more playwrights concerned in Casar's Fall and the three who sufficed to compose Merry as may be for court. The prices paid by Worcester's men are exactly the same, and it may be said 180 THE SPANISH STAGE duced from an apprehension that an imperfect copy might be issued from the press without their consent." 1 It may be observed that the custom then prevalent in England, of two or three or even more authors collaborat- ing in the production of a play, was also common in Spain. Mira de Mescua claims to have been the first to introduce this practice among his fellow-playwrights : Porque soy el que ha inventado El componer de consuno. 2 That three poets should collaborate in writing a comedia, each undertaking an act, was not infrequent ; in the comedia La Luna Africana, 3 eight "ingenios" took a hand, while La Conquista de Toledo y Rey Don Alfonso el VI. was written by eight wits in three hours, 4 and it took no less than nine poets to write Algunas Hazanas de las muchas de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Marques de Canete." They were: Mira de Amescua, the Conde del Basto, Luis de Belmonte, Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, Luis Velez de Guevara, Fernando de Ludefia, Jacinto de Herrera, Diego de Ville- gas, and Guillen de Castro, any one of whom alone (with the exception, perhaps, of the Conde del Basto) could doubtless have written a better play. * throughout the standard price remains £6, but that while in the earlier period £5 is not uncommon, toward the end payments of £7 and even £$ became comparatively frequent. A decade later prices had risen greatly. A third-rate poet like Daborne, evidently deep in Henslowe's toils, gets £10 to £20 a play, and is constantly asserting in his correspondence that he can get £25 elsewhere." 1 Historical Account of the English Stage, p. 175. 1 Comedias de D. Juan Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza, ed. Hartzenbusch, p. xxxiii (Bib. de Aut. Esp., Tomo XX). ' Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 1929. * Ibid., No. 684. "Published in Comedias de Alarcon, ed. Hartzenbusch, pp. 489 ff. CHAPTER IX The salaries of actors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Managers turn actors. Corrales in various cities. Valencia as a theatrical center. It is visited by players from Madrid. Sums received by managers for the performance of a comedia. For autos sacramentales. Receipts of a representation. The rental of the corrales. Actors were generally engaged by the managers of com- panies for a period of one or two years, beginning at Shrovetide or Ash Wednesday. They were paid every evening, as soon as the play was over, unless there was an express agreement to the contrary. In the comedia El mejor Representante : San Gines, by Cancer, Rosete, and Martinez de Meneses, we read : Know that every night the player Gets the wages which he earneth ; This the autor pays, if even In the chest there be no money. 1 The salaries of actors varied greatly, of course, accord- ing to their skill and proficiency, or the power they pos- sessed of attracting an audience. Thanks to the investiga- tions of that indefatigable scholar, Dr. Cristobal Perez Pastor, to whom we owe nearly everything that has been added to our knowledge of the old Madrid stage during '"Un representante cobra Cada noche lo que gana, Y el Autor paga, aunque No ay dinero en la caxa." (Comedias Escogidas, Vol. XXIX, 1668, p. 199.) 181 1 82 THE SPANISH STAGE the last half-century, we now possess a mass of material concerning the actors of the latter part of the sixteenth and the whole seventeenth century which is of the greatest interest and importance. Among the documents collected in his various publications are many contracts and agree- ments between managers and actors which give us all de- sirable information in regard to the salaries received by players. As we know little or nothing concerning the rela- tive merits of the vast majority of these more than eighteen hundred actors, it would be useless to specify any save those who occupied the most prominent positions in their profession or whose names are best known in the annals of the Spanish stage. It is interesting, however, to give the earliest case cited by Dr. Perez Pastor, under the year 1574, a time when neither the Corral de la Cruz nor the Corral del Principe had yet been established in Madrid. On May 17, 1574, Juan de Sigura, an actor, agreed to work in the company of Jeronimo Velazquez, "from to-day until Shrovetide of 1575, for the sum of 100 ducats [=1100 reals], and besides he is to receive food, drink, and lodging, and to have his clothes washed, and is to be conveyed on horse- back, whenever necessary. And if the said Sigura should absent himself from the company during the said time, the autor [Velazquez] may seek another actor in the place of the said Sigura, and the latter shall pay the costs and be- sides a ducat for every auto or comedia which he may miss." 1 In May, 1595, Agustin Solano, a well-known actor and one of the interlocutors in the Viage entretenido of Rojas (1603), agrees to work in the company of Gaspar de Porres for two years, from Shrovetide to Shrovetide, act- ing such parts as may be assigned to him, and to receive 3000 reals per year. 2 Generally, besides the amount to be received for acting, 1 Nuevos Datot, p. 334. ' Ibid., p. 42. EARLY ACTORS 183 an additional sum was stipulated for the maintenance of the player, and in earlier times it was also expressly stated that the player was to be provided with clean linen, as when, in 1595, Jusephe Gonzalez, actor, and his wife Luisa Benzon are to receive, in addition to their wage, "one doubloon each year to wash their clothes, as ii cus- tomary, and as other managers give, besides mules and a cart for them and their baggage, when they leave the court." 1 Minors were frequently bound out to the managers of companies for a term of years, as when Francisco Ortiz, in May, 1600, was placed with Gaspar de Porres for four years, "to serve him and help him in his farces and autos in everything which may be required, as well in private as in public representations, and the said Gaspar de Porres is to clothe, feed, and shoe him, and furnish whatever else may be necessary, and to take care of him in his illness, and to provide lodging and clean clothes, and to furnish transportation when the company leaves Madrid, for which, at the end of the said time, he [Ortiz] is to receive 90 ducats." 2 This is probably the Francisco Ortiz whom we find in 161 7 as manager of a company. 3 A list of some of the more prominent players and their salaries here follows : On February 26, 1602, Agustin de Rojas (author of the Viage entretenido ) agrees to act in the company of Miguel Ramirez (an interlocutor in the Entertaining Journey) from that date until Shrovetide, 1603, for 2800 reals. 4 In March, 1604, Miguel Ruiz and his wife, the cele- brated Baltasara de los Reyes (called la Baltasara), agreed to act in the company of Gaspar de Porres for one year, receiving 1 6 reals for each performance and 6 reals daily for maintenance, besides traveling expenses. 5 In September, 1604, Juan de Angulo is engaged to act l lbid., p. 39. 'Ibid., p. 53. 'Ibid., p. 161. * Ibid., p. 3 5 1 . ' Ibid., p. 84. i8 4 THE SPANISH STAGE in the company of Antonio Granado for one year, receiv- ing 5 reals daily for each representation and 3 reals for maintenance. 1 1606: Juan Catalan and his wife Mariana de Guevara were engaged by Alonso Riquelme for one year from Shrovetide to Shrovetide, "to sing, act, and help in the entremeses," receiving 15 reals for each performance, be- sides 6 reals daily for maintenance, while Agustin Coronel is to receive from the same autor 7 reals for each repre- sentation, besides 4 reals daily for maintenance. Diego Lopez Basurto, a famous comic actor (gracioso), joined the same company, receiving 9 reals for each performance and 3 reals daily for maintenance. 2 1610: Luis Alvarez and his wife Mariana de Herbias agreed to act in the company of Alonso Riquelme for one year from Shrovetide, 1610. "To Mariana Herbias are to be assigned all the parts formerly played by Lucia de Salcedo, for she takes the latter's place, and in the new comedias she is to share the principal roles with another actress. They are to receive 22 reals for each representa- tion and 10 reals daily for maintenance." 3 161 1 : Pedro Llorente and his wife Maria de Morales agreed to act in the company of Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo for one year, receiving 20 reals for each perform- ance, 8 reals for maintenance, besides traveling expenses for the couple and a servant. 4 1 6 14: Luis Quifiones engaged for one year to sing either solos or accompanied, in the troupe of Pedro de Valdes, receiving 14 reals for each representation, 6y 2 reals for maintenance, and 300 reals for Corpus. Also 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 355. This was probably the "Angulo, el malo," who afterward became director of a company and who is mentioned by Cer- vantes. See Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. IV, p. 190, and also Nuevos Datos, p. 169, where Juan de Angulo and Bernarda Gonzalez, his wife, re- ceived (in 1619) 12 reals for each performance and 6 reals daily for main- tenance, besides "the customary amount for the Corpus festival" and transportation. 'Ibid., p. 93. * Ibid., p. 116. *Ibid., p. 126. THE SALARIES OF ACTORS 185 Juan de Villanueva, to receive 10 reals for each perform- ance and 4 for maintenance. 1 Juan de Graxales and his wife Catalina de Peralta agreed to act in the company of Alonso de Villalba; they are to receive 22 reals for each repre- sentation, 8 reals for maintenance, and 22 ducats for the octave of Corpus, besides traveling expenses and costumes. 2 1 619: Francisco de Castro is to receive from Tomas Fernandez, besides his pay, transportation for himself and wife, and if the latter do not accompany him, she is to receive several pairs of silk stockings. 3 Alonso Fernandez de Guardo and his wife Ana Cabello agreed to act in the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year, "giv- ing to the said Ana Cabello the first parts, of which she may not be deprived, for this is the especial agreement." They received 24 reals for each performance, 10 reals for maintenance, and 400 reals for the Corpus festival, and traveling expenses for the couple and servant. Bartolome de Robles and his wife Mariana de Guevara are to go with Maria Lopez to represent four comedias in the town of Buendia, receiving food and lodging and 1080 reals; 700 for the married couple and 380 for Maria Lopez. 4 Pedro Garcia de Salinas (a famous comic actor) and his wife Jeronima de Valcazar are to act for two years in the company of Sanchez, beginning at Shrovetide, 1619; Salinas to play the part of gracioso, and Jeronima second women's roles, receiving 24 reals for each representation and 8 reals for maintenance, besides traveling expenses and costumes. 5 1620: Andres de la Vega and his wife, the famous Maria de Cordoba, called Amarilis, agreed to act in the company of Tomas Fernandez during the year 1621, re- ceiving 36 reals for each representation and 14 reals for maintenance, besides 600 reals for the Corpus festival and four riding-animals for traveling. 6 1 Ibid., p. 138. 'Ibid., p. 141. 'Ibid., p. 169. *Ibid., p. 171. 'Ibid., p. 172. 'Ibid., p. 187. 1 86 THE SPANISH STAGE 1623 : Juan de Villegas, actor (and also a playwright of distinction), agreed to act in the company of Manuel Vallejo, receiving 22 reals for each representation and 8 reals for maintenance. 1 In the company of Domingo Bal- bin in this year Roque de Figueroa (afterward a famous director) and his wife Maria de Olivares received 22 reals daily, besides 11 reals for maintenance. Juan de Bezon, a well-known gracioso, and his wife Ana Maria {la Bezona) received, in the company of Hernan Sanchez, 27 reals daily, 13 reals for maintenance, besides 700 reals for the Corpus festival and three riding-animals for traveling. 2 Bartolome Romero and his wife Antonia Manuela, in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano, received 24 reals for each representation and 14 reals daily for maintenance. 1632: In December Maria Calderon {la Colder ona, mother of Don John of Austria, born in 1629) agreed to go to the town of Pinto to act in two autos and two come- dias on Corpus Christi and the following day, for which she received 1050 reals, besides traveling expenses for her- self, her husband Tomas de Rojas, and a maid, and lodg- ing and 8 reals daily while going and returning. 3 1633 : Maria de Cordoba is to act, sing, and dance in two comedias at Daganzo, furnishing the necessary cos- tumes. The two comedias are to be selected from the following: No hay Dicha ni Desdicha hasta la Muerte (by Mescua? Rojas Zorrilla?) ; Amar como se ha de Amar (Lope) ;ElMilagroporlos Celos (Lope) ; Sufrir mas por querer mas (Villaizan) ; El Mariscal de Biron (Montal- van) ; La Puente de Mantible (Calderon) ; La Dicha del Forastero (Lope) ; and El Examen de Maridos (Alar- con). She is to receive 800 reals, board and traveling expenses for herself and maid. In 1639 the same actress received 1000 reals for four comedias at Valdemoro. 4 It will be seen that players generally received an extra sum 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 19a. 'Ibid., p. 203. 'Ibid., p. 226. 'Ibid., pp. 226, 30a. THE SALARIES OF ACTORS 187 for the Corpus festival, and about this time the custom came into vogue of also giving additional sums for other festivals. 1634 : In the company of Pedro de la Rosa in this year Francisco de Velasco, who played first young men's roles (primera parte de galanes), and his wife Ana Fajardo, who was to play any part that might be assigned to her, received 19 reals for each performance, 4 reals for main- tenance daily, and 400 reals for the Corpus festival, besides three riding-animals, while Cosme Perez (called Juan Rana), the greatest comic actor {gracioso) of his time, received 20 reals for each performance, 10 reals for maintenance, and 550 reals for Corpus, besides three riding-animals. Players of old men's roles generally re- ceived very small pay; Pedro Sanchez Baquero, who played first old men's parts in this company ("primera parte de" barba), getting but 5 reals daily and 5 reals for maintenance, with one riding-animal and baggage car- ried. 1 Musicians seem to have been well paid, for in March, 1633, Alonso Gomez Camacho agreed with the director Sanchez to take part in the Corpus festival and its octave, playing the violin, dancing, and directing the music for 500 reals. 2 1637 : Maria de Quinones played the principal parts in the company of Tomas Fernandez, receiving 1 6 reals for each representation, 9 reals for maintenance, and 500 reals for the Corpus festival, besides three riding-animals. 3 1638: Pedro Manuel de Castilla, of the company of Antonio de Rueda, and one of the most celebrated galanes of his time, received 20 reals daily, 10 reals for mainte- nance, and 500 reals for Corpus, while Diego Osorio, a famous gracioso, received 15 reals, besides 8 reals daily for maintenance and 350 reals for Corpus. 4 1639: Mariana de los Reyes played first parts in the company of Andres de la Vega, receiving 100 ducats 1 Ibid., p. 245. 'Ibid., p. 232. 'Ibid., p. 258. * Ibid., p. 301. 1 88 THE! SPANISH STAGE (= noo reals) tor the Corpus festival, n ducats each for the festivals in August and September, and 7 ducats for each of the other festivals; besides, "a trunk full of clothes which she had pawned is to be released, she to pay the amount due and to be allowed 5 reals daily for mainte- nance when the company travels." x In this year the com- pany of Antonio de Rueda contained, among others, Pedro de Ascanio and his wife Antonia Infante ; the former was to act, dance, and sing, the latter to play third parts and to sing and dance the principal part in the saynetes, they receiving 30 reals daily and 500 reals for Corpus. This is the earliest mention of the word saynete (in the sense of a short interlude) that I have found. In the same company Dona Jacinta de Herbias y Flores, widow, was engaged to act second parts, dance, and sing, receiving 21 reals daily, besides 440 reals for Corpus. 2 These data are more than sufficient to show the re- muneration received by actors and actresses in Spain dur- ing the most flourishing period of the drama. 3 If, for the purpose of comparison, we convert these sums into Eng- lish money, and reckon that a real at the close of the six- 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 302. 3 Ibid., p. 304. These are the actresses who figure in the episode related on p. 127. "Concerning the pay of English actors Malone says: "It is not easy to ascertain what were the emoluments of a successful actor in the time of Shakespeare. They had not then annual benefits, as at present. The clear emoluments of the theater, after deducting the nightly expenses for lights, men occasionally hired for the evening, etc., which in Shakespeare's house was but forty-five shillings, were divided into shares, of which part be- longed to the proprietors, who were called housekeepers, and the re- mainder was divided among the actors, according to their rank and merit." (Historical Account, p. 188.) "About twenty pounds was a con- siderable receipt at the Blackfriars and Globe theater on any one day." (Ibid., p. 194.) He further says that Hart, the celebrated tragedian, after the Restoration had but three pounds per week as an actor, but he had besides six shillings and three pence every day on which there was a performance at the King's theater, making in all about one hundred and forty-six pounds for a season of thirty weeks. (Ibid., p. 198.) It appears that English actors were also frequently hired at Shrovetide. Of the actors in the pay of Henslowe, we find a contract with Thomas Downton, who on January 25, 1599, "ded hire as his couenante servante for ii yers ACTRESSES WELL PAID 189 teenth century was equivalent to sixpence, 1 we shall see that their pay was large in comparison with other voca- tions, and was probably much higher than the sums re- ceived by English players of the same period, who were not shareholders. The 3000 reals per year received by Agus- tin Solano in 1595 was the equivalent of about £75, while Agustin de Rojas in 1602 received 2800 reals, or about £70, per annum. Where the player was paid a certain sum for each representation, which was the almost universal rule, as we have seen, it is much more difficult to calculate the total sum, for representations were not given every day and never on Saturdays, and the length of the theat- rical season varied, though it was generally from thirty to thirty-two weeks in a year. Still, how liberally Spain, as poor as she was in 1632, was willing to pay for theatrical exhibitions may be seen in the case of the great actress Maria Calderon, who received 1050 reals for four per- formances on two days, besides all expenses paid, the equivalent of over £26, and Maria de Cordoba in the fol- lowing year received 800 reals (=£20) for two repre- sentations. Even larger sums were received by players in to beg[a]yne at shrofe tewesday next & he to geue him viii s. a wecke as long as they playe & after they lye stylle one fortnyght then to geue him hallfe wages." (Henslowe's Diary, ed. Greg, p. 40.) And in a memo- randum of July 27, 1597, we read: "I heayred Thomas hearne with ii pence for to searve me ii yeares in the qualetie of playenge for fyve shellynges a weacke for one yeare & vi s. viii d. for the other yeare which he hath covenanted hime seallfe to searue me & not to departe from my com- paney tyll this ii yeares be eanded." (Ibid., p. 201.) See also the agree- ment of Henslowe with "John Helle the clowne" "to contenew with me at my howsse in playinge tylle strafe tyd next after the date aboue written" (August 3, 1597), etc., and the contract with William Borne, ibid., p. 203. Here from Shrovetide to Shrovetide was also frequently the term of the contract. Soulie, Recherches sur Moliere, Paris, 1863, p. 61, prints two contracts with actors of a much later period (1664), in which the players are obliged to be "dans la ville d' Abbeville en Picardie avec leurs hardes, bagages et paquets pour commencer la representation des pieces qui seront convenues entre eux du jour des fetes de Paques prochain jusqu'au mercredi des Cendres aussi prochain." One of the actors agrees to play the comic roles and "travailler aux decorations desdites pieces pour les peintures qu'il y conviendra faire." 1 Minsheu's Spanish Dictionary, London, 1599, ad verb. i 9 o THE SPANISH STAGE the succeeding years, though perhaps, on account of the great depreciation in the value of money, the actual value was no greater. During this whole period which we have been consider- ing the manager of every theatrical company, or autor de comedias as he was called, was invariably also an actor. The cases are therefore very frequent in which we find an autor one year becoming a member of another's company in the next, and in the succeeding year reappearing at the head of a company, according as fortune was favorable or adverse to him. There is an early and interesting example in 1602, when Jeronimo Lopez de Sustaya, autor de comedias, and his wife Isabel Rodriguez agreed with Antonio Granado, also an autor de comedias, to act in the latter's company for two years, receiving 6 reals daily for maintenance and 5300 reals yearly, to be paid every four months. However, Jeronimo Lopez is to give Granado "the comedias which he may have, and among them the following four: San Reymundo, Los Caballeros nuevos, La Fuensanta de Cor- doba, and El Trato de la Aldea," all of which he declared that "he had bought from the poets who had written them, paying his money for them, so that the said Antonio Gra- nado may use them as to him may seem best." 1 In like manner Francisco de Sotomayor, who had been director of a company in 1631, and his wife Vicenta Lopez joined the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1632, as we learn from a Loa by Benavente : Bezon : Who are you ? Sotomayor: Sotomayor, Who, an authorized director, Have this year become a player, Since to me players are lacking. 2 'Perez Pastor, Nuevos Dales, p. 64. ' Entremeses, edited by Rosell, Vol. I, p. 231. So in 1638 Pedro Manuel de Castilla and Tomas de Heredia, who had been directors of companies in LOPE IN VALENCIA 191 With the establishment of fixed correles in Madrid, as already observed, the taste for theatrical representations grew rapidly until it became a passion with all classes, high and low. Every large city possessed a theater, while every town and hamlet, be it never so poor, looked forward with eagerness to the advent of a company of strolling players, whose visits seem to have been looked upon as the crowning event of the year, and for whose representations, especially those upon some festival, large sums of money were ex- pended. We have already described the corrales of Madrid and Seville, but Valencia, Granada, 1 Valladolid, and Salamanca must have had theaters at a very early date. It has been already remarked that the importance of Valencia as a theatrical center has generally been exag- gerated. While a corral certainly existed in that city as early as 1583 or 1584, there is no evidence of any unusual dramatic activity in Valencia before the ar- rival of Lope de Vega in that city in 1588. In this year Lope was tried for criminally libeling Jeronimo Velazquez, a theatrical director, and several members of his family. He was convicted and sentenced to ban- ishment for two years from the kingdom of Castile, and for eight years from the court (Madrid) and five leagues therefrom. The first two years of his banishment, till 1590, he expiated in Valencia, whither he went with his wife and family. That Lope was very active in writing for the stage during this period is evinced by the testimony the preceding year, belonged to the company of Rueda and Ascanio. (Ibid., pp. 368, 369.) 'According to Pedraza, Historia ecclesiastica de Granada, quoted by Schack, Nachtrage, p. 18, Granada possessed a permanent theater a few years after the conquest by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1492. Representa- tions took place in the Casa de Carbon on the Darro, until the Coliseo was erected in the Puerta del Rastro, called now the Puerta Real. "It was arranged in the form most suited for this purpose, with aposentos divided for men and women, and a patio surrounded by gradas, protected from the sun and rain, but open to the sky in the center, as was the Amphitheater at Rome." Of the Coliseo in the Puerta Real, Pedraza says: "El Coliseo donde se representan las comedias es un famoso teatro: 1 92 THE SPANISH STAGE of Gaspar de Porres, a theatrical manager, who testified at the trial for libel that he received comedias from Lope every two months, and Porres's testimony is supplemented by that of Quiros, another autor de comedias. 1 It is to Lope's sojourn in Valencia in 1588-90 that the powerful impulse which the drama received in that city is wholly due. He was the founder of the Valencian School, for we hear nothing of it before Lope visited Valencia, and that the latter city was always dependent upon Madrid in theatrical matters is shown by abundant evidence. After the capital, as already observed, the most important theat- rical center was Seville, yet the corrales of Seville were also frequently visited by the large theatrical companies of Madrid. Concerning the establishment of fixed co- rrales in the other principal cities, there are no data at hand, so far as I know, but they certainly possessed them before the close of the sixteenth century. In the Archivo Historico National there is a petition, dated 1602, to establish a theater in the "Carcel vieja" in Cordoba, 2 but it is probable that a corral existed there prior to this date. In 1606 the company of Juan de Morales Medrano inaugurated the playhouse (casa de comedias) in Zamora, 3 and in the same year they appeared in Segovia, though it seems doubtful whether there was then a fixed theater in the latter city. 4 In 1608 Alonso de Riquelme took his company to Toledo, to re- main thirty days, the lessee of the casa de comedias in Toledo, Juan Gallegos, agreeing to pay 50 ducats (= 550 apenas la fama del Romano le quita el primer lugar. Es un patio qua- drado con dos pares de corredores que estriban sobre colunas de marmol pardo, y debaxo gradas para el residuo del pueblo. Esta cubierto el teatro de un cielo bolado, la entrada ornada de una portada de marmol bianco y pardo con un escudo de las armas de Granada." 1 Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 38-40. ' Nuevos Datos, p. 79. * Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 125. But see ibid., p. 109, note, from which it appears that there was a casa de comedias in Zamora in 1599. * Nuevos Datos, p. 96. ACTORS VISIT VALENCIA 193 reals) daily "for the whole company." 1 At least as early as 1584 Valencia was visited by a company of players from Madrid, when Alonso de Cisneros represented there for three months, prior to November 6 of that year. 2 In this same year, apparently, for the account is not clear, "N. Velazquez," whom I take to be Jeronimo Velazquez, had also performed in Valencia, 8 while Rodrigo and Fran- cisco Osorio were in the same city in 1588, 4 Bartolome Lopez de Quiros in 1588 or 1589, and Juan de Vergara in 1594-95. In 1601 Gaspar de Porres took his troupe there from Toledo, 5 and in 1619 we find a theatrical manager, Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, who had always been connected with companies organized in Madrid, where he resided from the beginning of his career, taking • up his residence in Valencia. 6 In 1623 Cristobal de Avendano and Maria Candau, his wife, took their com- pany to Valencia for fifty representations, and he again visited the city with his company in 1 63 1 , being guaranteed a subsidy (ayuda de costa) of 140 reals of plate double for each representation. 7 In April, 1628, Juan Jeronimo Almella or Amelia took his company to Valencia for sixty performances, 8 and in 1635' Sebastian Gonzalez and his wife Maria Manuela went' to Valencia to give one hun- dred and forty performances, receiving 140 reals for each 1 Ibid., p. no. 'Lamarca, El Teatro de Valencia, Valencia, 1840, p. 18. " Ibid., p. 19. *Cotarelb, Lope de Rueda, p. 30; Life of Lope de Vega, p. 39. " Nuevos Datos, p. 59. 'Ibid., p. 186. ''Ibid., pp. 195, 2Zo. 8 A melancholy record of the disastrous sojourn of Amelia's company at Valencia in this year has recently been published by Henri Merimee (Bulletin Hispanique (1906), p. 377) ; the company came to grief in June, when Amelia's wardrobe and comedias were seized by one Jeronimo Alfonso, clavarius of the General Hospital of Valencia, for money ad- vanced to and expended in behalf of Amelia. The document, dated June 14, 1628, declares that "Ego hieronimus Alfonso, etc. . . . conffiteor et in veritate recognosco me habere in commandam et purum depositum a vobis Hieronymo Amelia, fabularum Aucthore, et domna Emanuela Henrriques, vidua, valentis commorantibus, presentibus, acceptantibus, et vestris pro tuhitione et securitate quantitatum per me vobis et pro vobis solutarum, prestitarum et bistractarum raupas et fabulas siue comedias infrascriptas i 9 4 THE SPANISH STAGE performance, 1 while in 1637 Pedro de la Rosa gave fifty representations in the same city, 2 followed by Bartolome Romero in the next year, who likewise gave fifty repre- sentations, "the amount for each comedia to be no less than 150 reals plate." 3 Not only all the large cities of Spain, but the theaters of Lisbon also, drew upon the companies of the capital. Of Madrid companies visiting Lisbon I have found no earlier record than 1610, though we may be quite certain that this was not their first advent in the Portuguese capital. In that year the company of Alonso Riquelme and Pedro de Villanueva went to Lisbon, 4 to be followed in 1 6 1 5 by Pedro de Valdes and Jeronima de Burgos, 5 and by Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan in 1619, who agreed with the Royal Hospital of All Saints of Lisbon to go to the latter city and perform during the months of October and November, "producing new comedias, bailes, and entre- meses." Dona Catalina de Carvajal is named as the owner of the casa de comedias of Lisbon, and in the same year Pedro Cebrian is to bring his company from Madrid and to act there for three months, beginning on December r, 1619. 6 In 1639 Bartolome Romero's company visited Lisbon, and in the same year they were followed by Pedro Ascanio and Antonio de Rueda, T while Romero again rep- resented in Lisbon from November, 1640, till Shrovetide of 1641. 8 We have several times had occasion, in the course of these pages, to mention the sums received by a director and his company for a theatrical performance. This sum, of course, not only varied greatly at different periods, being et inmediate sequentes." A list of Amelia's theatrical costumes follows, as well as of the comedias that constituted the repertory of his company. This list of comedias, no less than seventy-two in number, is important, as it appears to contain several which are otherwise unknown. 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 242. 'Ibid., p. 261. * Ibid., p. 292. * Ibid., p. 122. 'Ibid., p. 158. 'Ibid., p. 178. ''Ibid., pp. 289, 290. 'Ibid., p. 323. SUM PAID FOR A PERFORMANCE 195 much larger as we advance further into the seventeenth century, but at one and the same period it depended upon the size and excellence of the company. A few examples, in addition to those already cited, may follow here. In 1593 Gabriel Nunez and Andres de Naxera, autores de comedias, agreed to go to the village of Villa verde and represent a comedia "a lo divino" and one "a lo humano," with their entremeses, receiving 20 ducats (= 220 reals), besides traveling expenses, lodging, "and somebody to do their cooking"; 1 and in 1602 the company of Luis de Castro went to Salvanes to represent an auto in the morn- ing and a comedia in the afternoon, for which they re- ceived 900 reals, "besides twelve beds for the nights they may spend there, a fanega of wheat baked into bread, and three carts to take them from Torrejon to Salvanes." 2 It is very probable that these were companies of the poorer kind, but at a much later time, in 1634, we find that one of the most famous directors, Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, played three comedias at the town of Villarubia de Ocafia, receiving 2000 reals, besides a sheep, eight hens, a fanega of baked bread, and three arrobas (= about twelve gallons) of wine. 3 Generally the director's compensation was in money only. In 1601 Pedro Jimenez de Valenzuela and Gabriel Vaca took their company to the town of Barco and per- formed four comedias, with their entremeses, at a festival, receiving 3450 reals. 4 This seems to be a large sum and doubtless included all traveling and other expenses. In the following year Pedro Rodriguez, Diego de Rojas, and Gaspar de los Reyes, managers of the company called La Compania Espanola, performed in the same town two comedias "a lo divino" : El Castigo en la Vanagloria and Los Mdrtires Japones, with two entremeses each, and two comedias "a lo humano" : El Conde Alarcos and El Cerco 1 Ibid., p. 37. 'Ibid., p. 69. 'Ibid., p. 237. * Ibid., p. 55. i 9 6 THE SPANISH STAGE de Cordoba, with two entremeses each, music and baile, for 3630 reals ; no transportation was furnished, but the ma- yordomos" of the village were to provide fifteen pounds of trout. 1 In 1605 Gaspar de Porres and his company repre- sented on three consecutive days, also in Barco de Avila, the following four comedias : La prosper a Fortuna de Rui Lopez de Avalos (by Salustio del Poyo) ; La adversa Fortuna de Rui Lopez de Avalos (also by Poyo) ; La Con- desa Matilda (Lope de Vega) ; and either of the "comedias divinas" : El Lego del Carmen or El Hermano Francisco, and an entremes with each comedia, for 4200 reals. 2 In 1 61 2 the company of Tomas Fernandez went to Torrijos, and on June 26 and 27 represented three comedias, with their bailes and entremeses, for 1400 reals and lodging for sixteen persons, besides six or eight carts "to take his com- pany to the said town and afterward to Toledo." 3 In 1 614 Juan de Morales Medrano agreed to go to Torrijos with his company and give two representations, a comedia "alo divino" in the morning and one "alo humano" in the after- noon, with their bailes and entremeses, for 1250 reals; the comedia to be La Honra hurtada, "which must not have been represented in any of the surrounding towns." 4 In 1 619 Tomas Fernandez received 2300 reals for four comedias performed on July 6 and 7." In 1623 Juan de Vargas and the company called Los Conformes represented in Leganes the comedia La Morica garrida of Juan de Villegas, with its music, entremeses, and bailes, for 450 reals. 6 In 1634 Hernan Sanchez de Vargas gave four comedias in two days at Santa Cruz de la Zarza for 2500 reals, 7 and on the following day, Sunday, June 18, at Villarubia de Ocafia he represented two comedias, and one on the succeeding day in the morning, for 2000 reals. 8 In 1636 Pedro de la Rosa and his company received 1500 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 75. 'Ibid., p. 90. 'Ibid., p. 130. 4 Ibid., p. 143. 'Ibid., p. 183. "Ibid., p. 202. r Ibid., p. 236. 'Ibid., p. 236. OCCUPET EXTREMUM SCABIES 197 reals for representing two comedias atTorrejon de Ardoz, 1 and we find that down to about 1 640, this was the usual amount received for performing a comedia, i.e., about 750 reals. Toward the middle of the century this sum rose and gradually increased till 1660, after which time no data are available. In 1648 Antonio Garcia de Prado gave four representations in the town of Brihuela, for which he re- ceived 4900 reals, 2 and in 1655 Alonso de la Paz, autor de comedias, represented Calderon's comedia Santa Maria Egipciaca and two others at the town of Torija for 2850 reals and lodging for his company, 3 while in 1659 Diego Osorio and his company performed three comedias and an auto in the villa de Sonseca for 4000 reals ; 4 indeed, in the previous year this same director had received an even larger sum, the largest, in fact, of which I find any record, when he represented an auto and the comedia La Dama Corregidor, by Sebastian de Villaviciosa and Juan de Zaba- leta, at Colmenar Viejo on June 23, receiving 5200 reals, besides traveling expenses, food, and lodging. 5 It seems that about this time the wretched condition to which Philip the Fourth had reduced his country, which was now entirely exhausted, and the universal poverty and destitution of the common people, due perhaps no less to the contempt for honest labor than to oppressive taxa- tion, also affected the theater in no small degree. The King continued to give great and expensive festivals and comedias at the palace, besides spending large sums on the yearly autos at the Corpus festival, although he was practically bankrupt. Still, there can hardly be a doubt that the theater was no longer in the flourishing condition in which it was prior to the middle of the seventeenth century. Theatrical companies seemed to be quite as much 1 This village recently achieved notoriety through the dastardly attack made upon the life of Alfonso XIII. and his bride in Madrid on June i, 1906. The assassin was killed in Torrejon. 1 Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Part I, p. 159. 'Ibid., p. 226. 'Ibid., p. 262. " Ibid., p. 256. 198 THE SPANISH STAGE dependent upon the King for support as they were upon the populace. Philip the Fourth interfered with the play- houses in the most arbitrary manner, suddenly command- ing actors and actresses or whole companies to appear at the palace for his own private festivals or comedias, with- out notice to the public. A comedia would be advertised and the theater filled with spectators, when a command would be received from the King that certain actors or actresses in the play were to appear at the palace. As an instance we may cite the declaration (on February 28, 1658) of the autor de comedias Francisco Garcia, called Pupilo, who says that "there will be no representation to-day of La Adultera penitente, because at eight o'clock this morning, by order of the Marquis of Eliche, they took him [Garcia] to the Buen Retiro to rehearse the comedia which he is to represent before his Majesty on Shrove Tuesday, the title of which is Afectos de Odio y Amor [by Calderon]. . . . And they likewise took away Isabel de Galvez, Maria de Escamilla, and Manuela de Escamilla to rehearse another comedia entitled El Embus- tero, which is to be represented before his Majesty." And the same Francisco Garcia declared on March 4 that "yesterday, being about to represent the comedia La Adultera penitente, and there being many people in the corral, at about two o'clock in the afternoon there came an order from the Marquis of Eliche, and they took away Isabel de Galvez and Maria and Manuela de Escamilla and others of his company to the comedia which is to be rehearsed in the Zarzuela for representation before his Majesty." i A like instance occurred in the previous year, when Francisco Garcia did not perform on February 10, and the Teatro de la Cruz was closed, "because they had taken the women of his company to represent the comedia of Lazarillo before his Majesty." 2 1 Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Part I, pp. 253, 254. 'Ibid., p. 244. EMPTY THEATERS 199 An instance of the waning popularity of the theater may be seen in the fact that on Friday, April 30, 1660, Vallejo represented in la Cruz Juan de Zabaleta's comedia No Amar la mayor Fineza, "never before seen or per- formed," and which we are told was a failure "on account of the few people who were in the theater, the lessees tak- ing but 294 reals." "On Saturday, May 1, Vallejo did not represent, because there was not a soul in the theater," while on Sunday, May 2, Vallejo again represented Zaba- leta's comedia, when the lessees had but 203 reals. On Thursday, May 17, Vallejo represented Montalban's Los Amantes de Teruel in the Teatro del Principe; "the whole receipts were given to him, and in all there were but 116 reals for the poor company." * Where long engagements were made the lessee of the theater generally guaranteed to the director of the com- pany a certain amount daily as an ayuda de costa, besides which he received a share of the receipts. In one instance, in 1623, when the company of Cristobal de Avendario gave fifty representations in Valencia, he received 40 ducats [=440 reals] for each performance, besides an advance payment of 1000 ducats. 2 The largest sum re- corded as having been received by an autor de comedias is 1000 reals for each of sixty performances at the Coliseo in Seville, which was paid to Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in 1619. 3 If the company was inferior the remuneration of the manager was, of course, correspondingly low, as when Juan de Pefialosa in 1636 represented the two famous comedias Casa con dos Puertas mala es de guar- dar, by Calderon, and Nunca mucho costo poco, by Lope de Vega, for 100 reals, besides traveling expenses. 4 A company must surely have been in desperate straits to act for such a small sum. 1 Ibid., pp. 375, 276. ' Nuevos Datos, p. 195. 'Ibid., p. 177. 'Ibid., p. 256. 200 THE SPANISH STAGE For the production of the antos sacramentales at the festival of Corpus Christi a much larger amount was paid to the managers of companies than was paid for the per- formance of a comedia. This was not only on account of the length of the festival, but also because of the greater expense which had to be incurred for costumes and other accessories, though the carros were at the expense of the municipality. As early as 1 599 ( and doubtless there were earlier instances) it is expressly stipulated in the agree- ments made with autores de comedias for the representa- tion of autos that no other company except the one so chosen shall have the right to perform in Madrid from Easter until Corpus. 1 In 1578 Alonso de Cisneros represented three autos in Madrid, for which he received 3300 reals, besides 275 reals for drawing the carts from place to place. 2 In 1592 Gaspar de Porres received 600 ducats [= 6600 reals] for representing the autos entitled Job and Santa Catalina at the Corpus festival at Madrid in that year. 3 In 1606 the four autos were represented in Madrid by the com- panies of Juan de Morales Medrano and Baltasar Pinedo, each representing two autos, for which each director re- ceived 650 ducats. 4 In 1609 the companies of Domingo Balbin and Alonso de Heredia performed two autos each at Corpus in Madrid for 600 ducats, 5 and in 1610 Alonso Riquelme agreed to represent two autos at the festival of Corpus of that year "on Thursday and Friday until twelve o'clock at night in such places as may be designated, re- 1( '5 Abril 1599. — Obligacion de Gaspar de Porres, autor de comedias (fiador Jeronimo Lopez) de hacer dos autos para la fiesta del Corpus con sus entreraeses, con condicion de que desde resurreccion hasta el Corpus no han de traer a esta Villa otra compania sino es la suya." (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 49.) And in 1627, when Roque de Figueroa and Andres de la Vega represented autos in Madrid, we read: "Es declaration que no se ha de permitir trabajar a otro autor en Madrid desde fin de Cuaresma hasta pasado el Corpus." (Bull. Hisp. (190S), p. 254.) 2 Nuevos Datos, p. 11. * Ibid., p. 31. l Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 372. ° Nuevos Datos, p. 112. SUM FOR REPRESENTING AUTOS 201 ceiving for the said autos with their entremeses 600 ducats." 1 The same sum was received by Hernan San- chez de Vargas for representing the other two autos in this year. In fact, 600 ducats was the amount paid to every theatrical director for representing two autos at Corpus in Madrid down to the year 1637. In 1615 the autos at Madrid were given by the companies of Pedro de Valdes and Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, and it was stipu- lated that "before Corpus no other company was to repre- sent in Madrid except these two," 2 and in 161 7, when Cristobal de Leon performed them, it was agreed that he should represent two autos at Corpus on Thursday "from two in the afternoon till twelve at night and on Friday from six in the morning until noon, in such places as may be assigned to him," 3 while when Pedro de Valdes repre- sented the autos in 1 621, he was to give them on Thursday from two in the afternoon till twelve at night and on Friday from six in the morning until midnight. 4 In 1632 they were performed by Manuel Vallejo's company, who received 600 ducats "for the two days, and if they should represent on the Saturday after Corpus he is to receive 1000 reals, or 100 ducats, and besides an 100 ducats gratuity, obliging himself to pay the half of the 100 ducats which he receives to the ganapanes who draw the carts." 6 In 1637 the companies of Pedro de la Rosa and Tomas Fernandez Cabredo received 800 ducats each for the Corpus festival at Madrid, 6 and the same sum was paid to Rueda and Ascanio in 1638, and to Bartolome Romero for two autos in 1640. 7 This latter document is dated March 14, 1640. On the other hand, a document dated March 12, 1640, states that Bartolome Romero was to receive 950 ducats "for half the festival of Cor- pus," i.e., for two autos, the other two autos being given l Ibid., p. 117. 'Ibid., p. 156. 'Ibid., p. 161. 'Ibid., p. 188. " Ibid., p. 224. 'Ibid., pp. 266, 369. 7 Ibid., p. 322 202 THE SPANISH STAGE by the companies of Luis Lopez de Sustaete and Damian Arias de Penafiel "under the same conditions." 1 In 1645 each company received 925 ducats for two autos, 2 and in 1655 the companies of Diego Osorio and Francisca Ver- dugo, widow of Riquelme, each represented two autos at Madrid, receiving 10,750 reals, or about 975 ducats. 3 After 1658 only two autos were represented each year in Madrid at Corpus. In 1 660 they were entitled La Paz universal (El Lirio y la Azucena) and El Diablo mudo, both written by Calderon, and they were acted by the com- panies of Diego Osorio and Jeronimo Vallejo, who re- ceived 950 ducats each, which amount was paid until the death of Philip the Fourth. 4 Concerning the receipts of a theatrical performance, something has already been said. 5 About 1575, before either of the permanent theaters of Madrid were built, the profits of a representation in one of the corrales were from 140 or 160 to 200 reals. This was the sum received by the hospitals to which the corrales belonged, exclusive of the share of the autor de comedias and his company. 6 On February 8, 1580, when Juan Granados was repre- senting in one of the corrales of Madrid, he contributed his share of the profits of the performance toward defray- ing the expenses of the new Corral de la Cruz. This share amounted to 200 reals vellon. 7 And Alonso de Cisneros, not to be outdone in generosity by his rival, contributed the proceeds of a performance on October 19, 1580, to the same purpose. His share, which was the money paid at the door (entrada), was 233 reals, while 1 Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, p. 121. 2 Ibid., p. 126. * Ibid., p. 238. 4 Ibid., p. 269 et passim. "See above, pp. 31, 41, 56. Pellicer, Histrionismo, I, p. 56. 7 Ibid., p. 60. According to Perez Pastor, it was Cisneros who repre- sented on that day in the Cruz, "y dio para ayuda de costa del corral 200 reales que le correspondian de su aprovechamiento como autor." (Bulle- tin Hispanique (1906), p. 77.) THE THEATERS OF SEVILLE 203 the deputies of the brotherhoods received 174 reals. 1 It thus appears that at this time the total receipts of a per- formance varied from about 350 to 450 reals vellon. About three years after this, in 1583, "on some occasions" the hospitals realized as much as 300 reals as their share of a single performance. 2 On February 10, 1586, Jero- nimo Velazquez gave a representation to which women only were admitted, 3 which realized 760 reals, the charge being one real for each person. From a representation given on August 10, 1603, the share of the brotherhoods was 282 reals. 4 The theaters of Seville furnish interesting information upon this point. We learn that from April 3, 161 1, to February 4, 1614, five hundred and twenty-six representa- tions of comedias were given in that city: two hundred and sixty-eight in Dona Elvira and two hundred and fifty- eight in the Coliseo. During this period of nearly three years the city received as its share of the takings of the theaters 53,346 reals, or a little over 101 reals for each representation. 5 As the city's portion consisted of eight! maravedis from each person who entered the theater, wel find that the average attendance at these popular theaters during this period, when the drama was at its height, was about 431. We have seen above (p. 56) that in 1622 in Seville the average number of persons who paid an admission to the theater was 350. Indeed, the renting of the corrales in Seville seems frequently to have been a losing speculation for the lessees, and as early as 161 9 '"Valio el aprovechamiento de la entrada de la puerta, que pertenecia al dicho Cisneros, 233 reales . . . y para las Cofradias hubo aquel dia de entramos tablados (gradas), corredor (de las mugeres), y ventanas (apo- sentos) 174 reales." (Pellicer, I, p. 61.) That Cisneros represented on October 18 is confirmed by Perez Pastor, Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 77. 'Ibid., p. 76. See above, p. 43. 4 "De las mugeres=:97 rs.; de los hombres=ii9 rs.; de las ventanas = 48 rs.; de las celosias y sillas = i8 rs., = 283 reals." (Pellicer, Histrio- nismo, I, p. 85.) 5 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 147. 2o 4 THE SPANISH STAGE we find that "comedias have reached such a point in this city [Seville], that very few people come to see them, and all autores or managers of companies who visit the city leave it in debt and ruined." x As regards the rental paid for the corrales, we have, for the early period at least, some definite information. On May 5, 1568, Jeronimo Velazquez began to represent in one of the corrales of Madrid and paid 6 reals for each day that he gave a performance. 2 In 1574 the Italian, Ganassa, paid 10 reals per day for the rent of the Corral de la Pacheca, 3 and in 1583 Antonio Vazquez and Juan de Avila, who performed in the Corral del Principe, also paid a daily rental of 10 reals. 4 It seems that for the year 1579 the sum of 6000 maravedis was paid for the rental of the Corral de Puente. 5 For a number of years following 1583 we have no information, but it appears that even prior to 1600 the brotherhoods had sublet various privileges. In 1602 the bancos and ventanas of the two Madrid theaters were let to Alonso and Juan Estebanez. Afterward, instead of a partial renting, the deputies of the brotherhoods deter- mined upon a total rental. This began in 161 5, accord- ing to Pellicer, when the two corrales were rented to Juan de Escobedo for two years for 27,000 ducats, and at the expiration of this lease, in 161 7, to Matias Gonzalez for four years for 105,000 ducats, and in 1621 to Luis Mon- zon, Gabriel de la Torre, and Gabriel Gonzalez, also for the term of four years, for 106,500 ducats, beginning on St. John's day of that year and ending in 1625. The two theaters were then leased to Francisco de Alegria from 1629 to 1633, for 115,400 ducats, and for the four fol- lowing years to Juan de la Serna y Haro for 100,700 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 197. * Pellicer, I, p. 48. * Ibid., p. 54. ' Ibid., p. 69. 'Bulletin Hispanique (1906), p. 77. This sum is almost incredibly small, less than 200 reals, while there were at least fifty representations in the corral during that year. {Ibid., pp. 73-75.) THE RENTAL OF THE CORRALES 205 ducats. 1 These amounts are very large compared with the rentals of the Seville theaters. In 1585 the rent of the Huerta de la Alcoba was 450 ducats yearly. In 161 1 that of the Coliseo was 2250 ducats, which was reduced to 2000 ducats in 1622, though even at this figure it was a losing enterprise for the lessee, as it was shown to be worth only about 1600 ducats. 2 That the leasing of the Madrid theaters was not always profitable is shown by the fact that, on the death of Francisco ; de Alegria (see above), his widow, Dona Juana Gonzalez Carpio, de- clared in a petition that her husband had not only left her without means to support herself- and her four children, but that he had also dissipated a large part of her dowry. 3 'Pellicer, Histrionismo, I, pp. 96, 97, who gives the conditions of Luis Monzon's lea%e, ibid., pp. 98 ff. I do not understand the statements in Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, pp. 82, m, 123, 129, 134, 141, and 158. The latter, for instance, reads: "Arrendamiento de los corrales de comedias de la Cruz y del Principe, desde Carnestolendas de 1615 a Carnestolendas de 1616, hecho por Cristobal Lopez en 900 ducados por tercios [i.e., in three payments]. Madrid, 7 Abril 1615." The amount of the rent, more- over, is so low that the persons mentioned were probably sublessees of some privilege; in 1609 the sum specified is only 400 ducats. {Ibid., p. in.) 'Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, pp. 72, r48, 222. 'Pellicer, I, p. 98. CHAPTER X Character of the actors and actresses. Decrees regulating theatrical performances. The opposition of churchmen. Decrees of 1598, 1600, 1603, 1608, and 1 61 5 for the reformation of comedias. Despite the hardships endured by companies of strolling players, they seem never to have had any difficulty in re- cruiting their ranks. Looked at askance in every town and hamlet, and often threatened at the village gates as perverters of the public morals and promoters of idleness, there were still, at all times, many to whom this life made a strong appeal. Though under the ban of the church and denied civil rights for centuries, the followers of Thespis have continued to flourish and increase, so potent has been the glamour of the stage and so alluring the love of a wandering life. Even amid the trials and tribulations so graphically described by Agustin de Rojas, their numbers in Spain steadily multiplied, and with the increase in num- bers the growing license of the stage kept pace. We have already mentioned the lascivious dances, like the "pestif- erous Zarabanda," the Chacona, Escarraman, and others which, making their appearance about 1588, became one of the most powerful attractions of the comedia. Urged on by the applause of the dreaded mosquetero and of the dissolute "noble," these dances were car- ried to a point which sorely tried the conservers of the public morals, which latter were by no means exalted in that not over-scrupulous age. The dissoluteness of the actresses, who were frequently disguised as men upon the stage, and the dangerous influ- 206 WOMEN FORBIDDEN TO ACT 207 ence of these performances upon a people among whom the craze for theatrical representations had become uni- versal, caused a few eminent theologians, in 1587, to step into the breach and attempt to stem the tide that was sweeping everything before it. They failed, as we have seen, for the indecent songs and dances, which the govern- ment made a feeble effort to suppress, were succeeded by others not more decorous, and the result was that in 1596 women were forbidden "to act in the said comedias." 1 Whether this prohibition was ever enforced, however, is open to serious doubt; at all events, the death of Princess Catharine, Duchess of Savoy and sister of Philip the Third, on November 6, 1597, offered an opportunity for putting a stop to the comedia, and the King accordingly commanded the theaters of Madrid to be closed. The churchmen and other opponents of the theater took advantage of this suspension of theatrical representa- tions to renew the question of suppressing them perma- nently. The King submitted the matter to a council of three theologians, who, after prolonged discussion, finally decided against the theaters, and the King concurring in this "consulta theologica," 2 a royal rescript was issued on May 2, 1598, declaring that thenceforth no come- dias should be represented. Among other evils attrib- 1 See above, p. 145. ! The following is the text of this consulta, as given by Schack, and which is contained in a MS. in the Royal Academy of History: "Consulta que hizieron a S. M. el Rey D. Felipe II Garcia de Loaysa, Fray Diego de Yepes y Fray Gaspar de Cordoba sobre las Comedias." After recommend- ing the complete suppression of the comedia, they say: "Destas represen- taciones y comedias se sigue otro gravisimo dano y es que la gente se da al ocio, deleytes y regalo, y se divierte de la milicia, y con los bailes deshonestos que cada dia inventan estos faranduleros y con las fiestas, banquetes y comedias se haze la gente de Espana muelle y afeminada e inhabil para las cosas de travajo y guerra. — . . . Pues siendo esto asi y teniendo V. Mgd. tan precisa necesidad de hazer guerra a los enemigos de la fe y apercebirnos para ella, bien se vee quan mal aparejo es para las armas el uso tan ordinario de las comedias que aora se representan en Espana. Y a juizio de personas prudentes, si el Turco o xarife o Rey de Inglaterra quisieran buscar una invencion eficaz para arruinarnos y destruirnos, no la hallaran mejor que la destos faranduleros, pues a guisa 208 THE SPANISH STAGE utable to comedias, according to this consulta, was "that they fostered habits of idleness and pleasure-seeking in the people and turned their minds from warlike pursuits; that the banquets, festivals, and comedias were rendering the Spanish people effeminate and unfit for the hardships of war, and that the King, being obliged to wage war against the enemies of the faith, was ill prepared, as a result of the comedias as they are now represented in Spain. That, in the judgment of prudent persons, if the Turk or the King of England wished to seek an efficient device to ruin and destroy the Spanish nation, he could find none better than that of these players," etc. This recommendation of the council of theologians was followed, as just stated, by a royal decree prohibiting the representation of comedias. Perez Pastor states that the King called this consulta of theologians at the instance of D. Pedro de Castro, Archbishop of Granada, who had represented to his Majesty the harm resulting from these representations. This is borne out by the only text of the decree of May 2, 1598, directed to the Corregidor of Granada, which has only lately been discovered. 1 That this prohibition was not intended to be permanent is evinced de unos manosos ladrones abrazando matan y atosigan con el sabor y gusto de lo que representan, y hazen mugeriles y floxos los corazones de nuestros Espafioles, para que no sigan la guerra o sean inutiles para los trabajos y exercicios della." (Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Vol. Ill, Nachtrage, pp. 28, 29.) 1 Bibliografia Madrileiia, Part I, Madrid, 1891, p. 308. The text of this royal provision is : "Don Phelipe, por la gracia de Dios, etc .... A vos el nuestro Corregidor de la ciudad de Granada: Sepades que Nos fuimos informados que en nuestros reinos hay muchos hombres y mugeres que andan en Companias y tienen por oficio representar comedias y no tienen otro alguno de que sustentarse, de que se siguen inconvenientes de gran consideracion. Y visto por los de nuestro Consejo fue acordado que de- biamos rnandar dar esta nuestra Carta para vos en la dicha razon. E Nos tuvimoslo por bien ; por lo qual os mandamos que, por ahora, no consintais, ni deis lugar que en esa Ciudad ni su tierra, las dichas Com- panias representen en los lugares publicos destinados para ello, ni en casas particulares, ni en otra parte alguna; y no fagades ende al so pena de la nuestra merced. Dada en la Villa de Madrid, en 2 de Mayo de 1598." (Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, p. 620.) THE DECREE OF 1598 209 by its very words. It commands that the Corregidor of Granada "for the present ("por ahora") shall not consent or permit in the said city or its neighborhood the said com- panies to represent in the public places destined for that purpose, nor in private houses, nor in any other place whatever." This decree was doubtless intended primarily to apply to Madrid, 1 though I have been unable to find the text which refers to the theaters of the capital. The theaters of Madrid were, however, closed, but only for a short time, for in the course of the same year in which the decree was issued, the city sent a petition to the King requesting its revocation, which petition has been pre- served. In this Memorial the various reasons are set forth why comedias should again be permitted in Madrid, stating among other things that if excesses exist in the comedias, they can readily be removed; that comedias had been represented in the time of the King and of his predecessors, and that they were per- mitted and favored in all well-instituted commonwealths ; that the comedia is "an example, notice, portrait, mirror, model, doctrine, and warning of life, whereby prudent and docile men may restrain their passions, flee vices, elevate their thoughts, and learn virtues by demon- stration, for all these are to be found in the comedia, whence it follows that more may be apprehended by the *It is very probable that the closing of the theaters in Madrid in 1598 was also due, in no small degree, to the prevalence of the pest in that city. This is shown by the following work published in Madrid in that year: Breve Tratado de Peste, con sus causas, senates y curacion: y de lo que at presente corre en esta villa de Madrid, y sus contornos. Corapuesto por el Doctor Antonio Perez Medico y Cirujano de su Magestad. ... En Madrid, Por Luis Sanchez. Ano MDXCVIII. In his dedication he states that he had undertaken to attend "assi a la formacion de la casa y hospi- tal, para recoger los que por esta villa huuiese tocados deste mal, como a la cura dellos, dando noticia a V. m. y al senor Corregidor don Rodrigo del Aguila, dos veces en la semana, de lo que passa," etc. (Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, Part I, p. 312.) Perez Pastor {ibid., p. 308) terms it "mal de secas que en la epoca se padecia en Madrid." 2io THE SPANISH STAGE eyes than may be taught by the understanding. There is represented the happy end of the just king, the reward of virtue, the importance of prudence," etc. That those who visit the comedia may be reduced to two classes : the idle and vicious, and the virtuous and occupied, and the comedia does not make the former worse nor the latter less good (menos buenos), for to the one it serves as a bridle and restraint upon their vices, and to the others as a spur to virtue and labor, of which both will be deprived if comedias be suppressed entirely. The most urgent reason assigned is that three or four of the largest hospi- tals of the city are supported by the comedia, the General Hospital receiving in each year more than 8000 ducats. Another reason is that, comedias in Spain being always written in verse, the actor is thereby prevented from interpolating anything he chooses ; he is obliged to speak what the poet has written, etc. Lastly and strangely enough, it recites that comedias had not been prohibited elsewhere "in these kingdoms." 1 It is probable that this protest was originated by the directors of the hospitals of Madrid, who thus saw the chief source of their income cut off. Still, this Memorial was unavailing for the moment, though the King seems to have been willing that the theaters should be reopened, and an edict had been prepared to that effect, but his confessor, Fray Diego de Yepes, opposed it so strenuously that the order was revoked. 2 Finding the King on their side, the overseers of the hospitals, we may feel sure, did not relax their efforts to secure the repeal of a law which stifled them out of exis- 1 Memorial de la Villa de Madrid pidiendo al Rey Felipe II. que se abriesen los teatros, cerrados por la muerte de la Infanta D" Catalina, Duquesa de Saboya, Madrid, 1598. Printed in full in Perez Pastor, Biblio- grafia Madrilena, Part I, p. 304. 2 This information is furnished by Cabrera, Relaciones, etc., p. 5, where we find the following entry: "Madrid, 16 de Enero 1599. Habiase pro- veido a instancia de los hospitales, que se representasen comedias, por la mucha necesidad que padecian los pobres sin el socorro que desto les THE CORRALES OPEN AGAIN 211 tence. Accordingly, we find that on March 10, 1599, the town council of Madrid resolved to send Sr. Gregorio de Paz to Valencia, where the King then was, to present to his Majesty, on the part of the city, a memorial begging permission to have the city decked in the customary man- ner for the reception of the Queen, and also that the King be pleased to permit comedias and public representations. 1 So strongly did this petition move Philip the Third that he overruled the objections of his confessor, and on April 17, 1599, comedias were again allowed to be played in the theaters of the kingdom. 2 On the following day Philip the Third was betrothed to the Archduchess Margaret at Valencia, and during these festivities an allegorical auto by Lope de Vega, entitled Las Bodas del Alma con el Amor divino, 3 was represented in one of the public squares of Valencia. With this decree, however, the opponents of the thea- ter, among whom the most influential was Don Pedro de Castro, Archbishop of Granada, were not satisfied. They insisted upon the evil effects of the plays, and especially of the dances then in vogue upon the stage. Accordingly, in April, 1600, a council, consisting of four of the King's Council, four theologians, and Fray Gaspar de Cordoba, Tenia, pero el Confesor de S. M. Io ha resistido de manera que se ha mandado revocar la orden dada." '"Acuerdo de io de Marzo de 1599: — Que el Sr. Gregorio de Paz vaya a la ciudad de Valencia a llevar a S. M. de parte desta Villa un memorial suplicandole de licencia a esta Villa para que para el recibimiento de la Reyna nuestra sefiora se pueda vestir como es acostumbrado y para que se sirva dar licencia para que haya comedias y representaciones publicas. — Acuerdos del Ayuntamiento de Madrid, t° 24, f° 16." Sr. Perez Pastor adds: "En este ano se dejo (sesion de 8 de Enero) para despues el nom- brar las comisiones de Autos, danzas y toros." (Nuevos Datos, p. 49.) '"Madrid, a 17 de Abril 1599: — Tambien se ha dado licencia para que de aqui adelante se hagan comedias en los teatros como las solia haber, las quales dizen que se comenzaran a representar desde el lunes." (Ca- brera, Relaciones, etc., p. 18.) 'Published in his Peregrino en su Patria, Seville, 1604, fols. 86-108. The memorial of Alonso de Cisneros printed by Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 348, requesting that he be allowed to meet the new Queen with his com- pany and to perform on the way, doubtless refers to this event. 212 THE SPANISH STAGE the King's confessor, was called 1 to determine what re- strictions were to be imposed upon the theater, or rather to formulate the conditions under which comedias might be represented. The opinion of the theologians was that "the comedias, as they had been represented up to that time and as they were then performed in the theaters, with the sayings, actions, gestures, bailes, and vulgar and lascivious dances, were unlawful and that it is a mortal sin to represent them." They resolved that the conditions under which comedias might be represented were the fol- lowing : ( i ) That the subject-matter of the comedia be not evil or licentious, and that all immodest dances, say- ings, and gestures be eliminated, as well from the come- dias as from the entremeses. (2) That the many companies of players be reduced to four, which companies alone shall be licensed to represent comedias. (3) That women should not in any circumstances be permitted on the stage, nor should monks or prelates visit the theaters; and if boys play female characters, wearing women's at- tire, they must not appear rouged and must bear them- selves with due modesty. (4) That no representations shall take place in Lent, nor on the Sundays in Advent, nor on the first day of the three Pasquas; nor may any company remain in any town more than one month in each year, nor may two companies play at the same time, and in the said month they may play only three days in each week — on Sunday and on two other days — which should "Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. I, p. 151. Cotarelo y Mori, Controversial, p. 208, says it was the Duke of Lerma who was favorable to the con- tinuance of the comedia and who desired this commission to be appointed, the text of which, directed to one of the King's Council, the Licentiate Bohorques, is as follows: "Su Magestad ha mandado que quatro de su Consejo se junten con quatro teologos en el aposento del P. Confesor [Fr. Caspar de Cordoba] para conferir y ajustar la forma en que se pueden permitir las comedias. Uno de los senalados es Vm. y el P. Con- fesor avisara el dia en que se hubiese de hacer la junta. De Casa, 19 de Abril de 1600." This Council, Sr. Cotarelo says, could not agree, and it was finally increased to include eleven theologians who formulated the dictamen. THE DECREE OF 1600 213 be feast-days, when there are any. (5) That in churches and convents only plays of a purely devotional character be allowed. Further conditions were that the men should be separated from the women and should enter by dif- ferent doors ; that no plays should be acted in the univer- sities of Alcala or Salamanca, except during vacation; that all comedias and entremeses, before being acted in public, shall be played before a number of learned per- sons, among them at least one theologian ; that a judge be appointed to enforce the penalties against those who break these conditions ; and, finally, that a license to per- form should be granted for one year only "como para prueba y experiencia de su observancia." 1 This dictamen of Fray Gaspar de Cordoba and his ten colleagues was referred to the King's Council, who issued it in the same year, though modified in several particulars. After reciting in substance the opinion of the theologians that there should be nothing improper in the comedias nor in the songs and dances, concurring in the seasons and times fixed by them, and adding that on the days that comedias are given the doors of the theater shall not be opened until two o'clock, "so that the people may not miss the Mass, and for other reasons," the document pro- ceeds as follows: "And since they [the theologians] like- wise say that women shall not act because their freedom (desenvoltura) in such public acts incites to evil, and that if, in the place of women, boys appear on the stage in female attire, they shall not appear rouged or in any un- seemly make-up (compostura) , it appears to this Council that it is much less improper that women should act than that boys should appear in female attire, even though they be not rouged nor made up, provided that the said women do not appear in the habit or dress of men and be accom- panied by their husbands or fathers, and not otherwise. ^ellicer, Histrionismo , Vol. I, p. 151. This dictamen is now reprinted in Cotarelo y Mori, ControveTsias, p. 208. 2i 4 THE SPANISH STAGE "As regards the opinion of the churchmen that there shall be only four companies of players in the kingdoms and that none of them may remain in any one place longer than a month, and that they may not perform in any one place more than four months in any whole year, and that two companies may not play at the same time in one place nor act more than three days in any week, Sun- days and feast-days included, it appears that that portion which refers to the number of companies and to the days on which they may represent ought to be at the disposal of the Council, as it has always been, so that the Council may decree as it seems proper," etc. 1 That the recommendation of the theologians that there should be but four companies of players was disregarded, is further shown by the following autores de comedias, whom I find mentioned between February, 1600, and April 26, 1603 ; Melchor de Villalba, Gabriel de la Torre, Gaspar de Porres, Juan de Villalba, Baltasar Pinedo, Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, Pedro Jimenez de Valenzuela, Gabriel Vaca, Antonio de Villegas, Miguel Ramirez, Juan de Tapia, Luis de Castro, Alonso de Paniagua, Jeronimo Lopez de Sustaya, Alonso Riquelme, Pedro Rodriguez, Melchor de Leon, Diego de Rojas, Gaspar de los Reyes, 1 Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias sabre la Licitud del Teatro, pp. 163, 164. The resolution of this' Council as given by Cabrera de Cordoba varies only slightly from the above, stating that permission is granted to represent comedias de historias, but that they must not contain acts of religion or of the saints. The passage in Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 59, under date of February 4, 1600, is: "Solamente se ha tornado resolucion que puedan representarse comedias en los teatros de aqui adelante, lo qual estaba prohibido por evitar el escandalo y mal exemplo que en ellas habia ; pero porque los hospitales no pierdan el provecho que se les sigue, sin lo qual se padecia mucha en la cura de los pobres, y estaban para cerrarse los hospitales porque no bastaban las limosnas, se da licencia para se representar comedias de historias, y que no se mezclen actos de religion ni de santos; y que las mugeres que representaren no se pongan en habito de hombre, sino trayendo vaqueros largos, y que sean casadas con los mismos que representaren, y que fuera de alii los unos ni los otros no puedan andar vestidos de seda ni con guarnicion de ella ni de oro, sobre lo qual ha habido junta de teologos, canonistas y juristas, para tomar esta resolucion." THE DECREE OF 1603 215 Juan de Morales Medrano, and Gabriel Nunez, no less than twenty-one heads of companies. By a royal rescript dated April 26, 1603, the number of theatrical companies was limited to eight. 1 The text of this decree is as follows : "For very good and sufficient considerations his Majesty has commanded that within these kingdoms there may be only eight companies of play- ers and the same number of autores or managers of them, as follows : Gaspar de Porres, Nicolas de los Rios, Balta- sar de Pinedo, Melchor de Leon, Antonio Granados, Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, Antonio de Villegas, and Juan de Morales, and that no other company may represent within these kingdoms, and that you take notice of this, so that you may fulfil and execute it inviolably within your district and jurisdiction; and if any other company should represent, you shall proceed against the manager and the actors and punish them with due rigor ; and you shall not in any manner permit companies to represent in the mon- asteries of friars or in the convents of nuns, nor shall there be any representations during Lent, even though they be in the sacred manner; all of which you will guard and fulfil," 2 etc. 1 It appears that such a craze for theatrical performances had seized all classes by this time, especially artisans, that an attempt was made by the authorities to check it in the year preceding this decree. In 1602 the Alcal- des de Casa y Corte caused it to be proclaimed publicly that no workman or tradesman of any occupation whatever, nor their masters, visit the comedia on work-days, under a penalty of two years of banishment and a fine of 2000 maravedis. (Perez Pastor, Bulletin Hispanique (1907), p. 367.) See also below, p. 220, note 2. 'This decree of April 26, 1603, is as follows: "Por muy justas causas y consideraciones a mandado su Magestad que en todos estos reynos no pueda auer sino ocho companias de representantes de comedias y otros tantos autores de ellos, que son Gaspar de Porres, Nicolas de los Rios, Bal- tasar de Pinedo, Melchor de Leon, Antonio Granados, Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, Antonio de Villegas y Juan de Morales, y que ninguna otra compania represente en ellos; de lo qual se adbierte a Vm. para que ansi Io haga cumplir y executar ynviolablemente en todo su distrito y juris- diccion, y si otra qualquiera compania representase, procedera contra el autor della y representantes, y los castigara con el rigor necessario y en ninguna manera permita que en ningun tiempo del ano se representen co- medias en monasterio de frayles ni monjas, ni que en el de la quaresma 2i6 THE SPANISH STAGE The article of this decree restricting the number of autores de comedias to eight seems not to have been ob- served, for, in addition to the eight enumerated above, I find the following directors of companies between 1603 and 1 61 5: Alonso de Riquelme (especially designated as "de su Magestad"), Antonio Ramos, Domingo Balbin, Alonso de Heredia, Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, Alonso de Villalba, Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo, Cristobal Rami- rez, Pedro de Valdes (called "de su Magestad," February 2, 1614), Pedro Llorente, Andres de Claramonte ("de los nombrados por su Magestad," March 28, 1614). In 1608 an order for the government and regulation of the theaters of Madrid was issued by the licentiate Juan de Tejada, of his Majesty's Council, to whom was com- mitted the protection and government of the General Hos- pital of the capital, and of the other hospitals which shared in the profits of the theaters. This order is so important and is so clearly the basis of the subsequent decree of 161 5 for the regulation of the theaters, that I copy it here. It shows, among other interesting things, that women were not confined to seats in the cazuela, but that, besides the aposentos, they also occupied the gradas and tarimas. These regulations are as follows: "(1) That before a manager may enter this court [Madrid] with his company, he must first obtain a license from that officer of the Council who is the protector of the said hospitals, and without this he may not enter. ( 2 ) That before Pascua de Resurrection of each year the managers of companies shall give to the Council an account of the company they have, declaring that the persons whom they bring are married and to whom they are married, and the same before representing in this court, under penalty of 20,000 maravedis for the hospitals and punishment aya representaciones deltas, aunque sea a lo divino; todo lo qual hara guardar y cumplir. Porque de lo contrario se tendra su Magestad por deservido. De Valladolid a 26 de Abril de 1603 afios." (Schack, Nach- trage, p. 30, and now reprinted in Cotarelo, Controversias, p. 621.) THE DECREE OF 1608 217 besides. (3) That the manager who shall happen to be in this court shall select his theater for the first week, which .begins on Monday, otherwise he is estopped; and if three autores should happen to be here, they shall divide, each one representing two days successively (de arreo ) , in such manner that in twelve days each one is to represent eight comedias, four in each of the theaters. (4) That two days before the representation of a come- dia, entremes, or song, the said comedia, etc., is to be taken to the officer of the Council for examination, and until the necessary license be procured, the comedia, etc., is not to be assigned to the players for study, under penalty of twenty ducats and other punishment; and no woman shall appear to dance or act in male attire, under the same penalty. ( 5 ) That the doors of the theaters shall not be opened until twelve o'clock, noon, and representa- tions shall begin during the six months from October 1 at two o'clock, and during the other six months at four in the afternoon, so that the performance may end one hour before nightfall ; and the commissioners and algua- ciles shall take particular heed that this be complied with. (6) That it be clearly indicated on the posters what comedias are to be represented each day, and he who for good cause shall fail to do so shall give an account of it to the officer of the Council, under the said penalty. (7) That the brotherhood of the Pasion and of the Soledad shall each year name two Commissioners, satis- factory persons, rich and unoccupied, who shall take their turn by weeks in each theater, and before naming the whole number they shall furnish the list to the officer of the Council, so that he may attend, if he so desire. ( 8 ) That the said Commissioners appoint responsible and trustworthy persons to receive the profits, who shall allow nobody to enter without paying the required sum, and they shall not leave the doors until at least the first act is over, and having done so, they shall hand over the money zi 8 THE SPANISH STAGE to the proper person for distribution. (9) That only the four Commissioners, the person with the book, and the money-takers (cobradores) shall enter without paying either for entrance or for a seat, and no other person, either because he is an alguacil, scrivener, brother (co- frade), or deputy, nor for any other cause, and of this the alguaciles shall take particular heed, so that there may be no disputes on this account, and if there be, they shall arrest the person, etc. (10) That the said Commissioner shall, during his week, at ten o'clock in summer and at eleven in winter, come every day to the theater to which he has been designated, to assign (repartir) the benches and aposentos, preferring titled persons and the nobility who may have sent to request them. (11) That they allow no man to enter or remain in the gradas or tarimas of the women, nor allow any woman to enter at the men's entrance, nor permit any one to enter the dressing-room or elsewhere unless he be a player, and if any one shall do so, the alguaciles shall put him in prison and shall duly report it, so that the person may be punished; and no friar shall likewise be permitted to enter the corrales to see the comedias, as hereinbefore commanded. (12) That no man be permitted to enter the aposentos especially desig- nated for women, unless he be known to be the husband, father, son, or brother, etc. (13) That no banco or aposento be given without payment for it, but the Com- missioners may give two bancos only every day in each theater, during the week in which they serve, to accommo- date the money-takers and such others as are necessary, and no aposento may be given to anybody, although it be vacant. (14) That none of the said Commissioners may depute another in his place; if for good reasons he be unable to attend, he shall notify his companion. (15) That four Commissioners shall consult concerning any re- pairs to the theater, etc. (16) That that officer of the THE DECREE OF 1608 219 Council who is protector of the hospitals shall name each year a Commissioner of the said hospitals, who shall keep the books of the profits of the said comedias and share the same among the said hospitals as agreed upon. (17) That the said Comissario de libro shall, on each day that a comedia is given, go to the treasury of the theater at three o'clock, and count what has been received from the seats, buncos, and aposentos, as well as the quartos taken at the doors, and shall divide it in the manner required, etc. (18) That of the five quartos [=20 maravedis] which are received at the entrance from each man and woman, the manager shall take three, and the General Hospital one, and the other hospital of the capital and that of Anton Martin each one half a quarto; and of the money which results from the asientos, buncos, uposentos, ventanas, and celosius, the General Hospital shall receive the one fourth part, that of the Ninos expositos another fourth part and one eighth of it, and the rest to go to the Hospital de la Pasion, as heretofore determined, etc. (19) That of the money which proceeds from the venta- nas, celosius, and other things of which the General Hos- pital does not receive the quarto entrance money, one fifth be given to the said hospital, and the remainder be divided as profits from the asientos and aposentos. (20) That a separate account be kept of the moneys resulting from the renting of the corrales, the coach-house, and the six reals which each autor gives for each representation for repairs, and of the other things that cannot be divided each day, and that care be taken that these sums be collected, etc. . . . (26) That eight days before the close of the year the Commissioners shall announce the leasing of the corrales for the following year, etc. . . . (29) That the lessee shall not receive for each uposento more than twelve reals, nor for each banco more than one real, under penalty, etc. . . . (31) That no curtains or 2 2o THE SPANISH STAGE hangings may be put in the aposentos, nor benches in the patio, unless they be fastened to the walls." 1 On October 3, 161 1, Dona Margarita of Austria, wife of Philip the Third, died, after having given birth to a son on September 22, and the theaters were closed in con- sequence. This was a blow not only to the players, but also to the playwrights. Thus deprived of his immediate source of income, we find Lope de Vega complaining of his ill luck in a letter of October 6-8, to his patron, the Duke of Sessa : "I have bidden good-by to the Muses on account of the absence of comedias ; I shall feel their loss, for, after all, they were a help in the frequent illness that my little family suffers." Again, speaking of the same subject, he says : "Only the comedia has felt the misfor- tune," and adds: "with due discretion they are already trying to resuscitate the play for the good of the hospi- tals." 2 What the result of the recommendation of D. Juan de Tejada was we do not know, but on April 8, 1615, the Council issued another decree for the "Reformation of Comedias," which does not differ materially from the decree of 1603, except that it declares that there shall be twelve autores de comedias, instead of eight, and names them, and reenacts the recommendation of D. Juan de Tejada (of 1608) in many of its provisions. It declares that there shall be no more than twelve companies of play- ers, to be named by the Council, who shall have a certifi- cate of their appointment signed by Juan Gallo de An- drade, secretary of the Camara del Consejo. That the Council appoints the following twelve autores: Alonso 1 Cotarelo y Mori, Contro-versias, pp. 622-625. In this year (1608) we find an "Auto de los Alcaldes de Casa y Corte" forbidding all men from stopping at the door of the theater where women enter or leave the house, under a penalty of 200 ducats and banishment for four years from the court and five leagues therefrom. Madrid, May 6, 1608. (Bull. Hispa- nique (1907), p. 374.) 2 Rennert, Life of Lope de Vega, p. 198. Two year; after this, on October 19, 1613, writing from Lerma to his patron, the Duke of Sessa, Lope de THE DECREE OF 1 615 221 Riquelme, Fernan Sanchez, Tomas Fernandez, Pedro de Valdes, Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, Pedro Cebriano, Pedro Llorente, Juan de Morales, Juan Acacio, Antonio Grana- dos, Alonso de Heredia, and Andres de Claramonte, who, and no others, may conduct companies for the space of two years next following the eighth day of April, and they shall have in their companies persons of good lives and habits, and shall each year furnish an account of them to the person whom the Council may designate, and the same shall be done by those who may be named autores hereafter, every two years. That the directors and married actors be accompanied by their wives. That they shall not wear costumes against the pragmat- ics of the realm, except upon the stage or wherever they may represent. That the actresses shall appear only in decent women's attire and shall not represent in underskirt (faldellin) only, but shall at least wear over it a gown or loose over- skirt {baquero 6 basquina suelta enfaldada) , and they shall not act in male attire nor assume the roles of men, nor shall men or youths represent women on the stage. It prohibits all lascivious or immodest songs, dances, or gestures, and permits only such as may be in conformity with the old dances and bailes, and especially forbids all the bailes de escarramanes, chaconas, zarabandas, carre- terias, and all similar dances, concerning which it com- mands that the autores may not make use of them in any manner whatsoever, under the penalties declared, nor may they invent other new and similar ones bearing dif- ferent names. And all songs and dances must be ap- proved by the Council, even those which are permissible. Vega says that he had received word from Madrid that women had been forbidden to visit the comedia. His words are : "De Madrid me han escrito que por pregon publico se ha prohibido que las mugeres no vayan a la comedia, no se que se murmura aqui acerca de la causa." (Schack, Nach- trage, p. 34.) I find no mention elsewhere of such a prohibition. 222 THE SPANISH STAGE It provides further that in each theater of Madrid an especially appointed alguacil shall be present (besides Juan Alicante, alguacil de la casa y corte de S. M.), and the other two alguaciles during the time for which they may be appointed, each to remain in the theater to which he may be designated, and all are to take precautions that there be no noise, uproar, or scandal; that the men be kept separated from the women, both in the seats and in the entrances and exits, to avoid all unseemly acts; and they shall permit nobody except the players to enter the dressing-rooms. They are further to see to it that the auditors leave the theater before dark and that the thea- ters be not opened until noon. That the autores and their companies shall not repre- sent in private houses in Madrid without the license of the Council, nor shall they admit anybody to their rehearsals. That no comedias whatever be represented from Ash Wednesday until the first Sunday after Easter, nor on the Sundays in Advent, nor on the first days of the Pascuas. That all comedias, entremeses, bailes, dances, and songs, before they are handed over to the actors to be studied, shall be taken to the censor appointed by the Council, who shall pass upon them and shall give a license, signed by him, permitting their representation, and without this license they may not be performed. That no two companies may be in one place at the same time except in the court [Madrid] and in Seville, nor may they be more than two months in one place in any year. That no performance be given in any church or monas- tery unless the comedia be purely one of devotion. That the autores or players who fail to observe the above-mentioned declarations be punished in the follow- ing manner : For the first offense a fine of 200 ducats, to be devoted to charitable works ; for the second the double of this fine and banishment from the kingdom for two AUTORES IN 1615-1640 223 years, and for the third infraction two years in the gal- leys. The decree is signed by Juan Gallo de Andrade. 1 We have seen that by the above decree of 161 5 only twelve autores de comedias, or directors of companies, were permitted to give theatrical performances, and that these autores were to exercise this privilege for two years only, except by special reappointment. Among the autores de comedias between 161 5 and 1640 who were especially designated as "appointed by his Majesty," I have found the following, though there were doubtless others: Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan (1619); Manuel Vallejo (1623) ; Juan Bautista Valenciano (1623) ; Juan Mar- tinez (1624) ; Bartolome Romero (1637) ; Pedro de la Rosa (1637) ; Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla (1637) ; An- dres de la Vega (1638) ; Juan Roman (1638) ; Francisco Velez de Guevara (1639) ; Francisco Alvarez de Vitoria (1639) ; Pedro de Cobaleda (1639). Of autores de comedias not designated as appointed by the King, the following names occur between 161 5 and 1640: Cristobal de Leon, Pedro Cerezo de Guevara, Francisco Mudarra, Francisco Ortiz, Juan Catalan, Alonso de Olmedo y Tofino, Cristobal de Avendano, Jeronimo Sanchez, Antonio de Prado, Juan Jeronimo Almella, Roque de Figueroa, Juan Vazquez (El Polio), Lorenzo Hurtado de la Camara, Francisco Lopez, Juan Bautista Espinola or Espinosa, Sebastiano Gonzalez, Juan de Malaguilla, Juan Penalosa, Francisco Solano, Segundo de Morales, Juan Rodriguez de Antriago, Damian Arias de Penafiel, Pedro de Linares, Pedro de Ascanio, Antonio de Rueda, Gabriel de Espinosa, Damian de Espinosa, Luis Lopez de Sustaete, Francisco Garcia, and Pedro Manuel de Castilla (Mudarra) . For some time prior to 161 5, however, the question of 'Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, etc., pp. 626, 627. This decree had previously been published in part by Sepiilveda, El Corral de la Pacheca,, p. 41. 