Cornell University Library . .f~ KF4606.J78 M /- Th?..5?.KS^SLffilfiiiinilim"^^^^^^^ 3 1924 019 913 619 «• BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF fienrg W. Sage 189Z A.€OS.03^. 2//S/ 5901 Cornell University Library The original of this bool< is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31 92401 991 361 9 THE COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. BY PAUL JONES, LL. B. COUNSELLOR-AT-LAW. "The Congress shall have power . . . to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and. among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes." Constltulloii of the United States, Aitlcle I, Section VIII, Clause 3. PBIVATELT FBINTED. NSW YOBK, 1004. (c \o\ B ?HS CoPYMGHTj 1904, PAUL JONES. My Dear Sir:— Will you do me the honor to accept this book, in tardy recognition of my indebtedness to you, for your care as a tutor and as a wise counsellor, at the commencement of my professional career. May I also venture to add, that your own personal and professional connection with the development of the sub- ject considered in its pages, has been such, that I know of no one, who would be more interested in the result, or appreciate more fully the labor it has occasioned me. No. 54 William Street, New York, December ist, 1904. Yours truly. To:— Edmund D. Baxter, Esq., Nashville, Tennessee. Paul Jones. PRESS OP CLARENCE S. NATHAN 9 and 11 Franklin St. New York PREFACE. There appears to be no subject of more importance, demanding the attention of the American people, at the present time, than a consideration of that clause of the Constitution of the United States, which vests in Con- gress the power to regulate commerce; and the import- ance of the subject, arises as much from a steadily in- creasing demand for a more comprehensive plan for the regulation of trade, by the li|^slative authority of the federal government, in pursuance of its commercial power, and to what is generally admitted to be the in- adequacy of measures hitherto adopted, for the regula- tion of certain corporations, engaged in the business of transportation, and for the management and control of so-called "Trusts," as it does from that natural tendency to centralization, which is incident to all forms of govern- ment. From the inherent nature of the power itself, its exer- cise by the federal government, is, of course, primarily a subject for the political consideration and action of Con- gress; but, since the validity of any action, on its part, is ultimately to be determined by the courts, a correct and intelligent solution of the political question involved in such action, must always depend, upon a proper under- standing and appreciation of those general principles of constitutional interpretation, which have been laid down and established, by the Supreme Court of the United States, in determining the subjects, upon which the power PREFACE. may be exercised, as well as in defining the legitimate scope of its operation. It is, therefore, only for the purpose of ascertaining these principles, and of tracing the development of the constitutional power of Congress to regulate commerce, in its bearing upon the various subjects to which it has been heretofore applied, that this book has been written, and is now offered to the public. Being confined to this purpose alone, care has been taken to avoid the expression of any personal views, which the author may entertain, concerning the subjects, considered in its pages, and such expression has been indulged in, only in a few instances, where it was thought to be necessary to a complete elucidation of some doctrine, the authority of which seems to have been brought in question. But, whatever merit this work may otherwise have, it has been done, in the belief, that, no subject is more worthy of consideration, to the citizen, none calls for a more profound knowledge, on the part of the legislator, or is entitled to a higher respect and reverence, from the jurist, than the principles upon which the Constitution is based; for, under its provisions the personal rights of the people are defined; the limits of legislation is de- termined, and, in the conscientious enforcement of its principles, by the judiciary, is alone to be found a suffi- cient guaranty for the contentment" and freedom of all. The Author. THE COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS On account . of its inherent nature, as well as the constant enlargement of the scope of its operation, no attempt has been made to define the Commercial Power of Congress, with any degree of accuracy ; but, as briefly outlined in the Constitution of the United States, it is that power, in virtue of which the legislative department of the federal government is vested with authority "to regulate commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States and with the Indian Tribes."* The delegation of this important and extensive power, to the government of the United States, was the direct re- sult of necessity, growing out of the political and commer- cial conditions of the several States, when the Constitu- tion was framed and adopted. These conditions had then already become historical, and the causes which lead to their existence are to be traced to a period long prior to the adoption of that instrument, if, indeed, they be not co- eval with the earliest settlement of the Anglo-American colonies in the Western Hemisphere. The establishment of all the British colonies, in that part of North America, now comprised within the terri- *Const. U. S., Art. I., Sec. VIII., CI. 3. 