optf)e KiTi|i$ [^ Queens f England W. J. H/1RDY Es.yj. ^3l CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM Mr. and Mrs.Wm.F.E.^urley DATE DUE FEB i i ^^^3 yUL 1 7 1947 Cornell University Library Z42 .H27 + Handwriting of the Icings & aueens of Eng 3 1924 029 484 627 olin Overs :'h V ■ 7,5 "%' ■ k Av-,, i •l^;*^:-^ " ^ '-^^'f-5 ; p/— > -5 -^ Mi :i - g! ; ■ '/^ ',-^ o z lij I h >- CD UJ h h GO UJ z bJ > UJ CO I- < IT 2 UJ z o cc UJ I- I- UJ .1 1 qE \) ?f >■ if - ,. D cc o UJ I — : IiJ >| UJ m X <;i^ et > z UJ X li. o (J z a: o z < Q < X O '«^" %>>< Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029484627 The Handwriting of the Kings & Queens of England BY W. J. HARDY, F.S.A. AUTHOR OF ' BOOK PLATES,' ETC. WITH PHOTOGRAVURES AND FACSIMILES OF SIGNATURES AND HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS THE RELIGIOUS , TRACT SOCIETY S6 PATERNOSTER ROW AND 65 ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD 1893 Lo li /', Y k G s A ^ o s ©jtfor?) HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE THE greater part of this work appeared in the pages of the Leisure Hour during the years 1889 and 1891, but some of the most interesting examples of royal penmanship, here figured, have not before been made pubHc : indeed, their existence was unknown until recently, when they were discovered, amongst some uncalendared documents at the Public Record Office, by Mr. H. C. Maxwell Lyte, C. B., the present Deputy-Keeper of the Records, by whose kindness, in pointing them out to me, and in giving me permission to have photographs taken of them, I am enabled to include them here. These new discoveries include some words written by Richard II; a letter wholly in the handwriting of Henry IV; a curious form of the signature of Henry VI, which shows that he used a wood-block stamp with his name upon it; and a long sentence penned by Edward IV — of whose writing no example, except the ordinary ' E. R.,' was known to exist. The additional examples of royal handwriting that I have given in this volume, also include several documents illustrative of what I may term the religious history of England — part of the draft of 'the Bishops' Book,' showing alterations in the handwriting of Henry VIII ; a group of signatures of men intimately connected with the translation of the Bible ; a letter from Edward VI to the Senate of Zurich ; another letter from the same king, and his Council, to the English Bishops, enjoining the A 2 4 Preface use of the English Book of Common Prayer; a letter from Queen Mary to the Justices of Devonshire, thanking the people of that county for their adherence to Roman Catholicism ; a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Dutch Reformed Congregation at Austin Friars; and the draft, corrected by James I, of his letter to the Bishops, which was, in reality, a ' Declaration of Faith.' To Mr. Maxwell Lyte, and the various officials of the Public Record Office, especially to Mr. Scargill-Bird and Mr. G. H. Overend, I must tender my warmest thanks for continual assistance in collecting materials for the production of this work, and for their readiness in according the permission to take photographs of the documents. I am also much indebted to Mr. E. Maunde Thompson, C. B., the Chief Librarian of the British Museum, as well as to Mr. Scott and Mr. Bickley of that depart- ment, for valuable advice and assistance, in collecting materials, and for facilities given in obtaining photographs of the letters, or other examples of handwriting selected. Last, but certainly not least, I must thank the Rev. R. Lovett for his constant advice and assistance in preparing this volume. W. J. HARDY. CONTENTS PAGE I. Introduction 9 II. Edward the 'Black Prince' ii III. Richard II 13 IV. Henry IV 16 V. Henry V 19 VI. Henry VI 30 VII. Edward IV and his Queen, Elizabeth Wydevile • • • ■ 35 VIII. Edward V ............ 41 IX. Richard III 45 X. Henry VII 49 XI. Henry VIII and his Wives 52 XII. Edward VI 70 XIII. 'Jane the Queen' and Philip and Mary 81 XIV. Elizabeth 91 XV. James I and Anne or Denmark 102 XVI. Charles I and Henrietta Maria, Henry Prince of Wales, and Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia 11 1 XVII. Oliver and Richard Cromwell 124 XVIII. Charles II and Catherine of Braganza 129 6 Contents PAGE XIX. James II, Anne Hyde, Mary of Modena, and the later Stuarts 132 XX. William III and Mary 140 XXI. Anne and George of Denmark 147 XXII. George I '148 XXIII. George II and Wilhelmina Carolina, his wife .... 151 XXIV. George III and Queen Charlotte 159 XXV. George IV, Queen Caroline, and the Princess Charlotte . . 164 XXVI. William IV and Queen Adelaide . . .... 171 XXVII. Victoria 175 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF PHOTOGRAVURE PLATES Letter from Henry IV. Last seven lines written by the king .... Frontispiece. Form of signatures of Richard II „ Signature of Henry VI Handwriting of Henry VI. The word ' Henry ' is stamped „ Letter from Edward IV. The 'RE' at the head and last four Hues written by the king to face p. 36 Letter from Edward VI signed by the king at the end » 73 Letter from Queen Elizabeth signed at the head ,,96 LIST OF FACSIMILES ' PAGE Autograph ' motto' of the Black Prince . 11 Grant signed by Richard II . . . -14 Signature (French) of Richard II . . .15 Letter of Henry IV while Earl of Derby . 17 Signature of Henry IV 18 Specimens of Henry V's handwriting . . 21 Letter of Henry V written in 1419 . . 26 Handwriting of Henry V in 1421 . . .28 Signatures of Humphrey Duke of Glouces- ter, Henry V's brother, Cardinal Beau- fort, and Jacquetta, wife of the Duke of Bedford Signature of Henry VI . Henry VI .... „ Henry VI preserved at Eton „ Edward IV as Duke of York „ Edward IV and his brothers- the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester Receipt in the hand of Elizabeth Wydevile Queen of Edward IV . . . Two signatures of Edward V . Handwriting of Edward V . . . „ Richard III, written in 1483 „ Richard III . Henry VII . Signature of Henry VII Margaret Beaufort's handwriting . 29 31 33 34 35 37 39 41 42 44 48 48 50 5° Two forms of Henry VII's signature . . 51 Letter of Henry VIII to Cardinal Wolsey . 53 Portion of a document — ' the Bishops' Book ' — of the period of the Reformation, con- taining alterations in the handwriting of Henry VIII 57 Signature of Queen Catherine of Aragon . 60 Examples of penmanship of men connected with the early translation of the Bible. — Signatures of Tindale, Latimer, Cran- mer, Coverdale, Grafton, Vaughan, and Cromwell .... Handwriting of Anne Boleyn Signature of Jane Seymour . „ Catherine Parr . Stamp used by Henry VIII in the early part of his reign Stamp on Henry VIII's Will Handwriting of Anne of Cleves „ Edward VI . Letter from Prince Edward to his mother Letter from Edward VI and the Council to the Bishops 7^-77 Signature of the Protector Somerset . . 79 Handwriting of the Protector Somerset . 80 „ Queen Mary . . . .82 „ Lady Jane Grey . . 83 61 63 65 66 66 66 67 71 72 8 List of Illustrations PAGE Handwriting of Lady Jane Grey . . -85 Letter to County Justices showing Queen Mary's signature at the head . . -87 Signatures of Queen Mary and Philip of Spain 89 Two signatures of Queen Mary . . .90 Handwriting of Queen Elizabeth . . .92 Letter from Queen Elizabeth to Catherine Parr 93 Two signatures of Queen Elizabeth . . 97 Endorsement of letter from the Earl of Leicester by Queen Elizabeth . . 98 Prayer composed by Queen Elizabeth . 100 Draft of a letter to the Bishops corrected by James I 104 Handwriting of James I .... 106 Letter of James I to his son, Charles, Prince of Wales 107 Handwritingof Anne of Denmark . . 109 „ Charles I . . . . iii Latin letter written by Charles to his brother Henry 113 Signature of Prince Henry .... 115 „ Princess Elizabeth . . . 115 Handwriting of King Charles . . . 116 Portion of prayer written by Charles I . 118 Draft of letter to Queen Henrietta Maria . 118 Letter from Queen Henrietta Maria to her Son 122 Letter from Oliver Cromwell to his Wife . 125 Signature of Oliver Cromwell . . . 127 „ Richard Cromwell . . . 128 „ Catherine of Braganza . . 131 Portion of letter from Charles H to Sir George Downing 131 Letter of James H to the Prince of Orange 134-5 Signature of James II 137 „ Anne Hyde . . . -137 Letter from Mary of Modena to Lord Caryll 138 Signature of the ' Old Pretender ' . . 139 „ ' Young Pretender ' . . 139 „ Henry of York . . . 139 Handwriting of William III . . . 140 Letter from Queen Mary to Lady Scar- borough, 1692 142 Signature of William III .... 143 Letter from Queen Anne to the Earl of Nottingham 146 Signature of George, Prince of Den- mark 147 Letter from George I to the Emperor Charles V 149 Signature of Queen Caroline of Anspach Letter from George II to the Duke of New- castle Handwriting of Frederick Prince of Wales . Signature of Princess Augusta „ the Duke of Cumberland . ,, Princess Elizabeth . „ Princess Anne .... „ Princess Mary . . . . „ Princess Louisa Letter written by George III to his grand- father when eleven years of age . Handwriting of George III Signature of the Duke of York „ the Duke of Cumberland . „ the Duke of Cambridge . „ Princess Charlotte „ Princess Amelia „ Princess Augusta Sophia . „ Princess Elizabeth . „ Princess Mary .... „ George III when insane . ,, Queen Charlotte Translation from Cicero by George IV when fifteen years of age Signature of George IV as Prince Regent . „ George IV as attached to the Coronation Oath Handwriting of Queen Caroline . Princess Charlotte . Letter of William IV to Lady Nelson Signature of William IV „ Queen Adelaide . Letter from Queen Victoria to the Women of Great Britain and Ireland . Earliest handwriting of Queen Victoria Signature of Queen Victoria to the Coronation Oath Signature of the Prince Consort Duke of Kent Duchess of Kent Prince of Wales Princess of Wales Duke of Clarence and Avon - dale Duke of York Duke of Edinburgh Duke of Connaught Duke of Albany . 152 153 155 156 156 156 156 156 156 158 160 162 162 162 162 162 162 162 162 163 163 165 166 166 167 168 170 172 172 174 175 175 176 176 176 176 176 176 176 176 176 176 THE HANDWRITING OF THE KINGS AND QUEENS OF ENGLAND INTRODUCTION HISTORIANS who have described King John as 'signing and sealing' Magna Charta are responsible for the picture which finds its way into the majority of illustrated English Histories of King John, with evident disinclination depicted on his countenance, scrawling his name with a quill- pen of regal length at the foot of a long strip of parchment which lies on the table before him. No doubt the illustration makes a vivid impression on the minds of most youthful students, and so a certain shock to the feelings is caused when we find out (as we very soon do find out if we give any attention to the history of royal handwriting) that King John did not — and, what is more, probably could not — write either ' Johannes Rex,' or indeed anything else, at the foot of the charter of liberties. The words with which that famous historic document concludes. Data per manum nostra-m in prato quod vocahir Runimed inter Windleshore et Stanes, do not imply that the king either wrote or sealed the charter ; they are merely used to give to it greater weight and force as a royal Act, and perhaps imply that John did actually deliver it with his own hands to the barons. Prior to the reign of Edward III — when the Black Prince is believed to have affixed to a document words equivalent to his signature — we have no evidence of any member of the royal family being able to write his or her name. Sovereigns of times previous to that of Richard I occasionally made their ' marks ' on charters granted by them. The mark — usually 10 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England cruciform — was placed either before or in the middle of the grantor's name, that name having been already written in by the scribe who penned the charter, and who left space for it. This mark was made probably at the actual time of granting the charter, that is, of giving it — after it had been publicly read aloud — to the grantee. King Cadwalla in one of his charters expressly states his own inability to write his name, in words, which, when translated, read, 'With my own hand, on account of ignorance of letters, I have made and written the sign of the cross.' However, the instances of post-Saxon kings corroborating their charters with the sign of the cross, made either by themselves or by the charter-writer, are very few in number. The method I intend to adopt in presenting the reader with specimens of the handwriting of successive English sovereigns, and in some instances of their children, from the time of Edward III to the present day, is to preface each example of writing with a few words, giving, if undated, its approximate date, explaining the circumstances under which it was written, and pointing out any special feature of interest it may contain. In order to make this volume 'useful' as well as 'curious,' I have given examples of all the forms I have met with of the signatures of English sovereigns. Prior to Henry VIII, the same king often altered considerably the form of his signature ; and by giving examples of those various forms I hope the volume may be a guide to those who endeavour either to gauge the authenticity of a document professing to bear a particular royal auto- graph, or to fix the actual reign to which belongs an instrument that might, from the signature upon it, equally well be of the reigns of Henry IV, Henry V, or Henry VI, or of Edward IV or Edward V. II EDWARD THE 'BLACK PRINCE' THE only portion of writing extant which is supposed to have been executed by the Black Prince is the curious signature appended to a writ dated at Angouleme in 1370, addressed by him, as Earl of Chester, to the custodians of his seal, directing them to prepare his letters patent for settling a pension upon a certain John de Esquet as a reward for faithful service. About the document itself there is no feature of especial importance. I do not, therefore, propose to give a facsimile of more than the concluding words of it : Homout. Ich Dene. To these words attaches the highest •T^.. interest, since there is little doubt that they were written by the prince himself, and used by him in the place of his signature to the writ. The ' mottoes ' — for such they are — appear, it will be remembered, on the prince's tomb at Canterbury, and in the instructions for his funeral he directs that his body shall be borne to the grave preceded by banners bearing these words. The document, of which we give a translation below, is dated six years before his death, when he was in the fortieth year of his age. His health was then already beginning to fail, and his former magnanimous disposition so far altering as to allow him to consent to the massacre of the vanquished inhabitants of Limoges. 