224 THE SPANISH STAGE completely suppressing the comedias must have been again discussed, for on February 25, 161 5, a resolution was adopted by the town council or ayuntamiento of Madrid, which reads: "Having heard that there is a question of prohibiting comedias, and that in lieu of the profits which the hospitals derive from the comedias certain excises and imposts are to be levied, ... it has been shown by experience that it is less dangerous to have comedias than to suppress them, for those who go to see them are thus prevented from having recourse to other things of greater danger and prejudice to them; ... it is therefore re- solved that the council entreat his Majesty that comedias may be permitted as heretofore, and that the proceeds resulting therefrom be devoted to the hospitals," etc. 1 The comedia, it seems, had not been flourishing as here- tofore, and in the previous year (1614) there had been a general complaint on the part of the overseers of the charities dependent upon the theaters, in which they were supported by the autores, that the income from the come- dia had been greatly diminished on account of the de- creased attendance at the theaters. The reasons assigned were various: "because the price of admission had been raised; because the buncos and aposentos had been farmed out, and further restrictions had been made as to the entrance of women into the theaters, and, finally, because there are no good autores nor any dances by women." 2 The representation of comedias was continued under the restrictions prescribed by the decree of 1615, but Pellicer says that they were not so popular, "having lost the salt and attraction of the picaresque dances, of which the youth of both sexes are so fond." This condition of things was not destined to continue long. As one may readily imagine, the managers of the 1 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 359. 'Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. II, pp. 159, 160. NUMBER OF COMPANIES 225 theaters were not slow to give the public what it asked, and gradually, one after another, every restriction that had been placed upon the theaters was disregarded. 1 Be- sides the twelve privileged companies of players (com- pahias reales or de titulo) numerous other companies soon sprang up {companias de la legua, as they were called) , which overran the peninsula and apparently took no pains to avoid the capital. According to Pellicer, there were no less than forty, their total membership amounting to over one thousand persons. 2 Indeed, a writer quoted by Ticknor declares that in 1636 there were as many as three hundred companies of 1 Other measures respecting the theaters were enacted in succeeding years. In 1624 churchmen were prohibited from visiting the theaters or bull-fights: Acuerdo de la Junta de Rcforraacion. "En 24 de Marzo 1624 acordo la Junta que los religiosos no fueran a las comedias ni a los toros." (Perez Pastor, Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 250.) In the following year an at- tempt was even made to prevent the printing of comedias : Acuerdo de la Junta de Reformacion. "Y porque se ha reconocido el dano de imprimir libros de comedias, novelas ni otros deste genero por el que blandamente hacen a las costumbres de la juventud, se consulte a su M d ordene al Con- sejo que en ningun manera se de licencia para imprimirlos." In the mar- gin is the following note: "Hablose sobre deste punto a 7 de Marzo [1625] con el s r Conde Duque, y parecio a S. Ex 1 que el Presidente mi senor de su oficio lo hiciesen, y que su S* podria mandar asi." (Ibid., p. 251.), In the same year it was again declared that the men should be separated from the women in the theaters and that the companies of players be reduced from forty to twelve : Acuerdo de la Junta de Reformacion : "En la Junta de 29 de Junio 1625 se acordo que hubiese separacion de hombres y mugeres en los corrales de comedias, que las companias de 40 se reduzcan a 12." {Ibid.) And in December, 1625, it was recommended that representations in Madrid be given in only one theater : Acuerdo de la Junta de Reformacion. "En 1 1 de Diciembre de 1625 acordo la Junta que en la corte se representase en un solo corral cada dia." (Ibid., p. 252.) While on January n, 1626, it was declared that but one comedia should be represented each day in Madrid. (Ibid., p. 252.) The two latter decrees were certainly never observed. 'Cervantes, Don Quixote, Madrid, 1797-98, Vol. IV, p. no, note. Pelli- cer's information is probably derived from a memorial presented to Philip IV. by one Santiago Ortiz. The date of this instrument has been fixed in 1639, though this is uncertain. Ortiz says that, in spite of the decree of the Council that there should be no more than eight (sic) com- panies, there were now more than forty. "Vieronse en poco tiempo dis- currir con desvergiienza grande por el reino 40 companias, en que se ocupaban mil 6 pocas menos personas de ambos sexos, gente bagabunda, de vida licenciosa y casi toda de costumbres estragadas, etc. A este gente perdida suelen agregarse hombres facinerosos, clerigos y frailes apostatas 226 THE SPANISH STAGE players in Spain. 1 That this number is greatly exag- gerated does not admit of a doubt. It is probable that there were not more than twenty companies of standing in Spain in 1636. Of smaller strolling bands we have no information, but there were doubtless many, as there had been for years. Still, the theater was undoubtedly on the wane. In some parts of Spain, indeed, theatrical representa- tions were not tolerated at all, as in Navarre, and "come- y f ugitivos, que se acogen como asilo de estas companias para poder andar libres y desconocidos a la sombra de ellas. Maridos que solo sirven de excusa a sus mugeres, y mugeres que solo sirven de excusa a sus maridos, falsos 6 verdaderos, y que con sus desenvolturas y bufonerias encantan a los viejos y a los mozos . . . hallan valedores para todo, y nunca sus delitos pueden refrenarse con algunas penas." (Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en SeiAlla, p. 282.) Pellicer states that Santiago Ortiz, the author of this memorial, was an actor, but Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, p. 541, shows quite conclusively that this is an error and that he was prob- ably "algun religioso austero," and fixes the date of the memorial in 1649. 1 History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. II, p. 518, note 9. The writer alluded to by Ticknor under the title "Pantoja, Sobre Comedies ," is really Simon Lopez, to whom reference has already been made. "Pan- toja" was the name of a lady who had expressed scruples concerning the legality of comedias, to which the work of Simon Lopez was a reply. (Cotarelo, Controversias, p. 399, note.) The following statement from Leon Pinelo's Anales is not without inter- est, and is, besides, a flat contradiction of the assertion of "Pantoja." After describing the funeral of Lope de Vega in 1635, Pinelo says, under the year 1636: "En este insigne Ingenio [Lope] tuvieron principio las come- dias en la forma que hasta oy permanezen, y con su muerte han ydo descaeziendo, de modo que el Doctor Montalvan en el ano de 1632 pone setenta y siete Poetas de que refiere los nombres, y los mas escrivian comedias: oy no podremos senalar quatro que se apliquen a esta ocupa- zion, y asi se van despoblando los Teatros y desaciendo las Companias de la farsa." (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 36.) Still, one is curious to know whom Pinelo had in mind when he says that "not four poets can be named nowadays who devote themselves to writing plays." In 1636 Guillen de Castro was dead, but Calderon was then at the height of his fame, and Mira de Mescua, Alarcon, Rojas, Velez de Guevara, Montal- ban, Moreto, and Tirso de Molina were still among the living, though perhaps the latter had then practically ceased writing for the stage. That the companies of players were not all disbanded in 1636 is shown by the fact that among the principal autores who had companies in that year or shortly thereafter are the following: Pedro de la Rosa, Manuel Vallejo, Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo, Bar- tolome Romero, Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla, Alonso de Olmedo, Antonio DECLINE OF THE THEATER 227 dians who entered that kingdom were severely punished," as Crespi de Borja writes in 1649. 1 The same writer also says that comedias were at this time not often acted in Valencia, Segorve, Jativa, and other places. And as early as 1620 an anonymous writer says: "In other cities like Plasencia, Burgos, Leon, Toro, Zamora, Cuenca, Ocafia, and others, actors are rarely seen, unless it be to represent some festival." 2 Two years later, in 1622, the mayor- domo of the hospitals of the city of Vitoria proposed that a theater be erected in the city to provide a revenue for the hospitals, and to this the town council assented. But the hijosdalffo of the city and the natives of the surrounding country objected to a theater, declaring that the inhabi- tants were very industrious and that they would become worthless and their business and employments would suf- fer; moreover, a portion of the site that had been chosen would, from its darkness, afford lurking-places for thieves and vagabonds. The structure was begun, though it remained unfinished and was never used as a theater. 3 That for some time prior to 1634 there had been no co- medias represented in Murcia, we learn from a letter of Francisco de Cascales to Lope de Vega. 4 And in 1694 de Prado, Roque de Figueroa, Andres de la Vega, Luis Lopez de Sustaete, Antonio de Rueda, and others. Since writing the above I have found that the statement of Pinelo, though under the year 1636, was not actually written until 1658. It may have been correct at the latter date. See Comedias de Moreto, edited by D. Luis Fernandez Guerra, p. xii (Bibl. de Autores Espaiioles). '"En Navarra no solo no las [i.e., comedias] hay, pero son castigados gravemente los comediantes si entran en ella." He further says, speaking of comedias: "en las ciudades donde no las hay continuas, como en Va- lencia, Jativa, Segorve y otros lugares del reino, donde nunca 6 raras veces las hay, no se ven ni se hacen mayores delitos cuando faltan estas comedias." (Quoted by Cotarelo y Mori, Coniroversias, p. 194.) This is a rather startling statement, if true, for it shows the early decline of the comedia in a city — Valencia — which was one of the great theatrical centers at the beginning of the seventeenth century. 2 Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, p. 229. 'Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 190. ' Cartas filologicas, Murcia, 1634: "Muchos dias ha, Senor, que no tene- 228 THE SPANISH STAGE comedias were banished from the city of Cordoba and its theater was ordered to be torn down by the city council. 1 mos en Murcia comedias; ello-deve ser porque a qui han dado en perseguir la representacion, predicando contra ella, como si fuera alguna secta 6 gravisimo crimen." (Edition of 1779, p. 127.) I do not know the date of this letter, but it was written after 1621. See also Schack, Nachtr'dge, p. 61. 1 Controversies, p. 209. CHAPTER XI Private representations before the King. Philip the Third. Philip the Fourth. The latter's fondness for the theater. Representa- tions in 1622. Festivals at Aranjuez. The "Buen Retiro." Lope's Selva sin Amor. Dramatic spectacles by Calderon. De- cree of 1 64 1 regulating plays. The theaters closed in 1646 and again in 1682. On March 31, 1621, the theaters of Madrid were closed on account of the death of Philip the Third, and all come- dias were suspended until July 28 of that year. 1 The autos were represented on Corpus Christi as usual, and in Ma- drid they were performed by the companies of Pedro de Valdes and Cristobal de Avendano, who were the only autores permitted to act in Madrid "from the day the license should be given until Corpus." 2 During the autos of this year we are told that not a castanet was heard, out of respect for the late King. At Seville they were pre- sented by the companies of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas and Juan Bautista Valenciano. 3 Upon the opening of the corrales of Madrid, on July 28, 1 62 1, the first comedia to be performed was Lope de Vega's Dios haze Reyes, which was represented by the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz. 4 'Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 161. It is probable that this prohibition also extended to Seville. Fernandez-Guerra (Alarcon, p. 351) states that the theaters were closed only till May 9, 1621. 'Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 188. 3 Sanchez-Arjona, Analei, p. 217. 'Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. I, p. 161, says: "Comenzo Alcazar por una comedia de Lope de Vega," etc. This is evidently a mistake for Alcaraz, since we know that the latter, who had been an autor de comedias since the last decade of the sixteenth century, was in Madrid in 1621 and the 229 2 3 o THE SPANISH STAGE Of the kings of Spain during the period with which we are concerned, Philip the Second seems to have lent no support to the theater nor to have favored it in any material way. Indeed, nothing could have been more opposed to his gloomy religious character, and while Philip the Third in- herited much of the somberness of his father's nature, k which toward the close of his life developed into a like re- ligious fanaticism, he seems not to have been averse to the stage and even had a theater built in the palace for private representations, though this was probably due more to the interest and delight which the Queen took in such per- formances. As Schack has observed, it results from the Relaciones of Cabrera that as early as the beginning of the seventeenth century comedias were represented in the royal palace or Alcazar, which stood upon the spot where the royal palace stands to-day, i.e., in the west end of Madrid, while the Buen Retiro is situated in the east end of the city, and that Philip the Third, besides the stage which appears to have been in one of the royal saloons, also caused a theater to be built in the Casas del Tesoro, near the palace. 1 Many private representations of comedias before the court doubtless took place in the years preceding the building of this theater, of which a few are recorded. These were all given at the instance of the Queen. On January 30, 1603, the Queen commanded that 1500 reals be paid to Nicolas de los Rios for five comedias acted in her presence at Valladolid during that month, and on beginning of 1622. (Nuevos Datos, p. 189.) The name "Alcazar" had misled Chorley into supposing that the Alcazar theater (i.e., in the Royal Palace) was meant. See my Life of Lope de Vega, p. 489. Lope's play contains ho gracioso, and Chorley says that it is to be presumed that Lope purposely refrained from introducing a comic character, as the period of mourning for the King's death was not yet over. 1 Nachtrage, p. 26. The passage in Cabrera is as follows, under the date, Madrid a 20 de Enero 1607: "Hase hecho en el segundo patio de las casas del Tesoro un teatro donde vean sus Magestades las comedias, como se representan al pueblo en los corrales que estan deputados para ello, porque puedan gozar mejor de ellas que quando se les representa en REPRESENTATIONS BEFORE QUEEN 231 July 14, 1603, he received 600 reals for two comedias, one of which he represented at Burgos in June, and one at Valladolid, where the court then was, on July 13, 1603. Again, on August 25 of the same year Juan de Morales Medrano received 600 reals for two comedias played before the Queen in August, while Antonio de Villegas was paid 1200 reals for four comedias acted in the Queen's presence in Valladolid in September, 1603. * On October 20, 1 604, the Queen commanded that 2000 reals be paid to Gaspar de Porres on account of the comedias represented before her during this year in Valladolid, and 1600 reals, the balance due him, on November 23, for twelve comedias acted between August and the end of November, i.e., 3600 reals for the twelve comedias. 2 The autos sacramentales made a stronger appeal to \ Philip the Third than comedias, and were often repre- | sented in private before the royal family. In 1609 Balbin~ and Heredia represented autos before the King in the Escorial, 3 and in June, 1613, Alonso de Riquelme and his players proceeded to San Lorenzo el Real to repeat be- fore the King the autos sacramentales which he had rep- resented at Corpus of that year in Madrid. For this private representation Riquelme was to have received 3100 reals, "but 200 reals were deducted as a fine, because he did not furnish new costumes, in accordance with the agreement which he had made." 4 With the accession to the throne of Philip the Fourth, ini62i,attheage of sixteen 5 (he was born April 8, 1605 ) t su sala, y asi han hecho alrededor galerias y ventanas donde este la gente de Palacio, y sus Magestades iran alii de su Camara por el pasadizo que esta hecho, y las veran por unas celosias." (Relaciones de las Cosas sucedidas en la Carte de Espana desde el ano 1599 hasta 1614, por Luis Cabrera de Cordoba. Edited by D. Pascual de Gayangos. Madrid, 1857, p. 298.) 'Perez Pastor, in Bull. Hispanique (1907), p. 368. 2 Ibid., p. 369. * Ibid., p. 375. 1 Nuevos Datos. p. 135. 5 Philip III. died March 30, 1621, so that, in fact, the new King was not quite sixteen. 232 THE SPANISH STAGE a more favorable period for the drama was inaugurated. He was a generous patron of art and literature and was especially an ardent admirer of the theater. As Schack has said : "His name is indissolubly linked with the great artists and poets who glorified his reign. Under his pro- tection the greatest Spanish painters, led by Velazquez, were united at Madrid to a school which will compare favorably with that of any other country." With Philip the Fourth the theater was a ruling pas- sion, in which perhaps his inordinate weakness for the comediantas played no less a part than his admiration for the comedia. He not only greatly encouraged dramatists, 1 but is said to have himself written a number of plays, among which Dar la Vida por su Dama has been persis- tently ascribed to him, though it is now conceded that this comedia was written by Antonio Coello. Philip's taste for these spectacles was developed at a very early age, and in 1614, being then nine years old, he appeared as Cupid in a representation given by the prince and princesses before the King and Queen and ladies of the court, the little Count of Pufionrostro impersonating Venus. The movement of the car in which Cupid came upon the stage made him ill, however, and "he vomited twice, though no other mishap befell him, and they say that he played his part exceedingly well," as the chronicler gravely informs us. 2 1 So we are told by all writers on the Spanish drama, but if we except Calderon, Bocangel (an insignificant playwright), and D. Jeronimo de Villayzan, whose career was a very short one, \ cannot recall another instance in which this king gave any substantial aid to a dramatist. Alarcon, it is true, held an unimportant appointment with a high-sounding title, but this was not bestowed upon him by Philip. Nearly all the other dramatists were priests, who depended upon the church for their sub- sistence. The greatest of them all was sorely neglected by Philip; the only royal favor that Lope de Vega ever received was a pension in Galicia of 250 ducats annually, granted to him a few years before his death. The King's promise to provide for Lope's son-in-law was never kept. {Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 376, 415. But see above, p. 37, note a.) 3 "De Madrid 8 de Marzo 1614: El jueves de la semana pasada, el A FESTIVAL AT LERMA 233 A minute account of another festival in which this princeling took part has since been published by the Mar- ques de la Fuensanta del Valle and D. Jose Sancho Rayon from a manuscript in possession of the editors. It took place at Lerma on November 3, 1614, and the comedia represented was Lope de Vega's El Premio de la Hertno- sura, though from the description here given the play must have differed considerably from the version as now printed in Lope's Comedias, Part XVI, Madrid, 1621. The subject of the comedia, we are told, was taken from Lope's epic La Hermosura de Angelica: the costumes, stage machinery, and decorations are described in detail, and a list of characters, with the names of those who im- personated them. Here, too, the little prince represented Cupid, and besides "he threw out the Loa." 1 It would be very interesting to know the titles of the comedias thus privately represented before the King and Queen in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Lists of such plays have been published for the year 1622 and for subsequent years, and doubtless the Archives of the palace will reveal others prior to these dates. 2 Be- ginning on October 5, 1622, the private performances given in the apartments of the Queen on Sundays, Thurs- days, and feast-days during that year, as first published by Schack (Nachtrage, p. 66), were as follows: Principe Nuestro Sefior con los meninos representaron una comedia delante del Rey y sus Altezas y las damas, sin entrar otro ninguno; represent© el Principe al dios Cupido, y de salir en un carro se raareo y tuvo dos vomitos, pero no se le siguio otro mal ; y dicen lo hizo bonisimamente, y el condecito de Puno en Rostro hizo la diosa Venus, y los otros los demas personages, y ha habido algunos a quien ha parecido que no se habia de permitir que representase su Alteza, aunque la poca edad le disculpa; al cual se le ha muerto el enano Bonami, que el queria mucho, y lo merecia porque era mucho de estimar," etc. (Cabrera, Re lactones, p. 547.) 1 Comedias ineditas de Frey Lope Felix de Vega Carpio. Tomo I, Madrid, 1873, p. 479. 2 In September, 1622, Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan had also repre- sented three comedias in the private apartments of the Queen. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 247.) 234 THE SPANISH STAGE COMEDIAS REPRESENTADAS EN OCTUBRE: Autores. Pedro de Valdes. Los Celos en el Cab alio (Ximenez de Enciso). La despreciada Querida (Juan Bautista de Ville- gas). La Perdida de Espana (D. Juan de Velasco y Guzman?). It also bears the alternative title La mas injusta Venganza. "For these three comedias 900 reals were paid, or 300 reals each, at the command of the Queen, on the petition of Jeronima de Burgos, wife of the said autor, for prior to this only 200 reals had been paid for the representation of a comedia." Ganar Amigos (Alarcon). Rodamonte Aragones (Juan Bautista de Villegas). It also bears the alternative title El valiente Luci- doro. See Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 3399. Poderosa es la Ocasion(l). Repre- sented twice. Como se engahan los Ojos (Juan Bautista de Villegas). Alonso de Olmedo. Cristobal de Avendano. El Labrador venturoso (Lope de Vega). El Infante de Aragon (Andres de Claramonte) . El Rey Angel. Perhaps this is El Rey Angel de Sicilia, by Juan Antonio de Mojica. See Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2901. The above three comedias were represented in October and November. COMEDIAS IN THE PALACE 235 Cristobal de Avendano. Cristobal de Avendano. Cristobal de Avendano. Cautela contra Cautela (Tirso de Molina and Alarcon). La Perdida del Rey D. Sebastian ( ?) . Perhaps this is El Rey Don Sebas- tian y Portugues mas heroico, by Juan Bautista de Villegas. See Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2904. Lo que puede la Traicion( ?). El Marido de su Hermana (Juan Bautista de Villegas). El Martir de Madrid (Mira de Mescua). See Paz y Melia, Catd- logo, No. 2029. El Labrador venturoso (Lope de Vega) . El Labrador venturoso (Lope de Vega). San Bruno ( ?). La Caida de Faeton{ ?). See Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 1225. Ir y quedarse( ?). Quien no se aventura (Guillen de Castro). El Principe ignorante(l). Perhaps Lope's El Principe inocente, men- tioned in his Peregrino en su Patria (1604). Mas merece quien mas ama (Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza). Acted twice. Las Victorias del Marques de Canete (written by nine Ingenios). See Barrera, Catalogo, p. 31. Acted in conjunction with the company of Valdes. Trances de Amor (?). Calderon wrote a play Lances de Amor y Fortuna, published in 1636. 236 THE SPANISH STAGE Juan de Morales Medrano. [Manuel] Vallejo. Pedro de Valdes. ElNinodelSenado(^). La Conquista de Jerusalen(l). See Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 1508. Twice represented. Celos engendran Amor( ?). Las Pobrezas de Reynaldos (Lopede Vega). La V engadora de las M.ugeres (Lope de Vega). El Vencedor vencido en el Torneo. Perhaps this is El Vencedor ven- cido, by D. Juan de Ochoa of Seville. See Paz y Melia, Cata- logo, No. 3428. La milagrosa Eleccion de Put V. (Moreto). 'La Judit Espanola( ?) . La Romera de Santiago (Tirso de Molina). Las Pruebas de la Leah ad ( ?). Las Burlas de Pedro de Urdemalas (Lope de Vega?). See my Life of Lope de Vega, p. 524. La Selva de Amor(l). It cannot be Selva de Amor y Celos, by Fran- cisco de Rojas, who was not born till 1607. Perhaps it is Lope's Selvas y Bosques de Amor. [Amor], Pleito y Desafio (Lope de Vega). Los Celos en el Cabal 1 (Ximenez de Enciso). Represented twice. D.SanchoelMalo(?). Las Azanas del Marques de Cahete (by nine Ingenios). Represented by Valdes and Avendano. See above. La despreciada Querida (Juan Bau- tista de Villegas). PRIVATE REPRESENTATIONS 1623-54 237 The whole number of comedias represented in the apartments of the Queen from October 5, 1622, to Feb- ruary 8, 1623, was forty-five. Another very important list of comedias represented before Philip the Fourth between 1623 and 1654 was pub- lished many years ago by Sr. Cruzada Villaamil. 1 It con- sists of about three hundred titles, beginning with five comedias performed by the company of Juan Bautista de Villegas, and including one (Como se engahan los Ojos) which he himself had written. The latest play in the list is Calderon's La Hija del Aire, acted by the company of Adrian Lopez in November, 1653. For each of these representations the King paid 200 reals. Of the private representations of comedias just men- tioned, those which took place in the autumn of 1622 and in the early months of 1623, to the young Queen, Isabel of Bourbon (elder daughter of Henry the Fourth, the great Bearnais, and first wife of Philip the Fourth), were given in her private apartments in the Alcazar, then the royal residence in Madrid. She died on Octo- ber 6, 1644. In appears that, before these perform- ances were given, Philip the Fourth desired to erect a theater in the palace, and accordingly commanded that one should be built "near the game of pelota." Objection was made to the King's plan by the Coun- cil, and whether it was ever carried out in the form proposed I do not know. 2 That representations con- tinued to be given in the Alcazar, however, for some 'In El Averiguador, Tomo I, Madrid, 1871. The great scarcity of this publication induced me to reprint the list in the Modern Language Re- view, Cambridge, England, Vol. II, 1907, with additions, under the title "Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama." It will be seen that the King was less liberal than the Queen in his expenditures for this favorite amusement. "'31 Agosto 1622. — Habiendo entendido que su magestad quiere hacer en Palacio un corral de comedias, se acordo que para el primero Ayunta- miento se llame a la villa para tratar dello y se llame al Sr. Luis Hurtado particularmente para saber del, como veedor de las obras de su magestad, lo que en esto hay. "Acorddse (2 Septiembre 1622) que se llame a la Villa para el lunes a 238 THE SPANISH STAGE years, is certain. The King, prior to this, and until the completion of the sumptuous palace, the Buen Retiro, in 1632, had festal performances given in the royal gardens at Aranjuez, where an immense stage was constructed by the Italian architect Cesare Fontana, the theater being one of great magnificence. Here a splendid festival was presented on the King's seventeenth birthday, April «8, 1622. Don Juan de Tarsis, Count of Villamediana, was the author of the comedia, La Gloria de Niquea y De- scription de Aranjuez, which was presented on that occa- sion. 1 In 1 63 1, on a large tract of land adjoining the royal monastery and convent of San Jeronimo, Philip began the erection of a new royal residence, the Buen Retiro, "a fantastic palace of pleasure and pastime which was to fin de tratar del nuevo corral de comedias que su magestad es servido y manda que se haga junto al juego de pelota. En 5 de Septiembre se acordo hablar al Presidente del Consejo exponiendole los dafios que la Villa tendria con la instalacion del nuevo corral de comedias, pues no podria dar a los hospitales los 60,000 (ducados) anuales que les da." (Libros de Acuerdos del Ayuntamiento de Madrid. Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 191.) 1 Obras de Don Juan de Tarsis, Conde de Villamediana y Correo Mayor de Su Magestad, Caragoca, por Juan de Lanaja y Quartanet, Inpresor del Reino de Aragon y de la Universidad, Afio 1629, pp. 1-54. Mr. Martin Hume gives the following account of this festival : "In the following spring of 1622 there was a great series of festivals at Aranjuez, where the court was then in residence, to celebrate Philip's seventeenth birthday. Already the glamour of the stage had seized upon Philip and his wife, and one of the attractions of the rejoicings was the representation, in a temporary theater of canvas, erected amidst the trees on the 'island gar- den,' and beautifully adorned, of a comedy in verse by Count de Villa Mediana, dedicated to the Queen. The comedy was called La Gloria de Niquea, and Isabel herself was to personate the goddess of beauty. It was night, and the flimsy structure of silk and canvas was brilliantly lit with wax lights when all the court had assembled to see the show; the young King and his two brothers and sister being seated in front of the stage, and the Queen in the retiring-room behind the scenes. The pro- logue had been finished successfully, and the audience were awaiting the withdrawing of the curtain that screened the stage, when a piercing shriek went up from the back, and a moment afterward a long tongue of flame licked up half the drapery before the stage, and immediately the whole place was ablaze. Panic seized upon the splendid mob, and there was a rush to escape. The King succeeded in fighting his way out with diffi- THE "BUEN RETIRO" 239 obscure utterly the groves, gardens, and ancient palaces of the Pardo and the Casa de Campo, which had been the delight of Philip the Second and Philip the Third." 1 The palace was surrounded by extensive gardens, groves, and artificial lakes, and contained a magnificent theater. On a portion of the site occupied by the Buen Retiro had for- merly stood an aviary with a collection of poultry, belong- ing to the Countess of Olivares, 2 husband of the King's favorite, the Count-Duke of Olivares, to whose ideas the palace owed its origin and who was the leading spirit in its erection and completion. As the palace and its gardens were not finished until October, 1632, the festival, which was one of the greatest magnificence, given to the royal couple by the Count-Duke on St. John's eve, 1631, took place in the gardens of the Duke of Maqueda and D. Luis culty, and made his way to the back of the stage in search of his wife. In the densely wooded gardens that surrounded the blazing structure he sought for a time in vain, but at last found that Villa Mediana had been before him, and that the half-fainting figure of the Queen was lying in the Count's arms. Whatever may have been the truth of the matter, this, at all events, made a delightful bonne bouche for the scandalmongers, who hated Villa Mediana for his atrabilious gibes, and it soon became noised abroad that the Count had planned the whole affair, and had purposely set fire to the theater that he might gain the credit of having clasped her in his arms, if but for a moment." (The Court of Philip IV., p. 58.) Four months after this, in August, 1622, Villa Mediana was murdered in Madrid, while returning home in his coach, soon after dark. An account of the above-mentioned festival at Aranjuez, and a descrip- tion of the magnificent theater erected there by the skill of Capitan Julio Cesar Fontana, together with a descriptive poem entitled Relacion de la Fiesta de Aranjuez en Verso, by Don Antonio de Mendoza, will be found in that author's works, entitled El Fenix Castellano, etc., Lisboa, 1690, pp. 426 ff. 'Mesonero Romanos, El Antigua Madrid, Madrid, 1881, Vol. II, p. 163 ; Hume, The Court of Philip IV., p. 238. 1 Hence the term gallinero sometimes applied to the palace, but gener- ally, it seems, to the theater, for we read frequently of comedias represented in the gallinero of the Buen Retiro. Madame d'Aulnoy's description is as follows: "Le Buen Retiro est une maison Royale a l'une des portes de la Ville. Le Comte-Duc y fit faire d'abord une petite maison qu'il nomma Gallinero, pour mettre des poulets fort rares qu'on lui avait donnees; & comrae il alloit les voir assez souvent, la situation de ce lieu qui est sur le penchant d'une colline, & dont la vue est tres agreable, l'engagea d'entreprendre un batiment considerable. ... La 240 THE SPANISH STAGE Mendez de Carrion, which adjoined each other. During this festival two comedias were represented: Quien mas miente medra mas, written by Don Francisco de Quevedo and D. Antonio de Mendoza, and performed by the company of Vallejo, and Lope de Vega's sprightly com- edy La Noche de San Juan, represented by the company of Cristobal de Avendafio. 1 In October, 1632, the completion of the Buen Retiro was celebrated with a festival of great splendor, begin- ning with a cane tourney in which the King and the Count-Duke took part, followed by other sports and entertainments. It was celebrated by Lope de Vega in a poem entitled A la primer a Fiesta del Palacio nuevo. 2 A play for the solemnity of swearing fealty to the infant prince Baltasar, written by the Prince of Esquilache, and acted at the palace in this year, is mentioned by Ticknor, as well as two other plays acted on the same occasion- one by Antonio de Mendoza and the other by Lopez de Enciso. 3 From this time forth representations in the theater of the Buen Retiro were of frequent occurrence, and, ac- cording to Pellicer, in 1640 people began to visit them in the same manner as they did those in the Corral de la Cruz and in the Principe. 4 Salle pour les Comedies est d'un beau dessin, fort grande, toute ornee de sculpture & de dorure. L'on peut etre quinze dans chaque loge sans s'incommoder. Elles ont toutes des jalousies, & celle ou se met le Roi est fort doree. II n'y a ni Orchestre ni Amphitheatre. On s'assit dans le parterre sur des bancs." (Relation du Voyage d'Espagne, La Haye, 1693, Vol. Ill, p. 6.) 1 Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. II, pp. 167 ff., and Hume, The Court of Philip IV., p. 231. 2 Published in his Vega del Parnaso, Madrid, 1637, fol. 61, v. Be- sides the magnificent theater which the King had built in the palace of Buen Retiro, spectacles were also represented upon the pond in the gar- dens. See below. 3 History of Spanish Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 48, note. 'Avisos de Pellicer, 7 Febrero 1640. "El Rey nuestro Sefior con toda su casa y la Senora Princesa de Carifian esta desde el dia de San Bias en el Buen Retiro, donde ha de tenerse hasta la Quaresma. Hase em- LOPE'S SELFA SIN AMOR 241 Among the festal performances before the royal family in the palace, it may not be without interest to mention Lope de Vega's pastoral eclogue La Selva sin Amor, which was sung before his Majesty sometime prior to November 22, 1629. This, as Ticknor says, was the first attempt to introduce dramatic performances with music. The eclogue was wholly sung, and, as Lope himself says, "it was a thing new in Spain." It was played with a showy apparatus of scenery and stage machinery prepared by Cosme Lotti, an Italian architect. 1 It was to the latter's great skill, moreover, that the success of many of the sumptuous court representations given by the king were in no small measure due. Among them may be mentioned : "Circe. A Dramatic Spectacle which was represented on the great pond of the Retiro, the invention of Cosme Lotti, at the request of her most excellent Ladyship the Countess of Olivares, Duchess of San Lucar la Mayor, on the night pezado a representar en el teatro de las comedias que se ha fabricado dentro y concurre la gente en la misma forma que a los de la Cruz y del Principe, celebrandose para los Hospitales y autores de la Farsa. Es obra grande." (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 72.) "Los Bandos de Verona, de D. Francisco de Rojas, estrenose el 4 de Febrero de 1640, representandola la compafiia de Bartolome Romero, y fue la primera comedia que se hizo en el coliseo del Buen Retiro, asistiendo gente que pago la entrada corao en los demas corrales" (Bib. Nac, MS. V-48), quoted by Julio Monreal, Cuadros viejos, Madrid, 1878, p. 124, note. 1 History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 508. He says further that "the earliest of the full-length plays that was ever sung was Calderon's La Purpura de la Rosa, which was produced before the court in 1660, on occasion of the marriage of Louis the Fourteenth with the Infanta Maria Theresa— a compliment to the distinguished personages of France who had come to Spain in honor of that great solemnity, and whom it was thought no more than gallant to amuse with something like the operas of Quinault and Lulli, which were then the most admired entertainments at the court of France." Unfortunately a slight matter of chronology in- terferes at this point. While Quinault and Lulli collaborated for fourteen years, producing on an average an opera a year, the earliest, La Fete de I Amour et de Bacchus, was not brought out until 1672, just twelve years after Calderon's La Purpura de la Rosa. In Perez Pastor, Calderon Docu- ments, Tomo I, p. 277, we read of a "fiesta (comedia) toda cantada, de D. Pedro Calderon de la Barca, que se habia de hacer el domingo 28 deste mes [Noviembre 1660] a los afios del Principe, Nuestro Sefior." This was, doubtless, La Purpura de la Rosa. Lope de Vega's dedi- 242 THE SPANISH STAGE of St. John [June 24, 1 634 ?] , 1 Also Calderon's El mayor Encanto Amor, "a fiesta which was represented before his Majesty on St. John's eve in the year 1635, on the pond of the royal palace of the Buen Retiro," and Los tres mayores Prodigios, a festival also produced in the Retiro on the St. John's eve of the following year. These plays were given in the open air, and in the latter case the three acts were represented on separate stages, beside one an- other, each act by a different company of players : the first act on the stage on the right hand by Tomas Fernandez, the second act on the left by Pedro de la Rosa, and the cation of the Selva sin Amor to the Almirante de Castilla is so im- portant for the history of the stage of the time that I give the most interesting parts of it: "No aviendo visto V. Excelencia esta Egloga, que se represents cantada a sus Magestades y Altezas, cosa nueua en Espafia, me parecio imprimirla, para que desta suerte, con menos cuydado la imaginasse V. Excelencia, etc. ... La maquina del Teatro hizo Cosme Lorti ingeniero Florentin, por quien su Magestad embio a Italia, para que assistiesse a su seruicio en jardines, fuentes, y otras cosas, en que tiene raro y excelente ingenio. ... La primera vista del Teatro, en aviendo corrido la tienda que le cubria [it will be observed that here there was an outer curtain], fue un Mar en perspectiua, que descubria a los ojos (tanto puede el Arte) muchas leguas de agua hasta la Ribera opuesta, en cuyo puerto se vian la ciudad, y el Faro con algunas Naues, que haziendo salva disparauan, a quien tambien de los Castillos respondian. Vianse assimismo algunos pezes, que fluc- tuauan, segun el mouimiento de las ondas, que con la misma inconstancia, que si fueran verdaderas, se inquietauan, todo con luz artificial, sin que se viesse ninguna, y siendo las que formauan aquel fingido dia mas de trezientas. ' Aqui Venus en un carro que tirauan dos Cisnes, hablo con el Amor su hijo, que por lo alto de la maquina rebolaua. Los instrumentos ocupauan la primera parte del Teatro, siu ser vistos, a cuya armonia cantauan las figuras los versos, haziendo en la misma composicion de la Musica, las admiraciones, las quexas, los amores, las iras, y los demas afectos. Para el discurso de los Pastores se disparecio el Teatro mari- time, sin que este mouimiento, con ser tan grande, le pudiesse penetrar la vista, transformandose el Mar en una selva, que significaua el soto de Mancanares, con la puente, por quien passauan en perspectiua quantas cosas pudieron ser imitadas de las que entran y salen en la Corte: y assimismo se vian la casa del campo y el Palacio, con quanto desde aquella parte podia determinar la vista, . . ," etc. {Laurel de Apolo, Madrid, 1630, fol. 103.) 1 Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. II, p. 14.6. A translation of this curious document will be found in: Love the greatest Enchantment, The Sorceries of Sin, The Devotion of the Cross, from the Spanish of Calderon, by Denis Florence Mac-Carthy, London, 1861, p. 5. ST. JOHN'S EVE 243 third upon the middle stage by the company of Antonio de Prado. 1 These private representations before the King by the various theatrical companies which happened to be in Madrid were of very frequent occurrence. Certain actors or actresses whom the King especially desired were called from other cities, and sometimes entire companies were thus commanded by the King for these private func- 1 Calderon, Comedias, Part II, Madrid, 1637. My copy is of the second edition, Madrid, 1641, where the play begins on fol. 257. It is preceded by a Loa. These plays were produced upon a floating theater "which the wasteful extravagance of the Count-Duke of Olivares had erected on the artificial waters in the gardens of the Buen Retiro." In the concluding verses of the play Calderon says that "the water was very happy on this gracious night." Ticknor, however, states that "a storm of wind scattered the vessels, the royal party, and a supper that was also among the floating arrangements of the occasion, prepared by Cosme Lotti, the Florentine architect," though the play was successfully acted several times during the month. He fixes the date as June 12, 1639, which, however, was certainly not its first representation. (History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 481, note.) Ticknor's source of information was probably the Anales de Madrid of Antonio Leon Pinelo, who, under the year 1640, says: "La noche de San Juan hubo en el Retiro muchos festines, y entre ellos una Comedia representada sobre el Estanque grande con maquinas, tramoyas, luces y toldos: todo fundado sobre las barcas. Estando repre- sentando, se levanto un torbellino de viento tan furioso, que lo desbarato todo, y algunas personas peligraron de golpes y caidas." (Quoted by Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. I, p. 193. See the very interesting note on St. John's eve, in Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. VI, pp. 259 ff.) A num- ber of these particulares, as private performances were called, belonging to a somewhat later period, are mentioned by Schack, Nachtrage, pp. 73, 74, among them being the comedia of Antonio de Solis, Psiquis y Cupido, which was produced in the Buen Retiro on a scale of great magnificence, the machinery for it being especially constructed by the Italian engineer Maria Antonozzi. It appears that, beginning on October 29, 1661, the theatrical representations in the palace were in charge of the Marquis of Heliche, while those in the Buen Retiro were under the superintendence of the Duke of Medina de las Torres. (Ibid., p. 74, and see especially Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, and the Poesias de Solis, Madrid, 1692, passim.) Concerning the sums of money expended by Philip IV. on these private representations, Barrionuevo tells us that a comedia sometimes cost the King as much as 50,000 ducats. Under date of January 23, 1655, he writes: "Vendra el Rey, Sabado, 30 de este, derecho a Palacio, que no va al Retiro, como solia, por estarle preparando una Comedia en el, de tramoyas, que dicen costard mas de 50,000 ducados ; que por aca no se trata sino de pasar alegremente esta pobre vida, de donde diere y quede lo que quedare." (Avisos, Vol. I, p. 213.) The same writer also chronicles the following: "Miercoles 17 de 6ste [Enero de 1657] se 244 THE SPANISH STAGE tions, 1 though they had been announced to appear in the public theaters, which were frequently closed on that ac- count. 2 Among the dramatists of the time an especial favorite of the King was Don Jeronimo de Villayzan y Garces. It «is said that Philip used to go incognito to the Corral de la Cruz to see Villayzan's comedias acted, entering his box by a passage from the Plazuela del Angel. It was, more- over, the common report at the time that Villayzan aided the King in his dramatic labors. 3 Certain it is that before January, 1623, when Villayzan was not yet nineteen years of age, one of his comedias, Trans formaciones de Amor, was represented privately before the King by the company hizo en la Zarzuela la comedia grande que el de Liche tenia dispuesta para el festejo de los Reyes. Costo 16,000 ducados, que pago de su orden el Conde de Pezuela. . . . Todas las tramoyas y aparatos se han traido del Retiro, al nuevo coliseo que se ha hecho en la ermita de San Pablo, para tornarla a hacer este Carnaval. . . . Dio Liche a D. Pedro Calderon 200 doblones por la comedia," etc. (Avisos, Vol. Ill, p. 176.) 1 See above, p. 198. ' "Madrid, 20 Diciembre 1656. — Peticion de los arrendadores de los corrales contra Pedro de la Rosa, que no represento en los dias 15 y 16 de Diciembre porque, segun confiesa, estuvo estudiando y ensayando la fiesta de los anos de la Reina, que se ha de hacer el 22 del presente mes. Tampoco represento el dia 18, aunque tenia puesto carteles para hacer la comedia El Conde Lucanor [atribuida a Calderon]. (Perez Pastor, Calde- ron Documentos, Vol. I, p. 243.) Again, we read in a notarial certificate dated Madrid, February 24, 1657: "Y ansimismo doy fee vi cerrados los corrales el lunes de Carnestolendas, doze de dicho mes, por haber ido al Retiro las companias de Pedro de la Rosa y Diego Osorio a hacer la fiesta de la Zarzuela conducidos por el alguacil de corte Joseph Caballero y vi conducir las dichas companias, y este dia no represento Francisco Garcia por haberle llevado las mugeres al ensayo de la comedia de Don Pedro Calderon, que se hizo el martes siguiente a Su Magestad." (Ibid., p. 244. See also pp. 277, 280, et passim.) It appears that the King did not always go to the theater for the sole purpose of seeing the play. The following curious bit of news is chronicled by Barrionuevo under date of February 27, 1656: "S. M. ha mandado no vayan mafiana a la Comedia sino solas mujeres, sin guarda-infantes, porque quepan mas, y se dice la quiere ver con la Reina en las celosias, y que tienen algunas ratoneras con mas de 100 ratones cebados en ellas para soltarlos en lo mejor de la fiesta, asi en cazuela como en patio, que si sucede, sera mucho de ver, y entretenimiento para SS. MM." (Avisos, Vol. II, p. 308.) 8 Barrera, Catdlogo bibliogrdfico y biografico del Teatro antiguo es- panol, p. 491. JERONIMO DE VILLAYZAN 245 of Juan Bautista de Villegas. 1 Another, Sufrir mas por Querer mas, was acted before the King some time prior to November, 1632, and again on October 17, 1637, and it pleased the King so greatly that he commanded that it should not at that time be represented elsewhere. 2 Still another of his comedias, Ofender con las Finezas, was played before the King by the company of Manuel Vallejo on February 5, 1632, and again on November 13, 1633. 3 Villayzan died at the early age of twenty- nine, in 1633, in which year his friend Lope de Vega published an elegy on his death. 4 During the first twenty years of the reign of Philip the Fourth, comedias continued to be represented, pre- sumably, in accordance with the restrictions prescribed by the decree of 161 5. That this decree was a dead letter is evinced by the fact that a new series of regu- lations for the theater was issued in 1641, at the in- stance of D. Antonio de Contreras, "of the Council and Chamber of his Majesty." These regulations, how- ever, did not differ in any essential particular from those of 1 61 5 ; indeed, most of the articles were a literal repeti- tion of the previous decree. Here and there slight changes were made, as, for instance, no woman above the age of twelve years shall be allowed to act unless she be married, nor shall any manager permit her to be in his company, if she be unmarried ; also that no person, what- ever be his quality or condition, be allowed to enter the retiring-room of the players, under penalty of 20,000 1 See my "Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama,'' in Modern Language Review," Vol. Ill (1907). 2 Barrera, Catdlogo, p. 492. The play must have been originally repre- sented before the King some time prior to 1632, for in November of that year it belonged to the repertory of Andres de la Vega, a theatrical manager. (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 226.) 'Modern Language Review, Vol. Ill (1907), p. 48. Elegia a la Muerte de D. Gerdnimo de Villais&an, por su amigo Frey Lope Felix de Vega Carpio. — En Madrid por Francisco Martinez, ano 1633. See Gallardo, Ensayo de una Biblioteca espanola, Tomo IV, p. 977. 246 THE SPANISH STAGE maravedis for the first offense, and for a second infraction under such penalty as the Consejo Protector may declare. A like penalty is provided in the case of men found in the entrances or exits of the women. 1 According to an Aviso dated March i, 1644, 2 the chief subject of gossip in Madrid at that time was the restric- tions and regulations imposed upon comedias and players by D. Antonio de Contreras. Provisions are, however, alluded to which are not contained in the above-mentioned decree of 164.1, among them that "henceforth no comedia which is the author's own invention may be represented, 3 but only histories or the lives of saints," and that no actor or actress may appear upon the stage in costumes of gold or telas. Moreover, a new comedia, never seen before, may be represented only every eight days, and "the Senores may not visit any actress more than twice." 4 On the death of the Queen, Isabel of Bourbon, first wife of Philip the Fourth, on October 6, 1644, the thea- ters were again closed. How long this interruption lasted in Madrid, I do not know. In Seville, at all events, repre- sentations were given in 1645, f° r m May of that year the companies of Luis Lopez and Lorenzo Hurtado de la Camara were acting in that city. 5 The autos were regu- "This regulation of 1641 was first published by Sepulveda, El Corral de la Pacheca, pp. 556 ff. It is now reprinted in full in Cotarelo y Mori, Controversial, pp. 632, 633. 2 In a MS. Cod. 12 of the National Library. Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. I, p. 220. 3 This provision, Pellicer states, was intended to prohibit the writing of "comedias de amores y de galanteos, las quales se llamaban Comedias de capa y espada." 4 How this last regulation was to be enforced against the Senores we are not told, but as very few of the provisions of these theatrical ordinances seem ever to have been observed, this one, which allowed the Senores but two visits to an actress, was quite gratuitous. Still, as this provision doubtless concerned a very large class, it offered the more timid admirers a loophole of escape in the very remote contingency of their being appre- hended on a second visit. 6 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 374. DEATH OF PRINCE BALTASAR 247 larly presented in Madrid in 1645, Calderon receiving 300 ducats vellon for writing them. 1 Once more, on October 9, 1646, the theaters were closed on account of the death of Prince Baltasar. This again raised the question of whether comedias should be permitted, and, according to Pellicer, a council of theo- logians again submitted some regulations — "bastante di- fusas" — to the King, recommending that for the present comedias be suspended, beginning with "Pasqua de Flo- res." They explain what they mean by "for the present," alleging, among other reasons, "until God may be pleased to put an end to the wars with Portugal in which Castile is now engaged." Among the conditions recommended by them were : "That the companies should be reduced to the number of six or eight, and that the compaiiias de la legua, which are composed of gente perdida, who travel through the smaller towns, should be prohibited ; that the comedias to be represented relate to some proper and moral subject or concern the life or death of some exem- plary person or some noble deed, and that they should be without intermixture of any love-affair, and that, in order to attain this end, nearly all the comedias that had been represented down to that time should be prohibited, espe- cially those of Lope de Vega, which had worked such harm in the customs of the people." They provided, further, that no comedia may be represented without previously obtaining a license; that the costumes of the players be reformed, especially the guar dainf antes (very wide hoop-skirts (of the women and the decollete gowns 2 1 Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, p. 126. 2 Pellicer (Histrionismo , Vol. I, p. 218, note) says: "Esta moda llamada el Degollado continuo con el nombre de el Escotado, porque consistia en usar las mugeres unos jubones escotados, que daban lugar a descubrir la garganta, la espalda y los pechos, cuyo escandaloso uso, despues de haber dado copioso materia a los Teologos moralistas, dio motivo a un Real Decreto, que le prohibio, permitiendole solamente a las mugeres publicas." 248 THE SPANISH STAGE and strange head-dresses; that players be permitted to wear only one costume in any one play, except where the change is exacted by the comedia, nor shall women wear men's attire, and their skirts, moreover, must reach to the feet, etc. Dances also were regulated; only married women were allowed to act or dance, only players were permitted to enter the green-rooms, and comedias were to be begun at two o'clock in winter and at three in summer, so that the play may be over before dark. 1 There is much uncertainty concerning the date on which comedias were again allowed to be represented upon the public stage at Madrid after the death of Prince Balta- sar. It appears there had been no plays acted in the theaters of Seville and Madrid, at all events, even for some time prior to the Prince's death, — since Shrovetide, 1 646. 2 We know that the autos were represented in Madrid as usual in 1648, for Calderon wrote them and received 300 ducats for them; 3 the theaters of Seville were also open in this year, 4 though there had been no representations dur- ing the preceding year, as we have just seen, nor were any autos presented in Seville in 1648, the theaters not re- suming until September 15, when the company of Esteban Nunez began forty performances in the Coliseo. The pest was prevalent in Andalucia during the years 1646-49, the theaters being finally closed in the latter year on ac- count of the havoc wrought by the contagion, though rep- resentations were resumed in Seville in 1650. 5 Sometime during the period 1646-47 a number of 1 Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. I, pp. 217-220. * "En el raanuscrito de Noticias y casos memorahles de la ciudad de Sevilla, que procedente de la biblioteca del senor Conde del Aguila se conserva en el Ayuntamiento, se dice: — 1646. Este ano prohibio el Con- sejo las comedias; a lo menos en Sevilla y Madrid no las hubo desde Carnestolendas." (Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 379.) ' Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, p. 163. 4 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 380. 'Ibid., pp. 383-386. THE THEATERS CLOSED 249 autores de comedias petitioned the King for permission to again represent comedias, alleging various reasons and requesting the King to command that comedias be freed of all indecent or objectionable features, etc. 1 According to Pellicer, the cities that were most in- sistent upon the reopening of the theaters were Zaragoza and Valencia. Already in 1650 and 1651, he continues, comedias were again being acted in the King's palace 2 in Madrid, and in the other chief cities of Castile, and now this permission was extended to Zaragoza. With this example before it, the city of Valencia renewed its peti- 1 "Peticion hecha en Cortes a S. M. para que no se prohiban las Come- dias: — Por algunos autores de Comedias se a significado al Reyno = El Reyno haviendo reconocido que la mayor parte de lo que se saca de las comedias se convierte en diferentes obras pias como son Hospitales . . . y importar en cada un ano mas de 80 mil ducados y ser evidente que zesando el uso dellas, las ciudades an de eligir otros medios para suplirlos (por ser tan preziso y nezessario no faltar a cosa tan meneste- rosa) y que estos recarguen sobre los muchos que estan impuestos y que los pobres bengan a ser gravados en ellos, quando eran exemptos de lo que se sacava de las comedias y que cada uno lo pagava voluntariamente, y generalmente ser los mas acomodados y.llegarse asta aver sido de general desconsuelo para todos el que se aya mandado zesen las comedias porque como ordinariamente no tenian otro divertimiento y que en lo aparente siempre se a tenido por licito y no perjudicial ni danoso a la Republics, pues a averlo sido en tantos anos como ha que se introdujeron asi en estos Reynos como en todos los de Europa, se hubiera rresuelto zesasen, y por ser un tiempo en que todos se hallan con tantos rrogos y afligiones, les es mas sensible el que les falte este entretenimiento ; por cuyas rracones suplica el Reyno a V. Md. se sirva de mandar se continuen y hagan las dichas comedias dando orden se reforme la parte que tuvieren de pro- fanidad 6 indecencia 6 que mirasen a dar mal exemplo y que las justicias pongan particular cuidado en que se escusen las disensiones y alborotos, que suelen ofrecerse entre la gente ogiosa y mal entretenida con que pareze se rrepararan los danos que de hazerse las comedias se an experi- mentado rresultan; y porque las personas de quien se componen no se dividan ni ausenten destos Reynos en caso que V. Md. tenga por bien de condezender con esta suplica, convendra que con toda brevedad se tome rresolucion a ella porque de dilatarse sea muy dificil el bolverse a juntar este genero de gente. V. Md. mandara lo que mas convenga," etc. (Archivo general Central, entre los papeles correspondientes a los anos 1646-1647. Reirista de Archivo* (1883), pp. 179, 180.) 2 Two years before, in 1648, Antonio de Prado had represented eleven comedias privately before the King and Queen, and the company of Juana de Espinosa had performed eight before March, 1647. (El Averi- guador, Tomo I (1871), p. 170.) 2 5 o THE SPANISH STAGE tion and induced the Council to consult the King on Feb- ruary 15, 165 1. To this consulta the King replied with a decree permitting "comedias de historias, as they are represented in Madrid," to be performed in Valencia also. 1 The first comedia represented in Madrid when the theaters were reopened was Santa Maria Magdalena. 2 That theatrical companies, however, were acting in other parts of Spain prior to 1650 is a well-attested fact. In 1649, during the journey of the new Queen, Dona Mari- ana de Austria, from Vienna, the company of Roque de Figueroa represented a comedy before the King on one of the royal vessels lying at Tarragona. 3 Another royal order, chiefly concerning the abuses that had gradually been introduced in the matter of women's costumes on the public stage, and which the decree of 1646 had been intended to remedy, was issued on January 1, 1 653.* On the death of Philip the Fourth (Septem- ber 17, 1665), the theaters were once more closed, and a 1 "En esta Corte se ha ido tolerando el que haya Comedias de historias, y en la forma que el Consejo tendra entendido; y si este afio se per- mitieren, podra correr en Valencia lo mismo, precediendo su examen y moderacion al exemplo de lo que se hiciese aqui; pues el conceder a los pueblos algun licito desahogo parece preciso." (Pellicer, Histrionismo, Tomo I, p. 223.) 2 Loc. cit., p. 223. A number of comedias bearing this title have survived, and it is impossible to determine which one is here meant. The thirst for novelty would preclude Lope's play, which was written before 1618. The comedia so entitled by Luis Velez de Guevara (who died in 1644) is of unknown date. It may be Jacinto Maluenda's La Magdalena. See Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 704. 8 "Mientras los esclavos hizieron aguada, entretuvo S. M. el tiempo, oyendo una comedia que Roque de Figueroa, Autor dellas, represento en la Antepopa de la Real con su Compania, que entonces acaso se hallava en Tarragona." (Real Viage de la Reyna N. S. Dona Mariana de Austria desde la Corte de Viena hasta estos sus Reynos de Espana, Madrid, 1649, quoted by Schack, Nachtrdge, p. 73.) *This decree was first published by Schack (Nachtrdge, p. 80) from a MS. in the Royal Academy of History at Madrid. It is as follows: "Quando permiti que volviesen las comedias (que se avian suspendido por los desordenes y relaxacion de trages y representaciones que se avian esperimentado) fue con orden preciso que eso se executase con atencion muy particular a la reformacion de los trages y a la decencia de las THE THEATERS OPENED IN 1666 251 decree was issued by the Queen, Dona Mariana of Aus- tria, on September 22, 1665, prohibiting the representa- tion of comedias throughout the kingdom, and declaring "that they shall cease entirely until the King, my son, shall be of an age to enjoy them." 1 The theaters remained closed, however, but little more than a year, when the city of Madrid, on November 17, 1666, petitioned the Queen Regent that they be reopened. The question was again referred to the Council, who threshed the whole matter over once more, with the inevitable result that a decree was issued, on November 30, again permitting the repre- sentation of comedias, 2 which were continued until July 14, 1682, when the theaters were again closed on account of the pest. representaciones que se havra de obserbar, de suerte que no hubiese, ni en lo uno ni en lo otro, cosa alguna que ofendiese la publica honestidad. Y porque he entendido que en esto se falta gravemente en las partes donde se representa y que los trages no son con la moderacion y ajustamiento que se deve, os ordeno que embieis ordenes a la Corona en todo aprieto (de suerte que se observen precisa y indispensablemente) que ninguna muger pueda salir al teatro en havito de hombre, y que si huviere de ser preciso para la representacion que hagan estos papeles, sea con trage tan ajustado y modesto, que de ninguna manera se les descubran las piernas ni los pies, sino que esto este siempre cubierto con los vestidos 6 trages, que ordinariamente usan, o con alguna sotana, de manera que solo se diferenzie el trage de la cintura arriba imponiendoles las penas que os pareciere y disponiendo que inviolablemente se executen en las que contravinieren al cumplimiento de la orden referida. — Rubricado de la real mano de S. M. — Madrid, a i° de Enero de 1653. — Al Vicecanciller de Aragon." This decree is also now printed in Cotarelo, Controversial, P- 635- 1 "E1 sentimiento a que ha obligado la falta del Rey nuestro Senor, pide que prohiba generalmente en todos estos Reynos el representar Comedias, y asi mando se den luego por el Consejo las ordenes necesarias para que cesen enteramente, hasta que el Rey mi hijo tenga edad para gustar de ellas." (Pellicer, Histrionismo, Vol. I, p. 270.) 2 Ibid., pp. 271-374. CHAPTER XII The "Partidas" of Alfonso the Learned concerning secular plays. The church and the theater. Public players declared infamous. Opposition of the clergy to the theater. It is mostly due to the players. Character of the actresses. The fact that the modern theater had its origin in the liturgical services of the early Christian church naturally induced that body, as the great conservator of public morals, to keep a watchful eye on the growing popularity and development of the religious celebrations and repre- sentations, which finally culminated in the profane thea- ter. The Partidas of Alfonso the Learned, written between 1252 and 1257, had already declared what part the clergy might take in these representations, namely: "that re- ligious persons ( clerigos ) may not be actors in the farcical plays (juegos de escarnios), 1 so that people come to see them, how they are acted. And if other persons rep- resent them, the clergy shall not come to see them, for much clownishness and lewdness are committed in them. Nor shall these things be done in the church; rather do we declare that those who do these things shall be driven from the church in disgrace, for the church of God is in- tended for prayers and not for lewd plays. But the clergy may represent such matters as the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, in which is shown how the angel descended to the 1 Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. I, p. 269, translates juegos de escarnios = buffoon plays; Wolf translates "Spottspiele." See also the note in Ticknor, ibid. Doubtless rude farces with their accompaniment of horse-play are meant. 252 THE COUNCIL OF ARANDA 253 shepherds and told them of the birth of Christ. And likewise of his appearance and how the three Magi came to adore him ; and of his resurrection, which shows how he was crucified and arose on the third day. Such things as these, which move men to do good and to have devo- tion in the faith, may be represented, and, besides, so that men may remember that just as here the things have, in truth, happened. But these things must be done with decorum and with great devotion, and in the large cities, where there are archbishops and bishops, and by their authority or that of their representatives, and they must not be performed in villages or in mean places, nor fori the purpose of gaining money." 1 Dramatic representations continued to flourish in the churches, but, through the laxity of the clergy, the abuses increased to such an extent that the council of Aranda, in 1473, enacted a decree, similar to the law just mentioned, to regulate these performances, and strongly condemning "the abuses which had crept into the festivals of the birth of Christ, that of St. Stephen, St. John, the feast of the Innocents," etc., and forbidding other festivals in which theatrical plays, masks, monsters, shows, and many de- '"Los clerigos ... no deben ser facedores de juegos de escarnios porque los vengan a ver gentes, como se facen. E si otros omes los ficieren, non deben los clerigos hi venir, porque facen hi muchas villanias e desaposturas. Ni deben otrosi estas cosas facer en las eglesias: antes decimos que los deben echar de ellas deshonradamente a los que lo ficieren: ca la eglesia de Dios es fecha para orar e non para facer escarnios en ella. . . . Pero representacion hay que pueden los clerigos facer, asi como de la nacencia de nuestro Senor Jesucristo en que muestra como el angel vino a los pastores, e como les dijo como era Jesu Cristo nacido. £ otrosi de su aparicion como los tres reyes magos le vinieron a adorar. E de su resurreccion que muestra que fue crucificado e resucito al tercero dia: tales cosas como estas que mueven al ome a facer bien e a haber devocion en la fe, pueden las facer, e demas, porque los omes hayan remembranza que segun aquellas fueron las otras fechas de verdad. Mas esto deben facer apuestamente e con muy grand devocion e en las cibdades grandes donde oviere arzobispos 6 obispos, e con su mandado de ellos 6 de los otros que tovieren sus veces, e non lo deben facer en las aldeas, nin en los lugares viles, nin por ganar dinero con ellas." (Partida I, tit. vi, leg. 34.) 254 THE SPANISH STAGE vices and lewd figures are brought into the churches, thus creating a tumult; besides, it forbade "all derisive speeches or the recitation of lewd verses, which interfere with the divine offices and make the people unmindful of their devotions," etc. However, decorous and devout representations which move people to devotion are not prohibited. 1 Those persons who, outside the church, made a living by playing in the public squares — the singers and players of instruments (juglares) and mimic players (remeda- dores) — had been declared infamous by the Partidas of Alfonso X., 2 and the church declared them without civil rights, a stigma under which all public players rested in France until 1642, 3 while their ecclesiastical rehabilita- 1 "Quia quaedam tarn in metropolitan's quam in cathedralibus et aliis ecclesiis nostrae provinciae consuetudo inolevit et videlicet in festis Nativi- tatis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et sanctorum Stephani, Ioannis et Inno- centium aliisque certis diebus festivis, etiam in solemnitatibus missarum novarum (dum divina aguntur) ludi theatrales, larvae, monstra, spec- tacula, nee non quam plurima inhonesta et diversa figmenta in ecclesiis introducuntur, tumultuationes quoque et turpia carmina et derisorii ser- mones dicuntur, adeo quod divinum officium impediunt et populum reddunt indevotum: nos hanc corruptelam sacro approbante consilio, revocantes hujusmodi larvas, ludos, monstra, spectacula, figmenta, tumultuationes fieri, carmina quoque turpia et sermones illicitos dici, tarn in metropoli- tanis quam cathedralibus ceterisque nostrae provinciae ecclesiis dum divina celebrantur praesentium serie omnino prohibemus: statuentes nihilominus, ut clerici, qui praemissa ludibria et inhonesta figmenta officiis divinis immiscuerint aut immisceri permiserint, se in praefatis metropolitanis seu cathedralibus ecclesiis beneficiati exstiterint, ex ipso per mensem portitionibus suis mulctentur: si vero in parochial ibus fuerint beneficiati triginta et si non fuerint quindecim regalium poenam incurrant fabricis ecclesiarum et tertio synodali aequaliter applicandam. Per hoc tamen honestas representationes et devota quae populum ad devotionem movent, tarn in praefatis diebus quam in aliis non intendimus prohibere." (Quoted by Schack, Geschichte der dramatischen Lit. u. Kunst in Spanien, Vol. I, p. 136.) '"Otrosi [son infamados] los que son juglares e los remedadores e los facedores de los zaharrones que publicamente andan por el pueblo 6 can- tan 6 facen juegos por precio, esto es porque se envilecen ante otros por aquel precio que les dan. Mas los que taneren estrumentos 6 cantasen por facer solaz a si mesmos, 6 por facer placer a sus amigos 6 dar solaz a los reyes 6 a los otros senores, non serian por ende enfamados." (Partida VII, tit. vi, leg. 4.) ""Die Kirche erklart ihn (den Jongleur) fur infam, fur ehr- und THE ACTOR'S PROFESSION 255 tion was only effected by the great Revolution, and in Spain to this day an actor who dies in his profession can- not be buried in soil consecrated by the church. Speaking of the actor's profession in England, Collier says: "It was a profession in bad repute before Elizabeth came to the throne, and long afterward; and poverty, peculiar circumstances of position, or a strong passion for theatrical performances, could alone have induced an in- dividual to attach himself to it." 1 In 1572 a statute was enacted in England declaring that common players in in- terludes, etc., not belonging to a baron or higher per- sonage, or not having a license from two justices of the peace, should be dealt with as rogues and vaga- bonds. 2 The church, as Cotarelo says, "put an end to pagan spectacles; but the church itself, in the obscurity of the Middle Ages, gave origin and birth to the modern drama. At first forming part of the liturgy, in alternating chants, dialogues, and choruses, with some sort of scenic appara- tus; then amplifying and complicating these true repre- sentations with events in the life of Jesus Christ, of his saints, or of the heroes of the Old Testament, and after- ward by permitting, within or without the churches, these embryonic dramas to be enacted in the vulgar tongue, with great apparatus, and with music, songs, and other popular pastimes, the church greatly facilitated their growth. And when, on account of the abuses which this rechtlos, und unter dem Einflusse des kanonischen Rechts spricht ihm auch das biirgerliche Gesetz die Handlungsfahigkeit ab. Diese Infamierung hat in Frankreich die Jahrhunderte uberdauert: jene Schauspieler, welche in 1637 Corneilles Cid kreirten, waren noch biirgerlich und kirchlich ehrlos. Erst 1642 hob eine konigliche Verfugung die biirgerliche Infa- mierung auf. Die kirchliche Rehabilitierung hat dem franzosischen Schauspieler erst die grosze Revolution gebracht. Erst sie hat diesem tausendjahrigen Zweikampf zwischen Kirche und Spielmann ein Ende gemacht." (Morf, Aus Dichtung u. Sprache der Romanen, p. 153.) 1 Memoirs of the Principal Actors in the Plays of Shakespear, London, Shakspeare Soc, 1846, p. 3. ' Fleay, A Chronicle History of the London Stage, London, 1890, p. 44. 256 THE SPANISH STAGE tolerance necessarily produced, it closed its doors to every profane element, we see the modern theater created. While the church, "ever vigilant for the decorum of its ceremonies," as the same writer says, "tried to extirpate every kind of excess and evil practice," we know that its success was only partial. Moreover, at the beginning of the sixteenth century this vigilance of the church, at its fountain-head at all events, had very much relaxed, so far as dramatic representations are concerned. Alexander VI. and his court were certainly not inclined to guard the stage or protect it from abuse because of any moral or religious scruples they may have had. It is ques- tionable, indeed, whether the stage had ever sunk to a lower depth than it did under their august patronage. 2 Nevertheless, the actor remained under the ban of the church, and this lasted in some countries, as we have seen, until late in the eighteenth century : the great Moliere was denied the rights of sepulture by the Catholic Church and was buried at night, like a criminal. 1 Controversias, etc., p. 9. "At the court of Alexander VI., besides the commedie, other spectacles were prepared for the delectation of these noble personages, as "lo spettacolo de' cavalli e cavalle in amore, goduto dal Papa e da Madonna Lucrezia cum magnu risu et delectationc, da una finestra del palagio" (D'Ancona, Origini del Teatro Italiano, Vol. II, p. 71, note), and the "ballo delle raeretrici," etc. And we mention only in passing the comedy ha Calandra, by Cardinal Bibbiena — performed before sua santa at Rome in 1514 — in order to record a matter which concerns us much' more nearly. Cardinals and pontifical secretaries were not ashamed to travel in the company of prostitutes and to entertain them at their tables. On the evening of August 10, 1513, the Marquis Federico Gonzaga, being only twelve years old, supped at the house of the Cardinal of Mantua, his uncle, with the Cardinal d'Aragona., Cardinal Sauli, Cardinal Cornaro, several bishops and noblemen, and the' courtesan Albina ; on the preceding Thursday he had been at the house of the Cardinal of Arborea, where there was recited, in Spanish, a comedia of Juan de la Enzina, and where were gathered together piu putane spagnole che omini italiani. (Graf, Attraverso il Cinquecento, Roma, 1888, p. 265. See also D'Ancona, Origini, Vol. II, p. 82.) The play by Enzina was probably Placida y Victoriano, which, according to Moratin, was printed in Rome in 1514. It is evident that the "vigilance," at this time, must have originated else- where than at Rome. THE BAN ON ACTORS 257 In Spain, as late as 1789, two members of the theatri- cal profession, Cristobal Garrigo and Antonia Lopez Antolin, were refused the "sacrament of marriage" by the church, because they were actors, "their profession of acting making them unworthy of the sacraments, they being ipso facto infamous and public sinners" j 1 and in the following year communion (la comunion pascal) was re- fused to the actor (primer galan) Antonio Cabanas and to his son. In Spain, to this day, as already remarked, an actor who dies in his profession cannot be buried in soil consecrated by the church, because, as Sr. Cotarelo says, "ecclesiastical sepulture is due only to those who die in the communion of the church, and because the rituals, not excluding the Roman, prohibit it to public sinners, which actors are." 2 It is doubtful, however, whether, except in rare cases, the sacraments of the Catholic Church were refused to a player. In 1590 Fray Manuel Rodriguez, in his Obras morales en Romance, says : "The priests are obliged to deny communion to actors, as they are defined in the Council of Basle, because they are public sinners. And observe that we do not speak here of the actors of farces and comedias, because they are not public sinners, but we speak of such players who publicly teach others to do evil things, such as those who do publicly things that pertain to the magic arts, tumblers," etc. 3 This is substantially repeated by Fr. Alonso de Vega in 1 "El cuia, entendiendo que eran de oficio comico, se nego a conf erirles el Sacramento del matrimonio, representando al sefior gobernador del obispado que su ejercicio de representantes los hacia indignos de los sacra- mentos, siendo por el infames y pecadores publicos." (Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, etc., p. 400.) 2 "Los comicos que mueren en el oficio no pueden ser enterrados en sagrado, porque la sepultura eclesiastica solo se debe a los que mueren en la comunion de la Iglesia, y porque los rituales, sin excluir el romano, la prohiben a los pecadores publicos, cuales son los comicos. Ni vale alegar la costumbre contraria, porque como dice Inocente III.: Consuetudo, quae canonicis oviat instituis, nullius debet esse momenti." (Controversial, etc., p. 405.) * Ibid., p. 525. 258 THE SPANISH STAGE 1609, who says: "Priests are obliged to deny communion to actors who teach others publicly to do evil things, etc. ; . . . but players do not sin in practising their profession, for it is not unlawful in itself." 1 Indeed, in 15981 D. Pedro Vaca de Castro, Archbishop of Granada and Se- ville, who had opposed the representation of comedias as "a fountain of great evil," inquired very particularly con- cerning players as to whether "they fulfil the precepts of the church, especially those of confession and holy com- munion." 2 And in 1614 it was the opinion of Francisco Ortiz, who wrote an Apologia en defensa de las Come- dias que se representan en Espana, that the sacraments should be given to actors, because the prohibitory canons refer only to the Roman mimes, not to modern autos? None of these prohibitions of the church was observed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, so far as we can judge by such records of the marriages and deaths of players as have come down to us. In 1596, for example, Ana Ortiz requests that she be buried in the parish of Santa Cruz, in the tomb of her husband, Pedro Paez de Sotomayor (an autor de comedias), "who is buried near the altar of San Cosme and San Damian." 4 And on the death of Pedro Llorente, an autor de comedias, on Janu- ary 30, 1 62 1, we read: "He received the holy sacraments at the hands of the licentiate Corralan, and requested in his will that twelve masses for his soul (misas de alma) and three hundred ordinary ones be said." 5 In like man- ner Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan, an autor de comedias, on his death, on July 1, 1626, received the holy sacraments, and Jeronima de Burgos, who died on March 27, 1641, and whose life had been far from exemplary, received the holy sacraments and was buried by the Brotherhood of Our Lady of the Novena. 6 1 Controversies, etc., p. 584. * Ibid., p. 578. s Ibid., p. 491. 4 Pirez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 44. B Ibid., p. 360. ° Ibid., p. 327. The only exception that I have found is the following, THE CHURCH AND THE STAGE 259 During the long conflict in Spain between the theater and the church, besides the many opponents of the theater —who, almost without exception, flayed the actors with- out mercy— there were also a few clerical defenders of the histrionic art. These controversies have been col- lected with great diligence by Sr. Cotarelo y Mori, in the large volume from which we have frequently quoted, and while many are mere diatribes against the comedia and the players, not infrequently, as it seems, by men who had never seen a comedia performed — to judge by the general terms in which their arguments are framed — others con- tain observations which are not without interest in our present purpose. One of the earliest defenders of the stage was Diego de Cabranes, in his Armadura espiritual, the privilege of which is dated 1525. His opinion is that fineries (atavios) for the representation of farces for recreation only are not unlawful. His work is of im- portance as a proof of the early date at which farces were acted in public. In 1559 Fray Francisco de Alcocer, in his Tratado del Juego, says: "The representation of farces and inven- tions is another kind of play which, when they are stories from the sacred scriptures {sagrada escritura), or con- cerning other devout things, and are performed by persons who represent them with the grace which such matters require, is a good and honest pastime and conducive to devotion. And one should always take care that the per- sons who represent the plays should likewise understand what they are representing, and that they should be so skilful in what they do and should know so well what they and it happens to be the case of a famous autor de comedias: "29 Marzo 1610. Partida de defuncion de Nicolas de los Rios. — En Madrid, en veinte y nueve de Marzo de 1610 afios raurio de aplopegia {sic) en la calle de las guertas, Nicolas de los Rios, autor de comedias, casado con Ines de Lara. No recibio el viatico ni texto, enterrole su muxer en San Sebastian en orden de quarenta reales." (Archivo parroquial de San Sebastian. Perez Pastor, Nucvos Datos, p. 118.) z6o THE SPANISH STAGE say that the people present be edified and moved to devo- tion. This is often lacking, and the actors are sometimes so vulgar and act so badly that it rather provokes to laughter, although they should not be condemned on this account, provided their intention be good. Other histor- ical farces there are, and also those invented by their authors, which, provided there be nothing unseemly (des- honesto) in them which is provocative of sin, are not to be condemned, while those farces which are lewd and im- moral should not be represented." 1 This, it will be re- membered, was in the period of Lope de Rueda. On the other hand, the opponents of the comedia among theological writers are legion. One of the most important as well as one of the earliest is Fr. Juan de Pineda, the editor of the famous Paso honroso def en- dido for Suero de Quinones. His Dialogos de la Agri- cultura were written in 1581, just prior to the time of Lope de Vega's first attempts at writing for the public stage. He says : "Turning now to our own actors, inciters to evil lives, I should like to know what law of reason can give consent to them or what king should permit them, and especially those foreigners [the Italians] who carry away many thousands of ducats from Spain every year." That these actors employed their mother tongue, we learn from one of the interlocutors in the dialogue, who says that he went several times to the comedia, "especially to that of the Italians, who better understood the expression of the emotions," and that he took his wife with him, "she being a person of almost as good sense as I am, and who even understands Italian." "What could married men say, who take or send their wives and daughters to such spectacles, even if they should not return home at night?" 2 Pedro de Ribadeneira, a Jesuit priest, in his Tratado 1 Cotarelo y Mori, Controversias, p. 55. 1 Controversias, p. 505. ARGENSOLA ON THE COMEDIA 261 de la Tribulation (1589), is most bitter in his denuncia- tion of actresses. "The low women {mugercillas) who ordinarily act are beautiful, lewd, and have bartered their virtue, and with gestures and movements of the whole body, and with voices bland and suave, with beautiful cos- tumes, like the sirens they charm and transform men into beasts and lure them the more easily to destruction, as they themselves are more wicked and lost to every sense of virtue." 1 And not only theologians opposed the comedia, but no less a person than Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, who had himself written three tragedies, La Isabela, La Alex- andra (so much praised by Cervantes), and La Fills, which is now lost. Why Argensola should oppose the comedia, it is not easy to say. Perhaps he was piqued at the failure of his tragedies, which are very mediocre and extremely sanguinary productions, to judge by the two which have survived. At all events, Lupercio's brother, Bartolome, who was a priest as well as poet, never ex- pressed any opposition to the stage of his day. In 1598 Lupercio addressed a memorial to Philip II. in which he vehemently protested against the comedia as then acted, which was the comedia of Lope de Vega. Speaking of actresses, he says: "The lure which the devil used was their singing, dancing, and exquisite costumes, and the various personages whom they represented every day, attiring themselves as queens, goddesses, shepherdesses, and as men; and the representation of the most pure Queen of the Angels has been profaned by them. And so true is this, that in presenting a comedia of the life of Our Lady in this capital, the actor who played the part of St. Joseph was living in concubinage with the woman who represented Our Lady, and this was so notorious that many were scandalized and laughed when they heard the words which the most pure Virgin replied to the angel's 1 Ibid., p. 523. 262 THE SPANISH STAGE question: Quomodo fiet istud, etc. And in this same comedia, arriving at the mystery of the birth of Our Sa- viour, this same actor who played the part of Joseph re- proved the woman in a low voice because she was looking, as he thought, at a man of whom he was jealous, calling her by a most vile name which is wont to be applied to evil women." 1 Argensola likewise speaks of the scandal of these actors wearing priestly vestments at the festival of Corpus, and, "what is worse than all, to see the wounds of Our Saviour painted on those hands which a short time before were occupied in playing cards or the guitar." Fray Jose de Jesus Maria, writing in 1600, says: "The comedias as they are represented nowadays are most in- decent and prejudicial to all classes of people, because they nearly all treat of lascivious things or dishonest love- affairs." 2 He says further: "What pleasure or what edification can it give to the spectator to see (as I have seen in this capital) an actor embrace and kiss publicly in the theater the very wife of the autor de comedias?" 3 He alludes to the gross impropriety of having common players perform the autos of Corpus Christi, saying : "If there be anything in Spain which offends strangers and pious natures at this festival, it is to see vile men (sucios) and infamous, accustomed all their lives to representing obscene and hideous things (cosas torpes y feas), repre- senting mysteries so lofty and ineffable; and that the woman who represents the lewdness (torpezas) of Venus, as well in comedias as in her private life, should represent the purity of the Sovereign Virgin in an act so divine and solemn." (Ibid.) One of the most distinguished among the opponents of the theater was the historian Padre Juan de Mariana. He had denounced it as early as 1599 in the treatise De Rege, and again in his De Spectaculis, ten years later. In his work Contra los Juegos publicos, a translation 1 Controversias, p. 67. * Ibid., p. 370. * Ibid., p. 377. MARIANA ON THE THEATER 263 which, it is said, he himself made of his De Spectaculis, with amplifications, he opposes the theater with great vehe- mence. 1 He would particularly exclude all players from taking part in religious "festivals in the churches or in the public autos at Corpus, and expresses his horror at hav- ing heard the most gross and indecent entremeses recited in churches, and dwells upon the great prejudice to re- ligion and morals that low-lived players should represent the lives of saints, etc. All actors should be banished from public and church festivals, from which also, in his opinion, all dances should be eliminated. 2 Again, in the Didlogos de las Comedias (1620), by an anonymous writer, we read: "An actress appears upon the stage to represent a Magdalen or the Mother of God, and an actor to represent the Saviour, and the first thing you see is that the greater part of the audience recognizes this woman as a prostitute (ramera) and the man as a bully. Could there be a greater indecency in the 1 It is not certain that Mariana himself translated the De Spectaculis into Spanish. Cirot, in his excellent work, Mariana, Historien, Paris, 1905, nowhere says so. Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. II, Index of MSS. at the end, p. 100, mentions the "Tratado De Spectaculis, traducido en castellano por el mismo (Q. 41)." See below, p. 294. Mariana died in 1623. ""Pretendo empero que los faranduleros se deben de todo punto desterrar de las fiestas del pueblo cristiano y de los templos. . . . Pues I con que cara los cristianos faranduleros tornados de la plaza y de los mesones los meten en los templos para que por ellos se augmente la sagrada alegria de las fiestas? . . . Pero diras por ventura que en los templos no tratan de cosas torpes, sino que representan historias sagradas tomadas 6 de los libros divinos, 6 de las historias de los sanctos, lo cual pluguiese a Dios fuese verdad, y no antes para mover al pueblo a risa tratasen de cosas torpisimas. Y es cosa muy grave no poder negar lo que confesar es grande vergiienza; sabemos muchas veces en los templos sanctisimos, principalmente en los entremeses, que son a manera de coros, recitarse adulterios, amores torpes y otras deshonestidades, de manera que cualquier hombre honesto esta obligado a huir tales espectaculos y fiestas si quiere mirar por el decoro de su persona y por su vergiienza ; y i creeremos con todo esto que las cosas que huyen los hombres modestos son agradables a los sanctos? Yo antes creeria que todos estos juegos se debrian desterrar de los templos sanctisimos como estiercol y burla de la religion, principalmente cuando se hacen por publicos faranduleros, porque siendo su vida torpe, parece que con su misma afrenta afean antes la religion . . . y i sufriremos que una muger deshonesta represente a la 264 THE SPANISH STAGE world? Having finished this part, the same actress ap- pears in an entremes, representing an innkeeper's wife or a prostitute, simply by putting on a bonnet or tucking up a skirt, and then comes out in a wicked baile and dances and sings a carrateria which they call 'The Clothes Laun- dry,' in which all the unseemly occurrences in a laundry are represented; and he who played the part of the Sa- viour in a beard takes it off and comes out and sings or dances or performs the baile of 'There goes Molly' (Alia va Marica) . Does this not show the greatest in- decency and mockery of our faith?" 