2 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. torial limits of the United States, was the direct result of business and commercial enterprise, undertaken by pri- vate individuals or mercantile associations, the immediate object of which was personal gain. In their establish- ment, therefore, the English nation, as a whole, took no substantial part, except, that the Crown, as parens patriae, authorized the undertaking and encouraged its success, to the extent of endowing the promoters with proprietary title to vast tracts of unexplored lands, and of erecting them into corporations, by the charters of which, these several landed proprietaries were vested with such ordi- nary and extraordinary powers, franchises and immuni- ties, of a private and public nature, as were deemed nec- essary, not only to the proper management of their large estates, but also, to the full and complete political admin- istration of their respective domains, without any restric- tion or reservation on the part of the grantor, other than the stipulation, that the inhabitants of those lands should bear allegiance to the British Crown, and that they should "have all the privileges of free denizens and persons native of England, .... in such manner and form, as if they were resident within" the realm, "any law, custom or usage to the contrary notwithstanding."* The several promoters of these colonial settlements having thus been constituted lords-proprietary of the *.See the letters-patent, granted by Queen Elizabeth, to Sir Walter Raleigh, in 1584.— Harper's Encyclopedia of American History, Vol. 7, 371 et seq; as to /political powers generally, / under colonial charters, see also, MaTtin v. Waddell, 16 Pet., I 367; Shively v. Bowlby, 152 U. S., i; Morris v. United States, ? 174 U. S., 196. COLONIAL PROPRIETARY CHARTERS. 3 lands granted to them by the Crown, and having been endowed, by their respective charters, with unlimited powers of government for their management and admin- istration, the several colonies became, at once, separate political communities, wholly independent of each other, and the sole condition upon which these grants were based, having been that of homage and fealty alone, the only political connection between them and the parent-state was that which arose from the application of the principles of the feudal system; from the national origin and character of the corporations, upon whose members these extensive grants were conferred, and from that natural allegiance which the proprietaries and the inhabitants of their respective colonies owed, to the sovereign, as subjects of the British Crown. Inasmuch, however, as the full exercise of those poli- tical powers, franchises and immunities, which were de- signed for the civil government and administration of the colonies, was vested exclusively in the corporations, to which they were granted, and not to the inhabitants, and, since they were intended to be employed solely for the benefit of their respective corporate members, the colonists, under the earlier charters, at least, were debarred from all participation whatever in the colonial govern- ments, and, at the beginning, they were ruled alone by such laws, statutes and ordinances as the proprietaries, in the exercise of these powers, and in the discretion, conferred upon them by their respective charters, saw fit to enact and adopt for that purpose.* But, these poli- *If any of the original colonies offered an exception to this 4 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. tical conditions did not continue long. Claiming those in- herent rights, which had been secured to them by Magna Carta, as British subjects, and which had been guaranteed by the several proprietary charters, the inhabitants of colonies were not slow to assert these rights and to de- mand representation in the governing-councils of the corporations. In addition to this also, the proprietaries soon discovered, that the methods of administration au- thorized by their several charters, as well as the mode of government adopted by them, were as ill-suited to the political necessities of the colonists, as it was detri- mental to their own financial interests. Hence, in order to meet these newly developed conditions, and in recogni- tion of the guaranties contained in their several charters, the proprietaries, either from motives of necessity or expe- diency, surrendered to the colonists, from time to time, some, if not all, of those political powers, franchises and immunities theretofore exercised by them, as bodies politic and corporate; and thenceforth these powers, franchises and immunities were exercised by the people themselves, until the final abrogation of the original charters, and the conversion of the proprietary colonies into royal prov- inces. Although the change thus wrought in the constitutions general rule, it was because, as in the case of Massachusetts, the inhabitants were joint-members of the corporation, under whose auspices it was planted, and as such members, they •were from the beginning entitled to exercise political rights, not accorded to others, or, as in the case of Rhode Island and Connecticut, these rights were originally conferred upon the colonists, by charters granted directly to them by the Crown, and on this account never fell under the proprietary rule. COLONIES AS ROYAL PROVINCES. 