'Edward, eldest son of the King of France and England, Prince of Aqui- taine and Wales, Duke of Cornwall, Earl of Chester, Seigneur of Biscay, and 12 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Castre d'Ordiales, to our dear and well-beloved Sir Richard de Stafford, Sir Piers de . . . . , and John de Heurteworth, greeting. Whereas, in consideration of the good service which our beloved and faithful John de Esquet has done, and will for the future do, for us, we have given and granted him 50 marks sterling by the year during his life, to take at our Exchequer of Chester by the hands of our Chamberlain there for the time being, he doing such loyal homage to us as we have received from him on this side of the sea. We will that upon this our gift and grant aforesaid, you, John de Heurteworth, do issue unto him our letters patent under our seal in your custody, with such others as appertain and are sufficient for him. And these letters shall be your warrant for the same. Given under our privy seal in our city of Angoul^me the 25th day of April, 1370^' With regard to the interpretation of the mottoes, Homont [Hochmuth] is generally taken to be ' high courage.' The story of the prince adopting as his motto the words Ich Dene (I serve) — the words found beneath the plume of ostrich feathers on the helmet of the King of Bavaria as he lay slain on the field of Cressy — is too well known to need more than passing mention. ' Original in Latin. Public Record OfBce. Ill RICHARD II OF Richard II's signature we have undoubted examples, though they are excessively rare. Internal evidence — the mention of Michael de la Pole as Earl of Suffolk — in the first of the three documents bearing his signa- ture, of which facsimiles are given here, fixes it as belonging to the year 1386, twelve months before the king completed his majority. It is a grant by Richard to the Prioress of Saint Magdalen, at Bristol, of a tun of Gascony wine, to be handed over to her every Christmas at the port of that town. The king here signs his name in English. Translation of the document referred to above. Original in French. Signature only in the Kings handwriting. Public Record Office. See facsimile on following page. ' By the King. ' Well-beloved and faithful. Whereas we of our special grace have given and granted to our well-beloved in God, Elizabeth, Prioress of Saint Magdalen, near our town of Bristol, a tun of red wine of Gas- cony, to have and take yearly during the term of her life at the Feast of Christmas, in our said town of Bristol, by the hand of our Chief Butler for the time being. We command you that you issue to the said Elizabeth our letters patent for the same, under our great seal in due '4 I ^ i> Handwriting of English Kings and Queens form. Given under our signet at our Castle of Bristol, the 26th day of July. ' Richard.' Addressed — 1-5 "I I '?— ' To our well-beloved and faithful Michael de H ej:; "svi \^ Pole, Earl of Suffolk, our Chancellor.' «s 3 H"? fis to r "^ ''i^ ^ I Ov^ Somewhat more than a mere signature occurs ^ ^* K *— — T' upon a letter written by Richard, in 1389^ ^^ f C» *^. ordering William of Wykeham, the famous Bishop t of Winchester, who was his Chancellor, to deliver ^ i ^^ f~~ ^^ great seal to one or other of four persons S ^-J* I named, in order that it might be affixed to certain " *^ C «"" documents concerning a process between the Earl ^ « ^ 4I of Salisbury and John Montague, his brother : ^ "^[^ This done, to take it back and keep it. The letter P 1 fs «S bears date at Havering, in Essex, on November 15, 1389, < S>^I.■" m Q o H S i? b O Pi H H 1-1 /^. Henry the Fourth 17 5 c5 to the throne as Henry IV, and of more interest, not only on that account, but as furnishing a really valuable example of what we may literally term the Kings English at the very beginning of the fifteenth century — a date at which examples of English, penned by any one, are exceedingly interesting. It occurs upon a formal command to the Arch- bishop of Canterbury concerning the Queen's dower, at the end of which Henry has written : — ' W[i]t[h]al min trew hert, worchipfull and well beloved cosin, I grete yow ofte well and you, next God, I thonke of that good hele that I am inne, for so I may well, w[i]t[h]out saying so. Reverent and well beloved cosin, I send yow a bille for that Quene, towchyng her dower, wych I pray yow micht be sped, and ye scholl do us bothe gret ese ther inne. Wherefor we woU thonk yow w[i]t[h]al oure hert. ' Your trewe ' son Henrye.' This most interesting example of royal penmanship is repro- duced in exact facsimile upon the frontispiece plate. We have other specimens of Henry's handwriting after his ac- cession to the throne, though none so long or so curious as those noted. One is upon a petition 1 8 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England addressed to him by a Canon of Windsor on the subject of an obstructed right-of-way. The document is interesting in itself from the glimpse it gives us at a part of the royal borough at the commencement of the fifteenth century, and shows the usual form of the king's signature, ' H. R. We have granted it for him.' Translation of the document above referred to. Original in French. Public Record Office. ' To our most dread and sovereign Lord, our Lord the King. Most humbly prays your poor Chaplain and continual Orator, Simon Marcheford, Canon of your most honourable College of Windsor, that whereas he and his predecessors have before this time had a garden extending from their house along the side of your ancient hall in your Castle of Windsor so far as the old great chamber, together with a little gate and the key [le clos] belonging to it, near the " pulletrie " there, to enable them to come and go freely at all times. This gate is now barred and closed by your officers of the said " pulletrie," to the great discomfort of your said Chaplain, who can no longer bring in his victuals that way for the reason aforesaid. May it please your grace to grant to the said petitioner and his successors the key [les clos] and gates aforesaid, so that he may have free ingress and egress through the same in form aforesaid. For God and in the way of charity.' V HENRY V THERE is a good deal of Henry V's writing extant at the present day. Amongst the examples are some tolerably long letters, which show a very skilful power of expression. These are particularly interesting; since — with the exception of the documents before noticed, penned by Henry IV as Earl of Derby and king — they are the earliest examples of royal holograph letter-writing we have. Two of these are written whilst he was Prince of Wales, and are addressed to his father, Henry IV. The first congratulates him on the ' blissid sacrament of mariage,' which he (Henry IV) has concluded with Joan of Navarre, so that the letter belongs to the year 1402, when the writer was but fourteen years of age. He regrets that he was not present at the ceremony ; his absence was evidently caused by the existence of the jealousy and suspicion with which Henry IV constantly regarded his youthful heir. The frank and open-hearted strain of the letter leaves us in no doubt about the genuineness of the grief which the boy says he feels at exclusion from his father's presence. Transcript of the document above referred to. Holograph. Original in English, Public Record Office. See facsimile (i) on page 21, which shows the concluding portion of the letter, commencing at ' therefore my sovereyne lordel &c} 'In all wyse my sovereyne lorde I recoma«dde me to your^ moste noble grace wyghte alle the lowlinesse that any s^^bgit kan thenkke or devise. ' The words are written by the prince with numerous abbreviations ; the letters supplied to make the words intelligible to ordinary readers are printed in italics. B 2 20 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Ande as you lieste my sov^reyne lorde to lete me youre most huwble liege raz.n to have knowleche be yowr gracious lettris of the pees and mariage co^cludid, the whyche Godde knowyht I have desirid as herttyly as ever dide any poore creature, and that for Goddis worshipp and your moste noble herttis ese. And also for the sov^reyne gladnesse and co»«forte that we yowre trwe pepil have and wyht^ Goddis mercy shalle have in the lyklynesse of successione of your bodily heyrys y* lorde thankke yow yt is verray pees, ande wyhte all the huwblesse that any suhgxt kan thankke hys sovereyne lorde, I thankke you my moste gracious sov^^-eyne lorde. Ande there as hyt lykyd yowre hynesse to wryte in zowr^ forseid gracious lettris y* ye purpose the time of youre mariage as sone aftir the feste of the trinite as convenable time comyhte, in the beste tyme of the yer I beseche Godde. And trwly my sovereyne lorde, but if youre hynesse hadde commanddid me the quarie if I myht have be [been] to Goddis worship, and yourys at that blessid gladde mariage I wolde, for no thyng be thennys but Godde, blissid mote he be, wille not that I have in thys worde [world] y* y* I most desired of, the whyche to see that joyfulle day of your mariage haht ben on. Besechyng you my sovereyne lorde to have in yowre noble remembraunce wyhte what conclusion of reste I departid last owte of yowre graciouse presence ande after that I have demended me syhte I kam in to thys youre reaume ande wyhte Goddis grace shalle to my lyvys ende lyk as I truste to Godde youre huwble lyge man, cousin Chaucer, hahte pleinly enformed youre hynesse or this time. Also my sov^'reyne lorde whanne I was on the grette see I made awowe after time I were onys in youre reaume of Engelande I sholde no see [sea] passe, save on pilgrimage, unto [until] I hadde be [been] at Seint Jamys, ande for that cause whanne I was at youre toun of Calays for the grete desir I hadde to see the prosperite of your most dredde ande noble p^rsone I wentte strehte fro thennys to your most gracious presence for if I hadde goone in to your reaume of Engelande I myhte not have come in to Normandie to [till] my pilgrimage hadde be doo [done]. Ande therefore my sovereyne lorde wyht all the humblesse that any subgit kan thenkke or devise I beseche your hynesse to take not to displesaunsse my nowhte comyng, for Godde knowhte I ne feyne noone no colour seke. Besechyng Godde in all wyse my sovereyne lorde to save ande kepe you body and sowle ande sendde you in thys blissid sacrament of mariage, joye, pr<7sperite O < Z w O G w Si lit i%te i ,5 ^1.1 i # rl « ^ >• IS w w o w 1-1 V. Henry the Fifth 23 longe to endure wyhte heyrys of your body to hys blissid worshyp ande yourys in singular comforte off all youre trewe pepyll of the whyche I am on [one] ande ever shall be. Wry ten att Waltham the vj day of Juin. ' Youre humble s^^bgit and trwe ligema^, 'H. W.^' Addressed — 'To the Kyng my Sovereyne Lorde.' The second letter from Prince Henry to his father is written when the former jealousies had, at least to great extent, subsided, and when the prince was in the enjoyment of his father's trust and friendship. The letter is written from Southampton, and with it is sent a muster-roll of the soldiers of the companies under the command of his ' brother of Bedford ^,' and other captains. The companies here referred to were probably being dispatched to France, and the date of the letter may be safely fixed as 141 1. At this time Henry IV was permitted by the more settled state of affairs at home to revive the old hostile feeling between France and England, so that he was able to send military aid to help the Duke of Burgundy's party in its struggle for power against the party of the Duke of Orleans. The following year, however, he listened to the more advantageous proposal of the Orleanists, and — withdrawing his friendship from the Burgundians — sent over fresh men and supplies to help their cause. The domestic allusions in the letter are exceedingly curious. The lady to whom he refers as his 'cousin of York' is obviously Joan de Holland, widow of Edmund of Langley, fifth son of Edward HI, who died in 1402. Transcript of the document above referred to. Holograph. Original in English, Public Record Office. See facsimile (2) on page 21, which shows the passages relating to 'my cosne of York' and ' Tiptot] and also the signature. ' My sov^rain lord and fader, I recomande me to yowr good and gracieux lordship as humbly as I can, desiring to heere as good tydy^gg^s of you and of your hye estat as ever did leige man of his sov^rain lord. And, ' Probably for ' Henricus Walliae,' or ' Henry Prince of A\'ales.' ^ John, Duke of Bedford, second son of Henry IV. 24 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England sir, I trust to God that ye shal have now a companie comyng wzt^ my brother of Bedford that ye shal like wel in good feith as hit is do me wite, nev^^-thelatter, my brother's mainy [retinue] have I seyn, which is right a tal meyny [retinue]. And so schal ye se of thaym that be of your other captaines leding, of which I sende you al the names in a rolle be the berer of this. Also so, sir, blessid be God, of the good and gracieux tydingg^^ that ye have liked to send me word of be Herford your messager which were the gladdist that ev^r I mygt heve next your welfare, be my trouth, and, sir, with Godde's grace I shal sende all thise ladies as ye have commandid me, in al hast, beseching you of your lordship that I mygt wite how that ye wolde that my cosine of York shuld reule her, whether she shuld be barbid ^ or not as I have wreten to you, my soverain lord afore this time. And, sir, as touching Tiptot he shal be delivered in al hast, for ther lakkith no thing but shipping, which, with Goddes grace, shall be so ordeined for that he shal not tary. Also, sir, blessid be God, your gret ship the Grace Dieu is even as redy and is the fairest that ev^r man saugh, I trowe in good feith. And this same day therle of Devonshir my cosin maad his moustre [muster] in her and al other have her [there] moustre [mustered (?)] the same tyme that shall go to ye see [sea]. And, sir, I trowe ye have on [one] comyng toward you as glad as any man can be as fer as he shewith, that is the King of Scotts, for he thanketh God that he shal mow shewe be exp^nence thentente of his good will be the suffrance of your good lordship. My soverain lord, more can I not write to your hynesse at this tyme, but yt ev^r I beseche you of your good and gracieux lordship as be my trouth my witting [knowingly] willingly I shal nev^r deserve the contrary, that woot God, to whom I pray, to send yow al yt yowr hert desireth to his plaisance. Writen in your town of Hampton the xiiij day of May. ' Your trewe and humble liege man and sone 'H. G.2' After Prince Henry's accession to the throne, we have a portion of a letter written by him whilst in France, probably in the year 141 9, apparently to the person left in charge of home affairs whilst the king prosecuted his wars ' i. e. dressed as a widow. ^ Probably ' Henricus Gwalliae,' or for ' Henry Prince de Galle.' OS HI W H H 3 w fa O H H 'it 1- - s . n, I, ^ ^ <^ I f^ij iiii- ^-^ ^ si V. Henvy the Fifth 27 abroad. The French prisoners he refers to were, no doubt, those taken four years before at the battle of Agincourt. His suspicions are, we see, aroused that the Duke of Orleans is endeavouring to carry on an intrigue with Scotland, so he directs the continuance of his close confinement at Pontefract, whither he had been removed from Windsor ; he did not regain his liberty till 1440. The last ten years of his confinement were passed in the Tower of London, where he employed much of his time in sonnet-writing. Amongst his compositions are three written in English, and expressed in a way which shows that during his captivity he had acquired a very perfect knowledge of the language. James I — the King of Scotland here spoken of by King Henry, and alluded to by him in the letter to Henry IV last quoted — had been a prisoner in England since 1405, and was liberated in 1424; he, too, has left us specimens of poetic composition written whilst in prison. Transcript of the document referred to above. Holograph original in English. British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vespasian F. Hi. folio 5. Facsimile opposite. ' Furthremore I wold that ye comend with my brothre, with the chanceller, with my cosin of Northumbrelond and [with] my cosin of Westmeland; and that ye set a gode ordinance for my north marches, and specially for the Due of Orlians, and for all the remanant of my prisoners of France and also for the k[ing] of Scotelond, for, as I am secrely enfourmed by a man of ryght notable estate in this lond, that there hath ben a man of the Due of Orliance in Scotland and accorded with the Due of Albany that this next somer he schal bryng in the maumet [puppet] of Scotlond to sturre what he may, and also that ther schold be founden weys to the havyng awey specialy of the Due of Orlians and also of the k[ing], as welle as of the remanant of my forsayd prysoners ; that God do defende. Wherefore I wolle that the Due of Orliance be kept stille within the Castil of Pontfret with owte goyng to Robertis place or to any othre disport, for it is bettre he lak his disport then we were disceyved. Of alle the remanant dothe as ye thenketh.' One more specimen of Henry's handwriting may be given, in the words with which he grants a petition addressed to him by a suitor for the continuance of an annuity granted by his late brother, Thomas Duke of 28 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Clarence, who was slain at Baugy in 142 1 ; the document therefore shows us the king's handwriting but a short time before his death. The allusions to the ' Castle of Hawardyn ' give the document a present-day interest. Translation of the document above referred to. Original in French. Public Record Office. The words ' R. H. In the fo[r]me and man[er]e that our brother's l[ett]res p[ur]poten whil us lust,' only in the King's handwriting. {Jwt:^®^^v^xv^ -^l^c^WsfCSV^^tJSx^ djQ^ C^J"^*!