1 The same Didlogo tells us that "actors are the filth and scum of the world (la horrura y hez del mundo), and very rarely are good people found among them" ; that "very often they can neither read nor write, and they are wicked people who have an aversion to work," etc., but "by dint of industry and perseverance, here and there one becomes eminent, like Cisneros, Leoncillo, Granados, Morales, Villegas, Rios, and others." The shafts of Fray Jeronimo de la Cruz, in his lob evangelico stoyco ilustrado (1638), are directed not so much at the players as at the comedias — at their plots and subject-matter. "In the comedia is represented, with the brilliant colors which the devil knows how to give to idle thoughts and a wanton heart, how the married woman may betray her husband: it [the comedia J facilitates the deed and diminishes fidelity with the example it sets before virgen Maria 6 Sancta Catalina, y un hombre infame se vista de las personas de san Agustin y san Antonio? . . . creeria yo que por la misma razon se deben echar dellos [los templos] las danzas, que conforme a la costurabre de Espafia, con gran ruido y estruendo, moviendo los pies y manos al son del tamboril por hombres enmascarados se hacen ; porque i de que otra cosa sirven sino de perturbar a los que rezan y oran y a los que cantan en comun?" Mariana, Contra los Juegos publico*, chap, vii, pp. 422, 423 (Bibl. de Autores Espanoles, Vol. XXXI), and see also chap, xii of the same work, which is devoted wholly to the bayle y cantar llamado Zarabanda. {Ibid., p. 433.) The latter chapter, Pellicer says, was added in the Spanish translation. (Histrionismo, Vol. I, p. 128, note.) 1 Ibid., p. 218. GENUS IMPROBUM 265 one of how others have done so. It incites the maiden to thoughts which she knows not, and to desires which she does not understand. It furnishes a means to outwit the severity of the father and the precaution of the mother. It teaches her to receive secret letters, to reply to them, and what she has to do in any conjecture to attain an end : to feign in public and to lose her fears in secret ; to make false keys, to seek hidden doors and windows; not to fear the darkness of the night nor the dangers of the house. To the young it teaches liberties, boldness, and insolence ; the plausible excuse, the bland speech, the deceptive sigh," etc. 1 Especially was the opposition most bitter to the repre- sentation of religious and sacred comedias (comedias a lo divino) and to the autos sacramentales, when performed by the actors of the public theaters, for here the charac- ters of saints and of the Virgin Mary were frequently assumed by players whose lives were notoriously im- moral. 2 In addition to the instances already given, many more could be cited from the work of Sr. Cotarelo, but enough has been adduced to show the nature and extent of the opposition to plays of this character. Amid the great mass of controversy upon the question 1 Ibid., p. 203. 'See above, the excerpt from Mariana. Nearly two hundred years later, in 1789, Don Simon Lopez, speaking of the comedias de santos, says: "What matters it that the comedia be on a sacred subject, if those who represent it be consummate rogues? What matters it if the life of the saint, which is the theme of the comedia, be good, if in the very same narration are mingled a hundred evil things; if there be interjected sainetes, tonadillas, obscene witticisms, and low innuendos to please the taste of the audience and to attract them, with the object of gaining more money? Because the rascally actors know very well that if all were devout and Christian the crowds would soon be lacking." He cites as an example the priest Montalvan's Santa Maria Egipciaca (La Gitana de Menfis). This, which is a comedia de santos, he says is wholly a tissue of lies, perjuries, blasphemies, false testimony, jealousies, suspicions, gal- lantries, solicitations, low puns, vile allusions, and inciting gestures. "In it are depicted murder, robbery, and revenge. In it at every step the names of God, Jesus, and Mary are profaned. In it miracles, prayers, sanctity, and penitence are ridiculed. In it wickedness and effrontery 266 THE SPANISH STAGE of the lawfulness of the comedia which has been collected by Sr. Cotarelo, the voices of the defenders of the theater make but a feeble outcry, which is drowned and over- whelmed by their opponents. 1 There can be little doubt that the latter had good grounds for their protests, due not so much to the plays themselves as to the character of the players, for the Spanish comedia, especially as it is represented by three of its greatest writers, Lope de Vega, Alarcon, and Calderon, compares very favorably^ as regards its moral tone, with the contemporary plays of England, Italy, or France, 2 as we have already re- marked. Indeed, it is almost certain that the strong feeling against the comedia, which found its expression in the utterances of the theologians and the various decrees of the government concerning the regulation of the stage, was mostly due to the excesses of the players themselves. As a body they seem to have been anything but respecta- are lauded, and procurers and go-betweens are introduced. In It a public woman is deified, giving her the divine name of Mary. And even more: in it an actor who a short time before took the part of a gay gallant is seen transformed into a hermit in a religious habit, imitating all the most sacred ceremonies," etc. All this, he says, was seen in the public theater of Murcia on August 16, 1789, performed on a Sunday by the company of Francisco Baus. (Cotarelo, Controversial, p. 410.) 1 Among the later defenders of the stage was the well-known dramatist Francisco Bances Candamo, in an inedited work formerly in the possession of Don Pascual de Gayangos, entitled Teatro de lot Teatros de los pasados y presentes Sighs: Historia escenica griega, romana y castellana. Sr. Gayangos gives a long excerpt from this work in his Spanish transla- tion of Ticknor's History. Tomo III, pp. 454 ff. * Even taking the Spanish dramatists of a lesser order — among whose works occasionally we find plays unsurpassed by the best — it may be said that there is little, on the whole, which calls for our censure, when com- pared with the rest of the drama of the time. Nowhere, for example, so far as my reading goes, do we meet with the brutality and utter lack of a sense of decency that is only too often exhibited in the Elizabethan drama. Its relatively high moral plane is, indeed, one of the distinguish- ing marks of the Spanish national drama. Only one offender need be named here, and he, unfortunately, one of the greatest dramatists of them all, and a priest, besides, like many of his fellow-playwrights: Tirso de Molina. He seems to have been constitutionally incapacitated from allow- ing a play to leave his hands without a slight smudge, at all events. In ARIAS, FAMOUS ACTOR 267 ble, being mostly from the lower walks of life, though there were not a few exceptions, as we have seen. In the vast army of players which Spain produced in little more than half a century — nearly two thousand names are known to us— many became famous. A number are highly praised by Lope de Vega, among them Alonso de Cisneros, Agustin Solano, Melchor de Villalba, Nicolas de los Rios, Antonio de Villegas, Luis de Vergara, Balta- sar Pinedo, Juan de Morales Medrano, Sanchez de Var- gas, Alonso de Olmedo, and others. Damian Arias de Peiianel was universally regarded as the greatest Spanish actor of his time. Of him Caramuel says: "Arias pos- sesses a clear, pure voice, a tenacious memory, and viva- cious manner, and in whatever he said it seemed that the Graces were revealed in every movement of his tongue and Apollo in every gesture. The most famous orators came to hear him in order to acquire perfection of diction and gesture. At Madrid one day Arias came upon the stage reading a letter; for a long time he held the audience in suspense; he was filled with emotion at every line, and finally, aroused with fury, he tore the let- ter to shreds and began to declaim his lines with great vehemence, and though he was praised by all, he won greater admiration on that day by his action than by his speech." 1 fact, on account of "the evil example and tendency of his profane corae- dias," the Junta de Reformacion, in 1625, urged his banishment to one of the most remote monasteries of his order and that he be excommunicated latae sententiae, "so that he may write no more comedias or profane verses." Acuerdo de la Junta de Reformacion: "Tratose del escandalo que causa un fraile mercenario que se llama M° Tellez par otro nombre Tirso, con comedias que hace profanas y de malos incentivos y exemplos y por ser caso notorio se acordo que se consulte a Su Magestad mande que el P e confesor diga al Nuncio le eche de aqui a uno de los Monasterios mas remotos de su Religion y le imponga excomunion latae sententiae para que no haga comedias ni otro ningun genero de versos profanos y que esto sea luego." (Perez Pastor, Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 250.) "Arias habet vocem claram et puram, memoriam firmam et actionem vivacem, et quidquid ipse diceret in singulis linguae motibus Charites et in singulis manuum videbatur habere Apollines. Ad eum audiendum 268 THE SPANISH STAGE Of comic actors, Cosme Perez, called Juan Rana, was without a peer in his day. Among the celebrated ac- tresses who were deceased in 1615, Suarez de Figueroa 1 mentions Ana de Velasco, Mariana Paez, Mariana Ortiz, Mariana Vaca, and Jeronima de Salzedo. Of those living at that date he mentions Juana de Villalba, Mariflores, Michaela de Luxan [the amiga of Lope de Vega J, Ana Mufioz, Jusepa Vaca, Jeronima de Burgos, Polonia Perez, Maria de los Angeles, and Maria de Morales. Of these ac- tresses perhaps the widest celebrity was gained by Jusepa Vaca, wife of Juan de Morales Medrano. She was much favored by Lope de Vega, who wrote for her— "la ga- Uarda Jusepa Vaca," as he calls her — the comedia Las Almenas de Toro. Michaela de Luxan was the mother of four of Lope's children: Mariana and Angelilla, of whom we know nothing, Marcela, who became a nun, and the son Lope Felix. 2 Jeronima de Burgos, wife of the actor Pedro de Valdes, also enjoyed the friendship of the great dramatist for years, and for her he wrote the comedia La Dama boba in 1613, though when he fell out with her he was unkind enough to accuse her of having once sold hot rolls in Valladolid. Of Maria de los Ange- les, wife of Jeronimo Sanchez, actor, Lope, in a letter written in May, 1614, in a fit of ill will, says that she was brought up in the Rastro of Toledo, among the tripe- venders (mondongueras) . Several other actresses ac- quired great renown at a somewhat later date, among them Maria de Cordoba y de la Vega (Amarilis), 3 Ma- confluebant excellentissimi concionatores, ut dictionis et actionis perfec- tionem addiscerent. Matriti semel Arias sibi Iegens epistulam in the- atrum ingressus, longo tempore habuit Auditores suspensos, ad sin- gulas lineas percellebatur, et demum furore percitus Iaceravit epistulam et incepit exclamare vehementissima carmina. Et tametsi Iaudaretur ab omnibus, majorem ilia die agendo quam loquendo admirationem extorsit." (Rkytkmica, editio altera, Campaniae, 1668, p. 706, quoted by Schaclc, Nachtrdge, p. 64.) 1 Plaza Universal, ed. of 1630, p. 336. 2 See my Life of Lope de Vega, passim. " Caramuel says of her: "Sub idem tempus [16243 Amaryllis (sic earn COLLUVIES VITIORUM 269 ria Calderon {La C 'alder ona), the favorite of Philip the Fourth, and mother of his son, Don John of Austria, and Maria de Riquelme, who shines with especial splendor in this fragile company, as a woman of unblemished reputa- tion and an actress of singular gifts and attainments. 1 "She possessed great beauty and was of so lively an imagina- tion that, to the astonishment of all, she could entirely change the color of her countenance while speaking. At the narration of some happy incident her face was suf- fused with a rosy tint, but if an unfortunate circum- stance intervened, she suddenly became deathly pale ; and in this she was alone and inimitable." 2 These and some others "enjoyed, no doubt," as Tick- nor says, "that ephemeral, but brilliant, reputation which is generally the best reward of the best of their class; and enjoyed it to as high a degree, perhaps, as any per- sons that have appeared on the stage in more modern times." 3 While it is true that the comedia was endangered by the loose and vicious lives of the players, the temptations to which the latter were subjected were, on the other hand, so great that their conduct need cause us little sur- prise. This is especially true after the accession to the throne of Philip the Fourth. The court of that monarch was, without doubt, one of the most dissolute in Europe. From his early years he had shown an extreme fondness vocabant) inter Comicas floruit, quae erat prodigiosa in sua arte. EIo- quebatur, canebat, musicis instruments ludebat, tripudiabat, et nihil erat, quod cum laude et applausu non faceret." (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 64.) 'See above, pp. 163, 164. 2 "Paucis post annis theatra adsurgebat Riquelmae, adolescenti pulchrae, apprehensiva tarn forti praeditae, ut inter loquendum vultus colorem cum omnium admiratione mutaret: nam, si in theatro fausta et felicia narra- rentur, roseo colore suffusa auscultabat; si autem aliqua infausta circum- stantia intercurreret, illico pallida reddebatur. Et in hoc erat unica, quam nemo valeret imitari." (Caramuel, quoted by Schack.) A contem- porary Italian actress, Virginia Andreini (1583-1638), is also said to have possessed this power of changing the color of her face at will. (Rasi, / Comici Italiani, Vol. I, p. 147.) 'History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 519. 270 THE SPANISH STAGE for the stage and especially for actresses. 1 Few could withstand the all-powerful influences of this royal rake, and his idle and dissolute courtiers eagerly followed the example set by their master. Only a woman of extraor- dinary strength of character could avoid falling a vic- tim to this horde of inveterate debauches. They wran- gled and fought for the favors of the frail comediantes. We need not be surprised at the words of Madame d'Aulnoy, who, writing some years later than the period which chiefly occupies us (but in which, in all probability, matters had little changed), says: "One can say that ac- tresses are worshiped at this court. There is not one who is not the mistress of some great lord and for whom quar- rels have not taken place and men have not been killed. I do not know what may be the attraction of their speech, but in truth they are the ugliest carcasses in the world. They are frightfully extravagant, and one would rather let a whole family perish of hunger than permit one of these beggarly comediennes to lack the most superfluous thing." 2 1 Sepulveda has truly said : "Don Felipe IV f ue rey, poeta y galan enamoradisimo, un tanto calavera al uso de los Lindos, . . . romantico en sus inclinaciones y novelesco en sus aventuras. A no haber nacido rey hubiera sido histrion." (El Corral de la Pacheca, p. 261.) "Relation du Voyage d'Espagne, La Haye, 1693, Tome III, p. 23. This statement of Madame d'Aulnoy's is supported by the testimony of an anonymous writer of a much earlier date (1620), who says: "... pues sin ser muy viejo he visto tantos caballeros y senores perdidos por estas mugercillas comediantes: uno que se va con una; otro que lleva a otra a sus Iugares; uno que les da las galas y trata como a reina; otro que la pone casa y estrado y gasta con ella, aunque lo quite de su muger e hijos, y el ande tratandose inf amemente ; otro que con publicidad celebro en igle- sia publica el baptizo de un hijo de una destas farsantas, colgando la iglesia y haciendo un excesivo gasto con musica de capilla y con convite. No hay compania destas que lleve consigo cebados de la desenvoltura muchos destos grandes peces 6 Cuervos que se van tras la came muerta. Sabemos por nuestros pecados todos tanto destos infortunios que es una de las mayores infamias de nuestra nacion. Oimos decir que el otro senor salio desterrado por la otra Amarilis; otro por la otra Maritardia 6 Maricandado, que le dieron un faldellin que costo mil ducados, un vestido que costo dos mil, una joya de diamantes rica; y todo esto se escribe y gacetea en otros reinos y se pierda mucha honra, y aun se desacredita la cristiandad." (Cota- IN ARDUIS VIRTUS 271 The utter lack of privacy in the dressing-rooms of the theaters, which were used indiscriminately by both sexes, could not fail to have a most demoralizing influence. Here the actresses received the visits of nobles and other idle and dissolute hangers-on, for whom the rear entrance of a theater has ever had a powerful attraction. 1 The fact that they consorted with nobles and grandees and received their protection inspired in these actresses an insolence and effrontery that sorely tried the respectable portion of the community. An honest woman ventured with diffidence upon the public streets, especially upon those which had become the recognized walks of these favored creatures. 2 Their unseemly conduct contributed in no small degree to the general demoralization which a love of idleness, a contempt for honest labor, and an in- ordinate desire for ostentatious extravagance were rapidly spreading through all classes of the capital. The Avisos or news-letters of various writers of this period show only too plainly the havoc which idleness and immorality had made in all ranks of society. relo, Controversial, p. 215.) This statement has an additional interest from the fact that the actresses here mentioned, Amarilis (Maria de Cordoba y la Vega), Maritardia (or Maria Tardia, wife of Cebrian Dominguez), and Maricandado (Maria Candau, wife of Cristobal de Avendano), were at this time at the height of their theatrical careers. 'The same conditions prevailed in France as late as 1639. "En 1639 encore, les comediens, hommes et femmes, n'avaient pour s'habiller et se deshabiller au theatre qu'une seule chambre: encore y fallait-il recevoir les importuns, qu'il eut ete imprudent d'econduire." (Rigal, /. c, p. 167.) 2 Their favorite resort in Madrid was the Mentidero de los Repre- sentantes, or Liars' Walk of the Players — a small square with trees, situated in the Calle del Leon, between the Calle de las Huertas and the Calle del Prado, in the immediate neighborhood of which most of the actors and actresses lived, and which they visited daily to discuss their engagements and other matters of interest to the theatrical world. "For- merly the Calle del Leon, beginning at the Calle del Prado and continuing to the Calle de Francos and Calle de Cantarranas, was somewhat wider than at present and formed a small square surrounded by trees, called the Mentidero de los Representantes." (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 63.) It was within a few yards of the house, situated in the Calle de Francos, be- tween the Calle del Leon and the Calle del Nino, which Lope de Vega occupied for a quarter of a century (1610-35) and in which he died. 272 THE SPANISH STAGE But while players were frequently on terms of intimacy with the nobility, they were nevertheless often treated in a manner which showed that the grandee had by no means lost the lofty conception he had always entertained of himself as the representative of the absoluteness of divine right. An instance occurred on February 8, 1637. Don Juan Pacheco, eldest son of the Marquis of Cerralbo, wanted Tomas Fernandez, a well-known autor de come- dias, to give a new comedia on the day of San Bias, to celebrate the recovery from a quartan fever of a daughter of the Marquis of Cadreita, whom Don Juan at that time was courting (galanteaba) . As Fernandez refused to do this, the nobleman hired an assassin to stab him, and while this stabbing was going on, we are told that Don Juan was walking up and down in the cemetery of San Sebas- tian, awaiting the outcome. "That is the way these ras- cals (picaros) ought to be treated," he remarked, an action, as the chronicler quietly observes, "which ap- peared wrong to nearly all, because, besides the fact that there were few people in the theaters on that day, the Lope's house was in the very heart of the players' quarter and may be seen on the map of 1656. It is not without interest to note that on July 13, 1674, the celebrated actress Mariana Romero, bought from Luis de Usa- tegui, son-in-law of Lope de Vega, the house in the Calle de Francos in which Lope died in 1635. On a plan of Madrid published in 1800, the street is still called the Calle de Francos, though its name has since been changed to the Calle de Cervantes. It seems that in the latter half of the seventeenth century the Mentidero was shifted to the Calle de Cantarranas. "Calle de Cantarranas y Mentidero para los Comediantes todo es lo mismo." (Loa para la compania de Felix Pascual, in Migaxas del Ingenio, Zaragosa (no date), fol. 33, v.) There was another Mentidero in Madrid, "Las Gradas de San Felipe, Conuento de San Agustin, que es el mentidero de los soldados, de adonde salen las nueuas primero que los sucessos." (Guevara, Diablo Cojuelo, Tranco III. See also Mesonero Romanos, El Antiguo Madrid, 1881, Vol. I, p. 261, and Vol. II, p. 44; and Sepulveda, Madrid vie jo, Madrid, 1887, pp. 1 and 335.) Clemencin says: "En tiempos antiguos la Puerta de Guadalajara era, como ahora la del Sol, el sitio adonde concurria la AVISOS AND AN ALES 273 lessees were interested in them [the actors] as well as the General Hospital." 1 Nowhere else can the reader gain a more vivid concep- tion of life in the Spanish capital during the golden age of the drama than in these Avisos and Anales, the forerun- ners of the modern newspaper. They reveal an extraor- dinary condition of moral obliquity among all classes, but especially among the nobility, headed by the weak, profligate, and very pious King — El Catolico Monarca, Felipe IV., as he was called, and one of whose proudest titles was "Defender of the Faith." It would have been a miracle indeed if the stage had been able to resist this general contamination. 2 gente ociosa, y el mentidero de Madrid. Despues se traslado a las gradas de San Felipe." (Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Part II, chap, xlviii, Vol. V, p. 465.) 1 La Corte y Monarquia de Espaiia en los Aiios 1636 y 1637, edited by Ant. Rodriguez Villa, Madrid, 1886, p. 90. 'The license permitted in the public processions during carnival seems almost incredible. See ibid., pp. 107-110. On this occasion, as usual, the festival concluded with a famosa comedia which was represented in the salon of the King. "And these fiestas ordinarily not being free from unfortunate incidents which happen on such occasions, so in this one there was much rowdyism; many were beaten and wounded, and a soldier of the guard was stabbed." (Ibid., p. no.) CHAPTER XIII The term comedia defined. The various kinds of comedias. The licensing of comedias. The representation of a comedia. Loas, Entremeses, Jdcaras, Sainetes, Mogigangas. The term comedia as used by Spanish dramatists is not the equivalent of our word "comedy." "Since the time of Lope de Vega every play in three acts or jornadas and in verse is called a comedia. Both these requisites were essential to a comedia. Of the conception of comedy as we have received it from the ancients, and of its meaning as opposed to tragedy, we must free ourselves entirely. The Spanish comedia is a species which embraces these differences and in which they are resolved. Here both these elements mutually interpenetrate one another and are transfused, i.e., romantic dramas result, which are neither comedies nor tragedies, but combine both; or either element may predominate, in which case pieces are produced which, according to our current conception, are sometimes comedies, sometimes tragedies, but which nevertheless do not cease to be comedias in the Spanish sense. In other words, the comedia may have either a tragic or comic effect, but it is not confined to either." 1 As Morel-Fatio has clearly and briefly defined it : "La comedia designe une action dramatique quelconque, sans egard pour les effets qu'elle doit produire dans l'ame du * Geschichte der drama&schen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Vol. II, p. 74. Ricardo de Turia, in the "Apologetico de las Comedias espanolas," says: Ninguna Comedia de quantas se representan en Espana lo es, sino Tragicomedia, que es un mixto formado de lo Comico y lo Tragico, etc. He further says that Spaniards want their comedias "abivado con say- netes de bayles y danzas que mezclan en ellas." Norte de la Poesia espanola, etc. Valencia, 1616. 274 SUAREZ DE FIGUEROA 275 spectateur, mais une action dramatique telle seulement que les Espagnols l'ont concjie; la comedia est le drame espagnol et n'est que cela." The same author says that comedia is identical with our "play" or the German Schauspiel. "Les drames les plus noirs de Calderon sont encore des comedias." 1 Attempts have frequently been made to define more clearly the various kinds of comedias, but it cannot be said, that, upon the whole, they have resulted satisfactorily. The earliest of these essays was made by a dramatist who was the first to write comedias in Spain in the manner which, as afterward perfected by Lope de Vega, became the comedia par excellence. I allude to Bartolome de Torres Naharro, whose volume of plays, under the title Propaladia, was first published at Naples in 1517. He divides comedias into two classes: Comedias a noticia, or such as treat of events which have actually happened, and Comedias a fantasia, or such the action of which is the pure invention of the author. 2 Suarez de Figueroa, who possessed an intimate know- ledge of the theater of his time, writing in 1617, distin- guishes two kinds of comedias : ( 1 ) Comedias de cuerpo and (2) Comedias de Ingenio or de Capa y Espada. The latter division he does not define ; of the former he says : "Comedias de cuerpo (if we except those about the kings of Hungary or princes of Transylvania) are such as treat of the life of some saint and which employ all kinds of machinery and stage artifices to attract the rabble." 3 These are generally called comedias de santos. 1 La Comedia espagnol e du XVU e Steele, par Alfred Morel-Fatio, Paris, 1885, pp. 10, 13. 2 "Cuanto a los generos de comedias: a mi parece que bastarian dos para en nuestra Iengua castellana. Comedia a noticia y comedia a fan- tasia. A noticia se entiende: de cosa nota y vista en realidad de verdad: como son Soldadesca y Tinellaria [two of his plays] : a fantasia, de cosa fantastica o fingida que tenga color de verdad aunque no lo sea, como son Serafina, Ymenea," etc. 'El Passagero, Madrid, 1617, Alivio III, fol. 104. Comedias de cuerpo, 276 THE SPANISH STAGE Comedias de Capa y Espada have been defined as plays that are based upon events and occurrences in ordinary daily life and in which no higher personages intervene than noblemen or gentlemen, and which are acted in the ordinary costume of the time. They derived their name from this costume, the cloak and sword, the dress of the higher ranks of society in Spain; only the subordinate characters, the servants and peasants, were represented in the costume of the lower classes. 1 They generally re- quired little or no scenery for their representation. Schack says, moreover, that the distinguishing character- istics of the Comedia de Capa y Espada are based entirely upon external circumstances (auszerliche Umstande) and that it is erroneous to introduce into the definition any inner motive of the action. They have been defined as dramas of intrigue, but they may just as well, in certain instances, be denominated dramas of character. 2 It is indeed futile to attempt, in this general division of the comedia, to draw any sharp dividing line. On the other hand, those comedias the action of which is not laid in ordinary domestic life, and in which kings and princes intervene, and which required a greater display of scenery or costume and machinery, were called Comedias de Tea- tro, de ruido, or de cuerpo. To this class belonged his- torical or mythological dramas, those based upon legends Figueroa says, are excellently suited to beginners, for, however worthless they may turn out, the audience will not dare to hiss them, out of respect for the saint. They are, moreover, the easiest to write, for he states that he knew a tailor in Toledo who had composed several of these plays which had been represented fifteen or twenty times. This man could neither read nor write, but made his verses on the street and would re- quest an apothecary, or any other shopkeeper in whose shop he happened to be, to write his verses down upon scraps of paper. 1 Schack, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 96. 2 The dramatist Francisco Bances Candamo, in an inedited work already cited (p. 266, note i), ascribes the invention of Comedias de Capa y Espada to Don Diego [Ximenez] de Enciso: "Este erapezo las que llaman de capa y espada: siguieronle despues D.' Pedro Rosete, D. Francisco de Rojas, D. Pedro Calderon de la Barca," etc. (Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, tr. by Gayangos, Tome II, p. 553.) THE LICENSING OF COMEDIAS 277 or the lives of saints, etc., in which the scene of action was laid in some remote country or period. But here again it is useless to attempt any sharp distinction, which, as a matter of fact, the dramatists themselves never attempted. Let us new turn to the representation of a comedia. Before a theatrical performance could be given in any town or municipality, a license had to be obtained, and sometimes, before this was granted, a gratuitous repre- sentation of the comedia had to be given to the authori- ties. 1 Moreover, every time a comedia was represented, a special license was necessary, which was written upon the manuscript used by the players. Among the early manu- scripts of Lope de Vega containing such licenses are El Leal Criado, dated at Alba, June 24, 1594, which con- tains, among others, a license to Luis de Vergara to repre- sent it in Granada, dated October 30, 1595. 2 1 This "representation speciale et gratuite" was also frequently exacted in France, as in the case of Roland Guibert and his company before they were permitted to act in Amiens in 1559. (Rigal, he Thiatre Franfais avant la periode classigue, Paris, 1901, p. 17.) Likewise the English comedians who traveled through Germany in the latter part of the sixteenth and in the seventeenth century were frequently obliged to give a trial perform- ance before receiving a license to act; to this performance the wives and children, of the members of the Council were admitted free. This ' occurred, for instance, in Frankfort in 159s. A list of the plays to be given also had to be furnished to the city authorities, as was done at Ulm in 1603 an d 1609. Plays were announced by drums and trumpets, the company parading the streets. In 1613 the players went through Niirn- berg with two drums and four trumpets, stopping in the squares, though in this year they were forbidden to halt in the Hay Market. In those cities in which the public theater belonged to the municipality, a lease was entered into between the manager of the company and the civil authorities. In Regensburg in 1613, Spencer, who is said to have taken in 500 gulden at the first representation, had to pay a weekly rental of 22 florins. That these visits of the English players were profitable is shown by the fact that for eight representations in Niirnberg, from July 15 to July 31, 1628, the receipts were 661 florins 7 kreutzers and 3 pfennigs, and the number of spectators varied from 2665 to 515, though this latter case was the only one in which the number fell below one thousand. (Creizenach, Die Schauspiele der Englischen Komodianten, Berlin and Stuttgart (no date), p. xx et passim.) The fee for licensing a play for performance in England at the close of the sixteenth and in the early seventeenth century was inva- riably seven shillings. Hensloive's Diary, ed. Greg, Vol. II, 1908, p. 115. 2 This play contains another license dated at Granada, November^ 1603, 278 THE SPANISH STAGE Representations in the Madrid theaters, as already ob- served, began at two in the afternoon during the six months beginning with October i, and at four during the remaining six months. The fee paid at the door entitled the person to admission only — to the run of the house. He could stand in the patio or pit with the mosqueteros or groundlings, as they were called in the Elizabethan thea- ter; but if he wanted a seat, an extra sum must be paid. Those who desired seats naturally came early, especially if a new comedia was to be given, and at one time they must have resorted to the theater so early in the day that this matter required regulation by the government, and the theaters were not allowed to open their doors before noon. 1 While waiting for the musicians with guitars and harps to appear, the sellers of fruit, confections, aloja (a kind of mead), barquillos (a thin rolled wafer), etc., were busy passing around among the spectators. 2 The unruly and showing that a new license had to be obtained every time the piece was performed. Other early plays by Lope containing licenses are Laura perseguida, dated at Alba, October 12, 1594; El Mason de.los Chaves, dated at Chinchon, August 20, 1599; and Carlos V. en Francia, Toledo, November 20, 1604. These licenses are all printed in Comedias Escogidas de Lope de Vega, ed. Hartzenbusch, Vol. IV, pp. xvi, xvii (Bibl. de Autores Esp.). 1 Quevedo, Vida del gran Tacano, Cap. XXII, says that when a new comedia was played, it was necessary to send at twelve o'clock for a seat: "Era menester enviar a tomar lugar a las doce, como para Comedia nueva." The nobility, who were favored by government regulation in the choice of seats, used to send their servants to secure them. a A vivid picture of the interior of a Spanish theater at this time is given in the comedia La Baltasara, "Comedia famosa," the first act of which was written by Luis Velez de Guevara, the second by Don Antonio Coello, and the third by Don Francisco de Roxas. The first act represents the interior of the Corral de la Olivera in Valencia. A bill-poster ap- pears, who pastes up a placard announcing the performance of "la gran comedia del Saladino" by the licentiate Poyo, to be given by the company of Heredia. The dialogue is carried on by spectators in the theater. Presently the fruit-sellers appear (they are designated by numbers) ; the stage direction is: Los companeros repartidos par el patio, dizen; "1. Avellanas. 2. Pinanes mondados. 3. Peros de Aragon. 4. Turron. 5. Membrillos. LOAS 279 boisterous audience signified its impatience by hissing, whistling upon keys, shouting, and noises of every con- ceivable kind. Presently the musicians could be heard templando los instrumentos ; the hour for beginning the performance had at last arrived, and the musicians ap- peared upon the stage and sang a ballad or seguidilla, after which some member of the company entered to echar la loa, i.e., "throw out the loa" or compliment, as it was called in technical phrase. 1 Loas occur in two forms, either (1) as monologues, bearing generally but a very imperfect relation to the fol- lowing play and frequently no relation whatever, or ( 2 ) as short, slight dramatic sketches which may be prefaced to any comedia, like the loas of Rojas Villandrando or Quifiones de Benavente; sometimes the loa directs the mind of the auditor to what is to follow, as the loas to Calderon's autos, or much more rarely it may be essential to the comprehension of the play which it precedes, as in the loa to Calderon's Los tres mayores Prodigios. 6. Suplicaciones, barquillos. 7. Agua de Anis, Cavalleros. 8. Aloja de nieve fria. 9. Datiles de Berberia. Vejete: Que confusion, que locura ! Viuda: Todo esto hermosura causa, Que es de la naturaleza La variedad lo mejor. Vejete: Los mocos de la comedia Vienen ya con sus guitarras, Con harpas, y con diversas Galas que el Abril embidia," etc. (Comedias Escogidas, Vol. I, Madrid, 1652.) The date of this play is not known. Baltasara de los Reyes, in whose honor it was written, was a famous actress and 'the wife of Miguel Ruiz, actor, who is also one of the characters in the play. Both were acting in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1604, in that of Melchor de Leon in 1607, ar »d in that of Pedro de Valdes in 1614. The play was composed after she had retired from the stage, which she is said to have done at the height of her success, to enter a hermitage dedicated to St. John the Baptist, near Cartagena. It is probable that La Baltasara was written about 1630, when the memory of the actress was still fresh in the minds of theater-goers. "Caramuel says: "Hodie Prologus Comoediis Hispanis praemittitur et 2 8o THE SPANISH STAGE Originally the loa was recited for the purpose of gain- ing the good will and attention of the audience, which, we are told, could be done in four ways : " ( i ) By commending the plot, story, poet, or the autor who represented the play. (2) By censuring or upbraiding the fault-finder or giving thanks to the kindly disposed auditors. (3) The third manner is argumentative, in which is declared the history or fable which is to be represented, and this, justly, is little used in Spain, because it deprives the listener of much of the pleasure of the comedia to know beforehand the outcome of the story to be represented. (4) The fourth is called mixed; it is styled introito because it ap- pears at the beginning, faraute because it explains the ar- gument, and now they call it loa because in it the comedia or the audience or the festivity during which it is given is praised; . . . but all is directed to the one end: to gain the good will and attention of the audience." 1 vocatur Loa, quia profunditur in Auditorura laudes: et recitare prologum est echar la loa, quasi laudes non tam dicantur quam in Auditores pro- fundantur." (Rhythmica (1668), quoted by Schack, Nachtrage, p. 26.) '"La loa o prologo de la comedia, que otros llaman introito o faraute, a mi opinion no es parte de la comedia, sino distinto y apartado, y asi dire aora lo que del se puede dezir. Al principio de cada comedia sale un personage a procurar y captar la benevolencia y atencion del auditorio, y esto haze en una de quarto maneras comendativamente, encomendando la fabula, historia, poeta o autor que la representa. El segundo modo es relativo en el qual se zayere y vitupera el murmurador o se rinde gracias a los benevolos oyentes. El tercero modo es argumentative, en el qual se declara la historia o fabula que se representa, y este con razon en Espafia es poco usado, por quitar mucho gusto a la comedia, sabiendose antes que se represente el sucesso de la histpria. Llamase el quarto modo misto por particular de los tres ya dichos, llamaronle introito por entrar al principio: faraute por declarar el argumento, y aora le llaman loa por loar en el la comedia, el auditorio o festividad en que se hace. Mas ya le podremos asi llamar, porque han dado los poetas en alabar alguna cosa como el silencio, un numero, lo negro, lo pequeno y otras cosas en que se quieren sefialar y mostrar sus ingenios, aunque todo deve ir ordenado al fin que yo dixe, que es captar la benevolencia y atencion del auditorio." (Cisne de Apolo, de las excelencias y dignidad y todo lo que al Arte poetico y versificatorio pertenece. Los metodos y estylos que en sus obras deve seguir el poeta. Por Luys Alfonso de Carvallo, Clerigo. Medina del Campo, 1602, p. 124. Schack, Nachtrage, p. 23.) This is essentially what Alonso Lopez Pin- ciano had said some years before, in his Bhilosophia Antigua, Madrid, THE INTROITO 281 This peculiarly Spanish form of prologue is a develop- ment of the introito, in vogue as early as the time of Torres Naharro, whose Propaladia was first published in 15 17. Here, however, the introito was merely a sort of argument of the play that follows. Likewise each of the later pieces of Lope de Rueda, the Colloquio de Camila, Colloquio de Timbria, etc., is prefaced by an introito or argumento, a brief resume of the following play. This is also the case in his comedias, which are accompanied by short prefatory notes, spoken generally by Lope de Rueda himself, for they are called Introito que hace el Autor. But the later loas, beginning with those of Lope de Vega, rarely have any connection whatever with the comedia which follows. Generally they are merely the relation of some trivial incident, nearly always in a playful, humorous vein, and conclude with an appeal to the good will and attention of the audience. 1 Lope de Vega must have written a great many of these slight pieces, nearly all of which have disappeared. They are generally in the ro- mance or ballad measure, sometimes in redondillas, and vary in length from a little more than a hundred lines to three or four times that number. Among the best known loas are those written by Agustin de Rojas and printed in his Entertaining Journey; they 1596, p. 413. He calls the lua "prologo": "Ay un prologo, que es dicho comendatiuo: porque en el o la fabula, o el autor es alabado. Y ay pro- logo relatiuo, adonde el Poeta da gracias al pueblo, o habla contra algun aduersario. Ay le tambien argumentatiuo, que es el que diximos daua luz, por lo passado a lo porvenir. Y ay prologo de todos mezclado, que no tiene nombre y se podria llamar prologo misto." 1 The first volume of Lope de Vega's Comedias, Valladolid, 1604, con- tains eleven loas. Some doubt has been caet upon the authorship of these loas. The fact, however, that they were printed at this early date rather favors their authenticity, as no other writer of loas was prominent at this time, excepting Rojas. Indeed, some of them, notably the one begin- ning Vemos con lobregas nubes and the seventh, Quien dize que las mugeres, seem like Lope's in his best vein. There are also five loas in the spurious Part III (1612) of Lope's Comedias and four in Part VII, Barce- lona, 1617, and in the Fiestas del Santissimo Sacramento, £aragoca, 1644. See below. 282 THE SPANISH STAGE embrace both monologues and small dramatic sketches in which a whole company took part. It is hard to see wherein these longer has, performed by several actors or by a whole company, differed from the entremeses. Rojas's has are upon every conceivable subject; one is in praise of Seville, the city in which the company was about to perform, 1 while another extols the company of Antonio de Villegas. 2 The most famous of them all is the Loa en Alabanza de la Comedia, 3 to which reference has already been made. Having passed in review the most distin- guished dramatists, the loa concludes : Who with these is not acquainted ? Who, whom fame of them not reacheth? Who in wonderment beholds not Their rare wit and sounding phrases ? And allowing that 't is true, 'T is not strange that I should venture In their name now to entreat you That, because of the great rev'rence Which to their rare works is owing, While their plays are represented, You may pardon the shortcomings Of the players who perform them. 4 And so nearly all of them conclude with a similar ap- peal. To give a conception of the diversity of subjects 1 El Viage entretenido, Madrid, 1603, pp. 9-20. 'Ibid., pp. 48-55. 'Ibid., pp. 1 18-132. 4 "Quien a todos no conoce ? quien a su fama no llega? quien no se admira de ver sus ingenios y elocuencia ? Supuesto que esto es assi, no es mucho que yo me atreva a pediros en su nombre, que por la gran reuerencia Que se les deue a sus obras, mientras se hazen sus comedias, que las faltas perdoneys de los que las represenran." (Ibid., pp. 131, 132.) THE LOAS OF ROJAS 283 treated by Rojas in his loas, we may add that there is one in praise of thieves; 1 in praise of Tuesday ("el soberano dia Martes") ; 2 on beautiful teeth ("colmillos y mueles") and how to preserve them; 3 one extolling the swine ("puerco"), which is very witty, and ends: And if long have been my praises Of an animal so lovely, May he who should be one pardon Me, and therefore not feel shameful. 4 Rojas well describes the loa in one which he wrote in praise of Sunday, and in it he tells us, moreover, that even in his day every conceivable subject had been exhausted and that it was impossible to write what had not already been written : So many and so varied are the dramas, So great, indeed, the multitude of ballads, So varied, too, the subjects of the loas That have been written hitherto, I wonder How one can write what 's not already written, Or we say what has not been said already. Some make their farces of involved inventions, Others of stories fabulous and fictions, Loas that sing the praises of the letters, Of plants and animals and varied colors. One what is black, the other white extolleth, Silence this one, humility that other, And many more which I fail to remember. And 't is a labor now as ill requited, This writing loas, as in times now distant It by all men was held in estimation, etc. 6 1 Ibid., p. 681. ' Ibid., p. 597. ' Ibid., p. 377. * Ibid., p. 693. ""Son tantas y tan varias las coraedias, tanta la muchedumbre de romances, y tan grande el discurso de las loas, que hasta agora se han hecho, que me espanto 284 THE SPANISH STAGE He declares that has were written : In both the ancient comedy and modern To gain the list'ner's ear and kindly favor, . . . To sing the praises of its gallant spirits, And to exalt its wits in their due measure. Rojas excelled in writing these slight pieces; his are among the very best that have come down to us, and it is interesting to know that he was the member of the com- pany who not only wrote the has, but who also invariably recited them. To about the same period or a little later belongs the well-known collection of has and entremeses of Luis Quiiiones de Benavente, first published under the title Joco Seria, Burlas Veras, etc., Madrid, 1645. In these several actors always take part and sometimes the entire company for which they were written. A number of them serve as a kind of introduction of the company to the audi- ence ; the peculiarities of the actors are hit off, their ability is praised, and the new comedias which the company brings are mentioned ; like all these compositions, they are written in a jovial, humorous vein, intended to put the audience in good spirits. 1 que nadie pueda hazer mas de lo hecho, ni nosotros dezir mas de lo dicho. Unos hazen las farsas de maranas, otros de historias fabulas, ficciones, las loas de alabancas de las letras, de plantas, animates, de colores, uno alaua lo negro, otro lo bianco, este el silencio, la huraildad el otro, sin otras muchas, de que no me acuerdo. Y es trabajo tan mal agradecido, esto de loas, como en otro tiempo fue de todos los hombres estimado," etc (El Viage entretenido, Madrid, 1603, pp. 569, 570.) 1 They have been republished by Don Cayetano Rosell, Entremeses, Loas y Jdcaras, escritas por el Licenciado Luis Quihones de Benavente, Madrid, 1872, 1874, 2 vols. Many of them are of especial importance as furnishing interesting information concerning some of the most prominent players of the time. THE LOAS OF BENAVENTE 285 It appears that the loa had lost much of its vogue be- fore the end of the second decade of the seventeenth cen- tury. Indeed, according to Suarez de Figueroa, loas had already ceased to be recited in 1617. He says: "In the farces which are ordinarily .represented they have already discontinued that part called the loa, and from the slight purpose which it served and the fact that it was wholly foreign to the subject-matter of the play, it was certainly an advantage to suppress it." 1 It is difficult to reconcile Figueroa's statement, however, with the known fact that has continued to accompany the comedia, though not with the frequency of former years, long after the date men- tioned; indeed, some of Quifiones de Benavente's loas were written twenty years after this. These loas, as already stated, from being simple recitals by a single member of the company, gradually became short, humorous pieces which did not differ essentially from the entremeses or short interludes which always ac- companied the comedia, except that they were wholly without plot and consisted merely of dialogue held to- gether by the loosest thread. They were generally accom- panied by music and singing. Some were sung .in part, as the loa with which Antonio de Rueda and Pedro Ascanio began to represent in Madrid in i638. a Here the loa opens with Borja, an actor, who enters with a harp, fol- lowed by Maria de Heredia, both singing. The scene upon the stage at the beginning of another loa with which Tomas Fernandez began at Madrid in 1636 is indicated at the opening : "Enter the whole company two by two, with hands joined, dancing to the sound of instru- '"En las farsas que comunmente se representan, han quitado ya esta parte que llaman Loa. Y segun de lo poco que servia, y quan fuera de propositi) era su tenor, anduvieron acertados. Salia un farandulero, y despues de pintar largaraente una nave con borrasca, 6 la disposicion de un exercito, su acometer y pelear, concluia con pedir atencion y silencio, sin inferirse por ningun caso de lo uno lo otro." (El Passagero, Madrid, 1 617, fol. 109.) 1 Entremeses, etc., de Quinones de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 366. 286 THE SPANISH STAGE merits and bearing torches; making a reverence, they sing. Juanico, the son of Bernardo, is to be on the stage before the loa begins, playing with two other boys, and as soon as his father enters he is to tell him (Juanico) to keep quiet." 1 The loa with which Roque de Figueroa's company re- turned to Madrid in 1633(7) appears to have been whollysung, except the autor's introductory dialogue with the actor Bezon. It is entitled "Loa segunda que canto Roque de Figueroa," etc. 2 The loa being concluded, the first act or Jornada 3 of the comedia followed, though, as Ticknor says, "in some in- stances a dance was interposed, and sometimes even a ballad followed this, so importunate was the audience for what was lightest and most amusing." After the first act an entremes followed, and perhaps another bayle or dance. The name entremeses (French entremets, a side-dish), applied to festal pieces accompanied by singing, is found 1 Entremeses, etc., de Quinones de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 288. 'Ibid., p. 224. In a loa represented by Lorenzo Hurtado in Madrid (i632(?) or 1635(F)) the direction is given at the opening: "Enter Bernardo -without singing, to throw out the loa." ' While the term Jornada instead of act had been commonly employed in the religious plays of the Middle Ages, which often lasted several days, and was also used by Torres Naharro as early as 1517, that word is not found in the manuscripts of Lope de Vega, who always uses Ado instead, and this seems to have been the custom of Tirso de Molina, to judge from the only autograph of his, La Tercera de la Sancta Juana (1613), that I have seen. That the term Jornada, however, was well known at the beginning of the seventeenth century, is shown by the definition of Luys Alfonso de Carvallo: "Jornada es nombre Italiano, quiere decir cosa de un dia, porque giorno significa al dia. Y tomase por la distincion y mudanga que se hace en la comedia de cosas sucedidas en diferentes tiempos y dias, como si queriendo representar la vida de un Santo hiciese- mos de la nifiez una Jornada, de la edad perfecta otra, y otra de la vejez." (Cisne de A polo, etc., Medina del Campo, 1602, quoted by Schack, Nach- trdge, p. 23.) Jornada seems to have been reintroduced into current usage by Calderon and his school. Virues, Obras trdgicas, etc., Madrid, 1609, uses both terms. Caramuel says: "Actus est id, quod hodie vocamus Jor- nada: et jam praescripsit consuetudo, ut Comoedia nonnisi tres actus habeat et duabus horis repraesentetur." (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 26.) ENTREMESES 287 as early as 141 2 in the Archives of Valencia, and, as we have seen, 1 Lamarca claims a Valencian origin for these entremesos, as they were called. 2 It is very probable that entremeses, originally perhaps of a quasi-religious char- acter, formed a part of the great church festivals from the earliest times. But these short pieces were gradually stripped of any religious significance they may have had, and finally every short farce or interlude was called an entremes. Such pieces, especially designated as entre- meses, were brought out at festivals by the great Consta- ble Don Alvaro de Luna. 3 Lope de Vega, in his Arte nuevo de hacer Comedias, speaking of Lope de Rueda, says that "from him has remained the custom of calling 1 Introduction, p. xi. "Wolf speaks of "jene Festschaustiicke mit Gesang, die, wie bei den Nordfranzosen Entremets, damals auch in Spanien 'Entramesos' oder Entremeses genannt wurden" (Studien, p. 585), and discussing the six- teenth-century MSS. of Autos and Farsas, since published by Rouanet (see above, p. 7, note 2), he remarks concerning the Entremes de las Ester as, contained therein: "Dass dieses Stuck schon zu den Entremeses in der spatern allgemein iiblich gewordenen Bedeutung dieses Gattungsnamens gehort habe, wird aus dem Personenverzeichniss (figuras) wahrschein- lich; denn es treten darin auf : 'Melchora, Antona, un hobo, un lacayo, un bachiller, el amo de las mozas.' Hier hatten wir also das alteste Document fur den Gebrauch von 'Entremes' in dieser Bedetung." (Ibid., p. 598, note.) An entremes belonging to the middle of the sixteenth cen- tury, written by Sebastian de Horozco of Toledo, is now printed in his Cancionero, Seville, 1874, pp. 167 ft. It is entitled: "Un Entremes que hizo el auctor a ruego de una Monja parienta suya evangelista para representarse como se represento en un Monasterio de esta Cibdad (Toledo) dia de Sant Ju° Evangelista." "Introduzense quatro personas. — Un villano que viene a comprar al alcana [antigua calle de Toledo donde se conservaban las tiendas a la usanza morisca] ciertas cosas para dar a una zagala; — y un Pregonero que entra pregonando, una moga de veinte afios perdida; — y un Fraile que pide para las animas del purga- torio, a quien los otros cuelgan porque los combide, porque dizen que se llama fray Ju° evangelista; — y un Bunolero que pregona bunuelos calientes. Comen los bunuelos y despues mantean al fraile sobre la paga. Y vanse todos a beber a una taberna y asi se acaba." Ticknor, Vol. I, p. 271, note. "Fue muy inventivo e mucho dado a fallar invenciones, e sacar entremeses en fiestas," etc. Cronica de D. Alvaro de Luna, Madrid, 1784, p. 182. As Ticknor remarks : "It is not to be supposed that these were like the gay farces that have since passed under the same name, but there can be little doubt that they were poetical and were exhibited." Don Alvaro was executed in 1453. 288 THE SPANISH STAGE the old comedias entremeses." 1 Entremeses, the editor of Quinones de Benavente observes, were for the pur- pose of avoiding the tedium between the acts, for with- out them "la mejor comedia tiene hoy el peligro de los desaires que padece entre Jornada y Jornada." "And so," he continues, "a manager who had a poor comedia, by putting in two entremeses of this kind, gave it crutches to prevent it from falling, and he who had a good one put wings to it, to raise it still higher." 2 Lope de Vega, alluding to his youthful efforts in writing comedias, says : And some I wrote at eleven years and at twelve, Each of four acts as well as of four sheets, For each act was contained within a sheet, And in the spaces three that came between, Three little entremeses then were made, Though now there 's scarce one,- and a bayle too, 8 etc Of these entremeses Lope certainly wrote a great many; whether those printed in the volumes of his Comedias are really his, it is impossible to decide, nor can the entremeses contained in the Fiestas del Santissimo Sacra- mento, Zaragoza, 1644, be ascribed to him with cer- tainty. 4 They are of varying length and character, some being dramatic, some lyrical. 1 Edition of Milan, 1611, p. 363. Ticknor rightly traces the entremeses of Lope de Vega back to Lope de Rueda, whose short farces were of the same nature, while into his longer pieces Rueda introduced pasos or pas- sages, which might be detached from them and used as entremeses. They were short and lively dialogues in prose without plot "and merely in- tended to amuse an idle audience for a few moments." History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 63. Timoneda published an entremes in 1565, which Barrera says is "la mas antigua obra de teatro asi denominada." Cata- log", p. 393- 2 Entremeses, etc., de Quinones de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, p. xx. "Entremes apud Hispanos est Comoedia brevis, in qua Actores ingeniose nugantur." Caramuel, Rhythmica, Campaniae, 1668, quoted by Schack, Nachtrage, p. 26. 'Arte nuep. 29-31.) 1 See above, p. 200. 3 04 THE SPANISH STAGE on Friday should take place before the Ayuntamiento of the city in the morning, beginning at seven o'clock. 1 In 1600, when the autos of Madrid were presented by the companies of Melchor de Villalba and Gabriel de la Torre, the performance on Thursday took place in the afternoon, first before the Council, and afterward "wherever they may be ordered to perform." 2 Begin- ning on the afternoon of Corpus Christi, the autos con- tinued through the whole of the following day (Friday). In 1609, when Alonso de Heredia represented the autos in Madrid, he was required to perform them until two o'clock in the morning. With each auto an entremes was to be given, 3 and in 161 8, when the autos were presented by Baltasar Pinedo and Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, it was agreed that "each one of the autores was to produce two autos and to have them composed at his own cost and approved by the ordinary, fur- nishing also with each auto an entremes, and presenting them with new costumes." They were to give a re- hearsal ten days before Corpus, and on that day they 1 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 19. 'Ibid., p. 52. It appears that at the Corpus festival in Seville in 1582 no less than seven autos were represented: El Testamento del Senor by the company of Alonso de Capilla; El Cowvite que hizo el Rey Salomon a la Reina Saba by Juan Bautista ; El Triunfo de la Verdad by Diego Pineda ; Santa Felicitas y otros Mdrtires by Marcos de Cardenal ; La Muerte de Orias y Casamiento de David con Bethsabee by Tomas Gutierrez; Cuando Nuesira Seiiora salio de Egipto para Galilea by the com- pany of Juan Gonzalez; and Cosme de Oviedo represented El Estaio del Hombre desde su Juventud hasta que triunfa la Muerte. (Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 68.) In 1585 five autos were represented: two by Pedro de Saldana, two by Alonso de Cisneros, and one by Tomas Gutie- rrez. (Ibid., p. 74.) In general, however, four autos were represented here also each year. In 1591 there appeared in the representation at Corpus, in addition to the autos, a "carro de apariencias," brought out by Juan Bautista de Aguilar, on which Juan Agustin de Torres and Antonio Veloco "performed sleight-of-hand tricks with living birds, in the manner of the Italians," "y con una armada de galeras y otras piezas de fuego muy curiosas, con su musica y romances y letras a lo divino con un en- tremes gracioso." (Ibid., p. 82.) For four autos represented by Diego de Santander in 1596, he received 1200 ducats. (Ibid., p. 94.) 'Ibid., p. 112. THE REPRESENTATION OF AUTOS 305 were to represent from noon until ten o'clock at night, and on Friday from ten in the morning till midnight, in such places as should be assigned to them. In this case, besides providing the cars (carros) and paying to the autores 600 ducats each, the city agreed to furnish a wax candle of half a pound to each actor and two wax candles of one pound each to the autor and autora. 1 In 1621 it was stipulated that Pedro de Valdes, who presented two of the autos, "is to represent on Corpus day from two in the afternoon till midnight, and on Friday from six o'clock in the morning until midnight, and if he repre- sent on Saturday, he is to receive the customary gra- tuity." Besides, his company and that of Cristobal de Avendafio (who presented the other two autos) were to have the exclusive right of performing in the theaters of Madrid from the date of granting the license until Corpus Christi. 2 As already stated, the Corpus Christi celebration al- ways began with a procession through the streets of the city, and the stopping-places where the autos were to be represented were designated by the civic authorities, who provided the carros. In Seville, in 1609, the autos were first to be represented "before the Most Holy Sacra- ment, and afterward, during the whole of that day until the bell for evening prayers rings, going through the streets along which the procession passes, and if any car should break down, the actors and all the paraphernalia for the representation are to wait on the spot for two hours until the car be repaired," and the places for repre- sentation are designated "in case a car cannot proceed because one in front of it be broken down." 3 Besides the 'Perez Pastor, Nue-vos Datos, p. 166. 'Ibid., p. 188. *"Si en algun carro se quebrase alguna rueda viniendo detras otro carro que haya menester pasar adelante, si se quebrase en la calle de Genova, le hayan de sacar a la plaza de San Francisco; y si en la calle de la Sierpe, a la entrada de lo ancho de la carcel 6 a la dicha plaza de San Francisco; y si fuere a los Sileros, le saquen a la plazuela que esta 306 THE SPANISH STAGE representations which were to be given on the day of Corpus, another was to be given in the Plaza de San Francisco on the following Monday, and it was expressly provided that no player was to pass from one car to another, but that each car be furnished with all necessary actors. Each auto had to be accompanied by a new en- tremes, and a rehearsal had to be given thirty days before Corpus. In addition to the 600 ducats received by each autor (sometimes this sum was 350 ducats for each auto, as in Seville in 1609) for his two autos, a prize of 100 ducats was generally awarded by the city to the autor de come- dias whose company gave the best representations with the finest costumes, and sometimes various sums were awarded to individual players. It was greatly to the advantage of the manager of a company to be selected to represent the autos in Madrid, for besides the large sum received therefor, he and the other manager so selected were also granted the sole and exclusive privilege of representing comedias in the Madrid theaters from the day on which he received the license (generally Easter) until Corpus Christi. 1 When the court was in Madrid it was generally necessary to give additional representations of the autos on the fol- lowing Saturday, for which a gratuity was always received by the manager of the company. 2 It was an invariable condition that the autos represented in Madrid and Seville should be new and should never have been seen before. 3 The remuneration received by poets for writing autos doubtless varied, as did their honorarium for comedias, but, being a shorter composition, the amount paid was f rente de la botica; y si en la calle de Carpinteros, a la plazuela de San Salvador, para que se aderecen y prosigan la representation." (Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 137.) 1 Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, pp. 4.9, 52, 123, 132, T62, 188 et passim. 'Ibid., pp. 112, 123, 129 et passim. ' Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, pp. 125, 136, 215. AUTOS BY LOPE DE VEGA 307 much less than for a comedia. In 161 1 Lope de Vega, then at the height of his popularity, received 1200 reals for four autos represented at the Corpus festival of that year in Seville. 1 In 161 8 Bartolome de Enciso received 200 reals for an auto entitled La Montanesa, while Jusepa, 'Three years before, in 1608, Lope had also written the four autos which were represented at Madrid in that year: El Adulterio de la Esposa and El Caballero del Fenix, performed by the company of Juan de Morales Medrano, and Los Casamientos de Joseph and La Ninez de Crista, by the company of Alonso Riquelme. The scenic appliances of the carros are thus described: "Para el auto del Adulterio de la Esposa: —En el medio carro en lo alto ha de haber una nube 6 globo que se abra en quartos a modo de azucena que sea bastante para que quepan tres per- sonas dentro: ha de estar pintado de azul y estrellas, en este medio carro ha de haber pintados algunos pesos y llamas de fuego porque es el carro de la Justicia divina. —En el otro medio carro ha de haber en lo alto un trono a modo de capilla 6 yglesia, porque aqui se ha de representar la Iglesia; ha de haber un dragon de siete cabezas, si pudiere ser, echando fuego por las bocas, y si no pudiere ser vivo, sea pintado: este capilla ha de ser bastante para que e'n ella este una muger sobre este dragon. —En este medio carro ha de haber dos bofetones que salgan con dos hombres hasta la mitad de los carros y los vuelvan arriba —Ha de haber unas plomadas para subir una muger arriba. Dira el modo de esta invencion Jaraba, cobrador de la comedia. "Para el auto del Caballero del Fenix: —En el medio carro sean quatro bastidores sobre la casa, que se abran en la frente del carro: este una mesa con asiento y sea todo lo alto un guerto con una pena sobre que pueda estar un Angel. — EI otro medio carro sea un Globo pintado de mar y tierra por defuera y por dentro de tinieblas, con un sol y luna eclisados y sangrientos, una cruz grande en medio sobre un calvario, bastante a que este echada en el una figura. "Para el auto de Los Casamientos de Joseph: —El medio carro sea un Palacio con un corredor y un altar con unos ydolos: sea el Palacio el mas rico que sea posible, y si puede estar en medio de quatro corredores la capilla del altar que dije, sera mejor. — El otro medio carro tenga un cielo sobre la casa con una subida por donde pueda descender del y volver a el una figura. Si hubiere pintura por defuera sea el Carro de Pharaon y Joseph en el vestido de Rey. Haya una mesa con invencion para que los platos que esten en ella se desaparezcan a la vista. "Para el auto de La Ninez deXpo: —En el medio carro sea un templo con asientos y una silla en medio: hanle de cubrir quatro bastidores que se caygan a su tiempo. —El otro medio carro ha de ser un jardin y una palma en medio del con 308 THE SPANISH STAGE Vaca and her daughter Mariana de Morales were paid a gratuity of 300 reals "por lo bien que en el trabajaron, x and in the same year Salustio del Poyo received 200 reals for Las Fuerzas de Sanson. 2 No expense seems to have been spared in the prepara- tion of the autos, which were presented with a splendor of decoration and costume that must have greatly pleased the populacho, especially as these representations, being on the streets and in the public squares, were free to all. For the representation of El Naufragio de Jonas pro- feta, at Plasencia in 1578, a large stage was built in the square of the city, and upon it a tank was constructed sixty todos los pasos de la Pasion por razimos 6 en cada razimo de datiles el suyo: tenga el tronco como escalera por que se pueda subir, y sea muy alta: este una cabana paxiza a un Iado y una fuente. Pongase cuydado en este porque es notable. Si hubiere pintura por de fuera, sea toda de nifios angelitos, ocupados en diversos juegos de muchachos. "Pintura de los carros para la fiesta del Santisimo Sacramento deste afio de 1608. "Condiciones de la pintura de los carros: — Hanse de pintar los carros a contento del senor Corregidor y comisa- rios, etc. — Hanse de pintar ocho medios carros conforme los autos lo requieren dellos de arquitectura bien ordenada y compuesta y colorida de colores finos y a cada arquitectura de carro conforme la historia del auto lo re- quiere. — Hanse de pintar todas las apariencias dentro y fuera de los carros y todo lo que se hubiere de hacer demas de lo dicho conforme las memorias que tienen dadas Riquelme y Morales, autores. — Han de ir las puertas de los carros pintadas conforme los carros lo requieren, cada una diferente de la otra, con sus peinazos y cruzeros con-' trahechas al natural, y las ventanas han de ir contrahecbas a ventanas naturales, unas diferentes de otras. — Han de ir los rodapies de los carros pintados cada uno conforme al carro que ha de ir puesto y que sea conforme a lo de arriba. — Hanse de dorar todos los remates de los carros y pintar los balustres y verjuelas de azul fino, y dorar los botoncillos deltas. — Han de ir enlosados de pintura y enladriHados con sus colores los suelos de los carros donde se han de representar altos y baxos, y los dos medios carros que se afiaden se ha de hacer lo mismo. — Hase de dar de azul la reja donde se pone la Custodia en la Plaza de Santa Maria y dorar las manzanas della," etc. (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, pp. 106-109.) 1 Sanchez- Arjona, El Teatro en Sevilla, Madrid, 1887, p. 303. 'Ibid., p. 293, LOS MEDIOS CARROS 309 feet long and twenty feet wide, which was filled with water, upon which a ship floated, with its sails and tackle, large enough to hold a number of sailors and passengers. 1 At an early period, however, the autos, besides being performed in the public squares, were also represented at the theaters. On June 22, 1601, we find that Gaspar de Porres presented autos in one of the theaters of Madrid, and on the next two following days we read: "Autos a los semaneros en el teatro." 2 Besides, autos were frequently represented privately before the King, as in June, 1609, when Domingo Balbin and Alonso de Heredia presented the autos of that year before Philip the Third in the Escurial. 3 The cars were beautifully painted and were frequently of great magnificence; in 161 1 the amount paid for paint- ing them was 1350 reals. 4 The number of cars for the autos seems to have varied : to represent four autos, eight medios carros were re- quired, as we have seen above, in the case of the autos of 1608. In 1619 we read of "eight medios carros on which the representation is to be given, to be handsomely painted, and . . . likewise the four medios carrillos which are put in between for the representations,". 5 and 1 "En las fiestas del dia de Corpus Christi de aquel ano se hizo en medio de la plaza un gran tablado, que parecia hecho para muchos dias, y en lo alto un mar de sesenta pies de longitud y veinte de lati- tud, con abundancia de agua que con mucho artificio habian hecho subir alii. En el mar estaba una muy lucida nave, con sus velas y jarcias, de tanta grandeza que estaban dentro muchos marineros y pasajeros vestidos de librea. Aqui se represento el Naufragio de Jonas prof eta, y se vio la nao ir por el agua, con la qual hubo gran conmocion y tormenta con artificio de polvora que debajo del tablado se encendio." (Sanchez- Arjona, p. 97.) 'Bulletin Hispanique (1907), p. 365. 'Bulletin Hispanique (1907), p. 375. * Nuevos Datos, p. 125. '"Se obliga a pintar los ocho medios carros, en que se hace la represen- tacion, de pinturas finas . . . y tambien en los quatro medios carrillos que se meten en medio para las representaciones." (Ibid., p. 182.) The term medio carro (middle car) is explained by a document dated Madrid, May T 5> 1593 : "Obligacion de Nicolas Granelo, criado de S. M.. pintor resi- 310 THE SPANISH STAGE in 1620 a medio carro was built "with its two bridges, upon which the stage is to be placed, and the stage is to have the same form as it has in the others [i.e., cars] with its balustrades and railings." 1 That a stage was built at the various points along the streets . where the auto was to be represented, and that the carros were grouped around this stage, is evident from many descriptions of the autos. Still, the word here used for stage ( tablado ) seems sometimes to have the meaning of scaffold or stand for spectators. 2 It is probable that representations also took place upon one of the carros, so, at all events, we should infer from the fact that in 1593 eight cars were ordered to be painted for the festival of Corpus, beside "the one in the middle which serves for the representations." 3 Moreover, above (p. 308) we read of the "floors of the cars on which they are to act." Perhaps it was the custom to set up the stage on the bridges of one of the cars, as was done in 1620, as we have just seen. When Rios represented a comedia and dente en Madrid, de hacer la pintura de los S carros que esta Villa hace para la fiesta del Santisimo y la del 'que sirve en medio para las repre- sentaciones,' en precio de 230 ducados" (ibid., p. 35), and another record dated Madrid, April 5, 1595: "Fianza de Pedro de la Puente, obrero de la villa de Madrid, en favor de Fabricio Castello, pintor de su Magestad, que hara la pintura de los ocho carros que esta villa hace para la fiesta del Santisimo Sacramento deste presente ano de noventa y cinco, asi los cuerpos principales como el que sirve en medio para las representaciones."' (Ibid., p. 343.) For the auto entitled El Meson del Alma, represented at Seville in 1607 by the company of Riquelme, the following description of the medio carro was furnished by the city authorities: "Para el auto Et Meson del Alma se dispuso que en un medio carro ha de haber una casa grande, donde va toda la compania deste auto, con sus torres, chapiteles y remates, en la qual han de ir pintados atributos de la Gracia y Virtudes y lo demas que dijere el poeta. Item esta casa ha de tener quatro lienzos en quadrado con la largura y anchura que le convenga." (Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 128.) Ibid., p. 186. 3 Junio 1620. — Condiciones de un medio carro que se ha de hacer para las fiestas del Santisimo Sacramento del ano 1620, "con sus dos puentes en que ha de ir el tablado encima y el tablado ha de ser de la misma forma que esta en los otros con sus balustres y antepechos." * See Nuevos Datos, pp. 13, 14, 17. * Nuevos Datos, p. 35, and ibid., p. 40: Abril 1595. "Fianza para los 8 carros triunfales y el de las representaciones en las fiestas del Corpus." EL TABLADO 311 an auto in the village of Fuenlabrada in August, 1603, it was especially stipulated that "el tablado se ha de pagar y aderezar por cuenta de la Cofradia." 1 Here tablado could only have meant the acting stage. At the close of the first scene of Josef de Valdivielso's El Peregrino, an auto published in 1622, is the direction "Cierrase el tablado, y queda dentro la Tierra." 2 Calderon's autos show clearly that there were fixed stages or tablados, the cars being arranged around them, the actors facing the select company before which the auto is presented, while the great mass of the populace see only their backs. In Calderon's El sacro Parnaso (1659) the stage is referred to as "el tablado de la repre- sentacion," and in the same author's Quien hallard Mujer fuerte (1672), in the "Memoria de las Apariencias," we read: "El segundo carro ha de tener tambien bajada para el tablado, por donde pueda subir una muger." 3 The properties on these cars were of pasteboard {pasta) and were made "as the poets requested" {con- forme lo pidieren los poetas). 4 The costumes worn by the players were of the richest and costliest stuffs. In 1624, when Antonio de Prado represented two of the autos at Madrid, it was especially stipulated that "he shall provide the costumes for the said autos and entre- meses, and they are to be of brocatel and velvet and damask and sateen, trimmed with gold passementerie, all new and to the satisfaction of the comisarios." 6 Like the comedia, the autos sacrament ales were inva- riably accompanied by bayles and entremeses. Cervantes 1 Nuevos Datos, p. 81. 2 Gonzalez Pedroso, in Bibl. de Autores Esp., Vol. 58, p. 203. 'Ibid., p. 403. See also Calderon's La Nave del Mercader: "baja la Culpa al tablado." Ibid., p. 441, and La Vina del Seizor. Ibid., pp. 464, 475. For an account of the autos and their representation, see Schack, Geschichte, etc., Vol. II, p. 129, and Julio Monreal, Cuadros viejos, pp. 203 ff., and especially p. 230. "Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 182. 5 Ibid., p. 205, and see above, p. 107. 312 THE SPANISH STAGE gives a description of a traveling company which was representing the auto entitled Las Cortes de la Muerte in various small towns during the octave of Corpus Christi (we copy from the excellent translation of John Ormsby) x : Don Quixote was about to reply to Sancho Panza, but he was prevented by a cart crossing the road full of the most diverse and strange personages and figures that could be imagined. He who led the mules and acted as carter was a hideous demon; the cart was open to the sky, with a tilt or cane roof, and the first figure that presented itself to Don Quixote's eyes was that of Death itself with a human face ; next to it was an angel with large painted wings, and at one side an emperor, with a crown, to all appearance of gold, on his head. At the feet of Death was the god called Cupid, without his bandage, but with his bow, quiver, and arrows ; there was also a knight in full armour, except that he had no morion or helmet, but only a hat decked with plumes of divers colours; and along with these there were others with a variety of costumes and faces. All this, unexpectedly encountered, took Don Quixote somewhat aback, and struck terror into the heart of Sancho ; but the next instant Don Quixote was glad of it, believing that some new perilous adventure was presenting itself to him, and under this impression, and with a spirit prepared to face any dan- ger, he planted himself in front of the cart, and, in a loud and menacing tone, exclaimed, "Carter or coachman, or devil, or what- ever thou art, tell me at once who thou art, whither thou art going, and who these folk are thou earnest in thy waggon, which looks more like Charon's boat than an ordinary cart." To which the devil, stopping the cart, answered quietly, "Senor, we are players of Angulo el Malo's company [a theatrical manager and dramatist who flourished about 1580] ; we have been acting the auto of 'The Cortes of Death' this morning, which is the octave of Corpus Christi, in a village behind that hill, and we have to act it this afternoon in that village which you can see from this; and as it is so near, and to save the trouble of undressing and dressing again, we go in the costumes in which we perform. That lad there ap- pears as Death, that other as an angel, that woman, the manager's 1 Don Quixote, Part II, chap. xi. MISERABILE VULGUS p-c 3 wife, plays the queen, this one the soldier, that the emperor, and I the devil ; and I am one of tile principal characters of the auto, for in this company I take the leading parts. If you want to know anything more about us, ask n\e, and I will answer with the utmost exactitude, for, as I am a devilAI am up to everything." Belonging to this company also was "a mWry-andrew, in a mummer's dress with a great number of bells, \nd armed with three blown ox- bladders at the end of a stick." The above-mentioned Cortes Me la Muerte was probably the auto which, begun by Migilel de Carvajal and finished by Luis Hurtado de ToledoV was published in 1557, and represented in Seville in V570 and again in 1571. 1 As in the performance of qpmedias, there was also, even on such solemn occasions! as the representation of autos sacrament ales at Corpus IChristi, much noise and disorder among the motley crowds that thronged the streets and the public squares to see them. Nor was this disorder confined to the mob (populacho) . Under date of June 16, 1615, we read the following: "In this Council [Madrid] attention being drawn to the disorder which is wont to be created on the stage ( tablado ) erected for the purpose of enabling the wives of the regidores to view the autos at the festival of the Holy Sacrament, the corregi- dor commands that the said s|age or stand be apportioned in the same manner as4ffewindows in the plaza are as- signed for the bull-fights, according to seniority (por su antiguedad) , beginning from the middle of the stage and giving to the four most ancient gentlemen five, feet of stage, and in this manner to continue the apportionment on both sides, . . . making the division by means of wooden frames," etc. 2 How these processions degenerated into mere mum- mery through the license and abuse of the participants, 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 44. It has been republished by Don Justo de Sancha in Vol. XXXV of the Biblioteca de Autores Espaholes. ' Nuevos Datos, p. 158. 314 THE SPANISH STAGE and how the religious significance and solemnity or the representations was greatly impaired and almost de- stroyed by the boisterous and unruly conduct of the crowd, is shown by an edict of the Bishop of Badajoz in 1605. To this decree the city of Badajoz objected, and petitioned the King that the comedias and dances on the day of Corpus should be allowed, as heretofore, "upon a stage erected for that purpose, on which is revealed the Most Holy Sacrament, and that the Corregidor, Bishop, Dean, and Chapter of the said church take part." Among other things, the edict of the Bishop 1 pro- hibited the clothing of the image of Our Lady in bor- rowed bridal garments; "(1) that no ruffed collars or other adornments in fashion among women be put on such images, under penalty of excommunication and a fine of 20 ducats. (2) That no one dress himself as a saint or take part as such in any procession or on a car unless he be acting in some devotional auto in which a saint takes part, and then he must have a license to do so ; nor shall he stand at an altar or in any other place, unless in some devotional auto that is being acted, for besides the great indecency of such an action, we have seen and know that for the said representations beautiful girls are sought, who, as they are generally poor and are seen 1 The Bishop's edict contains the following prohibitions: (1) "Que se vistan las imageries de Nuestra Senora con prestados que llevan puestos para los casamientos las desposadas, que no se le pongan lechuguillos ni otros adornos de moda entre las mugeres, so pena de ex- comunion mayor, 20 ducados para la guerra contra infieles y perdida de los tales vestidos." (2) Que ninguno se vista de santo y a'sista vestido de tal, "en procesion alguna ni en carro si no fuere habiendo de representar algun auto de deuocion en que intervenga algun santo, y esto con licencia de nuestro provisor dada en escrito, mas que de ninguna manera no puedan estar en altares ni en otros puestos no habiendo auto en que se hable y represente algo de devocion, porque fuera de la grande indecencia que esto tiene, avemos visto y sabido que se andan buscando muchachas hermosas y de buenos pareceres para las dichas representaciones, las quales, como ordina- riamente son pobres, y son vistas de todo el pueblo, somos informado de las ofensas a Dios y pecados que resultan dello." THE BISHOP OF BADAJOZ 315 by all the people, we are informed that offenses to God and sins result therefrom. (3) That no cars in these pro- cessions be drawn by oxen, mules, or horses, on account of the shouts of the drivers and the disorder resulting from the confusion of the cars with the saints who are carried on litters, and the disputes which arise, as in the past year, when swords were drawn and blows were exchanged, pro- ducing great scandal; wherefore the said cars may be brought out and the representations made to the people either before or after the procession. (4) That no pro- fane comedia be performed at the festival of Corpus Christi, but only devout autos, without profane entre- meses, nor any other thing that may divert the people from the devotion and adoration of the Holy Sacrament or from the reverence which is due to the presence of so great a Lord [the Host], or which may incite the people to laughter, shouts, or any other unseemly actions which are repugnant to representations of this kind." Down to the year 1635 these Corpus processions in Seville had always taken place in the morning, but in this year they were changed to the afternoon, and the autos were represented on the cars in the morning, after high mass. 1 We have, in a previous chapter, referred to the objec- (3) "Que no se saquen para esta procesion carros con bueyes, mulas o caballos, por los gritos que dan los carreteros y por el desorden que hay en ello por estar a veces confundidos los carros con los santos que van en andas y promoverse questiones como la del ano anterior en que se sacaron las espadas y andaron a cuchilladas, promoviendo un fuerte escandalo; por lo qual podrian salir dichos carros y hacer las representaciones al pueblo antes o despues de la procesion." (4) "Que en las fiestas del Corpus Christi no se haga comedia ninguna profana sino algunos autos devotos sin mezcla de entremeses profanos ni de cosa que no sea para mejor enderezar el pueblo a devocion y adorar al Santisimo Sacramento, e conforme a la reuerencia que se debe en presencia de tan gran Senor e no para mover el pueblo a risa y hacer otras descom- posiciones, gritos, ruidos y alborotos indebidos con semej antes representa- ciones." Todo esto so pena de excomunion mayor, 20 ducados para la cera del Santisimo. (Ibid., pp. 103, 104.) 1 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 353. 316 THE SPANISH STAGE tions and protests of the historian Padre Juan de Mariana to the manner in which the autos sacramentales were represented, and to these the testimony of many other writers might be added. In 1600 Fray Jose de Jesus Mariana, a barefoot Carmelite of Madrid, 1 objects not only, as we have seen, 2 to "vile and infamous men," as he calls them, representing the autos sacramentales, but pro- tests earnestly against the introduction of worldly and ir- reverent entremeses into such sacred representations. He says that these actors, "accustomed to their evil manner of living, frequently do and say things before the Holy Sac- rament which are wholly foreign to the name of Christian and worthy of severe punishment. And even if it were tolerable that persons so infamous should represent such lofty mysteries, what have holy festivals to do with en- tremeses treating of robberies and adulteries, which are ordinarily mingled with the autos sacramentales? If this is justly intolerable in profane comedias, how can it be endured in those which treat of sacred subjects? It is this admixture, in Spain, of the sacred and profane, which offends all foreigners and all good and pious natives." Despite these protests, of which we might cite many more from the work of Sr. Cotarelo, autos sacramentales continued to be represented in the public squares and theaters of the principal cities until 1765. On June 10 of that year a royal decree was issued declaring that the theaters were not proper places and the comedians were unfit and unworthy persons to represent the sacred mys- teries of which the autos sacramentales treat, and that the King has therefore determined to prohibit absolutely all representations of autos sacramentales and to renew the prohibition of comedias de santos? Thus there passed from the popular stage a kind of religious drama 1 In his Primera Parte de las Excelencias de la Virtud de la Castidad, Alcala, 1601, chap, xvii; see Cotarelo y Mori, Conlroversias, p. 377. 2 Above, p. 262. 3 Controversias, p. 657. AUTOS IN THE THEATERS 317 that was peculiar to Spain and which, in the hands of some of its dramatists, notably Calderon, had reached the highest point of beauty and perfection. We have already 1 alluded to the fact that autos sacra- mentales were not only represented in the public squares, but also in the theaters of Madrid as early as 1601. Under what conditions these autos in the theaters took place, we do not know. That an admission fee was paid, however, in this event, is certain. It appears that originally the autos were represented on only two days: Corpus Christi day and the next day (Friday). In 1574 Jeronimo Velazquez stipulated to represent three autos "only on Corpus day and afterward wherever he may be commanded." 2 But all the representations were confined to these two days. So in 1594 the representa- tions were to be on Corpus and the day following, 3 and in 1599, when Gaspar de Porres presented the autos, they were to be performed only on Corpus day and on the following day, and it was expressly agreed that the carros were to be returned on Saturday. 4 In 1600, when Mel- chor de Villalba and Gabriel de la Torre represented the autos at Madrid, they received for two autos each 650 ducats, to be represented on Thursday and Friday, 6 and in 1609, when the autos in Madrid were in charge of Alonso de Heredia and Domingo Balbin, each was to represent two autos on Thursday and Friday for 600 ducats, and if the court should be in Madrid on Saturday they were to receive a gratuity for the rep- resentations on that day. 6 This latter stipulation occurs constantly in the succeeding years down to 1638. 7 In 1 61 2 Juan de Morales Medrano and Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo represented the autos, and "because they had 1 P. zso. 2 Nuevos Dalos, p. 334. 5 Ibid., p. 38. 4 Ibid., p. 49. = Ibid., p. 52. 'Ibid., p. 112. See also above, p. 200. 7 Nuevos Datos, pp. 132, 134, 156, 160, 161, 166, 188, 206, 224. 3i 8 THE SPANISH STAGE given more representations than they were obliged to give (Morales five and Cabredo seven) on Saturday, besides those on Thursday and Friday," the former re- ceived 700 and the latter 800 reals extra. 1 In 1639 the autos were represented in Madrid in the following order : On Thursday afternoon ( Corpus day) all four autos were to be given in the presence of the King be- fore the royal palace at such an hour as the King should fix; then the four autos were to be performed before the Princess of Carignan, wife of Prince Thomas, in front of the monastery of the Incarnation. On Friday before the "casas del Ayuntamiento" in the Plazuela de San Salvador, then two autos before the Council of Aragon and two before the Council of Italy. On Saturday be- fore the "Consejos de Inquisicion y Cruzada," and in the afternoon to the Villa de Madrid, before the "casas del Ayuntamiento," etc., and on Sunday, in the afternoon, before the Archbishop of Granada, etc. 2 In 1649 there is specific information of the representa- tion of autos in the public theaters. In that year "Diego Osorio began to represent the auto sacramental which fell to the lot of his company in the Corral del Principe, on Wednesday, June 23, and he gave twelve repre- sentations in the theater until July 4. The said Osorio ceased to perform in the said Corral del Principe, and Antonio de Prado entered it and began on Saturday, July 10, giving fifteen representations of the auto sacra- mental which he was to give, until July 25, for on July 24 there was no representation. Osorio did not [again] represent until July 16, when he began in the Corral de la Cruz, where he gave thirteen representations until July 30. On August 5 Prado began to represent the auto La Vacante in the Principe, where he gave nine representa- tions of the said auto until August 13, and then rested 1 Nuevos Da/os, p. 130. 'Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, p. 119. EXPENSE OF AUTOS 319 until the 24th, when he began in the said corral the auto La Magdalena, of which he alone gave in this corral fifteen representations until September 8, so that there were twenty-four representations of the said two autos in the said corral. Between September 14 and September 29 Prado gave ten representations. From October 3 to October 16 he alone represented and then ceased. On August 6 Osorio began in La Cruz and gave two repre- sentations to August 10. On September 20 he again represented in the Corral del Principe and gave seven representations. From October 16 to November 1 Osorio gave twelve representations." l Whether the autos were afterward conducted on the scale of magnificence which they attained in 1649, or whether they were represented for as long a period as they were given in the theaters in this year, we have no means of determining. The Dutch traveler Francis van Aerssen, who visited Spain in 1655, te ^ s us tnat when 'Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, pp. 166, 167. It is inter- esting to add a list of the expenses incurred for the autos at Madrid in this year, 1649, showing the enormous costs which these entertainments, fostered by the idle and show-loving Philip IV, brought upon his exhausted country. Fiesta del Santisimo Sacramento. Ano 1649. Gastos : A los autores por las representaciones 710,600 mrs. Al que compone los autos 112,200 Al cerero *>44>47° A Juan de Caramanchel para hacer los carros 319,600 A Gaspar Flores y compania por las danzas 421,600 A Adrian Lopez por el lienzo de los toldos 366,656 Por traer la Tarasca 27,200 Hermanos de la Dotrina 112,200 La musica 76,296 Por llevar los carros y aderezos para ellos 14,012 Al mayordomo de propios para gastos menudos i7>76o Al obrero para unos palos 21,760 . Al dicho para coser los toldos y hacerlos 105,944 A Juan Blanco por el tablado de la plaza 127,500 " Tablado de Palacio 51,000 " Carried forward 3,128,798 mrs. 320 THE SPANISH STAGE the autos were represented the theaters were closed for a month. The money derived from the entrance fees to the theaters during these representations may have helped to defray the expenses of these festivals; it was undoubtedly a source of profit for the autores who represented the autos, for the sum of 950 ducats, which they received, could only have compensated them for the free representations on the first three days of the Corpus festival. These festivals were a very considerable financial help to Calderon. Acknowledged as the foremost religious poet of Spain, his services were in great demand on these occasions, and he received a much larger hono- rarium for his autos sacramentales than any other poet had yet obtained. In 1639 he wrote for the Corpus celebration of that year two autos: Santa Maria Egipciaca and El mejor Huesped de Espana, and in 1640 Los Misterios de la Misa and El Juicio final. In 1645 ne wrote the four autos for the festival, re-. Brought forward 3,128,798 rars. A Francisco de Mena, por la escalera que se hace en casa del Marques de Cafiete 22,200 " Por poner los toldos 95,2°° " De colgar el tablado 34,000 " Atajos 11,050 " A los escuderos de a pie 11,220 " Traer los Gigantes 37,944 " Puntas y valonas para los Gigantes 14.416 " Atajo priraero de Santa Maria 6,800 " Ministriles 5i58o " Alguaciles 13,056 " Limpiar la custodia 17,000 " A los porteros que se ocupan 9,5*° " Al alguacil mayor 6,800 " Al cura de Santa Maria 3,400 " Tablados para representar a el pueblo 6,732 " Propina a los senores del Consejo y a la Villa 710,100 " Total 4,133,816 mrs. From this it will be seen that Calderon, who wrote the four aulas for the festival of this year, received 112,200 maravedis = 300 ducats, and the autores de comedias each 950 ducats. AUTOS BY CALDERON 321 ceiving 3300 reals vellon (copper), which sum was also paid him in the years 1648 to 1653, while in 1654 to 1656 he received 4000 reals. 