5 of the several colonies was intended to bring them and their inhabitants more directly under the control of the Crown, and to subject them to the application of the then steadily growing doctrine of the paramount authority of Parliament, it did not materially effect their substantial political rights. These rights had been accorded to them, not only by the English constitution, as subjects of the British Crown, but they had also been guaranteed by the terms of the several colonial charters, under the proprie- tary grants, and secured beyond recall, both by direct concessions from the proprietaries and by their long continued and uninterrupted use and enjoyment. There- fore, whenever the Crown or Parliament afterwards undertook to restrict the exercise of any of these rights, on the part of the colonists, the attempt was uniformally resisted by the assertion of their natural rights ; by claim- ing, the royal guaranties contained in the original char- ters, and by the proprietary concessions made in their be- half. Likewise, when any of these rights were assailed, or the validity of these concessions were questioned by the Crown or by Parliament, the colonists invoked the doctrine of the inviolable nature of contracts, in its application to the proprietary charters, under which they had been immediately secured ; and, while admitting that the abro- gation of the original charters might change the authority of the proprietaries, with a thorough knowledge of the law, and of those constitutional principles which after- wards stood them in such practical service, when called upon to establish a government of their own, they always 6 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. contended, that this change "could not impair their con- cessions or political liberties."* But, whatever may have been the ultimate effect of these contentions upon the actual political condition of the colonists, under the royal regime, it is certain, that the colonies retained much of their former independence ; for, while the Crown claimed the right to appoint their executive and other principal officers, retained a limited veto, upon their acts of legislation, and asserted the doc- trine of colonial government, by royal instruction, all the civil and political rights, theretofore enjoyed by them, were, by new charters, granted directly to the inhabitants of the several colonies, confirmed and ratified, subject only to these reservations, on the part of the Crown, and to the assertion of the paramount authority, claimed for Parlia- ment, over all colonial affairs. So that, even as royal provinces, the colbnies were virtually as independent in their political relation to the Crown, and to each other, as they had been, under the proprietary charters. If, therefore, disputes arose as to the existence of any of these rights, they were always due to the conditions, under which the royal prerogative was claimed, or under which parliamentary authority was asserted; and, what- ever may have been the merits of these disputes, they never assumed proportions of any considerable importance, un- til all the differences, from which they arose, were finally merged into the single constitutional question of the power of Parliament to interfere with the colonial rights ♦Bancroft's Hist. U. S. Vol. II., 226. EXTENT OF COLONIAL TRADE. ^ of legislation, by the imposition of taxes upon their com- merce, without the consent of the representative assem- blies of the several colonies, for the benefit of the English exchequer. This question arose, however, too long after their establishment to effect the material development of the colonies. They, therefore, continued to increase in population, wealth and political strength, and soon as- sumed that position of commercial importance which, more than any other cause, secured to England her com- manding rank among the maritime nations of Europe.* _ *In respect of the extent of the colonial trade, and its commer^ cial importance to Great Britain, it may be interesting to note that as early as 1670 an English author wrote that "Our Ameri- can plantations employ two-thirds of our English shipping, and thereby give employment to, it may be, 200,000 persons here at home." See Harper's Encyclo. Amer. Hist., Vol. 8, 168. Speak- ing in the House of Commons, on the repeal of the "Stamp Act," Mr. Pitt estimated the profits of Great Britain, from the trade of the colonies through all its branches, at £2,000,000 a year, and declared that "this fund carried us through the last war;" he also asserted that the direct effect of the colonial trade upon the wealth of England was such that, "estates that were worth two thousand pounds a year three score years ago, are at three thousand pounds at present." See Ban- croft's Hist. U. S. Vol. HI., 538, 546. And, on a similar occasion, in 1775, Mr. Burke, in the House of Com- mons, referred to the extent and importance of the colonial trade to the empire in these florid words: "When," says he, "we speak of the commerce of our colonies, fiction lags after truth, invention is untruthful and imagination cold and barren. . . . The commerce of your colonies is out of all proportion to the number of the people. In 1772 the export trade from England to North America, and the West Indies, amounted to £4,791,734, the whole export trade in 1774, £6,509,000, including these and other colonies, which was consequently more than one- third of the whole, £16,000,000, in 1772." See Harper's Encyclo. Amer. Hist., Vol i, 