^' ' To our Lord the King. ' Humbly prays your suitor John Kyngesley Esquire, That whereas his most dread Lord, Thomas Duke of Clarence, your brother, whom God assoil, by his letters patent granted to your said suppliant an annual rent [of ten pounds during] the life of your said suppliant from the rents issues profits and revenues of his Castle and Lordship of Hawardyn within the county of Chester ^ by the hands of his receiver there for the time being at the feast of Saint Mi as in the same letters patent more fully is contained. The which Castle and Lordship aforesaid, after the death of the aforesaid Duke, have come into your hands by reason that the said Duke died without heir of his body to give and grant to your said suppliant the said ten pounds to be taken annually for the term of his life at the feasts abovesaid of the said issues rents profits and revenues of the Castle and Lordship abovesaid by the hands of according to the form of the letters patent aforesaid. Any gift or grant by you to your said suppliant before this time made notwithstanding. For God and as a work [of Charity].' Signatures are given on the next page (in two forms) of the king's brother, Humphry Duke of Gloucester, Regent and Chamberlain of England during ' For certain legal purposes the county of Flint was annexed to the county of Chester. V. Henry fhe Fifth 29 part of the minority of Henry VI ; of Cardinal Beaufort; and of Jacquetta of Luxemburg, wife of the Regent Bedford. These are taken from documents in the Collection of Royal Autographs at the Public Record Office. ^ C^^iL^C^V^ tf^t^ ft€vv^^ H. Chambellan of Eng^land HOMFREV. 5 ^ tfVj/^'W^^-^M^ Cardinal Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, half brother of Henry IV. Jaquetta. VI HENRY VI THOUGH Henry VFs signature — in its short form ' R. H.' — appears on a large number of signed bills and other documents of a like nature, as well as on petitions which he grants, yet no letter of any length certainly in his handwriting is known to exist. Mr. Maxwell Lyte has, however, kindly called my attention to the following words — ' R. H. nous avou[n]s grau[n]te C. marc[ks]' — written by this king on a document of the year 1437, and to an interesting ex3,mple of his writing, which shows that at the age of sixteen he made use of a wood-block stamp of his name. Facsimiles of these are given on the frontispiece plate. All the circum- stances connected with the use of the wood-block are of great interest. In the first place, it is an early instance of the use of such stamps, which were then but slightly known. A few instances of their use are recorded ; but only on the Continent, and by Notaries-public, or other officials who had occasion to make very frequent use of their names. Secondly, it is singular to find a boy of sixteen thus saving his labour in writing, especially when the words immediately preceding and following it are penned by him. I am inclined to accept Mr. Lyte's suggestion that the use of the stamp was really nothing more than a boyish freak : the wood-block simply a toy ! Two of these granted petitions — each having some internal interest — are given in this volume. They are both written in English, and are fair samples of the spelling and composition of the period — a.d. 1446-7. The first is addressed by the Colleges of Eton and Cambridge to the king, praying him to appoint a commission for purchasing books, vestments, 'St VI. Henry the Sixth. 31 &c. This commission, they beg, may consist of one of the king's chaplains, the king's stationer, 'and othere suche as ben connynge and have undirstondynge in suche matiers.' Original in English. Public Record Office. ' R. H.' only in the Kings handwriting. See facsimile at the side, which shows the Kitigs signature and part of the first line of the document. 'R. H. ' Unto the Kinge oure Soverauyn Lorde. 'Besechethe mekely youre humble and trewe Orators the Provostes and Felowes of youre two Colages Roialle of Eton and Cambrigge, that forasmoche as thei bene of your Royall Funducione nowe late foundede and newe growynge and as yitte not so sufficianntely storede in suche thinges as in verre trouthe of necessete and honeste moste nedes be hadde, as bokes for divine service and for theire lybraryes and theire studyes, vestymentes and othere onourementes, whiche thinges may not be hadde withe owte grete and diligente laboure be longe processe and right besy Inquisione. ' Please it to your most noble grace to yeve in specialle commaundement and charge to Maister Richarde Chestre oon of youre Chapellaynes that he take to hyme suche mene as shalle be seene to hym expedient and profitable and in especialle John Pye your Stacionere of London and othere suche as bene connynge and have undir- stondynge in suche matiers, chargynge hem and eueriche <^ of hem to be assistant and helping hym with alle here diligence atte alle suche tymes as thei shalle be requirede be the seide Maistere Richarde for to laboure effectually, inquere and diligently inserche, in alle places that bene undir youre obeysaunse to gete knowleche where suche bokes onourmentes and othere necessaries for youre seide *> 32 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Colagesmaybe foundenetoselle. Grauntinge unto the forsaideMaistereRicharde youre fulle noble lettres patentz to be made in due fowrme undir youre grete sealle for to make suche bokes and ornementes where evere thei be foundene to selle and make theyme to be lawfully and reasonably be praysede be mene of gode conscience ; and that doone, it be lefuUe to hym to bye take and receive all suche goodes afore eny othere manne for the expedicione and profite of youre seide Colages, satisfying to the owners of suche godes suche pris as thei may resonably accorde and agree soo that he may have the ferste choise of alle suche goodes afore eny othere manne, and in especialle of all manner bokes ornementes and other necessaries as nowe late were perteyninge to the Duke of Gloucestre. And of youre habundaunt grace like it youe to charge streitely the seide Maistere Richarde that he doo all his diligence, cesse not but alwey contynewe his laboure unto suche tyme that youre seide Colages be sufficiently stuffide of suche bokes and necessaries as is afore reherside takinge the forseide Maistere Richarde his servantes and theyme that bene assistaunt and helpars to hym in this occupacione unto youre graciouse protectione duringe the tyme of his laboure for youre seide Colages. And we shalle ever pray God for youe.' The second example of Henry VI's signature is on a petition addressed to him by Robert Coksale, a vestment maker of London, which evidently relates to the subject of the last-quoted document, since, here, the petitioner complains of his inability to obtain payment for ' certayn vestmentes of white damask of div[er]ses sortes rychely embrowedered,' supplied for Eton College and for the King's ' Colage Roiale of Our Lady and Saint Nicolas of Cambrygge.' These he had supplied to one John Langton, Chancellor of Cambridge, and subsequently Bishop of St. Davids. Langton, however, died within fifteen days of the appointment to St. Davids, hence Coksale's difficulty in obtaining payment for his goods supplied. Original in English. Public Record Office. ' R. H.' only in the King's hand- writing. Facsimile opposite, which shows the King's signature and part of the first line of the document. 'R. H. ' To the Kyng our Sov[er]ayn lord. ' Besecheth mekely your humble Oratour Robert Coksale, Vestment maker of your Cite of London, That whereas Maister John Langton, late Bisshop VL Henry the Sixth 33 of Saint Davids did get your seid oratour to make certayn Vestmentes of white damask of div[er]ses sortes rychely embrowedered, aswell for your colage Roiale of our lady of Eton as for your Colage Royall of our lady and Saint Nicolas of Cambrygge, for the which Vestments there is due unto your said Oratour ccxlili xix^ iij^, as it appereth more clerly by a scedule of parcelles to this bill annexed, of the which scedule the seid Bysshop hadde the doub. . . to have shewed it unto yo"^ highnesse for the payment of the seid some, whereof as yit he in no wise may have no payment. And in case the seid Vestmentes should been delivered fro your seid Oratour which as yit been in his kepyng without payment for the same it shuld be to his utter destruction and undoyng That it myght please you therefer of your most speciall Grace to considre these premisses and also how that your seid Oratour is gretely endetted to diuerses persones for the grete part of the stuf for the seid Vestmentes and to graunt unto your seed Oratour for his more suerte by your l[ett]res patentes that he his heirs executers or assignes may have and kepe the seid Vestmentes unto the tyme that your seid Oratour his heirs executours or assignes have been fully payed content or agreed for the seid Vestmentes of the seid some of ccxli^i xix^ \\)^ without any interrupcion lette or disturbaunce of you or of any of yo[u]r officers or Ministres or elles of any other persone whatsomever. And he shall pray God for you.' 'The King g[r]aunted this bille at Newbury the XXX day of Aoust the yer of his Regne xxv. Present, my lord Bisshop of Sarum and my lord Say.' Yet another form of Henry VI's signature occurs upon a curious document preserved amongst the muniments of Eton College. It is appended to certain alterations in 34 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England what is generally known as the king's ' will ' : the alterations relate to the building of the College Chapel, and very full extracts from them are given by Mr. Maxwell Lyte, in his History of Eton College. By the kindness of the publishers, Messrs. Macmillan & Co., we are enabled to give below a representation of the signature from the wood-block used in Mr. Lyte's book. Ijr- U2;>vvi{oL6> VII EDWARD IV AND HIS QUEEN, ELIZABETH WYDEVILE FEW individuals, or bodies corporate, had greater reason to view with apprehension the overthrow of the House of Lancaster, and the victory of Edward Duke of York at Mortimer's Cross, than had the College of Eton — the foundation, and especially favoured foundation, of Henry VI. Mr. Maxwell Lj^te, in his history of the College before mentioned, states that the Provost and Canons acted with more wisdom than courage, in at once submitting themselves to the victorious party. They went forward, without delay, to meet Edward on his march eastwards, towards London, and it would seem, by so doing obtained from him a promise of protection, which probably allayed their uneasiness. This interesting document may still be seen in the College Library, and furnishes a unique example of the future king's signature just prior to his accession. The wording is so interesting — the phrase by which Edward describes himself — that we make no excuse for here quoting its commencement. ' Be it knowen that We, Edward, by the grace of God, of Englande Fraunce and Irland, vray and just heire. Due of York, Erl of the March and Ulvestre, have by thees our lettres taken and receyved the Provoste and felaship of the Collage of Eyton into our defense and saveguard' The document concludes by warning all persons to in no wise vex or spoil those whom the duke had thus taken under his protection, and is signed as shown above. C 2 36 Handwritmg of the Kings and Queens of England Subsequent history shows us that the Provost and Fellows found that Edward did not keep his word, and they, like other Lancastrians, suffered loss of revenue ; but into this we must not enter. When this series of papers appeared in the pages of the Leisure Hour some few years ago, I was compelled to state that no connected sentence written by Edward IV was known to be extant, though, as is the case with respect to Henry VI, numerous specimens of his signature, ' E. R.,' were known to occur on formal documents. I am now, by the kindness of my friend Mr. Maxwell Lyte, the Deputy-Keeper of the Records, enabled to present to the reader both the signature of Edward when Duke of York, already given, and also (on the plate facing this page) a facsimile of a long sentence, composed by the ' Sun of York \' and written in his own hand. It occurs on a document lately come to light, which is a writ to the Chancellor ordering a commission to be sent to the Mayor of Bristol, and others, for the trial of those who had committed riot in the west of England. It reads : — ' Cosyn yff ye thynke ye schult have a warrant thys, our wryten, shal soffysse on to [until] ye may have on made, in dew forme. We pray you hyt Fayle not to be don.' One of the documents, which bears the usual ' E. R.,' has considerable historic interest, and is therefore worthy of pretty full quotation. It is the minute of the pro- ceedings at a council held in the English camp near Peronne in 1475, at which Edward IV empowered certain persons in his retinue to treat with Louis XI of France for a peace which, it will be remembered, was ultimately agreed upon. This document — which also bears the signatures of Edward's two brothers, Richard Duke of Gloucester (afterwards Richard III) and George Duke of Clarence, who was attainted and murdered in 1477 — recites that the king, attended by a numerous company of nobles, was, on August 25, 1475, ' in his felde beside a village called Seyntre within Vermondose a litelle from Peronne.' Here ' certeyne offres and requestes were made unto his highnes be [by] the Frensshe Kyng for a trewx and abstinence of werre and other intelligences to be had betwixt theme both con[sider]yng the povertie of his armye, the nygh approchyng wynter and smale assis- tence of his allies ; ' whereupon Edward ' called thane and there before ' Original in Public Record Office : Collection of Royal Autographs. f- ,1 ^P?!l^ ^^^M|iiv?j ■^^11 IJl W ^ r D < liJ r H fe Z UJ cc z 3 UJ 1- UJ 1- X 1- DC UJ Q ? Q ^ LlJ O O en D= < U- _1 UJ VII. Edward the Fourth and his Queen, Elisabeth IVydevile 37 his highnes, the lord Howard Maister of the Rolles Deane of his Chapelle, and Thomas Selynger,' whom he charged to 'goo unto the said Frensshe Kyng, or suche as he shuld depute for his partie, geving theme power and auctorite,' and also charged Lord Howard and Thomas Selynger to agree with him or them ' under fourme folowing,' that is to say : ' if the Frensshe Kyng wolle bynde him, his cuntries and subgets, to paie within 15 dales unto oure soveraigne lord Ixxv m^ scutes and at Ester then next folowing XXV m^ scutes and at Michelmas thane next folowing other xxv m' scutes and soo continuelly forthe yereley 1 m^ scutes during their bothe lyves. And also if the said Frensshe Kyng wolle doo marie his sone, called the Delphyne, at his charge and cost to his furst or the second of oure said soveraigne lorde's doughters indowing her with Ix m^ pounds of rent yerely, after the estimacione of Fraunce ; that thane thei shuld bynd oure said soveraigne lord to withdrawe his armie, incontinent upone the receipt of the said Ixxv m^ scutes into Englond, and to bynde hyme to lay plegges soo to doo.' Besides this, it was further agreed that the two kings ' shuld make a private amyte betwixt them bothe byndyng theme to a mutuelle assis- tence in case any oftheme bothe were be [by] their subgetts wronged or disobeied. And also to make betwixt theme both a treux and abstinence of werre with intercourse of merchaundises for their cuntres and subgetts to endure for vij yere