1 During this time and, I believe, thereafter until his death, he alone was honored with the privilege of writing the autos for the Madrid festival. But besides the 3300 reals vellon which Calde- ron received from the city for the autos, a document of 1652 shows that each of the two autores de comedias who represented them was obliged to pay him 700 reals, i.e., he then received 4700 reals. 2 In 1654-56 he was paid 4000 reals vellon, 3 while from 1657 to 1665 he received 4400 reals, i.e., 3000 from the city and 1400 from the autores. In the latter year the sum paid him was 5800 reals, and this sum he continued to receive until 1680, the year before his death, when 5500 reals were paid him for two autos.* It appears that as early as 1658, 5 and per- haps in the previous year, only two autos sacramentales were represented each year at Madrid, and this was the rule thereafter until the death of Calderon. Four autos were also represented annually in Seville down to the year 1648, when only two were given, and the same number thereafter. 6 Calderon continued to write the autos for the Madrid festival until 1681, the year of his death, when he left an auto unfinished, which was completed by Don Manuel de Leon Marchante. 7 1 Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, pp. 120, 122, 127, 163, 168, 187, 196, 206, 224, 240. 'Ibid., pp. 196, 333, 337. 'Ibid., pp. 224, 238, 240. 'Ibid., pp. 249, 315, 336 et passim. 'Ibid., p. 257. * Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 449. 7 See above, p. 295. CHAPTER XV Contemporary accounts of the representation of comedias and autos. Francis van Aerssen. The Comtesse d'Aulnoy. The behavior of audiences. Scenes in the theaters. Spanish players abroad. Conclusion. The accounts of persons who were eye-witnesses of the representation of a comedia at a time when some of the great dramatists were still living and when several of the greatest among them had not long since passed away, always possess an exceeding interest. When these ac- counts are due to the pen of a foreigner, some allowance must necessarily be made, not only for national prejudice, which is apt to warp his judgment somewhat, but also for a more or less imperfect knowledge of the language. Nevertheless, they furnish us with a living picture of the scene as it passed before the eyes of the spectator, and herein they possess the definite value of contemporary documents. With their aid it requires no very great flight of the imagination to picture ourselves in one of the co- rrales of Madrid, in the very place and atmosphere in which these immortal productions of the great masters of the Spanish drama were enacted, and to view them once more, through the long vista of nearly three hundred years. The very realistic description of the interior of the Corral de la Olivera in Valencia, given in the comedia La Baltasara, has already been alluded to in a previous chap- ter. The other accounts which we possess belong, with two exceptions, to the middle of the seventeenth century or somewhat later. It may not be without interest, however, to 322 "THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE" 323 give the earliest of these contemporary notices, slight as it is. The simple narrative is taken from a MS. formerly in the possession of Don Pascual de Gayangos — a name ever to be recorded with gratitude in the annals of Span- ish literature. This manuscript, written by a Morisco of the time of Philip the Third, contains all sorts of moral observations mingled with other matters and descriptions of passing events, among them an account of a representa- tion of Mira de Mescua's comedia La Rueda de la For- tuna, which our author had witnessed. We do not know when Mescua's play was written, but Lope de Vega, in a letter to a friend, mentions that it was acted in Toledo by the company of Juan de Morales before August, 1604. 1 The Morisco's account is as follows : I passed through the door of a house which I saw many people entering — men as well as women. Having gone in, I saw a large patio, where, upon chairs and benches, men and women were sit- ting; in a gallery sat the women of the common people, and there were, besides, a number of balconies occupied by the distinguished persons with their wives. In the patio a stage was erected, upon which all eyes were fixed, and when the house was full, I saw two ladies (damas) and two gallants (galanes) come out upon the stage with their vihuelas, who sang these decimas: "Quien se bio en prosperidad Y se be en misero estado Considere ques prestado El bien y la adbersidad," etc. Having finished singing, they retired, and an actor entered, clad in a garment of damask, and recited the loa. After he had finished and had withdrawn, other players entered to represent "The Wheel "See the writer's Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 153, 154. As now printed the loa shows that the comedia was also acted by the company of Riquelme. (Dramaticos contemporaneos de Lope de Vega, Tomo II, Bibl. de Aut. Esp.) 324 THE SPANISH STAGE of Fortune," which sets forth the various conditions of the world, and how they are subject to change, etc. A detailed description of the comedia follows. 1 Among the narratives of travelers in Spain who have left any account of theatrical representations, one of the most interesting is that of a Dutchman, Francis van Aers- sen, who visited Spain in 1654-55, though his account 2 was not published till eleven years afterward. In 1670 an English translation of this work appeared in London, entitled A Journey into Spain, though it is nowhere indi- cated that this little book is a translation. 3 I shall quote from this English version : On one side of the Town [Madrid] is the Prado, a large Walk made use of for the Tour; near it is a great Fabrick, but low, called Buen Retiro. The Duke of Olivares, during his administration, spent many Millions on a Structure that is not very considerable: I saw but part of it, where a Comedy was preparing with Scenes, that would amount to a great expence ; a Florentine was the Under- taker. For ordinary Comedies here are two Theaters, where they act every day. The Players have to themselves not above three half pence for every person, the Hospital as much, and as much the Town-house; [the French original says: and for a seat on the benches one pays besides about two sous, which are for the city, to which the theaters belong] ; to set down costs seven pence, the whole amounting to fifteen pence. I can say litde to the Lines or Plots, not being skilful enough in the language to understand 1 Schack, Nachtrage, p. 57. 1 Voyage d'Espagne, Contenant entre plusieurs particularitez de ce Royaume, trois Discours Politique!, etc., avec une Relation de I'Estat fif Gouvernement de cette Monarchic ; & une Relation particuliere de Madrid. A Cologne, chez Pierre Marteau, 1666. The real author of this work, according to R. Foulche-Delbosc, was Antoine de Brunei. (See Revue Hispanique, Vol. Ill, p. 65.) 'A Journey into Spain. (Here follows a quotation from Seneca, de Vita beata.) London. Printed for Henry Herringman, and are to be sold at the Sign of the Blew Anchor in the Lower Walk of the Ne ... Argiiello Cosme}*" 7 ^ ' Luis ( Catalina Dos damas s T „' • „ (.Jeronima C Espafia Dos S alanes i Luis Dos musicos , Dos nadadores •>,-,„ i Callenueva Don Carlos Benito Un pastor Riquelme Un Angel Mariana Don Pedro Quinones Gines Coronel La hortelana Jeronima La portera Catalina Carrizo, fingido Vivar Un platero Callenueva This is the company of Alonso Riquelme. Comedias escogidas de Lope de Vega, ed. Hartzenbusch (Bibl. de Jut. Esp.), Vol. Ill, p. 326. La Discordia en los Casados (1611) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. (Osuna) dated at Madrid, August 2, 161 1, with licenses to 1618. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 933. Alberto Arellano. Soria Aurelio Quinones Musico Quinones Personas del 3 Acto: Cenardo Arellano. Soria Panfilo Herrera APPENDIX C 363 El Bastardo Mudarra (161 2) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. signed at Madrid, April 27, 1612, formerly in the possession of Sr. Olozaga. I have an excellent photo-zincograph of it, published in 1886. Personas del P° Acto : Dona Alanbra Ana Maria Gonzalo Bustos Cintor Rui Velazquez Benito Gonzalo Gonzalez Cintorico The remaining characters are unassigned. The MS. contains licenses to represent dated Madrid, May 17, 1612; Caragoca, January 29, 1 61 3, and Antequera, May 13, 1616, and in 161 7. La Dama boba (1613) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. (Osuna) dated at Madrid, April 28, 1 61 3. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 810. Liseo, caballero Ortiz [de Villazan] Leandro, caballero Almonte Turin, lacayo [Baltasar de?] Carvajal Octavio, viejo [Luis de] Quifiones Miseno, su amigo [Juan de] Villanueva Duardo Guebara Laurencio Benito [de Castro] Feniso, caballero [Manuel] Simon Rufino, maestro [Pedro] Aguado Nise, dama Jeronima [de Burgos] Finea, su hermana Maria [de los Angeles?] Celia, criada Isabel [Rodriguez?] Clara, criada Ana Maria [de Ribero] This is the company of Pedro de Valdes. Perhaps the "Isabel" is Isabel de Velasco, who married Luis Quifiones in 1614. 364 APPENDIX C La Tercera de la Sancta Juana (1614) Tirso de Molina. Autog. MS. inedited [since published by Sr. Cotarelo], dated at Toledo, August 6, 1614. Catalogo, No. 3035. I have a copy of this MS. made years ago. The cast is in Tirso's hand. It was represented, apparently, by two companies. The characters of the play are in the middle column : Bernardo Don Luis [Luis de] Toledo [Inigo de] Loaisa Cesar [Juan de] Montemayor Diego Don Diego, viejo Cristobal Nauarete Lillo [Antonio de] Sanpayo Xpo. nfb Sr Montemayor M" La Sancta M a de Morales Lorenzo S. Laruel Ant" de Prado Ana M a Aldonca . La S a Petronila[deLoaysa] Peynado, pastor [Pedro] Aguado Isabel Dona Ines La S a Ana Maria [de Ulloa?] Montemayor Crespo, pastor Aguado Mingo, pastor . . [Cristobal de] S. Pedro Berrueco pastor Juan Ximenez 2° Acto. Personas : Don Luis Toledo Aldonca la S rl Petronila Don Diego S. Pedro Lillo Sanpayo D. Jorge Xpobal Maria, monja la S ra Anna Maria Dona Ines la dicha Cesar Montemayor Nfa Senora la S ra Petronila El nino Jesus Sanpaico El Angel Antonio del Prado 3° Acto. Personas de el : D. Diego Alonso fre. [Alonso Fernandez de Guardo?] D. Luis Toledo APPENDIX C 365 Lillo Sanpayo. Guardia Crespo Aguado Berrueco Ju° Ximenez Mingo S. P° [i.e. San Pedro] Cesar M te mayor Dona Ynes Ana Cabello La Santa M a de Morales El Angel Antonio de Prado. Juan de Madrid Nuestra Seriora la S a Petronila [de Loaysa] Jesus Nino Sanpaico Maria, monja la S a Ana Maria Otra monja la S a Madalena [de Oviedo] Una nifia Sanpaico Un Alma Ju° Ximenez En Toledo, a 24 de Agosto de 161 4 afios. El Sembrar en buena Tierra (1616) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. in British Museum, dated Madrid, January 6, 1616. It contains a license to perform, signed by Tomas Gracian Dantisco on January 12, 1616. Personas del P° Acto : Don Felix [Cristobal] Ortiz [de Villazan] Florencio Benito Galindo, criado Sanchez Dona Prudencia Eugenia [de Villegas ?] Ynes Celia Lugia Elena Fabio [Francisco Mufioz de la] Plaza Felino [Antonio] Ramos Don Alonso [Juan de] Valdivieso Lizardo Herrera Liseo Escruela[ ?] Fidelio Ra 366 APPENDIX C Personas del 2° Acto: Arseno Cemela Otavio Ramon Un escriuano Ramos Un alguacil Plaza The other characters are unassigned. 3° Acto : Florencio Benito The name of one of these actors once appears as Escruela, then as Ceruela. This name is otherwise unknown. Escoriguela was a well-known player. Quien mas no puede (1616) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. dated at Madrid, September i, 1616, in the possession of Mr. John Murray. Personas del P° Acto : Ramiro, Rey de Nauarra Zancado Don Beltran, criado suyo Bernardino El Conde Henrriq Xpobal Nufio, criado del Conde Ossorio Dona Eluira, ynfanta Ana Lucinda, donzella suya Francisca Ordofio, Rey de Leon P° Zebrian Laynez, criado del Rey Cuebas Ynigo, criado del Conde el q bayla, Al° Dona Blanca, herm" del Conde Maritardia Personas del 2° Acto : Dona Blanca Don Ynigo Celio Antonio Laynez Don Sancho Cuebas APPENDIX C 367 Don Arias Antonio Lisis Francisca o Ana Mufioz Riselo o Cuebas o Bernardino Menandro Villanas el q bayle q no se el nonbre Luzinda, El Conde Henrriq, Dona. Eluira, Nuno, Rey Ramiro, Don Beltran, unassigned. In the third act only one character is assigned : Estela to Francisca. Las Paredes oyen' (161 7) Juan Ruiz de Alarcon. D. Luis Fernandez Guerra, D. Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, Madrid, 1 87 1, p. 257, says that the MS., appar- ently an autograph, is preserved in the Osuna library. But be? tween this date and 1882, when Rocamora published his Catalogue of the Osuna manuscripts, it must have disappeared, for it is not mentioned by Rocamora and never passed into the possession of the Biblioteca Nacional. See ibid., p. 497. Celia Dorotea [de Sierra] D. Juan [Damian] Arias Beltran Pedro de Villegas Dona Ana Maria de Cordoba Ortiz Frasquito D. Mendo [Luis Bernardo de] Bobadilla Lucrecia Maria de Vitoria Conde Azua Duque [Gabriel] Cintor Escudero Marcelo Leonido Francisco de Robles Un arriero Bernardino [Alvarez?] Una musica Maria de Vitoria Otro musico [Juan] Mazana Otro musico Navarrete La Guarda cuidadosa Miguel Sanchez, el Divino. The comedia was first printed at Alcala in 161 5. The manuscript from which the following cast is 368 APPENDIX C taken, and which was formerly in the Osuna collection, is now in the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. I43 1 - ^ > s of the early seventeenth century. See La Isla barbara and La Guarda cuidadosa, two comedies by Miguel Sanchez (el Divino), ed. by H. A. Rennert, Boston and Halle, 1896. Trebacio Lorenzo [Hurtado ?] Leucato Diego Principe [Juan de] Montemayor Roberto [Inigo de] Loaysa Nisea Maria [de Jesus? de Vitoria?] Arsinda Ana Maria [de Ulloa?] Florela, labradora Isabelica Ariadeno Navarrete Fileno Mifiano Florencio Bernardo In a MS. comedia of the beginning of the seventeenth century, Como a de usarse del Bien y a de preuenirse el Mai, existing in the Biblioteca Palatina at Parma and described by Professor Restori in Studj di Filologia Romanza, fasc. 15, Roma, 1891, p. 129, occur the names of the following players: Sotomayor, Olmedo(?), Isa- belica, Naba[rrete], La S a Bernarda, Tapia, Perez, and Loaysa. This comedia, which was afterward published (Halle, 1899) by Professor Restori with the title : Los Guzmanes de Toral, was written by Lope de Vega, and, as the title 1 occurs in the first list of his Peregrino en su F 'atria, is prior to 1604. The third act is in Lope's hand and has the following cast : Rey Don Alfonso Sotomayor Dona Greida M a Don Payo Obredo [Olmedo?] Dona Aldonza Isabelica Tirso Trebino Godinez, lacayo Naba[rrete] Urgel Diego Alvaro Olmedo APPENDIX C 369 Pascuala la S" Bernarda Dona Ana de Haro Isabel b a Don Garcia Don Lope Diaz de Haro Diego Sancho Manrique Diego Verveco Tapia Mireno Juanico Soldado i° Tapia Soldado 2° Juanico Soldado 3 Perez Alonso Ansurez Loaisa El Desden vengado ( 1 6 1 7 ) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. signed at Madrid, August 4, 1617, formerly in the Osuna library, now in the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 871. El Conde Lucindo , Fadrique Tomin, criado [Agustin] Coronel Feniso Juan Jeronimo [Valenciano] Roberto, caballero Juan de Vargas Leonardo Cosme Rugero, Rey de Napoles Juan Bautista [Valenciano] Lisena, damn D a Maria [Coronel ?] Celia, dama Manuela [Enriquez] Evandro, su padre Ynarda, criada Vincenta [de Borja?] Schack, Nachtr'dge,. p. 46. This is probably the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano. El Martir de Madrid ( 1619) Mira de Amescua. Partly autograph, with a license to perform dated 161 9. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2029. There are other licenses as late as 1 641. Alvaro Ramirez Jusepe D. Fernando Lorenzo [Hurtado] el autor 370 APPENDIX C La infelice Dorotea (1620) Andres de Claramonte wrote it for Juan Bautista Valenciano. Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en Seville p. 214. MS. copy in the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 1594- D. Garcinunez Fadrique El Rey Juan Jeronimo [Valenciano] D. Fernando Juan Bautista [Valenciano] Nuno de Lemos Andres [de Claramonte?] Arnao [Agustin] Coronel Solano Miguel Layn [Cristobal de?] Avendano Mendo Jusepe Teodora S' Maria [Candau?] Dorotea S a Manuela [Enriquez] Leonor S™ Maria de los Angeles D. Juan Manuel de Coca Amor, Pleito y Desafio (1621) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. dated at Madrid, November 23, 1 62 1, with a license of January 14, 1622. Formerly in the Duran collection and now in the Biblioteca Nacional. Catalogo, No. 171. D. Alvaro de Rojas [Pedro] Maldonado D. Juan de Padilla Lorenzo Hurtado D. Juan de Aragon Francisco Trivino El Rey Alfonso Juan Bautista [Valenciano] Dona Beatriz la Senora Angela [de Toledo ?] D a Ana la S ra Francisca de Soria( ?) Martin, escudero Antonio Rodriguez Tello, criado Vicente Sancho, criado Pedro de Valdes Leonor la Senora Jeronima [de Burgos] APPENDIX C 371 La nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba (1622) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, dated at Madrid, October 8, 1622. Catalogo, No. 2409. Lisarda, dama la S ra Manuela [Enriquez] Fulgencia, criada S ra Ana D. Juan Ramirez Fadrique Bernabe, lacayo [Agustin] Coronel EI Capitan Medrano Cosme Estevan, criado Jusepe El Bastardo Juan Jeronimo [Valenciano] El Obispo de Holstad [Juan de] Vargas El Duque de Bullon Jusepe D. Gonzalo de Cordoba Juan Bautista [Valenciano] D. Francisco de Harras Manuel El Baron de Tili Naruaez Musico [Manuel] Simon El Poder en el Discreto (1623) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, dated at Madrid, May 8, 1623. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2649. There are two casts given in the MS. Serafina, dama Maria Calderon Josef a [Vaca?] Rosela, criada D" Isabel Teodosio, Rey de Sicilia . . . Lezcano Bracamonte Celio, de su camara Morales Arias Alejo, criado de Celio Castro Trivino El Conde de Augusta Suarez Morales Flora, dama Mariana [Vaca] Mariana [Vaca] The MS. contains a license dated 1624, and the company on the right was in all probability that of Juan de Morales Medrano, in which both his wife and his daughter Mariana appeared. My copy gives the name "Bracamonte," not Vacamonte. 372 APPENDIX C Celos con Celos se cur an ( 1625) Tirso de Molina. MS. copy, formerly in the Osuna collection, now in the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 563. It contains licenses dated 1625. There are two casts: Cesar [Cristobal] de Avendafio Gutierrez Carlos Viera Segobia Gascon Bernardo Matias Sirena Maria de Montesinos . . Juana de los Reyes Diana Catalina Moreno Ines Marco Antonio Lezcano Francisco Alonso Alejandro [ ?] Juan Alonso Narcisa M a Candau Luisa Un grande chico [Bait.] Moreno [ ?] Un jardinero Ordonez Marcos The first of these companies seems to be that of Cristobal de Avendafio about the year 1632. El Brasil restituido (1625) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. dated at Madrid, October 23, 1625, now in the Lenox Library, New York. Personas del P° Acto : Dona Guiomar M a de Vitoria Don Diego [Gabriel?] Cintor Bernardo Bernardino [Alvarez?] Laurencio [Juan] Antonio Leonardo [Luis Bernardo de] Bobadilla El Coronel de Olanda Arias con barba Frangesa Alberto, su hijo El Spir santo del Auto El Gobernador El Autor Machado Pedro [de Villegas?] La Monarquia de Espafia Ongol Darin Soldados El Brasil Maria de Cordoba APPENDIX C 373 Personas del 2° Acto : La religion Catolica Dorotea [de Sierra] El Brasil La Autora D. Manuel de Meneses Musico D. Fadrique de Toledo Arias Leonardo Bobadilla Machado Pedro D* Guiomar M" de Vitoria D. Juan de Orellana [Juan] Mazana D. Diego Ramirez El Coronel electo Bernardino Don Enrique de Alagon Cintor Don Diego de Espinosa Antonio Don Pedro de Santisteban .... fr c0 de rro [Francisco de Robles?] Apolo Arias La heregia M" de Vitoria Un soldado el nino This is probably the company of Andres de la Vega. See my article in the Mod. Lang. Review for January, 1906, p. 108. El piadoso Aragones (1626) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. dated at Madrid, August 17, 1626, now in the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2607. Licenses of Madrid, September 15, 1626; Zaragoza, 1627, and Lis- bon, 1 63 1. Almirante Vicente D. Bernardo [Pedro ?] Jordan D. Pedro Agramonte Quadrado Alcalde Lorenzo These names are crossed out, and the following are added : D. Pedro Agramonte Felipe Bernardo Jordan Raymundo de Luna Mateo Mendoza Tapia 374 APPENDIX C Musico Leon D. Juan de Beamonte Max" El Favor en la Sentencia ( 1626) Jacinto Cordeiro. Autog. MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 1242. Written for Bartolome Romero. Porcia la Autora [Antonia Manuela Catalan] Arminda Dorotea Rey Estrada[ ?] El Principe [Gabriel] Zintor Conde [Alonso de] Osuna Rosando Autor [Bartolome Romero] D a Linda Micaela Gascon Tomas [Enriquez?] Sanchez- Arjona, Anales, p. 272. Amor con vista (1626) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. signed at Madrid on December 10, 1626. Licenses to perform in Madrid, of 1627, and in Lisbon, 1630. In the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 149. El Conde Otabio Autor [Antonio de Prado] Tome, criado suyo [Luis Bernardo de] Bobadilla Celia M a de Calderon [this is crossed out] Vitoria Lisena Autora [Mariana Vaca de Morales] 2° Acto : Julio Jeronimo Sin Secreto no ay Amor (1626) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. signed at Madrid, July 18, 1626, with licenses to perform of Madrid, August 2, 1626; Zaragoza, October 13, 1626, and Granada, April 28, 1630. British Museum. Published by me, Baltimore, 1894 (Mod. Lang. Assoc). Celio Tapia Fabricio Jeronimo APPENDIX C 375 Del Monte sale quien el Monte quema (1627) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. signed at Madrid, October 20, 1627. Licenses of Madrid, May 17, 1628; Valencia, September 28, 1628; Granada, October 1, 1636. In the Biblioteca Nacional. Catalogo, No. 848. El Conde Henrrique Arias Feliciano Jusepe Narcisa, labradora S ra Maria de Heredia Tirso, villano Heredia Juana, labradora S ra Catalina [de Medina ?] Celia, dama S ra Ana Maria [de Ulloa?] Clara, criada S ra Francisca El Rey de Francia [Francisco de] Salas Mauricio, Gobernador [Juan de] Montemayor El Marques Roselo S r Marcos. Rueda Leonelo, Capitan Alvarez The names Valdes, Mencos, and Francisca also occur. La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628?) Lope de Vega. MS. in the British Museum with corrections supposed to be in the hand of Lope. Acto 2°: D. Juan [Juan] Antonio D. Pedro [Manuel] Simon Hernando Autor Guzman Canobas Don Luis Damian [Arias ?] Don Diego Luis de Salacar El Rey Nabarrete Beltran Saqedo Dona Juana Ana de Moya Dona Maria Catalina [de Peralta?] Leonor su muger de Nabarrete Toreadores Marcos y Grajales According to the suelta of this comedia, it was first represented by Tomas Fernandez. It was in the repertory of the companies 376 APPENDIX C of Rueda and Ascanio in 1638-40. See Rosell, Entremeses de Benavente, Vol. I, p. 377. La gran Columna fogosa (1629?) Lope de Vega. MS. copy in Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 1412. The MS. contains original licenses dated at Plasencia, 1629. El Enperador Valente, ereje Al° Gomez Pretoriano, ereje P° Goncalez Agustulo, ereje Dominguez Posidonio, ereje .Domingo Hernandez San Basio, Obispo Fernando Lopez Eraclio, cauallero biejo Gaspar Serrano Antonia, hija de Eraclio Antonio Sabina, criada de Ant" Martin Patricio P° de Bonilla Un encantador Diego Lopez Satan Juan Martinez Otro demonio Diego Lopez Emerencio, biejo Diego Lopez Leonicio, criado Juan Martinez Fulbino, criado Domingo Hernandez Telemarco Francisco Rodriguez Decio, criado Luis Un hebreo Dominguez El Castigo sin Venganza ( 1 63 1 ) Lope de Vega. Autog. MS. dated at Madrid, August I, 1631, in the Ticknor Library, Boston. See my article, "Ueber Lope de Vega's El Castigo sin Venganza" in Zeitschrift fiir Rom. Phil., 1901, p. 411. El Duque de Ferrara Autor [Manuel Vallejo] El Conde Federico Arias Albano Rutilio Floro Luzindo APPENDIX C 377 El Marques Gonzaga [Francisco de] Salas Casandra Autora [Maria de Riquelme] Aurora Ber[nar]da Lucrezia Geronima [de Valcazar] Batin [Pedro Garcia] Salinas Cintia Maria de Ceballos Febo y Ricardo The Bernarda mentioned above is probably Bernarda Ramirez de Robles. Peligrar en los Remedios (1634) D. Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla. MS. partly autog. in Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2552. At the end, in the hand of Rojas: "Finished on Saturday, December 9, 1634, Ior Roque de Figueroa." La Duquesa Violante la Senora Isabel [Blanco ?] Celia, criada Bernarda [Ramirez?] Bojeton, criado [Francisco] Tribino Conde Federico [Manuel] Coca El Almirante de Sicilia Paz El Marques Alberto, privado Roque [de Figueroa] El Rey de Napoles Sigismundo Francisco de la Calle Carlos, su hermano Jacinto Varela Infanta de Sicilia Maria de San Pedro Duque Conrado Bargas La Desdicha de la Voz (1639) Calderon. Autog. MS. dated at Madrid, May 14, 1639; with licenses of June 1 and November 3, 1639. In the Biblioteca Nacional. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 873. Don Juan Pedro Manuel de Castilla Don Pedro el Autor [Antonio de Rueda] Don Diego [Diego de] Leon Don Luis, viejo Jusepe [de Carrion] Feliciano Pedro [Ascanio] 378 APPENDIX C Luquete [Diego] Ossorio D* Beatriz Ma. de [Heredia] Schack, Nachtrdge, p. 87. This is the company of Antonio de Rueda. A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo (1642) Comedia de Luis de Belmonte Bermudez, del Dr. Manuel Anto- nio de Vargas y de D MS. of the first act in the hand of Vargas and nearly the whole third act in the hand of Belmonte. See Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 19. The author of the second act is probably Geronimo Cancer; v. Stiefel, in Ztft. fur Roman. Philol., XXXII, p. 486; Sanchez-Arjona, Anales, p. 295. Rey de Sicilia Inigo Duque de Calabria Francisco Garcia Almirante Mejia La Infanta Beatriz la S ra Maria de Jesus Belisarda, labradora Jusepa de Salazar Silena S ra Antonia de Santiago Laura, dama Jusepa Roman Pasquin, gracioso Bernardo Julio, cr'tado Salvador Principe, 7 anos S ra Francisca Berdugo This is the company of Pedro de la Rosa. This play was written for Juana de Espinosa, then (1642) the widow of Tomas Fernan- dez, and the manager of a company. La belligera Espanola (?) Pedro Juan de Rejaule y Toledo (who wrote under the pseudo- nym Ricardo de Turia). MS. copy in the Palatina at Parma, belonging to the early seventeenth century. The play was first printed in the Norte de la Poesia espanola, at Valencia, in 1616, a copy of which I possess. See A. Restori in Studj di Filologia Romanza, fasc. 15, Roma, 1891, p. 92. Guacolda la S ra Ana Maria D* Mencia la S™ Juana [de Espinosa? or de Segura?] D. Pedro Tomas Fernandez Lantaro Aldana [Aldama?] APPENDIX C 379 Rengo Simon Gutierrez Valdiuia Pedro Maldonado Laupi y Aluarado Villanueva Rauco Lastra Pillan y Bouadilla Barco Gracolano y ofro Indio mocp Aranda Paciencia en la Fortune ( ?) Anonymous. Copy of the first half of the seventeenth century in the Biblioteca Palatina at Parma. See Restori, ibid., p. 143. The names of the actors are : Luis de Estrada, Carlos, Juan Goncalez, Pedro Perez, Cuebas, Nabarete, Berio, Belasco, Caceres, Barionuebo, and Juan Mazana (added in a different hand). Troya abrasada (1644) Calderon. Autog. MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 337 1. Paris Pedro Manuel Hector -. D" Veatriz Priamo Rey de Troya, varba Juan Matias Casandra Maria Macana Elena Autora Ismenia, criada Jusepa Achiles Najara Sinon Francisco Albarez Menelao, Rey de Esparto Mexia Agamemnon, Rey de Atenas Juan Antonio Un criado de Ector Viznaga Marin INDEX INDEX Abadia, Juan de la, 161, 162 Acacio, Juan, 52, 53, 63, 133, 221 Academia degli Intronati, 22 and n. 1 Actors and Actresses: dissoluteness of the latter causes women to be banished from the stage, 145 ; number of actors in a company, 145, 146 ; actors in Moliere's com- pany, 145, n. 3 ; actors take several parts. 146; hardships of the pro- fession, 159; Rojas's account of, 159-160; Cervantes on, 160; ac- tors in France, 160, n. 2; addicted to gambling, 164-165 ; account of his adventures related by Rojas, 166-169; actors sometimes patched up plays, 171-172; they ill-treat the poetasters, 172-173 ; engaged at Shrovetide, 181; the salaries of actors, 1 81-188; actors from Madrid visit Valencia, 193-194; Spanish actors in Paris, 170, n., 339-341 ; character of actresses, 206-207 ; women forbidden to act, 207; forbidden on the stage in i6i3(?), 220, n. 2; when actresses may be visited, 246 ; the Partidas of Alfonso on actors, 254; with- out civil rights in France, 254; the profession of acting, 255; un- der the ban of the church, 256- 257; their general bad character, 266-267; celebrated actresses, 268-269; temptations of, 269- 270; Madame d'Aulnoy on, 270; anonymous writer on, 270, n. 2 ; visit other countries, 339-341 Admission to the theater, price of, 112-115 Adultera (La) penitente, 198 Adulterio (El) de la Esposa, 177, n. 1, 307, n. Adiiersa (La) Fortuna de Rui Lo- pez de Avalos, 196 Aerssen, Francis van, 99, 319; his account of autos and comedias, 324-328 Afectos de Odio y Amor, 198 Aguado, Andres, 40, n. 1 Aguilar, Francisco de, 83, n. Alarcon, Juan Ruiz de, 84, n. 2, 89, n., 93, n. 3, 94, n. ; prologue to his Comedias, 117; 180, 186, 226, n. 1, 232, n., 341 Alcaraz, Diego Lopez de, 107, 109, n., no, 165, 214, 215, 221-229 Alcayde (El) de si mismo, 86, 87, 89 Alcazar, royal palace, 230; theater in, 230; representations in, 237 Alcina, opera, 331 Alcocer, Fr. Francisco de, 259 Alcozer, Juan de, 299 Aldea Gallega, 155 Alegria, Francisco de, 41, 204, 205 Alenian, Mateo, 154, n. Alemana (La), dance, 74, n. 2 Alexander VI., Pope, 256, n. 2 Alfonso the Learned, his Siete Par- tidas, 4, n. 1, 252-253, 254 Algunas Hazanas de D. Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, 180 Allen, H. Warner, 121, n. 2, 129, n. 2 Alleyn, Edward, no, n. 1 Almenas (Las) de Toro, 268 Almenda, Antonio de, 68, n. 2 Almonacid, Diego de, 50, 55, 57 Almonacid, Diego de (el mozo), 57 Alvarez, Luis, 184 Alvarez de Vitoria, Francisco, 223 Amante (El) agradecido, 93, n. 3 Amantes (Los) de Teruel, 199 Amar como se ha de amar, 186 Amelia, Juan Jeronimo, no, n. 2, 193 and n. 8, 223 Amor con Vista, 165, n. Amor, Pleito y Desafio (Lope de Vega), 236 Amor (El) vandolero, 94, n. 1 Anaya, Maria de, 340 Andaluces, Los, 150, n. Andreini, Virginia, 269, n. 2 Angeles, Maria le los, 63, 268 383 384 INDEX Angulo, Juan de, 183, 184, n. 1 Animal (El) de Ungria, 95, n. 4 Antonia Infante, 127, 188, 292, 294 Antonia Manuela, 155, 186 Antonozzi, Maria, engineer, 243, n. "Apariencias," 52, 80, 97-98 "Appearances," 98, 99 Aranjuez, representations at, 238 Araucana (La), 297, n. Arauco domado, 90 Arbeau's Orchesographie, 74, n. 2 Arcadia (La), 176 Archduchess Margaret, Queen of Philip IV., 211; comedias repre- sented before, 230-231 Archer, William, 91, n. 2 Argensola, Lupercio Leonardo de, 261, 262 Arias de Penafiel, Damian, 202, 223 ; greatest of actors, 267 Ariosto, his comedias represented in Spain, 21 Armona, Antonio, 36, n. 2, in, n. 3 "Arte nuevo de hacer Comedias, 105, 287, 288 Artieda, Andres Rey de, 79, n. 1 Asalto (El) de Mastrique, 84, n. 1 Ascanio, Pedro de, 188, 190, n. 2, 194,223,285 Audiences in the corrales, 117; mo- rality of, 120-121 ; in France, Ger- many, and Italy, 120-121 ; ap- proval of, indicated by shouting Victor! 121-124; enter without paying, 124-126; ruffianism of, 125-130; show disapproval by hissing, etc., 279; account of Lo- pez Pinciano, 333-334; account of Juan de Zabaleta, 334-338 Aulnoy, Countess of, 99, 121, 239, n. 2, 270 and n. 2, 330, 331-333 Auto de San Martinho, 7, n. 1, 48, n. 1 "Autor de Comedias," meaning of, 9> 32. 33. n - 1, 169-170; dishonest practices of, 173-174; become members of other companies, 190 ; sums received for a performance, 194-197; guaranteed an ayuda de costa, 199; amount received for representing an auto, 200-202; autor es between 1600 and 1603, 214; number limited to eight by the decree of 1603, 215-216; autores between 1603 and 1615, 216; twelve permitted by decree of 161 5, 220; autores between 161 5 and 1640, 223 ; appointed to rep- resent autos, 300, 302; when au- tos were represented, 3°3 _ 3°5> number of autos represented, 303- 304; amount received for repre- senting autos, 305-30* Autos, earliest, 6; represented by- guilds, 7; representations in the sixteenth century, 23, 24; mean- ing of auto, 48, n. 1 ; Auto de la Ungion de David, 65, n. 1 ; Auto de Santa Maria Egipciaca, 80 Autos, Farsas, etc., Coleccion de, ed. Rouanet, 7, n. 2, 10, u. 3, 65, n. i, 287, n. 2 Autos Sacramentales, earliest, 7, n. 1 ; distinguished from autos, 7, n. 1 and 2, 9; at Toledo in 1580, 10; represented in the corrales of Seville, 53; apa- riencias in, 97, 98; costumes for, 107—108 ; four represented annu- ally in Madrid, 177, n. 1; autos written by Lope de Vega, 177, n. 1 ; amount paid for, 177, n. 1 ; sums paid for representing an auto, 200-202; represented be- fore Philip III., 231; again pre- sented after the death of Prince Baltasar, 248; opposition of the_ church to, 261-266, 316; the rep- resentation of autos, 297-312; suppressed by Charles III, 297, n. ; earliest autos represented in Madrid, 299 ; Job, Santa Cata- lina, La Pesca de S. Pedro, La Vendimia Celestial, El Rey Bal- tasar, 299; description of the autos Job and S a Catalina, 301 and n. ; four represented annu- ally in Madrid, 302; autos in Seville, 304, n. 2, 305; amount paid for representing, 305-306: sums received bv dramatists for writing, 306-307; the painting of the carros, 308 and n. ; number of carros, 309—310; stage for autos, 3 10-3 n; the properties, 3 1 1 ; dis- order in representing autos, 313 ; edict of the Bishop of Badajoz, 314-315 ; the Corpus procession in Seville, 315; suppressed in 1765, 316; autos in the corrales, 317- 318; great expense of autos, 319; sums paid to Calderon for autos, 321; contemporary accounts of the representation of autos, 325 ff. ; account of Madame d' Aulnoy, 332 INDEX 385 Avendano, Cristobal de, 139, u. 1, i93i '99, 223. 229, 234, 235, 301, n, 305 Avendano, Francisco de, 19 "Aventuras del Bachiller Trapaza," 173, n. Averiguador, El, 112, n., 237, n. 1; 249, n. 2 Avila, Diego de, 13, n. 3 Avila, Juan de, 41 Avisos and Anaies, 273 Avisos de Pellicer, 240, n. 4 \Ay Verdades! que en Amor, 98 Ayala, D* Elvira de, 49, 50, n. 1 Ayala, D. Gaytan de, 102 Ayamonte, Marquis of, 51, 53 Ayuso, Miguel de, 147 Badajoz, Bishop of, 314-315 Balbin, Domingo, 1S6, 200, 216, 231, 3°9. 3i7 Baltasar, Prince, 240; death of, 247; 248 Baltasara (La), 278, n. 2 Bances Candamo, Francisco de, 266, n. 1, 276, n. 2 Baudot (Los) de Verona, 240, n. 4 Bapst, G., 65, n. 1, 101, 105, 106, 137. 138, 140 "Baptism of St. John," auto, 23 Barbieri, Nicolo (Beltrame), 140 Barcelona, festival of Corpus at, 4; escarraman at, 73 Bargagli, Scipione, 22, n. 1 "Barquillos," 278 Barrera, D. Cayetano A. de la, 32, "• 3. 79. n. 1, 235, 244, n. 3, 245, n. 2, 288, n. 1 Barrio, Cristobal de, 150, n. Barrionuevo, D. Jeronimo de, Avisos, 243, n., 244, n. 2 Baschet, Armand, 29, n. 1, 142, n. 2 Bassompierre, Le Marechal de, 340, n. 3 Bastidor =: wing of stage scenery, 92, n. 3, 97 and n. Basto, Conde del, 180 Basurto, Diego Lopez, 184 Bayles, 69; distinguished from Danzas, 69, n. 3 ; the Zarabanda, 70-71; various bayles, the Cha- cona, Escarraman, etc., 72-73 ; bayles antiguos, 74; Bayle del Caballero de Olmedo, 70, n. 3 ; Bayle de Jdcara, 125, n. 4; Bayle de la Entrada de la Comedia, 126, n. Bella (La) Aurora, 93, n. 3 Belligera (La) Espanola, 83, n. Belmonte, Luis de, 180 Benzon, Luisa, 183 Berenger de Palaciolo, 4 Bernardo de Bovadilla, Luis, 223 Bertaut, Francois, 118, n. 3, 121 and n., 328, 329 Bezon, Juan de, 186 Bezona, La — Ana Maria, 186 Bibbiena, Cardinal, La Calandra, 256 Blason (El) de los Chaves, 278, n. Bocangel, D. Gabriel de, 232, n. Bodas (Las) del Alma con el Amor divino, 211 Bonilla y San Martin, A., 16, n. i, 71, n. 1 Booksellers, dishonesty of, 174 Borja, Vicenta de, 107 Bosberg, Sarah v., 140 Bourland, C. B., 18, n. 1 Boxiganga, the, 153 Boy Bishop (Obispillo), 127 Braones, Alonso Martin de, 290, n., 295, n. 2 Bravo, Pedro, 149 Buen Retiro, the, 238-239; repre- sentations in, 239-243 ; visited by the public, 240 Bulletin Hispanique, 10, n. 4, 28, n. 2, 30, n. 2, 31, n. 2, 32, n. 1, 33. n. 5, 34, n. 1 and 2, 35, n. 1 and 2, 36, n. 2, 37, n. 2, 44, n. 2, 80, n., 107, n., no, n. 2, 141, n. 4, 163, n. 3, 165, n., 177, n. 1, 202, n. 7, 203, n. 1, 204, n. 1, 215, n. 1, 231, 11. 1, 233, n. 2, 298, n. 3, 309, u. 2 and 3 "Bululu,'' the, 151 Burbadge, James, 34, n. 5 Burgalesa (La) de Lerma, 91, n. 1 Burgos, Antonio de, 68, n. 2 Burgos, Jeronima de, 194, 234, 258, 268 Burlador (El) de Sevilla, 90, 91 Burladora (La) burlada, 83, n., 84, n. 1 and 2, 94, n. Burlas (Las) de Pedro de Urde- malas, 236 Burnyng Knight, the, 77 Caballero (El) del Fenix, 177, 11., 307, n. Caballero (El) del Sol, 102 Caballeros (Los) nuevos, 190 Cabello, Ana, 185 Cabranes, Diego de, 259 Cabrera de Cordoba, Luis, in, 210, 386 INDEX n. 2, 2ii, n. 2, 214, n., 230 and n. 1, 232, n. 2 Caida (La) de Faeton, 235 Calderon, Maria, 163-164 and n., 186, 189, 269 Calderon, D. Pedro, ix, 74, n. 2, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 118; El galan fantasma, 118, n. 4; 174, n. 2, 177, n., 197, 198, 199, 202, 226, n. 1, 232, n. ; Circe, 241 ; La Purpura de la Rosa, 241 ; El mayor En- canto Amor, 242; Los ires mayores Prodigios, 242, 243, n., 244, n. 2; writes the autos in 1645, 247; the aulas of 1648, 248, 276, n. 2, 279; writes saynetes, 294-295 ; autos, 311; autos written for various festivals, 320; sums received for them, 321; writes autos till 1681, 321. 34i ' . Collar hasta la Ocasion, 32, n. 3 Calle, Francisco de la, 295, n. 3 Camacho, Alonzo Gonzalez, 64, n. 1, 187 "Cambaleo," the, 152 Cancionero Classense, 70 Candado, Luis, 125 Candau, Maria, 65, 193, 27T, n. Caiiete, Manuel, 3, n., 7, n. i, 15, 16, n. 1, 19, n. 3, 23, n. 3 Capellan (El) de la Virgen, 93, n. 1 Caramuel, J., on the comedia, 33, n. 1 ; on scenery, 86, n. 1, 163, n. 3 ; on actors, 267 and u., 268, n. 3, 269 and n. 2, 279, n. 1 ; on en- iremeses, 288, n. 2 Carlos V. en Francia, 278, n. Caro, Rodrigo, 60 Carrillo, Jose, xiii Cartwright, The Royal Slave, 99 Carvallo, Luis Alfonso de, 280, n., 286, n. 3 Casa con dos Puertas mala es de guardar, 199 Casa (La) confusa, 71, n. 4 Casamiento (El) en la Muerte, 96, n. Casamientos (Los) de Joseph, 177, n., 307, n. Casarse por defendor, 65 "Casas del Tesoro," theater in, in Cascales, Francisco de, 227 Castigar por defender, 177 Castigo (El) en la Vanagloria, 195 Castigo (El) sin Fenganza, 163, n. 3 Castillo, Alonso del, 170-171 Castillo Solorzano, A. de, 173, n. 1 "Castradores," 120, 11. Castro, Beatriz de, 147, n. Castro, Francisco de, 185 Castro, D. Guillen de, 84, n. i, 119, n. 1, 177, 180, 226, n. i, 34 1 Castro, Luis de, 150, n., 19S1 214 Castro, D. Pedro de, Archbishop of Granada, 207, 211 Catalan, Juan, 63, 184, 223 Catherine, Princess, Duchess of Sa- voy, 207 Cauallero (El) de Olmedo, dance, 70, n. 3 Cautela contra Cautela, 235 Cauteloso (Lo) de un Guante, 178 "Cazuela," the, 119, 128, 129, 130, 332, 337-338 Cebrian, Pedro, 194, 221 Celestina, tr. by Mabbe, 121, n. 2, 129, n. 2 Celos (Los) en el Caballo, 234, 236 Celos engendran Amor, 236 Centino, Alonso de, 12 Cerco (El) de Cordoba, 195 Cerezo de Guevara, Pedro, 147, 223 Cervantes, Miguel de, La Galatea, 13 ; his account of Lope de Rue da, 16-18; his plays Los Tratos de Argel, La Destruycion de Numan- cia, La Bat all a naual, 18, 20; his Numancia, 21 ; El Retablo de las Marairillas, 34, n. 1 ; Don Quixote, 45, n. 2, 62 and n., 75, n. 3, 98, 2 95> n - 3> 3 I2- 3 I 3! on dancing, 66 ; La gran Sultana, 66, 84, n. 3, 106, n. ; La Cueiia de Salamanca, 70, n. 3 ; La ilustre Fregona, 72, n. ; El rufian Biudo, 68, n. 3, 72, n., 74 ; El gallardo Espanol, Si, n. 1, 92; La Casa de los Zelos, ibid.; on curtains in the theaters, ,84; El Rufian dichoso, 94, 146; Pearo de Urdemalas, 95, n. 1, 160, n. 1; Viage del Parnaso, 116, n. 5; 159, El Licenciado vidriera, 160; the Colloquio de los Perros, 172-173 ; entremeses, 289, n., 290, n. Chacona, the, 72, 73 Chambers, "The Medieval Stage," 127, n. Chapman, J., 179, n. Charles V., 23. See also under Pragmatica Chavarria, Andres de, 149 Chorley, J. R., 230, n. Churchmen oppose the theater, 207 ff ., 255-261 Cirot, G., 263, n. 1 Cisneros, Alonso de, 28, n. 2, 32 and n- 3, 34. 35, 43. 82, n., 131, 142, INDEX 387 154, n., 165, 193, 200, 202, 203, n. 1, 211, n. 3 Cisneros, Juana de, 60 Claramonte, Andres de, 54, 81, 147- 149, 170, 174, 2 1 6, 221 Clavijo y Fajardo, D. Jose, 106 Cleraencin, Diego, editor of Cer- vantes, 63, n. 1, 68, n. 2, 75, n. 2, 80, n., 98, 184, n., 243, n., 272, n. , Cobaleda, Pedro de, 223 "Cobradores," 64, n. 4 Coello, Antonio, 91, n. i, 232 "Cofradia (La) de la sagrada Pa- sion," 26 ff., 40 "Cofradia (La) de nuestra Senora de la Soledad y Nifios expositos," 27 ff . ; they erect their own thea- ters in the Calle de la Cruz in 1579 and in the Calle del Prin- cipe in 1582, 33; they buy a site in the Calle del Principe, 35, 36; build a corral, description of, 39- 41 Coleman, Mrs. 139 Collaboration of dramatists, 180 Collier, J. Payne, 27, n. 1, 28, n. 1, 34. n- 5. 37, 39, n. 1, 43, n. 1, 44, n. 3, 70, n. 1, 99, no, n. 1, 132, n. 2, 255 Colloquio de los Perros, 172-173 Colloquio de Timbria, Colloquio de Camila, 281 Comedia del Molino, 91, n. 1 Comedias, the term comedia defined, 274-275; the various kinds of comedias, 275-277; the staging of, 76-103; Rojas, "Loa de la Comedia," 78-81; comedias de santos, 80, 144, 275 ; comedias de capa y espada, or comedias de ingenio, 85,275-276; comedias de teatro (de ruido or de cuerpo), 80, 86, 88, 275, 276; comedias de apariencias , 109 ; comedias a no- licia, comedias a fantasia, 275; the price of a comedia, 177-178 ; sums paid for performing a come- dia, 194-197; comedias canceled by order of the King, 198, 243 ; opposition to the comedia, 207 ff . ; no artisans permitted to visit the comedia on work-days, 215, n.; decrees regulating comedias, 208 ff.; decree of 1598, 209-210; decree of 1600, 211-213; decree of 1603, 215-216; decree of 1608, 216-220; decree of 1615, 220- 223 ; the comedia no longer flour- ishing, 224; other measures en- acted concerning comedias, 225, n. ; comedias seldom acted in some cities, 227 ; comedias repre- sented before the King and Queen, 230-246; death of Prince Baltasar, the question of again permitting comedias raised, 247 ; conditions recommended, 247 ; comedias again allowed to be represented, 248; the petition of 1646-47 to reopen the corrales, 248-249; comedias resumed in the King's palace, 249; to the public, 250; comedias written by a tailor of Toledo, 276, n. ; the representation of a comedia, 277- 279 ; gratuitous representations, ibid.; the licensing of comedias, 277 ; new comedias, 278, n. 1 ; the Loa, 279-286; the first act followed by an entremes, 286; Lope de Vega on, 287-288; con- temporary accounts of the repre- sentation of comedias, 322 ft.; decline of the comedia, 341 Comedias escogidas, Vol. I, 279, Vol. XII, 88, n., Vol. XXIX, 181 Comedie Franchise, 101 Cornelia, his Cristobal Colon, 97 Comendadores (Los) de Cordoba, 92, 133, 156 Commedia(La)dell' arte," 29, n. 1, 3°, 44, 45 Como se enganan los Ojos, 234, 237 Companies of players, 145; number in a company, 145 ; the company of Moliere in 1658, 145, n. 3; licensed in Spain, 146; companias reales or de titulo, companias de la legua, 146, 225 ; companias de parte, 146-149; various smaller companies as described by Rojas, 150-154; the compania, 153-154; the traveling of companies, 154- 158; companies on the decline, 197-198; number of companies in Spain, 225. See also under De- crees "Compania (La) espanola," 149, n. 3, 195 Conde (El) Alarcos, 195 Conde (El) de Sex, 91, n. 1 Conde (El) loco, of Morales, 79, n. x Conde (El) Lucanor, 244, n. Condesa (La) Matilda, 196 "Confidenti, I," 45, 46 388 INDEX "Confidentos italianos, Los," 142 and n. 2 "Conformes, Los," 129, n. ( 149, 196 Confusion (La) de un Jardin, 123, n. Conquista (La) de Oran, 330, n. Conquista (La) de Toledo, 180 Constancia (La) de Arcelina, 49 "Contra los Juegos piiblicos," 71, n. 4, 293, 294, 298, n. Contreras, D. Antonio de, 245 Coquette (La) ou le Favori, 65, n. 1 Cordoba, theater in, 192 Cordoba, Fray Gaspar de, an, 212, n. 1, 213 Cordoba, Maria de (Amarilis), 185, 186, 189, 268 and n. 3, 271, n. Corneille, Examen de Melite, 100; Nicomede, 145, n. 3 Corpus Christi, festival of, insti- tuted in 1264, 4; early celebra- tions at Seville, 4; in 1538, 21 ; in 1563, 23 ; in 1570, 23-24, 48, n. 1 ; dances at, 71-75 Corrales: — The corral es of Madrid : the corral in the Calle del Sol, the Corral of Isabel Pacheco, the Corral of Burguillos, 27, 28; the Corral de Puente, 28, n. 2, 30-33, n. 4 and 5, 34; representations in, as late as 1584, 34, 43, in; the Corral de la Pacheca, 28, n. 2, 29; description of, 29-30, 31-33 and n. 4; the favorite playhouse, 35; the Corral del Principe, 30, 32, n. 3; building of, 36, 39-41, 42, n. 1, 43, 44, in; the Corral de la Cruz, 30, n. 2; building of, in 1579, 33 ff. ; first representation in, 33; Ganassa appears in, 35, 41, 43 ; the Cruz and Principe the only corrales after 1587, 43, in; changes in 1631, 112, n.; the Co- rral de Valdivieso, 31 ; represen- tations in the corrales, when, 33 ; representations suspended in 1581, 35 ; description of the corrales, 41-43 ; closed on account of the death of Philip III., 54, 229; music in, 62 ff. ; performances in, when, in, 112; the price of seats, 113-115; two fees paid, 116; au- diences in, 117; women visit the corrales, 1 18-120; men enter without paying, 124; ruffianism in, 125-129; deadheads, 126; closed during the summer, 133 ; the rental of, 204; the corrales reopened in 1621, 229; seats in the corrales, 134-13* • c ' os * d on account of the death of Queen Isabel, 246; on account of the death of Prince Baltasar, 247; of Philip IV., 250; on account of the pest in 1682, 251; the co- rrales of Seville: the Corral de D. Juan, 29, n. t, 47> 4-8, "3, 131; the Corral de San Pablo, 47, n. 2; the Coliseo del Duque de Medina Sidonia, 47, n. 2; the Corral de las Atarazanas, 47, 48, 49, 50; the Corral de la Alcoba, 47, 48, 50; rent of, in 1585, 205; San Pedro, 47, 51; the Huerta de D a Elvira, 47, 49, 52; rental of, 53, 54; torn down, 59, 117, 125; the Coliseo, 48, 50; construction of, 51-52; rental of, 53; destroyed by fire, 54; rebuilt, 54i 59> statistics concerning, 55- 57; again destroyed by fire, 60; rebuilt, 61 ; La Monteria, 48, 57- 59; cost of, 59; rental of, 59, 60; destroyed by fire, 61, 65, 97, n. 2, 125, 126, 128 ; the price of admis- sion to the corrales, 115-116 and n. 5, 117, 11.; men enter without paying, 124-126; ruffianism, 128 and n., 129; plays viewed from the housetops, 130; corrales closed during summer, 133 ; visited by players from Madrid, 192; the number of representations in the D" Elvira and the Coliseo from 1611 to 1 614, 203 ; rent of the Coliseo in 1611, 205; the corrales closed in 1646, 248; representations again begun in the Coliseo in 1648, 248. Corrales in the Span- ish colonies, 129, n. Correa, actor, 19 Cortes (Las) de la Muerte, 312-313 Cortes, N. A., 10, n. i, n, 61, n. 2 "Cortesi, I," 44, n. 1 Cortinas, D a Leonor, mother of Cer- vantes, 34 Co stanza, La, 32, n. 3 Coster, A., 49, n. 3 Costumes on the Spanish stage, 104- 105, 106 ; on the French stage, 105 ; anachronisms in plays, 105 ; cos- tume an indication of rank, 105, n. 2; magnificence of costumes, 106-107 i great expense of, 107, n. 3, 108; pawning of, no Cotarelo y Mori, E., 10, n. 1, 11, 13, 14, n. 1, 16, n. 1, 71, n. 3, 73, 85, INDEX 389 n. 1, 106, 112, n. 1, 115, n - I < J 43> 163, n. 3, 193, 212, n. 1, 213, n-, 214, n., 216, n., 220, n. 1, 223, n., 226, n., 227, u., 256, u. 1, 251, n., 255, 256, 257-262, 290, n. 1, 295, n. 3, 316 Council of Aranda, the, 253 Court performances, when, 11 1, n. 2, 230-246 Crawford, J. P. W., 23, n. 3, 290, n. 1 Creizenach, W., 21, 22, n., 115, n., 138, n. 2, 161, n., 277, n. 1 Crespi de Borja, 227 Croce, B., 33, n. 2 "Cronica de los hechos del Condes- table Miguel Lucas de Iranzo," 141 Cruz, Fray Jeronimo de la, 264 Cruz, Ramon de la, 295 Cruzada Villaamil, Sr., 237 Cuebas, Francisco de las, 23, n. 3 Cueua (La) de Salamanca (Cer- vantes), 70, n. 3 Cueva (La) de Salamanca (Alar- con), 93, n. 3 Cueva, Juan de la, 13, 49 Cumplir con su Obligation, 122 Cunningham, F., 76 Dama (La) boba, 176, 268 Dama (La) Corregidor, 197 Dancers, Spanish, famous among the Romans, 66 and n. 2; dances at Corpus, 67-69 Dances, 71-75. See also under Bayles D'Ancona, Alessandro, 22, 44, n. 3 a °d 4. 45. 4«> n. h H°> "• 3, 142, n. 2, 256, n. 2 "Danza de cascabel," 68 and n. 2 "Danza de espadas," 69, n. 2 Danza de la Muerte by Pedraza, 6, 7, n. 1 Danzas habladas," 75 Dar la Vida por su Dama, 232 Davenant's Siege of Rhodes, 139, 178 De Cosario a Cosario, 91, n. 1 "De Spectaculis," 262, 263, n. Decrees regulating the theaters, 207; rescript of 1598, 207-210; decree of 1600, 211-213; decree of 1603, 215-216; decree of 1608, 216-220; decree of 1615, 220- 223 ; other measures enacted re- specting the theaters, 225 ; decree of 1615 a dead letter, 245 ; decree of 1641, 245; decree of 1646-47, 249 and n. ; decree of 1653, 250 and n. 4; decree of 1665, 251 Degollado, El, 49 "Degollado," the, a fashion, 272, n. 2 Dekker, Thomas, 64, n. 4, 178 and n. 3 Delpino's Spanish Dictionary, 67, n- 3, 75, n. 3 Desden (El) con el Desden, 123 Desdichado (El) en fingir, 84, n. 2 Despois, £., 66, n. Despreciada (La) Querida, 234, 236 "Dia (El) de Fiesta por la Tarde," 334-338 Diablo (El) mudo, 202 "Dialogos de la Agricultura," 260 "Dialogos de las Comedias," 263 Diaz, Alonso, 79, 80 Diaz, Pedro, 79, 80 "Diccionario de Autoridades," 73, n., 291, n. 4 Diez, Gaspar, 12 Dios hace Reyes, 229 Docteur (Le) amoureux, 145, n. 3 Doctor (El) Carlino, 124 Don Sancho el Malo, 236 Dona Ana, Queen, death of, 35 Dona Beatrix de Siliia, 85, n. i Doors at back of stage, 85, n. 2, and see under Staging Dos Amantes (Los) del Cielo, 90 Dramatists, difficulties of, with actors, 173-174; with booksell- ers, 174; with literary pirates, 175-176; honorarium received by them, 177-178; by English dramatists, 178-180; collabora- tion of, 180; morality of plays, 266, n. 2; sums received for an auto, 306-307 Drayton, Michael, 178, n. 3 Dressing-room. See Vestuario Dueno (El) de las Estrellas, 89, n. Eliche, Marquis of, 198, 243, n. Elizabethan Age, number of plays, ix; morality of plays, 120 Embustes (Los) de Fabia, 87 and n. 1 Encanto (El) sin Encanto, 92 and n. 3 Encantos (Los) de Merlin, 79, n. 1 Enciso, Bartolome de, 307 Enciso, Diego Ximenez de, 276, n. 2 English actors in Germany, 114,11.; trial performances, 277, n. 1 English court plays, 76-78 39° INDEX English theaters, actors, etc. See under London Enredos (Los) de Benetillo, 132 Entr ernes de los Pare ceres, 119, n. 2 Entremeses, 69; definition of, 286; entremesos in Valencia, 287 ; their origin, 287 ; entremes de las Es- teras, 287, n. 2; entremes de Sebastian de Horozco, 287, n. 2; the entremeses in Lope's Fiestas del Santissimo Sacramento, 288; in his Comedias, 288, n. 4; en- tremeses cantados, 290; number of entremeses to a comedia, 290 and n. Enzina, Juan de la, 3, n., 13, n. 3, 256, n. 2 Escamilla, Manuela de, 198 Escamilla, Maria de, 198 Escarraman, the, 72, 73 Esclavo (El) del Demonio, 61 Escobedo, Juan de, 204 Escolastica (La) zelosa, 91, n. 1 "Escotado," a fashion, 247, n. 2 Escuelas (Las) de Athenas, 170-171 "Espana Sagrada," 127, n. Espanola (La) de Florencia, 88 and n. Espeyronniere, Antoine de 1', 138, n. 2, 161, n. Espinel, Vicente, 176, u. 1 Espinosa, Ana de, 127, 164 Espinosa, Cardinal, 26 Espinosa, Gabriel de, 223 Espinosa, Juan Bautista, 223 Espinosa, Juana de, 249, u. 2 Esquilache, Prince of, 240 Esquivel, Juan de, 68, n. 2 Estebanez, Alonso and Juan, 204 Estoile, Pierre de 1', Memoires, 340, n. 1 Examen (El) de Maridos, 94, u. i Fdckeux (Les), 65, n. 1 Fairet or Ferre, Marie, 138 and n., 161, n. Fajardo, Ana, 187 "Farandula," the, 153 Farsas sacramentales, 8, n. Favor (El) agradecido, 94, n. 1 Fe (La) pagada, 73, 83, n., 125, n. Fi (La) rompida, 91, n., 92 Febvre, Mathieu le, called Laporte, 139 Fernandez, Lucas, 13, n. 3 Fernandez de Cabredo, Tomas, 184, 185, 187, 196, 201, 216, 221, 242, 272, 285, 317 Fernandez de Guardo, Alonso, 185 Fernandez Guerra, Luis, 81, m, n. 3, 227, n., 229, n. 1 Ferrer, Padre Juan, on the Cha- cona, 73 Festivals given by Philip IV., 233- 246 Fete (La) de I'Amour et de Bac- chus, 241, n. 1 "Fiesta de los Carros," 9, 298 "Fiestas del Santissimo Sacra- mento," 288, 289, 11., 290, n. Figueroa, Roque de, n8, 120; ac- count of, 163, 172 and n., 186, 190, 200, n., 223, 250, 286, 301, 11. Fingida (La) Arcadia, 84, n. 2 Fingir y Amar, 123, n. Fischmann, II., 66, n., 146, n. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, J., 7 and n. i, 14, 48, n. i, 98, 141 Flaminia, Italian actress, 140 Fleay, E. G., 27, n. 1, 34, n. 5, 144, n. 2, 255, n. 2 Fletcher, John, 38 Floridor, Josias, 139, 11. 1 Fontana, Julio Cesare, 238 and n. 1 Foulche-Delbosc, R., 328, n. Francesquina, La (Silvia Ron- cagli), 46 Francisca Maria, 147 French players in London, 139, n. x French theater, the stage setting, 99—101 ; women on the stage, 138, 139 and n. ; actors, 160, n. 2, 254 Fuensanta (La) de Cordoba, 190 Fuente, Tomas de la, 141 Fuerca (La) del Interes, 83, n. Fuerzas (Las) de Sanson, 308 Furness, Horace Howard, 74, u. 2 Galan (El) de La Membrilla, 176 Galan (El) Fantasma, 118, n. 4 "Gallarda, La," a dance, 74, u. 2 Gallardo (El) Espanol, 92 Gallardo, Bartolome Jose, 108, n., 245, n. 4, 263, n. 1 "Gallinero, El," 239, n. 2 Galvez, Isabel de, 198 Galvez, Jeronimo, 34, 35, 82, 11. Ganar Amigos, 234 Ganassa, Alberto Nazeli de, 28, n. 2, 29 and n., 30, 31, 32, 35 and n. 1, 43-44, 48, 131, 141, 204 "Gangarilla," the, 152 Garcia, Alonso, 147 Garcia, Francisco (Pupilo), 198, 223 Garcia de Toledo, Francisco, 150 "Garduna (La) de Sevilla," 173, n. INDEX 39i "Garnacha," the, 152 Garrick, David, 106 Gasque, Juan, 147 Gayangos, D. Pascual de, 16, n. 1, 68, n. 2, in, n. 1, 231, n., 266, n. 1, 276, n. 2, 323 "Gelosi, I," Italian company headed by Ganassa, 29, n. 1 Gelves, Counts of, 49 and n. Germany, women on the stage, 140 "Gigantones," 298 Gloria (La) de Niquea, 238 and n. Gongora, D. Luis de, 64, n. 1 Gonzalez, Bernarda, 184, u. Gonzalez, Gabriel, 204 Gonzalez, Jusephe, 183 Gonzalez, Matias, 204 Gonzalez, Sebastian, 149, 193, 223 Gonzalez Carpio, D a Juana, 41, 205 Gonzalez de Salas, J. A., 69, n. 3, 98, n. 2, 120, n. 1 Gonzalez Pedroso, E., 5, u., 7, n., 311 Gradas (Las) de San Felipe, 272, n. Graf, Arturo, 256, n. 2 Gramont, Le Marechal de, 328, 329 "Gran Memoria," 175 Gran Sultana(La) , 66, n. 2, 84, n. 3 Granada, theater in, 191, n. Granados, Antonio, 101, n. 3, 155, 183, 190, 215, 221 Granados, Juan, 32, 34, 35, 107, n., 202 Graxales, Juan de, 185 Greg, W. W., ix, 27, n. 1, 14, n. 3, 34, n. s, no, n. 1, 178, n. 3, 189, n. 2, 277, n. i "Guardainfantes," 247 Guevara, Luisa de, 64, n. 1 Guevara, Mariana de, 184, 185 "Guzman de Alfarache," 154, n. Guzman, Getino de, 34 Halliwell-Phillipps, J. O., 27, n. 1 Hardy, Alexandre, 99, 170 Hartzenbusch, J. E., 93, 11. 3, 94, n., 134, n. 2, 180, n. 2, 228, n., 277, n. 2, 294 Haywood, Thomas, A Woman Killed •with Kindness, 179, n. Hazanas (Las) del Marques de Ca- nete, 236 Ilenslowe, Philip, 34, u. 5, 170 Henslowe's Diary, ix, 27, n. i, 34, n. 5, 64, no, n. 1, 178, n. 3, 189, n., 277, n. 1 Herbias, Jacinta de, 127, 164, 188 Herbias, Mariana de, 184 Heredia, Alonso de, 116, n. 5, 200, 216, 221, 231, 304, 309, 317 Heredia, Tomas de, 190, n. 2 Hermano (El) Francisco, 196 Hermosa (La) Alfreda, 177 "Hermosura (La) de Angelica," 233 Herrera, D. Fernando de, 49, n. 3 Herrera, Jacinto de, 180 Herrera, Maria de, 150 Herrera, Martin de, 13, n. 3 Herrera, Melchor de, 10, n. 4 Herrera, D. Rodrigo de, 42, u. 1 Herrera, D. Rodrigo de, dramatist, 177 Hija (La) del Aire, 237 Hi jo (El) de Reduan, 106, n. Hijo (El) prodigo, 10 Hinard, Damas, 87, n. 1 "Hispania Illustrata," 108, n. History of Felix and Philomena, 77 History of Sarpedon, 77 Horn (V) enamorat y la Fembra satisfeta, x Honorarium received by drama- tists, 177-178 Honra (La) kurtada, 196 Horozco, Sebastian de, 8, n., 287, n. 2 Horses upon the stage, 79, 81 Hotel de Bourgogne, 99, 101 ; women visit, 119, n. 3; rabble at, 121, n. Hughes, Margaret, actress, 140, n. Hume, Martin, 164, n. 1, 168, n., 238, n. 1 Hurtado de la Camara, Lorenzo, no, 117, 223, 246, 286 Hurtado y Cisneros, D. Juan, 32, n.3 Imperial (La) de Oton, 93, n. 3 Infante (El) de Aragon, 234 Inocente (La) Sangre, 83 "Introito," the, 281 Ir y quedarse, 225 Isabel of Bourbon, first wife of Philip IV., 237, 238, n. ; her death, 246 Isabel, Princess of Portugal, 23 Italian actresses in Madrid, 142, 143 Italian comedies in Spain, 21, 22 ; comedy of Ariosto represented at Valladolid, ibid. Italian players in Spain, 30, n. 2, 44-45 ; in the Corral del Principe, 143. See also under Confident, Cortesi, Ganassa, Gelosi, and Muzio "Italianos (Los) nuevos," 44 392 INDEX Jdcaras, 126, n. 2, 291-293, 298, n. Jesus Maria, Fray Jose de, 262 Jimenez, Jusepe, 107 Jimenez de Valenzuela, Pedro, 195, 214 Job, auto, zoo John of Austria, Don, 164 Jones, Inigo, 99 "Jornada, 286 and n. "Journey into Spain," 324 Jovellanos, Melchor de, xi Judit (La) Espahola, 236, n. "Juegos de Escarnios," 252 Juicio (El) final, 320 Juvenal on Spanish dancers, 66, n. 2 Labrador (El) venturoso, 234, 235 Lamarca, Luis, x-xiii, 117, n., 193, 287 Lanini, Pedro Francisco, 70, n. 3, 126, n., 290, n. 1 Lara, Salvador, 65 Laura perseguida, 278, u. "Laurel de Apolo," 241, n. Lazarillo, 198 Leal (El) Criado, 277 Lee, Sydney, 38, 139 Lego (El) del Carmen, 196 Lemos, Conde de, 71, n. 4, 114 Leon, musician, 63 Leon, Cristobal de, 157, 201, 223 Leon, Melchor de, 107, 214, 215 Leon Marchante, D. Manuel de, 295 and n. 3, 321 Leon Pinelo, A., 69, n. 2, 226, n. 1, 243, n. Leoni, Leon, of Arezzo, 22 Lerma, Duke of, 101, n. 3, 102, 212, n. 1 Liar's Walk, 271, n. 2 Libertad (La) de Espana par Ber- nardo del Carpio, 49 Libertad (La) de Roma por Mucio Scevola, 49 "Licenciado (El) vidriera," 160 Licensing of comedias, 277 Limos, Juan, 141 Linares, Pedro de, 223 Lisbon visited by players from Madrid, 194 Literary pirates, 175-176 Llegar en Ocasion, 105, n. 2 Llorente, Pedro, 52, 53, 184, 216, 221, 258 Lo que puede la Traicion, 235 Lo que son Mugeres, 123, n. Loas, 279-286; the "Loa de la Comedia" of Rojas, 78-81; va- rious kinds of loas, 279; Cara- muel on, 279, n. ; Luys Alfonso de Carvallo on, 280, n. ; Lopez Pinciano on, 280, n. ; the loas of Lope de Vega, 28i,_ n.; the loas of Agustin de Rojas, 281- 284; the loas of Quinones de Benavente, 284-286; the loa de Escarraman, 298, n. Loaysa, Garcia de, 207, n. Loaysa, Inigo de, 134, and n. 2 London theaters, their foundation, 27, n. 1 ; contributed to the poor of the hospitals, 27, n. 1 ; repre- sentations in inn-yards till 1576, 28, n. 1, 30; the Theatre, the Curtain, the Rose, 34, n. 5; the Globe, 34, n. 5, 36; Blactfriars, ibid.; Malone on, 43, n. 1 ; music in, 62, n. 2, 64; gallants on the stage, 64 and n. 4, 65; Wallace on, ibid.; at Blachfriars, the Cockpit, Salisbury Court, ibid.; the "jig," 70, n. 1; traverses, 84; the price of admission, 1 14, n. 1 ; women visit, 119, n. 1; plays on Sunday forbidden, 132, u. ; French women on the stage, 139 and 11. ; women appear on stage, 139-140; only two theaters in London, 144, n. 2; actors take several parts, 146; literary pi- rates, 176, n. ; sums received by dramatists, 178-180; salaries of actors, 188 and n. 3 ; London visited by a Spanish company, •39, n- i,_ 34° Lopez, Adrian, 237 Lopez, Francisca, 60 Lopez, Francisco, 223 Lopez, Maria, 185 Lopez, Simon, 226, n. 1, 265, n. 2 Lopez, Vicenta, 190 Lopez de Ayala, Pero, 50 and n. Lopez de Enciso, Bartolome( ?), 240 Lopez de Sustaete, Luis, 128, 157, 202, 223, 246 Lopez de Sustaya, Jeronimo, 190, 214 Lopez de Yanguas, Hernan, 7, n. 1 Lopez Pinciano, Alonso, on the Zarabanda, 71, n. 1 ; on staging plays, 81, n. 4; on the loa, 280, n. ; on Spanish comedias, 333-334 Lotheissen, F., 139, n. 1 Lotti, Cosme, 241 and n., 242 Louis XIV., 170, n. I. u den a, Fernando de, 180 INDEX 393 Lulli, Jean Baptiste, 241, n. 1 Luna, D. Alvaro de, 287 and n. 3 Luna (La) Africana, 180 Luxan, Micaela de, 268 Luxan de Sayavedra, Mateo, 154, n. Mabbe, James, 121, n. 2, 129, n. 2 Mac-Carthy, D. F., 242, n. 1 Maccoll, N., 72, n., 160, u. 1, 173, n. i Machinery on the stage; see under Staging Madrid as a theatrical center, x; the corrales of Madrid, 26-36. See also under Corrales Madrid, Francisco de, 13 Maestro (El) de Danzar (Lope), 66, n. 4; de Calderon, 74, n. 2 Magdalena (La), 319 Malaguilla, Juan de, 223 Malara, Juan de, 24 Malcasados (Los) de Valencia, 119, n. 1 Malherbe, Francois, 340, n. Malone, Edward, 43, n. 1, 62, n. 2, 64, in, n. 2, 114, n. 1, 119, n. 1, 134. n- 3> '39. n. 1, 140, n., 176, n., r 7*i I 79- I *° > '88, n. 3 Maluenda, Jacinto de, xii, 250, n. 2 Manganilla (La) de Melilla, 94, n. "Mansions" on the French stage, 100 Mantzius, Karl, 45, n. 1, 137, 138, 139, n. 1, 140 Manuel de Castilla, Pedro, 187, 190, n. 2, 223 Manzanos, theatrical manager, 1 54, n. Maqueda, Duke of, 239 Maravillas (Las) de Babilonia, 177 Margarita of Austria, wife of Philip III., 211; plays acted in presence of, 230-231; death of, 220, 250 Maria Manuela, 193 Maria Teresa, daughter of Philip IV., 170, n. Mariana, wife of Lope de Rueda, 11, 12, 141 Mariana, Juan de, on the Zara- banda, 71, n. 4, 144; opposes the theater, 262-263, 2 ^4> n -; "Contra los Juegos publicos," 293-294, 397, n. 1 Mariana of Austria, 156, 250, 251 Marido (El) de su Hermana, 235 Marigraviela (Maria Gabriela), 63, H7 Mariscal (El) de Biron, 186 Marmot (El) de Felisardo, 84, n. 1 Marques de la Fuensanta del Valle, 233 Marquesa (La) Saluda, llamada Griselda, 18, n. 1 Marston's Sophonisba, 64; Antonio and Mellida, 146 Marti y Monso, Estudios," 296, n. 1 Martial on Spanish dancers, 66, n. 2 Martinazos, theatrical manager, 168 Martinelli, Angela, 45 and n. 3, 46, 143 Martinelli, Drusiano, 44 and n. 1, 45 Martinelli, Tristano, 45, n. 3 Martinez, Francisco, musician, 63 Martinez, Juan, 64, n. 1, 177; autor de comedias, 223 Martinez de Asensio, Pedro, 125 Martir (El) de Madrid (Mescua), 235 Martires (Los) del Japan, 134, n. t, 195 Mas (La) constante Muger, 123, n. Mas (El) impropio Verdugo, 123, 234 Mas (La) injusta Venganza, 123, 234 Mas merece quien mas ama, 235 Masco, Domingo, x Massinger, Philip, 38 Matadora (La), dance, 70, n. 3 Mayor (El) Encanto Amor, 242 Medina de las Torres, Duke of, 243, n. Medinaceli, Duke of, 11 Mejor (El) Hues fed de Espana, 320 Mejor (El) Maestro el Tiempo, 105, n. 2 Mejor (El) Representante, San Gines, 181 Memorial of Philip II. concerning the theaters, 208-210 "Memorilla," 175 Mendez de Carrion. D. Luis, 239 Mendoza, Fr. Alonso de, 144 Mendoza, D. Antonio de, 235, 240 Mendoza, Francisco de, 147 Menendez y Pelayo, M., 13, n. 3, 14 and n. 1, 15, 19, n. 3, 171, n., 289, n., 297, n. Mentidero de los Representantes, 271, n. 2 Mercader (El) Amante, 83, n. 1 Merimee, E., 293, n. 2 Mescua, Mira de, 61, 180, 186, 226, n- 1, 323. 34i Meson (El) del Alma, 310, n. 394 INDEX Mesonero Romanes, R. de, 339, n. 1, 272, n. » "Migaxas del Ingenio," 70, n. 3, 126, n., 272, n., 290, n. 1 Milagro (El) por los Celos, 186 Milagrosa (La) Eleccion de Pio V., 236 Milan, Da Leonor de, 49, n. 3 Minsheu's "Spanish Dictionary," 63, n. 1, 108, n., 189, n. 1 Misterios (Los) de la Misa, 320 "Modern Language Notes," 290, n. 1 "Modern Language Review," 237, n. 1 Moeller, Frau, actress, 141 "Mogiganga (La) del Gusto,'' 295, n. 3 Mogigangas, 295-296 Moland, "Moliere et la Comedie italienne," 46, n. 3 Moliere, musicians in his troupe, 62, n. 2 ; Les Fdcheux, 65, n. 1 ; La Coquette ou le Favori, 65, n. 1 ; performed at tennis courts, ioi ; his company in 1658, 145, n. 3, 170 and n. 1 ; refused burial by the church, 256 Molina, Luis de, 141 Molina, Miguel de, 60 Molina, Tirso de, ix, 81, n. 1, 84, n. 2, 85, n. 1, 90, 226, n. 1, 266, n. 2, 286, n. 3, 341 Monreal, Julio, 66, n. 4, 74, u. 2, 240, n. 4, 311, n. 3 Monserrate, Diego de, 150 Montalvan, Juan Perez de, 122, 174, n. 2, 176, n., 186, 226, n. 1, 265, n. 2, 341 Montanesa (La), 307 Montemayor, Sebastian de, 106, 142, n. 1 Montesinos, Maria de, 147 Montiel, Pedro de, 12 Monzon, Cortes of, xii Monzon, Luis de, 149, 204 Morales, author of El Conde loco, 79. n. 1 Morales, Maria de, 184 Morales, Mariana de, 308 Morales, Segundo de, 223 Morales Medrano, Juan de, ro8, n., account of, 162-163, r 92, 196, 200, 214, 215, 221, 231, 317, 323 Morel-Fatio, A., 80, 274 Moreto, Agustin, 122, 123, 226, n. 1, 341 Morf, H., 255, n. Morica (La) garrida, 149, 196 Morisco, his account of a play, 323 Mosqueteros, 30, 113; fee they paid, 117, 118, 119, 120; 'are the judges of plays, 121 ; generally paid, 126, n., 278 Motteville, Madame de, 329 Much Ado about Nothing, 74, n. 2 Mudarra, Francisco, 223 Muerte (La) de Ay ax Telamon sobre las Armas de Aquiles, 49 Muerte (La) del Rey don Sancho y Reto de Zamora por D. Diego Ordonez, 49 Muertos (Los) vivos, 173 Muestra (La) de los Carros, 290, n. Munday, Anthony, 178, n. 3 Muniz, Juan Bautista, 107 Munoz, Ana, 81 Munoz, Francisco, 116, n. 5 Music in the corrales, 62-64, <>7> 132; music on the English stage, 64; musicians in the French thea- ters, 62, n. 2, 278-279 Muzio, Italian player in Spain, 21, 29, n. 1 Nabarro, Pedro, actor and play- wright, 18, n. 1, 62 and n. Naples, comedias in, 33 Nasarre, Bias, 16, n. 1 Naufragio (El) de Jonas, 308 Navalcarmelo (Naval y Abigail), 10 and n. 3 Navarro Oliver, Juan, 139, n. 1, 341 Nave (El) del Mercader, 311, n. 3 Naxera, Andres de, 195 Nichols, "Progress of James I.," 331, n. Nicolas, Catalina de, 157 Nicomede, of Corneille, 145, n. 3 Nihez (La) de Crista, 177, n., 307, n. Nino (El) del Senado, 236 No Amar la mayor Fineza, 199 No hay Dicha ni Desdicha hasta la Muerte, 186 Noche (La) de San Juan, 240 "Norte de la Poesia Espanola," Va- lencia, 1616, 73, n., 83 Nunca mucho costo poco, 199 Nunez, Esteban, 248 Nunez, Gabriel, 132, 156, 195, 215 "Naque," the, 151 Obediencia (La) laureda, 93, n. 3 "Obispillo, El," 127 Obras son A mores, 53 Ocasion (La) perdida, 93, 95, n. 2 Ofender con las Finezas, 245 INDEX 395 Olivares, Count-Duke of, 239, 240, 343, "• Olivares, Countess of, 239, 241 Olivares, Maria de, 186 Olivera, Casa de la (1584-161S), xii Olivera, Teatro de la, xii, xiii; price of admission to, 117, n. ; representations in, 278, n. 2 Olmedo, Alonso de, account of, 161- 162, 223, 234, 292, 294 Olmedo, Jeronima de, 139, n. 1, 340 Opposition to the theater, 207 ff. Ordish, T. F., 34, n. 5 Organos (Los), entremes, 290, n., 295, n. 2 Ormsby, John, 313 Ornero, Jeronima de, 162 Ortegon, Pedro de, 126, n. 2 Ortiz, Ana, 258 Ortiz, Francisco, actor, 183, 223 Ortiz, Francisco, author, 258 Ortiz, Santiago, 225, n. 2 , Ortiz de Guzman, D. Juan, 48, n. 3 Ortiz de Villazan, Cristobal, 57, n. 1, 63, 194, 223, 233, n. 2, 258 Ortiz de Zufiiga, Anales de Sevilla, 23 Osorio, Diego, 187, 197, 202, 244, 11. 2, 318 Osorio, Eugenia, 107 Osorio, Francisco, 31, 193 Osorio, Magdalena, no Osorio, Rodrigo, no, 193 Ostos, Juan de, 150 Oviedo, Cosme de, 133, 151 Pacheco, D. Juan, 273 Paez de Sotomayor, Pedro, 142, 143, 258 Paniagua, Alonso de, 214 Pantoja, "Sobre Comedias," 226, n. Parecido (El) en la Corte, 123, a. Paris and Vienna, 76 "Particulares." See Private repre- sentations Pastrana, Juan de, 68, n. 2 Paz, Alonso de la, 197 Paz, Gregorio de, 211 and n. 1 Paz (La) universal, auto (El Lirio y la Azucena), 202 Paz y Melia, A., 134, n. 1, 150, n. 2, 161, n., 171, n., 180, n. 3, 234-236, 250, n. 2 Pedraza, Juan de, 6, 7, n. 1 Pedraza, "Historia ecclesiasfica de Granada," 191, n. Pedro de Urdemalas, 95, n. 1 Pellicer, Casiano, 15, 21, n. 2, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, n. 3, 34, 36, n. i, 40, 41, 42, n. 1, 43, 54, n. 3, 70, 72, n., 74, 113, 135, 137, n. 1, 143, 202, 203, n. 1, 204, 205, 212, 213, 224, 229, 240, 242, n. i, 243, n., 246, 11. 2 and 3, 247, n. 2, 248, 250, n. 1, 251, n. 1, 264, n., 291, 330, n. Pellicer, Juan Antonio, 68, n. 3, 70, n. 3, 225 and n. 2 Penalosa, Juan de, 199, 223 Peralta, Catalina de, 185 Perdida (La) de Espana, 234 Perdida (La) del Rey D. Sebastian, 235 Peregrino (El), auto, 311 "Peregrino (El) en su Patria," 87, 174-175, 2n, n. 3 Perez, Dr. Antonio, 209, n. Perez, Cosme, 187, 268 Perez, Fernando, 147 Perez de Guzman, D. Alvar, 50 Perez Pastor, Cristobal, 10, n. 4, 28, n. 2, 30, n. 2, 31, 32, n. 1, 33, n. 5, 34, n. 1 and 2, 35, n. 1 and 2, 36, n. 2, 37, n. 2, 44, n. 2, 46, 54, n. 1, 63, n. 1, 64, n. 1, 67, 68, n. 2, 74, 75, 101, n. 3, 107, 108, 109, no, 113, 116, n., 129, n. 2, 132, 133, n. 1, 134, n. 3, 135, 141, 142, 145, u . 2, I47-H9, 150, n. 1, 155, 156, 162, 163, n. 3, 165, n., 171, 177, n., 178, 182-188, 190, 192, 193-196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201- 205, 208, 209, n., 211, n., 215, 224, 229, n. 2, 230, n., 231, 237, n., 241, n. 1, 243, n., 244, "n., 245, n., 247, 248, 258, 259, 267, n., 290, n. 2, 295, 298, n. 2 and 3, 302-305, 306, 307-308, 11., 309, 310, 311, 313, 317, 318, 319, 321 Performance, amount paid for, 194- 197; receipts of, 202-205. See also under Representations Peribanez y el Comendador de Ocana, 91, n. 1 Pernia, Pedro de, 172 and n. Perra (La) Mora, dance, 70, n. 3, 72, n. 2, 74 Pesame (El), dance, 72, n. 2 Petition of 1646-47 to reopen the corrales, 249 Philip the Second, 33, 230 Philip the Third, fond of dancing, 66; erects a theater in the Casas del Tesoro, in, 230; permits comedias to be represented, 211; betrothed, ibid.; autos represented 396 INDEX before, 231; in the Escurial, 309; death of, 54, 229 Philip the Fourth, fondness for dancing, 68, n. 2; builds a thea- ter, in, n. 1, 156, 164; interferes with representations at the thea- ters, 197-198,1243 ; accession to the throne, 231; patron of art and the drama, 232; appears on the stage, 232-233 ; neglects the greatest poets, 232, n., 237 ; large suras expended for entertain- ments, 243, n. ; visits the co- rrales incognito, 244, 269, 273 ; death of, 250 Phillyda and Choryn, 78 "Philosophia Antigua" of Lopez Pinciano, 71, n. 1 ; on staging plays, 81, n. 4; on the loa, 280, n. ; on audiences, 333-334 Pineda, Fr. Juan de, 143, n. 3, 2 Pinedo, Baltasar, 102, 107, 109, n., 131, 202, 214, 215, 304 Placida y Fictoriano, 256, n. 2 Playbills. See Posters Pobreza no es Vileza, 96, n. Pobrezas (Las) de Reynaldos, 84, n. 1, 236 Poder (El) en el Discreto, 165, n. Poderosa es la Ocasion, 234 Pope, A., couplet on Shakespeare, 39 Porres, Gaspar de, 80, 108 and u., 131, 170-171, 182, 183, 192, 193, 196, 200, 214, 215, 231, 290, n. 2, 299, 300, 301 and n., 309, 317 Posters, theatrical, 112, 133-134; in England, 134, n. 3 Poyo, Salucio or Salustio del, 174, 196, 278, n. 2, 308 Prado, Antonio de, 60, 162, 197, 223. 243. 3". 3'8 Prado, Sebastian de, 170, n., 249, n. 2, 340 Pragmatica de Carlos V., 19 and n., 20, 25 Premio (El) de la Hermosura, 233 Primer (El) Faxardo, 81 Principe (El) ignorante, 235 Principe (El) perfecto, 176 Private representations = particula- res, 101 ; before the King, 229, 230-246; in 1622, 233-237 Propaladia, editions of, 15 Prospera Fortuna (La) de Rui Lo- pez de A gratu- itous representations, 277; when representations took place, 278; account of a representation, 278 ff.; descriptions of eye-witnesses, 323 ff. See also under Comedias Restori, Antonio, 70, 368 "Revista de Archivos," 108, n., 249, n. 1 "Revue Hispanique," 18, n. 1, 40, n. 2, 84, n. 2, 328, n. 2 Rey (El) Angel (El Rey Angel de Sicilia), 234 Rey (El) Bamba, 83, n., 91, n. Reyes, Baltasara de los, 183, 279, n. Reyes, Gaspar de los, 195, 214 Reyes, Mariana de los, 187 Reynolds, G. F., 76, n. Ribadeneira, Pedro de, 260-261 Richter, Frau, actress, 141 Rigal, E., 100, 115, n., 119, n. 1 and 3, 121 and n., 139, 277, n. 1, 340, n. Rios, Nicolas de los, 101, n. 3, 145, 151, 154, 215, 230, 259, 290, n. 2, 299 Riquelme, Alonso, 63 ; imprisoned for debt, no, 155, 156, 172, 184, 192, 194, 200, 214, 216, 221, 231, 323 Riquelme, Jacinto, 109 Riquelme, Maria de, 163 and n. 3, 269 and n. 2 Rivas, Juan de, 32, 33 Robles, Bartolome de, 185, 301, n. Robles, Luisa de, 1 61-162 Roca Paula, actress, 141 Rodamonte Aragones, 234 Rodriguez, Alonso, of Seville, 32, 35. 49 Rodriguez, Alonso, "El Toledano, 10, n. 4, 32 Rodriguez, Isabel, 190 Rodriguez, Fr. Manuel, 257 Rodriguez, Mariana, 150 Rodriguez, Pedro, 195, 214 Rodriguez Marin, Francisco, 71, n. 1 Rodriguez Tirado, Jose, 68, n. 2 Rodriguez Villa, A., 273, n. 1 and 2 Rojas, Diego de, 195, 214 Rojas, Francisco de, 122, 123, 226, n. 1, 241, n., 276, n. 2, 341 Rojas, Tomas de, 186 Rojas Villandrando, Agustin de, 3 ; his "Loa en Alabanza de la Comedia," 3, 13, 15, 32, 11. 2, 62, 78-81, 132, n. 2, 133, n. 6, 141, n. 4, 144, 282; his life, 150; the "Viage entretenido," description of the various companies of play- ers, 150-154; his El natural des- dichado, 150, n. 2, 159-160, 165; anecdotes related by, 165-169, 182, 183, 189; his Loas, 279, 281- 284 "Romancero General" (1604), 167, 294, 11. 1 Romera (La) de Santiago, 236 Romero, Bartolome, 107, 155, 186, 194, 201, 223, 241, n., 291, 292, 301, 11. Romero, Mariana, 272, n. Roncagli, Silvia ("la Frances- quina"), 46, 143 and n. 2 Ropilla, 168 Rosa, Pedro de la, 107, 109, 156, 157, 170, n., 187, 194, 196, 201, 223, 242, 244, n. 2, 296, n. 1, 340 Rosario (El), of Pedro Diaz, 79, 80 Rosell, Cayetano. See Quinones de Benavente Rosenberg, M., 88, u. Rosete, D. Pedro, 276, n. 2 Rouanet, L., 7, n. 2, 10, n. 3, 65, n. 1, 287, n. 2, 290, n., 294, n. 4, 295, n. 3, 340, n. 4 Rueda, Antonio de, 64, 65, 131, 157, 187, 188, 190, n. 2, 194, 201, 223, 285, 294 Rueda, Lope de, 3, 9-13 ; earliest autor de comedias, 9 ; represents in Benavente, 10; at Seville, 10; marries Mariana, a Valencian woman, n; her suit against the Duke of Medinaceli, n; Rafaela Anxela, wife of Rueda, and their daughter Juana Luisa, n; his company, 12; died at Cordoba, 13 ; his historical importance, 14 ; Cervantes's account of him, 16- 18, 20, 24, 25, 29, 62, 141, 170; "introitos," 281, 287, 288, n. 1 Rueda (La) de la Fortuna, 323 Ruffianism in the theaters, 125-130 Rufian (El) dichoso, 94 Rufo, Juan, 18, n. 2, 20 Ruiz, Miguel, 183 Rye, W. B., 331, n. Saavedra, Rodrigo de, 299 Saco (El) de Roma y Muerte de Borbon, 49 Sacro (El) Parnaso, 311 Sainetes, 293-295 Saladino (El), 278, n. 2 Salazar de Mendoza, D. Pedro, 50 398 INDEX Salcedo, Francisco, 31, 32, 33, n. 5, 35 Salcedo, Lucia de, 184 Salcedo, Mateo de, 47, u. 2 Saldana, Pedro de, 30, n. 2, 32, 35, 43,49.131 . , Salinas, Pedro Garcia de, 185 Saloraona, Angela, Italian actress, 4 6 > H3 San Antonio, of Alonso Diaz, 79, 80 San Bruno, 235 San Carlos, 171, n. San Cristobal, 128 San Hermenegildo, 23, 24 San Isidro, Labrador de Madrid, 95, n. 4 San Onofre, 6 el Rey de los De- siertos, 54 San Reymundo, 190 Sancha, D. Justo de, 313, n. Sanchez, Jeronimo, 223 Sanchez, Miguel, "El Divino," 79, n. 1, 81 Sanchez-Arjona, J., 4-9, n, 23, 24, 29, n. 1, 32, n. 2, 47, 48-61, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 71, 80, 109, 115- 116, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 133, 134, n. 2, 150, n. 1, 161, 164, 165, n., 170, n., 192, 203-205, 226, n., 229, n. 3, 246, n. 5, 248 and n. 2, 293, n. 2, 295, u. 2, 304, n. 2, 305, n. 3, 306, 308, n., 309, 310, 313, 3i5, 321 Sanchez Baquero, Pedro, 187 Sanchez de Vargas, Hernan, 57, n., 64, n. 1, 108, 156, 157, 172, i77, 185, 186, 187, 193, 195, 196, 199, 201, 216, 221, 229, 304 Sancho Rayon, D. Jose, 233 Sandoval, "Historia de Carlos V.," 23, n. 1 Santa Catalina, auto, 200 Santa Maria Egipciaca, 197, 265, 11. 2, 320 Santa Maria Magdalena, 250 Santoyo, Antonio de, 129, 11. ■*. Sarmiento, Pablo, 165, n. Scenery. See Staging Schack, Adolf Friedrich von, 4, n. 1, 5, n. i, 16, n. 1, 19, 23 and n., 26, 28, 33, 41-43,78, 81, 82, 85, 86, 88, 90, 104, 145, n. 2, 191, n., 207, n., 215, n. 2, 221, n., 226, n. 1, 228, n., 230, 233, 241, n., 243, n., 250, n. 3 and 4, 254, n. 1, 268, n., 269, n., 271, n. 2, 274, 276, 279, n. 1, 280, n. 1, 286, n. 3, 288, n. 2, 294, n. 4, 298, n. 5, 311, n. 3 Scherillo, M., 29, n. 1, 44, n. 4 Schmidt, F. W. V., 92, n. 3 Schwering, J., 339, n. Seats in the corrales, 134-13° "Seguidilla," 279 Selva (La) de Amor, 236 Selva (La) sin Amor, 241 and n. Semiramis (La) of Virues, 79, n. 1 Sepulveda, Ricardo de, 27, n. 2, 42, n. 1, 223, n., 246, n. 1, 270, n. 1, 272, n. Serna y Haro, Juan de la, 204 Serrana (La) de la Vera, 81 Servir con mala Estrella, 106, n. Sessa, Duke of, 36, 172, 220 Shakespeare, 34, n. 5 ; Henry V., Romeo and Juliet, 34, n. 5, 37; compared with Lope de Vega, 36-39; Hamlet, Venus and Adonis, Lucrece, 37 ; The Tem- pest, 38; Much Ado About Noth- ing, 74, n. 2; anachronisms in his plays, 105, n. ; proprietor of ■wardrobe at Blackfriars, 110,170, .178 Siete (Los) Infantes de Lara, 49 Sigura, Juan de, 182 Simon, Manuel, 162 Sin Honra no ay Amistad, 124, n. Sin Secreio no ay Amor, 174, n. 2 Sol (El) parado, 81 Solano, Agustin, 141, 151, 166-169, 182, 189 Solano, Francisco, 223 Solis, Antonio de, 124, 243, n. Sommi, Leone de, 140 and n. "Sonajas," 67, n. 3 Sotomayor, Francisco de, 190 Soulie, E., 170, n., 189, n. Southampton, Earl of, 36 Spanish money, value of, 108, n. Spectators on the stage, 64, 65 ; in La Monteria, 65 ; spectators enter without paying, 125-129; view plays from housetops, 130. For English stage, see under London St. John's eve, 242, 243 Stage, the, opposed by the church, 252-266; defended by churchmen, 259-260 Staging of comedias, 76-103 ; no outer curtain, 82, 83; curtain at rear of stage, 84, 86 ; windows, balconies, walls, towers, etc., 85 ; doors on the stage, 85 and n.; trees repre- sented on the stage, 85' and n.; doors at back of stage, 85, n. 2; change of scene indicated by INDEX 399 vacant stage, 86, 87; by entering and leaving by a different door, 88 ; simultaneous scenery, 89 ; change indicated by drawing a curtain aside, 90; place of action mentioned in the dialogue, 91 ; vagueness of localization, 91 ; scene indicated by costume, 91, 92 ; balconies, 93 ; corrector of the theater, 93 ; garden and trees on the stage, 95 ; painted canvas, 95 ; importance of chronology, 96; changes in Lope's long career, 96-98; machinery and the stage carpenter, ibid.; basti- dores, 97 and n. z; apariencias and tramoyas, 97-99 ; Cervantes's remarks, 98; "appearances," 98- 99; construction of the Spanish stage, 99 ; the stage setting of the French theater, 99-100; the stage of the mysteries, 100; Corneille objects to it, 100; complaints of d'Aubignac, 100; the stage at the Hotel de Bourgogne, 101 ; pov- erty of scenic effects on the Span- ish stage, 101-102; private repre- sentations, 102-103 Stiefel, A. L., 7, n. 1, 10, n. 1, 21, n. 2, 22, n. 1, 29, n. 1 Storie of Pompey, A., 77 Suarez de Figueroa, Cristobal, 80, 120, n. 1, 175-176, 268, 275 and n., 285 Sufrir mas por querer mas, 186, 245 Tamayo de Vargas, T., 32, n. 3 "Tamboril," the, 67, n. 3 Tapia, Juan de, 214 "Tarasca," the, 298 Tardia, Maria, 271, n. Tejada, Juan de, 216, 220 Theater, decline of, 197; opposition to, 207 ff. See under Co media and Corrales Theatrical life in Spain, anecdotes concerning, 154, n. Theatrical posters, 112, 133-134 Thomas, Hubertus, of Luttich, 23, n. 1 Ticket scalpers, 116 Ticknor, George, 9, 14, 16, n. ±, 66, 68, n. 2, 71, n. 4, 104, 117, 118, 124, 226, 240, 241, 243, n., 252, n. 1, 226, n. 1, 269, 287, n. 3, 288, n. 1, 291, n. 2, 297, 298, n. 5 Timoneda, Juan de, 14, n., 288, n. 1 "Tonadilla," 293 Torneos (Los) de Aragon, 94, n. 1 Torre, Gabriel de la, 204, 214, 304, 317 Torres, Francisca de, 155 Torres Naharro, Bartolome de, 3, 13, 14; his Propaladia, 15-16, 19, n. 3, 21, 22, 275 and n. ; introitos, 281, 286, n. 3 Tragedia (La) por los Celos, 84, n. 1 Tragicomedia (La) de Lysandro y Roselia, 68, n. 3 "Tramoyas," 80, 97, 98 Trances de Amor, 235 Transformaciones de Amor, 244 Trato (El) de la Aldea, 190 Traveling of theatrical companies, 154-158 Traverses'' of the Elizabethan theatce, 84 Tres (Los) mayores Prodigios, 242 Turdion, the, a dance, 74, n. 2 Turia, Ricardo de (D. Pedro Juan de Rejaule y Toledo), 30, 31, n. 1, 45, n. 2; La Fe pagada (Chacona), 73, 83, n., 84, n. 1 and 2, 94, n., 125, n. ; on comedias, 274, n. Tutor (El), 49 Urson y Valentin, 106, n. Vaca, Gabriel, 195, 214 Vaca, Jusepa, 268, 307 Vaca de Castro, D. Pedro, 258 Valcazar, Jeronima de, 185 Valdes, Pedro de, 52, 157, 177, 184, 194, 201, 216, 221, 229, 234, 236, 305 Valdivieso, Josef de, 311 Valencia, its importance as a dra- matic center, x; origin of its thea- ters, x-xiii; school of dramatists, ibid, and 191-192; actors from Madrid visit, 193-194, 199; re- opening of theaters in, 249 Valenciano, Juan Bautista, 54, 165, n., 186, 223, 229 Valenciano, Juan Jeronimo, 54, 115, 165, n. Valiente (El) Lucidoro, 234 Vallejo, Diego de, 53, 63 Vallejo, Jeronimo, 202 Vallejo, Manuel Alvarez, 128, 133, 162, 163, 186, 199, 201, 223, 240, 245 Vargas, Andres de, 154-155 400 INDEX Vargas, Juan de, 149, 196 Varona (La) Castellana, 81 Vazquez, Antonio(?), 41 Vazquez, Gaspar, 32, n. 3 Vazquez, Juan (El Polio), 155, 223 Vazquez, Juana, 141 Vazquez, Miguel, 141 Vazquez, Sebastiana, 147 Vega, musician, 63 Vega, Fr. Alonso de, 257 Vega, Alonso de la, Comedias, 15, n. 1, 170, 11. 2 Vega, Alonso de la, 69 Vega, Andres de la, 109, 171, n., 177, 185, 187, 200, n., 223, 245, n. 2, 301, n. Vega, Francisco de la, 12 Vega, Gabriel Laso de la, 294, n. 1 Vega Carpio, Lope de, ix; his resi- dence in Valencia, x, 3, 9, 13, 16, 361 37. 38, 39! compared with Shakespeare, ibid.; receives 100 ducats for his Vellocino dorado, 37, 11. 2; Comedias, Part IX, 38; Comedias, Part XI, 38, d. 2, 40, n. 2; visits the plays of the Ital- ians, 44, 45, 53, 63, 66, n. 4, 70, 11. 3 ; La Dorotea, 74, n. 2, 174, 78, 79, n. 1, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84; La Filomena, 84, n. 2, 87, 90, 91, 92. 93, 94. 95. n. 2, 3, 4, 5 ; Pro- logo to Part XI (1618), 96; to Part XVI (1623), 96, 97; Pro- logo to Part XIX (1623), 98; Epistola a Pablo Bonnet, 98, n. 1 ; Arte nuevo de hacer Comedias, 105, 107; Loas to Part I, 112, u. 2; on the "vulgo," 117, 122, 146, 156; El Castigo sin Ven- ganza, 163, n. 3, 165, n., 170, 172, 173; Prologo to Part XVII, 174, n. 1 ; El Peregrino en su Patria, 87, I74-I7S. 211, n. 3; Prologo to Part XIII, 175; on the stealing of his plays, 175-176; honora- rium received, 177,186; in Valen- cia, 191-192, 196, 199, 211; letter of October 6, 1611, 220, 226, 229, 232, n., 233; Vega del Parnaso, 240; Sel 1580, and 1582. Cardenas (Cipriano de), actor in the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1662. Cardenas (Diego de) and his wife Dona Maria Balbin took part in Corpus festivals in 1634, 1636, and 1640. Cardenas (Juan de) played fourth parts in the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1677. His wife Maria Paula was in the same company. He was still living in 1698. Carmona (Juan) and his wife Francisca Alvarez were in the company of Antonio de Prado in Valladolid in 1645. (M. y M.; p. 566.) Caro (Andres), actor in the company of Andres de la Vega in 1639-40. Caro (Juana), actress in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in Valladolid at Corpus in 1659, and in that of Sebastian de Prado in 1 66 1, and with Ant. de Escamilla in 1664. This curious notice is found in reference to the Corpus representation of 1659 in Zaragoza : "= mande dar ... 24 reales por aber traydo una sylla de mano todo el dya del corpus y el byernes por la mafiana en que yba Juana caro comedyanta por estar enferma y no poder yr en el carro y llebarla asta donde paraban a las rrepresentaciones . . . = 14 Junio, 1559." (Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 567.) Carranza (Pedro de), dancer in the Corpus festivals at Madrid in 1593, 1598, 1599, and 1604; in the latter year he is described as a tailor by trade. Carrasco (Pedro), a famous tenor, was musico in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1663-65 (in the latter year as barba), and 1670—72 as barba. He married the actress Inez Gallo, but was afterward (1670) separated from her. "Murio en Indias." Carrillo (Damian), member of the company of Alonso Riquelme in 1602, receiving 3 reals daily for maintenance and 10 reals for each performance, besides transportation for himself and wife. In 1610 he was in the company of Sanchez de Vargas, and appeared in Lope's La hermosa Ester. Carrillo (Diego) played fifth galanes in the company of Seb. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 445 de Prado and Juan de la Calle in 1659. He was in the company of Ant. de Escamilla in 1663—65, and in 1672 as segundo gracioso, with Felix Pascual in 1673, and with Escamilla in 1675 and 1676. Carrillo (Feliciana), wife of Jose Carrillo and actress in his company in 1663. Carrillo (Jeronimo) player vejetes in the company of An- tonio de Escamilla in 1678. Carrillo (Jose) was in the company of Jacinto Riquelme in Seville in 1652, and in the company of Juana de Cisneros in 1660. His wife was Feliciana (surname not given). He was a musician and had a company in Valencia in 1662 and 1663 ; in the latter year he represented two autos at Corpus in Madrid. He was probably the author of the burlesque comedia El Robo de Elena y destruction de Troya. v. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2925. Carrillo (Juan Bautista) had charge of one of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1628. Carrillo (Juana), actress in the company of Jacinto Riquelme in 1652. Carrion (Jusepe or Jose de) and his wife Jacinta de Osorio were in the company of Antonio Granados in 1632; he took old men's parts in the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1639, 1640, and 1644 in Seville. In 1654 ne was m tne company of Antonio de Acuna, and later in that of Pedro de la Rosa. In 1659 and 1661 he played barbas in Seb. de Prado's company, and in 1662 in Simon Aguado and Juan de la Calle's. In 1663 he was in Valencia with Jose Carrillo, and in 1665 with Felix Pascual. In 1669 he had a company and took part in the Corpus festival at Seville, and in 1672 he was in the company of Bernardo de la Vega. He died in 1676. Carrion (Manuela de), actress in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado in 1645, and in the company of Luis Lopez in 1650. She was received into the Cofradia de la Novena in 1653. Carrizales (Juan de), actor in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643, and in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in 1645. Carvajal (Baltasar de), "apacible representante y agradable versista." (Claramonte, Letania moral, in Gallardo, Ensayo, II, p. 473.) He appeared in the company of Ortiz de Villazan in 1613, in Lope's La Dama boba. His comedia El Hijo de la Tierra was published by Professor Restori, under the title La Bandolera 446 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES de Flandes, Halle, 1893. Caravajal is mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 131, among the farsantes who were also playwrights. Carvajal (D a Catalina), owner of the theater in Lisbon in 1619. Carvajal (Juan Antonio de), musico in his own company in Madrid in 1 68 1. He married Paula Lopez. His company and that of Manuel Vallejo in 1681 represented La divina Filotea and El Cordero de Isias, the last autos written by Calderon. Carvajal was the author of both the loas that were represented on this occa- sion. (Gonzalez Pedroso, Autos Sacramentales, p. 531.) Carvajal (Manuel de), actor in the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1676. Casanueva (Pedro de), actor in the company of Alonso de Riquelme in 1610. Casas (Melchor de las), "Americano, de la Habana," actor in the companies of Matias de Castro (1673) and Magdalena Lopez (1674). He and his wife Melchora Rafaela were drowned at "la barra de Huelva" while in the company of Ines Gallo in 1678. Cascan, actor in the cast of Lope de Vega's El Poder en el Discrete (1624), according to Schack. I think this a mistake for "Lezcano." Casco y Rojas (Diego) and his wife Ana Maria de la Mata were in the company of Sanchez de Vargas in 1633. Castaneda (Gregorio de) and his wife Feliciana de Andrade were in the company of Pablo de Morales in Seville in 1678. Castaneda (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Andres de Claramonte in 1614; he and his wife Maria del Amor were members of a joint company with Pedro Bravo and others from July of the same year till Shrovetide. Castano (Micaela) played fourth parts in Bartolome Romero's company in Seville in 1642 and 1643. Her husband Roque Castano was in the same company. Castano (Roque) , see the preceding. He was in Juan Acacio's company in Seville in 1644. Castellon (Hernando), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1610. Castellon (Jose), member of the company of Jose Garcia de SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 447 Prado in Seville in 1658, and of the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in 1662. Castilla (Agustin Manuel de), son of Pedro Manuel de Castilla, actor and author of the zarzuela El Nieto de su Padre. v. Restori, Studj, p. 38. He was famous in the parts of galan. In 167 1 he had a company with Felix Pascual, in which he played first galanes; in 1673 he acted in Pascual 's company, and in 1675 and 1676 he was with Manuel Vallejo. He again had a company in 1677 and 1678, when he represented autos in Madrid. In 1679 he was in Jose Garcia de Prado's company, and in 1680 in Jero- nimo Garcia's. He died in Madrid in 1694. Castilla (Pedro Manuel de), called Mudarra, a celebrated actor. He played second galanes in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1 63 1 and in the same company in Seville in 1635, and first galanes in Antonio de Rueda's company in 1638, receiv- ing 30 reals per day and 500 reals for the Corpus festival. Before this (in 1637?) he managed a company. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 369.) In 1639 he appeared as Don Juan in Calderon's ha Desdicha de la Voz. He had a company in this year with Antonio de Rueda, and represented at La Monteria in Seville. He was called Mudarra on account of his excellence in the principal role in Cubillo's play El Rayo de Andalucia. He was again in Rueda's company in 1640, and died at Naples in 1642, leaving a son, Agustin Manuel de Castilla. His name appears in the cast of Calderon's Troya abrasada, taking the part of Paris. The autog. MS. of this play contains a censura dated Feb. 2, 1644, which shows that the comedia had been previously performed. I owe this information to Dr. G. T. Northup. See Paz y Melia, Cat., No. 3371. Castillo (Alonso del) produced one of the autos at Corpus in Seville in 1572. He was an actor and playwright, and agreed, in 1589, to furnish Gaspar de Porres (in whose company he was then acting) with nine comedias written by him, among them La Escuela de Athenas. He was to receive 5^ reals per day until he finished the said comedia; "after that, on account of the plays and his acting, he is to have food and drink and clean linen and 2^ reals per day, besides 3200 reals, one third to be paid every four months." Nuevos Datos, p. 25. Castillo (Andres del) had charge of one of the autos at Seville in 1574. 448 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Castillo (Antonio del), actor in the company of Jose Garcia de Prado in Seville in 1658. Castillo (Dionisia de), wife of Pedro Bravo; both were in a joint company in Madrid in 1614. Castillo (Juan del), actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660. Castillo (Pedro del), member of the company of Jeronimo Sanchez from March 27, 1623, for one year. Castro. An actor named Castro, and his wife, were in the company of Rodrigo Osorio in Valencia in I588( ?). See Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30. He is also mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 131, as one of the farsantes who had written farsas, loas, and bayles before 1600. Perhaps this is Christoual de Castro, who ap- peared in the entremes (sixteenth century) entitled Un Hijo que nego a su Padre. See p. 406. Castro (Antonio de), actor in the company of Juan Acacio in 1644, and in Jacinto Riquelme's in Seville in 1652. His wife Catalina de Pena was also in the latter company. His real name was Zuniga, and he was celebrated in the roles of galan, especially in the comedias El Licenciado Vidriera (Moreto), Un Bobo hace ciento (Solis), and El Afamador de Utrera (Belmonte). He had a company in Seville in 1655 and 1656, and in Valencia in 1664. He afterward retired from the stage and became alguacil mayor of Logrofio, where he died in 1684. For his company in 1656, see SanchezArjona, p. 410. Castro (D* Beatriz de), or D a Beatriz de Castro y Virues, wife of the actor and playwright Andres de Claramonte (1604- 1626). Castro (Benito de), see under Benito [de Castro]. Castro (Damian de), well-known gracioso, son of Matias de Castro and Juana Gutierrez; he married (after 1684?) Catalina Hernandez, known as Eufrasia Maria de Reina (S.-A., p. 484, n.), whom he afterward left, "because it was uncertain whether her first husband was dead." See Pellicer, II, p. 48, and p. 42, where he says that Castro was still acting in 1723. He acted in the Corpus festival at Madrid in 1706. (Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2957.) Castro (Francisco de), actor in the company of Tomas Fer- nandez de Cabredo from Shrovetide, 1619, to Shrovetide, 1620, SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 449 and in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622. In 1623 he was in Manuel Vallejo's company. (N. D., p. 201.) Castro (Francisco de) and his wife Antonia de Santiago were members of the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1650. In 1 65 1 he had a company which represented the autos at Seville. Castro (Francisco de), el Farruco, son of Matias de Castro y Salazar and Juana Gutierrez, was a gracioso in Valencia in 1692. His second wife (1700) was Salvadora de Estrada. He died in 1 7 14. He was the author of the entremeses noted by Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, Nos. 1369, 1783, 2134, 2597, and 3426. See Barrera, Catalogo, p. 79. h Castro (D a Isabel de), celebrated actress in the company of Andres de la Vega in 1635; in the following year, when she is designated as a widow, she played third parts in the company of Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo, receiving 14 reals daily. In 1638-39 she was again in the company of Andres de la Vega, playing first and second parts, dancing and singing. Castro (D a Jeronima de), widow, actress in the company of Andres de la Vega in 1636, for one year, beginning Feb. 7, playing second parts, singing and dancing. Castro (Juan de), v. Castro y Salazar (Matias). Castro (Lorenzo de), el G die go, actor in the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1650. His wife was Maria de Quesada, and he had a son Sebastian de Castro. Castro (Luis de), autor de comedias in 1602 and 1603, in con- junction with Juan de Tapia and Alonso de Paniagua. His wife (1602) was Isabel de Ledesma. He was in the company styled Los Andaluces in 1605, and in a joint company in 1614. Castro (Maria de), wife of Alonso de Uceta, of the com- panies of Figueroa and Avendano (1632). She was in the com- pany of Juan Bautista Valenciano with her husband Diego de Uceta (sic) in March, 1623. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) Castro (Mariana de), widow, actress in the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan in 1623, in which year her wages were attached by Gabriel Gonzalez Flores, lessee of the theaters of Madrid. Castro (Matias de), v. Castro y Salazar. Castro (Pedro de) and his wife Francisca Gevaro were in Domingo Balbin's company in Seville in 1613. 450 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Castro (Silvestre de), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1610. Castro (Ventura de), son of Matias de Castro and Mana de la Cruz, and member of his father's company in 1673. Castro y Guzman (Bernarda de), wife of Diego de Valdes Toral; both were in the company of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla for one year from Feb. 4, 1637, she playing first parts. Castro y Salazar (Juan de), actor, brother of the following (Matias de Castro). Castro y Salazar (Matias de), Alcaparrilla, born in 1629, son of D. Pedro de Castro and Antonia Granados, was an actor in Valladolid in 1652. His first wife, who never appeared on the stage, was Maria de la Cruz of Toledo, by whom he had eleven children; his second wife was Juana Gutierrez, by whom he had fourteen more. They were born all over Spain, and Sanchez- Arjona (p. 460) gives a list of some of them. Castro and his second wife, who was a daughter of Francisco Gutierrez, were members of Juan Perez de Tapia's company in Seville in 1662, and were in the company of Francisco Gutierrez in 1668. He played the part of gracioso. In 1672 he was with Felix Pascual. (M. y M., p. 567.) In 1673 he had a company, which he took to Madrid in August, and afterward to Seville, where he per- formed from Nov. 1 till Shrove Tuesday, 1674; and in 1683 represented Calderon's auto La Cura y la Enfermedad, also in Madrid, where he died in 1 69 1. He was an author of entremeses and jdcaras. v. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, Nos. 2134, 2443, and 2502. One of his sons, Juan, also an actor, married in turn: Mari-Gomez, Teresa de la Cueva, and Angela Diaz. Castro y Salazar (D. Pedro Antonio de), father of the preceding, was a native of Logrono and alguacil mayor of that city. He fell in love with the actress Antonia Granados (la divina Antandra) , sister of the famous autor de comedias Antonio de Granados, and adopted the stage as a profession. They had three children: Matias de Castro y Salazar, Juan de Castro y Salazar, and Susana de Castro y Salazar. Don Pedro died after being eight years on the stage. He was also a playwright, v. Barrera, Catdlogo, pp. 79, 516. Catalan (Antonia Manuela), v. Antonia Manuela. Catalan (Juan) and his wife Mariana de Guevara were SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 451 members of the company of Alonso de Riquelme in 1606 for one year from Shrovetide to Shrovetide. He had a company in 1617. Ceballos or Zavallos (Juan de) and his wife Maria de Corbellas were members of Claramonte's company in March, 1614, and in Vallejo's company in 1631. In 1632 both belonged to the company of Antonio de Prado. Ceballos or Zavallos (Maria de), her husband Diego de Guevara, and her mother Maria de Corbella were in the com- pany of Manuel Vallejo in 1631, when she appeared in Lope's El Castigo sin Venganza. She and her husband took part in Benavente's entremes Las Duenas, given by the companies of Antonio de Prado and Roque de Figueroa in the Buen Retiro in i635-36( ?). (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 322.) Cebrian (Pedro), well-known autor de comedias, and one of the twelve authorized by the decree of 1615. In 1616 he repre- sented Lope's comedia Quien mas no puede, and two autos in Madrid at Corpus. See, however, Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 381, from which he seems to have represented in Toledo at Corpus. In 1 61 7 he represented two autos at Pastrana, receiving 3150 rs. In 1619 his company played twenty-four days in Toledo, beginning at Easter; he also represented at Corpus in Madrid in this year, and at Las Navas and Segovia, and later took his company to Lisbon, to perform for three months, beginning on Dec. 1, 1619. He also first produced Jimenez de Enciso's Los Medicis de Flo- rencia. (Schack, Nach., p. 43.) In 1620 he represented the autos Los Angeles and La Conversion de San Pablo in Seville. His wife (Sept. 4, 1616) was Ana Munoz, probably the widow of Antonio de Villegas. On this date he bought a house in the Calle de Cantarranas for 2900 ducats. (Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 381.) Celada (Francisco de), in charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1577, 1589, 1591, 1593, and 1594. Celada (Lorenzo de), actor in Madrid in 1584, and in the company of Sebastian de Montemayor in 1589. Celis (Barbola de), actress, married Jeronimo de Velasco in Valladolid in 1632. Cenzano (Pedro), dancer in charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1595 and 1596. Cepeda (Diego de), joint lessee of the theaters of Madrid in 1639 with Gabriel Garcia Flores and Francisco de Alegria. The 452 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES name Cepeda occurs in the cast of Lope's Los Mdrtires del Japon. Cera (Felipe de), of Jaen, musician in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1609. Cerda (Luis Antonio de la), in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636, "to sing, play, and act." Cerdeno (Luis), silversmith of Seville, in charge of one of the autos at Corpus in Seville in 1561, 1563, 1570. ana " I 57i- Cereceda (Francisco de) and his wife Maria Ruiz were in a joint company in 1637. Cerezo de Guevara (Pedro), actor in the company of Gas- par de Porres in 1604, and in Feb., 1614, engaged to act for one year in the company of Pedro de Valdes, receiving 5 reals daily for maintenance and 12 reals for each performance, besides 200 reals for Corpus. Later in the same year (June 19) he agreed to act in a joint company with Claramonte until Shrovetide, 1615, and in 161 6 had a company which represented two of the autos at the Corpus festival at Madrid. Cerquera (Ignacio), gracioso mentioned by Pellicer, II, p. 60. Ceruela, actor who appeared in Lope's El Sembrar en buena tierra (1616). Cintor (Antonio), cobrador in the company of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla in Feb., 1638; and in Aug., 1638, in the company of Damian de Espinosa. He had a company later in the same year. Cintor (Gabreil), well-known actor (galan) in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1622. (B. H. (1908), p. 245.) In 1631 he was in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado, and in 1637 with Bartolome Romero, receiving 10 reals daily for maintenance and 18 reals for each performance. In this year he took part in the autos at Madrid, playing the parts of Pedro de la Rosa in the latter's company. (CalderonDocumentoSjp.no.) He was with Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla in Feb., 1638, receiving 10 + 20 reals daily, and in July of the same year he was with Gabriel de Espinosa. In 1639-40 he was in the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago, and later had his own company. He died in great poverty (in 1660?) in the General Hospital of Madrid. Cintor (Pedro), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1607. In Lope de Vega's El Bastardo Mudarra ( 1612) the part of Gonzalo Bustos is assigned to Cintor. This is probably Pedro Cintor. In the same play Ana Maria and Cintorrico also SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 453 occur. In a loa written by Lope, about 1625-30, and published by Barrera {Life of Lope de Vega, p. 292) , a "Cintor de Talavera" is mentioned. The name Cintor also occurs in the cast of Cor- deiro's El Favor en la sentencia, dated 1626, in Lope's La Con- petencia en los Nobles, 1628 (?), and in El Brasil Restituido (1626). Cisneros (Alonso de), perhaps the most famous of all the early autores de comedias, was born in Toledo about 1550. We first hear of him as an autor in 1578, when he represented the autos at Corpus in Madrid; in 1580 he represented the autos in Madrid and appeared in the Corral de Puente, in the Calle del Lobo, and frequently in the succeeding years. See Appendix A. In 1582 he again represented at Corpus in Madrid, and in 1584 in Toledo, while in 1590 he resided at Madrid. His wife was Mariana Paez de Sotomayor, daughter of Pedro Paez de Soto- mayor and Ana Ortiz. She died in Seville, apparently, in January, 1590, "leaving much property and jewelry." Cisneros also repre- sented at Corpus in Madrid in 1590 and 1591 and at Toledo in 1592, receiving 200 ducats = 2200 reals. In 1593 and 1595 he again represented autos at Madrid, receiving 640 ducats. He died on Sept. 10, 1597. {Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 368.) However, if this date of Cisneros' death be correct, there is something wrong in the document published in the Nuevos Datos on p. 356. It is upon this that I had relied for my former statement that Cisneros was still living in Jan., 1608. Lope de Vega, in his Peregrino en su Patria (1604), speaking of Cisneros, says: "The fourth comedia {El Perseguido) was represented by Cisneros, to whom no one can be compared since the invention of comedias." Cabrera's story concerning Cisneros is given by Sanchez-Arjona, p. 67. It may be added that in 1581 he represented Juan de la Cueva's El Infamador in the Huerta de Dona Elvira in Seville, which city he also visited in 1585, 1588, and 1589, taking part in the Corpus festivals. Suarez de Figueroa, in his Plaza Universal (1615), mentions him among the famous actors then deceased. See also Barrera, Catdlogo, p. 92. Cisneros (Diego de) and his daughter Maria de Cisneros were in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in Seville in 1672. In 1669 he was in Garceran's company. His wife was Maria Andrada or Andrade. Cisneros (Juana de), actress in the company of Antonio de 454 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Prado in Seville in 1639. In 1651 she still played primeras damas in Sebastian de Prado's company in Toledo, and in 1 660 had a company in Seville at Corpus and in Madrid in Nov. and Dec, and in 1661 in Madrid. Cisneros (Luis de), actor in Roque de Figueroa's company in 1631-32, taking old men's parts. See Rosell, Vol. I, PP. 45> 168, 231, and Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. He died in 1634. Cisneros (Maria de), v. Cisneros (Diego). She played in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1677 and 1678, and in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1679—81. She was the second wife (in 1676?) of Manuel de Mosquera. She also married Jose Jimeno, from whom she was divorced. (Gallardo, I, p. 690.) Clara, actress in the cast of Lope's La hermosa Ester (1610) in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas. Clara Maria played first parts in the company of her mother, Magdalena Lopez, in Seville in 1677. In 1675 they managed a company jointly. Claramonte [y Corroy] (Andres de), well-known actor and playwright, was a native of Murcia. Rojas names him in 1603 among the actors who were also playwrights. (Viage, p. 141.) In 1604 he belonged to the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Valladolid, when he married Dona Beatriz de Castro y Virues. He was one of the twelve autores authorized by the Council of 1615. He is first mentioned as an autor in 161 1, and in 1614 was the head of a joint company. His Letania moral was printed in 1613; in 161 7 he lived in Seville, and in 1 62 1 published there "dos famosas loas a lo divino" : La Asuncion de la Virgen and Las calles de Sevilla. In 1623 he received 300 reals for his auto El Valle de la Muerte, represented by Tomas Fernandez, and in June of the same year he received 300 reals for the auto Los Corporales de Daroca, played by Alonso de Olmedo. In 1624 two other autos sacramentales by him were represented at Seville: La Sinagoga, represented by Andres de la Vega, and El Homo de Constantinopla, represented by Tomas Fernandez. The latter is the only auto by Claramonte that has been preserved. In 1620 he wrote for Juan Bautista Valenciano the comedia La infeliz Dorotea (MS. in the Bib. Nac). It was represented in the Coliseo at Seville, the part of Dorotea being played by D a Manuela Enriquez, wife of Juan Bautista. The MS. shows that the part SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 455 of Nufio de Lemos was played by Andres. Perhaps this was Claramonte. He visited Valencia (before 161 6) and is highly praised in the loa to Tarrega's La Duquesa constante: Un monte claro, que a esta tierra vino. He died on Sept. 19, 1626, in the Calle del Nino, Madrid. Clavijo (Antonio) was in the company of Alonso de Cis- neros and Melchor de Villalba for two years, beginning March 5, J 595> receiving 2^ reals daily for maintenance and 9 reals for each representation, "besides a doubloon each year toward washing his linen." Cobaleda (Pedro de) and his wife Luisa de Guevara were members of the company of Juan Martinez for one year, beginning at Shrovetide, 1 63 1. In 1639 he had a company with Francisco Velez de Guevara and Francisco Alvarez de Vitoria. Coca (Ana de), wife of the autor Manuel de Coca y Reyes. Coca y Reyes (Manuel de or Manuel de los Reyes y Coca), famous gracioso in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1630. In 1631-32 he and his wife Ana or Juana de Coca were in the company of Roque de Figueroa; he was also in the same company in 1635 and appeared in Peligrar en los Remedios by Rojas Zorrilla. In 1634 ne was m tne company of Esteban Nunez in Seville. He was in Barcelona in 1636, and in 1640 and 1643 belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo, and in 1645 was with Luis Lopez in Seville, and died at Estremera in 1660, while in the company of Esteban Nunez. Collazo (Isabel), actress in the company of Nicolas de los Rios at Valladolid in 1603, when she married Juan Diez or Diaz, actor in the same company. (Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 566.) Compania Espanola (La), a joint company organized in May, 1602, by Pedro Rodriguez, Diego de Rojas, and Gaspar de los Reyes. Conde (Gavina), actress in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1640, perhaps the wife of the following. Conde (Pedro), member of Manuel Vallejo's company in 1640. Contreras (Manuel de), actor in a joint company with Hernan Sanchez de Vargas and others in 1634, beginning at Shrovetide, and continuing for one year. 456 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Contreras (Manuela de), "single woman" in the company of Bartolome Romero in 1638-39. Contreras (Pedro de), musico in the company of Roque de Figueroa (1628?). See the loas of Quinones de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 168 and 381. In 1637 and 1639 he was in the company of Pedro de la Rosa, playing fourth parts. Contreras (Xines de), oficial in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1 600, and in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Valla- dolid in 1604. (M. y M., p. 566.) Corbella (Angela de) , wife of the autor Luis Lopez de Sus- taete (1634-41). Their children were: Maria, Josefa Luisa, Micaela Francisca, and Francisco Manuel Lopez. She was still living on Dec. 21, 1641. Corbella (Maria de), wife of Juan de Ceballos or Zevallos; both were members of the company of Andres de Claramonte from March 28, 1614, till Shrovetide, 1615, and of Antonio de Prado's company in 1632. Their daughter Maria de Ceballos or Zevallos was the wife of Diego de Guevara. Cordoba (Cipriano de), actor in the company of Matias de Castro in Seville in 1673. Cordoba (Diego de), actor in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1593. Cordoba (Gonzalo de), actor in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1594. Cordoba ( Isabel de) , wife of the autor Antonio Martinez in 1619. Their daughter was the famous Maria de Cordoba (Jma- rilis). They lived in the Calle de los Negros, in a house bought from Bartolome Salcedo. Both seem to have died before Feb. 1, 1632. (N. D., p. 223.) Cordoba (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1623. Cordoba (Maria de), Amarilis, also called la Gran Sultana, one of the most famous of Spanish actresses. See my Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 350 et seq. She was the daughter of Antonio Mar- tinez and Isabel de Cordoba, both of Madrid, and the wife of the actor and autor Andres de la Vega at least as early as 1 61 8, when both belonged to the company of Baltasar Pinedo. (B. H. ( 1907), p. 382.) In 161 7 she appeared as Dona Ana in Alarcon's Las Paredes oyen; in 1620 (dia de Sant Miguel) she was in the com- SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 457 pany of Pedro de Valdes (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 243), and in 1 62 1 she and her husband were in the company of Tomas Fer- nandez. She was in her husband's company in 1624 and took part in the autos and in the festival given by the Duke of Medina Sidonia to Philip IV. in Seville in that year. In the same year they represented Claramonte's auto La Sinagoga and Lope de Vega's El Pastor Lobo. In 1625 she appeared in Lope's El Brasil restituido, and at Corpus, 1626, she took part in the festival of Madrid, being in the company of her husband. In Nov., 1626, Amarilis managed a company which gave eight comedias before the King at Aranjuez, for which she received 2400 reals, besides an ayuda de casta of 2600 reals "for going to Aranjuez." She played the part of Hero in Mescua's Hero y Leandro before 1629, and her company represented El Cerco de Fuenterrabia by Cris- tobal de Morales: "Representola la compania de Amarilis." (Schmidt, Calderon, p. 25.) Her company also first performed Tirso's Cautela contra Cautela. (Comedias de Tirso, Part II, 1635.) In 1632, dia de candelas, she received 800 reals, and cos- tumes for herself, besides transportation, board and lodging for her- self and maid, "to act, sing, and dance in two comedias at the village of Daganzo ; the comedias to be selected from the following" : ( 1 ) No hay Dicha ni Desdicha hasta la Muerte (Mira or Rojas Zo- rrilla) ; (2) Amar como se hade A mar (Lope) ; (3) El Milagro por los Celos (Lope) ; (4) Sufrir mas porquerermas (Villayzan) ; (5) El Mariscal de Biron (Montalvan) ; (6) La Puente de Mantible (Calderon) ; (7) La Dicha del Forastero (Lope) ; (8) ElExamen de Maridos (Alarcon). In 1639 she acted in four comedias in Valdemoro at Corpus, receiving board, lodging, and traveling ex- penses for herself and maid, and 1000 reals. In Sept., 1640, her husband agreed to represent two comedias at the Villa del Escorial, "if my wife Maria de Cordoba goes ; but if la Carbonera [Mariana de los Reyes] should go, then I must give three comedias." (N. D., p. 325.) She was acting at least as late as 1643, and died in Madrid in 1678, after having retired from the stage more than thirty years before. She is extravagantly praised by Guillen de Castro in his comedia Enganarse enganando (written in 1624 or earlier), and by Don Alonso de Castillo Solorzano in his novel Las Harpias de Madrid (1631), who speaks of Amarilis as "la mayor comica que ahora se conoce" ; v. the edition by Cotarelo, Madrid, 1907, p. 84. v. text. 458 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Cordoba (Sebastiana de), sister of Maria, and wife of Luis de Toledo (1632). Coronado (Diego), famous actor of the second half of the seventeenth century. Coronado (D a Isabel), wife of the autor Alonso Caballero; she died in Seville in July, 1666, leaving a daughter, Manuela Caballero, also an actress. Coronel (Agustin), native of "Oropesa in the Kingdom of Toledo." He was in the company of Alonso de Riquelme in 1602, taking charge of the wardrobe and managing the traveling of the company, receiving 2j4 reals for maintenance and 3 reals daily during the two years of his contract. In 1606, 1607, and 1 6 10 he was again in Riquelme's company, and in the latter year appeared in Lope's La buena Guar da. In 161 7 he was in Juan Bautista's company and appeared in Lope's El Desden vengado. In 1 6 19 he was with Cristobal Ortiz in Seville, and in 1620, 1622, and 1623 again with Juan Bautista Valenciano, appearing in 1622 in Lope's La nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba. In 1620 he took the part of Arnao in Claramonte's Infelice Dorotea. In 1643 he is called autor de comedias, and with his wife Maria Coronel and his daughter Barbara Coronel, then eleven years old, was acting in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville, and in the following year he was in the company of Juan Acacio in the same city. He first represented Serrano's El Rayo de Cataluha. (Barrera, Cat., p. 369.) Coronel (Ana), actress, wife of Luis de Guevara (1621). Coronel (Barbara), daughter of Agustin and Maria Coro- nel, was in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643 with her parents. She was born in 1632, and married Francisco Jalon. Being suspected of some part in her husband's death, she was im- prisoned in Guadalajara, but was set free through the efforts of her uncle Cosme Perez {Juan Rana). She is said to have worn men's clothes through contempt for her sex. She had a company in Valencia in 1676 and died in 1691. (Pellicer, II, p. 28.) Coronel (Jeronima de), wife of Diego Jimenez; both were in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643, with Juan Acacio in 1644, an d with Lorenzo Hurtado in Seville in 1645. In 1648 she was a widow and was in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville, and in 1650 was with Luis Lopez. In 1663 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 459 she is designated as a "married woman" and was in the com- pany of Francisca Lopez, to which her second husband, Francisco de la Calle, also belonged. Cotarelo (Migajas del Ingenio, p. 198) says that Jeronima was the sister of Barbara Coronel. Coronel (Juan), actor in the company of Antonio de Prado in Seville in 1639. He married Isabel de Gongora, widow of Juan Vizcaino (in 1639?). He was a hidalgo of Jadraque and was for a time a member of the companies of Pedro de la Rosa and Bartolome Romero. Coronel (Maria), wife of Agustin Coronel. She was proba- bly the Dona Maria in the cast of Lope de Vega's El Desden Vengado (1617), in which her husband' also appeared. She was an actress and dancer in the company of Cristobal de Avendano at Corpus in Seville in 1625, and received a gratuity of 10 ducats, "por lo bien que bailo con las sonajas en uno de los carros." In 1643 she was in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville, and in 1 644 with Juan Acacio. Correa (Ana), actress and dancer in the latter half of the seventeenth century. Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2284 ( 8 ), notes •a bade written for her and Francisco Ponce. Correa (Juan), antiguo autor mentioned by Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 361. Correa (Juan), actor in the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1655. Correa (Ursula), wife of Felipe Anteta; both were in the company of Juan Nunez, el Polio, in 1658. Correa Muniz (Antonio), one of the lessees of La Monteria in Seville in 1639. Cos (Andres de) played second barbas, 1667-83, in 1678 with Escamilla, in 1679, 1680, and 1681 with Vallejo. His wife Maria Ayora was the daughter of Juan de Ayora and Ursula de Torres. Cosme, v. Perez (Cosme). Cristobal, famous as a galan in 1602. See Rojas, Viage entre- tenido, p. 52. He was in the company of Antonio de Prado, and appeared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta J nana, written in 161 4. He is mentioned by Figueroa in his Plaza Universal (1615), and appeared in Lope's Quien mas no puede (1616). 460 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Cruz (Blas de la), prompter and stage manager in the com- pany of Juan Roman in 1639. Cruz (Francisco de la) was one of the managers of the theater in Lisbon in 1638. Cruz (Gregoria Delgado de la), actress, married Jeronimo de Avila in 1645. Both seem to have been in the company of Bar- tolome Romero. (M. y M., p. 567.) Cruz (Ines de la), actress, widow in 1637. Cruz (Juan de la), musician of Granada, was the fiTst hus- band of Francisca Diaz, afterward the wife of Antonio de Esca- milla. Their children were known as Ana and Maria de Escamilla. (Migajas del Ingenio, ed. Cotarelo, p. 202.) Cruz (Luisa de la), actress in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1632-35 (?). She frequently figures in the entremeses of Benavente in the company of Antonio de Prado. v. Rosell, I, pp. 127, 271, 312, 322. Her husband was Juan Antonio Sando- val. She was an excellent singer and musician, and appeared in Lope's Fabula de Perseo. She died in 1658. Cruz (Maria de la), first wife of Matias de Castro y Salazar (after 1650). She never appeared upon the stage. Cruz ado (Francisco), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville in 1609. Cucarella (Ginesa), v. Cucarella (Juan Vicente). Cucarella (Jose), v. Cucarella (Juan Vicente). Cucarella (Juan Vicente), his wife Ginesa, and their son Jose were in Avendano's company in 1632. Cuebas, actor in the company of Cebrian in 1616, when he appeared in Lope's Quien mas no puede. He was probably a gracioso, and also appeared in the anonymous comedia Paciencia en la Fortuna. See Restori, Studj, p. 143. Perhaps he is the same as Juan de Cuevas or Juan de la Cueva. Cueva (Juan de la) and his wife Ursula de Berrio or Ursula del Rio were in the company of Andres de la Vega in 1638. Juan de Cuevas played fifth parts in Pedro de la Rosa's company in 1639. (S.-A., p. 327.) Cueva (Rodrigo de la), actor in the company of Alonso de Villalba in 161 4. Cuevas (Alonso de las), in charge of dances at Corpus in 1594, 1598, and 1599. Cuevas (Jusepe de las), brother of the preceding, was in SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 461 charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1577-79, 1584-87, 1589, 1590, 1592, 1594-99- Cuevas (Pedro Alonso de las), jubetero, in charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid, 1576-79. He died before March, 1592. Cuevas (Salvador de las), actor in Manuel Vallejo's com- pany in 1670 (second gracioso), 1675, and 1676; in 1671 he was with Felix Pascual; in 1677 with Agustin Manuel de Castilla, and in 1680 he was second gracioso in the company of Jeronimo Garcia. In 1681 he was prompter in Carvajal's company. He died, very poor, in Madrid on April 21, 1702. His wife was Maria de San Miguel, by whom he had five children: Teresa, Narcisa, Manuela, Francisco, and Lorenzo de las Cuevas or de la Cueva. Of these Manuela and Francisco were also players. (Cotarelo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 201.) Culebras (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Jimenez de Valenzuela in 1601, and in that of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1607. He and his wife Marina de Torres were members of the company of Alonso de Villalba in 161 4. Curcio Romano, Italian actor, whose company represented an auto in Toledo in 1579, receiving 50,000 maravedis. His real name was Vincenzo Botanelli, and in 1581 he was subdirector of Ganassa's company in Madrid, v. Cotarelo, Revista de Archivos, 1908, p. 52. Cusio (Ana), wife of Francisco Perez Lobillo in 163 1. Cusio (Catalina), sister of the preceding. Chavarri (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Bartolome Romero and Juan de la Calle in 1664, and in Antonio de Esca- milla's in 1665. Chavarria (Andres de), actor in a joint company called Los Conformes in 1623. Chaves (Antonio de), actor in the company of Gabriel Vaca in March, 1598. Chaves (Magdalena de), wife of Pedro Maldonado, autor de comedias in March, 161 1, when they lived "in their own house" in the Calle de Cantarranas. Damian, actor who appeared in Lope's La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628). Perhaps this was Damian Arias or Damian Carrillo. 462 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Davila (Pedro), of Carabanchel de Abajo, actor in the com- pany of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1605. On Jan. 1, 1606, he agreed to act in the company of Alonso Riquelme. Delgado (Jose) was fourth galan in the company of Jeronimo Vallejo in 1660. Diago (Gaspar), native of Valencia, married Catalina Sanchez of Aragon at Valladolid in 1655, both being then in the company of Pedro de la Rosa. (M. y M., p. 567.) Diaz (Alonso) , member of the company of Bartolome Romero in 1642. Diaz (Diego), actor in the company of Alonso Cisneros in 1595. Diaz ( Francisca) , wife of Antonio de Escamilla, and mother of Manuela de Escamilla. Diaz ( Francisco ) , actor in the company of Antonio de Rueda in Seville in 1644. Diaz (Isabel), wife of the autor Carlos de Salazar, and in his company in Seville in 1676. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 484.) Diaz (Josepa), member of the company of Bartolome Romero in Seville in 1643. Diaz (Juan), "guarda mayor de la ropa de Rios." (Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 404.) This is probably Juan Diez, who mar- ried Isabel Collazo in Valladolid in 1603, when both were acting in the company of Rios. (Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 566.) v. Godoy (Juan Diaz). Diaz (Jusepe), actor in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in Seville at Corpus, 1642; he appeared in Bartolome Romero's company in the same year, playing third parts and singing. Diaz (Luis), gilder, had charge of some of the autos repre- sented at Seville in 1570-75. Diaz (Luiz), actor in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado in Seville in 1645. Diaz (Tomas), el Labrador, autor de comedias, had a company in Seville in 1643 (S.-A., p. 369), when he represented thirty comedias in the Coliseo from Sept. 15, among them "six new ones, never before acted in Seville during the last thirty years." In 1644 he was in the company of Juan Acacio, and in 1645 in the company of Luis Lopez. Diaz Navarrete (Alonso), actor in the company of Cristo- bal de Avendano in 1623, and in the same company, with his SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 463 wife Antonia de Vitoria, in 1632. Both appeared in Lope's La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628). Diaz de Robles (Pedro) and his wife Juliana Candau were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631, and in that of Andres de la Vega in 1638-39. Diego, actor in Antonio de Prado's company in 1632-35 (?). (Rosell, I, p. 322.) This is probably Diego de Guevara, husband of Maria de Ceballos, who was in the same company. See also under Mencos, Nauarrete, Robledo. Diest (Miguel) and his wife Manuela de Escamilla were in the company of Sebastian de Prado and Juan de la Calle in Dec, 1659. Dios (Ana de), actress in the company of Felix Pascual in i665-68(?). Dolza (Jose) took subordinate parts in the company of Ber- nardo de la Vega in Seville in 1672. Domingo (Vicente), "tocaba con gran primor el clarin." His wife was Luisa Lopez, daughter of the autor Luis Lopez de Sustaete. Domingo (Vicente) and his wife Luisa Antonia were in the company of Francisco Gutierrez in Seville in 1668. Dominguez (Andres), actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme in 1 6 10. The name Dominguez also occurs in the cast of Lope's La gran Columna fogosa (1629). Dominguez (Cebrian) and his wife Maria Tardia were players in Madrid in 1619. Dorotea, actress in the company of Bartolome Romero in i63i(?). She appeared in the cast of Jacinto Cordero's play El Favor de la Sentencia, written in 1626. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 272.) See also under Sierra. Duarte (Ambrosio) or Ambrosio Duarte [Martinez?], a Portuguese musician, and his wife Maria de Prado were in the company of Antonio de Prado in Valladolid in 1645 and in that of Sebastian de Prado in Nov., 165 1; she played primeras damas, and both (he as musico) were in the same company in 1659, 1661, and 1662 (with Prado and Escamilla), when she played segundas. In 1663 both were in Jose Carrillo's company, she playing first parts. In 1664 both were in the company of Bartolome Romero 464 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES and Juan de la Calle, and in 1665 in the company of Francisco Garcia (Pupilo). Duarte (Gabriel), actor in the company of Alonso de Cis- neros and Melchor de Villalba for one year from March 5> I 595> and in the company of Jimenez de Valenzuela in 1602. He agreed to act in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1606, and afterwards withdrew. He was with Alonso de Heredia in 1614, and with Hernan Sanchez de Vargas for two years (1617-19). Duarte (Jeronimo), member of the company of Jacinto Riquelme in Seville in 1652. Duarte (Martin), actor in a joint company in 1614, and in the company of Juan Roman in March, 1639, in which he agreed to act for one year; in the following month we find him in the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago, to act at Corpus in the villa de Borox. Elguero (Francisco) and his wife Francisca Munoz took part in the Corpus festival at Truxeque and Penalver in 1636, and at Hita in 1637. Elvira (Francisco de) of Alcaraz and Juan Ibafiez produced the dances and "inventions" at the Corpus festival at Alcaraz in 1554. Enciso (Francisco de), "cloth-shearer," and his wife Sebas- tiana de la Paz acted, sang, and danced at the Corpus festival at Galapagar in 1619, and at Fuente de Saz in the same year. Enriquez, early actor mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 13. Enriquez (Diego), actor in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year from Nov. II, 1633. Enriquez (Jacinto), member of the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1645, and with Esteban Nunez in 1648. Enriquez (D a Manuela) of Valencia, wife of Juan Bautista Valenciano; she was in her husband's company in 1617, and appeared in Lope de Vega's El Desden vengado. She and her hus- band were in the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan at Corpus in Seville in 1619, when Manuela received a gratuity of 50 ducats for excellent acting. She was in the company of her hus- band in Seville in 1620, also receiving a gratuity, and appeared in the title role of Claramonte's La infeliz Dorotea. In 1621 and 1622 she was again in her husband's company, appearing in the SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 465 latter year in Lope's Nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba. She is probably the Emanuela Henrriques, widow, who was resid- ing in Valencia in 1628. v. text, p. 193, n. 8. Enriquez (Pedro), actor in the company of Juan Roman in March, 1639 ; in the following month he was one of a joint com- pany under Juan Rodriguez de Antriago, until Shrovetide, 1640. Enriquez (Tomas) , celebrated gracioso; in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1624, and in Romero's company in 1637 till Shrovetide, 1639. He was in Seville in 1642, 1643, and 1645, in the company of Bart. Romero, his name also appearing in the com- pany of Luis Lopez, in Seville, in the latter year. His wife was Maria Roman, la Asturiana, also called Marimorena. Escamilla (Antonio de), native of Cordoba. His real name was Antonio Vazquez. He married Francisca Diaz in Granada, and had two daughters, Manuela and Maria de Escamilla. Cota- relo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 202, says that Ana and Maria de Escamilla were the daughters of Francisca Diaz and her first husband Juan de la Cruz, musician, of Granada, and that Manuela was the only daughter of Escamilla and Francisca Diaz. Antonio de Escamilla we find as a member of Antonio de Prado's company in 1650, and in 1 65 1 he and his daughter Maria were in the com- pany of Sebastian de Prado. In 1659 he was gracioso in the company of Sebastian de Prado and Juan de la Calle, and in 1661 had a company at the Corpus festival in Madrid. In 1662 he had a company with Sebastian de Prado, and represented autos with his own company in 1663, 1664, 1665, 1670, 1671, and 1672. In 1673 he was in the company of Felix Pascual; in 1674 as gracioso with Simon Aguado, and in 1675, 1676, 1677, and 1678 he again had a company and represented autos at Madrid. In 1679, 1680, and 1681 he was in Manuel Vallejo's {el Mozo) company, as gracioso. In Sept., 1690, he was in Cadiz. (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2550.) Escamilla (Manuela de), daughter of Antonio de Escamilla and Francisca Diaz, and wife of Miguel Diest (1659). Probably before this she had borne a son to Alonso de Olmedo, el Mozo, q. v. In 1658 she was in the company of Francisco Garcia, and in 1659 with Sebastian de Prado and Juan de la Calle, playing third parts. In 1661, 1662, 1663, 1664, 1665, 1671, 1672, 1676, 1677, and 1678 she played third parts in her father's company. In 1673 466 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES she was with Felix Pascual, in 1674 with Simon Aguado. In 1679, 1680, and 1 68 1 she was in the company of Manuel Vallejo. ror her the comedia Pedro de Urdemalas was written. (Paz y Meha, Cat., No. 2550.) According to Pellicer (Vol. II, p. 86), she was born in Monforte de Lemos, Galicia, first appeared upon the stage at the age of seven, was married at thirteen and a widow at fifteen, remarried, and died in 1695. Escamilla (Maria de), daughter of Antonio de Escamilla, was in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1650 and 1 65 1. In 1658 she was with Francisco Garcia, and in 1659 played fourth parts in the company of Sebastian de Prado. In 1663, 1664, and 1665 she was musica in the company of her father. Escobedo (Antonio de) and his wife were acting in Madrid in 1584. In Dec, 1589, he was in the company of Alonso de Cis- neros; in March, 1602, he belonged to a joint company directed by himself, Melchor de Leon, Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, and Pedro Ximenez de Valenzuela, which was to represent autos and comedias in Toledo. See Scobedo (Antonio de). Escoriguela (Juan de), a native of Tronchon in Aragon. He is probably the actor who appeared as Liseo in Lope's Sembrar en buena tierra (1616) : the name is twice written Escruela, and it is possible that it may be a different person. He was in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1623, and again in 1631, 1632, i634~36(?), and 1639, taking old men's parts in the latter year. His wife was Jeronima de Sierra, who died shortly after Dec. 25, 1641. In 1645 he was acting in Valladolid, when his name is given as Juan de Esguriguillas Arifio. (M. y M., p. 566.) Escudero (Lorenzo), member of Antonio de Prado's company in 1639. He managed a company and represented in La Monte- ria at Seville in 1649, and in 1650 was in the company of Luis Lopez. Espada (Ambrosio de) played old men's parts in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in Seville in 1642. Espana (Juan de) was in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in 1672, and gracioso in the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1677. He was formerly a physician in the General Hospital of Madrid. Espana (Pedro de), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in April, 1607, and in the company of Alonso de Heredia SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 467 in March, 1614. His name appears in the cast of Lope de Vega's La buena Guarda (1610), represented by Riquelme's company. In 1621 he was in the company of Alonso de Olmedo. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) Espanoles (Los), a company under the management of Nicolas de los Rios in Jan., 1589. (N. D., p. 24.) Espinola (Juan Bautista) of Seville, autor de comedias in Feb., 1633, when he was in Alicante. His company consisted of: Maximiliano Morales, who played second parts; Francisco de Arteaga and his daughter Maria de Morales ; Francisco de Valencia and his wife Maria de Herrera, both second parts; Juan de Samaniego and his wife Maria de la O, who played third parts, and Juan de Garabito, cobrador. Perhaps this name should be Espinosa instead of Espinola. Espinosa( ?), actor in 1631. (Nuevos Datos, p. 222.) Espinosa (Ana Maria de), wife of the autor Juan Roman (1637). (Nuevos Datos, p. 262; Sanchez- Arjona, p. 335.) Espinosa (Beatriz de) and her husband Nicolas Oracio Carta- gines were in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603. Espinosa (Damian de), actor in March, 1638, in the com- pany of Andres de la Vega; autor in the same year and in 1639. His company on July 25, 1638, consisted of: Gabriel Cintor, Anto- nio de Benavente, Antonio de Salinas, Pedro de Bienpica, Manuel de Vellon, and Bias de Heredia. The Gabriel de Espinosa (N.D., p. 294) is almost certainly a mistake for Damian de Espinosa. Espinosa ( Juana de) , second wife of the autor Tomas Fernan- dez de Cabredo (1635). In 1642 Belmonte wrote for her (then a widow) the comedia A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo. In 1643 she and Luis Lopez managed a company. She died before March, 1647 (Averig., p. 170), leaving three children, Francisca and her two younger sisters. See under Fernandez de Cabredo. Espinosa (Juan Bautista de), autor de comedias in 1634- 1637. See above, under Espinola (Juan Bautista de). Espinosa (Manuela Maria de) and her husband Manuel Vallejo, el Mozo, were members of the company of Antonio de Castro in 1656, and of Juana de Cisneros' company in Seville in 1660. Her first husband was Rafael Arquer. She died in 1670. Rafael Arquer and Maria de Espinosa are found in the list of Avendano's company in 1632. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 202.) 468 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Espinosa (Silvestre de) , actor in Madrid in 1584- (^- "• (1906), p. 363-) Estanque (Francisco), actor in the company of Carlos de Salazar in 1676. Estefania, actress in Antonio de Prado's company in Bena- vente's El Murmurador. (Rosell, I, pp. 143, 394.) Estrada (Luis de), actor in 1626. He was in Antonio de Prado's company in Seville in 1639, and in Lorenzo Hurtado's in 1645. His name occurs in the cast of the anonymous comedia Paciencia en la Fortuna (Restori, Stud), p. 143), and in Cordero's El Favor en la Sentencia (1626). ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 272.) Eugenia, v. Arteaga, Osorio, and Villegas. Eugenia Maria, wife of the actor Gonzalez, called el Grana- dino and el Meon, about 1632—36. Exea (Juan de) and his wife Salvadora de Ochoa were in Bait. Pinedo's company in 1613. Fabiana Laura, actress, was born at Granada, the daughter of a physician, D. Matias Andres de Eslava, and D" Salvadora Hurtado. She ran away from home and at an early age married the actor Miguel Bermudez, whose second wife she was (1660), in which year they both belonged to the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville. Fabiana Laura was afterward in the following companies: Manuel Vallejo's in 1672, playing second parts; Felix Pascual's in 1673, playing first parts; Simon Aguado's in 1674, first parts; Manuel Vallejo's in 1675, 1676; Agustin Manuel de Castilla's in 1677, 1678; Jose Garcia de Prado's in 1679, and in Jeronimo Garcia's in 1680, always playing primeras damas. She died in Madrid, Jan. 23, 1698. See Sanchez-Arjona, Andes, P- 425- Fadrique, actor in the cast of Lope de Vega's El Desden ven- gado ( 1617) , and in his Nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba (1622). He also appeared as D. Garci Nunez in Claramonte's La infeliz Dorotea (1620) in the company of Juan Bap. Valen- ciano. Fajardo (Ana), wife of Francisco de Velasco; both were in Pedro de la Rosa's company in 1636. In 1637 they paid 2300 reals for a costume. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 469 Fajardo (Ines), wife of Nicolas de Villanueva; both were in a joint company from 1614 till Shrovetide, 161 5, with Pedro Bravo and others. Fajardo (Juan), actor in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643. In 1644 he was in Valladolid in the company of Francisco de Guzman Morales. (M. y M., p. 566.) One Juan Fajardo had charge of a dance at Corpus in Alcaraz in 1599. Falcon (Diego), member of the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1619. Falcon (Jaime), tailor, and actor in the company of Juan Acacio in 1619; perhaps a brother of Diego. He was in the com- pany of Manuel Vallejo in 1623 and seems to have been in Acacio's company again in March, 1626. Falcona (Ana) , actress in the company of Juan Acacio in 1617, receiving a gratuity of 550 reals at the Corpus festival for excellence in acting and costumes in the auto El Salteador del Cielo, In 1619 she was the wife of Juan Acacio and belonged to his company. Farinas (Domingo) and his wife Maria del Rio were acting in Valladolid in 1652. (M. y M., p. 567.) Feliciano (Francisco), actor in the company of Jose Garcia de Prado in Seville in 1658. Felipa Maria played fourth parts and danced in the company of Luis Hurtado in Seville in 1642. There was a Felipa Maria in the company of Felix Pascual in 1673 as understudy. Felipe, actor in the cast of Lope's El piadoso Aragones (1626), taking the part of D. Pedro de Agramontes. Felipe (Miguel), member of the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1676. Feliseo (Gabriel Francisco) played barbas in the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1677. Felix (Francisco), actor in 1636; his wife was the actress Mariana de Talavera. Fernandez (Alonso), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1609. Fernandez (Andres), autor de comedias in Madrid in 1623- 1624, jointly with Juan Bautista Valenciano. 47Q SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Fernandez (Andres), actor in the company of Carlos de Salazar in 1676. Here he is called "brother of Alonso.' Fernandez (Francisca), daughter of Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo and Juana de Espinosa. In March, 1647, after the death of her mother, she petitioned the King to be paid the sum due her mother for eight private performances given to the Queen. She had two younger sisters, who were left without support by the death of their mother. (Averiguador, p. 170.) Fernandez (Gaspar), actor in the company of Diego Osorio in 1659, and cobrador in Antonio de Escamilla's company in 1677 and 1678. Fernandez (Juan) brought out a carro in the autos at Seville in 1570 and 1572. Fernandez (Juan), actor and musician in 1593. Fernandez (Juan), husband of Catalina de Leon of Madrid, who was in the company of Juan Martinez in 1631. Fernandez (Juan), actor in the company of Antonio de Esca- milla in 1670, 1671 (segundo galan), and 1675; in 1674 he was with Simon Aguado, and in 1679 with Manuel Vallejo. Fernandez (Luisa) of Murcia, daughter of D. Francisco Velastegui, and wife of the actor Antonio Leonardo. She was in the company of Antonio Ordaz in Valencia in 1664, and came to Madrid and played fourth parts in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1669 and 1670, and third parts in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1672, 1673, 1676, 1679, 1680, and 1681, in the last two years as understudy. Fernandez (Magdalena), wife of Diego de Medina; both were in Antonio de Prado's company in 1632. Fernandez (Manuela), actress (cuarta) in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1671. Fernandez (Micaela), actress in the company of Francisca Lopez in 1660; with Manuel Vallejo in 1670, and with Magda- lena Lopez in Seville in 1677. She is said to have been as clever in the role of dama as in that of galan in male attire. She was the daughter of Miguel Fernandez Bravo and Isabel Ana. (Cotarelo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 203.) There were two well-known actresses named Isabel Ana; which one is meant here, I do not know. Micaela Fernandez in 1688 was acting in the company of SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 471 Matias de Castro, and in 1689 in that of Escamilla. She died in 1691. Fernandez (Miguel), autor de comedias in charge of the autos at Seville in 1657. In 1660 he was in the company of Francisca Lopez. His wife was Jacinta Gallego. Fernandez (Sebastiana), younger sister of Luisa Fernandez, played segundas damns in the company of Antonio Ordaz in 1664. She was in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1669 and again in 1676; in 1 67 1 with Felix Pascual, and played third parts in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1672, 1673, and 1675. In 1679 she was in the company of Jose Garcia de Prado, and in 1680 with Jeronimo Garcia. She married Vicente Salinas, and both retired from the stage and set up a shop selling "barros y dukes de Portu- gal" in the Carrera de San Jeronimo, Madrid, where they lost all their savings, so that Sebastiana lived on the alms of the theatrical companies. She died in the Calle de las Huertas on Sept. 29, 1702. (Cotarelo, Migajas.) Fernandez Bravo (Miguel), see above under Fernandez (Micaela). Perhaps the same as Miguel Fernandez. Fernandez de Cabredo (Tomas), famous autor de comedias and gracioso. In 1607 he had a company in Valladolid, and in 1608 and 1609 he represented at the Coliseo in Seville; in 161 1 and 1612 he represented two autos at Corpus in Madrid, receiving 600 ducats. He was one of the autores authorized by the decree of 1615, and first represented Lope de Vega's El Bobo del Colegio (before 1618). His wife Juliana Antonia is first mentioned in 1619. (N. £>., p. 180.) In 1623 and 1624 he took part in the Corpus festival at Seville, when he represented the auto of Clara- monte, El Valle de la Muerte. He was one of the five founders of the Cofradia de la Novena. In 1625 he represented autos in Madrid, and beginning in June, his company performed ten come- dias privately before the King. In Oct., 1632, he began to repre- sent in La Monteria, Seville, and brought out the autos at Corpus in the following year. In 1634 ne again represented four comedias before the King. On June 5, 1635, ne was m Valladolid, and returned to La Monteria in Seville in Nov., 1637, where he also represented an auto in 1638, and in the early part of this year performed in the same theater. In 1637 he gave no less than 472 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES seventeen representations before the King, and also gave an auto in Madrid. In 1635 his wife was Juana de Espinosa, by whom he had three daughters: Francisca and two younger, whose names are not given. The first wife of Fernandez was Ana Maria de la Pefia, whom he married in Valladolid in 1607. (Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 566.) In the cast of Ricardo de Turia's La belligera Espahola (printed in 1616), as represented by Tomas Fernandez, occur the names La S* Ana Maria [de la Pefia?] and La S a Juana [de Espinosa?]. He first represented Lope de Vega's La Conpe- tencia en los Nobles (1628?). Fernandez died before Dec, 1641, the date of the license of Belmonte's play A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo, which he wrote for Juana de Espinosa, "viuda de Tomas Fernandez." Perhaps he died before Corpus, 1641, for it is probable that la Viuda, whose company represented two autos in Madrid in that year, was Ana de Espinosa. v. Schack, Nachtrage, PP- 72, 73- Fernandez de Castro (Juan), actor in the company of Sebas- tian de Montemayor in Sept., 1599. Fernandez de Garrote (Antonio), actor in the company of Bartolome Romero for one year from Feb. 25, 1640. Fernandez de Guardo (Alonso) and his wife Ana Cabello were in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1614-16 and ap- peared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana, and both were in the company of Sanchez de Vargas in 1619—20. Ferrer (Jose), cobrador in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in Seville in 1678. Ferrer (Maria Lopez), v. Lopez (Maria). Ferrer (Vicente), native of Valencia living in Madrid, and his wife Maria Ruiz were members of the company of Juan de Tapia, Luis de Castro, and Alonso de Paniagua from March 4, 1602, for one year. He was in a joint company in 1604. Figueroa (Ana de), widow, actress in the company of Sanchez de Vargas for one year from Jan., 1635. Figueroa (Francisca de) and her husband Antonio Herrera de Mendoza were members of the company of Cristobal de Aven- dano in 1632. Figueroa (Gabriela de), daughter of Roque de Figueroa and Mariana de Olivares. She was in her father's company in 1 63 1 and in Valencia in 1649, playing second parts, likewise in the SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 473 company of her father. In 1650 she was in Pedro de la Rosa's company. She married Jose Garceran, and played first parts in his company in Seville in 1657 and 1658, and in Valencia in 1664. She died in Mallorca before 1668. Figueroa (Jeronima de), wife of Juan de Figueroa; both were members of the company of Matias de Castro y Salazar in 1673. Figueroa (Juan de), v. the preceding. Figueroa (D a Maria de), wife of Francisco de Rivera; both were in Carlos de Salazar's company in 1675. Figueroa (Roque de) of Cordoba, famous autor de comedias and friend of Lope de Vega. He and his wife Mariana de Olivares were in Domingo Balbin's company from Sept. 1, 1623, till Shrove- tide, 1624, receiving u reals for maintenance and 22 reals for each performance. In March, 1628, he represented eight comedias before the King, four in the Pardo and four in the Salon de Madrid; and in 1627, 1629, and 1630 he represented autos at Corpus in Madrid. (Nuevos Datos, pp. 216, 218.) His company appeared in Seville in 1626, representing an auto, and again in 1632 at the Coliseo. In 1631 he performed in the Casa Real de Campo ; in 1634 he gave eight comedias privately before the King, and ten in the following year. In 1635 he represented the comedia Peligrar en los Remedios, which was written for him by Rojas Zorrilla, as the MS. shows. (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2552.) The latest notice that I have found of his company is 1649, when he was at Tarragona. (Schack, ibid., p. 73.) Figueroa received a careful education, and the story is related of him that some accident hav- ing befallen the preacher at a festival in the parish of S. Sebastian, Madrid, Figueroa took off his sword, ascended the pulpit, and de- livered an address in Latin, to the great surprise of all his hearers. It was Figueroa who first produced the two famous plays of Tirso de Molina, El Condenado por desconfiado and El Burlador de Sevilla, and a number of Montalvan's : No ay Vida como la Honra (before 1632, "in which Antonia Manuela appeared with great ap- plause" ) , El Mariscal de Biron, El SenorD. Juan de Austria, Cum- plir con su Obligation. He had two children, Miguel de Figueroa, a captain of cavalry, who died in Milan, and a daughter Gabriela, q. v. He died in 1651. In Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. II, p. 688, we read that Figueroa first married Ana Ponce, whose obsequies were cele- 474 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES brated in 1633. But she must have died long before this, as he was married again in 1623. Moreover, this "antigua y loable costumbre de celebrar las honras de los defuntos" was often cele- brated annually. Figueroa died at Valencia at the age of eighty, according to Gallardo. {Ibid.) For his company in 1631, v. Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. (Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 165, 224.) Florencia y Carrillo (Diego Prudencio de), actor, married Maria de Santa Cruz in Valladolid in 1653. (M. y M., p. 567.) Flores (Catalina), actress, and wife of the hawker (buhonero) Lazaro Ramirez. The Cofradia de la Novena had its origin in a miracle concerning her. For her story v. Entremeses, LoaSj etc., de Quihones de Benavente, ed. D. Cayetana Rosell, Madrid, 1874, Vol. II, appendix. Her daughter was Bernarda Ramirez, wife of Sebastian de Prado, q. v. Flores (Francisca), actress in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636. Flores (Gaspar) had charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1649. Flores (Isabel de), member of the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1676. Flores (Juan de), called Siete Coletos, actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in 1660. His wife was Maria de la O de la Beruga. He was drowned at Huelva in 1678, while in the com- pany of Ines Gallo. Flores (Maria), daughter of Maria de Salinas and actress in the company of Bartolome Romero and Juan de la Calle in 1664, playing fifth parts and music. Flores (Maria de), called Mariflores, wife of Pedro Rodri- guez in 1590, when both belonged to the company of Jeronimo Velazquez. In 1602 she was in Valladolid, apparently in the com- pany of Jeronimo Lopez. (M. y M., p. 566.) In 1606-07 both were in the company of Melchor de Leon. She was in her hus- band's company sometime prior to 16 10, when he died. She ap- peared in the comedia by the Count of Lemos, La Casa confusa, in Lerma, before Philip III., in Oct., 1618. In 1629 she executed a power of attorney to recover money due her by Melchor de Leon since 1606. Leon was apparently in Brussels with his company in 1629. She was unable to sign her name. She is mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa in 161 5, among the famous actresses of that time. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 475 Fonseca (Alonso), musico, member of the company of Rueda and Ascanio (1638-39). (Rosell, I, p. 366.) Fonseca (Maria de), daughter of Pedro de Fonseca, actress in the company of Matias de Castro in Seville in 1673. She was in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1681 as understudy. Fonseca (Nicanor de), actor in the company of Francisco Gutierrez in Seville in 1668. Fonseca (Nicolas de), actor in the company of Luis Bernardo de Bobadilla for one year from Feb. 28, 1637. An actor by the same name was in the company of Francisca Lopez in 1663. Fonseca (Pedro de), son of Alonso Fonseca, was a member of the company of Laura de Herrera in 1663, and of Francisco Gutierrez in Seville in 1668; in 1673 he and his daughter Maria were in the company of Matias de Castro in Seville. He died in 1682. Fontana (Maria), actress in the company of Andres de la Vega in 1638. Fontela (Nicolas de), member of the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1639. The same as Nicolas de Fonseca? Francesquina (La), Italian actress in Madrid in 1587, in the company of Drusiano Martinelli. (Nuevos Datos, p. 21.) Her name was Silvia Roncagli. Francisca, wife of the actor Andres de Labaya; both were in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1631. Francisca, actress in the company of Pedro Cebrian in Lope's Quien mas no puede ( 1616), and in Heredia's company in the cast of Del Monte sale. Perhaps the latter was Francisca Paula, wife of Mencos, who was in the same company. Francisca, actress in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas at Corpus in Seville in 1621. Francisca, actress in the company of Antonio de Prado (1632- 1636?). (Rosell, I, pp. 270, 294.) Francisca, actress in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1660-61. (S.-A, p. 330.) Francisca, see also under Arteaga, Bazan, Bezon, Flores, Gevaro, Gongora, Hinestroza, Lopez, Manso, Ortiz, San Miguel, Torres, Vallejo. Francisca Antonia, wife of Francisco Tome, actress in the 476 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES company of Luis Bernardo de Bobadilla for one year from March 12, 1637; both were in Bartolome Romero's company for one year from Feb. 22, 1638. Francisca Feliciana, actress in the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1662. Francisca Maria, daughter of Maria Gabriela; both were in the company of Claramonte from June 19, 161 4, till Shrovetide, 1615. Francisca Maria, la Nina, played the part of the infant Jesus in the auto Siquis, in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano in Seville in 1 62 1. Francisca Maria, wife of Manuel Vallejo; both were in the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619. In 1622-23 she was also acting in her husband's company. She died on Nov. 21, 1627, in the Calle del Nino. v. under Vallejo (Manuel de). She left a daughter, also named Francisca Maria. Francisca Maria, v. Valdivia. Francisca Paula, wife of Diego de Mencos; both were in the company of Bartolome Romero in 1638 and 1640, and with Manuel Vallejo in 1639. In the latter year they acted in Lisbon, Mencos playing vexetes and his wife third parts. (N. D., p. 296.) v. also Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 162, 358, and under Perez. Francisca Teresa, actress in the company of Antonio de Castro in Seville in 1656. Francisco (Juan), actor in the company of Jeronimo Sanchez in 1623. An actor by this name belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1670 and 1679, to the company of Magdalena Lopez in 1674 and 1677, and to Jeronimo Garcia's in 1680, and was prompter in Carvajal's in 1681. Francisco (Manuel) or Manuel Francisco Martinez, el Brillante, played galanes in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1650. In 1656 he was with Antonio de Castro at the Coliseo, Seville; in 1660 with the company of Juana de Cisneros; in 1663 with that of Francisca Lopez and Laura de Herrera; in 1668 with Francisco Gutierrez; in 1672 played second galanes with Antonio de Escamilla, and in 1674 was with the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville. Francisco Felix, v. Felix. Francisco Vicente, son of the actress (?) Lucia Bravo. He SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 477 was killed in 1638, and his mother accused the actor Diego de Leon of being concerned in his death. See also under Vicente. Franco (Lucas) of Murcia, actor in 16 19. Franco (Luis), actor ( ?) in 1602. (N. D., p. 62.) Franco (Pedro) brought out the auto Los cinco Sentidos at Corpus in Seville in 1560. Frasquito, actor in the cast of Alarcon's Las Paredes oyen, 1617. Fresno (Ana del), daughter of Pedro del Fresno; she was in Pedro de la Rosa's company in 1637. Fresno (Pedro del) played first old men's parts (barba) in Pedro de la Rosa's company in 1637 and 1638. Frutos (Francisco de), in charge of one of the dances at the Corpus festival in Madrid in 1628. Frutos (Pedro de), gracioso after the middle of the seven- teenth century, v. Solis, Poesias, Madrid, 1692, p. 296. Frutos Brabo (Jose), celebrated gracioso; he and his wife Josefa Lobaco were members of the company of Antonio de Prado in 1632 and 1635 (?), and again in Seville in 1639. See Rosell, I, pp. 127, 322; S.-A., pp. 280, 325. He was still living in 1644, and died in Toledo. Fuensalida (Jeronimo de), lessee of the corrales of Madrid in 1604 and 1609. Fuente (Sebastian de la), actor in the company of Alonso de Heredia in 1614. Fuente (Tomas de la) of Toledo, autor de comedias in 1584. v. Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 362. He had a brother Juan. Fuentes (Domingo), member of the company of Alonso Velazquez in Seville in 1598. The name Fuentes occurs in the cast of Lope's La hermosa Ester (1610) when it was first repre- sented by the company of Sanchez de Vargas. Fuentes (Francisco de), called Monguia, from a character in Tirso's Santo y Sastre, played vejetes in Manuel Vallejo's com- pany in 1679-81. He married Jeronima Quirante, daughter of Pedro Quirante. He was still acting in 1695. Fuentes (Isabel de), called Lanza de Coche. Fuentes (Leonor de), sister of the preceding, actress in the entremeses of Benavente. 478 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Gadea (Micaela de), wife of Alonso de Riquelme (March, 1602), acted in her husband's company at the Corpus festival in Seville in 1607. She died before March 30, 1608, when Riquelme married Catalina de Valcazar. Gaitan (Juan) played subordinate parts in the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1674. Galiano (Antonio), actor in the company of Andres de la Vega from March, 1639, for one year. Galindo (Francisco) , autor de comedias in March, 1637, hav- ing a joint company (compania de partes). Galindo (Mariana), daughter of Maria de Guzman Rueda; she was in the company of Juan Acacio at Corpus in Seville in 1644, when she received a gratuity of 400 reals. In the follow- ing year she was in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado. Galvez (Isabel de), actress in the company of her husband Francisco Garcia in 1658, and in Antonio de Escamilla's company in 1664, playing segundas damas. In 1665 she was again in Fran- cisco Garcia's company. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, PP-253,3o8.) InNov., 1657, while acting in Madrid, and being then the wife of Garcia, Isabel de Galvez was carried off by the Conde de Monterrey and the Marques de Almazan, who had no difficulty in pacifying the irate husband, according to Barrionuevo, Avisos, III, p. 352. He calls the actress La Galvez, "una comedianta muy bizarra." She was Garcia's second wife. Galvez (Jeronimo de), one of the earliest of Spanish theat- rical managers. On Nov. 29, 1579, Galvez and Juan Granado gave the first representation in the new Corral de la Cruz in Madrid. On Dec. 3, 1581, he represented in the Corral de la Pacheca, and several times thereafter in that year and in 1582, and again in 1584. In 1590 he was acting in the company of Jeronimo Velazquez, who calls Galvez "mi companero y autor." (Perez Pastor, Datos desconocidos, p. 146. See Appendix A.) Suarez de Figueroa mentions Galvez among the famous actors then (1615) deceased. He died in Valladolid in 1604; his full name was Jeronimo Millan de Galvez. (M. y M., p. 567.) Gallego, actor in the company of Rodrigo Osorio in Valencia in the latter part of the sixteenth century (1588?). (Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30.) SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 479 Gallego (Jacinta), actress, wife of Miguel Fernandez {1657). She died in Granada. Gallego (Juan), actor in the company of Francisco Gutierrez in Seville in 1668, and harpist with Antonio de Escamilla in 167 1 and 1672. In 1676 he was with the company of Carlos de Salazar. Gallegos (Juan), lessee of the theater in Toledo in 1608. Gallo (Ines), wife of Pedro Carrasco, a famous tenor. She is said to have been the daughter of D. Antonio de Pedraza, who was murdered in the Puerta del Sol. She had a company of players, and was drowned at Huelba in 1678. Gamarra (Bernarda), daughter of Miguel Jimenez and Ber- narda Teloy. She was a member of the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 63 1. Ganassa (Alberto Naseli de), Italian actor, who first brought a company of players to Madrid in 1574. In a document dated Madrid, 1581, he styles himself "Alberto Naseli, alias Ganassa." He took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1575 and returned in 1578 and 1583. In May and June, 1579, he repre- sented in the Corral de Puente, Madrid, and frequently thereafter in that year and in 1580-84. See Appendix A. His company in 1581-82 comprised: Cesare di Nobile, Giovanni Pietro Pasquarelo, Cipion Graselli, Giulio Villanti, Iacopo Portalupi, Carlo Masi, two Spanish musicians: Pedro de Salcedo and Ant Laso, besides Vincenzo Botanelli, alias Curcio Romane. See text, pp. 29, n. 1, et passim, and Cotarelo in Revista de Archivos, 1908, pp. 42 ff. Lope de Vega, who doubtless knew Ganassa, mentions him in several of his comedias, and in one of them he introduces a servant whose speeches throughout are in the Bergamask dialect. See El Genoues liberal (an early play), Comedias, Part IV, Pamplona, 1614. Ganteo (Felipe), actor who took part in the autos has Lagri- mas de San Pietro and Los vicios Locos del Infierno in the town of Borox in 1604. Garabito (Juan de), cobrador in the company of Juan Bap. Espinola in 1633, and seems also to have managed a company in that year. He is mentioned also in 1637. Garay (Teresa de), wife of Antonio Marin; both were in the company of Jacinto Riquelme in Seville in 1652. In 1660 she played segundas damas in Jeronimo Vallejo's company. She was 480 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES the first wife of Juan de Sequeiros, according to Cotarelo, Migajas del Ingenio, 1 908, p. 194. Garceran (Jose) of Mallorca had a company in La Monteria, Seville, in 1657-58, and in Valencia in 1668. His wife Gabriela de Figueroa, daughter of Roque de Figueroa, played first parts in his company. He died in 1678. Garces (Marcos), el Capiscol, was in the company of Diego Osorio in 1659, and harpist in Antonio de Escamilla's company in 1 66 1, 1662, and 1663. In 1671, 1672, and 1673 he was harpist and segundo barba with Felix Pascual. Garcia (Alonso), actor in the company of Andres de Clara- monte in 1 614. Garcia (Ana), widow, in Oct., 1636, of Pedro Garcia de Quintanilla, and mother of the actress Rufina Justa. Garcia (Blas), actor in the company of Francisco Velez de Guevara, Pedro de Cobaleda, and Francisco Alvarez, for one year from March 13, 1639. Garcia (Brigida), wife of the actor Francisco de San Miguel, q. v. Garcia (Domingo), Pertecilla, harpist in the company of Simon Aguado and Juan de la Calle in 1662, and also with Jose Carrillo in the same year. In 1665 he was with Felix Pascual, and died in Granada in 1689. Garcia (Francisco) and his wife Maria Sanchez, of Ciudad Rodrigo, were members of the company of Alonso Riquelme for two years, from March, 1602, till 1604. v. Garcia de Toledo (Francisco). Garcia (Francisco), autor de comedias in 1639. (Nuevos Datos, p. 311.) An actor by this name appeared in Belmonte's A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo in 1 642. Francisco Garcia, "vecino de Granada," and D a Jacinta Reyes, both players, were married in Valladolid in 1642. (M. y M., p. 566.) See the following. Garcia (Francisco), Pupilo, and his wife Jacinta Eugenia were in the company of Esteban Nunez at Seville in 1648. (S.-A., p. 384-) He afterward belonged to the following companies: in 1650 he played first galanes with Luis Lopez; in 1 65 1 he was with Sebastian de Prado; in 1654 with Esteban Nunez in Seville. In 1656 he had a company and represented autos in Madrid, and in 1657 an d ^58 his company performed at the Teatro de la Cruz. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 481 In 1659 he was with Sebastian de Prado; in 1660 with Juana de Cisneros, while in 1665 he represented autos in Madrid. In 1671 his company acted at La Monteria in Seville and produced an auto; in 1675, 1676, and 1680 he was first barba in Manuel Vallejo's company, and in 1679 he was with Jose Garcia de Prado. In 1657 the wife of Francisco Garcia was Isabel de Galvez. According to Cotarelo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 205, Garcia married a third wife, Maria de Vallejo, sister of Carlos and Manuel Vallejo, el Mozo. This was some time before 1672. He died at Torrelaguna in 1689. In 1674 a Francisco Garcia and his wife Antonia Maria were mem- bers of the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville. Whe- ther this was one and the same person, I have no means of deter- mining. Garcia (Jeronimo), actor, joined the Brotherhood of the Novena in 1653. He was a gracioso, and married Bernarda Manuela, called Rabo de Vaca. He was in the company of Jose Garcia de Prado in 1679, autor de comedias in 1680, when he rep- resented an auto in Madrid, and in the company of Juan Antonio de Carvajal in 1681. Garcia (Juan), actor in Seville in 1658, in the company of Jose de Prado. Garcia (Lorenzo) played third parts in the company of Anto- nio de Escamilla in 1 67 1. He seems to have been with Manuel Vallejo in 1670, playing quartos. (Migaxas del Ingenio, fol. 57.) He died in 1682. Garcia (Manuel), actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660. There was a Manuel Garcia, called Asadurilla, who, after Lorenzo de Prado's death (1649?), married his widow, Manuela Mazana. Perhaps this is the same person. Garcia (Melchor), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1674. Garcia (Miguel), actor in the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1674. Garcia (Roque), member of the company of Juan Martinez for one year from March 2, 1633. He was to act, dance, sing, write, and prompt for 3 reals per day, besides 3 reals daily for maintenance. Garcia (Rufina), "famosa," played third parts in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in Seville in 1635. This was undoubtedly 482 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Rufina Justa, the daughter of Ana Garcia and Pedro Garcia de Quintanilla, maestro de armas. The above explains why in a loa by Quinones de Benavente, represented by Fernandez in 1636, she calls herself "Rufina, la de Ortegon." See Rosell, Vol. I, p. 298, and also ibid., pp. 55, 288, 433 ; on the latter page begins the jdcara that was represented by Ortegon's company in 1635. Rufina was in the company of Tomas Fernandez, as we see from the above, in 1636, and also in 1637; m 1 650, at Corpus, she was in Antonio de Prado's company. She died in 1 668. Garcia (Teresa), actress in the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago in 1637. There was a Teresa Garcia in the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1650. Garcia Carril (Juan), actor for one year from Sept. 24, 1637, in the joint company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago. Garcia Flores (Gabriel), lessee of the theaters of Madrid in i64o( ?). (Nuevos Datos, p. 325.) Garcia de Guevara (Pedro) played second parts in the com- pany of Bartolome Romero in 1637-38. Garcia de Prado, v. Prado. Garcia de Salinas (Pedro), noted gracioso in the company of Alonso Riquelme in Jan., 1619 (residing in Zaragoza in that year). On Feb. 15, 1619, he and his wife Jeronima de Valcazar agreed to act in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas for two years from Shrovetide till Shrovetide, 1621. He was in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631-32. His wife Jeronima de Valcazar was in the same companies, and both appeared in Lope de Vega's El Castigo sin Venganza in 1 632. v. also Rosell, Vol. I, p. 277. Garcia de Toledo (Francisco), actor in a joint company called Los Andaluces in 1605—06. Garcia de Vergara (Pedro) and his wife Francisca Maria de Valdivia were members of the company of Francisco Solano from Aug. io, 1637, till Shrovetide, 1638; in the following year he was in the company of Juan de Malaguilla (March 9, 1638). (N. D., p. 287.) Garrote (Antonio) [or Saviote?] played old men's parts in the company of Bartolome Romero in Seville in 1642-43. Gasque (Juan or Juan Salvador), actor in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in March, 161 1. At Corpus of this year he acted SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 483 in Madrid in the company of Tomas Fernandez. On Jan. 7, 1614, when he describes himself as a native of Orihuela then residing in Zaragoza, he agreed to join the company of Pedro de Valdes for one year. He was then in the company of Morales. (N. D„ p. 136.) On March 13, 1614, he contracted to join Baltasar Pinedo's company for one year, and on June 19 of the same year he joined the company of Andres de Claramonte, till Shrovetide, 1615. (Ibid., pp. 142, 145.) Gevaro (Francisca), wife of Pedro de Castro; both were in Domingo Balbin's company in Seville in 161 3. Gevaro (Juan de), actor in Balbin's company in 1613. v. also Guevara (Juan). Gil (Isidro), actor in the company of Francisco Solano in 1637-38. On March 21, 1639, he and his wife Jeronima Rodri- guez agreed to act in the company of Damian de Espinosa. Ten days after this he joined the company of Francisco Velez de Gue- vara, Pedro de Cobaleda, and Francisco Alvarez. Gil de Cordoba (Juan), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1623. Gobia (Gaspar de) played first and second galanes in the company of Andres de la Vega in 1638-39. Godinez (Felipe) played parts of barba in Pedro de Ortegon's company in Seville in 1635. Godos (Matias) , actor in the company of Felix Pascual in 167 1. Godoy (Juan Diaz), native of Fuentes del Ebro, actor in the company of Gaspar de Porres for two years from Feb. 15, 1592. Godoy (Mateo de) of Granada was in a joint company headed by Juan Rodriguez de Antriago (April 6, 1639), and took part in the Corpus festival at Borox in the same year. In 1643 he was in Bart. Romero's company in Seville, and in 1644 with Antonio de Rueda, also in Seville. In 1659 he was with Diego Osorio; in 1660 he seems to have been with Pedro de la Rosa (S.-A., P- 330-) ! m 1 66 1 he was barba in Antonio de Escamilla's company; 1662 with Sebastian de Prado; 1663, 1664, 1665, 1670, and 1671 again with Escamilla. His first wife was Damiana de Arias; his second was Isabel Bazan, who died in Seville in 1658. For the company in which he appeared in 1655, v. Solis, Poesias, Madrid, 1692, p. 173. He is the author of the entremes El Desafio, pub- lished in Ramillete de Sainetes escogidas, etc. (Zaragoza, 1672.) 484 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Gomez, actor in "una compania muy humilde" with Rojas and Arze before 1600. See Rojas, Viage, pp. 9, 11. Gomez (Alonso) took the part of El Emperador Valente in Lope's La gran Columna fogosa (1629). Gomez (Bartolome), actor in the company of Jose de Prado in Seville in 1658. Gomez (Magdalena), widow of Pedro Alonso de las Cuevas, had charge of dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1 592. Gomez Varela (Diego) and his wife Micaela Lopez were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1625. Gongora (Atanasio de), actor for one year from March 11, 1632, in the company of Bartolome Romero. Gongora (Francisca de), mother of Isabel de Gongora, q. v. Both were in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in March, 1632, when they were received into the Cofradia de la Novena. Gongora (Isabel de), well-known actress. She and her hus- band Juan Vizcaino were in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1632; in Feb., 1636, she is described as the widow of Juan Vizcaino and was then in the company of Pedro de la Rosa (for one year), playing second parts and dancing. In 1637-38 and 1639-40 she was again in Pedro de la Rosa's company, also taking second parts. Previous to this, perhaps between 1633 and 1636, she had been in the company of Antonio de Prado. See Entremeses de Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 97, 174, 322. She afterward married Juan Coronel, a hidalgo of Jadraque. In 1641 and 1650 she was again in the company of Pedro de la Rosa, and died, it is said, in April, 1669. See Schack, Nachtrage, p. 72. Gonzalez (Bernarda) , wife of Juan de Angulo in Jan., 1619, when both agreed to act for one year in the company of Tomas Fernandez. Gonzalez (Hernan), early actor (1580) in Madrid. Gonzalez (Juan) of Seville, a silversmith and clothes dealer (platero y tratante en ropa), brought out autos at Seville at Corpus in 1582, 1587, I590, IS9I. and 1592. Gonzalez (Juan), gracioso in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 1625-26. Gonzalez (Juan) and his wife Polonia Maria were in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643, and in Lorenzo SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 485 Hurtado's company in 1645. In 1648 both were in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville, when he is called Juan Gonzalez Valcarcel. In 1660 he was in the company of Pedro de la Rosa, and in 1661 in that of Antonio de Escamilla. Perhaps it was he who appeared (about 1635?) m the anonymous comedia Paciencia en la Fortuna. v. Restori, Studj, p. 143. Whether he was the Juan Gonzalez, called Zapizurri, who died in Calatayud in June, 1667, I do not know. See the following. Gonzalez (Juan), actor in the company of Diego Osorio in 1659; segundo galan in the company of Ant. de Escamilla in 1661, 1663, 1664, and 1665; in the company of Juan de la Calle and Simon Aguado in 1662. He seems to have been still acting in 1670-75. v. Migaxas del Ingenio, fol. 79, v. Gonzalez (Jusepe) and his wife Luisa Benzon agreed to act for two years, from March 5, 1595, in the company of Alonso de Cisneros and Melchor de Villalba. Gonzalez (Matias), lessee of the profits received by the hos- pitals of Madrid in 161 8. Gonzalez (Pedro) and his wife Micaela Ortiz were in the company of Jose de Prado in Seville in 1658. In 1655 a Pedro Gonzalez was gracioso in the company of Antonio Lavella, and died in 1684. Perhaps the same. The name also appears in the cast of Lope's La gran Columna fogosa ( 1629). Gonzalez (Sebastian) and his wife Catalina Tellez were in the company of Domingo Balbin from Sept. 1, 1623, till the following Shrovetide. On Oct. 14, 1623, he acted with the Madrid company called Los Conformes, in the comedia La Morica garrida, by Juan de Villegas at Leganes. We hear of him again in 1632 in the company of Francisco Lopez, representing the autos at Madrid, and in Nov., 1635, he had a company of players, when his wife was Maria Manuela, and his company agreed to give fifty representations in Valencia, beginning in December. (N. D., p. 242.) A Gonzalez and also a Catalina were once in Prado 's company. See Rosell, Vol. I, p. 394. Gonzalez, called el Granadino and el Meon, actor in 1632- 1636 ( ?) . His wife was Eugenia Maria. Gonzalez Camacho (Alonso), native of Membrilla (Toledo), musician in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 163 1- 486 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 1632, and in that of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in 1633. See Rnsell, Vol. I, p. 224, and Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. Gonzalez Flores (Gabriel), lessee of the theaters of Madrid in 1623. Gorriz (Cristobal), played minor parts in the company of Ant. de Escamilla in 1675, 1676, 1677, and 1678. Grajales or Graxal (Juan de) and his wife Catalina de Peralta were in a joint company in March, 1604; both were in the company of Alonso de Villalba in Feb., 1614. On March 28, 1614, both agreed to join the company of Andres de Claramonte for one year. In 1626 he was in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano. Both appeared in Lope de Vega's La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628). Grajales is mentioned by Rojas among the actors who were also playwrights. {Viage, p. 131.) See Barrera, Cata- loffo, p. 179. Grajales, v. Martinez de Grajales. Gran Sultana (La), v. Cordoba (Maria de). Gran Turco (El), v. Vega (Andres de la). Granada (Miguel), dancer in the company of Tomas Fernan- dez. He died in 1636. Gran ado (Diego), el Vie jo , had charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1577, 1579, 1584, and 1587. Gran ado or Gran ados (Juan), one of the best known of the older Spanish autores. On Nov. 29, 1579, his company and that of Jeronimo Galvez gave the first representation in the new Corral de la Cruz. His company appeared several times in that year, and in 1580 and 1581. See Appendix A. A Juan Granado, son of Diego Granado, el viejo, had charge of the dances called Rada- mante, Reinaldos, Oliveros, and Montesinos at Corpus in Madrid in 1584, also the dances in 1589, 1593-95, 1598, 1599, and 1604. This was probably the same person. In 1605 the wife of Juan Granado was Luisa Martinez. (N. D., p. 355.) See the inter- esting list of theatrical costumes which he bought in this year from Baltasar Pinedo, Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 369. Granado or Gran ados (Luis) of Medina del Campo and his wife Jeronima de Aguilar were in the company of Diego de San- tander in Dec, 1594. He was again in Santander's company in June, 1597, and had a company in 1606-13. Probably a brother of Antonio. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 487 Gran ados (Alonso), minstrel in the company of Jeronimo Ruiz, Francisco de Vera, and Alonso de Morales in Madrid in 1592. Granados (Antonia), known as la divina Antandra, was the wife of D. Pedro de Castro y Salazar (q. v.), and the mother of Matias de Castro y Salazar. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 430, n. ; Schack, Nachtrage, p. 31.) She had three children, and died giving birth to a daughter Susana. Her children were brought up by her brother, the celebrated Antonio Granados. Granados (Antonio), one of the most famous of Spanish autores de comedias, was born at Madrid in 1570, and was an actor in the company of Alonso Velazquez in Seville in 1598. He managed a company in 1602, and was one of the eight autores authorized by the decree of 1603, and one of the twelve authorized by the decree of 1615. Granados first represented Lope's Los Esclavos libres (before 1604), as we learn from the Peregrino. Lope calls him "Gallardo galan, gentil hombre, y de la tierra del Peregrino." He also first represented Lope's El cuerdo Loco (1602) and La gallarda Toledana, and in the autograph of Lope's El Cordobes valeroso Pedro Carbonero, dated at Ocana, Aug. 26, 1603, in the list of characters we find Granados (who managed the company) in the role of Pedro Carbonero, and Villegas in the part of the king. In 1604 Granados resided in Medina del Campo, and in the same year (in April-July) he was in Valladolid, and again in 1607. In 1605 he represented autos at Seville, and again in 1615 and 1618. He was in Zaragoza in 1607 and in Oct., 1608; in Jaen in July, 1610, and in Malaga in Nov., 1610; in Murcia in May and June, 161 1 ; in Granada in Dec, 1615; in Lisbon in Sept. and Oct., 1617, and in Sept., 1621. In 1618 he was in Zara- goza and came to Seville, where he represented Lope's auto Obras son Amores and Poyo's Las Fuerzas de Sanson. He was in Madrid in Dec, 1620, and Aug., 1621, and in 1623 took his company to Lisbon. In July, 1626, he represented two comedias before the King. He was received into the Cofradia de la Novena in 1632. His will is dated June 8, 1641, shortly after which date he probably died. His wife, who survived him, was Catalina de Azores y Avila. He left no children or other heirs. Granados (Maria de), actress in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603, and daughter of Luisa de Aranda. On May 488 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 24, 1604, they gave a power of attorney to Gaspar de Porres to sell a house they owned in Valladolid. El Maestro Vicente Espinel was a witness to this instrument. Grifona (La), v. Bernada Manuela. Guardia, actor who appeared in the cast of Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta J nana, 1 6 14. Guebara (Andres de) and his wife Ines de Ulloa y Sotomayor were in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in March, 1626; he was in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in Seville in 1635, taking principal parts. His full name seems to have been Andres Gutierrez de Guevara. (S.-A., p. 298, n.) Guerma (Gregoria de), wife of the autor de comedias Gaspar de los Reyes in 1602. Guevara (Antonio de), brother of Luisa and Francisco de Guevara; actor under twenty-five years of age in 1631, in the company of Juan Martinez. In 1658 he was in Jose de Prado's company in Seville. Guevara (Diego de) and his wife Maria de Zaballos were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631; in 1632 they were in Antonio de Prado's company, acting in the entremes Las Duenas. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 322.) Guevara (Francisca Luisa de), wife of Juan de Campos; both were members of Manuel Vallejo's company in 1631. v. also Gevaro (Francisca). Guevara (Francisco de), brother of Antonio and Luisa, and actor in the company of Juan Martinez in 1631. This is un- doubtedly Francisco Velez de Guevara, q. v. Guevara (Isabel de), wife of Diego Osorio de Velasco, gra- cioso. Both were in Pedro de Ortegon's company in Seville in 1635. Guevara (Juan de), member of a joint company of actors, with Pedro Bravo and others, in Madrid in 161 4. A Juan de Gevaro or Guevara was in Balbin's company in Seville in 1613. Guevara (Luis de) played galanes in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1636-37. His wife was Ana Coronel. Guevara (Luisa de), wife of Pedro de Cobaleda, and sister of Antonio and Francisco de Guevara. She played third parts and first musical parts in the company of Juan Martinez in 1631, "and if the second parts be assigned to her, she is to play them." Guevara (Mariana de), wife of Juan Catalan in Jan., 1606, SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 489 when both agreed to act in the company of Alonso Riquelme for one year from Shrovetide, 1606, to Shrovetide, 1607. In Feb., 1609, there is mentioned a Mariana de Guevara, wife of Bartolome de Robles. Guevara (Pedro), v. Cerezo de Guevara. Guevara, v. Cerezo de Guevara. Gutierrez (Francisco) and his wife Maria Lopez were in the company of Luis Lopez at Corpus in Seville in 1650. He was a native of Loratan, near Valladolid. They had two children: Luis and Juana Gutierrez. Francisco afterward married a Valen- cian woman named Timotea. He had a company in Seville in 1661, 1668, and 1669. In 1672 he was segundo barba in the com- pany of Ant. de Escamilla, and in 1673 in that of his son-in-law Matias de Castro. For his company in 1668, v. Sanchez- Arjona, P- 447- Gutierrez (Juana), daughter of Francisco Gutierrez and Maria Lopez, and second wife of Matias de Castro y Salazar, whom she married in Valencia (before 1662) and by whom she had fourteen children. She was in the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1662, and in her father's company in 1668. See Sanchez- Arjona, p. 460. Gutierrez (Mariana) and her husband Antonio de Sampayo Were members of the company of Antonio de Villegas in Feb., 161 2. {B.H. (1907), p. 377-) Gutierrez (Simon), actor in Ricardo de Turia's La belligera Espanola (printed in 1 616). v. Restori, Stud), p. 92. In the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (1625) the part of Cesar was taken by Gutierrez. Gutierrez (Tomas) brought out carros at the Corpus festival in Seville in 1582, 1584, and 1585. Rodriguez Marin, Rinconete y Cortadillo, p. 134, says that Tomas Gutierrez afterward aban- doned the theatrical profession and kept an inn at Seville in the Calle de la Bayona, where Cervantes lodged in 1585. In a ballad entitled "Trato de las Posadas en Seuilla," we read : Lo primero, si llegares aquella braua posada que esta en calle de Bayona, donde los Principes paran, etc. (Revue Hispanique, 1905, p. 137.). 490 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES This, in all probability, was not the inn where Cervantes stopped. If it was, the experience of lodging with Princes seems never to have been repeated in his after-life. According to Suarez de Figueroa's Plaza Universal, Tomas Gutierrez was deceased in 1615. Gutierrez de Olivares (Andres or Antonio) and his wife Ana Romera were acting in Oct., 1603, apparently in the com- pany of Baltasar Pinedo. Guzman (Alejandro), actor? His wife was Paula de Medina. Guzman (Juan de) of Ayamonte, musician and actor in 1602, for two years in the company of Pedro Ximenez de Valenzuela. "He is to receive 220 ducats, the necessary food, and have his clothes washed." Guzman (Pedro de), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1609, and in the company of Manuel Vallejo in Madrid in 1622. Guzman Morales (Francisco de), autor de comedias in Valladolid in 1644. (M. y M., p. 566.) Guzman Rueda (Maria de), "legitimate mother" of Mariana Galindo; both were in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644. Haedo (Juan Bautista de), actor? His wife D" Maria Morote played first parts at the Corpus festival in the villa del Escorial in 1636. Haro (Alfonsa de), wife of Bartolome de Robles in 1643; both were in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in that year. Haro (Luis de), actor in the company of Pedro de Plata from March 24, 1587, till Shrovetide, 1588. Henriquez, actor, apparently in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1 601. (Rojas, Viage, p. 13.) Herbias (Mariana de), wife of Luis Alvarez; both were members of the company of Alonso Riquelme in 1 610. She took the place of Lucia de Salcedo, "and is to act in all the latter's parts in the company, and in the new comedias is to share the principal parts with another actress." She was in Baltasar Pinedo's company from Shrovetide, 1614-15, but at the Corpus festival of 1614 the Municipality of Madrid requested that she and Maria de los SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 491 Angeles be removed from Pinedo's company and that two other actresses be engaged in their stead. (Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 379.) Herbias y Flores (D a Jacinta de), widow in March, 1639, and a member of the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1638 (?), 1639, and 1640, playing second parts, singing, and dancing, v. San- chez-Arjona, pp. 334-337. Probably before this (in 1636-37?) she was in the company of Alonso de Olmedo. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 90.) In Jan., 1640, she was the wife of the autor de comedias Luis Lopez de Sustaete. See text, p. 127. Heredia (Alonso de), autor de comedias in 1603; his wife in 1604 was Maria de Rojas. He represented autos in Madrid in 1609. (B. H. (1907), p. 375), and in this year, on Aug. 15, he produced at Getafe Lope's D. Juan de Austria en Flandes. In his company in 1 614 were: Ant. de Navarrete, Pedro de Avila, Manuel Simon, Sebast. de la Fuente, Gabriel Ehiarte, Luis Candau, Pedro de Espana, Antonio Pinero and Santiago Valenciano. He had a company in 1619, and was one of the managers authorized by the decree of 1615. He was, it seems, still living in 1638. (JV. £)., p. 290.) Heredia (Ana de), actress in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in the autos at Seville in 1 62 1, when she received a gratuity of 100 reals. Heredia (Andres de), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Aug., 1606. He had a company at least as early as 1601, when he represented the autos at Corpus in Seville, receiving 700 ducats, and seems to have had a company in Toledo in Aug., 1602. (N. D., p. 97.) He and his company represented an auto at Zamora in 1607 so badly that they were expelled from the city. He was again in the company of Rios in Seville in 1609. In the following year he was in the company of Alonso de Villalba( ?). (N.D.,p. 116.) Heredia (Blas de), actor in the company of Damian de Es- pinosa in Aug., 1638. Heredia (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1621 (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244), in the company of Domingo Balbin in 1622, and with Cristobal de Avendano for one year from April 25, 1623. His wife was Catalina Osorio. Heredia (Jeronimo de), son of Tomas and Maria de Heredia (S.-A.), and famous in the role of galan. He was in the company 492 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660; in Jose Carrillo's com- pany in Madrid at Corpus and in Valencia in 1663, and with Simon Aguado in 1674. His wife was Josef a Lopez, sister of the autora Francisca Lopez. He died of dropsy in 1676. See Cota- relo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 206, who says that the wife of Here- dia was Jeronima Lopez. Heredia (Juan de), autor de comedias in Granada in Sept., 1585. For his letter to the autor Juan de Limos, see Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 54. Heredia (Juan Jeronimo de), actor in 1643, when he was imprisoned for debt in Madrid. Heredia (Maria de), famous actress, wife of Tomas de Here- dia. In 1626 both were in the company of Andres de la Vega and Maria de Cordoba, and took part in Calderon's auto El Pintor de su Deshonra, in Madrid at Corpus. She was in her husband's com- pany in 1627-28, appearing in Lope de Vega's Del Monte sale quien el Monte quema, and in the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1638 and 1639. She apparently failed to keep her agreement with Rueda in 1639, and he executed a power of attorney to Francisco de Alegria on July 27, to recover the amount advanced to her. (N. D.j p. 319; Rosell, Vol. I, p. 366.) In the latter year she appeared as Dona Beatriz in Calderon's La Desdicha de la Voz. (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 87.) Cotarelo (Tirso, p. 208) recounts some of the scandals connected with her, and for one of which she was imprisoned in 1642, and afterward condemned to the galleys. See also Gallardo, Ensayo, II, Appendix, p. 73, and Barrionuevo, Avisos, Vol. Ill, p. 215. Her son (by Luis Lopez) was married in Madrid in 1657; sne died in Naples in 1658. Heredia (Tomas de), see the preceding. He was a gracioso in the company of Rueda and Ascanio in 1638. See Rosell, Vol. I, p. 366, and p. 369, where Maria de Heredia says that they had had a company in Lisbon of which Arias was a member. Hernandez (Catalina), v. Hernandez de Verdeseca. A much later actress named Catalina Hernandez acted under the name of Eufrasia Maria de Reina, q. v. Hernandez (Diego), actor in the company of Juan de Tapia, Luis de Castro, and Alonso de Paniagua from March, 1602, for one year, and in Domingo Balbin's company in Seville in 1613. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 493 Hernandez (?) (Domingo), actor in the cast of Lope's La gran Columna fogosa (1629). The name is not legible with cer- tainty. Hernandez (Isabel), la Vetera, wife of Miguel Jeronimo Pinzon or Punzon, and primera dama in Roque de Figueroa's company in 1631-32. See Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 169, 224; and Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. She afterward retired from the stage and entered a convent. In his Para Todos (1632) Montalvan says of his auto Escanderbec, "que represento La Belera con grande vizarria, espiritu, y acento" (fol. 179, ed. of 1645). Hernandez (Tomas), actor in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654. Hernandez Galindo (Francisco) and his wife Isabel de Torres were in Claramonte's company in 161 4. Hernandez Pinzon (Cristobal) took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1559 and 1570. Hernandez de Verdeseca (Catalina), wife of the autor Gaspar de Porres, is first mentioned in 1591. In the autos at Seville in 1594, in which she acted in the company of her husband, she received a gratuity of 1100 reals for the beauty and costliness of the silk-embroidered costumes which she wore. (S.-A., p. 86.) She is called "widow of Gaspar de Porres, vecino que fue de Toledo," in July, 1623. She was still living at the close of March, 1625. Her sons were Dr. Mathias de Porres, the friend of Lope de Vega, and Juan de Porres. Herrera, mentioned as an antiguo autor by Rojas, Viage entre- tenido (1603), and as a musico, apparently in the company of Rios in 1601. (Ibid., p. 14.) Perhaps this was Melchor de Herrera, q. v. Herrera (Alonso de), danzante and autor de comedias, re- ceived 12,000 mrs. for two danzas de Villanos produced in a comedia acted in Madrid in honor of the Peace of Cambray in 1559. Herrera (Jeronima de) and her husband Sebastian Zamudio belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631. Herrera (Juan de), actor in the company of Antonio Grana- dos (when?). An actor Herrera appeared in the cast of Lope's La Discordia en los Casados (1611) and in his El Sembrar en buena Tierra (1616). See RoselL Vol. II, p. 336. A Juan de 494 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Herrera de Gamboa, actor and author of Cephalo y Pocris, is men- tioned by Cervantes, Persiles y Sigismunda, Bk. Ill, chap, u. Herrera (D a Laura de), lessee of the corral La Monteria in Seville in 1663-69. Herrera (Marcos de), musician in the companies of Roque de Figueroa in 1 631 and Cristobal de Avendafio in 1632, and later with Lorenzo Hurtado. He was a native of Membrilla (Toledo). (Rosell, I, p. 231.) See also ibid., p. 168, where he is called "musico nuevo en las tablas," and is highly praised as a singer and player on the guitar. Herrera (Maria de), wife of Juan de Ostos; both were in the company Los Andaluces in 1605. Herrera (Maria de) and her husband Francisco de Valencia played second parts in the company of Juan Bautista Espinola in 1633, and in that of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas from March 9, 1634, for one year. Herrera (Melchor de), autor de comedias, took part in the "fiestas de Agosto" in Toledo in 1561. He represented two autos at Corpus in Toledo in 1 5 80, for which he received 140 ducats. (B.H. (1906), p. 78.) Herrera (Pablo de), actor in the company of Antonio de Prado in Seville in 1639. Herrero y Mendoza, v. Mendoza. Hidalgo (Maria), her husband Juan de Urquiza, and their son Pedro were in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1631-32. Hinestroza (Angela Francisca), actress in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631, and in that of Lorenzo Hurtado in Seville in 1641 and 1642, playing first parts. She and her sister Beatriz were members of a joint company in Seville in 1642, taking part in the autos with Lorenzo de Prado and others. They had then retired from the stage and were living in Seville. (Sanchez- Arjona, p. 358.) Hinestroza (Beatriz) played third parts in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado in 1642. She and Angela were daughters of Ana de Torres, and all three were in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1631. Hita (Ines de), wife of Francisco Pinelo. In i632-35(?) (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 29) she and her husband were in Madrid in the company of Tomas Fernandez, and in 1633-34 both were members of the company of Juan de Morales Medrano. She had SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 495 two daughters, Maria and Juana de Margarita. She was unable to write her name. Perhaps she was the Ynes who appeared as Diana in Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (1625). Hita (Juana Margarita de), daughter of Francisco Pinelo and Ines de Hita, and wife of Antonio Rodriguez (1633); she was confined in a convent in Valladolid por alguna travesura, and was killed by a fall in attempting to escape. See also Pinelo (Juana Margarita). Perhaps this is the Margarita in Lorenzo Hurtado's company (1632-35?). (Rosell, I, p. 29.) See, how- ever, under Margarita. Huerta (Gaspar de), actor in the entremes (sixteenth cen- tury) El Hijo que nego a su Padre. See Addenda. Hurtado de la Camara y Mendoza (Lorenzo), actor in 1 62 1 in the company of Pedro de Valdes. On Oct. 22, 1621, he agreed to join the company of Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo from Shrovetide, 1622, to 1623, to act first parts, "unless Gabriel Cintor be in the same company, when he is to act no less than second parts." In 1623-24 he belonged to the company of Cristobal de Avendano. His wife was Francisca Bazan, and both were in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1629-30(7). See Rosell, I, p. 169. He had a company at least as early as Oct., 1631, when he gave three representations before the King. On April 26 of this year he entered the Cofradia de la Novena; indeed, he must have been a well-known autor de comedias long before this, as he was one of the five founders of the Cofradia. In 1631-33 he lived in the Calle de Francos, Madrid, and in 1638 in Valladolid. He played first parts in his own company in La Monteria in Seville and at Corpus in 1640, 1641, and 1642 (S.-A., p. 356, for his company in 1642), and again at Corpus in 1645 (for this company, v. S.-A., p. 375). Lorenzo Hurtado was a hidalgo, descendant of Payo Furtado de Mendoza, ennobled in 1489. His company produced (in 1641 ?) Mescua's comedia El Martir de Madrid, as the MS. shows. (Paz y Melia, Cat., No. 2029.) Ibanez (Juan), native of Alcaraz, produced the dances and "inventions" for the Corpus festival at Alcaraz in 1554. Ines, actress in the "entremes cantado" La Muerte, with Rufina, Maria de Jesus, Antonia Manuela, Juan Matias, Naxera, and Bezon. This was probably Ines de Hita. The company was that 496 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES of Tomas Fernandez, and the date, in all probability, 1636-37- The name Ines also occurs in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se cur an (1625). Infanta (Antonia), celebrated actress, wife of Pedro Ascanio in 1638: see the passage in the entr ernes of Benavente spoken by Antonia. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 373.) Perhaps she was the Antonia in Pedro de la Rosa's company in i636(?) in the entremes Los Muertos vivos. Both were in the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1639, when she "played third parts, singing and dancing, and the primera parte del saynete" (N. D., p. 304) ; and in the same company in 1640, when she played primer as damas y musica. (S.-A., p. 337.) Prior to this (1636-37?) she was in the com- pany of Alonso de Olmedo. (Rosell, I, p. 90.) See ibid., p. 376, where Antonia sings : Dos galanes al dia Mi Pedro hace, Uno en la comedia Y otro en la calle. See also the story concerning her in the text (p. 127), and Sanchez- Arjona, p. 335. Inza (Juan) and his wife Josef a Maria were in the company of Francisca Lopez in 1663. He was a gracioso, and belonged for a while to the company of Francisco de la Calle. In 1665 he was with Felix Pascual, and died in Cadiz in 1682. Inigo [de LoavsaJ , v. under Loaysa. Isabel (Dona), actress playing third parts in the company of Tomas Fernandez in Madrid in 1636— 37(?). A Dona Isabel appeared in the cast of Lope's El Voder en el Discreto (1623) in the company of Juan de Morales. Isabel, actress in the company of Felix Pascual in i665-68( ?). Isabel, la Velera, v. Hernandez. Isabel Ana, wife of Bartolome de Arze; both were in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville in 1609, and in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622. In March, 1624, both were in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano. This was probably the Isabel Ana who lived in the Calle del Infante, Madrid, in 1614, and then belonged to the company of Pedro de Valdes, and afterward to that of Pinedo. See Life of Lope de Vega, p. 171 et passim. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 497 Isabel Ana, wife of Jusepe Luzon; both were in the com- pany of Jeronimo Sanchez from March, 1623, for one year. She seems to have been in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636; at all events the entremes Los Muertos vivos, in which she ap- peared, seems to have been represented by this company. (Flor de Entremeses, Zaragoza, 1679.) In Oct., 1638, Isabel Ana is desig- nated a widow, and belonged to the company of Juan Roman from Shrovetide, 1639, to 1640. There was an Isabel Ana, wife of Miguel Fernandez Bravo. Perhaps the same. See above under Fernandez (Micaela). Isabel Antonia, actress, wife of Antonio Pinero. Isabel Maria, "single woman" in the company of Juan Rodri- guez de Antriago in April, 1639. Isabel Maria, actress in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in Seville at Corpus, 1621, when she received a gratuity of 500 reals for excellence in acting and for fine costumes. Isabelica, actress in the cast of La Guarda cuidadosa by Miguel Sanchez (1615) and in Como ha de usarse del bien. v. Restori, Studj di Fil. Rom., Fasc. 15, 1891, p. 129. See also Lope's Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. Restori, p. vii, who thinks that Isabelica was the daughter of Francisco de Sotomayor, q. v. Iturrote (Juan de), actor in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in 1672. Jacinta, v. Gallego, Herbias, Medina, Osorio, and Velez. Jacinta Eugenia, actress, wife of Francisco Garcia, Pupilo; both were in the company of Esteban Nunez in 1648. Jalon (Maria Antonia), wife of Pablo Martin de Morales, and a member of his company in Seville in 1678. Jaraba (Garcia de), actor in the company of Cisneros and Melchor de Villalba in 1595-96. Jaraba (Juan de), member of the company of Alonso Riquelme in 1610. He was lessee of the two theaters of Madrid in May, 1613, for one year, for 8850 reals (N. D., p. 134), and again in 1614-15. He furnished the painting and the properties of the cars at Corpus in 1619 in Madrid. His wife was Lucia Martinez. Jerez (Juan de), member of the joint company of Andres de Claramonte in June, 161 4. 498 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Jerje (Manuel) and his wife Ana de Torres belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 63 1. Jeronima, actress in the company of Sanchez de Vargas at Corpus in Seville in 1621, when she received a gratuity of 100 reals. Jeronima, v. Burgos, Coronel, Herrera, Olmedo, Rodri- guez, Sierra, Valcazar. Jeronimo (Juan), v. Valenciano. Jeronimo (Miguel), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603-04; in 1604 in the company of Antonio de Granados; in the company of Riquelme in Seville in 1607, and in Sept., 1623, with the company of Manuel Vallejo. In 1626 he was in the company of Antonio de Prado and appeared as Julio in Lope's Amor con Vista. In 1630-31 he and his wife Isabel Hernandez, la Velera, were in the company of Roque de Figueroa. v. Rosell, I, pp. 168, 169, and ibid., pp. 224, 231 ; Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. He is probably the Jeronimo who took the part of Fabricio in Lope de Vega's Sin Secreto no ay Amor (1626). His full name was Miguel Jeronimo Punzon. Jesus (Leonor Maria de), actress in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1636. (Rosell, I, pp. 55, 405.) She was the wife of Inigo de Loaysa, and both were in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in i638-3 I S6o, and 1569. Medrano (Bernardo de), first gracioso in the company of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla from Feb., 1637, i° T one year. In Feb., 1638, he was in the company of Alonso de Olmedo and Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla, also for one year. There was a Bernardo, gracioso, in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado about 1632-35 (?). v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 29. Perhaps this was Medrano. He was also in Avendano's company. {Ibid., p. 62.) v. Lamparilla and Bernardo. Medrano (Juan de), son of the preceding, and in the same SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 523 company in 1637 and 1638. He is probably the "Juanico, hijo de Bernardo," in Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 288, 330. The date of the loa on p. 288 is probably 1636. Mejia [Antonio?], actor in the cast of Belmonte's play A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo in 1642. The name Mexia occurs in the cast of Calderon's Troya abrasada ( 1644) . See also Mexia and Messia. Melocoton (Jose), musico in the company of Antonio de Esca- millain 166 1 and 1663. Mencos (Ana Maria de), wife of Diego de Mencos; both appeared in Heredia's company in Lope de Vega's Del Monte sale (1628), and both were in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1633. Mencos (Diego de), gracioso famoso y solfista in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in March, 1632, and Feb., 1633. In 1635 he belonged to the company of Alonso de Olmedo. In Feb., 1638, he and his second wife Francisca Paula joined the company of Bartolome Romero for one year. In 1639 he went to Lisbon to act for twenty-four days, beginning in Lent, taking the part of vexete, and his wife playing third parts. In Feb., 1640, both were again in Romero's company, until the end of the octave of Corpus. Mendi (Juan Ruiz de) , v. Ruiz. Mendi (Maria de), sister of Juan Ruiz de Mendi of Madrid, and legatee under his will, dated Nov. 24, 1596. Mendiola (Jose) played third parts in the company of Magda- lena Lopez in Seville in 1677. His wife was Francisca de Medina. Mendoza (Antonia Herrero de) and his wife Francisca de Figueroa were in Avendano's company in 1632. Mendoza (Bartolome de) of Jaen, autor de comedias, repre- sented two autos in Alcaraz in 1588, receiving 40 ducats. In 1589 he represented two comedias a lo dlvino in the same town. (B. H. (1906), p. 368.) Mendoza (Francisco de), actor in the company of Diego de Santander in Dec, 1594. In June, 1614, he joined the company of Andres de Claramonte, till Shrovetide, 161 5. Mendoza (Juan de), actor in the company of Juan de Tapia, Luis de Castro, and Alonso de Paniagua, from March, 1602, for one year. In 1604 he took part in the autos at the villa de Borox. Mendoza (Juana de), daughter of Manuel Jerje and Ana de 524 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Torres. She was a member of the company of Manuel Vallejo in 163 1. Mendoza (Luis de), actor in Antonio de Prado's company in 1650; in 1662 with Sebastian de Prado; in 1663 he was gracioso in Jose Carillo's company, in 1664 second gracioso with Bartolome Romero and Juan de la Calle, in 1665 with Francisco Garcia, and in 1670 and 1677 w ' tn Escamilla. He was a Portuguese and died in 1684. Meneses (Juan) played first and second parts in the company of Juan Roman from March 23, 1639, for one year. Mesa (Baltasar de), "famoso por el ingenio y por la repre- sentacion." (Claramonte, Letania moral.) Rojas, Viage, p. 131, mentions "Mesa" among the actors who had written farsas, loos, etc. Mesa (Gaspar de), member of the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in April, 1607. Messia (Antonio). The daughter of Antonio Messia, name not given, was an actress in Madrid in 1650, in Prado's company. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, I, p. 170.) v. Mejia [An- tonio]. Mexia (Damian), actor in the company of Alonso de Villalba in 1614. Micaela, v. Fernandez, Gadea, Lopez, Luxan, Ortiz. Miguel Juan, musico in Madrid in March, 1639, who took part in two comedias at Penalver in that year. Milimino (Maximiliano), Italian actor killed in a brawl, Oct. 19, 1582, in Madrid. He headed a company of Italian players which was in the pay of the King of Navarre in 1578. (Baschet, Les Comediens Ital., p. 87, where the name is written Massimiano Milanino.) His wife was Maria Imperia. Millan (Isabel), actress in the company of Antonio de Rueda in Seville in 1644. Minano (Juan), actor in Juan Roman's company from Shrove- tide, 1639, to 1640. The name occurs in the cast of ha Guarda cuidadosa by Miguel Sanchez. Mirabete (Mariana de), actress, wife of Diego de Avila in Feb., 1619. Both appeared at the Corpus festival at the villa de Mostoles in that year. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 525 Miralles (Juan) belonged to the company of Francisco Gutierrez in Seville in 1668 and 1669. Miralles (Luis de) of Valencia, actor in the company of Felix Pascual, died in Valladolid in 1672. (M. y M., p. 567.) Miranda (Beatriz de), "single woman" in the company of Bartolome Romero from Feb. 26, 1638, for one year. On March 30 of the same year she contracted to act for one year in the company of Andres de la Vega. Miranda (Juan de), actor in the company of Pedro Ximenez de Valenzuela and Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1602. Miranda (Miguel de) and his wife Juana Bautista were mem- bers of the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago from Shrove- tide, 1637, till Shrovetide, 1638; "she to play second parts and he to receive one real less per day than his wife." Molina (Agustin), singer and actor in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1633. Molina (Ambrosio de), segundo musico in the company of Jeronimo Vallejo in 1660. Molina (Ana de), wife of Juan Matias de Molina, was in the company of Crist, de Avendano in 1632. Molina (Juan de), actor in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1631. Molina (Juan Matias de), harpist, v. Matias (Juan). Molina (Luis), actor in the company of Juan Limos in 1583- 84. Molina (Miguel de), lessee of La Monteria in Seville from 1636 for six years. Monroy (Juan Antonio de) played second parts in the com- pany of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657 ; l" s wife Jeronima Muniz played fourth parts in the same company. Monsalve (Catalina de) and her husband Pedro de Ribera were members of the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1621. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) Monserrate (Diego de) of Madrid and his wife Mariana Rodriguez acted in the company of Alonso Riquelme for one year from March 7, 1602, and in the company called Los Andaluces from March, 1605, till Shrovetide, 1606. Montemayor(Juan DE)and his wife Ana Maria de Ulloa were 526 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES acting in Lisbon prior to Feb. 13, 161 7, when they agreed to join the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year. In 1632-33, with their daughter Beatriz de Velasco (Beatricica), they were in the company of Cristobal de Avendano. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 203 ; Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 62, 84.) His name and Ana Maria's occur in the cast of Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta J nana (writ- ten in 1614 and licensed in 1616), and the names Montemayor and Ana Maria are found in a MS. of La Guarda cuidadosa by Miguel Sanchez; he also appeared in Lope's Del Monte sale (1628), apparently in the company of Heredia. In 1645 he was in the company of Luis Lopez in Seville. Montemayor (Sebastian de) and his wife Ana de Velasco are mentioned as members of a company of actors in Madrid in 1584. He was an autor de comedias in 1589 and 1601. Perhaps Beatriz de Velasco was the daughter of Sebastian and not of Juan, though the chronology seems to oppose this. Montesinos (Maria de), wife of Diego de Ordonez; both were in a joint company in June, 1603. On June 19, 1614, she was the wife of Fernando Perez, and acted with him in the com- pany of Claramonte until Shrovetide, 1615. Montiel (Pedro de), actor in the company of Lope de Rueda in 1554. (Cortes, Un Pleito de Lope de Rueda.) He wrote the auto Los Desposorios de Crista con la Naturaleza humana, in which he also acted at the Corpus festival at Seville in 1575. It was expressly stipulated that he was to appear in person on the car which he brought out. He also produced autos in Seville in 1574 and 1576. Montoya (Cristobal de) and his wife Leonor Maria, both of Granada, were members of the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1619. Montoya (Isidro de), actor in the company of Agustin Manuel de Castilla in 1678. Montoya ( Jeronima de) , wife of Andrez Pizarro ; both were in a joint company with Pedro Bravo and others in July, 1614. Montoya (Juan de), native of Orgaz, over twenty-five years old in 1 61 7, when he seems to have been in the company of Pedro de Valdes (N. D., p. 163) ; actor in the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619, and in the company of Manuel Vallejo SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 527 in 1622, 1623, and 1631; in the latter year his wife la Senora Antonia acted in the same company. Monzon (Luis de), dancing-master, arranged the dances for the Corpus festivals in Madrid in 1603, 1606, 1 608 -1 2, and called autor de comedias in 1614. In 1619 he and Gabriel de la Torre presented five dances at Corpus. In Sept., 1623, he was one of the lessees of the theaters of Madrid, and in 1628, with others, again had charge of the dances at Corpus. A "Monzon" is men- tioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 51. Mora (Diego de), actor? witness to the marriage of Luis Quinones and Isabel de Velasco on Sept. 20, 161 4. This is proba- bly the Diego Martinez de Mora who entered into an obligation, for himself and his daughter Mariana, to sing and act at Leganes in Gaspar de Avila's Fullerias de Amor in 1629. (Paz y Melia, Cat., No. 1340.) Morales (Alonso de), ministril, mentioned as early as 1577, when his wife was Dona Melchora Maldonado, daughter of the ministril Juan Lopez Maldonado. (N. D., pp. 10, 33.) In 1588 he entered the service of D. Garcia de Mendoza, Viceroy of Peru, as a musician, and died in Madrid on Feb. 22, 1624, his wife surviving him. {Ibid., p. 205.) Morales (Alonso de), brother of Juan de Morales Medrano (N. D., p. 217), and a famous actor. He was called el Divino, and is mentioned as an actor as early as 1584. He had a com- pany in Madrid in April, 1592, together with Jeronimo Ruiz and Francisco de Vera. In Oct., 1594, he was a member of the com- pany of Diego de Santander, and also in 1596, taking part in the Corpus festival at Seville. He represented two autos and the comedia Don Alvaro de Luna at the Corpus festival in Getafe in 1601. Claramonte, in his Letania moral (printed in 1612), says of him: "Alonso de Morales, principe de los representantes, que merecio en sus dias llamarse el Divino, por el ingenio y por la representacion," implying that Morales was then deceased. He is also mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa in his Plaza Universal (1615) among the famous actors then dead. Perez Pastor, how- ever, publishes a document dated Oct. 31, 1626, in which Alonso de Morales, vecino de Salmeron, pledges some landed property in that town as surety for Juan de Morales Medrano. (N. D., p. 212.) The latter, moreover, seems to have inherited this very 528 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES property in Salmeron, which was probably the seat of the family. (N. D., p. 217.) Rojas, Viage, p. 131, mentions Alonso de Morales among the actors who had written farsas, has, etc., and says (p. 127) that Morales was the author of the comedia El Conde loco, but whether this was Alonso or Pedro de Morales is uncertain. As to the Conde loco, see Barrera, Catdlogo, p. 5 1 7, col. I , and p. 527. Pellicer (Vol. I, p. 117) ascribes the following plays to "Morales": El legitimo Bastardo, El Renegado del Cielo, and La Toma de Sevilla por el Santo Rey Fernando. Morales (Bartolome de), actor in Nov., 1605, and appar- ently a relative of Juan de Morales Medrano. Morales (Cristobal de), actor in the company of Jeronimo Velazquez in 1583, and in July, 1614, in the company of Clara- monte. In March, 1619, he belonged to the company of Tomas Fernandez. In 1621 he and his daughter were in the company of Alonso de Olmedo. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) Morales (Felipe de), native of Cordoba, married Catalina Sanchez of Jaca in 1650. Both were then members of the company of Adrian Lopez in Valladolid. (M. y M., p. 567.) Morales (Gaspar de) played third parts in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in Seville in 1678. Morales (Geronimo de) played second parts in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in Seville in 1635. Morales (Gregorio de) and his wife Maria Angela were in the company of Francisco Solano from March, 1637, till Shrove- tide, 1638. Morales (Ignacia Petronila de), "single woman," actress in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in Seville in 1678. Morales (Jeronimo) played second galanes in the company of Sebastian de Prado in 1659—62; barbas in the company of Juan de la Calle and Bartolome Romero in 1664; he was with Fran- cisco Garcia in 1665, with Escamilla in 1670 and 1677, with Felix Pascual in 1673, and with Manuel Vallejo in 1672. See above, Jeronimo de Morales, perhaps the same person. His daughter was in Seb. de Prado's company in 1 660. Morales (Josefa de) and her husband Francisco de la Calle were in the company of Felix Pascual in i665~7o( ?), and in that of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1674; in 1680 she played segundas damas in the company of Jeronimo Garcia, and in 1681 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 529 primeras damas in the company of Carvajal. She had a son, Salva- dor de la Calle. Pellicer, Vol. II, p. 64, says that she first ap- peared upon the stage in the company of Juan de Nieva, in 1632 ( !) , and died in Madrid in 1684. Morales (Juan de), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in March, 1590. He died before April 10, 1595, when Juana de Villalba is designated as his widow. He died by violence, and on the date just mentioned his widow withdrew an accusation that she had made against Jeronimo de Aguilar for killing her hus- band. The widow afterward (before 1597) married Baltasar Pinedo. Morales (Juan de), actor in the company of Antonio de Castro in Seville in 1656, and played third parts in the company of Jose Garceran in the following year. Morales (Maria de) and her husband Pedro Llorente were members of the company of Tomas Fernandez for one year from Nov. 12, 161 1. She was in her husband's company in Dec, 1614, and in Seville at Corpus in 1617, when they received a gratuity of 220 reals. She outlived her husband, who died on Jan. 30, 1621. She is mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa (1615) as a famous actress, and appeared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana (licensed in 1616) on its first representation. She seems also to have produced the first part of this comedia in Valladolid, in Feb., 1 61 5. See Sanchez-Arjona, p. 165. Morales (Maria de), daughter of Francisco de Arteaga and Maria Perez ; all were received into the Cofradia de la Novena on April 26, 1631. In 1633-34 she and her father were members of the company of Juan Bautista Espinola. (AT. D., p. 229.) Morales (Mariana de) or Mariana Vaca de Morales, daugh- ter of Juan de Morales Medrano and Jusepa Vaca, who were married in 1602. She was acting in her father's company in Seville at Corpus, 161 8, and was then about fifteen years old. On this occasion she and her mother received a gratuity of 300 reals for excellence in the auto La Serrana de la Vera. She seems to have belonged to her father's company till 1624, except in 1622, when she was in the company of Manuel Vallejo at Corpus. Her name occurs in the cast of Lope de Vega's El Poder en el Discreto (1623), and she was doubtless the autora taking the part 53Q SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES of Lisena in the cast of Lope's Amor con Vista (1626), for it was represented by the company of Antonio de Prado. She was the second wife of Antonio de Prado, and was still acting in his com- pany in 1650. They were living in the Calle de las Huertas, Madrid, at the time of Prado's death on April 14, 1651. In 1649 she had received a gratuity for acting in the Corpus festival at Madrid, and in the following year she was in the company of her husband. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Doc, I, p. 169.) She was still acting in 1658, when she belonged to the company of her son Jose Garcia de Prado in Seville. She also had a son Diego, and died in Madrid in 1673. Morales (Maximiliano or Maximiliano Eustorquio de), actor in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1632, and played second parts in the company of Juan Bautista Espinola in Feb., 1633-34. He seems to have been in Prado's company in 1634- i636( ?). (Rosell, I, p. 97.) In Sept., 1637, he was in the com- pany of Bartolome Romero, and in 165 1 in that of Carlos de Tapia. (M. y M., p. 567.) He was a nephew of Juan de Morales Medrano, and was called el del escopetazo. He died in the hospital at Murcia in 1658. v. Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I, p. 671, and Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 216, where the name is given as if there were two actors Max. and Eustorquio. Morales (Pedro de), actor and autor de comedias, was a wit- ness, in April, 1599, to a contract made by Luis de Vergara. On Dec. 27, 1602, he witnessed the marriage contract of Juan de Morales Medrano and Jusepa Vaca. Lope de Vega, in his Peregrine (1604), calls him "cierto, adornado y afectuoso representante." He first produced Lope's comedia Los Amantes sin Amor before 1604, and is mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 131, among the actors who had written farsas, loas, etc. Whether he is the Morales, author of the play El Conde loco, is uncertain. See Barrera, Cata- logo, pp. 274, 275, 517, col. 1, and 527. In his Viage del Parnaso Cervantes says : The next, who is the Muses' chief delight, Their grace, their charm, their wisdom, all in one, Who bears the palm for goodly wit at sight, Is Pedro de Morales, true-born son Of courtly taste, the sure retreat always My poor luck finds that else might be undone. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 531 "The man to whom Cervantes consecrates this short eulogium, one of the most delicate and touching in the poem, was a famous come- dian and a writer of comedies. He seems to have befriended Cer- vantes in the deepest hour of his need, and Cervantes was not the man to forget either a friend or a kindness. He represents him further on as being one of the few who welcomed him on his return from Parnassus: My heart and hand I gave and warm embrace To Pedro de Morales. . . ." Morales was still alive in 1636 to throw a little flower on Lope's grave, in the shape of a touching sonnet contributed to Montalvan's "Fama Postuma de Lope de Vega." See Cervantes, Journey to Parnassus, translated by James Y. Gibson, London, 1883, p. 349, an excellent work in every way, which deserves to be better known. Morales (Sebastian de), actor in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1604-05, from Shrovetide to Shrovetide, and in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in April, 1607. Morales (Segundo de) and his wife Leocadia de Torres were members of the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville at Corpus in 1 6 19. In 1630 he is called "alquilador de libreas y apariencias." {Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 256.) He was an autor de comedias in 1637 and 1638. Morales Medrano (Juan de), one of the most famous of Spanish theatrical managers, was an actor at least as early as 1595. He married the no less celebrated actress Jusepa Vaca de Mendi on Dec. 27, 1602, and was one of the eight autor es author- ized by the decree of 1603, and one of the twelve permitted by the decree of 1 61 5. Some time prior to Sept. 13, 1602, Morales had agreed to act in the company of Antonio Granados for one year, but broke the contract, for which Granados had him put in prison, but released him on the payment of 450 reals and Morales's agree- ment to act with Granados for one month. (B. H. (1907), p. 367.) In Aug., 1603, Morales represented two comedias pri- vately before the Queen at Valladolid, receiving 600 reals. (Ibid., p. 368.) In 1604 his company represented the autos in Seville, and also appeared in Madrid, producing Mescua's comedia La Rueda de la Fortuna. v. Life of Lope de Vega, p. 153. In 1606 he represented the comedia El Caballero de Olmedo (ibid., 532 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES p. 165, n.)i and also inaugurated the Casa de Comedias at Zamora. (There was, however, a theater in Zamora some years before this. See S.-A., p. 109, n.) In June, 1608, he represented the comedia San Luis Bertran in Valencia, receiving 2500 reals. (Cang. de la Acad, de los Nocturnos, ed. Grajales, Pt. II, Valencia, 1905, p. 202.) He was also in Valencia in 1630 (Jan. and Feb.). In 1609 he rep- resented autos in Toledo. He again represented the autos in Seville in 1610, 1615, 1616, and 1618, receiving each time 700 ducats. In 1606, 1608, 1612, and 1614 his company represented autos at Madrid. His daughter Mariana de Morales became the wife of Antonio de Prado; father, mother, and daughter were acting in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1622. (N. D., p. 297.) In May and June, 1623, his company represented six comedias pri- vately before the King, and the autos in Madrid in 1623, 1624, and 1625. In 1623 he produced Lope's El Poder en el Discreto. In 1625 he petitioned to have a house that he was building in the Calle del Principe exempt from taxation because he had served the Queen for twenty-two years and because he had eight children. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 251). Between this date and 1635 his company often performed before Philip IV. v. Averiguador, pp. 8 et seq. He was one of the few Spanish theatrical managers whom fortune favored, and in 1614 owned houses in the Calle del Principe, and in 1627-29 in the Calle del Lobo, the Calle del Prado, corner of the Calle del Leon, and others in the Calle del Nino. He was a hidalgo, and when sued for debt in 1634, in Madrid, he claimed the privileges of hidalguia by virtue of letters patent granted in Valladolid on Sept. 1, 1627. (N. D., p. 239.) The date of his death is not known. For his company in 1624, see ibid., p. 207. Moreno (Baltasar) and his wife Catalina Moreno were members of Avendano's company in 1632; both names occur in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan; the MS. bears a censura dated 1625. Moreno (Juan), actor in the company of Antonio Granados in Dec, 1613. The name Moreno occurs in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (1625). Morote (D a Maria), wife of Juan Bautista de Haedo; she played first parts in the Corpus festival at the villa del Escorial in 1636. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 533 Mosquera (Antonio) played terceras partes in the company of Agustin Manuel and Felix Pascual in 1671. Mosquera (Manuel de), native of Valladolid and originally a painter by profession, then actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1670; he also played third galanes in 1672, and barbas in 1673, 1674, 1676, 1679, and 1681 in the same company; in 1671 he was with Felix Pascual; in 1677 and 1678 he was with Escamilla. He married Antonia del Pozo and afterward (in 1676?) Maria de Cisneros. Moya (Ana de) appeared as Dona Juana in Lope's La Conpe- tencia en los Nobles in i628( ?). Moya (Bartolome de), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603-04. Moya (Melchor de) and his wife Ana Maria de la Canal were in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1605 in Valladolid and in 1609 in Seville. Mozo (Roque) of Zaragoza, actor in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 161 9. Mudarra (Francisco de) belonged to the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville in 1609. He had a company in 161 7 and 1619, in the former year with Francisco Ortiz. In this year, in Sept., he represented at Vallecas. He is the author of a comedia, Nadie diga mal del dia hasta que la luz se acabe, dated 1617. v. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2275. Mudarra, v. Castillo (Pedro Manuel de). Munilla (Diego), member of the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year from March 10, 1634. Muniz (Jeronima) played fourth parts and the harp; she was the wife of Juan Antonio de Monroy, and both were in the com- pany of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657. Muniz (Juan Bautista) and his wife Euxenia Osorio were in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Feb., 1613, and in the com- pany of Tomas Fernandez in April, 1619, when they paid 2400 reals for a costume. Both were in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1621. {Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) Munoz (Ana), celebrated actress, and wife of Antonio de Villegas in June, 1593. v. Rojas, Viage, p. 51. She is mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa in his Plaza Universal. Her name occurs in the cast of Lope's Quien mas no puede (1616). v. Luis Fer- 534 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES nandez-Guerra, D. Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, p. 1 86. She had a son (Rojas, Viage, p. 48), Juan Bautista de Villegas, q. v., besides Francisco, the dramatist, and two daughters, Maria and Ana. Her husband died on May 29, 1613, after which she managed his com- pany for some time. (Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 378.) Whether the Ana Munoz whom we find as the wife of Pedro Cebrian on Sept. 4, 1616, was the widow or the daughter of Villegas, I do not know. Munoz (Antonio), actor in the company of Juan Roman in 1639-40, and in Felix Pascual's company in Seville in 1665. Munoz (Francisca), wife of Francisco Elguero in Feb., 1636, when they appeared at the Corpus festival at Truxeque. In July, 1637, they represented comedias in the village of Hita. Munoz (Francisco), actor in 1589. In June, 1603, and March, 1604, he and his wife Marina de Aguilar were in a joint company, and in 1607 both were members of Alonso Riquelme's company in Seville. In March, 1614, he was in Alonso de Here- dia's company. Munoz (Isabel), actress in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in Valladolid in 1619. (M. y M., p. 566.) Munoz (Jeronimo), prompter in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643. Munoz (Juan), actor in the company of Antonio Granados in Dec, 1613. Munoz (Miguel) and his wife Angela de Toledo were in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano in March, 1623. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) Munoz (Pedro), member of the company of Cristobal de Avendano in March, 1623. Munoz (Sebastiana), wife of Francisco Rodriguez; both were in Juan Roman's company from Shrovetide, 1639, to 1640. Munoz de la Plaza (Antonio), actor in the company of Alonso de Villalba for one year from Feb. 24, 1614. Murillo, famous actor, mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza Universal (1615), as being then deceased. Muzio, Italian actor in Spain in 1538. Najera (Tomas de), actor and musico in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1636-39. v. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 55, 381. His name occurs in the cast of Calderon's Troya abrasada( 1644). He died in Barcelona. See also under Naxera. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 535 Narbaes, actor in 1623, appearing in Lope's La nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba. Narbaes (Francisca), actress in the company of Antonio de Rueda in Seville in 1644. Navala (Maria), dancer in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano at the Corpus festival in Seville in 161 5, when she re- ceived a gratuity of 10 ducats for excellence in the bailes. Navarrete (Alonso Diaz) and his wife Antonia de Victoria were in the company of Avendano in 1632. Navarrete (Antonio de), actor in the company of Alonso de Heredia in March, 1614. A "Nauarete" appeared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana (licensed in 1616) ; a "Nabarrete" in Lope's La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628) ; "Nabarete" in the cast of Paciencia en la fortuna, of which there is an Osuna MS. dated 1615 (v. Restori, Studj, p. 143), and in Como ha de usarse del bien {ibid., p. 129), and in La Guar da cuidadosa by Miguel Sanchez, printed in 1 61 5. Navarrete (Bartolome de), member of the company of Cris- tobal Ortiz de Villazan for one year from Feb. 17, 1 6 19. In the list of this company he is called a musico, and was from Granada. Navarrete (Blas de), actor in the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1662; he and his wife Feliciana de Ayuso were in the company of Francisco Gutierrez at Seville in 1668. In 1671 and 1672 he was in the company of Ant. de Escamilla; in 1673 with Felix Pascual, and in 1674, 1675, and 1676 with Manuel Vallejo. He is probably the Fernando Ignacio Bias de Navarrete who was in Antonio de Castro's company in 1656. Navarrete (Juan Antonio), musico in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1673. His wife Paula was in the same com- pany. Navarrico of Toledo, actor. Rojas, Viage, p. 362, mentions him among the best actors of his day. Navarro (Diego), actor in the company of Abagaro Francisco Valdes in 1583-84. {B. Hisp. (1906), p. I53-) Navarro (Jose), musician in the company of Pablo de Morales in Seville in 1678. Navarro (Juanico), member of the company of Jose Ant. Garcia in 1679. Navarro (Pedro), antiguo autor, mentioned by Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 361, and also by Cervantes in the Prologue to his 536 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Comedias; Lope de Vega also calls him a famous actor (Comedias, Part XVI, 1622, Prologue). He is doubtless the "Unico Poeta y Representante Navarro," author of the Comedia muy exemplar de la Marquesa de Saluzia, llamada Griselda, published in 1603. See the reprint by C. B. Bourland, Revue Hispanique, 1905. Rojas, Viage, p. 132, says: Nauarro of Toledo "fue el primero que inuento teatros." Navarro Oliver (Juan), actor, and his second wife Jeronima de Olmedo were in the company of Avendaiio in 1632. He was in the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1644 (see the list of the company in S.-A., p. 371, where he is called simply Juan Navarro), and was still living in 1678. He and his wife were with Jose Carrillo in Valencia in 1662, and with Manuel Vallejo in 1674, and he was with Escamilla as barba in 1675—78. This was proba- bly the Juan Navarro who had a company of Spanish players in London in Dec, 1635, when he received £10 "for himself and the rest of the company for a play presented before his Majesty, Dec. 23." (Malone, Historical Account of the English Stage, Basil, 1800, p. 131, n.) Navas (Juan de), actor in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654. Naxera (Andres de), autor de comedias in 1593, when he managed a company jointly with Gabriel Nunez. In 1606 he had charge of the dances at Corpus in Madrid, and in 1609 of a danza de cascabel entitled "The dance of Don Gayferos and rescue of Melisendra." In 161 1 with Gabriel de la Torre he brought out at Corpus the dance El Rey don Alonso. He repre- sented other dances in 16 15 -18. Necti (Josefa), wife of Francisco Alvarez de Victoria in 1630; both were in the company of Tomas Fernandez before 1639. Negrilla (La), actress playing second parts in the company of Ana de Espinosa in Madrid at Corpus, 1641. v. Schack, Nach- trage, p. 72. Neyra (Juan de) brought out one of the dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1628. Nicolas (Catalina de), first wife of the autor de comedias Pedro de la Rosa in Feb., 1636. v. Rosa (Catalina de la.) Nieto (Josefa), wife of Antonio de Mata; both were in Jacinto Riquelme's company in Seville in 1652. In 1677 and 1678 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 537 she was in the company of Escamilla, and in 1679-81 in the com- pany of Manuel Vallejo. Nieto (Juan), member of a joint company in Madrid in March, 1604. Nieva (Juan de), autor in charge of one of the autos at Seville in 1628; his company was to represent in La Monteria, Seville, in 1633, but the performances did not take place. (S.-A., p. 284.) He was a brother-in-law of Damian Arias. Nobles of Toledo, well-known actor in 1602, mentioned by Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 362. Noguera (Antonio de), actor in the company of Andres de la Vega for one year from March, 1639. Nolasco (Pedro), actor in the company of Jose Garcia de Prado in 1658. Nunez (Alonso), musician and dancer in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 16 19. Nunez (Esteban), el Polio, actor in the company of Lopez de Salazar, Mahoma, in 1633, and in that of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644. His first wife was Josefa de Salazar (1644), who was in the same company, and both were in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado in Seville in 1645. In 1648 and 1654 ne had his own company in Seville, Cadiz, and other cities, his wife Josefa Salazar being a member of his company. His second wife is said to have been Juliana Candau, widow of Pedro Diaz( ?). Juliana was the wife of Pedro de Urquiza in 1644, when both were in the company of Antonio de Rueda in Seville. Nunez (Francisco), member of the company of Diego de Santander in 1594, and in Domingo Balbin's company in 1613. In Feb., 1619, he was in Pedro Cebrian's company. Nunez (Gabriel), autor de comedias in Madrid in 1593 and 1603. In Aug., 1593, he performed the comedias Los Comenda- dores (Lope de Vega) and Los Enredos de Benetillo (by Lope?), "con los dichos entremeses in cada de las dichas comedias con su musica de biola y guitarras," at Nava del Carnero. (N. D., p. 36.) He represented at Corpus in Barajas in 1603. Nunez (Juan), dancer, of Madrid, was in the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan in Seville in i6ig(?). In 1626 he was in the company of Jose de Salazar in Seville, and in 1632 in Antonio de Prado's company. In 1637 ne was with Luis Lopez 538 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES in Seville, when he received a gratuity of 3750 mrs. for the hand- some costume he wore. In 1645 he was with Bartolome Romero in Valladolid. (M. y M., p. 567.) Nunez de Luna (Diego), musician in the employ of D. Gar- cia de Mendoza, Viceroy of Peru, in Lima, in 1588. Nunez de Prado (Juan), actor in the company of Cristobal de Leon in Aug., 1620, and with Pedro de la Rosa in 1639 in Seville. Perhaps the same as Juan Nunez, above. O (Maria de la), widow of the autor de comedias Luys de Vergara in 1 61 7. (Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, Vol. II, P-437-) O (Maria de la), wife of Antonio de Andrade, el Gallego, in 1 63 1, when she, her husband, and her daughter Luisa de Andrade were members of the company of Manuel Vallejo. In Feb., 1633, Maria de la O and her husband Juan de Samaniego engaged to act for one year in the company of Juan Bautista Espinola, and at Corpus of 1637 they took P art in the representation of an auto and two comedias in the villa de Zedillo. O (Maria de la), actress in the company of Jose Carrillo in 1663. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, p. 296.) There was a Maria de la O de la Berruga, an actress of a later date, who was the daughter of Toribio de Bustamante and the wife of Juan de Flores and mother of Alfonso de Flores, harpist, of Madrid. Ocampo (D a Maria de), widow of the actor Cristobal Juarez in Dec, 1616. The inventory of his effects was filed on Dec. 15, 1616. Ocana (Pedro de), of Murcia, musician and actor in the com- pany of Alonso de Cisneros in Dec, 1589. His wife was Agustina de Vega, and both were in the company of Gaspar de Porres from March 27, 1593, for one year. Ochoa (Mariana), v. Ochoa (Salvador de). Ochoa (Pedro de), actor in the company of Juan de Limos from March, 1583, till Shrovetide, 1584. He was to receive 3 reals at the end of each performance, besides board, lodging, travel- ing expenses, and to have his shirts washed. (B. H. (1906), p. 153.) He acted in the company of Antonio de Villegas in June, I593- Ochoa (Salvador de) and his wife Mariana were in the SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 539 company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville in 1609. In March, 161 1, Ochoa was in Pinedo's company, and at Corpus in the same year he acted with the company of Tomas Fernandez in Madrid, while in Feb., 1613, we find Salvador de Ochoa and his wife Jeronima Rodriguez in Baltasar Pinedo's company. Ochoa (Salvadora), wife of Juan de Exea; both were in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in 1613. Ochoa de Arroyo (Domingo), actor in the company of Anto- nio de Prado in Seville in 1639. (S.-A., p. 325.) He appears under the name Arroyo in the Entremeses of Benavente, also in Prado's company, as vejete about 1633-36 (?). v. Rosell, Vol. I, pp.97, 174, 322, 351. Ojeda (Felipa Maria de), actress in the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1650. Ojeda (Maria Valba) played second parts in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in 1635. Oliva (Francisco), ministril in the company of Alonso de Morales and others in April, 1592. Olivares (Antonio de), actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme( ?) for one year from March, 1602. Olivares (Lorenzo de), nephew of the preceding, and actor in Riquelme's company in 1602-03. Olivares .(Mariana de), wife of the celebrated autor de come- dias Roque de Figueroa; both were in the company of Domingo Balbin from Sept. 1, 1623, till Shrovetide, 1624. She acted in her husband's company in 1631-32. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206.) She had two children: Miguel de Figueroa, who died in Milan as a captain of cavalry, and Gabriela de Figueroa (q. v.), who married the actor Jose Garceran. Olmedo y Tofino (Alonso de), famous actor and autor de comed'ms, was the son of the Mayordomo of the Count of Oro- pesa, and was born in Talavera de la Reina, where he served the Count, as a page. He is said to have fallen in love with an actress, Luisa de Robles, a member of a traveling company which visited his native town. Luisa was then the wife of Juan Laba- dia, an actor; some time thereafter she received the news that her husband had been drowned, whereupon she is said to have married Olmedo. Some three years after this, being then in Granada with his company, Olmedo was surprised one day by the sudden 540 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES reappearance of Luisa's former spouse. We are told that Olmedo accepted the situation with admirable resignation; that he imme- diately shared his possessions with Luisa and bade her farewell. See the story, told with some detail by Sanchez- Arjona, p. 223. While this story of Luisa de Robles in its main incidents may be true, she was certainly not the siren who first lured Olmedo upon the stage. In a petition to the town council of Seville (ibid., p. 224), dated 1640, Olmedo says that he had served the King at the Corpus festivals for forty years, and that he had been manager of a company for twenty-four years. This would place the beginning of his theatrical career in the year 1600, and his beginning as an autor in 1616. What we know of Luisa de Robles is briefly this: in June, 161 8, she is described as the widow of Juan Labadia (N. £)., p. 167) ; at Corpus in 1621 she was in Olmedo's company in Madrid; in Sept., 1623, she is designated a single woman over twenty-five years old, and belonged to Manuel Vallejo's company (ibid., p. 201) ; in 1624 she was in Antonio de Prado's company in Madrid, and in 1627 she and her husband Juan de Labadia were in -Manuel Simon's company in Seville. If the Enoch Arden episode ever took place, it must have occurred about 1618 (or rather before that date, as we shall see) ; but at that time Olmedo had been upon the stage for many years. His career was a long one. His name occurs in the cast of Lope's Los Guzmanes de Toral, written before 1604. v. Restori's edition, p. ix, n. 2, where Obredo = Olmedo. In 1610 he acted in Riquelme's company and appeared in Lope's La buena Guarda.- On July 11, 1613, he agreed to act in the company of Ana Munoz, widow of Antonio de Villegas, until Shrovetide, 1615, receiving 18 reals daily, besides 6 reals for maintenance and 30 ducats for Corpus. (B. H. (1907), p. 378.) His company in 1621 comprised: Cris- tobal Ortiz and Ana Maria, his wife; Juan Muniz and Eugenia, his wife ; Cristobal de Morales and daughter ; Pedro de Ribera and Catalina de Monsalve, his wife; Francisco de Arteaga and his daughter Maria Alvarez; Juan de Benavides, Pedro Aguado, Francisco Vicente, Pedro de Espafia, Lorenzo Salvador; Jeronimo de Heredia and Catalina de Osorio, his wife ; Luisa de Robles and Alonso de Olmedo. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) On Nov. 21 of this year he agreed to take his company to Seville and represent every day except Saturday, till Shrovetide of 1622 (ibid., p. 245), SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 541 producing two new comedias each week, and also half the Corpus festival, and to have the exclusive right of representing during this time. His company represented autos at Madrid in 1620 and in Seville in 1622, 1623, 1630, 1635, and 1636. In 1631 he entered the Cofradia de la Novena. In Jan., 1632, he represented before the King the comedia Si el caballo vos han muerto, and in 1636 represented six comedias before Philip IV. Olmedo married be- fore 1 618 Jeronima de Ornero, daughter of the Mayordomo of the Count of Sastago; she acted in his company, together with her daughter Maria de Olmedo, in 1635, Olmedo playing old men's parts in his own company. For a list of this company, v. S.-A., p. 297. He had six children, several of whom were members of his company at different times. In 1638, on Shrove Tuesday, his company took part in the fiesta in the Buen Retiro, but in 1640 we again find him acting in the company of another, Manuel Vallejo. (S.-A., p. 339.) He retired from the stage before 1646. Alonso de Olmedo was a hidalgo, and by a special decree of Philip IV., dated May 20, 1647, all the privileges of his rank were preserved to him, "although he had been an autor de come- dias." He died in Madrid in 165 1. Olmedo (Alonso de), el Mozo, son of the preceding, was a Bachiller en canones in the University of Salamanca, but aban- doned his studies for the stage. In Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I, p. 674, we read that he was admitted into the Cofradia in 1631, "being then in the company of his father." This does not neces- sarily imply that he was then old enough to appear upon the stage. The first notice that we have of him as an actor is in 1640, when he belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo. Sanchez-Arjona says that he acted and danced in his father's company in the pre- ceding year in Seville (p. 223). He was famous in the role of galan, acting for years in rivalry with Sebastian de Prado. In 1659 he was first galan in the company of Diego Osorio; in 1660 he was with Pedro de la Rosa and appeared in Montero's play A mar sin favorecer; in 1 661 with Ant. de Escamilla; 1662 with Simon Aguado and Juan de la Calle; 1663, 1664, 1665, 1670, 1671, 1672, 1675, 1676, 1677, and 1678 with Escamilla; 1673, 1674, 1679, 1680, and 1 68 1 with Manuel Vallejo, and died in 1682, in Alicante, while a member of Escamilla's company. His wife was Maria Antonia de Leon of Velez-Malaga, who, it is said, 542 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES was kidnapped a few days after her marriage by hirelings of the tenth Admiral of Castile, D. Juan Gaspar Enriquez de Cabrera, and her husband never saw her again. Olmedo was a galan both on and off the stage; he had a son named Gaspar de Olmedo by the actress Maria de Anaya, before the latter married Jose Antonio de Prado. The parents of Maria de Anaya, to break off her rela- tions with Olmedo, had sent her to Paris with Sebastian de Prado's company in 1660, where her son Gaspar was born. He also had a son by the celebrated Manuela de Escamilla, named Alonso de Olmedo, who also followed the stage and acted gracioso parts with much applause. (Cotarelo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 210.) Olmedo was the author of a number of bailes and entremeses, a list of which is given by Restori, Piezas de Titulos de Comedias, p. 181, n. Olmedo (Gaspar de), actor in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1 68 1. He was the son of Alonso de Olmedo, el Mozo, and Maria de Anaya. Olmedo (Hipolito de), actor (in 1650?) ; his real name was Zorrilla. He was manager of a company in 1676. Olmedo (Jeronima de), daughter of Alonso de Olmedo and Jeronima de Ornero. She and her husband Juan Navarro Oliver were in Avendano's company in 1632. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 203.) In 1638—39 she was in the joint company of her father and Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla. In 1640 she was in Vallejo's company in Seville; in 1659 with Diego Osorio; in 1662 with Jose Carrillo; in 1666 she acted in Paris, and in 1674 with Manuel Vallejo. She died in Madrid on Jan. 19, 1703, more than eighty years of age. Olmedo (Maria de), sister of the preceding, took fifth parts and played the harp in her father's company in Seville at Corpus, 1635; m Feb., 1638-39, she was in the company of her father and Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla. In 1640 she was segunda dama in the company of Manuel Vallejo. She is said to have married the autor Juan Perez de Tapia (S.-A., pp. 340, 359) ; if this be so she must have married him after Nov. 15, 1640, for at that date Tapia's first wife, Ana Maria Rodriguez, was still living. (N. D., p. 327.) According to Sanchez-Arjona she was the wife of Juan Perez in 1653, when both were received into the Cofradia de la Novena (p. 359), and was understudy in the company of Esteban Nunez in 1657 (P- 34o). She died in Madrid, in April, 1668 (ibid., p. 340), or in Seville! or Granada! (ibid., p. 360). SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 543 Olmedo (Maria de), wife of the actor Tome de Olmedo; both -were in the company of Esteban Nunez in Valencia in 1654. There was a Maria de Olmedo in the company of Nunez in Valencia in 1657. See the preceding article. Olmedo (Tome de), v. the preceding. Olmedo (Vicente de), actor and dancer, husband of Fran- •cisca Bezon (1650?). In 1659 both were in the company of Diego Osorio; according to Gallardo, I, p. 673, he was residing in Madrid in 1717. He was a son of Alonso de Olmedo. Olmos (Dona Maria de), "single woman," actress in the Corpus festival at the villa de Zedillo in April, 1637. Onez (Angela de), actress( ?) in 1596. v. N. D., p. 45. Oracio Cartagines (Nicolas) and his wife Beatriz de Espinosa were in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603. Orbaneja (Jeronimo de) produced one of the autos in Seville in 1559. Ordaz (Antonio de) , actor in the company of Juana de Cisne- ros in Seville in 1660. He had a company in Valencia in 1664. Ordaz (Juan), actor in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1670. Ordonez (Alejandro) and his wife Francisca de Bustamente were in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in Seville in 1672. Ordonez (Diego) and his wife Maria de Montesinos were members of a joint company in 1603. The name Ordonez occurs in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (licensed 1625), in Avendano's company, together with Maria de Montesinos. Ordonez (Felipe) agreed on Feb. 25, 1638, to play "whatever may be commanded, but no less than third parts," in the company of Alonso de Olmedo and Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla for one year. On March 2, 1638, he agreed to play first parts for one year in the company of Alonso de la Vega. In 1673 a Felipe Ordonez was in the company of Matias de Castro in Seville; in 1680 he was cobrador with Jeronimo Garcia. Ornero (Jeronima de), second ( ?) wife of Alonso de Olmedo and a member of his company in 1635, was the daughter of the Mayordomo of the Count of Sastago. She died in 1665. v. Olmedo (Alonso de). Oro (Ana de), wife of Pedro de Contreras; both belonged to the company of Pedro de la Rosa from March, 1637, f° r one y ear - 544 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES She appeared in his company in the Entremeses of Benavente. v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 381. Orozco (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1670. Orozco (Miguel de), actor in the company of Diego Osorio in 1659; in 166 1 played third parts in Sebastian de Prado's company; in 1662 with Simon Aguado, and in 1663, 1664, 1665, and 1670 with Ant. de Escamilla. Ortega (Diego de) and his wife Ana Maria de Peralta (after- ward the wife of Juan Bezon), both natives of La Mota del Cuervo, were in the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619, and in the company of Manuel Vallejo in Madrid in 1622. Ortega (Juan de), el Hijo de la Tierra, was a member of the company of Sebastian de Avellaneda, and joined the Cofradia de la Novena in 1 636. Ortega (Luisa de), wife of Juan de Santamaria; both were in the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas from March 9, 1634, for one year. Ortegon (Pedro de), autor de comedias in Seville in Dec, 1630, and in 1 63 1, in the latter year in charge of the company of Damian Arias (S.A., p. 271), and in 1634 took part in the Corpus festival. He was again in Seville in 1635 (for his com- pany in that year, v. S.-A., p. 299). His wife Micaela Lopez played first parts in his company. He died at Madrid in the Calle de Cantarranas in 1636. Ortiz (Alonso), actor in the company of Antonio de Rueda in Seville in 1644. There was an Ortiz in Juan Roman's company in 1639-40. Ortiz (Ana), widow of the autor Pedro Paez de Sotomayor. Her will is dated Sept. 4, 1596. She is mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa (161 5) as a famous actress. Ortiz (Ana) , actress in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1670. Ortiz (Cristobal), v. Ortiz de Villazan. Ortiz (Francisca), wife of Vicente Ortiz; both were mem- bers of a joint company in March, 1604, for one year. Ortiz (Francisco), a minor in May, 1600, when he was bound to Gaspar de Porres for four years, "to serve and help him SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 545 in anything which he may be commanded, in his farces and autos, both public and private, and he is to give him food, drink, clothing and shoes and all necessary things, and to cure him of any ills he may have, and furnish him lodging and clean linen." (N. D., p. 52.) He had a company in Feb., 1617, with Francisco Mudarra, and in 1623 was in the company of Antonio de Prado. Ortiz (Francisco) and his wife Ursula de Torres were in Bart. Romero's company for one year from Feb., 1640. He was cobrador. He was also cobrador in Sebastian de Prado's company in 1 65 1. Perhaps the same as the preceding. Ortiz (Maria), daughter of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan and Ana Maria de Ribero. Ortiz (Mariana), mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa in his Plaza Universal (1615), among the famous actresses then deceased. I think that she was the wife of Melchor de Leon in 1601, for Maxima Ortiz seems to be a mistake for Mariana Ortiz, v. Leon (Melchor). Ortiz (Micaela), sister of Maria Ortiz and wife of Pedro Gonzalez; both were in the company of Jose Garcia de Prado in Seville at Corpus in 1658. Ortiz (Vicente), v. Francisca Ortiz, above. He belonged to the company of Alonso Velazquez in Seville in 1598. Ortiz de Urbina (Pedro), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1622 and 1623, and with Bartolome Romero in 1631. In 1636 he was cobrador for the lessees of the theaters of Madrid. He bought a house in the Calle del Amor de Dios, corner of the Calle de Santa Maria, from Bartolome Romero, in March, 1637, and seems to have been connected with the latter's company in 1639-40. Ortiz de Villazan (Cristobal), famoso representante, as Lope de Vega calls him, was a native of Valladolid. His theatrical career was short ; he was, apparently, in the company of Alonso de Riquelme in 1613, and in Jan., 1614, he was a member of the com- pany of Pedro de Valdes, and he and his wife Ana Maria de Ribero (who were in the same company in the previous year) joined in an obligation for money owed by them. He had a company in the following year, being one of the twelve autores authorized by the decree of 161 5. He represented Lope's El Sembrar en 546 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES buena tierra (1616) and El Desconfiado (in Sept., 1617), and had a company in Madrid in 161 7 and 161 8, and again in 1619 and 1623. He took part in the autos at Seville in 1619 and 1620 (for his company, v. Sanchez-Arjona, p. 204). His wife acted in his company in 1 61 9, and her name and her husband's also appear in the cast of Lope's La Dama boba, written in 1613, and produced by the company of Pedro de Valdes in the course of the same year. In 1621 he and his wife Ana Maria belonged to the company of Alonso de Olmedo. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) In Sept., 1622, he represented three comedias "en el cuarto de la Reina." (Ibid., p. 247.) Ortiz had two daughters: Micaela, wife of Pedro Gonzalez, and Maria. He died in the Calle del Leon, Madrid, on July I, 1626. He first represented Claramonte's(?) El Tao de S. Anton (in 1620-21?) and Tirso's El Arbol del mejor Fruto and El mayor Desengano. OSORIO, V. OSORIO DE VELASCO. Osorio (Baltasar), "Rey de los Graciosos," was in the com- pany of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1615, when he received a gratuity of 100 reals at the autos of Corpus in Seville. Perhaps this was the Osorio who appeared in Lope's Quien mas no puede (1616), in Cebrian's company. Osorio (Catalina), wife of Jeronimo de Heredia, actor, in July, 1623. Both were in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1 62 1. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) Osorio (Eugenia), wife of Juan Bautista Muniz; both were in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Feb., 1613, in the company of Tomas Fernandez de Cabredo in April, 1619, and in Alonso de Olmedo's in 162 1. Osorio (Francisco), autor de comedias as early as 1579, when he represented (June 8 and 9) in the Corral de Valdivieso, and again in the corrales of Madrid in 1581 and 1582. He also repre- sented in March, 1588, Aug.-Dec, 1590, and March, 1592. See Appendix A. He and his brother Rodrigo had a company in Valencia in 1588. He is probably the "Osorio, autor antiguo y famoso," who first represented Lope de Vega's El Soldado Amante and La Ingratitud vengada. Osorio (Isabel), v. Osorio de Velasco (Diego) and Guevara (Isabel de). SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 547 Osorio (Jacinta) and her husband Jusepe de Carrion be- longed to the company of Antonio Granados in 1632. Osorio (Juan), actor, indicted in 1606 in Madrid for quar- reling with an alguacil and breaking his staff. Osorio (Magdalena), well-known actress, daughter of the autor Rodrigo Osorio and wife of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, also autor de comedias, before March 28, 1601. Her name is men- tioned, in a complaint made in 1588 to the Inquisition of Valencia, as living in concubinage with the actor Bautista [Juan Bautista de Villalobos?], while both were members of her father's com- pany, v. Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30. She must have died after April, 1607, and before Dec. 19, 1610, when Lopez de Alcaraz married Catalina de Carcaba. (N. D., p. 123.) Osorio (Micaela), actress (quinta) in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1661. Osorio (Pedro), actor in the company of Domingo Balbin in 1609 and 1613, appearing in the comedia of Godinez, La Reina Ester, in the latter year. Osorio (Rodrigo), father of Magdalena Osorio and a well- known autor de comedias from 1588 to 1601. He was an actor in March, 1583, perhaps in the company of Juan Limos. (Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 153.) In 1588 he had a company in Valencia. It consisted of : Juan Bautista of Seville, Magdalena Osorio, Isabel de Torres (la Granadina), Cristobal de Avendano, Castro and his wife, Juan de Vergara, Bernaldino, Bravo, Gallego, Romero, musicOj and his wife. (Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30.) That Osorio was in Valencia in 1588 is certain. (Life of Lope de Vega, P- 39-) The Juan Bautista just mentioned is in all probability Juan Bautista de Villalobos. Osorio is the theatrical manager to whom Cervantes, being in Seville in 1592, promised to furnish six comedias upon such subjects as Osorio might select, and for which he was to receive 50 ducats, if they turned out to be among the best that had been represented in Spain. Rodrigo and his brother Francisco Osorio represented the autos at Toledo in 1592, receiv- ing 500 ducats. At the beginning of 1594 Rodrigo was arrested and his chattels and wardrobe were attached for a debt (60,225 mrs.) due in Valladolid. His surety was his son-in-law, Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, who was also his surety in March, 1601, when Rodrigo was imprisoned for debt at the instance of Antonio Perez 548 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES of Segovia, and released on the promise of Alcaraz to pay a part of the amount due. (Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 360.) Osorio de Velasco (Diego), celebrated gr arioso, and his wife Isabel de Guevara were admitted to the Cofradia de la Novena on April 28, 1634, being then in the company of Juan Bautista Espinola or Espinosa. In 1635 he was segundo gr arioso (Bezon being first) in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in Seville, his wife Isabel Osorio (Isabel de Guevara) playing fourth parts in the same company. He was gracioso in Olmedo's company in i636( ?). v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 90. In 1638, 1639, 1640, and 1644 he was in Antonio de Rueda's company, and appeared in Calderon's La Desdicha de la Voz (1639). He afterward managed a company and became one of the foremost autores de comedias in Madrid. In 1649 and 1650 he represented autos, and in 1 65 1 represented Calderon's comedias El Eneas de Dios and Antes que todo es mi Dama. In 1652 Moreto wrote for him El Poder de la Amistad. (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2648.) He also represented autos from 1653 at Madrid till 1661, and in the latter year his com- pany was acting at the Teatro de la Cruz. On the death of his first wife Isabel, he married Micaela de Andrade. v. Perez Pastor, Galderon Documentos, I, passim. In 1659 he lived in the Calle de Cantarranas. In 1660 he seems to have belonged to the com- pany of Pedro de la Rosa, and appeared as Papagayo in Mon- tero's Amar sin favorecer. (S.-A., p. 330, n.) He belonged to the family of the Constables of Castile (Velasco), and became Governor of Salas de los Infantes, where he died sometime after 1661. He had a daughter Catalina, who died in 1658. Ostia (Diego de la) of Toledo took part in the "fiestas de Agosto" in Toledo in 1561, and had charge of dances in Madrid in 1570, and a dance at Toledo in 1580. Ostos (Juan de) and his wife Maria de Herrera were in the company Los Andaluces in 1605-06. Osuna (Alonso de), galan in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1624. (N. D., p. 206.) In 1636 he was in the company of Tomas Fernandez. (Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 288, 290.) Sanchez- Arjona, p. 134, gives the date of representation of this loa as 1621-23. This is impossible, for Roque de Figueroa and his wife Antonia Manuela figure in the loa, and they joined the company of Fernandez in April, 1636. (N. D„ p. 251.) In 1638-39 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 549 (desde Carnaval de 1638 a igual fecha del ano siguiente) he was in the company of Bartolome Romero. {Ibid., p. 275.) Sanchez- Arjona, p. 359, says that Alonso de Osuna figured in the com- pany of Bartolome Romero in 1631, when he was received into the Cofradia de la Novena. This seems to agree with the Segunda Loa of Benavente, ed. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 230. Osuna, then in the company of Roque de Figueroa, says that in the preceding year he was in Romero's company. This would place this loa in the year 1632. In 1642 and 1643 Osuna was again in Romero's company (S.-A., p. 358), and in 1645 in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado (ibid., p. 375). He is probably the Alonso de Osuna, author of the comedia Fingir la propia Verdad and others, men- tioned by Barrera. (Cat., p. 289.) The name Osuna appears in the cast of Cordeiro's El Favor en la Sentencia (MS. dated 1626). Otero (Antonio de), actor in the company of Francisco Solano in 1637, an d in the company of Juan Roman from Oct. 19, 1638, for one year, playing galanes. Oviedo (Cosme de) took part in the Corpus festivals at Seville in 1561, 1579, and 1582. He is said to have been the inventor of theatrical posters. Rojas, Viage entretenido, ed. 1603, p. 132, says: "Cosme de Oviedo, aquel autor de Granada tan conocido, que fue el primero que puso carteles." Oviedo (Magdalena de), wife of Cristobal de San Pedro; both were in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz for two years, from Jan. 10, 1610; both also appeared in Prado's company in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana, written in 1 614 and licensed in 161 6. Paez (Diego) produced the auto La Circuncision del Senor at Corpus in Seville in 1564. He seems to have been afterward (1586-92) a dealer in theatrical costumes. Paez (Juan), actor (in the company of Gaspar de Porres?) in Jan., 1597. Paez de Sotomayor (Mariana), daughter of Pedro Paez de Sotomayor and Ana Ortiz, and wife of the famous autor de come- dias Alonso de Cisneros. She died in Seville before Jan. 16, 1590, "leaving much property." Suarez de Figueroa mentions her among the celebrated actresses of her day. Paez de Sotomayor (Pedro) of Madrid, autor de comedias in 5 so SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 1587. His wife was Ana Ortiz; he died before Sept. 4, 1596, the date of his wife's last will. v. the preceding and N. D„ pp. 19-23, 43. Palencia (Francisco de) took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1597. Palma (Angela de), "single woman"; actress for one year,, from Feb. 27, 1638, in the company of Alonso de Olmedo and Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla. Paniagua (Alonso de) of Granada, autor de comedias in 1602, with Juan de Tapia and Luis de Castro. His wife Paula Salvadora was a member of his company in that year, and both belonged to the company of Nicolas de los Rios from Shrovetide,. 1604, to 1605. Paniagua (D a Maria) , wife of D. Diego de Villegas and actress at the Corpus festival in Valdemoro, playing first parts, in 1623. Pantaleon (Juan de), actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660 and 1663; in the company of Francisco Gutierrez in 1668, and in that of Bernardo de la Vega in 1672. Pantoja (Agustina de), actress in the company of Lorenzo- Hurtado in Seville in 1645. Pascual (Bernardo), son of Felix Pascual and Manuela de Bustamante; he played galanes in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1673 and 1674 (second galan) ; with Escamilla in 1676, and with Jeronimo Garcia in 1680, and with Carvajal in 1681. Pascual (Felix), autor de comedias, a native of MuchamieL (Valencia), played the guitar, but never acted. He was of a good family; his real name was Jaime Lledo. It is said that, being in Naples, he fell in love with Maria de Heredia, and followed the stage. His first wife was Manuela de Bustamante, la Mentirilla. After her death he married Ana de Andrade, and she having died, he married a relative in Muchamiel, whither he retired and where he died in 1708. (S.-A., p. 441.) He was in the company of Sebastian de Prado in 1661, and musico in that of Simon Aguado- and Juan de la Calle in 1662, and in Jose Carillo's company in 1663. He had a company in Seville in 1665 and 1677, and in Madrid in 1669, 1671, and 1673. Sometime between 1665 and 1670 his company consisted of the following players: Manuela [de Bustamante], Juan Alonso (first parts), Bernardo, gracioso, Joseph Antonio (second), Josepha de Morales, Toribio de Busta- mante, Miguel Perez, Joseph de Carrion (barbas), Isabel, Fran- SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 551 cisco de la Calle (second), Polonia and Ana de Dios. {Migajas del Tngenio, p. 81.) In 1671 he and Agustin Manuel had a com- pany. Pascual had a son Bernardo and a daughter Sabina by his first wife. For his company in 1665, v. S.-A., p. 443. See also Alvarez (Maria). Pascual (Onofre) belonged to the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1624, and to the company of Bartolome Romero in 1631-32 and 1637-38. In 1643 he was in the com- pany of Tomas Diaz in Seville, and in 1644 was with the company of Juan Acacio, also in Seville, and in 1648 with Esteban Nunez. Pascual (Sabina), daughter of Felix Pascual and Manuela de Bustamante. She married Manuel de Villalba, and played prime- ras damas. Pat ata (Antonia), actress in the company of Tomas Fer- nandez and Pedro de la Rosa in 1637-39. v. Rosell, Vol. I, P. 381. Pat ata (La). Her name was Antonia del Pozo, and she was called La Patata, probably because she was the daughter of Antonia Patata. She was a celebrated singer, and in 1659-60, 1670, 1671, and 1672 she was in Manuel Vallejo's company. She was the first wife of the actor Manuel de Mosquera and had a sister Luciana. (Rosell, Vol. II, p. 342; Solis, Poesias, p. 219.) She probably died before 1676. (Cotarelo, Migajas del Ingenio, p. 213.) Paula, wife of Juan Antonio Navarrete, musico; both were in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1673. Paula Salvadora, actress, wife of Alonso de Paniagua in 1602. Both were in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1604-05. On Feb. 11, 1617, she is mentioned as the wife of the actor Juan Bautista de Villegas; her name occurs again in Nov., 1623, as the wife of Villegas. Pavia (Diego), actor in the company of Francisco de Guzman Morales in Valladolid in 1644, in that of Jacinto Riquelme in Seville in 1652, and in the company of Antonio de Castro at the Coliseo in Seville in 1656. His wife (1644) was Juana Vallejo. Pavia (Josefa), actress in the company of Antonio de Castro in Seville in 1656, and in the company of Juana de Cisneros in 1660. Pavia (Miguel), actor de por medio in the company of Sebast. de Prado and Juan de la Calle in 1659. Paz (Alonso de la), autor de comedias, represented Calde- 552 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES ron's comedia Santa Maria Egipciaca at Torija in 1655. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, I, p. 226.) Paz (Ana de la) played fifth parts and was musician in the company of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657 ; her husband Juan Lopez was segundo gracioso and harpist in the same company. Paz (Maria de la) played segundas damas and music in Gar- ceran's company in 1657. Her husband Esteban de Almendros was harpist in the same company. Their children were Maria de la Paz and Isabel Eugenia Almendros, the latter of whom entered a convent in Cordoba. Paz (Sancho de) , autor de comedias, had a company in Naples in 1620 and 1627. v. Croce, / Teatri di Napoli, p. 91. Paz (Sebastian a de la), actress at the festival of Corpus at Galapagar in 1619. Her husband was Francisco de Enciso, cloth- shearer (tundidor). Paz ( ?), actor in the company of Figueroa in 1635- i636( ?) ; his name occurs in the cast of Peligrar en los Remedios, by Rojas Zorrilla (1634), and in Lope's Los Mdrtires del Japan. Alonso de la Paz was an autor de comedias in Madrid in 1655. Perhaps the same person. {Calderon Doc, I., p. 226.) Pedro (Juan), actor in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1600. Pena (Ana Maria de la), first wife of the autor de comedias Tomas Fernandez; they were married in Valladolid in 1607. (M. y M., p. 566.) She died before June 25, 1634. (S.-A., p. 134.) But see under Fernandez de Cabredo (Tomas). Pena (Catalina de), wife of Antonio de Castro; both were in Jacinto Riquelme's company in Seville in 1652. Penafiel (Luisa de), daughter of Damian Arias de Penafiel and Luisa de Reinoso, was in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1631. On Nov. 4, 1639, sne married her cousin Diego de Penafiel. Penalosa (Juan de), actor in the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year from Oct. 23, 1634. He had a company in Aug., 1636, when he represented Lope's Nunca mucho costo poco and Calderon's Casa con dos Puertas mala es de guardar. Penarroja (Jeronimo de) played fourth parts in the com- pany of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657. In 1664, 1665, 1670, and 1 67 1 he was segundo barba with Ant. de Escamilla; in 1672- 1676 with Manuel Vallejo, and died in Madrid on Jan. 29, 1704, SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 553 aged seventy-two. He had a daughter in Escamilla's company in 1677. Pen as (Sebastian de las), harpist in the company of Antonio de Prado, 1634-36 ( ?). (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 97.) Pen as (Sebastiana de las), actress in the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1650, in the autos of that year. Pepa, la Hermosa. v. Lopez (Josefa). Peral (Jusepe del) of Toledo, musician and dancer in the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619, and in the com- pany of Manuel Vallejo in 1622. In 1624 he acted in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano, and in 1632 he and his wife Isabel de Vitoria were in the company of Roque de Figueroa in Seville at Corpus. Peralta (Ana Maria de), actress, wife of Diego de Ortega; both were natives of La Mota del Cuervo, and were in the com- pany of Diego Vallejo in 1619 in Seville, and in the company of Manuel Vallejo in Madrid in 1622. She afterward married Juan Bezon (q. v.) and was called la Bezona, q. v. Peralta (Catalina de), wife of Juan de Grajal or Graxal in March, 1604, when they agreed with Anton Alvarez, Vicente Ortiz, and others to form a joint company for one year. On Feb. 24, 1614, both joined the company of Alonso de Villalba. On March 28, 1614, they agreed to join the company of Andres de Claramonte for one year. In 1628 both appeared in Lope de Vega's La Conpetencia en los Nobles. Peralta (Francisco de) produced the auto El Reseat e del Alma in Seville in 1576. Peregrin (Isabel), member of the company of Cristobal de Avendafio in 1632. Perez (Agustin), actor in Valladolid in 1642. (M. y M., P. 566.) Perez (Cosme), known as Juan Rana, famous gracioso in the company of Juan Bautista in 161 7 and 1622; in the former year he appeared as Leonardo in the original cast of Lope's El Desden vengado; in the latter as El Capitan Medrano in Lope's La nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba. He was in the com- pany of Antonio de Prado in 1623-24, and with Pedro de la Rosa in 1636, when he received 10 reals daily for maintenance and 20 reals for each representation, besides 50 ducats for the Corpus 554 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES festival. Quinones de Benavente wrote an entremes entitled Juan Rana, in which Cosme Perez appeared while in the company of Pedro de la Rosa, to which he belonged for many years. (S.