458. Referring to the same subject the Encyclopedia Britannica says : "Mr. David McPherson, who pub- lished his elaborate Annals of Commerce, in 180S, states that, in 8 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. In passing from the subject of the political conditions under which the several Anglo-American colonies were planted, and under which they were developed and at- tained their marvelous material growth and prosperity, to that of their commercial conditions, existing at and prior to, the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, it is necessary only to premise, that the two sub- jects are so intimately connected, that the history of the one is the history of the other, and that, while the three branches of the commercial power of Congress, as out- lined in the Constitution, doubtless owe their origin to the same political causes, their development was due to different conditions, arising not only from the relation of the colonies to the Crown, as the sovereign representative of the British nation, under whose authority their exist- ence was derived, but also from their relation among them- selves as separate political communities, as well as from the relation of the several colonies with the Indian tribes, with which they came in political and commercial contact. Originally, the commercial rights of all the colonies, like~their political rights, were based upon principles, theoretically, at least, of perfect freedom, in so far as the British government was concerned ; since, among the 1764, the total imports of Great Britain amounted in official value to £11,250,660, and the total exports to £17,446,306." See Encyclo. Brit. (9th Am. ed.), Vol. VI., 202. The author of the articles from which this latter statement is taken, says: — "An examination of the foreign trade of Europe two centuries after the opening of the maritime route to India and the discovery of America would probably give more reasons to be surprised at the smallness, than the magnitude, of the use that had been made of these events." FREEDOM OF COLONIAL COMMERCE. 9 franchises granted to the proprietaries was that of estab- lishing commercial relations and of carrying on trade with the natives, as well as with foreign nations, under such license and regulation only as the several proprietary corporations saw fit to adopt ; and, this right having been surrendered to the colonists, with those other political liberties which were conceded to them by the proprietaries, it was, therefore, exercised by them with the same free- dom of political action. And, it is a singular fact, that the British government never undertook to interfere directly with the colonial trade in any of its aspects, except, perhaps, in the matter of the Indian trade of the northern colonies, a few years before the commencement of the Revolutionary War, and in those fruitless attempts which were made by Parlia- ment, after the close of the war with France, in 1763, to levy taxes, in the nature of commercial regulations, the result of which was the Declaration of Independence, the final assertion of colonial freedom, and the establishment of the present Government of the United States. While, however, no direct attempt was made to restrict that freedom of the commerce of the colonies, which had been accorded to them under the proprietary charters, repeated efforts were made to accomplish this, indirectly, by the application of the several Navigation Acts of Par- liament to the colonial trade, the primary object of which was to secure its monopoly to the British metropolis ; by the imposition of specific duties upon certain articles imported into the colonies from the West Indies ; by the general laws of the kingdom, levying duties upon all lO COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. imports and exports to and from the realm, irrespective of the origin of the commodities upon which these duties were levied ; by the attempts of Parliament to restrict the inter-colonial trade, in the interest of certain classes of home manufactures, and by the final assumption of all control over the Indian affairs of the northern colonies including trade, in the later years of colonial development. The first English statutes, in the nature of Navigation Laws, were the laws of Richard II,* which provided that no merchandise should be shipped out of the kingdom, except in British ships ; but, these laws were enacted by Parliament more than a century before the discovery of America. These Acts, however, were held not to apply to the colonial trade, for the reason that they referred to goods "shipped out of the kingdom;" that the sea- ports of the colonies were not English ports, within the meaning of the statutes, and that the colonies could not be made subject to the provisions of laws in which they were not specifically named. These harmless Acts were followed by the statute of 1651, enacted by the Long Parliament at the instance of Cromwell, as a war measure. It provided that all the commerce of the colonies should be carried in English ships; but, being intended by the Protector, only "to confirm the maritime power of his country" against the Dutch, with whom he was then at war, the occasion for its enforcement ceased with the close of that war, and no attempt was ever made to enforce its provisions against *Rich. II., Stat, i, chap. 3, and 14 Rich. II., ch. 6. See Encyclo. Britannica, Vol XVIL, 277. BRITISH NAVIGATION LAWS. II the colonial trade.