next folowing.' The king's signature, thus : appears at the head of the document ; those of Gloucester and Clarence as given below. Elizabeth Wydevile, the wife of Edward IV, is the first English queen of whose handwriting any specimen is known to exist. She was the daughter of Sir Richard Wydevile (by Jacqueline, or Jaquetta, widow of the Regent Bedford), and married Edward IV on May i, 1464. The example of her signature which we give here is appended to 38 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England. a document of some importance, since it goes a good way towards refuting the statement frequently dwelt upon in history, that Henry VII — who, perhaps rightly, possesses a character for carefulness, carried to the degree of meanness — seized his mother-in-law's possessions, and left her without any adequate means of support. In the following, we see a receipt given by Elizabeth, the Queen Dowager, for the arrears of a pension of ^400 a year allowed her by her son-in-law. Original in English. Public Record Office. Signature only in Queen s handwriting. ' Be hyt remembyrd that I Queue Elyzabethe late wyffee to the exelent prynce, Kyng Edward the iiijth, have reseyvede the xxi day of May the vjth yere of King Herry the viith of John Lord Denham tresorer of Ynglond be the handdes of Thomas Stolys, on [one] of the reseyte, xxx'i in party of payment of CC^i due to rtie at ester last past as hyt aperyth be my annuete grauntyd be the Kyng. In wytnes wher of I have endosyd thys byll wythe my hand the day and yere above said. ' Elysabeth,' a is Q W O H W w o o S Q >5 w a H O W O, CO d^l^^ VIII EDWARD V ELIZABETH'S unfortunate son — though his reign lasted Httle more than a couple of months — has left us several varieties of his signature — all, however, attached to purely formal documents. In May, 1483, he signs (and the Duke of Gloucester countersigns) a pro- clamation to the Sheriff of Middlesex, commanding those in his county who were in the enjoyment of lands of a certain value, to appear before him and receive the honour of knighthood — which, it must be remembered, at that period, and, indeed, for some time after, was regarded rather as a burthen than an honour, entailing, as it did, the performance of a variety of costly and troublesome services. The document has no internal interest, and so the representation of the king's signature is all that need be given here. Edward was only thirteen years of age when he wrote the letters shown in the margin. We also find, at the British Museum, a strip of parchment, apparently cut from a document, on which the king's signature occurs in full and is written in Latin ^ [R. Edwardus Quintus.] British Museum, Cotton MSS., Vesp. F. xiii. Folio 53. 4^ Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Another parchment, the date of which may be fixed as early in June, 1483, deserves more attention for its own sake, X and is therefore printed below in full : it shows us a com- ^^. pletely different form of the king's signature. The document fv, is a warrant to the Lord Chancellor to issue writs for a Parliament to meet at Westminster on the 25th of June ' next comyng,' which introduces us to a noteworthy historic fact, namely, that it was the intention of Edward — or, rather, we should say, of those who ruled him — to summon a Parliament ; there is no evidence, however, that the writs for this Parliament were ever issued in accordance with the royal warrant. Original in English. Public Record Office. See facsimile at the side, which shows the King's signature and part of the first line of the document. 'R. E. ' Edward by the g[r]ace of God Kyng of England and of Fraunce and lord of Irlond. To the rev[er]ent fader in God John Bisshop of Lincoln our chaunceller gretyng. Forasmoche as We for c[er]tain causes and considera- [ci]ons suche as sp[eci'lally move us and conc[er]ne the wele of us and of all this our Realme and subiectis of the same have by thadwys [the advice] of our counseill ordeyned and appoynted a parlement to be holden at Westmynster and to begynne there the xxv day of Juyn next comyng. We wull and charge you that under our great seall ye do make our writtes for the callyng and somons of our said Parlement to the said day and place in due fourme and in suche case accustumed. And this our writyng shalbe unto you sufficient Warant and discharge in this behalf The murder of the king and his brother happened three days before the date here fixed for the assembly of this Parliament. 00 Q < o O a: Q a S D ^^^^ 1 ^ f '^'4 ^2 .^-^ 7^^F^^ I ^ IX RICHARD III THERE is a good deal of the handwriting of Richard III preserved to the present day. Two letters of his are of particular interest, since the wording of each is expressive of the impetuous character of the writer. In the earlier of the two — dated at Lincoln on October 12, 1483, three months after his coronation — he commands the Lord Chancellor to send him, with all haste, his great seal, the possession of which is rendered necessary for carrying out his schemes against the Duke of Buckingham. But the formal language of the letter, written by some careful official, in nowise expressed the • feelings of the infuriated king, and taking his own pen he has added to it as follows ^ : — ' We wolde most gladly ye camme yourselffe yf that ye may ; and yf ye may not We pray you not to fayle but to accomplyshe in all dyllygence oure sayde comawndement to sende Oure Seale incontenent apone the syght heroffe as We trust you with suche as ye trust and the offycers pertenyng to attend with hyt praying you to assertayne us of your newes there. Here, loved be God, ys alle welle and trewly determyned and for to resyste the malysse of hyme that hadde best cawse to be trewe, the Due of Bokyngame, the most untrewe creature lyvyng whome with Godes Grace We shalle not be long tylle that we wylle be in that partyes and subdewe his malys. We assure you there was never falsse traytor better purvayde for as this berrerre Gloucestre shall shewe you.' ' See facsimile on opposite page. 46 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Equally expressive of the king's temper is another letter — undated — also addressed to the chancellor, in which he directs him to prepare in hot haste a pardon for a certain priest. Original in English. Holograph. Public Record Office. For facsimile, see page 48. ■ My lord chauncelere We pray you in alle haste to send to Us a pardone undere Oure Gret Seale to Sir Henry Wode, preste, &c, and this shalbe your \\'[arrant]. ' M[aster] Skypton spede this forthwyth. ' RiCARDUS Rex.' < K u o o o w H o d X HENRY VII HENRY VII has, perhaps rightly, obtained the character of being careful to the degree of meanness. His carefulness is certainly demonstrated by the extreme pains he took with regard to his household accounts. Two volumes of these are still extant, and a facsimile, showing a portion of a page from one, is given on page 48. Every word on the first four pages of this volume is written by the king. The entries in the remainder of the volume, and throughout the other, are made by a clerk ; but Henry checked all the 'totals,' and placed his initials both at the foot and at the top of the page. The itertis which we see in the facsimile are curious, as showing the king's numerous dealings with large sums of money in specie — ' oone bagge of krownes of weyght m^ vj" xliij ' [pounds] — and others of a similar kind. Transcript of the document above referred to. Ptiblic Record Office. Facsimile opposite. ' Med.' delyvered to Jhean Heron this xij day of Juyll[y] in oone bagge of Krounes of weyghte m' vj'' xliij. It[em] delyvered the same day in an other bagge in krownes of weyghte ix*' Ixix krownes, whereof delyvered to Pierres Danyelle by Mathieu Baker in advanced for plate a m^ krownes. It[em] delyvered the xix day of Juyll[y] to Jhean Heron in ducatz m^m^mi ccc xxx^i ; whereof Lewes de la Fava receyved in sterling money vij'^l li xiij^ iiij"^ which is discharged in the boke of acompts. ' Me[moran]d[um] delyvered by Sir Thomas Lovelle, in dyvers man[er]s, of gold of beyond the see in Flemysche gold broght by hym from Calais the 50 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England xxth day of Juinge a" xix", the some of vlij'' li flemysche, which S'" Sampson Norton and Nicolas Boveton delyvered hym of the revenuz of Marke and Oye in the marches of Calais.' Besides demonstrating the king's love of money-making, the study of these books of accounts reveals evidence of some very questionable dealings in the employment of spies. The name of Sir Richard Empson — who, in company with Dudley, another of the king's ministers, suffered on Tower Hill soon after the accession of Henry VHI — appears frequently in connexion with these entries. There are, too, in these books, some curious allusions, under the date 1497, to the rebellion made by Perkin Warbeck, or ' Piers Osebeke,' as he is there generally termed. The signature given above (' Henricus R.') is a particularly bold example of Henry VII's writing. It occurs on a letter written by him from Woodstock in 1502 to the Venetian Am- bassador. X. Henry the Seventh 51 By way of comparison we add two other forms of this king's signature : — Two FORMS OF Henry VIFs Signature. It fnaynot-be out of place to give here an example of the handwriting of the woman through whom Henry VII obtained whatever title he might have had to the throne of England — I mean that of his mother, Margaret Beaufort, great-granddaughter of John of Gaunt. It is written as a postscript to a letter to his Chancellor on business matters, and reads : — ' My lord, Y pray yow Y may her of your newes of Flaundyrse. M. Rychmond ^.' ' Original at Public Record Office : Collection of Royal Autographs. For facsimile see opposite page. D 2 XI HENRY VIII AND HIS WIVES IT would be difficult to find a more interesting specimen of Henry VIII's handwriting than that which is furnished in the following letter to his favourite, Thomas Wolsey — ' Myne awne good Cardinall,' as he calls him : — Holograph. Original at British Museum. Additional A/SS. 19,398. 644. /facsimile opposite. ' Myne awne good Cardinall. I recommande me unto you, as hartely as hart can thynke. So it is that by cause wryttyng to me is somewhat tedius and paynefull, therfor the most part off this bysynesses I have commytted to our trusty counseler thys berrer to be declaryd to yow by mowthe, to whyche we woUde you shulde gyff credens. Nevertheles to thys that folowith, I thowght nott best to make hym pryve, nor nonother but you and I, whyche is that I wolde you shuld make good watche on the duke off Suffolke, on the dtike of Bukyngam, on my lord off Northetomberland, on my lord off Darby, on my lord of Wylshere and on others whyche you thynke suspecte, to see what they do with thes nwes [news]. No more to you at thys tyme, but sapienti pauca. Wryttyne under the hand off your lovying master, ' Henry R.' The exact date of this letter is uncertain, but it probably belongs to the year 15 19. The writer was then less than thirty years of age, so that the acknowledgement he makes of the tediousness and trouble he finds in writing, must be accounted for by a defective education. The whole style of the letter — its spelling and handwriting — bears this out. The news to which Henry refers may allude to the overtures recently made for a closer alliance with France. It is difficult to assign any particular reason for Letter of Henry VIII to Cardinal Wolsey. XI. Henry the Eighth and his Wives 55 Henry's suspicion of the nobles mentioned, most of whom were, at least out- wardly, enjoying his personal friendship. There is, however, a letter dated in the spring of 1 5 1 8, from the Pope to the Bishop of Worcester, which gives obscure hints as to a disaffection amongst the nobles ; and of this disaffection the shrewd writer of the letter before us may have been cognizant, though he was too good a diplomatist to allow his knowledge to show itself openly. There will, however, be looked for, and naturally looked for, by the readers of this volume, some example of Henry's handwriting in connexion with the great event in English history with which his reign is associated in the minds of most of us : I mean the Reformation. This is not the place in which to discuss the motives of the king in his actions with regard to religion, or of his personal faith ; but it is not without interest, and it is certainly instructive, to consider for a moment his declaration of belief, at a period when the Reformation had actually commenced, and had, as we know, at the instigation of those opposed to the suppression of the religious houses, caused a violent outbreak in the northern parts of England — the Pilgrimage of Grace, as it was called. After its suppression, the king's supremacy in spiritual as well as temporal matters seemed more than ever firmly established. Yet in matters of belief he appeared willing to make concessions to the popular feeling ! The Articles of Religion, put forward under royal authority in 1536, were criticized by many on account of the omissions therefrom of four of the then recognized seven sacraments ; and Henry so far regarded popular prejudices that he, in February, 1537, called upon the bishops to consider the points of doctrine which justified this omission. Before the close of the bishops' deliberations, the Archbishop of York was able to assure a corre- spondent that the omitted sacraments would be found in a new edition of the Articles of Religion which would— as a result of those deliberations — be put forward. Although in the month of May, Lord Hussey told Lord Lisle that the episcopate was ' at a point,' yet it was not until July that the new articles appeared, under the title of The Godly and Pious Institution of a Christian Man — a work which soon came to be familiarly termed ' the Bishops' Book ' — which, as we see, was a very suitable title for it. This was signed by the whole body of those who had deliberated on the question. It contained an exposition of the Apostles' Creed, the Seven Sacraments, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ave Maria, together 56 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England with two articles on Justification and Purgatory, which were, with slight verbal differences, reproduced from the articles of the previous year. As we know, this work was printed, issued, and ordered to be read in the churches ; but it is also the fact that Henry steered clear of giving a direct approval of all it contained, saying — ^when asked to do so — that he had not had time to examine it thoroughly. This brings us to the point which our facsimile illustrates. Undoubtedly some part of the outcome of the episcopal deliberations had been submitted to the king in manuscript. Here we see the first page of ' Tharticle concernynge the soulles of them whiche be departed from this lyfe,' which is of the highest interest, from the fact that the alterations in the text are in Henry's own handwriting. There can, therefore, be no doubt -that, as altered, we have in this article the views which, in 1537, Henry VIII believed, or, at least, thought it prudent to express. A transcript of the whole article — as altered by the king — follows, and with the aid of this no difficulty will be experienced in deciphering the facsimile : — Original at the Ptiblic Record Office. State Papers, Henry VIII. Vol. XII, part 2, No. 401 (3). ' Tharticle concernynge the soulles of them whiche be departed from this lyfe. 