-A., p. 328.) He acted for a while in the company of Tomas Fernandez, and appeared in the entremes La Guardainfante (Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 134, 405), and in 1642 went to Valencia. In 1650 he belonged to the company of Antonio Garcia de Prado in Madrid, and took part in the autos. He appeared upon the stage as late as 1665. "On January 5, 1665, here came, among other diversions of sports we had this Christmas, Juan Arana (sic), the famous comedian, who here acted about 2 hours, to the admiration of all who beheld him, considering that he was near upon 80 years of age." (Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe, ed. 1905, p. 187.) "He was a man of exemplary life, and owned houses in the Calle de Cantarranas." He is said to have married Bernarda Ramirez, who was also in Rosa's company in 1639, playing sixth parts (see under Ramirez (Bernarda) ) , but this is probably a mistake. His wife seems to have been Bernarda Manuela, q. v. His second wife was Maria de Acosta. Caramuel calls Cosme Perez the most famous of all the comic actors on the Spanish stage. He died at Madrid in 1673. Perez (Cristobal), second gr arioso in the company of Felix Pascual and Agustin Manuel in 1671. Perez (Damiana), wife of the actor and autor Francisco Lopez (1629). Perez (Fernando) of Zaragoza, actor in the company of Melchor de Leon from Dec, 161 1, for one year. His wife, in June, 1 614, was Maria de Montesinos, and both were in the company of Claramonte till Shrovetide, 1615. In Jan., 1619, he was in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano, and in March of the same year appears to have been in the company of Alonso de Olmedo. (N. £>., p. 179.) His sister was Sebastiana Vazquez. Perez (Francisca Paula), widow (1639-40) of Antonio Ponce de Leon, played first parts in the company of Juan de Malaguilla in that year. Perez (German), el Bueno, actor in the company of Jose Martinez de los Rios in 1632. (Gallardo, I, p. 669.) SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 555 Perez (Isabel), sister of Cosme Perez, actress in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636-37. (Rosell, I, p. 419.) Perez (Juan), actor for two years, from Feb. 15, 1592, in the company of Gaspar de Porres, "receiving 5700 reals, board, lodging, and clean linen, and a cart in which to carry his belong- ings from place to place." Perez (Juan), actor in the company of Juan Bautista Valen- ciano in March, 1623. {Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) He played galanes in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636. v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 419. On Feb. 28, 1637, Juan Perez agreed to act for one year in the company of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla, and on Aug. 21 of the same year he contracted to act until Shrovetide, 1638, in the company of Segundo de Morales. (N. D., pp. 260, 272.) By this agreement the wife of Juan Perez (name not given) was to take the money at the door (cobradora). On March 24, 1638, he joined the company of Bartolome Romero, and in 1642 played second galanes in the same company in Seville. This Juan Perez and Juan Perez de Tapia seem to be the same person. Perez (Juan Manuel), autor de comedias; his company rep- resented at Corpus in Seville in 1675. Perez (Maria), wife of the actor Francisco de Arteaga in 1 63 1, and then in the company of Manuel Vallejo. Perez (Miguel), actor in the company of Felix Pascual in 1665-68 (?). Perez (Pedro), actor in the cast of Paciencia en la fortuna (Restori, Stud], p. 142) and in Lope de Vega's Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. Restori, p. ix. Perez (Polonia), famous actress, was the first wife of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas. She appeared in the title role of Lope's La hermosa Ester (1610) in her husband's company. Of this play Lope says: "Representola el famoso Sanchez con notable auto- ridad y aplauso." (Part XV.) She died before Jan. 11, 1619, leaving two children, Francisca and Hernando de Vargas, both still minors in 1626, and some property in the town of Hita. Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 212, says that she was the second wife of Sanchez de Vargas. Perez Lobillo (Francisco) of Granada, died May 4, 1631. SS& SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES His wife was Ana Cusio, and his children Francisco and Ana Maria Perez Lobillo. Perez de Tapia (Juan) , son of Agustin Perez de Tapia. On Nov. 15, 1640, he executed a power of attorney to his wife Ana Maria Rodriguez to recover his inheritance in his father's estate. (N. D., p. 327.) Sanchez-Arjona, p. 340, says that he married Maria de Olmedo. When? Before 1653, at all events, for in that year both were received into the Cofradia de la Novena. (Ibid., p. 359.) In 1650 he was in Antonio de Prado's company in Madrid. (Calderon Documentos, p. 170.) Perez de Tapia became an autor de comedias and visited Seville, appearing in La Monteria in 1654-56, and again in 1659, 1661, and 1662. For his company in the latter year, v. ibid., p. 430. v. Perez (Juan). Pernia (Juan Antonio) played third galanes and was bailarin in the company of Roque de Figueroa, 1628—33. v. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 165, 230. He was the member of the company who patched up the comedias, as we see from Benavente's loa: (Sale Pernia.) I No es Pernia este que sale, Que representa, que baila, Que hace versos, que remedia, Si sucede una desgracia, Doce 6 diez y seis colunas De la noche a la man an a? (Ibid., pp. 167, 168.) See also Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. Pernia (Juan Antonio), gracioso in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in Seville in 1678. Perhaps this is the Pernia mentioned in Gallardo, I, p. 680, who married Francisca Correa and died in Madrid in 1707. Pernia (Pedro de), actor in the company of Domingo Balbin from Sept. 1, 1623, till Shrovetide, 1624. In 1628 he was in Valladolid, apparently in the company of Figueroa. (M. y M., p. 566.) Petra (Gaspar de), autor de comedias in Valladolid in 1603. (M. y M., p. 566.) Perhaps this is a mistake for Gaspar de Porres. Petronila (La S r "), actress in the cast of Tirso's La Tercera SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 557 de la Sancta Juana in Prado's company (1614-16). This was probably Petronila de Loaisa. Picano (Jacinto) played segundos galanes in the company of Roque de Figueroa (1629-33?). Yo soy Jacinto Picano, Que los galanes primeros Hice con Luis a, y ogano Con segundos me contento. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 230. See also Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206. Pimentel (Maria), actress in March, 1638, in Madrid. Pineda (Diego) represented the auto El Triunfo de la Verdad in Seville in 1582. PlNEDO (Baltasar) , famous autor de comedias, who had a com- pany at least as early as 1596. In March, 1597, his wife was Juana de Villalba (daughter of Alonso de Villalba and Ana Romera), who had been the widow (Jan., 1596) of Juan de Morales. In 1602, 1603, and 1609 he represented autos in Seville, and in 161 3 in Toledo. He was one of the eight autor es authorized by the decree of 1603. On May 22, 1605, in Toledo, in the Salon del Ayuntamiento, he represented Lope's El gallardo Catalan at a festival in honor of the birth of Philip IV. (April 8). His com- pany produced autos in Madrid in 1606, 1607, 1614, 1617, 1618, and 1619. In 1616-18 he and his wife Juana de Villalba lived "in their own house" in the Calle del Amor de Dios, opposite the hospital of Anton Martin. In 1613 he represented the autos in Toledo. Lope de Vega greatly praises him as an actor, in his Peregrino en su F 'atria, ed. 1604, fol. 198. Pinedo first produced Lope's comedia La Santa Liga: "Representola Pinedo, y a Selin famosamente." (Part XV.) In 1621 he represented Tirso's auto El Colmenero divino, and first produced his Como han de ser los Amigos. For his early representations (1601) in Madrid, v. Appendix A. Pinelo (Francisco) and his wife Ines de Hita were in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano for one year from Ash Wednesday, 1633, and in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in 1632 or 1635 ( ?). v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 29. Pinelo (Juana Margarita), daughter of Francisco Pinelo and Ines de Hita, and wife of Antonio Rodriguez ; both were in the 558 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES company of Juan Martinez for one year from Feb. 26, 1633. See also Hita (Juana Margarita de). Pino (Luis del) of Granada, called el Palomo, was in the company of Miguel Bermudez in Seville in 1654, and in Antonio de Castro's company in 1656. Pinto (Luisa de), wife of the autor de comedias Bernardo de la Vega, and in his company in 1672. In 1677 and 1678 she played segundas damas in the company of Antonio de Escamilla. Pinzon or Punzon (Miguel Jeronimo), v. Jeronimo (Miguel). Pinero (Antonio), actor and musician in a joint company with Alonso de Heredia and others in 1614. In i632-35(?) he was in Lorenzo Hurtado's company. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 30.) In 1637 and 1638, and again in Seville in 1642^43, he was in Bartolome Romero's company. His wife was Isabel Antonia. Pizarro (Andres) and his wife Jeronima de Montoya be- longed to a joint company in 1614-15, with Pedro Bravo and others. Plana (Domingo de la), actor in the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1662. Plata (Pedro de), autor de comedias in 1587 and in 1596. In March, 1598, he was in the company of Gabriel Vaca, while in Dec. of this year he seems to have had a company. (B. H. ( 1907) P- 363-) Plaza (Francisco de) produced the auto El Nacimiento de Moises in Seville in 1575. Plaza (Francisco Munoz de la), actor in the company of Alonso de Villalba in 1614-15. He appeared in the cast of Lope's El Sembrar en buena tierra in 1616. Poca Ropa. Who the actress was who bore this strange desig- nation, I do not know. See under Romero (Mariana). Polonia, actress in the company of Felix Pascual (q. v.) in 1665-70. Polonia, v. Perez (Polonia). Polonia Maria, wife of Juan Gonzalez [Valcarcel] ; both were in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643, in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in 1645, and in the company of Esteban Nunez in 1648. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 559 Polope (Agustin), musician in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1610, and in Baltasar Pinedo's company in 1613. Polope (Blas), member of the company of Diego Osorio in 1659; in 1 66 1 and 1676 he was second barba in Escamilla's com- pany; in 1662 with Sebastian de Prado, in 1674 w i tn Simon Aguado, and in 1678 with Agustin Manuel. Polope (Damian), actor in the company of Ant. de Escamilla in 1676, and with Jose de Prado in 1679. Polope (Pablo), member of the company of Simon Aguado in 1674, in Agustin Manuel's in 1677, and in Jeronimo Garcia's company in 1680. His wife (1675) was Josefa de San Miguel. (M. y M., p. 567.) Perhaps he is the same as Pablo Polope y Valdes, who wrote for the stage, v. Barrera, p. 305. Pollo (Jusepe), actor in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644. Ponce (Francisco), gracioso in the company of Felix Pascual and Agustin Manuel in 1671, and in the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1676. Ponce de Leon (Antonio). His widow, in March, 1639, was the actress Francisca Paula Perez. Ponce de Leon (Juan), musician in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636-37. Porras (Jusepe de), actor at the Corpus festival in 163 1 at Almonacid de Zurita. Porres, actor in the cast of Lope de Vega's La hermosa Ester (1610), in the company of Sanchez de Vargas. Porres (Gaspar de), one of the best known of the early autores de comedias ( 1585-1623 ?) , and the friend of Lope de Vega, was born at Toledo in 1550. It was Porres who obtained the license to print Part IV of Lope's Comedias in 1613. We first hear of him as manager of a company in 1585, when he represented three autos at Madrid. In 1586-87 Lope de Vega was furnishing to Porres "the comedias that he used to give to Jeronimo Velaz- quez." (Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 30 et passim.) His wife was Catalina Hernandez de Verdeseca, first mentioned in 159 1. In 1589 he produced autos at Seville and in 1592 represented two of the autos at Madrid, when he and Rodrigo de Saavedra, who produced the other two autos, were to perform exclusively from 560 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Lunes de Quasimodo till Corpus. For this festival the dress-stufis of his company cost 10,350 reals. In 1591 he bought a house in the Calle del Principe (Pinedo owned the adjoining one), and in 1594 represented four autos in Seville, receiving 1200 ducats, his wife also receiving a gratuity of 1 100 reals for the elegance of her costumes. He also represented autos in Madrid in 1593, !595> !599> 1604, 1605, receiving, in 1604, 4000 reals, and again represented the autos in Seville in 1603 and 1607. Porres was one of the eight autores authorized by the decree of 1603. He seems to have taken his company to Lisbon prior to May 25, 1601. (N. D., p. 58.) In 1601 (after July 1) his company visited Valencia. (N. D., p. 59.) From Aug. till the end of Nov., 1604, he represented twelve comedias privately before the Queen, at Valladolid, receiving 3600 reals. (Bull Hisp. (1907), p. 369.) In 1 6 10 he was residing in Toledo. For his early representations ( 1 60 1 ) in Madrid, v. Appendix A. He died before July 20, 1623, when his wife is mentioned as "the widow of Gaspar de Porres, formerly a resident of Toledo." He had two sons, Dr. Matias de Porres, a graduate of Salamanca (1599) and a friend of Lope de Vega, and Juan de Porres, who assisted his father in his theat- rical companies (1603). v. Perez Pastor, Proceso de Lope de Vega, p. 258. He first represented Lope's Jorge Toledano, and doubtless many others of his comedias. Porres (Juan de), son of Gaspar de Porres. In June, 1601, he was more than twenty and less than twenty-five years old, and was employed by his father. In 1609 he was alguacil mayor and alcaide of the prison of the town of Atienza. Porres (D a Maria de), daughter of Gaspar de Porres; she was married in 1623. Pozo (Antonia del), v. Patata (La). Prado (D a Angela de), actress in the Corpus festival at the villa of Hita in 1637. Prado (Antonio de), or Antonio Garcia de Prado, famous autor de comedias, born in I594( ?) (S.-A., p. 275 ; 1584 is proba- bly nearer the correct date. See below under Lorenzo de Prado), and notable in after years for his obesity. In 1614 he belonged to the company of Juan Acacio in Toledo, and his name occurs in the cast of Tirso's La Tercera de laSanctaJuana (licensed in 1 61 6). Perhaps this was the company of Pedro Llorente. On SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 561 Dec. 24, 1622, Guillen de Castro finished his famous comedia La Tragedia por los Celos, which he wrote for Antonio de Prado. (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 3299.) In Jan., Feb., March, and June of 1623 his company represented ten comedias before the King in the palace at Madrid, receiving 200 reals for each performance. In 1623 and 1624 he represented the autos at Corpus in Madrid. For his company in 1624, v. N. D., p. 206. In 1626 his company first represented Lope's Amor con Vista, as the MS. shows. He was in Seville with his company in 163 1, beginning at La Monteria in Oct., when he was imprisoned for debt and his effects were attached. He then lodged in the Calle de Jimios in the posada del Caracol. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 274.) In the following year he performed in La Monteria, Seville, from April 12 to June 20, and also represented the autos, which he again produced in 1637 an d J639, and in the former year gave sixty representations in the Coliseo, and in the latter acted at La Monteria. In 1635 he again represented ten comedias before the King, and in 1648 eight comedias. He represented autos in Madrid in 1633, 1635, 1636, 1642. On Oct. 24, 1645, he began to represent once more in Madrid, where we find him in 1647, 1648, 1649, and 1650, also representing autos. He died in Madrid, in the Calle de las Huertas, on April 14, 1651, and his company was taken up by his son Sebastian de Prado. Antonio de Prado was twice married, first to Isabel Ana, daughter of a physician of Toledo. She was extremely beautiful and of unblemished repu- tation, and is said to have died by poison. Perhaps her name was Isabel Ana Garces, for in 1631 Dona Luisa Garces is styled mother-in-law (suegra) of Antonio de Prado. (Averiguador, Vol. I, p. 26. ) Isabel Ana had three children : Sebastian, Lorenzo, and Maria. After her death (and before 1634) Prado married Mariana Vaca de Morales (born in 1603?), daughter of Juan de Morales Medrano and Jusepa Vaca, and by her had two children : Jose and Diego. The company of Prado at the close of his career, in 1650, when he represented autos at Madrid, was as follows: Antonio Garcia de Prado, Juan de la Calle, Cosme Perez, Manuel Francisco Martinez (Brillante), Gaspar de Valdes, Antonio de Escamilla, Luis de Mendoza, Francisco de San Miguel, Juan de Tapia, Jose de Prado ; Mariana Vaca, Bernarda Manuela, Rufina Justa, and Maria de Escamilla. {Calderon Documentos, ed. Perez 562 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Pastor, p. 170.) For Prado's company in 1632, v. Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 216; for his company in 1639, Sanchez- Arjona, p. 324. Prado (Jose Antonio Garcia de), son of Antonio de Prado and Mariana Vaca, was a member of his father's company in 1650. He married Maria de Anaya (after 1658?), and played galanes, and had a company in Seville and represented autos in 1658 and 1659, and in Jaen in 1660. In 1674 he was with Simon Aguado; in 1675 and 1676 with Escamilla; 1677 and 1678 with Agustin Manuel; 1680 with Jeronimo Garcia; 1681 with Manuel Vallejo. In 1679 he had a company in Madrid, v. Calderon Documentos, p. 357. He was also a playwright; his comedia Pachecos y Palo- meques was licensed in 1674, while Convertirse el mal en bien, it is said, was finished in Paris on Aug. 1, 1625. This is an im- possible date; perhaps 1652 is intended. (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 60; Barrera, Catdlogo, p. 169.) For his company in 1658, see San- chez- Arjona, p. 415. Prado (Juana de), wife of Gabriel Angel, farsante in Madrid in 1583. {Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 153.) Prado (Lorenzo de), son of Antonio de Prado and Isabel Ana [Garces?], was a member of his father's company in 1624 and again in 1632. (N. D., p. 206; Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 216.) In 1634— 36(?) ne was again in his father's company. (Rosell, I, p. 97.) These dates show almost convincingly that Antonio de Prado must have been born at least ten years earlier than the date (!594) given by Sanchez-Arjona (v. above). His wife was Manuela Mazana, daughter of Juan Mazana and Dorotea de Sierra; both belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1640, and to the company of Lorenzo Hurtado in 1642, he as gracioso and Manuela playing second parts. For the Corpus festival of this year at Seville he wrote a loa, two entremeses, and three bailes. (S.-A., p. 358.) He is said to have died of the pest in Seville in 1649. Prado (Maria de), daughter of Antonio de Prado and Isabel Ana, and wife of the musician and composer Ambrosio Duarte [Martinez?], a Portuguese; both were in the company of Antonio de Prado in Valladolid in 1645 (M. y M., p. 566), and in that of Sebastian de Prado in Nov., 1651. Maria played primeras damas in the same company in 1659 and 1 66 1, and segundas in 1662. In 1657 she was with Diego Osorio, in 1663 primera with SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 563 Jose Carrillo, in 1664 with Bart. Romero and Juan de la Calle, and in 1665 with Francisco Garcia. Prado (Melchor de), actor, indicted for taking part in a brawl and for attempting suicide in 1598. He was a friend of Xope de Vega. v. Life of Lope de Vega, p. 25, n. Prado (Sebastian Garcia de), eldest son of Antonio de Prado and Isabel Ana, belonged to his father's company in 1632, playing galanes jovenes. In 165 1, on the death of his father, he took the management of the company. At that time his wife was Bernarda Ramirez, who was a member of the company, and who also acted with him in 1659 and 1662, playing fifth and fourth damas respectively. In 1659 Sebastian de Prado had a company with Juan de la Calle, and represented autos in Madrid ; in 1660 (he left Madrid on April 13) he took a company of play- ers to Paris on the occasion of the marriage of Maria Teresa, daughter of Philip IV., to Louis XIV. He again had a company in Madrid and represented autos in 1 661 ; in 1662 he managed one jointly with Escamilla, and represented one of Calderon's autos at Corpus; in 1670 and 1672 he was primer galan in Manuel Vallejo's company, and in 1673 with Felix Pascual. He was famous in the role of galan. In 1674, after the death of his wife, he retired from the stage, entered the Convento del Espiritu Santo at Madrid, was ordained priest, passed to Rome, and died at Leg- horn in 1685. A member of this family was at the head of a company in Madrid in 1723. (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 1846.) Primo (Francisco), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in March, 1623. Probay (Jorxe) or Giorgio Proval, an Italian; actor in 1604 in a joint company in Borox at Corpus. Puelles (Diego de), farsante in Madrid in 1583. Quadrado (Juan), actor, native of Murcia, died in Madrid on Feb. 29, 1636. The name Quadrado occurs in the cast of Lope's El piadoso Aragones (1626). Quesada (Isabel de), actress, wife of Francisco Solano in March, 1638: "no sabia firmar." Quesadas (Maria de), actress in a joint company with San- chez de Vargas, Juan de Malaguilla, and others in Madrid from Shrovetide, 1634, for one year, playing principal parts. 564 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Quevedo (Jusepe de), member of the company of Diego Osorio in 1659, and with Sebastian de Prado in 1662; in 1665 he was with the company of Felix Pascual in Seville. Quinones (Luis de) , actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme in Madrid in Nov., 1605, and Jan., 1606, and at Corpus, 1607, in Seville. In 1610— 11 we find him again in Riquelme's company, taking part in Lope's La buena Guar da (a Quinones appeared as Aurelio in Lope's ha Discordia en los Casados, 1611), and in 1614 in the company of Pedro Valdes, when he appeared in Lope's La Dama boba. He entered the company of Valdes in Feb., 1614, being engaged "to sing alone or accompanied," and besides played barbas. On Sept. 20, 1614, he married Isabel de Velasco. Quinones (Margarita de), widow in July, 1636: former actress ? She kept an actors' boarding-house in Madrid. Quinones (Maria de), daughter of the preceding, played primeras damas in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1637-38. In 1640 and 1643 she was in Manuel Vallejo's company in Seville; in 1649 with Antonio de Prado; in 1659 primera dama with Diego Osorio; in 1660 with Pedro de la Rosa, and in the same year and 166 1 with Escamilla; in 1662 with Sebastian de Prado and Escamilla, and in the company of the latter in 1663, 1664, 1665, 1670-72. Barrionuevo states {Avisos, IV, p. 370) that on her account D. Francisco Paz, caballero del habito de Santiago, was killed on the evening of March 24, 1 66 1, at the instance of D. Gaspar de Valdes, Regidor of Madrid. Maria de Quinones was celebrated in the role of dama, acting until she was past seventy, and died more than ninety years of age. See also under Romero (Mariana). Quirante (Juan) played fifth parts in the company of Mag- dalena Lopez in Seville in 1677. Quirante (Pedro) of Madrid, actor. He married the actress Maria de Salazar in Valladolid in 1674. (M. y M., p. 567.) His daughter Jeronima Quirante married Francisco de Fuentes. Another daughter, Petronila Jibaja, was also an actress. Quirol (Jaime), actor in the company of Magdalena Lopez in 1674. Quiros, v. Lopez de Quiros. Quiteria, actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios prior to 1602. (Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 465.) Cortes, Una Corte SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 565 literaria, p. 34, says that his name was Hernandez Quiteria, while Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 566, give it as Quiteria Alvarez. Quiteria, actress in the company of Antonio de Prado (about 1632), who appeared in Benavente's entremes El Murmurador. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 143.) Ramirez (Bernarda), her husband Bartolome de Robles, and their daughter Maria Ramirez were members of the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1631-32. (Cbtarelo, Tirso, p. 206; Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 109, 224, 232. In the latter work the name appears only as Bernarda, but on p. 232 she is called the wife of Robles.) Bernarda- was again in Figueroa's company, apparently in 1635, when her name occurs in the cast of Rojas Zorrilla's Peligrar en los Remedios (written in Dec, 1634), as tne autograph MS. shows. In 1639 Bernarda Ramirez played sixth parts in the company of Pedro de la Rosa. (S.-A., p. 327.) It is said that she was also the wife of Cosme Perez. (Ibid., p. 330.) This seems to be a mistake. See under Bernarda Manuela. In an article on El Burlador de Sevilla by Sr. Cotarelo, in the Rev. de Archivos (Jan.-Feb., 1908), p. 85, occurs the following notice concerning Bernarda Ramirez: "Estando para embarcarse el dicho Bartolome de Robles y Bernarda Ramirez (su muger) con la compania de Roque de Figueroa en la dicha ciudad de Napoles para venir a Espafia, por Noviembre del ano pasado de mil y seiscientos y treinta y siete, el Duque de San Pedro habia robado a la dicha Bernarda Ramirez y llevadola a Benevento, donde habia estado en compania del Duque de San Pedro, asi en la villa de Benevento como en Napoles mas de dos anos, en cuyo tiempo tuvo por hijos y del dicho Duque al dicho D. Diego Lopez y D a Jeronima Lopez, su hermana." Ramirez (Bernarda), wife of Sebastian de Prado. She was acting in his company in 1651, 1659, and 1662, playing fourth and fifth parts. (Colder on Documentos, ed. Perez Pastor, pp. 189, 261, 292.) It may be worth noting that in 1659 both Bernarda Manuela (playing second parts) and Bernarda Ramirez, playing fifth parts, were in the same company. She was the daughter of Lazaro Ramirez, peddler, and Catalina de Flores, "she of the wonder that gave rise to the Cofradia de la Novena." v. Rosell, Vol. II, Appendix. We are told (ibid., p. 344) that Bernarda 566 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Ramirez, la "Napolitana, first married Bartolome de Robles and afterward became the wife of Sebastian de Prado. The name Beatriz Ramirez occurs in the Entremes del Nino Caballero by Solis, acted in the Coliseo del Buen Retiro in 1658. (Comedias de Solis, 1 68 1, p. 55.) It is almost certain that this name should be Bernarda Ramirez, as it occurs only once. The other players in the entremes are: la Becona, la Borja, Godoy, Rosa, Najera, Cosme [Perez], and Bernarda Manuela. From the dialogue (p. 57, col. 1 ) it seems to follow that Bernarda Manuela was at this time the wife of Cosme Perez. In the Entremes del Salta en Banco (p. 61) appear: Cosme, Godoy, Bernarda [Ramirez?], Bernarda Manuela, la Beqona, Maria de Prado, Maria Romero, and Maria de Quinones. Ramirez (Cristobal), or Cristobal Ramirez de la Cruz, actor in the company of Diego Jimenez de Valenzuela in 1602. He was an autor de comedias in 1610, 1612, and 1613. His wife was Ines Sanchez. Ramirez (Juan), member of the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1593; he took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in the preceding year, producing the autos La Redencion del Caulivo and Las Cadenas. According to Sanchez-Arjona, p. 83, he first represented Matias de los Reyes's comedias Di Mentira y sacaras Verdad and Que dirdn y Donaires de Pedro Corchuelo. Ramirez (Marcos) of Toledo is mentioned as a well-known actor in 1602. (Rojas, Viage, p. 362.) Ramirez (Maria), daughter of Bernarda Ramirez and Barto- lome de Robles, and a member of Figueroa's company in 1631-32. In Rosell, Vol. I, p. 109, she is called a sister of Bernarda. Ramirez (Miguel) of Toledo, autor de comedias mentioned as early as Jan., 1579, when he represented in Madrid (B. H. (1906), p. 77); in 1587 he represented one of the autos at Madrid. In June, 1595, he was in the company of Cisneros, and in 1597 m that of Nicolas de los Rios. He had a company again in 1602, and on Feb. 26 of this year he engaged Agustin de Rojas, author of the Viage entretenido, as a member of his company. In Dec, 1614, Ramirez resided at Toledo. He was in the company of Nicolas de los Rios for some years, playing galanes, while Rosales played the King and Rojas recited the has. (Viage SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 567 entretenido, p. 493.) Ramirez was one of the interlocutors in the latter work. Miguel Ramirez is also mentioned by Figueroa, Plaza Universal, p. 336, among the distinguished actors then living (1615). Ramon, actor in the cast of Lope de Vega's El Sembrar en buena Tierra (1616). Ramos (Antonio), autor de comedias in 1606, when his wife was Eugenia de Villegas. On Feb. 15, 1636, his widow is called Jusepa Roman, q. v. He and his wife Jusepa Roman were in Rosa's company in 1635. (Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 566.) His name occurs in the cast of Lope's Sembrar en buena Tierra ( 1616). Rayos (Luisa de) , wife of Pantaleon de Borja. Both belonged to the company of Avendano in 1633 ( ?) > their names occur in the cast of the entremes El Tiempo. They were in Antonio de Rueda's company in 1639-40. Real (Gaspar), musico in Escamilla's company in 1661, 1663, 1664, 1665, 1670, 1671, and 1672; in Sebastian de Prado's com- pany in 1662, with Manuel Vallejo in 1673, and with Simon Aguado in 1674. Real (Pedro), actor in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 1625-26; in that of Cristobal de Salazar (Mahoma) in i63o(?), and in the company of Bartolome Romero in 1634 and again be- tween 1637 anQ * J 643- v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 221. Reina (Eufrasia Maria de), whose real name was Catalina Hernandez, was the wife of the autor Carlos de Salazar ; after his death at Elche, in 1648, she married Damian de Castro, son of Matias de Castro. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 484.) It is said that she plotted to have her first husband (a Sevillan, name unknown) killed; he disappeared, and she then married Salazar. She was in the company of Carlos Vallejo in 1695, afterward retired to Seville, served in a hospital, and led an exemplary life. v. Pellicer, II, p. 47. Reinoso (Juan de) took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1574. Reinoso (Luisa de), wife of Miguel de Ayuso; both were in the company of Claramonte from June 19, 1614, till Shrovetide, 1615, receiving 7 reals daily for maintenance and 10 reals for each performance. 568 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Reinoso (Luisa de), wife of the famous actor Damian Arias de Penafiel at least as early as 1620. She, her husband, her son Francisco Arias and daughter Luisa de Penafiel were members of Manuel Vallejo's company in 1631. Renteria (Ana de), wife of the actor Juan Vivas in 1619 (N. D., p. 175) ; perhaps she is the "Ana" who appeared in Pedro Cebrian's company in Lope de Vega's Quien mas no puede ( 1616.) Renteria (Felipe de), actor in Madrid in 1584; perhaps this is the Renteria mentioned as a famous actor by Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza Universal, p. 336, as being then (161 5) deceased. Reyes, v. Coca y Reyes. Reyes (Baltasara de los), la Baltasara, famous actress, wife of Miguel Ruiz; both were in the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1604-05, receiving 16 reals for each representation, 6 reals daily for maintenance, and expenses of travel, and both belonged to the company of Melchor de Leon in 1607. She and her hus- band are characters in the comedia La Baltasara, written for her by Luis Velez de Guevara, Antonio Coello, and Francisco de Roxas. Pellicer calls her Francisca Baltasara, "a no less celebrated actress than holy anchorite." She achieved her greatest triumphs in the company of Heredia. At the height of her success she withdrew from the stage and entered a hermitage dedicated to St. John the Baptist, near Cartagena. {Ibid., Vol. II, p. 50.) Ac- cording to Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrileha, III, p. 325, Miguel Ruiz and his wife Ana Martinez were, apparently, in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Salamanca in Nov., 1607, and both were again in Pinedo 's company in Madrid, in Feb., 161 1. Reyes (Catalina de los), daughter of Melchor de los Reyes and Dona Bernardina de Sotomayor, married the actor Antonio de Rueda, then in the company of Olmedo in Cadiz, sometime before Nov. 15, 1630. v. Rueda. Reyes (Gaspar de los), manager of the Campania Espahola in May, 1602, jointly with Pedro Rodriguez and Diego de Rojas. He represented in Valladolid in this year. His wife was Gregoria de Guerma. At the end of June they represented in Barco de Avila two comedias "a lo divino" : El Castigo en la Vanagloria and Los Martires Japorieses, and two comedias " a lo humano" : ElConde Alarcos and El Cerco de Cordoba. He is mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 13. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 569 Reyes (D a Jacinta), actress in Valladolid in 1642, when she married the actor Francisco Garcia, "vecino de Granada." (M. y M., p. 566.) Reyes (Juana de los). Her name occurs in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (after 1625), in which she ap- peared as Sirena. Reyes (Maria de los), whose parentage is unknown, was brought up by the actor Juan de los Reyes, and assumed his name. She entered the Cofradia de la Novena in 1668, and was the wife of Juan Bautista Loche. She played fourth parts in Escamilla's company in 1670; fifth parts in the same company in 1 67 1 and 1672, and segundas damas with Manuel Vallejo in 1673. She died in the Calle de Francos in 1674. Reyes (Mariana de los), called la Garbonera( ?), wife of the actor Jeronimo Carbonera. In 1637 Jeronimo Carbonera and his wife Mariana de los Reyes took part in the Corpus festival at Barajas. (N. D., p. 261.) On Sept. I, 1637, Mariana de los Reyes, wife of Jeronimo Carbonera, agreed to act in Romero's company until Shrovetide, 1638, playing second parts. (Ibid., P- 273.) Jan. 18, 1638, Mariana de los Reyes, wife of Jeronimo Carbonera, agreed to act in the company of Segundo de Morales for one year, to play first parts, sing, and dance. (Ibid., p. 280.) Jan. 20, 1639, Mariana de los Reyes, wife of Jeronimo Car- bonera, agreed to play first parts in the company of Andres de la Vega for one year. (Ibid., p. 302.) June 21, 1639, Mariana de los Reyes was a member of the company of Andres de la Vega. (Ibid., p. 315.) Sept. 6, 1640, Andres de la Vega contracted to represent two comedias at the villa del Escurial, "if his wife be one of the company, but if la Carbonera goes, then he is to give three comedias." (Ibid., p. 325.) Mariana de los Reyes must have died or been divorced sometime before Oct. 3, 1643, for on that date Mariana Ladron de Guevara, wife of Jeronimo Carbonera, exe- cuted her last will. (Ibid., p. 331.) In this will she requests that some costumes be recovered "which she has in the possession of Andres de la Vega." She had therefore been an actress in the latter's company. The first notice that we have of "Mariana, la Carbonera," is in 1635, when she played primeras damas in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in Seville. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 297. ) The question is : Which of these two actresses was called 570 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES la Carbonera, or was not the name simply applied to the wife or wives of Jeronimo Carbonera, one after the other? Averiguelo el discrete. Reyes y Coca, v. Coca y Reyes. Reynoso y Villacorte (Jeronimo), native of Leon, actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme for two years from March 29, 1602. Riaza (Sebastian de), actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660. Ribas, v. Rivas. Ribera (Antonia de), actress in Naples in 1635, and in 1636 became an Augustinian nun in S. Giacomo alia Lungara. v. Croce, I Teatri de Napoli, p. 122. Ribera (Dorotea de) appeared in Calderon's La Vida es Sueno, Lope's D. Juan de Austria, and Rojas Zorrilla's Casarse par vengarse at Corpus in 1 636 in Madrid. Ribera (Fabian de), actor in the company of Jeronimo Velaz- quez, 1584-90. He is mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 12. Ribera (Magdalen a de), wife of Francisco de Vergara; both were in Damian Espinosa's company in March, 1639-40. Ribera (Pedro de) and his wife Catalina de Monsalve were in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 162 1. Ribero or Ribera (Ana Maria de) of Valladolid, wife of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan (Jan., 1614), and acting in the com- pany of Pedro de Valdes in that year, when she and her husband appeared in Lope's ha Damn boba. She was in her husband's company in Seville in 1619 and 1620, and in the latter year received a gratuity of 20 ducats. In 1 621 she and her husband were in the company of Alonso de Olmedo. Ribero (Bartolome), actor in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Valladolid in 1604. (M. y M., p. 566.) Rigol (Esperanza), member of the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654. Rija (Leonor), mulata, dancer and player of the guitar, sonajasj and timbrel at the Corpus festival in Seville in 1590. She performed "en union de otras cuatro mulatas y dos hombres," and received 80 ducats. Rio (Antonio del), actor in a joint company in June, 1603, with Luis de Castro and others. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 571 Rio (Maria del), wife of Domingo Farinas, was an actress in Valladolid in 1652. (M. y M., p. 567.) Rio (Ursula del), wife of Juan de Cuevas or Juan de la Cueva; both were in the company of Andres de la Vega in i638-39> and in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1639-40, playing fifth parts. This name also occurs spelled Ursula de Berrio, q. v. Rios (Jose Martinez de los) , son of Nicolas de Los Rios. and actor in his company, who was admitted into the Cofradia on Sept. 6, 1 63 1, and managed a company in that year, according to Gallardo, II, p. 668. He had a son named Jose de los Rios, also an actor. The statements in these Libros de la Cofradia de la Novena must be received with great caution. I can find no con- firmation of the above assertion. Rios (Juan de los), actor in the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan in Seville in 161 9. Rios (Lorenzo de los), brother of the preceding and member of the same company. Both were from Seville, "en la collacion de San Pedro." Rios (Nicolas de los), native of Toledo and a famous autor de comedias. In the Viage entretenido of Rojas (Madrid, 1603, p. 132), Rios says that he had then had "mas de treynta afios de comedia," which would fix the beginning of his theatrical career about 1570. In 1583 he was indicted in Madrid "par varios excesos." In 1 586 he resided in Toledo and had a company with Andres de Vargas, which represented in Seville in Oct., and in the following year his company represented one of the autos at Madrid, and again in 1590, 1596, and 1597. He also contracted to produce the autos in Toledo in 1596 and 1597. (B. H. (1907), pp. 361, 362.) In 1590 Rios and Cisneros represented frequently in Madrid, and produced the three autos: Los Desposorios de Isaac, El Bellocino dorado, and N. Senora de Loreto. See Ap- pendix A. In 1588 he represented at Corpus in Seville, in 1589 at Corpus in Toledo, and again in 1604, receiving 4300 reals, and in Jan., 1589, he was manager of the company Los Espanoles. In 1598 and 1609 he again represented autos in Seville, and in 1606 and 1607 in Madrid with Pinedo. For his company in 1609, v. S.-A., p. 136. It appears that in 1601 Rios was commanded by the King to leave Madrid with his company and was de- 572 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES prived of his license to perform, because he represented a comedia which offended the French Ambassador. Leaving his company in Zaragoza, he returned to Madrid on Sept. 10, 1601, to peti- tion the King to be allowed to return with his company, which was granted. He represented for long periods in Valladolid, and produced the autos there with Villegas in 1602 and with Alcaraz in 1605. In Jan., 1603, he represented five comedias privately before the Queen at Valladolid, and on Feb. 10, 1603, he repre- sented a comedia before the Duke of Lerma in the Huerta de la Ribera del Pisuerga. He again performed before the Queen at Burgos in June and at Valladolid on July 13, 1603. (B. H. (1907), p. 368.) In Nov., 1603, he again took his company to Valladolid, and played four comedias before the King at Torde- sillas. He was one of the eight autores authorized by the de- cree of 1603. On April 28, 1603, Rios married Magdalena de Robles in Valladolid. (Cortes, Una Corte literaria, p. 35.) The witnesses to his marriage were three members of his company: Agustin de Rojas, Miguel Ramirez, and Bartolome Calvo de Arze. The other members were: Juana Vazquez, Hernandez Quiteria, Bartolome de Torres, Bartolomico and Maria (children), Pedro de Callenueva, [Marco?] Antonio, Agustin Solano, and Juan Bautista Rosales. Rios seems to have represented at the Corpus festival of this year in Medina del Campo. (B. H. (1907), p. 367.) In April, 1607, his wife was Ines de Lara. He died on March 29, 1610, of apoplexy, in the Calle de las Huertas, Madrid, his wife surviving him. (The date of the "memorial" of Rios, Feb. 6, 1612, published by Perez Pastor, N. D., p. 356, must be a mistake; it is doubtless 1602.) His house adjoined the Church of the Barefoot Trinitarians of San Ildefonso, and the noise of music, dancing, and rehearsals therein caused it finally to be incorporated in the convent by royal decree of Aug. 13, 16 1 6. In the course of his career Rios first produced a number of Lope's comedias: before 1 603, his La Bella mal maridada — Lope calls him "Mar de donayre y natural gracia"; El ingrato arrepentido; El verdadero Amante; El Caballero de Illescas; El Remedio en- la Desdicha, "Representola Rios, unico Representante" ; La France- silla, El Sol parado, and El Ruysenor de Sevilla. For his company in 1609, v - Sanchez-Arjona, p. 136. He is mentioned by Rojas, SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 573 Viage, p. 131, among the "farsantes que han hecho farsas, loas, bayles," etc. Rios and Solano at one time belonged to the "honrada compania" of Martinazos in Valencia. {Ibid., p. 91.) The com- pany of Rios in i6oo(?) consisted of Juana Vazquez, Rojas, Quiteria, Torres, Bartolico and Maria (niiios), Callenueva, Arze, Ramirez (played galanes) , Rosales, Antonio, and Solano. {Ibid., pp. 463-465.) Riquelme (Alonso), native of Seville and celebrated autor de comedias, much favored by Lope de Vega. He had a company at least as early as 1602, when his wife was Micaela de Gadea. On July 8, 1605, he petitioned to be released from the prison at Valladolid (in which he was confined for a debt of 900 reals), on giving security for the amount. On Jan. 1, 1606, he is styled autor de comedias de los nombrados par S. M., but his name is not included in the decree of 1603. In 1607 he represented the autos at Seville with Gaspar de Porres, and again in 161 1, when Lope de Vega wrote the four autos. For his company in 1607 (in which Micaela de Gadea also acted), see S.-A v p. 126. On March 30, 1608, then a widower, Riquelme married Catalina de Valcazar, widow of Gabriel Vaca. He also represented autos at Madrid in 1608 (in this year he performed for thirty days in Toledo, beginning on June 20), 1610, 1613, and in Toledo in 1615 and 1617, and was one of the twelve autores authorized by the decree of 1615. In 1610 (after July 1) he took his company to Lisbon. He first represented a number of Lope de Vega's comedias: La buena Guarda (1610) ; La Madre de la Mejor; La Arcadia; El Halcon de Federico; El Alcalde mayor; Los Espanoles en Flandes; La mal Casada; Querer la propia Desdicha; Santiago el Verde and La Historia de Tobias. He had a company in 1619, and in Oct., 1621, represented Lope's El Principe perfecto (2* parte), the latest date that I have found. See Paz y Melia, Catd- logo, No. 2737. Riquelme (Jacinto), autor de comedias. In 1645 he married the actress Francisca Vefdugo. (Marti y Monso, Estudios, p. 567.) Both were then, apparently, in the company of Bartolome Romero. He represented the autos in Seville in 1652 with Pedro de la Rosa. (S.-A., p. 402.) Having broken his contract with the manage- ment of La Monteria, Seville, his wardrobe was seized, and in the 574 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES following year he was again imprisoned. He represented one of the autos of 1653, and died before 1655, when his wife Francisca Verdugo represented the autos in Madrid. (Calderon Doc, I, p. 238. See also Barrionuevo, Avisos, II, p. 222.) Riquelme (Maria de), famous actress, daughter of Alonso Riquelme, and noted for her virtuous and exemplary life. She was the second wife (married after 1623) of the autor de comedias Manuel Vallejo, and was a member of his company in 1631. On St. John's eve of this year she appeared in Quevedo's comedia Quien mas miente medra mas, and in 1632 acted in Lope de Vega's El Castigo sin Venganza, playing the part of Casandra. See my article "Ueber Lope de Vega's El Castigo sin Venganza," in the Zeitschrift fur Romanische Phil., Vol. XXV, pp. 411—423. In 1632 she appeared in the entremes El Casamiento de la Calle Mayor con el Prado viejo. v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 277. On the death of her husband (1644) she devoted herself to religion, and died in Barcelona in 1656. See text, p. 163. Risques (Leonardo de), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendafio in 1622. Rivas (Juan de), autor de comedias, represented for the first time in the Corral de Puente on Oct. 25, 1579, and then only once. In 1590 he was residing in the Calle de la Cruz; his wife was Juana Romero. Rivas ( Jusepe de) , member of the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 63 1 and in 1640 in Seville. Rivas (Manuel de) of Plasencia, actor in the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619. Rivas Carrillo (Domingo), member of a joint company in Madrid in June, 1603, with Luis de Castro and others. Rivera (Francisco de), lessee of the Coliseo at Seville in 1619. Rivera (Juan Francisco de), actor in the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1675, and barba in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in 1678. His wife was D a Maria de Figueroa. Rivera, v. also under Ribera. Robledo (Diego de), actor in a joint company with Francisco Lopez on March 31, 1632. Robledo, his wife Josef a de la Vega, and their son Juan were admitted to the Cofradia de la Novena on March 14, 1632, being then members of the company of Cristobal de Avendafio. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 202.) In 1638 and SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 575 1640-41 Robledo was in the company of Bartolome Romero, and in 1642 he played second galanes in the company of Luis Hurtado in Seville. (S.-A., p. 356. See also Rosell, Vol. I, p. 200.) Robleno (Alonso), actor in the sixteenth century Entr ernes de un Hijo que nego a su Padre. See p. 406. Robles (Alonso de) agreed to sing in the company of Juan Jeronimo Valenciano from Shrovetide, 1624, to 1625. Robles (D a Ana de), widow in 1639, when she agreed to play second parts in the Corpus festival at Brunete ; she was in the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago at the Corpus festival at the villa of Borox in that year. Robles (Bartolome de) and his wife Mariana de Guevara took part in the Corpus festival in Buendia in 1619 (N. D., p. 170) ; in 1 62 1 he and his wife Micaela Lopez acted in the Corpus festival in Madrid (ibid., p. 189). In August, 1623, Bartolome de Robles and his wife Mariana de Robles y Varela bought a house in the Calle del Infante from Luis de Monzon, one of the lessees of the theaters of Madrid (ibid., p. 199). In 1 63 1 Bartolome de Robles, his wife Bernarda Ramirez and her •daughter (sister?) Maria Ramirez were members of the company of Roque de Figueroa (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206), and in 1643 Bartolome de Robles and his wife Alfonsa de Haro were members of the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville. If this be the same Bartholomew, his matrimonial record is unequaled in the annals of the Spanish stage. See Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 2550. Robles (Francisco de), actor in 1609 in Madrid; in 1622 he belonged to the company of Cristobal de Avendano; in 1623 to the company of Pedro de Valdes, and in 1624 he was with Juan de Morales Medrano. Robles (Gines de), member of the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano in March, 1623. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) Robles (Ines de), "single woman," in the company of Bar- tolome Romero, from March 24, 1638, for one year. Robles (Juan de), actor of the company of Pedro de la Rosa in Seville in 1639. Robles (Luisa de), wife of the actor Juan de Labadia. On June 19, 1618, she is described as his widow. About this time, or perhaps earlier, believing her husband dead, she married Alonso de Olmedo, q. v., and appeared in Alarcon's tragedy El Antecristo. 576 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES In 1621 she was in the company of Alonso de Olmedo. (Bull. His p. (1908), p. 244.) In Sept., 1623, she is described as a "single woman over twenty-five years old," and belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo, and in March, 1624, she was in the company of Antonio de Prado. Perhaps she is the Luisa who appeared as Narcisa in Tirso's Celos con Celos se cur an (1625). In 1627 she and her husband Juan de Labadia were acting in the company of Manuel Simon in the Coliseo in Seville. See the story concerning her under Olmedo (Alonso de), and also Fernandez Guerra, Alar con, pp. 291 ff. Robles (Magdalena de), first wife of Nicolas de los Rios, whom she married in Valladolid, April 28, 1603. Robles (Teresa de), actress in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1675 and 1676, playing fifth parts; in 1678 she was in Agustin Manuel's company; in 1679 with Jose de Prado, and in 1681 with Carvajal. Robles y Varela (Mariana de), wife of the actor Bartolome de Robles in August, 1623. Robles, v. Diaz de Robles (Pedro). Roca Paula, one of the earliest of Spanish actresses; she was the wife of Agustin Solano in 1584. Rocha (Diego de la), actor in the company of Jeronimo Velazquez in 1590. He is mentioned by Lope de Vega in the prologue to his Comedias, Part XVI (1621), among the celebrated actors who were then rapidly disappearing. Rodenas (Francisco), actor. His wife was Marina Mar- garita Ruiz, actress in 1623. Marina was born in Ecija, the daughter of Lope and Juana Ruiz. Rodriguez (Alonso) of Seville was one of the earliest autores de comedias. We find him in Madrid in 1574, when he per- formed in the Corral de Burguillos. He represented at Corpus in Seville in 1573 and 1575, and in 1579 produced, in the Huerta de Dona Elvira, for the first time the following plays of Juan de la Cueva: La Muerte del Rey don Sancho y Reto de Zamora por D. Diego Ordonez, El Saco de Roma y Muerte de Borbon y corona- cion de nuestro invicto Emperador Carlos V, and Los siete Infantes de Lara. In May, 1580, Alonso Rodriguez, "vecino de Sevilla," was in Toledo, and represented three autos in that year, receiving SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 577 210 ducats. On Feb. 7, 1586, we find Alonso Rodriguez, "vecino de Sevilla," called "residente en Madrid," whither he had come with his company from Toledo. (Nuevos Datos, p. 1 6.) Rodriguez (Alonso), "el Toledano," represented in the Corral de Puente, Madrid, on Aug. 15, 1579, and again performed in Madrid on Oct. 28, 1580. On Dec. 10, 1581, Alonso Rodriguez, "el de Toledo," represented in the Corral de Puente, and likewise on Dec. 17 and 18, and in 1582 on Dec. 12, 18, 19, 21, 25, 26, 27, 28. (v. Appendix A.)' On May 25, 1583, Alonso Rodriguez represented in Madrid {ibid.), where we find him in Feb., 1584. Whether the latter was the "Toledan" or the "Sevillan," is not stated. {Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 364.) Rodriguez (Alonso) and his wife Mariana Cabello were in Domingo Balbin's company in 1613 in Seville. Rodriguez (Ana Maria), wife of the actor Juan Perez de Tapia (Nov. 15, 1640). Rodriguez (Antolina), wife of the autor de comedias Gon- zalo de Alarcon in 1598. Rodriguez (Antonio) of Avila, actor in 1619. In 1621-22 his name occurs in the cast of Lope's Amor, Pleito y Desafio; in 1623 he was in the company of Cristobal de Avendano, and in 1624 in Antonio de Prado's company. In Feb., 1633, he and his wife Juana Margarita Pinelo joined the company of Juan Martinez for one year, he as gracioso and she playing third parts. Rodriguez (Bartolome), gracioso, mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 14. Rodriguez (Diego) played fourth galanes in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in Seville in 1678. Rodriguez (Francisca), third wife (2V. D., p. 212) of the autor Hernan Sanchez de Vargas (1619-26). v. Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 383, where she is mentioned as the wife of Sanchez on Feb. 22, 1619. She was the sister of Dr. Francisco Rodriguez. Rodriguez (Francisco), his wife Maria Suarez and her daughter Antonia Bernarda were members of the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 220.) His name occurs in the cast of Lope's La gran Columna fogosa (1629). He was also in Vellejo's company in 1633. Rodriguez (Francisco) and his wife Sebastiana Muiioz were 578 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES in the company of Juan Roman from Shrovetide, 1639, to 1640; he was in the company of Bartolome Romero from March 14, 1640, for two years. Rodriguez (Gaspar), actor in the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas from Oct. 20, 1634, till Shrovetide, 1636; on Feb. 15, 1636, he agreed to play third parts in the company of Pedro de la Rosa for one year, and in Sept., 1637, he belonged to the joint company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago till Shrovetide, 1639. Rodriguez ( Isabel) , wife of the autor de comedias Jeronimo Lopez de Sustaya in March, 1602, when both agreed to act for two years in the company of Antonio Granados; in 1603 both were acting in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano. (N. D., p. 80.) Rodriguez (Isabel), wife of Juan de Villanueva; both were in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 161 3— 14, and appeared in Lope de Vega's La Dama boba. Perhaps she was the same as the Isabel Rodriguez of the preceding article. Rodriguez (Jeronima), wife of Salvador de Ochoa; both were in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Feb., 161 3. Rodriguez (Jeronima), wife of Pedro Maldonado at Easter, 1 62 1, when both were in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano till Shrovetide, 1622. Their names occur in the cast of Lope's Amor, Pleito y Desafio, finished Nov. 23, 1621. Rodriguez (Jeronima), wife of the actor Isidor Gil, and both in the company of Damian Espinosa in March, 1639-40. Perhaps the three preceding wives were one and the same Jeronima. Rodriguez (Jeronimo), actor in Madrid in 1584. (Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 364.) In 1596 Juan de Albricio, also an actor, was indicted for killing him. Rodriguez (Juan), actor in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1648. He was a native of Granada and in 165 1 married Beatriz Barba of Rioseco, in Valladolid, both being in the company of Carlos de Tapia. (M. y M., p. 567.) In 1660 he played third galanes in Jeronimo Vallejo's company, and in 1675 and 1677 in Ant. de Escamilla's. In 1680 he was apuntador in the company of Jeronimo Garcia. Rodriguez (Mariana), wife of Diego de Monserrate; both were in Alonso Riquelme's company from March, 1602, for one SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 579 year, and in the company Los Andaluces from March, 1605, till Shrovetide, 1606. Rodriguez (Pablo), member of the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1645 and 1650. Rodriguez (Pedro) and his wife Mariflores were in the com- pany of Jeronimo Velazquez in 1590. He was manager of a joint company with Diego de Rojas and Gaspar de los Reyes, called La Compania Espanola, in May, 1602, and in Oct. of the same year he was in the company of Melchor de Leon. He and his wife were again in the company of Leon in 1607. He had a company at the time of his death, in 1610. (Pellicer, Vol. I, p. 40.) Rodriguez de Antriago (Juan), autor de comedias in 1637, 1638, and 1639. In 1638 he was associated with Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla. His wife, who acted in his company, was Juana Bernabela. For his company in 1639, v. N. D., p. 312. Rodriguez de Villalobos (Marcos), lessee of the theater in Toledo in 1639 and 1640. Rojas (Agustin de), actor, and author of the Viage entretenido (1603), and of a comedia El Natural desdichado (published by Paz y Melia in the Revista de Archives, 1900). He was born in Madrid in the Calle del Postigo de San Martin, the son of Diego de Villadiego and Luisa de Rojas, vizcaina, and was bap- tized on September 2, 1572. (Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madri- lena. Vol. II, Madrid, 1906, p. 75.) From the age of nine to thirteen he served as a page, and at fourteen he came to Seville, and enlisted in Castilleja, remaining over two years in the fortifications of Blaubete, and taking part in various actions. For a while he was a prisoner in La Rochelle, and afterward returned to Spain. He again took service in the galleons, and then became a scrivener in Granada. He went to Malaga and became an actor, performing in Ronda, Grenada, and Seville. It was in the latter city that he first saw the company of Antonio de Villegas, prob- ably in 1599-1600. He afterward (1601) joined the company of Nicolas de los Rios. On July 8, 1603, he sold the right to print and sell his Viage entretenido for ten years to the book- seller Francisco de Robles for 100 ducats. (Perez Pastor, Biblio- grafia Madrilena, II, p. 75. See also Barrera, Catdlogo, p. 336.) The interlocutors in his Entertaining Journey are the author and 580 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES three other actors: Rios, Miguel Ramirez, and Agustin Solano. In Feb., 1602, he joined the company of Miguel Ramirez, and the agreement then made is printed by Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 351. Rojas agreed to act for one year, till Shrovetide, 1603, for 2800 reals. Abandoning the stage in i6o4( ?), he became a notary and scrivener in Zamora. That Rojas knew some French and Italian is shown in his Viage, pp. 364 and 419. He also mentions the English as writers of plays : Los sabios Italianos escriuieron muchas buenas [i.e., comedias], los Ingleses ingeniosos, gente Alemana y Flamenca. (Ibid., p. 123.) Rojas (Alfonsa de), wife of Fernando Roman; both were in the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1676. Rojas (Diego de), joint manager with Pedro Rodriguez and Gaspar de los Reyes of the Compania Espanola in 1602. Rojas (Francisco de), actor in the company of Domingo Bal- bin from Sept., 1623, till Shrovetide, 1624. Rojas (Maria de), wife of the autor de comedias Alonso de Heredia in July-Sept., 1604. Rojas (Melchora de) , wife of the autor Gabriel de la Torre. In 1589 they lived in their own house in the Calle de Atocha, below the hospital of Anton Martin. Latest date, July 28, 1608. Rojas (Tomas de), actor in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1624. He married the celebrated actress Maria Calde- ron; when, we do not know. He is mentioned as her husband in Dec, 1632. Rojo (Jose), actor in the company of Juana de Cisneros in Seville in 1660. He was second barba with Simon Aguado and Juan de la Calle in 1662. Roman (Fernando) and his wife Alfonsa de Rojas were in the company of Carlos de Salazar in Seville in 1676. Roman (Juan) had a company before 1636, and in that year belonged to the company of Tomas Fernandez. (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 282.) He and his wife Ana Maria de Espinosa were also act- ing in the following year. On June 28, 1638, he and his sister SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 581 Juana Juarez agreed to act in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year. In Oct., 1638-39, he was one of the autores de comedias appointed by the King. For his company in 1639, v. N. D., p. 305. See also Life of Lope de Vega, p. 247. Roman (Jusepa), widow of Antonio Ramos (Feb., 1636). In 1635, 1636, 1637, and 1639 she played third parts in the company of Pedro de la Rosa. In i637~38( ?) she was in the company of Tomas Fernandez, and appeared in the entremes La Guardain- fante. v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 381, also pp. 134, 151, 235, 405, 432. Her name occurs in the cast of Belmonte's A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo, in 1642. This appears also to be the company of Pedro de la Rosa. Jusepa's husband was still living in 1635. Roman (Maria), la Asturiana, belonged to the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1624. In 1636-37 she was in the company of Tomas Fernandez (Rosell, Vol. I, p. 288) ; and in 1639 she was in the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago. She was the wife of Tomas Enriquez, and was vulgarly called Marimo- rena. Romano (Curcio), autor de comedias, who represented autos at Toledo in 1579. v. Curcio Romano. Romera or Romero (Ana). Her name appears as Ana Ro- mero in an obligation in which she joined with her husband Andres Gutierrez de Olivares and Baltasar Pinedo and his wife Juana de Villalba on Oct. 11, 1603. (JV. D„ p. 82.) In her will, dated Sept. 7, 1605, the name is written Ana Romera, and she is de- scribed as " the widow of Alonso de Villalba, and now the wife of Antonio (sic) Gutierrez de Olivares, actor." She had three chil- dren then deceased: Mateo, Melchor, and Isabel de Villalba; and three children living : Alonso de Villalba, Antonio de Villalba, and Juana de Villalba, besides a niece, Maria de Villalba, daughter of Mateo, deceased. (N. D., p. 92.) Baltasar Pinedo, famous actor and autor de comedias, was her son-in-law, having married her daughter Juana. See also under Romero (Juana). Romero (Agustin) and his wife Ana de Sandoval were in the company of Jeronimo Sanchez from March 27, 1603, for one year. In 1639-40 he was prompter and bill-poster (hacer carteles) in the company of Francisco Velez de Guevara, Pedro de Cobaleda, and Francisco Alvarez. Romero, musico, and his wife were in the company of Rodrigo 582 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Osorio in Valencia toward the close of the sixteenth century (in 1588?). This is, in all probability, the Bartolome Romero, musico, who was in Pinedo's company in 1 61 3. There was a- division of his effects on Aug. 1 1 of that year, between his wife Luisa Romero and his children Bartolome and Maria Romero. (Bull. Hisp. (1907), P- 378.) Romero (Bartolome), son of the preceding, celebrated actor and autor de comedias. He was in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622-23, and from Ash Wednesday, 1624, he and his wife Antonio Manuela (Antonia Manuela Catalan) were in. the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano for one year. In 1 626' they bought a house in the Calle de Santa Maria for 2300 ducats, and in this year Jacinto Cordero wrote for him El Favor en la Sentencia. (Paz y Melia, Catalogo, No. 1242.) In 1628 his company and that of Andres de la Vega represented the autos in Madrid, and in 1631 his company produced the autos in Seville; in this year he also represented in La Monteria, when he and his family were received into the Cof radio de la Novena. In 1634 h' & company and those of Luis Lopez and Pedro de Ortegon repre- sented autos in Seville, and in 1642 with Lorenzo Hurtado's com- pany, and again in 1643 with Manuel Vallejo. (For his company in 1642 and 1643, v. S.-A., pp. 358, 366.) In 1636 his company represented five comedias privately before the King. In this year he. and his wife appear to have acted for a while in the company of Tomas Fernandez, v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 288. In 1637 he owned a house in the Calle del Amor de Dios, corner of the Calle de Santa Maria, and another in the Calle de Francos, corner of the- Calle del Nino. He had a famous company in this year, as fol- lows: Mariana de los Reyes, Pedro Valcazar and Maria de Val- cazar, his wife ; Gabriel Cintor, Pedro Garcia de Guevara, Tomas Enriquez, gracioso, Antonio Pinero, Onofre Pascual, Maximi- liano Eustorquio de Morales, Juan Perez, and the famous galan Alonso de Osuna. He represented at the Buen Retiro in 1638, and the autos at Madrid in this year. In June, 1638, he agreed to- take his company to Lisbon for two or three months before Shrove- tide of 1639. He also performed fifty times in Valencia in the winter of 1638. (N. D., pp. 297, 298.) In 1640 he represented autos at Madrid, receiving 950 ducats (Calderon Documentos, p. 121), and again represented in Madrid in 1658 and 1664, in. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 583 the latter year in conjunction with Juan de la Calle. In 1640, beginning in mid-September, he gave twenty consecutive perform- ances in Toledo. He also agreed to take his company to Lisbon to perform from Nov., 1640, until Shrovetide, 1641. He had four children : Luisa, Mariana, Damian, and Francisca ; the latter is mentioned as being quite young in 1637. See Cotarelo (Migajas del Ingenio, Madrid, 1908, p. 215), who says that Romero had the following children : Eusebia, Luisa, Mariana, Domingo, Fran- cisca, and Maria who in 1655 was the widow of Jeronimo de Medina and in 1658 was married to Heredia (Jeronimo?). For his company in 1637, 1638, and 1640, v. N. D., pp. 273, 280, 321. He first represented Montalvan's Lo que son Juicios del Cielo. Romero (Juana), wife of the autor de comedias Juan de Rivas, lived in the Calle de la Cruz in July, 1590. It seems that Juana Romero and Ana Romera are one and the same person. At all events, in July, 1590, Melchor de Villalba declares that he is the son of Juan de Rivas and Juana Romero, his wife. (N. D., p. 338.) Perhaps Rivas was Juana's second husband, for in 1590 Melchor de Villalba was more than twenty-five years old. (Ibid.) v. Romera (Ana). Romero (Luisa), daughter of Bartolome Romero the younger. She and her sister Mariana appeared on the stage in 1 65 1, accord- ing to Cotarelo (Migajas del Ingenio, 1908, p. 216), when both appeared in Solis's loa to Calderon's Darlo todo y no dar nada, represented at the royal palace in 1651. Both names again occur in the same author's loa to the comedia Pico y Canente, by D. Luis de Ulloa and D. Rodrigo Davila, in 1653, and in 1655 in the loa to the comedia Las Amazonas, also by Solis. See Poesias varias, Madrid, 1692, pp. 173, 188, 192, and 219. In 1661 Luisa Romero played segundas damas in the company of Antonio de Escamilla; in 1665 in Francisco Garcia's company, in 1670 with Manuel Vallejo, and in 1 67 1 with Felix Pascual and Agustin Manuel. Returning with Marcos Garces from a private representation, she was struck by a stone while passing the cemetery of San Sebastian, and died from the effects of the injury. She was the first wife of Carlos Vallejo. Romero (Maria), v. under Romero, musico. Romero (Mariana), younger sister of Luisa, was born be- 584 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES fore 1 63 1, when she was inscribed, with the other members of her father's family, in the books of the Cofradia de la Novena. She played primeras damas in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1670, 1672, 1673, and 1674. In the latter year she suddenly abandoned the stage and entered the convent of Trinitarian nuns in Madrid, which she left just as suddenly. About 1660 she had married the actor Luis Ortiz, whose wife Leonor Banuelos had died in 1658. Mariana had a daughter, D a Mariana Rufina de Ortiz, who be- came a Trinitarian nun in 1676. After July, 1670, Mariana married the actor Manuel Angel, having been divorced from Ortiz sometime before July, 1674. An interesting fact in connection with Mariana Romero is that on July 13, 1674, she bought from Luis de Usategui y Vega Carpio, son-in-law of Lope de Vega, the house in the Calle de Francos (now called Calle de Cervantes) in which Lope had lived for many years, and in which he died in 1635. (Cotarelo, ibid., p. 219.) See also Mesonero Romanos, El Antigua Madrid, Vol. II, p. 48, who says that it was Lope's grandson who sold the house, which is more likely. The house of Lope de Vega finally passed, on June 21, 1823, into the possession of Francisco Maria Lopez de Morelle, a merchant, in whose family it remains. (Ibid.) Under date of May 8, 1658, Barrionuevo (Avisos, IV, p. 140) chronicles the following: "Mariana Romero ha malparido. Anda en la compafiia de Prado, y a su hermana Luisa por unos celillos le han dado una pisa de coces y tundido la badana en la compafiia de Rosa, sin valerle el que ella lo sea." Which of these sisters was called la Romerilla (ibid, under date June 26, 1655) I do not know. Romo, El, gracioso, about 1638. v. Rosell, I, p. 371. Ros (Pedro), musico in Escamilla's company in 1676 and 1681. Rosa (Antonio de la), actor in the company of Juan Acacio in March, 1626-27. Rosa (Catalina de la), first wife of the autor Pedro de la Rosa; she played primeras damas in his company in 1636-39. Her maiden name was Catalina de Nicolas. Rosa (Feliciana de la), daughter of Pedro de la Rosa and his second wife Antonia de Santiago. She was the wife of Carlos Vallejo, and played subordinate parts in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1676. Rosa (Gregorio de la), musician in the company of Sebas- tian de Prado and Juan de la Calle in 1659 and 166 1 ; in 1662 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 585 in the company of Simon Aguado; in 1664 in that of Juan de la Calle and Bartolome Romero; in 1665 with Francisco Garcia; in 1671 and 1673 with Felix Pascual; in 1676-78 with Escamilla, and in 1670, 1672, 1674, 1675, 1679, and 1680 he was musico principal with Manuel Vallejo. Rosa (Pedro de la), well-known actor, playing first galanes, and autor de comedias in 1636, when he represented six comedias before the King; for his company in this year, v. N. D., p. 244. His first wife ( 1635) was Catalina de Nicolas. At Corpus of 1636 his company represented two comedias at Torrejon de Ardoz. In 1637 he gave twenty-one private performances before the King, produced the autos in Madrid with Tomas Fernandez, and repre- sented fifty times in Valencia. For his company in this year, v. N. D., p. 258. In 1638 he was in Malaga, and at that time, we are told, he possessed more than fifty new comedias. (S.-A., p. 328.) In 1639 he played second galanes in his own company and represented autos in Seville, and also acted in the Coliseo. For his company in this year, v. S.-A., p. 327. In 1643 he took his company to Paris; in 1 650 he was again in Valencia, and in 1652 and 1653 in Seville. In 1656, 1657, 1658, and 1660 (the latter "year in the company of Vallejo at Corpus) he represented in Madrid, and in 1674 again visited Paris with his company. In 1659 he produced the autos in Valladolid. (M. y M., p. 567.) Pedro de la Rosa was a native of Granada, and on the death of Catalina de la Rosa he married Antonia de Santiago, and had a daughter Feliciana, q. v. He died in Madrid on Dec. 19, 1675, having written a sainete for the- Corpus festival in Madrid in April of that year. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, I, p. 345.) Rosales (Juan Bautista), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1601-02. v. Rojas, Viage entretenido, pp. 467, 493. His name appears in the cast of Lope's La hermosa Ester as represented by the company of Sanchez in 16 10. In 1613 he was in the company of Baltasar Pinedo. Rozas (Francisco de), actor in the company of Sebastian Gonzalez from Ash Wednesday, 1636, for one year. Rubio (Francisco), member of the company of Magdalena Lopez in Seville in 1674. Rubio (Gabriel), a tailor in 1596. In 1601 he arranged fes- tivals for the autor de comedias Antonio de Villegas. He had charge of dances at Corpus in Madrid in 1606, 1607, and 1608. 586 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Rubio (Pedro el), actor in the company of Alonso Cisneros in 1589. He represented the autos Las Avenidas and La Escala de Jacob in Seville in 1597, in conjunction with Melchor de Villalba and Francisco de Palencia. Rueda (Antonio de), actor in the company of Heredia in 1628, appearing in Lope de Vega's Del Monte sale, and in Alonso de Olmedo's company in 1631-32, acting galanes, his wife Catalina de Acosta being in the same company. In 1635 he was acting in the company of Salvador de Lara and Maria Candau at La Monteria, Seville, and in 1638 had a company and with Pedro Ascanio represented at Corpus in Madrid. In Aug.-Sept. he gave twenty-four comedias at Valladolid. On April 16, 1638, Rueda and Ascanio agreed to go to Lisbon and give ninety performances between mid-November (1638) and Shrovetide, 1639, and on July 31, 1638, Antonio de Rueda agreed to go to Toledo by Nov. 8 [1638] and give thirty representations, "without leaving the city." (N. D., p. 295.) In 1639 Francisco de Rojas wrote for him the comedia Nuestra Senora de Atocha (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2396), and in this year he represented Calderon's comedia La Desdicha de la Vox and his autos Santa Maria Egip- ciaca and El mejor Huesped de Espana at Madrid, and beginning on Nov. 1, he gave ninety performances at La Monteria in Seville, one of the conditions being that he should give each week two comedias with their bailes and entremeses, "which had never been seen or represented." (N. D., p. 317.) In 1640 he represented at Corpus in Seville and also in La Monteria, and in 1643, begin- ning on Dec. 25, he performed in Seville till Feb. 9, 1644, and in this latter year again represented at La Monteria and the autos at Corpus in Seville. In 1654 he produced an auto at Madrid. Shortly before Nov. 15, 1630, Antonio de Rueda, being then in the company of Alonso de Olmedo, married in Cadiz Catalina de los Reyes, daughter of Melchor de los Reyes and D" Bernardina de Sotomayor, then deceased. {Bull Hisp. (1908).) His wife at the time of his death was Catalina de Acosta (probably the same person as the Catalina just mentioned). He left two daughters, Catalina and Bernarda, and died in Madrid in the Calle de Leon on Dec. 29, 1662. For his company in 1639, v. N. D., p. 304; in 1640 and 1644, S.-A., pp. 337, 371. Rueda (Catalina de), v. Acosta (Catalina de). SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 587 Rueda (Francisco de), prompter and bill-poster in the com- pany of Bartolome Romero in 1638-39. Rueda (Lope de), son of Juan de Rueda; a Sevillan by birth and a gold-beater by trade, he became a famous actor and play- wright, and was one of the founders of the Spanish national drama. We first hear of him on June 8, 1554, when he repre- sented an auto at Benavente; thence he went to Valladolid, where he resided in July of that year. About two years before he had married Mariana de Rueda, a wandering singer and dancer, who had come from Aragon in 1546 and had entered the service of D. Gaston de la Cerda, Duke of Medinaceli, at Cogolludo, remain- ing six years. It is probable that Lope de Rueda met her there in 1552. On Aug. 15, 1558, he represented a comedia at Segovia, and in 1559 produced at Seville the autos El Hi jo prodlgo and Navalcarmelo, receiving 60 ducats. In 1561 he was acting in Madrid with his company, when his goods were attached for debt. His wife is then described as a Valencian. In this year he also represented the autos in Toledo. On July 18, 1564, Maria Luisa, daughter of Lope de Rueda and his wife Rafaela Anxela, was baptized in Seville. This daughter died in infancy. Lope de Rueda died in Cordoba shortly after March 21, 1565, the date of his last will, his wife Rafaela Anxela surviving him. v. Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, Madrid, 1 901 ; Cortes, Un Pleito de Lope de Rueda, Madrid, 1903. RUFINA or RUFINA JuSTA, V. GARCIA (RuFINa). Ruiz (Ana), wife of Miguel Ruiz in 159c, when both be- longed to the company of Jeronimo Velazquez. This is doubtless Ana Martinez, q. v. See also Ruiz (Miguel). Ruiz (Damian), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 63 1, together with his wife Maria Martinez and his son Juan Francisco Ruiz. In 1639 he was in the company of Pedro de la Rosa. Ruiz (Jeronimo), menestril in 1592 in Madrid, with Alonso Granados and others. Ruiz (Juan), actor in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano at Corpus in Seville in 1610; he had a company in 1632. (S.-A, p. 341.) Ruiz (Juan Francisco), v. Ruiz (Damian). Ruiz (Juana) and her husband Lope Ruiz of Ecija, players? 588 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Their daughter Marina Margarita Ruiz was the wife of the actor Francisco Rodenas. Both parents were deceased before Sept. 26, 1623. Ruiz (Lope), v. the preceding. Ruiz (Maria or Mariana), wife of Vicente Ferrer of Valen- cia; both were in the company of Juan deTapia, Luis de Castro and Alonso de Paniagua in Madrid from March, 1602, for one year. Ruiz (Marina Margarita), v. Ruiz (Juana). Ruiz (Miguel) and his wife Ana Ruiz belonged to the com- pany of Jeronimo Velazquez in 1590. This is probably the Ruiz who lived in the Calle de las Dos Hermanas, Madrid, in 1587— 1588, whose house Lope de Vega visited to play trucos. v. Life of Lope de Vega, p. 31. Miguel Ruiz and his wife, the cele- brated Baltasara de los Reyes, were members of the company of Gaspar de Porres in 1604-05. (Nuevos Datos, p. 84.) He seems to have been in the company of Baltasar Pinedo in 1607, when his wife was Ana Martinez, who had been a member of the same company as early as 1603. (Perez Pastor, Bibl., Mad., Part III, p. 325.) But in the Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 373, we read that Miguel Ruiz and his wife Baltasara de los Reyes were in the company of Melchor de Leon in April, 1607. Certain it is that Miguel Ruiz and his wife Ana Martinez were in Pinedo's company in 161 1. (Bibl. Mad., Ill, p. 325.) In 1614-15 he was in the company of Valdes. (N. D., pp. 136, 137.) I am unable to explain the matter of his two wives. See also Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 362. Ruiz (Simon), actor, indicted in 1606 for a quarrel with an alguacil. Ruiz de Ledesma (Juan), actor in the company of Pedro de Valdes from Feb. 24, 1614, for one year. v. Ruiz (Juan), above. Ruiz de Mendi (Alfonsa), actress? born about 1570, daugh- ter of Juan Ruiz de Mendi and Isabel Ruiz, his housekeeper. Ruiz de Mendi (Juan) and his wife Mariana Vaca, players in Madrid in 1589, when they owned a house in the Calle del Principe. He was a native of Santo Domingo de la Calzada, and lived "in his own house" in the Calle del Principe in 1592. He died on Nov. 25, 1596, leaving two daughters by his wife Mariana: Jusepa Vaca, afterward a famous actress, and Hipolita, besides the daughter Alfonsa, mentioned above. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 589 Saabedra, actor in Benavente's entremes Los Escuderos y el Lacayo, about 1671-75. v. Migaxas del Ingenio, fol. 79, v. Saavedra (Rodrigo de), actor and friend of Lope de Vega. He was born in 1559 and is mentioned as an actor as early as 1584. In 1587-90 he was in the company of Jeronimo Velazquez, v. Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 23, 48. In 1592 he was director of a company and with Gaspar de Porres represented autos in Madrid in that year. v. Datos desconocidos, ed. Perez Pastor, pp. 151 ff., and N. D., p. 31. Saavedra y Aguiar (Ana de), wife of the actor Gabriel Sedefio, living in Madrid in - 1632. Sagramano (Luis de) brought out the auto El Nino per dido in Seville in 1575. He was, perhaps, its author. Salas (Catalina de) or Catalina de Medina, wife of Fran- cisco de Salas and mother of Juan de Salas. v. Medina (Cata- lina). Salas (Domingo de), actor in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654. Salas (Francisco de) and his wife Catalina de Medina were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631-32, and appeared in Lope's El Castigo sin Venganza in 1632. Prior to this, in 1628, he was in the cast of Lope's Del Monte sale, apparently in Heredia's company. In 1633 he belonged to the company of Juan Martinez, and in 1639 and 1640 he was again with Manuel Vallejo. Salas (Juan de), son of Francisco de Salas and Catalina de Medina; he was in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1 63 1. Salas (Jusepe de), actor in the company of Diego de Santan- der in Nov.-Dec, 1594. In 1603-04 he was in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz. Salas (Maria de), actress, first wife of Miguel Bermudez de Castro. Salazar (Andrea de), daughter of the autor de comedias Carlos de Salazar and his wife Isabel Diaz; all were acting in the company of Carlos in Seville in 1676. In 1679 she was in the company of Jose de Prado. Salazar (Carlos de), son of Jose de Salazar and Juana Bernabela, actor in the company of Louis Lopez in Seville in 1650, and in the company of Felix Pascual at La Monteria, Seville, in 59© SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 1665, where, in 1675-76, having a company of his own, he gave forty representations. He married Isabel Diaz and had two daughters, Andrea and Josefa de Salazar, q. v. He afterward married Eufrasia Maria de Reina, and died in Elche in 1684. Salazar (Catalina de), wife of Juan Vifias; both were in Manuel Vallejo's company in Seville in 1643. Salazar (Cosme de) , actor in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in June, 1626. Salazar (Cristobal de), called Mahoma, was an autor de comedias in 1630. Salazar (Feliciano) brought out an auto at Corpus in Seville in 1576. Salazar (Jose or Jusepe de) of Toledo, actor in the company of Cristobal de Leon in May, 1622; in 1626 he represented one of the autos at Seville, Roque de Figueroa having charge of the other. He returned to Seville with his company for the autos of 1628, 1630 (in this year, in Dec, he also represented at a festival in Seville), and 1 63 1. He represented Calderon's Peor estd que estaba in 1630. (The comedia was finished in May of that year. Schmidt, Die Schauspiele Calderon's, p. 31.) His wife was Juana Bernabela, and his son Carlos de Salazar, q. v. Salazar (Josefa de), wife of Esteban Nunez, autor de come- dias; both were in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644, and in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in 1645. In 1642 Jusepa de Salazar appeared in the cast of A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo, by Belmonte Bermudez. She was a member of her husband's company in 1648 and in 1654. A Josefa de Salazar, daughter of the autor Carlos de Salazar, is mentioned in 1676, when she and her husband Jose Antonio [Guerrero] were acting in the company of her father in Seville. Salazar (Juan), dorador, brought out the auto El Triunfo de la Fe in Seville in 157 1. Salazar (Luis de), actor in the cast of Lope's La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628). In Feb., 1619, Pedro Cebrian, autor de comedias, executed a power of attorney to Luis de Salazar, "vecino de Toledo." (N. D., p. 173.) Perhaps this was the same person. Salazar (Maria de), widow, actress in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1648. In 1674 Maria de Salazar, actress, of Madrid, married Pedro Quirante in Valladolid. (M. y SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 591 M., p. 567. ) A Maria de Salazar, also an actress, in the company of Gaspar de Porres, is mentioned in Nov., 1600. v. Nuevos Datos, p. 53. Salazar (Pedro de), resident of Madrid, actor in the com- pany of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619; in 1622 with Manuel Vallejo; in 1624 he was in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano; in 1625-26 in that of Pedro de Valdes; in 1631 in that of Juan Vazquez, el Polio, and in 1635-36 ( ?) with Antonio de Prado. v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 322. In 1639-40 he belonged to the company of Antonio de Rueda, and in 1643 to the com- pany of Tomas Diaz in Seville. Salazar (Pedro de), el Granadino; his wife (1654) Maria de los Santos was a celebrated singer; both were in the company of Sebastian de Prado in 1662, and with Antonio de Escamilla in 1663. Salcedo (Jeronima de) and her husband Sebastian de Sasieta Avendano were acting in Valladolid in 1603, apparently in the company of Pinedo. (M. y M., Estudios, p. 566.) She is men- tioned by Suarez de Figueroa in his Plaza Universal (161 5) among the famous actresses then deceased. S\lcedo (Lucia de), actress in the company of Alonso Riquelme in 1610. She appeared in Lope's El Sembrar en buena tierra (161 6) in the company of Ortiz, v. Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 230 et seq. Salcedo (Maria de), actress, wife of the autor de comedias Pedro Ximenez de Valenzuela in 1601-02. In the latter year she was residing in Toledo. Salcedo (Mateo de), one of the earliest of the autor es de comedias. He produced two autos in Seville in 1572, and again represented autos there in 1580, 1586, 1589, and 1600. In May and June, 1579, he represented in the Corral de la Pacheca in Madrid, and again in Oct., Nov., and Dec, and also produced the autos in this year. He represented the autos at Salamanca in 1595. He died before 1608. Suarez de Figueroa mentions him as a famous actor in his Plaza Universal (1615). See Ap- pendix A and Sanchez-Arjona, pp. 501, 502. He seems to have represented Argensola's tragedy Isabela. (Ochoa, Tesoro, I, p. 506.) Salcedo (Nicolas de), son of the preceding, was lessee of 592 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES the Corral de San Pedro in Seville in 1610. See also B. H. (i907)> p. 385. The name "Sacedo" occurs in the cast of Lope's La Con- petencia en los Nobles (1628). Salcedo (Pedro de), musician in the company of Alberto Naseli, alias Ganassa, in Madrid, in 1581-82. (Revista de Archi- vos, 1908, p. 52.) Saldana (Luis de) brought out the car of El Desposorio at Corpus in Seville in 1570. Saldana (Pedro de), one of the most celebrated autores de comedias of his time. In 1576 his company and that of Juan Bautista represented the autos in Seville, and again he produced them in 1577, 1578, and 1579. In the latter year he represented for the first time at the Huerta de Dona Elvira in Seville the fol- lowing plays of Juan de la Cueva: La Libertad de Espana por Bernardo del Carpio, El Degollado, El Tutor, and La Constancia de Arcelina, and the tragedy La Muerte de Ay ax Telamon sobre las Armas de Aquiles, in which latter Saldana played the part of Ajax admirably, according to Cueva. He also represented for the first time in the Huerta de Doha Elvira in Seville in 1580 the following plays by Cueva : Tragedia de la Muerte de Virginia y Apio Claudia and El Principe tirano, in two parts, and the comedia El Viejo enamorado, in the Corral de Don Juan, and at Corpus in 1583, 1584, and 1585. In 1581 he represented the autos in Toledo, and in Dec. of the same year his company appeared seven times at the Corral de la Cruz and the Corral de Puente. In Jan. and Feb., 1582, he performed twenty-eight times in La Cruz and La Pacheca, and in Aug. and Sept. fourteen times in La Cruz. See Ap- pendix A. He is mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza Universal, among the famous actors then (1615) deceased. There is no record of Saldana's having produced any of Lope's plays, from which it is very probable that he died not long after 1585. Salinas (Antonio de), actor in the company of Damian de Espinosa in 1638. He was a gracioso and died in 1669. Salinas (Francisco), harpist. Salinas (Hernando de), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1674. Salinas (Maria de) played fourth parts in the company of SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 593 Bartolome Romero and Juan de la Calle in 1664; in 1665 she was in the company of Antonio de Escamilla. She had a daughter, Maria Flores, also an actress. Salinas (Martin de), actor, was seized in Pamplona, while a member of the company of Hipolito de Olmedo, and sent to the galleys for having two wives. Salinas (Pedro), v. Garcia de Salinas (Pedro). Salinas (Vicente de), actor in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in 1672; in Manuel Vallejo's in 1675; in Jose Garcia de Prado's in 1679, and in Jeronimo Garcia's company in 1680. He was born in Zaragoza, the son of Vicente and Garcia de Soria. His wife was Manuela de Acuna. Salomona (Angela), Italian actress in the company of Drusiano Martinelli in Madrid in 1587. Salvador (Jaime) is mentioned by Lope de Vega (Comedias, Part XVI, Madrid, 1622, Prologue) as a famous actor; he was in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1636 ( ?). v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 405. In 1637-39 he was second gracioso in the company of Pedro de la Rosa. In 1642 he appeared in the cast of Belmonte's A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo, also in Rosa's company, and in Sept., 1643, he was in the company of Luis Lopez. His wife was Maria Salvador. Salvador (Lorenzo), actor in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1 62 1. {Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) There was a Salvador in the company of Porres in Valencia (in 1601?). See the loa to ha belligera Espanola. He was a native of Valencia. Salvador (Maria), v. Salvador (Jaime). Samaniego (Juan de) and his wife Maria de la O were mem- bers of the company of Juan Bautista Espinola or Espinosa in Madrid for one year from Feb. 17, 1633. On Feb. 8, 1633, he had agreed to act in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas at the Corpus festival of that year, and in 1637 he and his wife acted at the Corpus festival at Zedillo. Sambrano (Alonso), actor in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in 1672. v. Zambrano. Sampayo (Antonio de) and his wife Mariana Gutierrez were in the company of Antonio de Villegas in Feb., 1612; he was in a joint company with Baltasar Pinedo and others in 161 3 to repre- 594 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES sent the autos in Toledo in that year. In 1614 he and Pedro Llorente directed a company, and in 16 16 he appeared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta J nana, in Prado's company. In 1640 Antonio de Sampayo and Alfonsa de Riaza, players in the company of Juan Bautista Mayo, were married in Valladolid. (M. y M., p. 566.) San Juan (Tomas de), barba in the company of Jose Carrillo in 1663; he was with Francisco Garcia in 1665, with Manuel Vallejo in 1670 as barba, and tercero galan in Escamilla's company in 1672. San Martin (Juan de), actor in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 161 4 and 162 1 (N. D., p. 189), and in the company of Manuel Vallejo in Madrid in 1622. v. Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 172, n., 295, n. San Mateo (Simon), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1674. San Miguel (Dona Francisca), actress in the company of Antonio Granados in 161 8, when she received a gratuity of 501 1 mrs. for her excellent acting in the auto Obras son Amores in Seville. ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 195.) In March, 1624, she was in the company of Antonio de Prado. San Miguel (Francisco de), actor in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636, 1637, and 1639. In 1650 he was in the com- pany of Antonio de Prado. {Calderon Documentos, I, p. 170.) His wife was Brigida Garcia, and he had two daughters, Josefa and Maria San Miguel. He died in 1669. In 1657 a Francisco de San Miguel was musico in the company of Jose Garceran. San Miguel (Josefa de), daughter of Francisco de San Miguel and Brigida Garcia, and actress in the company of Simon Aguado in 1674; in 1675 and 1676 she was segunda in the com- pany of Manuel Vallejo; in 1677 and 1678 she played terceras in Agustin Manuel's company; in 1679 segundas with Jose de Prado, and in 1680 terceras in the company of Jeronimo Garcia. She was the wife of Pablo Polope in 1675. (M. y M., p. 567.) San Miguel (Maria de), v. San Miguel (Francisco de). She was the wife of Salvador de las Cuevas, q. v. San Miguel (Melchor de) brought out one of the carros at the Corpus festival in Seville in 1577. There was a San Miguel celebrated as a bexete, mentioned by Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 52. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 595 San Miguel (Pedro de), actor in the company of Domingo Balbin in Seville in 161 3. San Pedro (Cristobal de) and his wife Magdalena de Oviedo were in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz from Jan. io, 1610, for two years. In 1613 he was in Baltasar Pinedo's com- pany, and in 1614-16 in that of Antonio de Prado, when he ap- peared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana. San Pedro (Maria de), actress in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1631-32. In 1635 she and her husband Jacinto Varela appeared (also in Roque's company) in Peligrar en los Remedios by Rojas Zorrilla. On Oct. 30, 1638, she is called widow of Jacinto Varela, and joined the company of Segundo de Morales for one year, playing second parts, singing and dancing, v. Cota- relo, Tirso, p. 206; Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 109, 322. Sanchez (Alonso) of Jaen, musician and actor for two years from March 14, 1602, in the company of Alonso Riquelme. Sanchez (Andres), member of the company of Bernardo de la Vega in Seville in 1672. Sanchez (Bartolome), actor in the company of Melchor de Leon in 1607. Sanchez (Catalina), "natural de Jaca," actress, married Felipe de Morales in 1650. Both were then playing in the com- pany of Adrian Lopez in Valladolid. (M. y M., p. 567.) Sanchez (Catalina), native of Aragon, married Gaspar Diago in Valladolid in 1655. (M. y M., p. 567.) Sanchez (Cristobal) produced the auto La Visitation de la Reina Saba in Seville in 157 1. Sanchez (Francisco), actor in a joint company in Madrid in June, 1603, with Luis de Castro and others; in 1607 he belonged to the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz. Perhaps this is Fran- cisco Sanchez de Medina, who was in the company of Pedro Maldonado in 161 1. (N. D., p. 124.) Sanchez (Francisco), el Teatino, had been a Jesuit; he be- longed to the company of Juan Perez de Tapia in Seville in 1662; in 1664 he played first galanes in the company of Bartolome Romero and Juan de la Calle, and in 1665 was with Francisco Garcia, Pupilo. He died in the Calle de Cantarranas, Madrid. According to Gallardo, II, p. 678, he was assassinated in 1667. Sanchez (Garcia), singer and actor in entremeses in the com- 596 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES pany of Alonso Cisneros and Melchor Villalba in 1595-96- In April, 1607, he was an actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz. Sanchez ( Ines) , wife of Cristobal Ramirez de la Cruz, autor de comedias, in 1613. Sanchez (Jeronimo), autor de comedias in 1610, when he took up the stranded company of Mariflores, widow of Pedro Rodriguez. His wife was the celebrated actress Maria de los Angeles. The next notice we have of him is in 1623. For his company in this year, see Nuevos Datos, p. 194. Sanchez (Lucas), actor in the joint company of Andres de Claramonte from July 11, 1614, for one year. Sanchez (Marcos), musician in the employ of D. Garcia de Mendoza, Viceroy of Peru, in Lima, in 1588. Sanchez (Maria) and her husband Francisco Garcia were members of the company of Alonso Riquelme from March, 1602, for two years. Both were residents of Ciudad Rodrigo. Sanchez (Pablo), actor in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654. Sanchez (Pedro), musician in the company of Domingo Bal- bin in 1609. Sanchez Baquero (Pedro) played first old men's parts in the company of Pedro de la Rosa for one year from Feb. 15, 1636. Sanchez de Echeverria (Felipe), autor de comedias. In Sept., 1623, he represented three comedias before the King. Sanchez de Medina (Francisco), actor in the company of Pedro Maldonado in March, 161 1. Sanchez de Mora (Alonso), actor in Valladolid in 1611. (M. y M., p. 566.) Sanchez Mudarra (Juan), musician in the employ of D. Garcia de Mendoza, Viceroy of Peru, in Lima, in 1588. Sanchezde Vargas (Hern an), famous autor de comedias. He took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1596, evidently in Diego de Santander's company. Sanchez-Arjona conjectures that Hernan Sanchez was the author of the auto San Leonicio, produced by Santander in this year. He was again in the company of Santander in Feb.-June, 1597, and in the company of Alonso Riquelme in 1608. He had a company in 1609, and in 1610, 161 1, 1615, 1618, SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 597 and 1619 represented autos in Madrid, receiving 600 ducats for two autos. In 1610 he lived in the Calle de las Huertas, Madrid, and in this year his company produced Lope de Vega's La hermosa Ester, he and his wife S a Polonia [Perez] appearing in the cast. He represented autos at Seville in 1612, and again visited that city at Corpus in 1614, 1620, 1621, and 1622. In July, 1619, he resided in Valencia. He was one of the twelve autores authorized by the decree of 161 5, and in November of this year represented seven comedias in Lerma, receiving 1400 reals. In a power of attorney which he executed on Jan. 11, 1619, as executor of his deceased wife Polonia Perez, she is called his first wife. She seems to have been from the town of Hita, and left two children, Fran- cisca and Hernando de Vargas, both still minors in Sept., 1626, when Sanchez was residing in Valencia. On Feb. 22, 1619, his wife was Francisca Rodriguez. Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 212, says that Polonia Perez was the second wife of Sanchez, and that Francisca Rodriguez was the third. In Sept., 1623, he agreed to perform in Madrid for four months, beginning on Sat- urday, Sept. 2. His sister-in-law in 1633 was Mariana Juste, widow of Dr. Francisco Rodriguez, physician, v. Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 383. In Sept., 1623, Sanchez represented four comedias before the King. Of La hermosa Ester mentioned above, Lope says: "Representola el famoso Sanchez con notable autoridad y aplauso." From Shrovetide, 1634—35, he managed a joint company with Juan de Malaguilla. Sanchez had a company in 1638 (in 1636-37 he seems to have been acting in the company of Pedro de la Rosa. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 419; v. the entremes Los Muertos vivos), and in 1640 is called a "merchant in the Calle de las Huertas, living in his own house." In May, 1642, he is merely styled a "resident of Madrid." He died, a widower, on Nov. 18, 1644, in prison in Madrid, leaving as executors Mariana Juste and his daughter Francisca Vargas, who were then living in the Calle de las Huertas, opposite the Calle del Amor de Dios, and he was buried by the Cofradia de la Novena. Sanchez was especially friendly to Luis Velez de Guevara, much to the displeasure of Lope de Vega, who refused to write a play for him in Dec, 161 4. v. Life of Lope de Vega, p. 252. The Sanchez mentioned by Rojas, Viage, p. 131, among the "farsantes" who wrote farsas, has, bayles, etc., is perhaps the same person. 598 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Sandino (Diego), actor in Madrid in 1584. (B. H. (1906), P- 363.) Sandoval (Alonso de), actor? Witness to the marriage of Josefa Vaca and Juan de Morales Medrano, Dec. 27, 1602. Sandoval (Ana de), wife of Agustin Romero; both were in the company of Jeronimo Sanchez from March 27, 1623, for one year. Sandoval (Jeronimo de), actor in the company of Antonio de Castro in 1656, and with Jose de Prado in Seville in 1658. Sandoval (Juan Antonio), husband of the actress Luisa de la Cruz, q. v. Santa Cruz (Baltasar de), actor in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in Aug., 1620; in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622, and in Domingo Balbin's company from Sept. I, 1623, till Shrovetide, 1624. Santa Cruz (Maria de), actress, married Diego Prudencio de Florencia y Carrillo in Valladolid in 1653. Santa Cruz Caballero (Diego de), el Tuerto, born in Seville in the "barrio de Triana." His wife was Manuela Mazana, q. v. He died in 1679. Santamaria (Juan de) and his wife Luisa de Ortega were in the company of Sanchez de Vargas in March, 1634-35. Santander (Andres de), money-taker (cobrador) for Fernan Sanchez de Vargas in 16 19. Santander (Diego de), autor de comedias in Madrid in Oct., 1594. In 1591 he represented two autos in Seville, and again in 1596 and 1599. In the latter year he produced in Madrid the comedia Lupercia constante 6 la Dama fregona (Paz y Melia, Catdloffo, No. 1933), and represented three comedias in Seville on the occasion of the visit of the Marquesa de Denia, receiving 600 reals. In 1601 his company represented in Valladolid. (Cortes, Noticias de una Corte literaria, 1906, p. 31, n.) Lope de Vega at the end of his Peregrino en su Patria (ed. 1604, fol. 163) men- tions Santander as having first produced his comedia La Montanesa, and says of him that he was "digno de ser oydo, y no de menor cuydado y ingenio [que Villegas]." Barrera, Catalogo, p. 366, mentions a Martin de Santander, and says that he was a contempo- rary of Lope de Rueda. Santiago (Antonia de) of Granada was the second wife of SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 599 Pedro de la Rosa; in 1635 she belonged to the company of Alonso de Olmedo, and is called "famosa, tercera," and in 1639 she played fourth parts in Pedro de la Rosa's company in Seville. Whether she was the sister or the wife of Santiago, who played segundo barba in the same company in those years, I do not know, v. Sanchez-Arjona, pp. 298, 327. It may be noted that in 1639 Pedro de la Rosa's first wife, Catalina de la Rosa, and Antonia de Santiago were both members of his company. Antonia's name again appears in the cast of Belmonte's A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo (1642). It is probable that at this date she was not yet the wife of Pedro de la Rosa. The Sra. Antonia of the cast of Montero's Amar sin favorecer (1660) is almost certainly the wife of Rosa, who appeared in the same cast. She accompanied her husband's players to Paris in this year and in 1674; in 1664 she was sobre- saliente in Bartolome Romero's company. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Doc. , I, p. 308.) She seems to have survived her husband, who died in 1675. Santiago (Antonia de), wife of Francisco de Castro; both were in the company of Luis Lopez in 1650 in Seville. Santiago (Diego de), actor in the company of Diego de San- tander in Dec, 1594; in Oct., 1602, he and his wife Marina de Torres were members of the company of Melchor de Leon. From March 27, 1623, for one year, he was in the company of Jeronimo Sanchez; in July, 1626, he had a company and represented a comedia before the King. In 161 3 we find Diego de Santiago, autor de comedias in Seville, where he produced an auto. His name occurs in the cast of Godinez's La Reina Ester (1613). Sanchez-Arjona (p. 155) says that in March, 1633, his wife was Maria Lopez Ferrer, when both were received into the Cofradia de la Novena. See also the Santiago mentioned above, under Antonia de Santiago. Santiago (Isabel de), actress in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660. Santillana (Bartolome de), actor in Madrid in 1584. Santiuste (Diego de), lessee of the theater in Toledo in Feb., 1638. Santos (Bernabela de los), child acting in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644. Santos (Maria de los), celebrated singer and wife of Pedro 600 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES de Salazar, el Granadino (1654). She played quintas damas in the company of Sebastian de Prado and Antonio de Escamilla in 1662 ; fourth parts in the company of Escamilla in 1663; in the company of Simon Aguado in 1674; third parts with Escamilla in 1675 and 1676; fourth parts with Agustin Manuel de Castilla in 1677, and sobresaliente in the company of Juan Antonio de Carvajal in 1681. Santoyo (Antonio), member and manager of the company called Los Conformes in 1630, when they were acting in Lima, Peru. Nuevos Datos, p. 219. This company was in existence in 1623. v. ibid., p. 202. Sarmiento (Bernardino), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1609. Sarmiento (Pablo), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in 1609, and in Claramonte's company from March 28, 1614, till Shrovetide, 1615. In March, 1623, he and his wife Maria Calderon were in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) Sasieta, v. Avendano. Saura (Juan de), member of the company of Pedro de la Rosa in Seville in 1639. Scobedo (Antonio de), "autor desconocido" ; represented the auto El Bellocino dorado in Seville in 1589. See Escobedo (An- tonio de). Sedeno (Gabriel), actor in 1632 in Madrid. His wife was Ana de Saavedra y Aguiar. Segobia, actor in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (1625), taking the part of Carlos. Segura (Ana de), actress, married Bias de Aranda in Valla- dolid in 1607. (M. y M., Estudios, p. 566.) Both were in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas for one year from Feb. 27, 161 1. Whether she is the same as the Juana de Segura mentioned below, I do not know. Segura (Antonio de), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1632. Segura (Francisco de) of Seville represented the auto El Ensalzamiento de la Humanidad in 1575 at Seville. Perhaps this is the Segura mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza Universal, 1615, as an actor then deceased. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 60 1 Segura (Gaspar de), husband of the actress and autora de comedias Francisca Lopez (1660). He died before 1663. Segura (Juana de), widow, actress in the company of Jero- nimo Sanchez from March 27, 1623, for one year. Segura (Maria de), autora de comedias; she had a company in Seville in 1663. Sequeiros (Juan de Sierra), musico in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1676 and 1679; he was in Agustin Manuel's company in 1677 and 1678, and in Carvajal's in 1681. According to Cotarelo (Migajas del Ingenio, 1908, p. 194), his first wife was Teresa de Garay, q. v. Serrano (Gaspar), actor in the cast of Lope de Vega's La gran Columna fogosa in 1629. Serrano (Jose), actor in the company of Magdalena Lopez in 1674 in Seville. Sevillano (Bernardino), actor in Madrid in Jan., 1619. Sevillano (Lucia or Luisa), widow, actress in a joint com- pany in 1637, representing in Brunete on Aug. 15 and 16, and in Pefialver in March, 1639. Sierra (Antonio de) , actor in the company of Juan Rodriguez de Antriago in April, 1639. Sierra (Dorotea de), wife of Juan Mazana; both appeared in the cast of Alarcon's Las Paredes oyen in 1617, and in Lope de Vega's El Brasil restituido in 1625. She was the daughter of Jeronima de Sierra by a first marriage. She was in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1632(F) or i636(?). v. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 174, 193, 322. The entremes Las Duehas (p. 322) seems to have been represented in 1635-36. In Feb., 1636, she and her husband Juan Macana agreed to act at Brunete at the festival of Nuestra Senora de San Roque. In May, 1642, she is described as the former wife of Juan Mazana, who was still living. She had two daughters, Jusepa and Manuela. Sierra (Jeronima de), mother of Dorotea de Sierra by a first marriage and afterward wife of the actor Juan de Escuriguela or Escorihuela at the date of her will, Dec. 26, 1641. Sigura (Juan de), actor in the company of Jeronimo Velaz- quez from May, 1574, till Shrovetide, 1575, for the sum of 100 ducats, "y demas dellos le ha de dar de comer y beber y cama y posada y hacelle lavar la ropa y Uevarle y traerle caballero donde 602 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES quiera que fuere y los dichos cien ducados se los ha de ir dando como fuere sirviendo." (N. D., p. 334.) Silva (Alonso de), maestro de danzas at the Corpus festival at Madrid in 1574. Silva (Antonio de) actor in Valladolid in 1644 in the com- pany of Francisco de Guzman Morales. Silva (Catalina de), actress, wife of Francisco Antonio Becerra, representing in Valladolid in 1642. (M. y M., p. 566.) Simon (Juan Antonio), second galan in the company of Pablo Martin de Morales in Seville in 1678; in 1681 he was in the company of Juan Antonio de Carvajal. Simon (Manuel) and his wife belonged to the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603-04; he was in the company of Alonso de Heredia in March, 1614; in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 161 3 -14, and appeared in Lope's La Dama boba. He directed a company in 1627, acting in the Coliseo, in Seville, and his name occurs in the cast of Lope's La Conpetencia en los Nobles. His company first produced Cordeiro's comedia El Hijo de las Batallas. (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 103.) Solano (Agustin) of Toledo and his wife Roca Paula be- longed to the company of Tomas de la Fuente from March 5, 1584, till Shrovetide of 1585, receiving 9 reals for each performance and 4j4 reals daily for maintenance. In 1593 he was in the company of Cisneros. (Rojas, Viage, p. 515.) On May 19, 1595, he joined the company of Gaspax de Porres for two years, from Shrovetide to Shrovetide, receiving 3000 reals per year. In March, 1597, he seems to have been in the company of Nicolas de los Rios. (N. £)., p. 47.) In Nov., 1600, he was again in the company of Gaspar de Porres. Solano was one of the interlocu- tors in the Viage entretenido of Rojas (1603), who calls him a famous actor (p. 362). Suarez de Figueroa in his Plaza Universal (161 5) gives his name among the famous actors then deceased. He is also mentioned by Lope de Vega, Comedias, Part XVI, 1622, Prologue, among the celebrated players who were fast dis- appearing, and in the dedication of his comedia Jorge Toledano, "comedia de las antiguas mias," in Part XVII, Lope bestows this extraordinary praise upon Solano: "Hacia el Jorge Toledano aquel insigne representante de Toledo Solano, a quien en la figura SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 603 del galan por la blandura, talle y aseo de su persona nadie ha igualado." In the Viage entretenido (p. 393) Solano states that he was a boy in 1566. Solano (Francisco), autor de comedias in 1637 and 1638; his wife was Isabel de Quesada. Soler (Jose), harpist in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1672, 1673, and 1674. Soria (Diego de) of Toledo, actor in the company of Antonio Granados in Valladolid in April, 1604. Soria (Francisca de), actress in the cast of Lope's Amor, Pleito y Desafio ( 1 62 1 ) . Soria (Juan de), actor in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603-04, and member of a joint company of actors in March, 1604. The name Soria occurs in the cast of Lope's La Discordia en los Casados ( 161 1 ). Soriano (Juan de) belonged to the company of Baltasar Pinedo in Toledo at Corpus in 161 3. Soriano (Pedro), primer galan in the company of Jeronimo Vallejo in 1660; he was barba in Agustin Manuel's company in 1678; in Jose de Prado's in 1679; in Jeronimo Garcia's in 1680 and in Carvajal's company in 1681. Sosa (D. Francisco de), musician in a joint company at Hita in July, 1637. Soto (Juan de), actor in the company of Ines Gallo, was drowned at Huelva in 1678. SOTOMAYOR, V. PaEZ DE SOTOMAYOR. Sotomayor (Francisco de) and his wife Vicenta Lopez were members of the company of Cristobal de Avendano for one year from Jan. 18, 1626, and both, with their daughter Isabel (v. Isa- belica), belonged to the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1631. See Rosell, Vol. I, p. 23 1 , which shows that he managed a company in the preceding year. He appeared in the cast of Lope de Vega's Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. Restori, p. vii. It seems that he died in 1637. (Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I.) Sotomayor (Isabel de), v. the preceding. She is probably the Isabelica of La Guarda cuidadosa by Miguel Sanchez, ed. Rennert; and of Lope's Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. Restori. 6o 4 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Sotomayor (Juan de) of Toledo, actor in the company of Domingo Balbin in Seville in 1613. In 1617 and 1619 at Corpus in Seville he was a member of the company of Juan Acacio, re- ceiving in the former year a gratuity of 1000 reals for his excellent acting in the auto La Salteadora del Cielo. Suarez or Suarez Camacho (Cristobal), actor in the com- pany of Domingo Balbin from June, 1609, to 1610. In Dec, 1610, he was a witness to the marriage of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz and Catalina de Carcaba. He was again in Balbin's company in 1 61 3, and his name occurs in the cast of Lope's El Voder en el Discrete (1624). In 1627 he was in the company of the Valen- cianos. (Barrera, N. Biog., p. 442.) In 1629 he had a company and represented an auto in Seville. This is probably the Suarez who first produced Lope's Amar como se ha de amar. The sueltas read : "Representola Suarez," and the MS. contains licenses of the year 1643. (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 121.) Suarez (Diego), one of the autores de comedias in charge of the autos in Seville in 1 684. Suarez (Dionisia) of Madrid, wife of the actor and autor de comedias Juan Martinez; both were in the company of Cristobal Ortiz in Seville in 1619, when she received a gratuity of 25 ducats for her dance las Gallegas. She was again in the com- pany of Ortiz in the following year. The statement that she was the wife of Juan Nunez (S.-A., p. 204) is almost certainly an error. Suarez (Maria), wife of Francisco Rodriguez; both, together with their daughter Antonia Bernarda, were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 631. Suarez (Paula), actress in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1675. Sustaete, v. Lopez de Sustaete. Tafalla (Bernabe), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622. Talavera (Mariana de), wife of Francisco Felix; both acted in Barajas at Corpus, 1636. She appeared in Calderon's La Vida es Sueno, Lope's Don Juan de Austria, and Rojas Zorrilla's Casarse par vengarse at the octave of Corpus in Madrid in the same year. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 605 Tapia, v. Perez de Tapia (Juan). Tapia (Carlos de) or Manuel Francisco Carlos de Tapia, son of Juan de Tapia and Basilia de Alcaraz, was a mem- ber of Manuel Vallejo's company in 1631, and in the company of Jacinto Riquelme in Seville in 1652. In 1651 he managed a company in Valladolid, which included Maximiliano Morales, Maria de Borja, Juan Rodriguez, and Beatriz Barba. (M. y M., p. 567.) He returned to Seville in 1660 and 1663 in the company of Francisca Lopez, and in 1665 in the company of Felix Pascual. He was still living in 1680. Tapia (Francisco de), harpist and musico in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1635. Tapia (Jose de), son of Juan de Tapia and Basilia de Alcaraz; he was in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 63 1. Tapia (Juan de), native of Seville, was more than twenty-five years old on March 5, 1584, when he joined the company of Tomas de la Fuente for one year, till Shrovetide, 1585. In 1600-01 he seems to have been in the company of Gabriel de la Torre. (N. D., p. 57.) In March, 1602, he had a company jointly with Luis de Castro and Alonso de Paniagua. He was in the company of Domingo Balbin in Seville in 161 3, when he appeared as Asuero in La Reina Ester by Godinez. Lope de Vega {Comedias, Part XVI, Madrid, 1622, Prologo) mentions him as a famous actor. He married (after 1602) Basilia de Alcaraz, and had two sons, Jose and Carlos; all were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631-32. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 220. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 277, 301.) Tapia appeared also in the cast of Lope de Vega's Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. Restori, p. ix, and in his Sin Secreto no ay Amor (1626), ed. Rennert. See also Perez de Tapia (Juan). Tapia (Pedro de), actor in the company of Domingo Balbin in Seville in 161 3. Tardia (Maria), actress in Pedro Cebrian's company in 1616, when she appeared in Lope de Vega's Quien mas no puede. In 1 61 8 she belonged to the company of Juan de Morales Medrano, and received a gratuity of 501 1 mrs. at Corpus in Seville for excellence in the auto La Peregrina del Cielo. In 1619 she and her husband Cebrian Dominguez were acting in Madrid. (N.D., P- 175.) 606 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Tejada or Tejera (Diego de) represented autos at Seville in 1571. 1573. and 1574. Tejada Meneses (Jose de), actor in the company of Barto- lome Romero from March 24, 1638, for one year. Teloy (Bernarda), her husband Miguel Jimenez and daugh- ter Bernarda Gamarra were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631-32. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 221.) Tellez (Catalina), wife of Sebastian Gonzalez; both were in Domingo Balbin's company from Sept. 1, 1623, till Shrove- tide, 1624. Teresa Maria, actress in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654. Timor (Vicente), actor in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1624. Timoteo (Jose), actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1660 and 1663. Toledo (Angela de) and her husband Miguel Muiioz were in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano in 1623. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) Toledo (Juan de), administrator of the theaters of Toledo in 1623. Toledo (Luis de), actor in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in Lope's La hermosa Ester (1610). He was indicted in 161 1 for stabbing a woman in the face. In 1614-16 he and his wife Petronila de Loaysa of Madrid were in the company of Antonio de Prado, and appeared in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana. In 1619 both were in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville. In Feb., 1632, his wife was Sebastiana de Cordoba, sister of Maria de Cordoba y de la Vega. (N. D., p. 223.) Tomas (Diego), actor in the company of Bartolome Romero for one year from March 22, 1639. Tome (Francisco) and his wife Francisca Antonia belonged to the company of Bartolome Romero in Feb., 1638. He was money-taker (cobrador) at the entrance for women. Torrado (Angela de), wife of Bartolome Manso and mother of Francisca Manso; both the latter were in the company of Andres de la Vega from Feb. 7, 1636, for one year. In the notice of Bartolome Manso's death, July 26, 1652, his wife is called Maria Torrada. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 607 Torre (Gabriel de la), autor de comedias. In Aug., 1589, he was an actor and lived "in his own house" in the Calle de Atocha, below the hospital of Anton Martin. His wife was Melchora de Rojas. He had a company in 1597, and in 1599 represented at Salamanca at a festival given by the "Colegio del arzobispo." In 1600 he represented the autos at Madrid with Melchor de Villalba. He is mentioned by Rojas, Viage entretenido (1603), as a famous autor. In 1605 and 1611 he is styled a merchant (he sold theatrical goods and hired out costumes), and in that year at Corpus brought out, with Andres de Najera, two dances: "una de El Rey D. Alonso, que sera de cascabeles y otra de Cuenta." (N. £>., p. 125.) In 1612 he was again in charge of a dance at Corpus in Madrid with Luis de Monzon, and also from 1615 to 1620. In 1623 he was joint lessee of the corrales of Madrid with Luis de Monzon and Gabriel Gonzalez. Torrella. Pellicer, Vol. II, p. 139, speaks of two brothers by this name, natives of Morella, and both at one time members of the company of Roque de Figueroa. They so greatly resembled each other that the audience could not tell them apart, which sometimes produced a very striking effect, as in the comedia El Palacio confuso, where the illusion of the play was greatly aided by this circumstance. Torres (Alonso de), autor de comedias who represented the auto La Justa divina in Seville in 1 59 1. Perhaps this is the Torres who appeared in the sixteenth century Entremes de un Hijo que nego a su Padre, v. p. 406. Torres (Ana de), actress, wife of Manuel Jerje and mother of Francisca and Beatriz de Hinestroza and of Juana de Mendoza, all of whom were in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631-32. Torres (Bartolome de), actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville in 1609, and in Feb., 1614, in the company of Alonso de Villalba. v. Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 465. Torres (Catalina Eugenia de), wife of Felipe Garces; both were in the company of Antonio Granados from Sept. 3, 1604, for one year. Torres (Cristobal de), actor in the company of Antonio de Castro in Seville in 1656, and in that of Juana de Cisneros in 1660. Torres (Francisca de), wife of Juan Vazquez; both were in the company of Antonio Granados for one year from March 19, 6o8 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 1623, "she to play one half of the first parts of the old and new comedias, one half of the second parts, and one half of the bailes." They were in the company of Manuel Vallejo from Ash Wednes- day, 1624, for one year, she to play one half the first parts. They had a daughter Maria Vazquez. Torres (Isabel de), la Granaaina; in July, 1614-15, she was the wife of Francisco Hernandez Galindo, and both were members of the company of Claramonte. She is mentioned in a complaint made to the Inquisition of Valencia (in 1588?) as living in concubinage with Avendano, el Mozo, "a youth with a scar near the right eye," when both were in Osorio's company in that city. At this time Isabel was married, her husband being apparently in the same company, v. Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30. Torres (Jose de), actor in the company of Tomas Diaz in Seville in 1643. Torres (Josefa de), doncella, actress in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644. Torres (Juan de), actor in the company of Gaspar de Porres in Dec, 1597. Torres (Leocadia de), wife of Segundo de Morales; both were members of the company of Diego Vallejo in Seville in 1619. Torres (Marina de), wife of Diego de Santiago in Oct., 1602, when both belonged to the company of Melchor de Leon; in Feb., 16 14, she was the wife of Jeronimo de Culebras, and both were members of the company of Alonso de Villalba for one year from that date. Torres (Melchor de) played second galanes in the company of Angela de Leon in Valencia in 1676. Torres (Salvador de), gracioso mentioned by Pellicer, Vol. II, p. 60. Torres (Teresa de), wife of Domingo Garcia; both were in the company of Felix Pascual in Seville in 1665. Torres ( Tomas" de), actor in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1619. Torres (Ursula de), wife of Francisco Ortiz, cobrador; both were in the company of Bartolome Romero for one year from March 14, 1640. In Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I, p. 671, we read that Ursula de Torres was the wife of the cobrador Juan de Ayora, and that she had a daughter Maria de Ayora. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 609 Torres Laballe (Maria de), wife of Antonio de Castro; both were in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644. Tovar (Luis de), actor in the company of Alonso de Olmedo in 1635. Trejo (Juan de), actor in the company of Juan Roman from Shrovetide, 1639, to Shrovetide, 1640. Trevino or Tribino (Francisco de), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622; in 1624 he was in the com- pany of Juan de Morales Medrano, and his name occurs in the cast of Lope de Vega's El Poder en el Discreto (1623), performed by that company, and in Amor, Pleito y Desafio (1621-22). In 1631-32 he was in Roque de Figueroa's company, to which his wife Isabel Blanco also belonged. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 206; Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 109, 322.) He was in the same company in 1635, and appeared in Peligrar en los Remedios by Rojas Zorrilla. He and his wife also appeared in Lope's Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. Restori, p. ix. From Shrovetide, 1637, t0 1638, he was gracioso in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado. Tristan (Matias) of Zaragoza, actor, member of a distin- guished family. His first wife, Angela Labella (not an actress), jealous of her husband, poisoned herself. He then married Manuela Quirinos of Zaragoza. Truchado, actor in the company of the Valencianos in 1627. (Barrera, N. Biog., p. 442.) Uarte, v. Duarte. Uceta (Alonso de), actor in the company of Ayendano, together with his wife Dona Maria de Castro, in 1632. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 203 ; Rosell, I, p. 84.) In the Bull. Hisp. ( 1908) , p. 248, we read that Diego de Uceta and his wife Maria de Castro were in Juan Bautista Valenciano's company in March, 1623. Ugarte (Juan de), harpist in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1676. Ulloa (Ana Maria de), wife of Juan de Montemayor and mother of Beatriz de Velasco. She belonged to the company of Antonio de Prado in 1 614-16, appearing with her husband in Tirso's La Tercera de la Sancta Juana. Both were in the com- pany of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas in 1617-18, and in Heredia's company in 1627-28, appearing in Lope's Del Monte sale. In 610 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 1632 she and her husband and daughter belonged to the company of Cristobal de Avendafio. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 203.) Ulloa (Antonia de), muslca in the company of Jeronimo Vallejo in 1660. Ulloa y Sotomayor (Ines de), wife of Andres de Guevara, actor in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas in March, 1626. Ureina (Pedro de), v. Ortiz de Urbina. Urquiza (Juan de), his wife Maria Hidalgo, and his son Pedro were in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1 63 1. (Cota- relo, Tirso, p. 206.) In 1 638 he was cobrador in Antonio de Rueda's company. Urquiza (Pedro de), v. preceding. He and his wife Juliana Candado were in the company of Antonio de Rueda in Seville in 1644. Vaca (Gabriel) of Madrid, autor de comedias in 1598. His wife was Catalina de Valcazar. In 1601—02 he had a company with Pedro Ximenez de Valenzuela. Vaca and his wife were in the company of Antonio Granados from Sept. 13, 1602, till Shrovetide, 1603. (B. H. (1907), p. 367.) He died before March 30, 1608. Vaca (Hipolita), daughter of Juan Ruiz de Mendi, autor de comedias, and Mariana Vaca. She was a minor in 1596. Vaca (Mariana), wife of Juan Ruiz de Mendi (1589), who died Nov. 24, 1596, she surviving. She was the mother of Jusepa and Hipolita Vaca, and was a celebrated actress. She must have managed a company after her husband's death, for she produced Lope de Vega's Viuda Valenciana before 1603. (I believe the play has been revised, as we have it now.) Lope says: "Repre- sentola Mariana Baca, unica en la accion, y en entender los versos." (Comedias, Part XIV, fol. 101.) Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza Universal (1615), mentions her among the famous actresses then deceased. Vaca (Mariana), v. Morales (Mariana Vaca de). Vaca de Mendi (Jusepa) or Jusepa Vaca, as she is generally called, one of the most famous of Spanish actresses, was the daugh- ter of Juan Ruiz de Mendi and Mariana Vaca. She married the celebrated autor de comedias Juan de Morales Medrano on Dec. 27, SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 611 1602, from which time she appeared almost constantly in her hus- band's company. For her Luis Velez de Guevara wrote La Serrana de la Vera (1603), and Lope de Vega composed his Almenas de Toro (1618): "Representola Morales y hizo la gallarda Jusepa Vaca a Dona Elvira." She had a daughter Mariana de Morales, q. v., and in 1622 she, her husband, and her daughter belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo, and in 1623 all appeared in Lope de Vega's El Poder en el Discreto. They lived in the Calle del Principe (1619). In 1618 Jusepa and her daughter Mariana re- ceived a gratuity of 300 reals for excellence in acting in Enciso's auto La Serrana de la Vera in Seville. Jusepa Vaca was still living in Madrid in 1634, ner husband being in Segovia in that year with his company. (2V. £)., p. 239.) Vacamonte, v. Bracamonte Gallareta. Valba Ojeda (Maria) played second parts in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in Seville in 1635. Valcarcel, v. Gonzalez Valcarcel. Valcazar (Catalina de), wife of the autor de comedias Gabriel Vaca (March, 1598, to 1602). Both were in the company of Antonio Granados from Sept., 1602, till Shrovetide, 1603. On March 30, 1608, she married Alonso Riquelme. Both are then described as being widowed. (N. D., p. 105.) She appeared in her husband's company in 1610 in Lope de Vega's La buena Guar da. Catalina Valcazar died on Nov. 22, 161 8. In the "partida de defuncion" she is described as "madre de Riquelme farsante." Perez Pastor, Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 383, says that she was the mother-in-law of Alonso Riquelme. Valcazar (Jeronima de), wife of Pedro Garcia de Salinas; both were in the company of Alonso Riquelme prior to Feb. 15, 1619, when they joined the company of Fernan Sanchez de Vargas for two years, beginning at Shrovetide, she playing second parts. Both belonged to the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631-32, she playing graciosa parts, and both appeared in Lope de Vega's El Castigo sin Venganza (1632). Valcazar (Juan de), actor in Valladolid in 1628, in the com- pany of Figueroa. (M. y M., p. 566.) Valcazar (Luis) was a member of the company of Luis Hurtado in Seville in 1642. Valcazar (Maria de), wife of Pedro de Valcazar; both were 612 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES members of the company of Bartolome Romero from Sept. I, 1637, till Shrovetide, 1639, and from Feb. 25, 1640, for one year, and again in 1642 and 1643. She played third parts. Her full name was Maria de Astorga y Valcazar. (N. D., p. 296 ; Rosell, Vol. I, p. 220.) Valcazar (Pedro), v. the preceding. He played the part of vejete. A Valcazar, famous as a gracioso (about 1638) is men- tioned in an entremes of Benavente. v. Rosell, I, p. 371. Valdes (Agavaro Francisco) of Valladolid, autor de come- dias in Madrid in 1583-84 and in April, 1588. His wife was Luisa de Aranda. Valdes (Gaspar de), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in Seville in 1643 and in Madrid in 1650 and 165 1 in the company of Antonio de Prado. Valdes (Maria de) played segundas damas in the company of Simon Aguado in 1674; in 1676 she was in the company of Antonio de Escamilla, and in 1677 and 1678 with Agustin Manuel de Castilla. Valdes (Pedro de), famous actor and autor de comedias. He was an actor in the company of Melchor de Villalba prior to Nov., 1596 (N. D., p. 345), and was in the company of Diego Lopez de Alcaraz in 1603-04. In 16 10 his company and that of Juan de Morales Medrano represented the autos at Seville, whither he returned in 1 616 and 1617. Ini6n Valdes was in the company of Pinedo. (Perez Pastor, Bibl. Mad., Part III, p. 325; N. D., p. 139.) In Feb., 1614, his wife was the no less celebrated Jeronima de Burgos, who had also been in Pinedo's company. On Feb. 2, 1 6 14, Valdes is called "autor de comedias de los nombrados por S. M." He was one of the twelve autores authorized by the decree of 1615. On July 28, 1615, he and his wife mortgaged a house which they owned in Valladolid "a la guerta perdida" for 8085 reals. In this year he took his company to Lisbon (after June 15), and in 161 7 represented in Dona Elvira in Seville. In 1 62 1 he produced two autos in Madrid, receiving 600 ducats. Valdes first represented several comedias of Lope de Vega, among them: La Dama boba (1613) ; Con su pan se lo coma (written before 1618) ; La Villana de Xetafe (printed in 1620) ; Amor, Pleito y Desafio (written in 1621) ; in the latter play Valdes ap- peared as the servant Sancho, and "La Senora Jeronima" as the SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 613 servant Leonor. Among the comedias of Tirso de Molina first produced by him were: Amor y Celos hacen Discretos ( "Repre- sentor Valdes, con que comenzo en Sevilla") ; Quien hablo pago; La prospera Fortuna de D. Alvaro de Luna y adversa de Ruiz Lopez d'Avalos, Primera y Segunda Parte. {Comedias, Part II, 1635.) In 1623 Valdes represented privately before the King. In his company in the year 1625-26 were: Juan Gonzalez, Pedro de Salazar, Pedro Real, and Ignacio Velazquez. (B. H. (1908), p. 250.) He had a company in Perpifian on May 10, 1632, as the autograph of Montalban's comedia La puerta Macarena shows. (S.-A., p. 146.) v. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, p. 303, who gives the date as May 10, 1631. Valdes (Rafaela de), actress in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1 63 1. In 1637 she is called "criada de Damian Arias," an actor. Valdes Toral (Diego de) agreed to act in the company of Juan Martinez in 1631. His wife in Feb., 1637, was Ber- narda de Castro y Guzman, and both contracted to act in the com- pany of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla for one year, he taking third parts or barbas and she playing primeras damas. Valdivia (Francisca Maria de), wife of Pedro Garcia de Vergara; both were members of the company of Francisco Solano from Aug. 12, 1637, till Shrovetide, 1638. Valdivielso (Juan de) of Madrid, actor in the company of Juan de Tapia from March 4, 1 602, to 1603, in the company of Melchor de Leon in 1607, and in Diego Vallejo's company in 16 19. He appeared in Lope's El Sembrar en buena tierra (1616). Valdivieso (Simon Arias de), "prodigioso representante," mentioned by Claramonte in his Letania moral (1613) as then deceased. Valencia (Francisca de) of Seville, actress in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1654-55. In the preceding year she was in the company of Miguel Bermudez. Valencia (Francisco de) and his wife Maria de Herrera were in the company of Juan Bautista Espinola from Feb. 16, 1633, to 1634; b°th played second parts, and both were in the company of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas from March 9, 1634, to 1635. He also acted in the company of Tomas Fernandez and Sebast. de Avellaneda. 6 1 4 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Valenciano (Agueda), daughter of Francisco Valenciano r both were in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636-37- Valencano (Francisco) played old men's parts (barbas) in the company of Pedro de la Rosa in 1636—37. Valenciano (Juan Bautista), native of Valencia. He had a company in 1617, when he produced Lope de Vega's El Desden vengado, in which he appeared as Rugero and his wife Dona Manuela Enriquez, also of Valencia, as Celia. In 1619 he and his wife were in the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan at Corpus in Seville. In 1620 Andres de Claramonte wrote for him the comedia La infeliz Dorotea, in which he appeared as Don Fer- nando, and in 1621 he represented autos in Seville. On the after- noon of Thursday, July 25, 1620, the Valencianos, who had been joined by Cristobal Ortiz, were representing Claramonte's San Onofre 6 el Rey de los Desiertos in the Coliseo at Seville, when it was destroyed by fire. (S.-A., p. 211.) In 1622 his company produced Lope de Vega's Nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba, Manuela Enriquez also appearing in the cast. On March 18, 1623, he agreed to take his company to Valladolid. (Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 248.) In his company were: his wife Manuela Enriquez, Diego de Uceta and his wife Maria de Castro, Agustin Coronel, Miguel Munoz and his wife Angela de Toledo, Pablo Sarmiento and his wife Maria Calderon, Gines de Robles,. Juan de Arce, and Juan Perez. (Ibid.) In this year his company and those of Juan de Morales, Cristobal de Avendano, and Manuel Vallejo acted on the stages which were erected along the streets in Madrid on the occasion of the visit of the Prince of Wales. (Ibid.) In Oct., 1623, he is called autor de comedias por S. M. and represented three comedias privately before the King; he then resided in Segovia. His company represented in Madrid from Nov., 1623, until twenty days before Shrovetide of 1624. He first produced Tirso's Tanto es lo de mas como lo de menos. (Come- dias, Part I (1626).) He seems to have died before 1628. v. En- riquez (Manuela). Valenciano (Juan Jeronimo) of Valencia, actor in the com- pany of his brother Juan Bautista Valenciano in 1617, when he appeared in Lope's El Desden vengado; in 1619 he belonged to the company of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan, and in 1620 he was in his brother's company in Seville. In this year he appeared as SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 615 the King in Claramonte's Infeliz Dorotea. In 1623 he had a company in Madrid, and on Feb. 12 produced the Vomedia of Alarcon and Belmonte, Siempre ayuda la Verdad, before the King and court, and afterward performed it in Seville, for on the title-page we read : "Representola Juan Jeronimo Valenciano, con que entro en Sevilla." He had a company in Seville in 1625, 1626, 1627, and 1633. His wife Ana Maria de Caceres played segundas damas in Olmedo's company in Seville in 1635, and both played in Manuel Vallejo's company in 1643. Valenciano (Santiago), actor in the company of Alonso de Heredia in 1614, and in the company of Pedro de la Rosa for one year from March 2, 1637. Valenzuela, v. Jimenez de Valenzuela. Valera or Varela (Jacinto) and his wife Maria de San Pedro were in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 1632 at Corpus in Seville ( Sanchez- Arjona, p. 281), and in 1634—35, when both appeared in Peligrar en los remedies by Rojas Zorrilla. On Oct. 30, 1638, Maria de San Pedro, who then joined the company of Segundo de Morales, is called the widow of Jacinto Varela. (N. D„ p. 300.) Vallejo (Carlos), well-known actor, son of Manuel Vallejo. His first wife was Luisa Romero, and afterward he married Feliciana de la Rosa, daughter of Pedro de la Rosa and Antonia de Santiago. In 1660 he was segundo galan in the company of Jeronimo Vallejo; in 1662 tercero galan in the company of Sebas- tian de Prado; 1663 segundo galan with Jose Carrillo; 1664 segundo with Juan de la Calle and Bartolome Romero; in 1665 segundo with Francisco Garcia; 1670, 1672, 1673, 1675, and 1676 segundo galan with the company of Manuel Vallejo; 167 1 with Felix Pascual, and in 1674 barba in the company of Simon Aguado. He had a company as late as 1698. (Restori, Titulos de Comedias, p. 198. See also Sanchez- Arjona, p. 328.) He was the author of a comedia, Las Murallas de Casal. v. Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 2252. He had a son, Vicente Vallejo, also an actor, and died in Madrid on Jan. 24, 1704. (Cotarelo, in Migajas del Ingenio, p. 220.) Vallejo (Diego), native of Seville, autor de comedias, and father of Manuel Vallejo. He had a company in Gibraltar in 1614 ; he and Juan Acacio represented the autos in Seville in 1619, and 616 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES in the previous year he represented Alarcon's Anticristo in Madrid. Fernandez Guerra (Alarcon, p. 291) calls Diego an "herculeo moceton" (strapping youth), but Diego's son Manuel acted in the company in the following year. In Aug., 1627, Diego Vallejo, according to Sanchez-Arjona, p. 258, again brought his company to Seville. Very little seems to be known of the career of Diego Vallejo; I find him mentioned only by Sanchez-Arjona and by Fernandez Guerra. For his company in 1619, v. Sanchez-Arjona, p. 203. Vallejo (Francisca), called la Palomina, mentioned by Pelli- cer, Vol. II, p. 59. Vallejo (Francisco), tercero galan in the company of Antonio de Escamilla in 1661. Vallejo (Jeronimo), autor de comedias at the Corpus festival in Madrid in 1660. For his company in this year, v. Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Vol. I, p. 269. Vallejo (Juana), wife of Diego Pavia; both were in the company of Francisco de Guzman Morales in Valladolid in 1644. Vallejo (Manuel or Manuel Alvarez de), famous autor de comedias, native of Seville, and son of Diego Vallejo. He and his wife Francisca Maria were members of Diego Vallejo's com- pany in 16 19. In 1622 he had a company and represented two autos and also Lope de Vega's La Ninez de San Isidro in Madrid. For his company in this year, v. Perez Pastor, Proceso de hope de Vega, p. 297. In May of this year he declared that he was more than twenty-five years old. (B. H. (1908), p. 246.) In 1623 he agreed to represent every day at Madrid from the third or fourth day after Lent, "the performances not to be omitted al- though there be but few people in the corral." He received 250 reals daily, besides being furnished with an alguacil. "If he takes in more, he is to keep the excess; if 250 reals be not taken at the entrance, he is to change the comedia, unless it be the day before a festival, nor is he to leave Madrid for any festival." (N. D., p. 193.) In Feb. and May of this year his company produced seven comedias before the King, including Tirso's La Gallega Mart Hernandez. He represented besides many particulares before Philip IV. (Averiguador, pp. 9 et passim and text, p. 236.) In 1623 he is called "autor de comedias de los nombrados por S. M.," and in this year (March 23, 1623) he and Juan de Morales, Cris- SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 617 tobal de Avendano, and Juan Bautista Valenciano represented on Sunday on the public stands erected in honor of the visit of the Prince of Wales. He was one of the five founders of the Cofradia de la Novena. In 1627 he represented at Seville ( Sanchez- Arjona says this was Diego Vallejo) ; in 1632 at Corpus in Madrid, and in the early months of 1638 at La Monteria in Seville, and at Corpus produced the autos. His first wife was Francisca Maria. In the Bull. Hisp. ( 1908), p. 255, we read the following partida de defuncion: "Francisca Maria, married to Vallejo, autor de come- dias, died in the Calle del Nino on Nov. 21, 1627," etc. On p. 249 we read an inventory and appraisement of the effects of Manuel Vallejo, "hechos con motivo de la muerte de Francisca Maria, su muger," Madrid, Dec. 1, 1623. I cannot reconcile these statements. According to the latter, she left a daughter, also named Francisca Maria. It seems probable that 1623 is a mistake for 1627. In 1632 his company produced Lope's El Castigo sin Venganza, the only time that it was given publicly, and on Feb. 3, 1635, repre- sented it privately before the King. His wife was then the cele- brated Maria de Riquelme. In 1639 he represented at Madrid Coello's auto La Carcel del Mundo and the auto Hercules by D. Francisco de Rojas. He returned to Seville and represented autos in 1640, 1641, 1642, and 1643, and died in Madrid in 1644. Vallejo left three children, Manuel, Carlos, and Maria Vallejo, who also followed the profession of acting. For his company in 1631, v. Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 220; in 1640, v. S.-A., p. 339; in 1643, ibid., p. 365. He first produced Tirso's Habladme en entrando (Paz y Melia, Catdlogo, No. 1450) and Lope's El Engano en la Verdad. Barrera, Catdlogo, p. 416, mentions the dramatist Juan Francisco de Vallejo y Riquelme, author of the comedia Honor tiene Leyes contra los Reyes, and conjectures that he was the son of Manuel Vallejo and Maria de Riquelme. Vallejo (Manuel de), el Mozo, son of Manuel Alvarez Vallejo and Maria de Riquelme. His wife was Manuela Maria de Espinosa; both were in the company of Antonio de Castro in 1656, and in 1660, before Corpus, they acted in the company of Juana de Cisneros in La Monteria in Seville. (S.-A., p. 426.) In this year he had a company in Madrid, and began to represent in the Cruz on March 23, producing Calderon's Los Empehos de un acaso, and on the 24th D. Fernando de Zarate's El Maestro 618 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES d e Alejandro, "new and never before seen or represented" ; April 30, Zabaleta's No amar la mayor finexa, "new and never before repre- sented, and unfortunate because of the few spectators present"; May 1, Vallejo did not represent "because there was not a soul in the corral"; May 2, Vallejo repeated Zabaleta's play; May 3, Moreto's Lo que puede la aprension; May 4, No hay ser padre siendo Rey by D. Francisco de Rojas; May 5, No hay burlas con el Amor by Calderon; May II, the new comedia by Matos(?), El Renegado del Cielo; May 17, Montalvan's Amantes de Teruel (the total receipts were 116 reals!) ; May 19, the new comedia by Zarate( ?), A cada paso un peligro; June 9, Vallejo began with the auto El Diablo mudo by Calderon. This auto was repeated until June 20, when Vallejo took his company to Avila. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, I, p. 276.) In 1663 Vallejo was gracioso in the company of Jose Carrillo; in 1664 gracioso with Juan de la Calle and Bartolome Romero; 1665 gracioso primero with Francisco Garcia. From 1670 he had a company until 1681. His wife Manuela Maria de Espinosa having died in 1670, Vallejo married D a Ana. de Rojas, who died in 17 10. (Cotarelo, in Migajas del Ingenio, p. 221.) Vallejo (Maria), daughter of Manuel Alvarez Vallejo and Maria de Riquelme. She was primera dama in the company of Jeronimo Vallejo in 1660. Sometime before 1672 she married Francisco Garcia, Pupilo, and acted in her husband's company in that year. She died in Madrid in 1 702, leaving no children. Vallejo (Vicente), actor, son of Carlos Vallejo. Valles (Pedro), actor in the company of Francisco Lopez in Seville in 1660 and 1663, and in that of Francisco Gutierrez in 1668. Vallespin (Esteban), native of Palma, where he married Jeronima Abella in 1673. Actor and afterward manager of a company in Valencia with Agustin Manuel. He died at Pifia, Aragon, in 17 11. Valmaseda (Diego de), actor in the company of Juan Acacio in Seville in 1644, and in the company of Francisca Lopez in 1660. Valmaseda (Maria de), actress (in the company of Figueroa?) at Valladolid in 1628. (M. y M., p. 566.) Vaquedano (Juan), member of the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1648. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 619 Vaquedano (Polonia), tercera dama in the company of Jero- nimo Vallejo in 1660. She was the sister of Teresa de Garay and the wife of Francisco Rodriguez, cobrador in various companies. Polonia was in the company of Felix Pascual in 1667 or 1668; with Cristobal Caballero in 1674, with Hipolito de Olmedo in 1676, and with Felix Pascual in 1680. She was still acting in 1687 in the company of Antonio Arroyo. (Cotarelo, in Migajas del Ingenio, 1908, p. 195.) Vaquedano (Teresa), actress in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1648. Varela (Jacinto), v. Valera. Vargas (Andres de) of Toledo, indicted in 1583, together with Nicolas de los Rios and Martin de Aguirre, "for various excesses." In 1584 he was acting in Madrid, and in Sept., 1586, he and Nicolas de los Rios had a company of fourteen players, who were to represent in Seville in Oct. of that year. Vargas (Francisca de), a minor in 1626, daughter of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas and Polonia Perez, his second wife. She played second and third parts in her father's company in 1633, and in 1634 she belonged to a joint company directed by her father and Juan de Malaguilla, sharing the principal parts with Manuela (Maria?) de Quesadas. She was living at the time of her father's death, Nov. 18, 1644. Vargas (Hernan Sanchez de), v. Sanchez. Vargas (Hernando de), a minor in 1626, son of Hernan Sanchez de Vargas and Polonia Perez. Vargas (Jeronima de), actress in the company of Juan de la Calle and Sebastian de Prado in 1659; her daughter Bernarda Manuela, la Grifona, was in the same company. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Part I, p. 265.) Vargas (Juan de) of Plasencia, actor in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano in 1617, appearing in Lope de Vega's El Desden vengado; in 1619 he was in the company of Cristobal Ortiz in Seville; in 1620 and 1622 he was again in the company of Juan Bautista Valenciano, and appeared in the latter year in Lope's La nueva Victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba. In 1623 (Oct.) he was in the company called Los Conformes. There was a Vargas in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado in Madrid in 1632-35 (?) (v. Rosell, Vol. I, p. 29), and in the company of 6zo SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Figueroa in 1635, when he appeared in Peligrar en los remedios by Rojas Zorrilla. Vargas Leyva (Juan de) produced the "dance of Portuguese women" for the entry of the Queen into Madrid in 1570. Varona, v. Barona. Vazquez (Antonio), actor in the company of Alonso Cisneros in 1589; one Vazquez, perhaps the same, and Juan de Avila gave the first representation in the Corral del Principe on Sept. 21, 1583. v. Pellicer, Origenes, Vol. I, p. 69. A Gaspar Vazquez, comediante, is mentioned by Moratin, Origenes del Teatro Es- panol, as the author of the Comedia de la Costanza, printed at Alcala de Henares in 1570. Vazquez (Dionisio), actor in a joint company in Madrid with Anton Alvarez, Vicente Ortiz, and others for one year from March 23, 1604. Vazquez (Juan), el Polio, and his wife Francisca de Torres were members of the company of Antonio Granados from March 19, 1623, for one year, and of the company of Manuel Vallejo from Ash Wednesday, 1624, for one year. He repre- sented one of the autos at Seville in 1628, and had a company in 1 63 1. His daughter was Maria Vazquez, q. v. Vazquez (Juan Antonio), actor(?), lived in the Calle de las Huertas, opposite the cemetery of the church of San Sebastian, from 1626 to 1641. He was testamentario of Jeronima de Burgos on her death in the latter year. The same as Juan Vazquez, above ? Vazquez (Juana), one of the earliest of Spanish actresses. On March 15, 1583, Miguel Vazquez and his wife Juana Vazquez agreed to act in the company of Juan Limos from that date until Shrovetide of 1584. Luis de Molina, actor, joined in the contract with them, and all three were to receive 9J/2 reals at the end of each performance, besides board, lodging, washing, and traveling expenses. {Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 153.) She was in the com- pany of Villegas in Seville before 1 600, and in the company of Nicolas de los Rios before 1602. v. Rojas, Viage entretenido, p. 462. She wrote some commendatory verses for the latter work. In Dec, 1601, Juana Vazquez was the wife of the actor Nicolas de Villanueva. (B. H. (1907), p. 366.) Vazquez (Maria), daughter of Juan Vazquez and Francisca SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 621 de Torres. She is said to have been a member of Lorenzo Hur- tado's company. Vazquez (Miguel) and his wife Juana Vazquez were mem- bers of the company of Juan Limos in 1583-84. He probably died before Dec, 1601. See under Vazquez (Juana). Vazquez (Pedro), actor in the company of Pedro de Ortegon in Seville in 1635 ; acting in 1638. Vazquez (Pedro), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1679, 1680, and 1681. Vazquez (Sebastiana), sister of Fernando Perez; both were in Andres de Claramonte's company from June 19, 1614, till Shrovetide, 1615. Vega (Agustin de la), actor in the company of Esteban Nunez in Seville in 1648. Vega (Agustina de), wife of Pedro de Ocana of Murcia; both were in the company of Gaspar de Porres for one year from March 27, 1593. Vega (Alonso de la), actor and playwright, produced at Seville in 1560 the autos Abraham and La Serpiente de Cobre, and seven dances, receiving 160 ducats. He is said to have been a member of the company of Lope de Rueda, and died at Valencia before 1566, when his three comedias were published there by Juan de Timoneda. On the title-page of the volume he is styled "illustre poeta y gracioso representante." His comedias have been republished by Menendez y Pelayo (Dresden, 1905). Vega (Andres de la), called el gran Turco, celebrated autor de comedias; his wife (1618) was the famous actress Maria de Cordoba, called Amarilis and la gran Sultana, and both acted in that year in the company of Baltasar Pinedo; they were in the company of Tomas Fernandez in 1621. He had a company in 1624 and produced at Seville Claramonte's autos La Sinagoga and El Pastor Lobo. In 1625 he represented Lope de Vega's Brasil restituido, and in 1625, 1626, 1627, 1628, and 1630 repre- sented autos in Madrid. He was one of the five founders of the Cofradia de la Novena. On April 11, 1635, his company repre- sented privately before the King one of the last plays that Lope de Vega wrote: Las Bizarrias de Belisa. He possessed an extensive theatrical wardrobe, which he frequently hired out for festival rep- resentations. For him Mira de Mescua wrote No hay Dicha ni 622 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Desdicha hasta la Muerte, the autograph of which is dated at Madrid, July 20, 1628. (Paz y Melia, Cat., No. 2328.) In 1638 he is called "de los nomhrados por S. M.," and in this year his company represented in Toledo. For his company in 1638, v. N. D., p. 282. On June 8, 1643, his company, including his wife, represented two comedias in the villa de Santorcaz for IOOO reals and expenses. Latest date, Oct., 1643. Vega (Bernardo de la), actor in the company of Juan de la Calle and Bartolome Romero in 1664, playing terceros galanes; he had a company and represented autos at Seville in 1672, 1673, and 1675, and was in Valencia about 1675, acting galanes in his own company. He married Luisa de Pinto, and both joined the Cofradia in 1663. Vega (Diego de), actor in the company of Diego de Santander in May, 1597, and in that of Ximenez de Valenzuela in 1602. In April, 1604, he joined the company of Gaspar de Porres, till Ash Wednesday, 1605; jn Nov., 1607, was in the company of Alonso Riquelme, and was a witness to his marriage on March 30, 1608. Vega (Domingo de la), actor in the company of Manuel Vallejo in Seville in 1640. Vega (Francisco de) of Palencia, actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme for one year from March 21, 1602. There was a Francisco de la Vega, musico, in the little company of Lope de Rueda in 1554. v. Cortes, Un Pleito de Lope de Rueda. Vega (Hernando de la), actor in Madrid in 1584. (JS. H. (1906), p. 363.) Vega (Josefa de), wife of Diego Robledo; their son was Juan de Robledo; all were in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1632. Vega (Pedro de), actor in a joint company in June, 1603, with Luis de Castro and others, and for one year from March 23, 1604, with Anton Alvarez, Vicente Ortiz, Francisco Ortiz, and others. Vega (Salvador de), actor in the company of Andres de la Vega for one year from Feb. 24, 1638. Vega (Toribio de la), autor de comedias in May, 1653, when his company represented before the King at Aranjuez. Velais (Jose), actor in the company of Magdalena Lopez in 1677 at Seville. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 623 Velasco (Ana de), wife of Sebastian de Montemayor in Feb., 1584, when both were in Madrid. {Bull. Hisp. (1906), p. 363.) In Aug., 1589, she paid 100 ducats for a costume {una basquina y manteo, ricos). She is mentioned by Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza Universal, 1 61 5, among the famous actresses then deceased. Velasco (Antonio de), member of the company of Luis Lopez in Seville in 1645. Velasco (D. Bartolome de), real name of the actor "Juan Alonso," who was in the company of Felix Pascual in 1665. He was born in Villadiego (Burgos) and studied at Salamanca. He was in Valencia in the company of Jose Carrillo in 1662 and with Lopez in 1673. He died at Valladolid in 1685. Velasco (Beatriz de), daughter of the actor Juan de Monte- mayor and his wife Ana Maria de Ulloa. She was in Avendafio's company in 1632. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 203 ; and v. Rosell, Vol. I, pp. 62, 84, where she is called Beatricica.) Perhaps this is the Beatriz who appeared in Avendafio's company at Corpus, 1626, in Belmonte's entremes La Maestra de Gracia. v. Flor de En- tremeses (1657), P- I22 - Velasco (Felipe de), at first an Augustinian friar, afterward married Ana de Barrios and became an actor (about 1650). His real name was Felipe de Cabrera y Sotomayor. Velasco (Francisco de), actor in the company of Francisco Lopez and others in 1632 at Corpus in Madrid. He and his wife Ana Fajardo belonged to the company of Pedro de la Rosa for one year from Feb. 15, 1636, when he played the primera parte de galanes; in May, 1637, they paid 2300 reals for a single costume. In this year he was in Pedro de la Rosa's company. In 1639 and 1641 he was again primer galan in Rosa's company. (Schack, Nachtrage, p. 72.) Velasco (Gabriel de), actor in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1622. Velasco (Inigo de), actor, murdered in Valencia Dec. 1, 1643. v. Comedias de Calderon, ed. Hartzenbusch, IV, p. 718. According to Hume, Philip IV., London, 1907, p. 385, in the Avisos de Pellicer {Semanario Erudito, Vol. XXXIII), the ac- count of this affair is dated Aug. 25, 1643. It states that Inigo de Velasco was beheaded "because, forgetting the humility of his 624 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES calling, he courted ladies as impudently as any gentleman could have done." Velasco (Isabel de), actress, betrothed to Luis de Quinones, actor, on Sept. 20, 1614, when both were in the company of Pedro de Valdes. They were married in the same year in Valla- dolid. Velasco (Jeronimo de), actor and musician, married Barbola de Celis, actress, in Valladolid in 1632. (M. y M., P- 566.) He was in the company of Pedro de la Rosa for one year from March 3, 1637. Velasco (Mariana de), called la Candada, and her husband Luis Candau lived in the Calle del Infante in 1623, when they seem to have been in the company of Tomas Fernandez; both were members of Roque de Figueroa's company in 1632. (Cota- relo, Tirso, p. 202.) It is said that they died on successive days (Oct. 2 and 3, 1649) and were buried in the same coffin. Her daughter Maria Candau was the wife of Cristobal de Avendano. Velazquez (Alonso), autor de comedias, born in 1572 (S.-A., p. 98) ; he had a company in Seville at Corpus in 1598, which included : Antonio Granados, Vicente Ortiz, Juan de Avila, Cristobal de Ayala, Vicente Martin, and Domingo Fuentes. Velazquez (Fernan?), autor de comedias in 1577, in charge of the autos at Corpus in Madrid. Velazquez (Ignacio) played subordinate parts in the com- pany of Pedro de Valdes in 1625-26. Velazquez (Jeronimo), one of the earliest and most cele- brated of all Spanish autores de comedias. He represented in one of the corrales of Madrid as early as 1568, and in 1570 represented two autos in Segovia. In 1574 he produced the following autos at Corpus in Madrid: La Pesca de San Pedro, La Vendimia celestial, and El Rey Baltasar quando en sus convites profano los vasos del Templo. "He is to furnish everything necessary for the festival, except that the city is to furnish the three cars, with all the necessary decorations, etc. He is to provide the personages, costumes, etc., and the people to draw the cars, and is to receive 130 ducats, besides 60 reals to move the cars. He is to represent only on Corpus day wherever the procession may go, and after- ward whenever the commissioners may order." In 1576 he again represented three autos in Madrid. On Sept. 6, 1579, he gave his SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 625 first representation of that year in Madrid at the Corral de Puente, in the Calle del Lobo. He also produced the autos at Madrid in 1 58 1, 1582, and 1584. In 1582 he began to perform at the Corral de la Cruz on Jan. 15, and represented many times in the course of the year, alternating with Cisneros. In 1583, 1587, and 1593 he represented the autos in Seville. In the latter year he produced four autos, receiving 1200 ducats. In 1586 he produced three autos in Madrid, receiving 5000 reals, and performed many times during this year, beginning in Jan., and in 1587 in Madrid. In 1589 he again represented three autos, receiving 700 ducats and the sole right to act in Madrid from the second day of Pascua de Resurreccion until Corpus three work-days in each week, besides Sundays and feast-days; he also represented many times in Jan., Feb., and March, 1590, in Madrid, and again represented the autos there in 1594 and in Toledo in 1596. For his representations in Madrid, see Appendix A. In 1587 he caused the arrest and indictment of Lope de Vega for libel, and on the trial it was shown that Lope de Vega was then providing Gaspar de Porres with the comedias which he had previously furnished to Velazquez, v. Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 28, 30 et passim. His wife was Ines Osorio, and his daughter Elena Osorio was the sweetheart of Lope de Vega and the Filis of his ballads. Velazquez died on Feb. 25, 1613. See Perez Pastor, Proceso de Lope de Vega, pp. 136 ff. Velera (La), v. Hernandez (Isabel). Velez (Antonio de) , gracioso in the company of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657. Velez (Jacinta), wife of Francisco Maire; she played first parts at Corpus in the villa de Algete in 1636. Velez de Guevara (Antonio), el Riolo, son of the Valencian actor Jose Vives and Ana Maria. He was a gracioso in Lorenzo Hurtado's company in 1631. Velez de Guevara (Francisco), actor in the company of Juan Martinez in 1 63 1, and autor de comedias from Shrovetide, 1639, t0 1640, jointly with Pedro de Cobaleda and Francisco Alvarez de Vitoria. For their company in this year, when they represented autos at Segovia, v. N. D., p. 308. He represented with his company in La Monteria, Seville, in 1 641. Vellon (Manuel del), actor in the company of Gabriel de Espinosa in July, 1638. 626 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Vera (Diego de), lessee of the Huerta de la Alcoba in Seville in 1585. Vera (Francisco DE),autor de comedias jointly with Jeronimo Ruiz and Alonso de Morales in 1592 in Madrid. Vera (Juan de), musico in the company of Jeronimo Velaz- quez in 1584 and 1590. Verdeseca (Catalina de), v. Hernandez de Verdeseca. Verdugo (Francisca), actress in the cast of Belmonte's A un tiempo Rey y Vasallo in 1642, when she played the part of a prince aged seven; however, she is mentioned as an actress in Valladolid in this year. (M. y M., p. 566.) She married Jacinto Riquelme in 1645, when both were in the company of Bartolome Romero {ibid., p. 567), and both were acting in Seville in 1652, in his own company. In 1655 she is described as the "widow of Riquelme" and took part in the autos of that year in Madrid, in the company of Diego Osorio; in 1657 she was in the company of Francisco Garcia; in 1659 in that of Pedro de la Rosa (she ap- peared in the autos of this year in Madrid in the company of Diego Osorio), in 1660 with Manuel Vallejo, when she appeared in Calderon's El Diablo mudo. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Docu- mentos, I, pp. 238, 276.) In 1662 she was primera dama in the company of Simon Aguado and Juan de la Calle. Verdugo (Francisco), actor in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1624. Vergara (Alonso de), lessee of the Coliseo in Seville in 1640-43 and 1654. He had a son Francisco. (S.-A., p. 368.) Vergara (Antonio de), actor in the company of Gabriel Vaca in March, 1598. He was indicted in 1596 for wounding some one; he was still acting in 1 61 4. Vergara (Francisco de) and his wife Magdalena de Ribera were in the joint company of Damian de Espinosa in March, 1639. Vergara (Juan de), "famous actor of Jetafe; he wrote come- dias." (Claramonte, Letania moral, in Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. II, p. 476.) He was in Valencia apparently in 1588 in the company of Rodrigo Osorio (Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30), and also in 1 594-95 (Gallardo, I, p. 683), and in the company of Diego de Santander in 1596 at Corpus in Seville, receiving a premium for his acting in the auto El Caballero de la Luz. See also Rojas, Viage, p. 13 1, who mentions him among the "farsantes" who wrote SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 627 farsas, loas, bayles, etc. Timoneda printed his two Coloquios pastoriles, which are now lost. (Cotarelo, Lope de Rueda, p. 30, n.) Vergara (Luis de), well-known autor de comedias at least as early as 1593, for he first represented Lope de Vega's El Favor agradecido, written in that year. In Nov., 1595, he represented in Granada Lope's El leal Criado, as the license (dated Oct. 30, 1595) attached to the autograph MS. shows. He produced an auto in Madrid in 1599, receiving 325 ducats, and was also in Madrid with his company in Nov., 1600. He also represented autos in Seville (of which city he was a native) in 1601, 1602, and 1614. Lope calls him "general en todo genero de representa- ciones." Besides the two comedias mentioned above, Vergara produced the following by Lope de Vega for the first time: El Argel fingido (before 1604) ; El primer Rey de Costilla (written probably before 1595) ; El Caballero del Milagro (before 1603), and El Desposorio encubierto. Vergara died before 1 61 7, and was survived by his wife Maria de la O, q. v. See also Rojas, Viage entretenido, pp. 48, 53, 54. Vibar (Martin de), actor in a joint company at the Corpus festival in Borox in 1604. A Vibar appears in the cast of Lope de Vega's La buena Guarda (1610). Vibas (Mencia de), daughter of Marco Antonio de Angulo; both were in the company of Segundo de Morales for one year from Nov. 17, 1638. See also under Vivas. Vicenta, actress in the company of Cristobal Ortiz at Corpus in Seville in 1620, receiving a gratuity of 200 reals in the auto La Casa del Pecado. She appeared in the same year in Clara- monte's Infeliz Dorotea, as acted by the company of Juan Bap. Valenciano. She had been in the same company in 161 7, and took the part of Ynarda in Lope's Desden vengado in that year. How- ever, this may have been Vincenta de Borja. See also under Vincenta. Vicente (Francisco) of Valencia, actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme for two years from March, 22, 1602. In 1621 Francisco Vicente was a member of the company of Alonso de Olmedo. {Bull. Hisp. (1908), p. 244.) The name Vizente occurs in the cast of Lope's El piadoso Aragones (1626). In 1632 he and his son Mateo were members of the company of Antonio 628 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES de Prado. (Cotarelo, Tirso, p. 216.) Perhaps this was the Vicente who appeared in the company of Sanchez de Vargas in Lope's La hermosa Ester (1610). On May 19, 1638, Diego de Leon, an actor, was accused by Lucia Bravo of the death of her son Francisco Vicente. Whether this was the same person as our actor, I do not know. (N. D., p. 292.) Viera, actor in the cast of Tirso's Celos con Celos se curan (1625). Villa (Alejandro de la) and his wife Antonia Manuela were in the company of Jose de Prado in Seville in 1658. He died before 1663. Villacorte (Bartolome de), autor de comedias in 1605. v. Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 372. Villafane (Alonso de), member of the company of Damian Espinosa for one year from March 21, 1639. Villagomez (Antonio de), actor in the company of Juan Acacio for one year from March 9, 1626. Villalba (Alonso de), autor de comedias; he died before Sept., 1605. v. N. £)., p. 92. His wife was Ana Romera, q. v. Their children were: Mateo, Melchor, and Isabel, deceased in 1605, and Alonso, Antonio, and Juana de Villalba, then living. (N. D., p. 92.) Villalba (Alonso de), son of Alonso de Villalba and Ana Romero. In 1609 he and his wife Maria Alvarez belonged to the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville. He had a company in Seville in 1 610 and in 1 61 2, and refused to represent in the latter year. (S.-A., p. 151.) In 1614 he resided in Toledo. For his company in this year, v. N. D., p. 140. Villalba (Antonio de), brother of the preceding(?). In 1642 he played fourth parts in the company of Lorenzo Hurtado, and in 1 65 1 he was in the company of Sebastian de Prado. Villalba (Fernando de), farsante, apparently in the company of Pedro de la Plata in Dec, 1598. (B. H. (1907), p. 363.) Villalba (Isabel de), daughter of Alonso de Villalba and Aria Romera. She died before Sept. 7, 1605. Villalba (Juan de), autor de comedias in 1600. (N. D., P- 53-) Villalba (Juana de) , sister of Isabel de Villalba. She was the SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 629 widow of the actor Juan de Morales, who died before April 10, 1595. In March, 1597, she was the wife of the celebrated autor de comedies Baltasar Pinedo. They had a house in the Calle del Amor de Dios, opposite the hospital of Anton Martin, Madrid, in 1617. She was still living in May, 1619. Villalba ( Manuel de) , actor ? His wife Sabina Pascual was the daughter of Felix Pascual (1665). Villalba (Maria de), actress? She was the daughter of Mateo de Villalba and granddaughter of Ana Romera. Villalba (Mateo de), actor? son of Alonso de Villalba and Ana Romera. He was deceased in Sept., 1605. Villalba (Melchor de), brother of the preceding, and autor de comedias. In Jan., 1590, he was a member of the company of Jeronimo Velazquez; on July 12 of the same year he was in the company of Juan de Rivas and lived "in his own house" in the Calle del Arenal, where he also resided in 1592. (N. D., p. 340.) On July 17, 1590, he is called autor de comedias and was more than twenty-five years old. (N. D., p. 339.) In 1594 Lope de Vega wrote for him the comedia El Maestro de Danzar. In 1595 he resided in the Calle del Amor de Dios (see above, Juana de Villalba), and managed a company with Alonso de Cisneros; and in 1597 he and Melchor de Leon represented at Corpus in Seville. In 1600 he and Gabriel de la Torre produced four autos at Madrid, receiving 1 300 ducats. Melchor de Villalba first pro- duced Lope de Vega's Los Muertos vivos (written before Dec. 31, 1603), and also Lope's El Domine Lucas, written before 1595. In the dedication of the latter play Lope says: "I recall this play for the reason that I have mentioned and because it was performed by Melchor de Villalba, a man who had no superior in his profession nor have we known any one to equal him.'' (Comedias, Part XVII, 1621.) Villalba died before Sept. 7, 1605. The fol- lowing document published in N. £)., p. 338, is not clear to me: "12 Julio 1590. — Obligacion de Juan de Rivas, autor de comedias, vecino de Madrid, morador en la calle de la Cruz, y Juana Romero, su muger, como principales deudores y pagadores, y yo Melchor de Villalba, representante en la compafiia del dicho Juan de Rivas, hijo de los susodichos residente en esta corte, morador en la calle del Arenal en casas mias propias, como su fiador, de pagar," etc. 630 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Villalobos (Juan Bautista de), born in 1565, was an actor in the company of Rodrigo Osorio in Valencia in 1588, and in that of Gaspar de Porres in 1595. (Proceso de Lope de Vega, p. 8.) He was connected with the Coliseo in Seville in 1622. (S.-A., Andes, p. 218.) See also under Bautista. Villanueva (Acacio de) of Toledo, actor in the company of Nicolas de los Rios in Seville in 1609; he was in Alonso de Villalba's company in 1614, and was musico in the company of Cristobal Ortiz in Seville in 1619. Villanueva (Juan de), actor, indicted in 1606 for a quarrel with an alguacil. He and his wife Isabel Rodriguez were in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 1613-14; on Feb. 3, 1614, he again agreed to act in the company of Valdes for one year; he appeared in Lope de Vega's La Dama boba (1613). Villanueva (Nicolas de), actor in Madrid in Dec, 1601, when his wife was Juana Vazquez. (Bull. Hisp. (1907), p. 366.) He was in the company of Alonso de Heredia in 1604, and he and his wife Inez Fajardo were members of a joint company with Pedro Bravo and others from July 8, 1614, till Shrovetide, 1615. Villanueva (Pedro de), actor in the company of Alonso Riquelme in June, 1 6 10, when he accompanied him to Lisbon. An actor named Villanueva appeared in the cast of La belligera Espanola by Ricardo de Turia (printed in 1616). v. Restori, Studj, p. 92. Villaroel (Agustin de), apuntador in Antonio de Prado's company in 1632. His wife Mariana was in the same company. In 1639 he acted in Antonio de Prado's company in Seville. Villaroel (Antonio de), prompter in Prado's company in 1 623 ? Perhaps the same as the preceding. Villaroel (Bernarda de), actress in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in Madrid in 1622. Villaroel (Cristobal de), autor de comedias and played the part of gracioso. He was a member of the Cofradia in 1639 and is mentioned in 1653. Villaroel (Mariana de), v. Villaroel (Agustin de). Villaroel (Matias Cristobal de) played first parts in the company of Juan Roman from March 20, 1639, to 1640, "and if he play second parts he is to receive one real less daily." He is again mentioned in 1653. Perhaps the same person as Cristobal de Villaroel. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 631 Villaverde (Juan de), actor in the company of Hernan San- chez de Vargas, in Lope's La hermosa Ester (1610), and in the company of Pedro de Valdes in 161 3. Villavicencio (Carlos de), second gracioso in the company of Agustin Manuel de Castilla in 1678. Villegas (Ana de), actress, sister of the dramatist D. Fran- cisco de Villegas, and daughter of Antonio de Villegas and Ana Munoz. She afterward entered a convent. Villegas (Antonio de), native of Seville and famous autor de comedias. In March, 1592, he was an actor in the company of Gaspar de Porres; in June, 1593, he is called autor de comedias, and his wife was Ana Munoz. In 1595 he represented the autos at Seville, and produced the comedia El Cerco y Libertad de Se- billa por el Rey D. Fernando el Santo, by Luis de Venabides in Valladolid (Schack, Nach., p. 22), and in the following year pro- duced two autos at Madrid, receiving 640 ducats. In 1598, together with Diego Lopez de Alcaraz, he produced the autos again at Madrid, and in 1600, 1604, and 1605 again represented autos in Seville. In 1602 he and Rios represented the autos at Valladolid. In 1603 his company performed before the King at Ventosilla, and he was one of the eight autores authorized by the decree of this year. In Sept., 1603, he represented four comedias before the Queen at Valladolid, receiving 1200 reals. (B. H. (1907), p. 368.) Villegas played the part of the King in Lope de Vega's El Cordobes valeroso (1605), and first produced Lope's Los Locos de Valencia (written before 1603) and the same poet's El Galan agradecido (before 1604), Lope saying of him: "era celebrado en la propiedad, afectos y efectos de las figuras." Claramonte in his Letania moral (1613) calls him "notable repre- sentante, hizo comedias." Sanchez-Arjona, p. 93, says that Villegas also represented Lope's Lo que pasa en una tarde, the autograph MS. of which is dated Nov. 22, 1617, but Suarez de Figueroa in his Plaza Universal, 161 5, mentions Villegas among the famous autores then deceased, and Figueroa was not mistaken. Villegas represented autos in Madrid in 1613, and died on May 29, 1613. He was especially favored in Seville, v. Rojas, Viage entretenido, pp. 48, 53, 54, and 131, where he names him among the "farsantes" who had written farsas, has, bayles, etc. He had four children: Juan Bautista, actor and playwright, Francisco the dramatist, 632 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Maria, and Ana. For his early representations in Madrid ( 1601- 1602) , v. Appendix A. Villegas (Antonio) , actor in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano for two years from Feb. 23, 1625. (Nuevos Datos, p. 208.) Villegas (Blas de), actor? in 1637. Villegas (D. Diego de). His wife Dona Maria de Paniagua acted at the Corpus festival in Valdemoro in 1623. In July, 1626, he was one of the executors of the will of Cristobal Ortiz de Villazan, and lived in the Calle de Atocha, opposite the Calle de los Desamparados, "in the house of Torrijos." (N. D., p. 361.) Villegas (Eugenia de) , wife of the autor de comedias Antonio Ramos; they represented two comedias at Daganzo after Corpus in 1606; both appeared in the cast of Lope's El Sembrar en buena tierra (1616). Villegas (Juan Bautista de), brother of the dramatist D. Francisco de Villegas and son of the autor de comedias Antonio de Villegas and of Ana Munoz, was no less celebrated as an author than as an actor. Claramonte calls him "monstruoso y apacible representante." He and his wife Paula Salvadora were members of the company of Baltasar Pinedo in 1617, and he joined the company of Manuel Vallejo on March 16, 1623, for one year, when he received 22 reals for each representation and 8 reals for maintenance. In Jan., 1623, he had a company of players, which represented five comedias privately before the King in the Alcazar ; among them was Como se enganan los ojos, written by himself. Villegas died before Nov. 13, 1623, on which date his wife Paula Salvadora filed a petition for an inventory of his effects. He was the author of at least twelve other comedias besides the one men- tioned, v. Barrera, Catalogo, p. 495, and Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I, p. 683, and Vol. II, p. 476. Villegas (Maria de), actress, sister of the preceding. Villegas (Pedro de), actor, appeared as Beltran in Alarcon's Las Paredes oyen in 1 61 7. He was in the company of Antonio de Prado in 1624; on Nov. 2, 1638, he and his wife Andrea Zapata agreed to act in the company of Juan Roman for one year, both to play second parts. The story has often been repeated that Diego Calderon, the elder of the poet Don Pedro's two brothers, "was mortally wounded by an actor named Pedro de Villegas SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 633 in the spring of 1629. Villegas took refuge in a monastery, and was arrested there by the police, the brother, and other relatives of his victim. The brother was probably Don Pedro." {Calderon, ed. Maccoll, 1888, p. xxi.) If Don Diego Calderon de la Barca was ever attacked by Pedro de Villegas he was not mortally wounded, for he survived till after Nov. 13, 1647, the date of his last will. (Perez Pastor, Calderon Documentos, Part I, p. 150.) For an account of this stabbing affray see Fitzmaurice- Kelly, Chapters on Spanish Literature, London, 1908, p. 186. The poet's other brother, Don Joseph, "Teniente de Maestre de Campo general," died in 1645, "peleando sobre el puente de Camarasa," in Catalonia. (Perez Pastor, ibid., p. 220.) Vincenta, v. Borja, Lopez, and Vicenta. The Vicenta who appeared in Lope's Desden vengado ( 1617) was probably Vin- centa de Borja, who was in Baltasar Pinedo's company in that year. Vinas (Juan) and his wife Catalina Salazar were in the com- pany of Manuel Vallejo in 1643. He had a company in April, 1653, when he represented a comedia privately before the King at Aranjuez. Vitoria (Antonia de), wife of Alonso Diaz Navarrete; both appeared in Lope's La Conpetencia en los Nobles (1628), and both were in the company of Cristobal de Avendano in 1632. Vitoria (Antonio de), musician in the company of Luis de Vergara in Oct., 1597. Vitoria (Isabel de), actress in the company of Roque de Figueroa in 163 1. She and her husband Jusepe del Peral were in the same company in 1632, and acted in the Corpus festival at Seville. She figures in the original cast of Rojas Zorrilla's Peligrar en los Remedios (1634). Vitoria (Maria de), wife of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla; both appeared in the cast of Alarcon's Las Paredes oyen in 161 7, and both belonged to the company of Antonio de Prado in 1624. In 1625 she and her husband appeared in Lope's Brasil restituido. Both were also in Prado's company in 1626, when they appeared in Lope's Amor con Vista. They acted at the Corpus festival in Salamanca in 1637, Bernardo directing the company. From Feb., 1638, to 1639, she acted in the joint company of her husband and Alonso de Olmedo. In 1639 both were again in the company of Antonio de Prado in Seville at Corpus. 634 SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES Vivas (Isabel), wife of Vicente Vivas; both were in the com- pany of Francisco Lopez in Seville in 1663. She was in the com- pany of Felix Pascual in 1665 (being then divorced from her husband Vicente Vivas), and 1671, playing cuartas y musica. Vivas (Juan) of Valencia and his wife Ana de Renteria were in the company of Pedro Cebrian in 1619. (N. D., p. I75-) On Feb. 15, 1636, he joined the company of Pedro de la Rosa. (Ibid., p. 245; Rosell, Vol. I, p. 235.) On Feb. 7, 1637. he entered the company of Luis Bernardo de Bovadilla as gracioso for one year. (N. D„ p. 260.) In Rosell, Vol. I, p. 405, he appears in the com- pany of Tomas Fernandez, but this company is identical with that of Rosa, and the entremes El Soldado was, apparently, represented in the same year (1636). The Juan Vivas in the company of Sebastian de Prado (Nov. 25, 1651 ) was probably the same person. (Calderon Documentos, p. 189.) Vivas (Vicente), v. Vivas (Isabel). Vives ( Jose) , Valencian actor; his wife was Ana Maria. Their son was Antonio Velez de Guevara, q. v. Vizcaino (Juan) and his wife Isabel de Gongora were in the company of Cristobal de Avendafio in 1632, he being cobrador. He died before Feb., 1636, when Isabel de Gongora is described as a widow. Volay (Andres de), musico y bailarin in the company of Antonio de Rueda in 1640. v. Bolay. Xerez (Cosme de) took part in the Corpus festival at Seville in 1559. 1560, 1563, 1564, 1574. and 1576. Xerez, v. also under Jerez. Ximenez, v. Jimenez. Xuarez, v. Juarez. Ynes, v. Hita. Zabala (Manuela), actress in the company of Felix Pascual in 1673. Zabala (Nicolas de), "Americano, natural de Zacatecas," married Maria Jacinta (la Bolichera). He died before 1670. Zaballos or Zeballos, v. Ceballos. SPANISH ACTORS AND ACTRESSES 635 Zambrano (Alonso), actor in the company of Bernardo de la Vega in 1672. v. Sambrano. Zamudio (Sebastian) and his wife Jeronima de Herrera were members of the company of Manuel Vallejo in 1631. Zancado, actor in the cast of Lope de Vega's Quien mas no puede (1616). Zapata (Andrea) and her husband Pedro de Villegas were in the company of Juan Roman for one year from Nov. 2, 1638, both playing second parts. Zavala (Maria de), actress in the company of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657, and in the company of Juana de Cisneros in 1660. Zavala (Nicolas de), galan in the company of Jose Garceran in Seville in 1657. Zayas (Jeronima de), "single woman," actress in the Corpus festival at Almonacid de Zurita in 1631 ; "she is to go a fortnight previously to rehearse, and is to receive 300 reals and have expenses paid." Zayas (Rodrigo de), actor in the company of Francisca Lopez in Seville in 1663. Zebrian, v. Cebrian. Zorita or Zurita (Pedro de), native of Segovia, actor in the company of Jeronimo Velazquez in 1590, and in the company of Alonso Riquelme for one year from March 7, 1602. "He is to receive 10 reals for each performance and 4 reals daily for main- tenance." In 1607 he was in the company of Melchor de Leon. He is mentioned in 1603 by Rojas (Viage, p. 131) among actors who were also playwrights. Zuniga (Bartolome de), actor in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in Seville at Corpus, 1615, when he received a gratuity of 100 reals.