* Indeed, such was the condition of the colonial commerce, even after the enactment of this statute, that, in 1652, when the commercial rights of Virginia were settled, upon the submission of that colony ' to the authority of the Commonwealth, it was expressly stipulated that the people of Virginia should have "as free trade as the people of England;" and in pursuance of the agreement contained in this stipulation, in 1658, the assembly of that colony "invited the Dutch and all other foreigners to trade with them, on the payment of no higher duty than that which was levied on all English vessels as were bound for a foreign port."t The next, and by far the most important Navigation Acts, in so far as their detrimental effect on the trade of the colonies was concerned, were those enacted in the reign of Charles II, in 1660 and 1663, the object of which was not only to secure to England the exclusive control of the colonial commerce, but also to raise a rev- enue for the benefit of the royal treasury. These Acts, among other things, provided that "no merchandise shall be imported into the plantations, ex- cept in vessels navigated by Englishmen," prohibited under penalty the importation of any commodity of the growth, production or manufacture of Europe into any *In the passage of the Act of 1651, the right of the colonies to regulate their commerce was fully recognized, for, says Ban- croft, "The Long Parliament was more just" than its succes- sors, "it attempted to secure to English shipping the carrying trade of the colonies, but with the consent of the colonies them- selves; offering an equivalent, which the legislatures in America were at liberty to reject." Hist. U. S., Vol. I., 168-9. tSee Bancroft's Hist., U. S. Vol. I., 170, i74- 12 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. of the English colonies, unless shipped from the British Isles, in Elnglish built vessels, and granted a subsidy to the King, to be collected from all exports and imports, from and into the kingdom, or "any of His Majesty's dominions," thus asserting, in the most unequivocal terms, the commercial supremacy of the enacting power. But, although the existence of these statutes, and the claim of authority upon which they were based, was the cause of grave political and economical apprehensions, and occa- sioned much strife, on the part of the colonies, their en- forcement met with little success ; for, it is recorded, that in some of the colonies, the execution of these laws was openly resisted, while in others it was reluctantly sub- mitted to, under a claim of doubtful right, and in those cases where the collection of the royal subsidy was at- tempted to be made, the proceeds were hardly enough to pay the cost of collection. The policy of the British Government, in the imposi- tion of specific duties on certain articles, imported into the colonies, from the West Indies, such as sugar, mo- lasses* and rice, was the same as that which inspired the enactment of its general navigation laws, and was directed *The foreign trade in West Indian molasses was of such considerable importance to the colonies, that Rhode Island alone imported 1,250,000 gallons a year, and in whose behalf, in oppo- sition to the duty imposed by Parliament, it was urged that its effect would put an end to the importation of foreign molasses altogether; that it would destroy the value of costly distilleries of rum in that State, which had been built up and fostered by the free importation of molasses; that it would ruin the rum trade with Spain, and throw the American trade in the hands of the French. See Harper's Encyclo. Amer. Hist., Vol. 4, 419. DUTIES ON COLONIAL PRODUCTS. I3 principally, if not wholly, against the trade in those ar- ticles, which were so largely produced in the Dutch and French West Indian colonies, a ready market for which was always found in the English colonial possessions on the mainland of the continent. It having already been determined that the provisions of the Shipping Acts of Richard II, had no application to the colonies, on the ground that the colonial seaports were not English ports, there is no reason to believe, but that, the products of the colonies were subject to the operation of the general laws imposing duties upon all merchandise imported into the kingdom, and that such merchandise was, therefore, liable to the payment of these duties, to the same extent as like articles imported from foreign countries. It is unnecessary, however, to inquire into the nature and magnitude of these duties, or into the number and extent of the operation of the several statutes under which they were levied, but, as a single instance, may be mentioned the import duty upon tobacco, which was, at first, doubtless due, in a large measure, to the personal hostility of the king to its use, although it was afterwards continued, throughout the colonial exist- ence, as a source of considerable revenue to the Crown,* *"At an early period in his reign," says Bancroft, "before Virginia had been planted. King James found in his hostility to the use of tobacco a convenient argument for the excessive tax which a royal ordinance imposed upon its consumption. When the weed had become the staple of Virginia, the Stuarts cared nothing for the colony so much as for a revenue to be derived from an import on its product. Whatever display might be made for religion, the conversion of the heathen, the or- ganization of the government, and the establishment of justice. 