'As towchinge the soulles of them whiche be departed, forasmuche as other we have no /\ certaine knolledge of their state, but only as farfourthe as tholye Scripture speaketh of them : therfor we thinke it conveniente that all bishoppes and preachors \shair\ ^ instructe and teache the people commytted unto there spirituall charge, after this manner folowinge. Firste, that the dethe of them, whiche here in this worlde lyved wyckedly, and so departed damnable oute of this lyfe withoute repentaunce, is (as the Scripture saithe) \very evill, for it is the gate and entree unto everlastinge deathe and dampnation\. The soulles of them, as it apperithe by thexample of the richeman, of whom S. Luke speaketh in his gospell, \be in the tormente of hell fyre. They'\ be continually in thindignation and wrathe of God, everlastinge deathe in the end shalbe theyre gnawith upon them, and hell \is there\ dwellinge place. Their parte is in the lake, that burnethe withe fyre and brymston, which is the seconde deathe. They be allways in an horrible feare of the day of iudgement, ' By comparison with the facsimile on page 57 it will be seen that the words in italics were all struck out by the king. Portion of a Document —'the Bishop's Book' — of the period of the Reformation CONTAINING ALTERATIONS IN THE HANDWRITING OF HeNRY VIII. «*»*^- ^i^^^fZ ^s^a^i^ 'i^^u^^^ ^^--►w^«^^^ 2^''^ V^vln^fej— ^^^ ' Your loving mother Katherina the '^ <^ c/ Qwene ' — is appended to a letter written in a clerk's hand from Woburn, probably in the year 1525, to her daughter the Princess Mary, afterwards Queen. In this the writer alludes to the pleasure she feels at her child's study and ' writing in Lattine ' being superintended by so able a master of the language as ' Maister Federston.' ' British Museum, CoUon MSS., Vesp. F. xiii, f. 72. e (y u Examples of Penmanship ok Men connected with the early translation ov the Bible. V^ *^t^%^Sr^^ Timdai.f. Very- (^ -JLi J av*^-y^ Latimer. Cranmkk. Coveruale and Grafton. Vaughan. Cromwell. 62 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Of Anne Boleyn's writing we get a better example. Here is a holograph letter ^ of hers, written to Cardinal Wolsey some three or four years before her marriage to Henry, when she was about twenty years of age. The allusions to her correspondent's efforts to assist her in becoming the king's consort, and her promise of future gratitude, are exceedingly curious, as showing the action taken by the cardinal with regard to Henry's second marriage. The expression, 'how wretched and unworthy I am in comparying to his hyghnes,' is probably an allusion to the position which she held as maid to Henry's first wife. The letter is as follows : — ' My Lord after my most humble recommendacions this shall be to gyve unto your grace as I am most bownd my humble thankes for the gret payn and travell that your grace doth take in stewydeng by your wysdome and gret dylygens howe to brynge to pass honerably the gretyst welth that is possyble to come to any creatour lyvyng, and in especyall remembryng howe wretcchyd and unworthy I am in comparying to his hyghnes. And for you I do knowe my self never to have deservyd by my desertes so that you shuld take this gret payn for me yet dayly of your goodnes I do perceyve by all my frendes and though that I hade nott knowlege by them the dayly proffe of your dedes doth declare your words and wrytynge towards me to be trewe nowe good my Lord your dyscressyon may consyder as yet howe lytle it is in my power to recompence you but all onely with my good wyl the whiche I assewer you that after this matter is brought to pas, you shall fynd me, as I am bownd in the meane tym, to owe you my servyce, and then, looke what thyng in this woreld I can inmagen to do you pleasor in, you shall fynd me the gladdyst woman in the woreld to do yt and next unto the Kynges grace of one thyng I make you full promes to be assewryd to have yt and that is my harty love unfaynydly deweryng my lyf and beyng fully deter- mynd with Goddes grace never to change thys porpos I make an end of thys my reude and trewe meanyd letter, prayng ower Lord to send you moche increse of honer with long lyfe. Wrytten with the hand of her that besychys your grace to except this letter as prosydyng from one that is most bound to be ' Your humble and ' Obedyent servaunt ' Anne Boleyn.' Holograph. British Museum, Cotton MSS., Vesp. F. xiii. f. 73. AyUd^ ^^ jUSlf JUf^ Jm£,m^^ ^kyiJ^.€iMJiUpf^^^k,^x^ ^^i^A jt,*i ^ ^^^ -^cic y">»tv /g^ ^ ,vM-p«.^^^y^ y^;^ ^^ c/"^ -^ «l^<^ C^ronj^ (jiitntlitJiut' /^r /n-Jt^^^-/, -t^e j(i»^ '■ Facsimilk of the Handwriting of Anne Boleyn W- — XI. Henvy the Eighth and his IVives ^i%^^ *Vm^^£<^ 'ot/w*^ 't^ffPt^l^^^fo^ /J^ ^^i/VJf% a ^^^i/^AA/fy^ E 2 XI. Henry the Eighth and his Wives 69 irksome, and then he gave formal authority to three ' Commissioners ' to use it for him ; and in this singular manner : — two impressed the ' stamp,' dry, on the document, and then the third, with a penfull of ink, filled in the outlines of the letters left by the dry stamp. For safety's sake the commissioners had to furnish the king, at the end of each month, with a list of the documents they had thus signed, and some of these lists are still extant. An actual instance of the signature so produced occurs on Henry VIII's will, and the validity of that instrument has been questioned on that account. XII EDWARD VI HENRY VIII was the last English sovereign who could truthfully plead bad penmanship as an excuse for being a bad correspondent. After the Reformation, elegance in handwriting was no longer aimed at alone by persons ecclesiastical ; it became a fashionable study amongst the laity, and the fruits of the fashion are shown very plainly in the caligraphy of Henry VIII's children — Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth, and in that of Lady Jane Grey. Edward VI has left us two interesting specimens of his early com- positions — one in Latin {^facsimile, p. 71), the other in French {^facsimile, p. 72), and both characteristic of his fondness of study — addressed to his mother. Turning from these boyish effusions, we come to a letter which — though its exact meaning is veiled — may have had, and indeed probably had, considerable political importance. Edward is no longer prince, but king, and in that capacity he addresses the Senate of Zurich in terms of the warmest cordiality, hailing them as cemented to him in friendship by the similarity of their religious belief. This friendship, he says, 'by God's blessing' shall be yet firmer than it is, and for that purpose he sends his messenger to lay before them, 'in our name,' some other things 'which we have thought fit should, at this time, be made known to you.' There was but one subject on which Edward was likely to have special reason for communicating with Zurich, and that subject was J XII. Edward the Sixth 71 religion — the spread and the permanent estabHshment of Protestantism. Little doubt, therefore, that the communications with which the English messenger was charged, related to this, and would — could it be known — be of deep interest to the student of Reformation history. ToYbaJ^e mrixUm hie i5^/^c ai fe /^r/ W, i4 ^ Bm imiorCj#' . *»---i ■ 5£ 9 ^-^5^- «> "6 q •£ ^^ '^ N^^' .5 ^ "^ .^ ^ '-^ ^ S W •= ?- ^ ,^ I 5 .^1 "" ?; \ «^ .:i i ^2 5S -r '^ W« ^ ^ i ^ i;^i4F^ir^sii Q Z UJ iLl I 1- h < o z Ijj r I- > CD Q HI Z CO > Q I Q LU o cr Ll q: Lll h- I- LU XII. Edward the Sixth 73 we likewise cannot but regard you with especial esteem, and exceedingly value your friendship ; and the rather, because we have understood by the frequent letters of our faithful and beloved servant, Christopher Mont, both your favourable disposition towards us, and ready inclination to deserve well of us. In addition to which, there is also a mutual agreement between us concerning the Christian religion and true godli- ness, which ought to render this friendship of ours, by God's blessing, yet more intimate. We therefore return you our warmest thanks for your singular and favourable disposition towards us, which you shall always find to be reciprocal on our part, whenever an opportunity shall present itself. We have therefore commanded this our servant to salute you most cordially, to inform you more fully of our affection and good-will, and to lay before you, in our name, some other things which we have thought fit should, at this time, be made known to you. We therefore earnestly request you to place assured and undoubting reliance upon what he shall communicate. So farewell. From our palace at Westminster, Oct. 20, a. d. 1549, and of our reign the third. ' Your good friend ' (Signed) Edward.' A little more than two months after the date at which was written the letter to Zurich, we have that from the king to the bishops, in which he enjoins the use of the Book of Common Prayer throughout the land. Although the fact of this letter having been written may be notorious history, yet its importance as an item in the working out of the Reformation in England, renders it of special interest to the readers of these pages, and also worthy of facsimile. Besides the sig- nature of the king, it also furnishes examples of those of Cranmer, Warwick, and other prominent men who then formed the Council. The letter reads as follows : — Original at British Museum, Stowe MSS. 155. See facsimile on pages 76 and 'j'j. ' Edward. ' By the King. ' Right reverend father in god, right trustie and welbiloued, we grete you well. And whereas the booke entiteled the booke of common 74 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England prayers and administracion of the sacraments and other rightes and cere- monies of the church after the vse of the churche of England was agreed vpon and sette forth by acte of parliament and by the same acte com- maunded to be vsed of all personnes within this our realme, yet neuer- theles we ar enfourmed that divers vnquiet and evell disposed personnes syns the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset haue noysed and bruted abrode that they shulde haue agayne their olde Laten seruice their conjoured breade and water with such like vayne and supersticious ceremonies ; as though the setting forth of the said booke had been the onelye acte of the aforenamed Duke. We therfore by the aduise of the bodye and state of our Privie Counsell not onelie considering the said booke to be our owne acte and thacte of the whole state of our realme, assembled together in parliament, but also the same to be grounded vpon holye scripture, agreable to the ordre of the primatiue church and muche to the edifieng of our subiectes to put away all such vayne expectacion of having the publike seruice the administracion of the sacramentes and other rightes and ceremonies agayne in the Laten tong which were but a preferring of ignorance to knowledg and darke- nes to light and a preparacion to bring in papistrie and supersticion agayne — haue thought good by thaduise aforesaid to require and neuer- thelesse straytlie commaund and chardg you that ye immediately vpon the receipt herof do commaund the Deane and prebendaries of your Cathedrall church the parson, viccar or curate and churchwardens of every parishe within your diocesses to bring and deliuer to you or your deputie [and] every of them for their church and parishe at suche con- venient place as ye shall appoynte all antyphoners, missalles, grayles, processionalles, manuelles legendes pyes portases journalles and ordynalles after the vse of Sarum, lyncoln, Yorke, Bangour, Hereford or any other pryvate vse and all other bookes of seruice, the keping wherof shuld be a lette to the vsing of the said booke of common prayers and that ye take the same bookes into your handes or into the handes of your deputie and them so deface and abolish that they never herafter maye maye (sic) serve either to any suche vse as they wer first provided for, or be at any tyme a lette to that godlye and vniforme order which by a common consent is now set forth. And if ye shall fynd any personne stoubbourne or disobedient in not bringing in the said bookes according Facsimile of a Letter from Edward VI and my THE Council to the Bishops, vide pp. 73-79. W'A>>n*UL--<»^&&rr (V^^/-t«_ ?M0l^t '^ lvo«iy V^-z52^i 'j4m^^P^ XI. Edward the Sixth 79 to the tenure of theis our letters, that then you commyt the same person to warde to suche tyme as ye haue certified vs of his mis- behaviour, and we woll and commaund you that ye also serche or cause serch to be made from tyme to tyme whether any bookes be withdrawne or hydde contrary to the tenure of theis our letters, and the same bookes to receyve into your handes and to vse as in this our letters we haue appoynted. And furthermore wheras it is comme to our knowledg that dyvers froward and obstynate personnes do refuse to paye towardes the fynding of breade and wyne for the holye communion, according to the ordre prescribed in the said booke by reason wherof the holye communion is many tymes omitted vpon the sondaye. Theis ar to will and commaund you to convent such obstinate personnes before you, and them to admonish and commaund to kepe thordre prescribed in the said booke, and if any shall refuse so to do, to punishe them by suspencion excommunicacion or other censours of the churche. Fayle ye not thus to do as ye will avoyd our displeasure. Geven vnder our signet at our palace of Westminster the xxv**" of December the third yere of our reign, [a. d. 1549.] ' T. Cant. R. Ryche Canc. W. Seint John. H. DoRssETT. J. Russell, Arundell. Thomas Elien. J. Warwyk.' Somerset, it will be remembered, had been arrested in the same month as that in which the letter to Zurich had been written, so that his signature does not occur amongst those of the Council in the letter to the bishops. The Protector's position in the State, however, entitles his signature to a representation here, and we therefore give a facsimile of it, taken from a curious warrant to dispose of surplus stock from the royal wardrobe, dated (after his restoration to favour with the king) in December, 1550. The other example of his handwriting is furnished by some verses from Scripture written by him on the fly-leaf of a volume containing the Calendar, So Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England a Table of Moveable Feasts, and the like. The quotations have additional interest from the fact that they were penned by the Protector on the eve of his execution. eye fiT^/fffd a^ e> friye In Lu XIII 'JANE THE QUEEN' AND PHILIP AND MARY APART from the personal interest which attaches to the handwriting of the unhappy 'nine days' Queen,' the fact that Lady Jane Grey signed, as Queen, certain official documents, is a reason for including her name in the present papers and giving specimens of her writing. Before, however, alluding to examples of her writing, after her ill-advised assumption of the title of Queen, I will refer to a letter written by her at the age of eleven ; its composition is characteristic of her learning, and the genuine tone of gratitude which pervades it, of her unaffected disposition. The letter is addressed by the writer to her uncle, the Lord High Admiral Seymour. Original at Pziblic Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Edward VI. Vol. V, No. 5. Holograph. Facsimile on page 83. 'My dutye to youre lordeshippe in moste humble wyse remembred, withe no lesse thankes for the gentylle letters whiche I receavyd from you, Thynkynge myselfe so muche bounde to youre lordshippe for youre greate goodnes towardes me from tyme to tyme that I cannenot by anye meanes be able to recompence the leaste parte thereof. I purposed to wryght a fewe rude lines unto youre lordeshippe rather as a token to shewe howe muche worthyer I thynke youre lordshippe's goodnes then to gyve worthye thankes for the same and thes my letters shall be to testyfye unto you that lyke as you have becom towardes me a lovynge and kynd father so I shall be alwayes most redye to obey youre godlye monytyons and good instructions as becomethe one uppon whom you have heaped so manye benyfytes. And thus fearynge leste I shoulde 82 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England trouble youre lordshippe to muche, I moste humblye take my leave of your good lordeshippe. 'Youre humble servant durynge my lyfe, ' Jane Grave.' Addressed — 'To the right honorable and my essingular good Lorde, the Lorde Admiralle, yeve this, ' Lady Jane assumed the title of Queen on the 6th of July, 1553. Amongst the Privy Seals for that year is one of the few public instruments which she executed. It directs a patent to be prepared for the appointment of Edward Baynard [or Benarde, as she spells his name], Esq., as Sheriff of Wilts, in the room of a deceased sheriff. The appointment by ' Queen ' Jane is dated on the 14th of July, eight days after the death of Edward VI. It will be noticed that the sheriff's name is inserted by Jane in her own handwriting. Translation. Original at the Public Record Office. Facsimile opposite. 'Jane the Quene. 'Let letters patent be made, appointing Edward Benarde sheriff of the county of Wilts in the room of Sir William Sharington, knight, deceased, late sheriff of the county aforesaid. Witness — 14th day of July. Attached to the slip of parchment which bears this appointment is another slip inscribed as follows : — Translation. ' Marye the Quene. ' Let letters patent be made appointing Edward Baynarde sheriff of the %% ^^ ^^ ^^ii^^ic'hSi F 2 •;\ XIII. 'Jane the Queen ' and Philip and Mary 85 county of Wilts in the room of Sir William Sharington, knight, deceased, late sheriff of the county as aforesaid. ' Be it remembered that on the 6th day of July in the ist year of the reign of Queen Mary this Bill, &c., at Framlingham for execution.' * It should be noticed that Mary's appointment is not dated, and it is probable that it was drawn up and signed by the queen on the very day of her accession, and sent at once to the chancellor for execution, the day of its receipt in Chancery being the actual day of Edward VI's death — the 6th of July. But the subsequent turn of events may have put Edward Baynard in some little doubt as to what step to take to ensure the possession of the shrievalty ; and to make all things certain, smooth, and straight he probably obtained from Jane an appointment, of which no formal notice was ever taken by the Chancery officials. This is probably the correct story of these two intensely interesting slips of parchment. But perhaps the relic of Lady Jane Grey which awakens the most romantic interest is the small manual of prayers, two pages of which are figured above. 86 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England The writing at the foot of each page is that of the unhappy lady, and the manual is believed to have been that used by her upon the scaffold. The hostility of Devonshire to the altered form of service — which, as we have seen, was enjoined in 1549 — is demonstrated by the outbreak early in the following year, in which the populace clamoured for the restitution of the Mass, and that respect should be shown to holy water and holy bread. We are not, therefore, surprised to find — in the interesting letter from the new queen to some of her justices of the county in question — that on her accession her proposed alliance with Philip of Spain, and the restoration of the Roman Catholic religion, were heartily welcomed at least by a section of Devonshire people. Here is the letter which bears Mary's signature at its head : — Original at the Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Mary. Vol. II, No. 5. Facsimile of one page is given opposite. ' By the Quene. ' Marye the Quene. 'Trusty and welbiloved, we grete you well. And where certain lewd and ill disposed persons minding to set furth their devilish sedicious purposes, sum to the hinderaunce of the true Catholicq religion and divine service, now by the goodness of God restored within this our realm, other of a traitorous conspiracy against our personne and state royall, have of late, and still do maliciously publishe, many false rumours of the cumming of the high and mighty prince our deerest cousin the Prince of Spayne, and others of that nation into this our realm. Albeit we nothing doubt but all our good loving subgetes of the honnest sort have that affiance of us, that we neither have, nor will, during our lief agree to any thing that may be to the hinderaunce or prejudice of thauncient libertes, fredoms, and communwelth of this our realm or subgetes ; yet to satisfie such as through the crafty malice of other be perchaunce abused with this thing, we have caused the very true effect of tharticles of the treatye, lately concluded, to be delivred to sundry persons of credit, to be by them published in sundry partes of our realm, wherewith as we do right well knowe, the great part of our subgetes be (as they have good cause) right well satisfied. So being credibly enformed that the great nombre of our good subgetes of that our county of Devon have shewed themselves Letter to County Justices showing Queen Mary's Signature at the head. ^f- flJt-2^^ tiX^Qy^ «.'%^ ^^ I^^Ht-- |SVvtv-^>v, ^y ^y»-" rtooowf^ -«^ «t)^ jA^^/i-tirc^ yVjotn ^/v^ owe. T6«/vwvj ^^&»^ Rn^eJu[fomcyutktli(ittJnomfiw^^ imp tofim iUndnltyU Umpfetifye cJmfitHrfim J mttlmiejor I iimy^,yo^i,rnotfpiieHn^t . ^tomc Che^cH tCi^ prcfentperdy • Vowr dndrtts HmSfe doa^tn XIV. Elizabeth 95 ' If,' begins the Princess, ' any ever did try this olde saynge that a Kinges worde was more than another mans othe, I most humbly beseche your Majestie to verefie it in me and remember your last promise and my last demande that I be not condemned without answer and due proof; which it seems that now I am.' The Tower, she thinks, is a place ' more wonted for a false traitor than a tru subject,' and sending her thither will condemn her in the eyes of the world, though God knows her to be innocent of any machinations against her sister. ' Therefore,' she continues, ' I humbly beseche your Majestie to let me ansver afore your selfe and not suffer me to trust your counselors; yea, and that afore I go to the Tower, if it be possible ; if not, afor I be further condemned.' However it may be, she trusts that no evil report brought to Mary will, without full investigation, set ' one sistar again the other,' and then again protesting her freedom from complicity with the ' traitor Wiat,' she proceeds : ' I pray God confound me eternally if ever I sent him word, message, token, or lettar by any menes, and to this my truith, I wil stande in to my dethe.' It is needless here to dwell upon the stimulus which Protestantism received by the accession of Elizabeth. The numerous foreigners professing the Reformed religion who by 1558 had become denizens of England had good cause to hail her accession to the English throne with something akin to enthusiasm. During her sister's rule the Dutch Protestant settlers in London, to whom Edward VI had given the church of Austin Friars, were forced to dissolve their congregation ; its numbers, no doubt, to a large extent, returned to the Continent, and the church was given to the Marquis of Winchester. Now came the joyful tidings that a Protestant sovereign once more reigned over England, one who, as the minute-books of the Dutch congregation express it, 'greatly favoured the Reformation, to the rejoicing of all true Christians.' But from various fragments of evidence preserved to us it seems that, a little later on, these worthy foreigners were not quite satisfied with the terms on which they obtained a restoration of their church. Their elders had, on the reassembling of the Congregation, petitioned the Privy Council for a confirmation of the free and unrestricted grant they had formerly received from Edward VI. What they got we see by the following, which is addressed to the Marquis of Winchester ; and which, as it bears Elizabeth's signature, is an appropriate document for special facsimile'. ' See plate facing next page. 96 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Original at the Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. Vol. XI, No. 24. ' By the Quene.' ' Elizabeth R. ' Right trusty and right welbeloved cousin we grete you well. Whereas in the tyme of our brother, and suster also, the churche of the late Augustyn Frears was appointed to the use of all strangers repayring to the cittie of London for to have therein djrvine service. Consideringe that by an universall order, all the reste of the churches have the dyvine service in the englisshe tonge, for the better edefieinge of the people, which the strang[er]s borne understand not Our pleasure is that ye shall assigne and delyv[er] the said churche and all thing[es] thereto belonging to the Reverend father in God, the busshopp of London to be appointed to suche curate and mynisters as he shall thinke good to serve from tyme to t}-me in the same churches bothe for daily Divine servyce and for administra[ti]on of the Sacraments, and preaching of the gospell. So that no right nor use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to o[u]r lawes. And theis our l[ette]res shalbe yo[u]r sufficient warrant and discharg[e] in that behalf Yeven under o[u]r signet at o[u]r palace of Westm[inster] the of February, the seconde yere of o[u]r Reigne.' The letter is endorsed — ' The Queene to y® Tresorer Powlett y« 2d off her Raynge.' This is a very material document in the history of the foreigTi Protestants in England, and indeed in the history of the Church of England. Elizabeth will be no party to those frequenting a foreign church having any form of service they might fancy. Austin Friars is therefore given, not to the elders of the congregation, but to the Bishop of London, who — though he might permit divine service to be in the language of the foreigners — was to see that it was celebrated daily, and in the form of the Church of England : this, I think, is the interpretation which must be given to the words, ' so that no right nor use be therein [i.e. in the church] observed contrary or derogatory to o[u]r lawes.' How far the queen's order was observed is not a matter which we need dwell upon here. Mr. W. J. C. Moens gives a capital sketch of the ii d^i'i^/i^^- i^4f4.-^i.% fl lit i Q- < u I UJ z Q LlI Z o CO X h- m < N a o (T Lj_ IT UJ H \- U XIV. Elizabeth 97 history of the Congregation in his ' historical introduction ' to the Registers of the church which he printed, privately, in 1884. The two following facsimiles give us examples of Elizabeth's signature as queen, at the commencement and close of her reign. The first ^ is appended to a document dated in August, 1561, addressed to the Receiver- General of the Court of Wards and Liveries, giving him direction as to passing his accounts. The second signature ^ is appended to a document beariirg date in February, 1602, by which the queen directs Admiral Sir ' Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, Addenda, vol. xi. No. 25. ' Ibid., vol. cclxxxiii, No. 28. G 98 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Richard Leveson to sail from Plymouth in The Repulse, with nine ships, and intercept the fleet that was believed to have been despatched from Spain to effect a landing in Ireland. Amongst the State Papers ^ is a letter from the Earl of Leicester to Elizabeth, written about a week before his death, which happened on September 4, 1588. The letter itself has no particular feature of interest; the writer inquires after the queen's health, ' the chiefest thing in this world ' he prays for, and he speaks hopefully of his own speedy recovery ; but the endorsement, in Elizabeth's own hand, has a very special interest; it reads as follows : — 'To ye Q[ueen's] most excellent Ma[jes]t[ie] his last letter'; the words in italics are in Elizabeth's writing. The strength of the testimony borne by this endorsement to the regard which the queen then entertained for Leicester, will best be understood when we remember her habit of banishing from memory those who had passed away from her presence. How the letter found its way into the public papers of the kingdom we do not know, but there can be no doubt that at first the queen preserved it as the last letter she received from a former suitor for her hand. Our last specimen of Elizabeth's writing is a prayer, believed to have been composed for the safety of the ships which she despatched in 1597 to scatter the Spanish fleet preparing to attack Ireland. On their way to Spain the English vessels were dispersed by a storm, and the commander, the Earl of Essex, confined his efforts to intercepting the Spanish ships on their way to the Indies. ' Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. Addenda, vol. ccxv. No. 65. K H W n ^ on. Hi ^ ^ ^i «^ «^ Pv'S.^i ■W g 5. ^J 1 1%^^ XIV. Elizabeth loi Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl. AISS. 6986, No. 35. See facsimile opposite. ' O God all-maker, keeper, and guider : Inurement of thy rare-seene, unused and seeld-heard-of goodnes, powred in so plentifull sort upon us full oft, breeds now this boldnes to crave with bowed knees, and heartes of humilitye, thy large hande of helping power, to assist with wonder, oure iust cause, not founded on Prides-motion nor begun on Malice-stock ; But as thou best knowest, to whome nought is hid, grounded on just defence from wronges' hate, and bloody desire of conquest. For scince, meanes thou hast imparted to save that thou hast given, by enjoyng such a people, as scornes their bloodshed, where suretie ours is one : Fortifie (deare God) such heartes in such sort, as their best part may be worst, that to the truest part meant worst with least losse to such a Nation, as despise their levst for their Cuntryes good. That all Forreine Landes may laud and admire the Omnipotency of thy worke : a fact alone for thee only to performe. So shall thy name be spread for wonders wrought, and the faithfull en- couraged, to repose in thy unfellowed grace : And wee, that mynded nought but right, inchained in thy bondes for perpetuall slavery, and live and dye the sacrificers of oure soules for such obtayned favoure. Warrant, (deare Lorde) all this with thy command. Amen.' XV JAMES I AND ANNE OF DENMARK THE handwriting of James I suggests that the science of cah'graphy was not considered a requisite feature in the royal education in Scotland. His writing lacks character, and contrasts very unfavourably with that of his immediate predecessors on the English throne. A noticeable feature in all his writing is the spelling, which is decidedly ' Scotch.' We know with what eager interest both Protestants and Catholics watched the accession of James I to the throne of England ; each party regarded the event with suspicion. The former were indeed not slow to give outward expression to their fears of the ' papistical ' tendencies of the new monarch. And it was this fact that drew from James a 'Declaration' which forms an interesting item in the religious history of England. The form taken by the Declaration was that of a letter addressed by the king to the bishops. This, or rather the draft of it, is preserved amongst the State Papers, and bears marks of having been very carefully revised by James himself, so that a facsimile of a portion of it may appropriately be introduced here. The portion I have selected is the fourth page of the draft ; but as this does not show us the commencement of the sentence, I have, in the following transcript, thought better to give some words from the previous page, and some from the next : the interlineations, which are printed in italics, show the king's handwriting. Draft of a Letter to the Bishops corrected by James I. nJ-rfi^ s^^ /U^-'^- p>^ ^.. ..^^x^^^ .