14 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. and, to this extent, imposed conditions upon the colonial trade at variance with the principles of freedom, upon which it had been originally established. It was evidently to obtain relief from the operations of laws of this nature (for the restrictive system of the Navigation Laws of Spain, Holland and Portugal had not then been adopted by England as a national policy), that the New England colonies, as early as 1643, sent a com- mittee to England to petition a repeal of the laws affect- the subject of tobacco was never forgotten. The sale of it in England was strictly prohibited, until the heavy import had been paid; a proclamation enforced the royal decree; and, that the tax might be gathered on the entire consumption, _ by a new proclamation, the culture of tobacco was forbidden in England and Wales, and the plants already growing were ordered to be uprooted. Nor was it long before the importation and sale of tobacco required a special license from the King. In this manner, a compromise was effected between the interests of the colonial planters and the monarch; the former obtained the exclusive supply of the English market, and the latter succeeded in imposing an exorbitant duty." Continuing, the same author also says, "The first colonial measure of King Charles related to tobacco; and the second proclamation, though its object pur- ported to be the settling of the plantation of Virginia, partook largely of the same character. In a series of public acts King Charles attempted during his reign to acquire a revenue from this source. The authority of the Star-Chamber was invoked to assist in tilling his exchequer, by new and onerous duties on tobacco; his commissioners were ordered to contract for all the product of the colonies; though the Spanish tobacco was not steadily excluded. All colonial tobacco was soon ordered to be sealed; nor was its importation permitted except with special license; and we have seen that an attempt was made by direct negotiation with the Virginians, to constitute the King the sole factor of this staple. The measure was defeated, and the mon- arch was left to issue a new series of proclamations, constituting London the sole mart of colonial tobacco; till, vainly attempting to regulate the trade, he declared 'his will and pleasure to have the sole pre-emption of all the tobacco' of the English planta- tions." Hist. U. S., Vol. I., 166 et seq. INTER-COLONIAL TRADE. 1 5 ing their trade, and to secure commercial advantages, which resuhed in an ordinance of the House of Com- mons, exempting the commerce of these colonies from the restrictions complained of, and declaring that it should be free ; but, it may be noted, that this ordinance was coupled with an express declaration, asserting the commercial su- premacy of Parliament. Whatever, therefore, may have been the effect of the ' general navigation and revenue laws of England, upon the colonial trade with foreign nations, they were not I designed to interfere with the freedom of inter-colonial commerce, and the regulation of this branch of trade was left entirely to the control of the several colonies. Hence, no attempts were made by Parliament to place restrictions upon their inter-colonial trade, until the enactment of the statutes of 1699 ^^^ ^73^> the purpose of which was ; not so much to regulate inter-colonial commerce, as it was to benefit English wool-growers, and to protect the manu- facturers of certain articles of trade fabricated in the British Isles. / The first of these statutes provided that, "no wool or manufactures, made or intermixed with wool, being the produce or manufacture of any of the English plantations in America, shall be loaden in any ship or vessel, upon any pretext whatever — ^nor loaden upon any horse, cart or other carriage — ^to be carried out of the English planta- tions, to any of said plantations, or to any other place whatsoever ;" while the second prohibited the exportation of hats, as well as of their being carried from one colony to another. And, to the same effect, was the bill intro- l6 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. duced in the House of Commons, by Mr. Townsend, in 1750, which, "forbade the smiths of America to erect any mill for the slitting or rolling of iron, or any plating forge to work with a slit-hammer or any furnace for making steel."* From all this, it will be readily seen that, in view of the claims made by the inhabitants of the several colonies, and the exercise of authority, inconsistent with these claims, on the part of the Crown and of Parliament, the extent of the political and commercial rights of the col- onies as a whole, was never authoritatively defined, from the standpoint of the colonial contention, until the meeting of the first Continental Congress, in 1774. That body was not revolutionary in its character; nor did it assemble to demand new rights. Its only purpose was to ascertain and define those rights which were al- ready in existence, and to declare them, as the basis of a petition for a redress of grievances, occasioned by their actual or threatened infraction. With this end in view, therefore, this Congress only undertook to define the po- litical and commercial rights of the several colonies, and of the British empire, in respect of their foreign and inter- colonial trade at least, by the adoption of a formal "De- claration of Rights," and an "Address to the