^.v^ XV. James the First and Anne of Denmark 105 Draft, corrected by the King. Original at the Ptiblic Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, James /, Vol. XII, No. 87*. ' We resolved for our discharge to God and towards all men first to make a publick declaration to our whoale counsayle in the presence of our Arch- bishopp of Canterbury with divers other Bishopps how much we tooke it to hart that all thinges should be duly performed which might tend to the preservation of that trew religion wherein we have ever lived and resolve to dye. We did likewise cause the Recorder of London to be sent for, to either by vertu of our comandment yeild us an accompt what had been done a concerninge the apprehension and such as use to repaire either publickly or privatly to heare mass, or by such perticuler of Priests a \by vertue of our own commandm!' and by perticuler ^] dyrec- as had given him to the same end, tions \receaved from\ our counsayle a from whom receavinge less satisfaction especially strange then we expected a consideringe the [circumstances of the\ reports delivered of those great scandales which our good subjects receaved by such insolent abuses unto US A \pf publick goinge to •masses in the citty\ we commanded him to impart unto the Maior and other officers how much we misliked that coldnes any \remissnes\ should be used, commandinge them uppon their duty and allegeaunce not only to be carefuU to trye out and apprehend all persons whatsoever soe offendinge by their owne authoritye, but allsoe to be diligent uppon all occasions to informe our privye counsayle of such enormitys, to the intent that whensoever there shall be cause to make use of further authoritye then their owne ordinarye power, their proceedings may be strengthined with that extraordinary authoritye which we doe leave with them at all tymes for matters of so great consequence.' It would be difficult to give a more interesting specimen of James's pen- manship than that afforded by the sixteen interrogatories which he prepared for the guidance of the Commissioners appointed to examine Guy Fawkes in reference to the famous Gunpowder Plot. First, says 'the wisest fool in Christendom,' let the Commissioners inquire ' quhat he is, for I can never yett here any man that knowis him ; ' and then he sets out more than a dozen other questions to be put to the prisoner as to his past life, including the inquiry ' if he was ever a papiste ; and if so, quho brocht him up in it.' If he will answer these questions willingly, well and good ; but, adds the ' The words enclosed in brackets are struck out by James. io6 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England king, 'if he will not confesse, the gentler tortours are to be first used unto him, et sic per gradus ad ima tenditur, and — so God speede your good worke — James R.'-' {See facsimile at the side) . ^ We get, however, a better idea of James's powers ^ of composition in the following letter, by which he desires his son, Charles Prince of Wales, to return home quickly from Spain, whither he had gone to seek the hand of the Infanta. The visit, we remember, was taken chiefly at the instigation of Bucking- ham, who, by his arrogant behaviour at the Spanish Court, soon disgusted those he presumably desired to please. James, it seems, had got wind of how matters stood at Madrid, and was consequently anxious to get both his son and Buckingham home ere matters became more complicated. The letter reads as follows : — Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl. ^ MSS. 6<^%'j, f. 143. Facsimile opposite. ^ ' My dearest sonne, I sent you a comandement long agoe not to loose tyme quhaire ye are ; but ather to bring quikelie hoame youre mistresse, quhiche is my earnist desyre ; but if no bettir maye be, rather then to linger any longer thaire, to come without her, quhiche for manie important reasons I ame now forcid to renew. And thairfor I charge you upon my blessing, to come quikelie ather with her or without her. I knowe youre love to her person hath enforcid you todelaye the putting in execution of my former comandement. I confesse it is my cheifest wordlie ioye, that ye ' Original at Public Record Office. Gunpowder Plot Papers. < < Pi b o 2; o H ai O Pi ^ kM -4 XVI. Charles the First and his Family 119 In odd contrast to the arbitrary demand for worldly help is the following prayer for the aid of heaven, written by the king some five years later, and, by a choice of readings, made suitable for morning or evening use. It seems to be compiled partly from the Book of Common Prayer, and partly from the Bible. Holograph. Original at Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. Vol. CCXI, No, 91. The facsimile shows the first four and part of fifth lines. ' Good Lord I thanke [Thee] for keeping mee this . 7 I humblie beseeche Thee to keepe mee this j^ from all dangers or mischances that may happen to my Boddie, and all evell thoughts which may assalt or hurt my Sowel, for Jesus Christ his sake : And looke upon me Thy unworthie servant, who heere prostrates him selfe at Thy Throne of grace, but looke upon mee O Father through the merites and mediation of Jesus Christ Thy beloved Sone, in whom Thou art onlie well pleased, for of my selfe, I am not worthie to stand in Thy presence, or to speake with my uncleane lips, to Thee, most holly and seternall God ; for Thou knowest that in sinn, I was conceaved and borne, and that ever since I have lived in iniquetie, so that I have broken all Thy Holly Commandments, by sinful! motions, evell words and wicked workes, ommitting manie dewties I ought to doe, and committing manie vyces, which Thou hast forbidden under paine of heavie displeasure : as for sinnes, O Lord, they ar innumerable in the multitude. Therefore of Thy mercies, and by the merites of Jesus Christ, I intreate Thy Devyne Majestic that Thou wouldest not enter into jugement, with Thy servant ; nor bee extreame to marke what is done amisse, but bee Thou mercifull to mee, and washe away all my sinnes, with the pretius [blood] that Jesus Christ shed for me : and not onlie washe away all my sinnes, but also to purge my hart, by [Thy] Holly Spirit, from the drosse of my naturall corruption ; and as Thou doest add dayes to my lyfe, so (good Lord) add repentance to my dayes, that when I have past this mortall lyfe, I may bee a partaker of Thy everlasting Kingdome, throught Jesus Christ our Lorde.' 120 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England During the progress of the Civil War, Charles was an active corre- spondent. To his wife he wrote frequently, and generally in hopeful tones, even if circumstances, for the time, looked unpropitious. Here is a specimen — the draft of a letter written probably from Oxford in January, 1645. Henrietta Maria was then in France, whither she had fled during the previous summer in order to escape possible danger. The king's advice to his wife as to her policy towards the Queen Regent of France is interesting. Holograph. Original at Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. See facsimile on p. 118, which shows the first six lines. ' Deare hart ' I hope before this can come to thee, thou wilt receave 3 letters from me by Sabran's conveyance (whom I dispached Sonday last) ; who although he condemes the Rebelles proceedings as much as any, yet he declares, in his Maisters name, a posititive newtrality, so that ether he complyes not with his Instructions, or France is not so much our frend as we hope for. I rather thinke the later : yet I dout not but thy dexterity will cure that couldness of frendship, which, in my opinion, will be the easier done, if thou make the cheefe treaty for our assistance betwixt thee and the Q. R.' in a familliar obliging way : and withall showing all possible respect and trust to those Ministers whom she most esteemes ; it being impossible, but they must rather aplaude, then dislyke, thy familiarity with theire Mistris, and by it, thou may prevent any trickes they may put upon thee. As for the affaires heere, wee are in so good state, that I am confident the Rebelles (though all their strenthes ar now united) cannot afront us, and when my nepueu Rupert comes to mee (whom I certainly expect in few dayes) I hope to be able to choose freshe Winter quarters, but where, I am not yet resolved, for which occasion and oportunitie must direct mee.' The majority of letters now extant written by Henrietta Maria are in French ; the following, in English, introduces us to an amusing incident in the history of Charles II's boyhood. ' The Queen Regent. Letter from Queen Henrietta Maria to her Son. ^^Wf^Mt/^^ /J '?2^ y^ j^t/vvtl^V/ ' • XVI. Charles the First and his Family 123 Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl. MSS. 6988, No. 25. See facsimile opposite. ' Charles, I am sore that I most begin my first letter with chiding you be cause I heere that you will not take phisike. I hope it was onlie for this day, and that to morrowe you will doe it, for yf you will not, I most come to you and make you take it, for it is for your healthe. I have given order to my lord Newcastell to send mi worde, to night, whether you will or not, therfore I hope you will not give mi the paines to goe, end so I rest ' Your affectionat moher [sic\ ' Henriette Marie R.' XVII OLIVER AND RICHARD CROMAA'ELL THE following letter from Oliver Cromwell, written to his wife from Edinburgh on April 12, 165 1, though not of political importance, gives us an insight to the Protector's domestic style. The pious ejaculations with which it abounds are certainly characteristic of the man who wrote it. Cromwell married in 1620 a daughter of Sir James Bourchier, a gentleman who owned considerable landed property in Essex. ' Bettie,' alluded to in the letter, was his favourite daughter, Elizabeth Claypole. Holograph. Original at British Museum. Egerton MSS. 2620, fol. 9. See facsimile opposite. ' My Deerest, ' I praise the Lord I am encreased in strength in my outward man, but that will not satisfie mee, except I gett a heart to love and serve my heavenly Father better, and gett more of the light of his countenance, w^h is better then life, and more power over my corruptions, in theise hopes I waite, and am not without expectation of a graicious returne. Pray for mee, truly I doe daylie for thee, and the deere family, and God Almighty blesse you all with his spirituall blessinges. Minde poore Bettie of the Lords late great mercye, oh I desire her not only to seeke the Lord in her necessitye, but indeed and in truth to turne to the Lord, and to keep closse to him, and to take heede of a departinge heart and of beinge consu[m]ed with worldly vanityes, and worldly companie, w* I doubt shee is too subject to. I earnestly, and frequently pray for her, and him. truly they are deere to mee, very deere, and I am in feare least Sathan should Letter from Oliver Cromwell to h,s Wife. XVII. Oliver and Richard Cromwell 127 deceave them, knowinge how weake our hearts are, and how subtill the adversarie is, and what way the deceiptfuUnesse of our heartes, and the vaine world make for his tentations ; the Lord give them truth of heart to him, lett them seeke him in truth and they shall finde him. My love to the deere little ones. I pray for grace for them. I thanke them for their letters, lett mee have them often. Beware of my Lord Harbert, his resort to your house (if hee doe soe) may occasion scandall, as if I were bargainnge with him, indeed bee wise, you know my meaninge. Minde S^ Hen. Vane of the businesse of my estate, wcli indeed is very tickle {sic), as M^" Floyde can enforme you. I know hee beares a freindes minde, M"^ Floyd knowes my whole minde in this matter. If Dick Cromwell and his wife bee with you, my deere love to them, I pray for them they shall (God willinge) shortly heere from mee, I love them very deerly, truly I am not able as yett to write much, I am wearye, and rest 'Thine 'O. Cromwell. ' Aprill the 1 2^'' 1651.' Addressed — ' For my beloved Wife, Elizabeth Cromwell att the Cockpitt these.' We give also below a bolder specimen of his signature : — As Richard Cromwell was nominally Protector for a few months after the death of his father, a specimen of his writing ought perhaps to appear here. The following letter, which bears his signature, addressed to his former friend. General Monck, is in many ways an interesting one, since we gather from it an accurate picture of the straitened circumstances in which he was placed within a month of this declaration of Breda. 128 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England Original at British Museum. Egerton MSS. 26\%,foL 67. ' My Lord, ' AUthough I cannot suppose you altogether unacquainted with my present condition, nor insensible of what my friends have represented to you con- cerning it, yet being urged by my present exigencies & necessitated for some time of late to retire into hiding-places to avoid arrests for debts contracted upon the publiq account, I have been incouraged, from the perswasion I have had of yo*" affection to mee, and the opportunitie you now have to show mee kindnesse, to add this request to the former solicitations of my friends, that, when the Parlia- ment shall bee met, you would make use of yo^ interest on my behalfe, that I bee not left liable to debts which I am confident neither God, nor conscience, can ever reckon mine. I cannot but promise myselfe that when it shall bee seasonable, I shall not want a faithfuU friend in you to take effectuall care of my concernements : having this perswasion of you that as I cannot but thinke myselfe unworthy of great things, so you will not thinke mee worthy of utter ruine. ' My Lord, I am, ' Your affectionate friend to serve you, 'Aprill 18, 1660.' Addressed—' For his Excellencie the Lord Generall Monck these.' Endorsed— ' A^r. 1660. Lord Rich. Cromwell for security from debts.' XVIII CHARLES II AND CATHERINE OF BRAGANZA THERE can be no doubt that Charles II never Hked the triple alliance which England, Holland, and Sweden entered into in 1668. By it, these three countries compelled France to yield to their demands ; and, as it was to France that Charles chiefly looked for aid in casting off the tiresomely constitutional yoke of Parliament, he took the earliest opportunity of concluding a secret treaty with France which nullified the effects of the distasteful alliance. The secret treaty was signed at Dover in 1670. The next move was, of course, to pick a quarrel with Holland, and the best means of doing this was to replace Temple, a popular ambassador at the Hague, by Sir George Downing, a par- ticularly odious one to the Dutch. However, the following very interesting letter shows us that even Downing did not act sufficiently promptly in bringing matters to a crisis. The want of proper respect to the British flag was, we see, to be the avowed basis of the quarrel. Holograph. Original at British Muscmn. Stow AISS. 458. See facsimile on page 131, showing concluding paragraph of the letter. • Whithall, Jan. 16, [O. S.] 167I. ' S*' George Downing, I have scene all your letters to my L<^ Arlington, since your arrivall in Holland ; and because I finde you sometimes devided in your opinion betwixt what seemes good to you for my affaires in the various emergencyes and appearances there, and what my instructions direct you, that you my not erre in the future, I have thoughte fitt to send you I 130 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England my last minde upon the hinge of your whole negotiation, and in my owne hand, that you may likewise know it is your part to obey punctually my orders, instead of putting yourself to the trouble of finding reasons why you do not do so, as I find in your last of the 12th currant. And first you must know I am entierly secure that France will joine with me against Holland, and not seperate from me for any offers Holland can make to them. Next I do allow of your transmitting to me the States' answer to your memoriall concerning the flag, and that you stay there expecting my last resolution upon it, declaring that you cannot proceede to any new matter till you receave it; but upon the whole matter you must always knowe my minde and resolution is not only to insist upon the haveing my flag saluted, even on there very shoare (as it was alwaies practised), but in haveing my dominion of these seas asserted, and Wan Guert exemplarily punished. Notwithstanding all this, I would have you use your skill so to amuse them, that they may not finally dispaire of me and therby give me time to make myselfe more ready and leave them more remisse in these preparations. ' In the last place I must againe injoine you to spare no cost in informing your selfe exactly how ready there ships of warre are, in all there ports, how. soone they are like to put to sea, and to send what you learne of this kinde hether with all speede. I am ' Your loveing frend, ' Charles R.' (^See facsimile on opposite page.) The whole letter is thoroughly typical of Charles H's character, and it is only lack of space that prevents a full facsimile being given. Two months later, on March 17, 1672, England and France declared war upon Holland, during which some of De Ruyter's greatest sea-battles were fought. I have not met with a specimen of the handwriting of Charles H's queen, Catherine of Braganza, in English ; there are, however, some interesting letters in Portuguese written from Lisbon before the future queen's arrival in England. The signature on the opposite page is appended to one, written to Charles, in which she prays God to send 'your Majesty's servant, the fleet,' to her with speed and safety, that she may the sooner accomplish her XVI 11. Charles the Second and Catherine of Braganza 131 journey to England. She speaks of the happiness which 'those kingdoms of yours, which your Majesty is pleased should also be mine,' must feel at the restoration of their ' lawful king \' [In translation.] /? ' /^- /^ /7^ ^ ' Your Majesty's most faithful wife, cJ^^ M^ee/p^/^^ JU^J who kisses your hands, VUlcJ pe-Ua ' Catherina R.' Portion of Letter from Charles II to Sir George Downing. <2^«v<-c^-^ '^.xTi^ -^-tf^s,^ /^>L^fc,.e. ^tvjUi^ j^ 'Ur^^y--y<^ ^^9-^ ' Original at Public Record Office. State Papers. Portugal. Sept. 3, 1 66 1. I 2 XIX JAMES II, ANNE HYDE, MARY OF MODENA, AND THE LATER STUARTS JAMES II, both as Duke of York and as King, was a very prolific writer. His handwriting is bold, and suggests the work of a man possessed of a firmer character than his enemies, or even his friends, will allow that he possessed. I have selected as a specimen of his handwriting, a letter written by him in August, 1685, to the Prince of Orange. His allusions to the magistrates of Amsterdam who had taken the part of the Duke of Monmouth in the recent rebellion, show that William either intended, or pretended that it was his intention, to punish any partisans of Monmouth whose complicity could be demonstrated. James's allusions to the military display at Hounslow are interesting, especially that to the mounted Grenadiers. Holograph. Original at British Museum. Additional MSS. 22>,ioi,fol. 68. See facsimile on pp. 134-5. ' Windsor Aug : 25 : 1685. ' I have receved yours of the 2 7 : by which I am very glad to find, you do agree, to what I proposed to you, concerning the E : of Pembrook, and thanke you very kindly for doing it, and shall send to advertise him of it, that he may make what hast he can over to you to thanke you for your kindnesse to him. As for the names of any of the Magistrats of Amsterdam, when I can gett any authentike proffs against them, I shall lett you have it, w^ii I feare will be hard to be gott, tho tis certaine some of them knew of the D : of Mon : designe. On Saturday last I saw some of my troops at Houndslow, they consisted of ten Letter of James II to the Prince of Orange. ^'^-^L.t-J^ ^t-T\^ XIX. James the Second, his Wives, and the later Stuarts 137 Battallions of foott, of w''^^ three were of the gards, and the other seven new raised Reg® ; of horse, there was twenty squadrons, and one of granaders on horse back, and one of Dragoons, and realy the new troups of both sorts, were in very good order, and the horse very well mounted. I was glad that the Mareschal d'Humieres saw them, for severall reasons. I have not tyme to say more now but that you shall always find me as kind to you as you can desire. J.' Addressed — ' For my sonne the Prince of Orange.' As in this instance the king signs only his initial, we give below a copy of his signature in full. James married his first wife, Anne Hyde, daughter of the famous Earl of Clarendon, very shortly after the Restoration. She was possessed of but slight beauty, but of very brilliant powers of conversation. The marriage — which had been contracted secretly — was for some time regarded with disfavour by the royal family ; and the Earl of Clarendon himself, though probably well pleased at an event which would bring him more closely in contact with the king, expressed surprise and even disgust at the extravagance of his daughter's pretensions. The whole affair and what followed reflects little credit on any of those concerned in it. At the time that Anne wrote the letter — the signature to which we give below — all had been lived down, and she was received at Court with the respect due to her. She was then with her husband at York, and she tells her sister that it is a ' really good place,' better than Salisbury, which was apparently her former home. Hospitality, enough and to spare, was shown to James and his wife. ^/ 'We are like,' she says, 'to ^/AlAyT m/nf A^CytJlA^^ have many feasts ; to-morrow C ff\A/4^ yir my Lord Mayor makes us ^"^ one, which will be very trouble- some ! 138 Handwriting of the Kings and Queetts of England Anne died in 1671, having first been received into the Roman Catholic communion, an event which caused considerable popular uneasiness with regard to the religious faith of her husband. About two years later James married Mary Beatrice, daughter of the Duke of Modena, who with her infant son fled to France a few days before her husband's abdication in 1688. The letter below is written from the Stuart Court, at St. Germains, probably at the close of the year 1692, or the commencement of 1693, and addressed to John Caryll — titular Lord Caryll — the faithful adherent of the fugitive royal family. Holograph. Original at British Museum. Additional MSS. 28,224, folio 2. a^n c^ >'^^r^-^rx,^^i^ i^'^y-^-a^,^ The death of George II, in 1760, put upon the throne of England, the first king of the Hanoverian line who could boast of English birth and bringing-up. The following paragraph in his first speech to Parliament, written with his own hand, shows that George III was himself proud of this circumstance : — Original at the British Museum, amongst the Newcastle Papers. ' Born and Educated in this Country I glory in the Name of Britain ; & the peculiar happiness of my Life, will ever consist, in promoting the Welfare of a people, whose Loyalty & warm affection to me, I consider, as the greatest & most permanent Security of my Throne.' ' British Museum. Additional MSS. 32,684, fol. 93 Handwriting of Children of George III. (J^:;^^^^,^ ,x^^^H-M>.-c^^^ Frederick, Duke of York : bom 1763 : died i8a7; married the Princess Frederica of Prussia. Ernest, Duke of Cumberland and Kino of Hanover : bom, 1771 ; died, 1851 j married Frederica of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. ^i:^^^^^^^d^^_^^-^-'^^'^^ Adolphus Frederick, Duke of Cambridge : bora, 1774; died, 1850 ; married Augusta of Hesse-Cassel ; father of the present Duke of Cambridge. '^^ Princess Charlotte : born, 1766 ; died, 1828 ; married the King ofWurtemberg. Princess Amelia : bom, 1783 ; died, unmarried, 1810. C^A.ui^Z/^^^t "^ ^2^.^^^ €4L^ ^^^ /f ^^^^^> Princess Augusta Sophia : born, 1768 died, unmarried, 1840. Princess Elizabeth : born, 1770 ; died, 1840 ; married the Landgrave of Hess&Homburg. A-- ^^^ Princess Mary ; born, 1776 ; died, 1840 ; married her cousin, the Duke of Gloucester. XXIV. George the Third and Queen Charlotte 163 The last attack of insanity with which the king was afflicted, demonstrated itself in the early spring of 18 10. His handwriting at this date — an example is given below — attached to royal warrants and documents of a similar nature, presents evidence of his complete mental incapacity before he ceased discharging public duties. He never regained his powers, though he lingered on for ten years, his condition being for the greater part of that time truly pitiable. Queen Charlotte, whom he had married during the year following his accession, died in 18 18. As it is said that she captivated George HI by a letter which, as a girl, she addressed to the King of Prussia, begging him to spare her country — Mecklenburg-Strelitz — this example of her signature, appended to a letter addressed to the Earl of Effingham, treasurer of her household, may be of interest ^ On the opposite page are examples of the handwriting of some of the king's numerous children. ' British Museum. Additional MSS. 27,543, fol. 16. L 2 XXV GEORGE IV, QUEEN CAROLINE, AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE GEORGE IV was born about a year after his parents' marriage. Both he and his brother Frederick, born in 1763, were, in 1771, placed under the governorship of Lord Holderness, who, after holding this ap- pointment for five years, seems to have been glad to resign it. The reports he sent from time to time to George III revealed the difficulties of his situation, not, it should be said in fairness to the boys, wholly owing to their troublesomeness, but quite as much to the want of unani- mity existing amongst the teachers as to the best course of study to be adopted. Still, despite these disadvantages, the boys — especially the Prince of Wales — picked up a good deal of knowledge, though they had little application. How much of the translation of Letter XVII in the Fourth Book of Cicero — which was sent home for the king's perusal when George was about fifteen — is the boy's own work, and how much it was ' touched up ' by his tutors, we shall never know, but the facsimile given opposite of the first page of the MS.^ shows that the prince wrote a good plain hand. As he grew up, the prince showed signs of an inclination to embrace and follow a moral code very different from that of his father; hence the quarrel between the king for the time being and the Prince of Wales for the time being, which the English people must have taken as a matter of course, since they had witnessed a similar disagreement, though not for the same cause as this, between the sovereign and his eldest son ever since the House of Hanover had come to reign over them. ' British Museum. Additional MSS. 20,023. XXV. George the Fourth, Queen Caroline, Princess Charlotte 165 George Ill's ministers showed the prince every mark of disapprobation of his conduct ; and it was with some reluctance that the Regency Bill, Translation from Cicero, by George IV when fifteen years of age. ^■a-o'n^ cct^ ^-V^^^^:Z^C^P£^/y^^£>U'Ci^f^ •z^ ,p:t'7J&CX^, after the commencement of the king's last illness, in 18 10, was agreed to. His signature as Prince Regent appears on the following page^ We also give, on the same page, his signature as king attached to the coronation oath. How far he kept that oath towards his country is a matter unnecessary to discuss here. ' Original on Royal Warrant. Public Record Office. 1 66 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England To turn the Prince of Wales from the course of life he was following, George III and his ministers were for ever urging him to contract a royal union, but the prince as often rejected all proposals of the kind, till Signature of George IV as Prince Regent. at length, driven almost to distraction by the state of his finances, he yielded to the tempting offer made by the king of a liquidation of his debts, and an increased income, if he would marry his cousin, the Princess Caroline of Brunswick. The marriage, we know, turned out as might Signature of George IV as attached to the Coronation Oath. have been expected, though perhaps the lengths to which the prince carried the indignities which he heaped upon his wife, may have astonished even those most nearly acquainted with him. There is no need to recall the incidents of this treatment, which culminated in George IV's refusal to allow the queen to take part in, or even be present at, the ceremony XXV. George the Fourth, Queen Caroline, Princess Charlotte 167 of his coronation at Westminster, July 19, 1821. The accompanying letter was evidently written on her return from the Abbey, from the doors of which she had been actually forced back. Holograph. Draft. Original at British Museum. Additional MSS. 2\,\%2, folio 17. ' The Queen Requests that his Majesty would be pleased to give an early answer to the Demande which the Queen has made to the Arche- Bishop of Canterbury to be Crowned the following week. Not wishing to increese any new Expense upon the Nation the Queen must trust that after the Publik insult her Majesty has Received to day, the King will grant her just Rights to be croAvned as next Monday, and that his Majesty 1 68 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England will command the Arche-Bishop of Cantibury to fulfill the Queen's particular desire to confer uppon her that Sacred and August Ceremony. ' The Queen also communicates to His Majesty that during the King's absence in Irreland Her Majesty intends visiting Edinburgh.' The queen's request was refused, and under this last mortification she rapidly sank, dying on August 7 following. The chief comfort of her life was her only child, the Princess Charlotte, who was born in 1796. The princess's learning and charity are matters that need no enlargement upon here. In May, 18 16, she became the wife of the late King Leopold of Belgium, and died in child-bed the following year. Below is an example of her handwriting — the conclusion of a letter, written in 18 13, to her friend Mrs. Wightman '. -i^^S: ' Original at the British Museum. Additional MSS. 22,723, fol. 26'!. XXVI WILLIAM IV AND QUEEN ADELAIDE THE new prospect which, on the unhappy death of the Princess Charlotte, was opened to the Duke of Clarence gave him very little real satisfaction. He had for some time lived the life of an English gentleman at Bushey, where he could meditate over a splendid record of naval service, and he did not care for the thought of being King of England. The friends he liked best, and kept up with, were naval friends ; so, no doubt, on his appointment as Lord High Admiral, he had plenty of applications for naval preferment, like that which, we see by the following answer, had been made to him by Nelson's widow. Holograph. Original at the British Museum. Additional MSS. 28,333, folio 7. Facsimile opposite. ' Admiralty 'June 9th 1827 ' Late at Night. ' Madam, 'In answer to Your Ladyship's letter of 15th May, I have to remark I cannot forget the many happy hours I spent at Paris with Your Ladyship and must ever feel anxious for any relation of the late Admiral Lord Nelson. At present I cannot promote Commander Blankley, but shall have sincere pleasure in bringing forward this meritorious young officer, the instant I can with propriety and ever remain, ' Madam, ' Yours most truly, ' William.' f72 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England His signature as king appears below ^. William's altered prospects necessitated a separation from ' Mrs. Jordan ' — Dorothy Bland, the actress, with whom he lived so long — and a marriage was, with little delay, arranged and celebrated with the Princess Adelaide, daughter of the Duke of Saxe-Meiningen, who thus became Queen Adelaide. Her usual form of signature appears below. She died in 1849. From Coronation Roll. XXVII VICTORIA THE signature given in facsimile below is probably the earliest specimen of the handwriting of her present Majesty the Queen. It was penned VJCT^O Ell A. when she was but four years old. Her first signature as Queen is taken from the original appended to the coronation oath. As an example of her Majesty's writing at the present time, it would be impossible to find a more suitable and interesting example than the letter in which she expresses her gratitude to the ' Women of Great Britain and Ireland' for their loyal offering on the occasion of her Jubilee. A facsimile of this letter is given opposite. 176 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England The signatures of the Prince Consort and of the Duke and Duchess of Kent, the Queen's father and mother, are here given. Wc^^^ri^ay/r^^ J^ (^-^o^^^^ i^ ..y&ic^. Edward, Duke of Kent, fourth son of George III ; bom, 1767 ; died, 1820 ; married Victoria of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld. The Duchess of Kent his wife. Below, we give the signatures of the Prince and Princess of Wales, of their two sons, and also of the Queen's three sons — the Duke of Edinburgh, the Duke of Connaught, and the late Duke of Albany. ^'^^ THE END >j>JyA