People of Great Britain," upon which a redress of their grievances was prayed, in order to avoid the waging of civil war. ♦Although this clause of the bill was defeated, when it came up for final passage, by a small majority, that portion of it which was passed required an immediate report to be made by every mill then in existence, and it was also provided that the number should never be increased. FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. I7 The first of these documents declared, in the most sober terms, "That the foundation of English liberty and all free government, is the right of the people to participate in their legislative councils ; and as the English colonies are not represented, and from their locality and other circumstances cannot be properly represented in the Brit- ish Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their rights of representation can alone be pre- served, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negation of the sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed. But, from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament, as are bona Me restrained, to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the com- mercial benefits of its respective members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent." And to the same effect was the address to the People of Great Britain, which declared that, "The colonies are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation, in their several provincial legislatures, where the right of repre- sentation can be alone preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject to the negation of the sov- ereign; but from the necessity of the case, and a regard for the mutual intercourse of both countries, we cheer- fully consent to the adoption of such acts of the British l8 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. Parliament as are bona fide restricted to the regulation of our foreign commerce."* If no mention of trade with the Indian tribes was made, in either of these memorials, it was probably due to the fact that, being internal in its nature, it never suffered any of the inconveniences which attended the many indi- rect attempts on the part of Parliament to control the foreign and inter-colonial trade. Hence, from, the begin- ning, this branch of colonial commerce was left to take care of itself, under such regulations as the legislative assemblies of the several colonies deemed proper to pre- scribe. However, on account of the war-like nature of these tribes, their relation to the colonies required joint-action upon their, part, for mutual protection and defence ; and the proximity of some of these tribes to the Canadian border, and their employment by the French, in their several wars against England and her colonies in Amer- ica, gave the Indian question a weight of considerable colonial and national importance, aside from any consid- eration of trade. To these conditions, therefore, was due, not only the formation of the New England Confederation, in 1643, which continued in active existence until the abrogation of the first Massachusetts charter, in 1684, but also, the assembling of those various general Congresses, which were held, from time to time, at Albany and elsewhere, for the purpose of entering into new, and confirming old, ♦Journal of Congress, Vol. I., 28, 29; Baldwin's Constitu- tional View, 69, 181. COLONIAL INDIAN TRADE. Vj treaties with the neighboring Indian tribes; and which finally resulted in the assumption, by the Crown, of all control over the Indian affairs of the northern colonies, in 1756, and their consolidation into one department, under the superintendence of a royal appointee. This change in the administration of the Indian affairs of the northern colonies, however, having been based primarily upon the necessities of national defence, against the French, and to which the question of trade was of secondary importance, the adoption of the system under which it was effected, was not only approved, but was willingly accepted, by those colonies, which were immedi- ately affected by the system. From the adoption of the Declaration of Independence,! in 1776, until the final ratification of the Articles of Con- federation, in 1781, by all the States, the several States were wholly sovereign and independent of each other, in so far as their respective rights and powers, as separate political communities, were concerned.* Hence, during this period, all commercial intercourse with and among them, rested solely on the jus commune of nations. \ And, this being so, it necessarily follows, that after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, each of the several States possessed and exercised the power to regu- late commerce, in all its branches ; and, with the exception of that commerce, which was carried on exclusively within the limits of a single State, all commerce was foreign, whether it partook of the character of inter-state com- merce, or was carried on outside the limits of all the ♦Hinson v. Lott, 8 Wall., 148. 20 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. States, as foreign trade, under the present constitutional acceptation of the meaning of those terms. During this period, therefore, the power to regulate commerce existed exclusively in the several States,* and each enjoyed the right of intercourse with the others, at the will of those others, both in respect of the transit and residence of their respective citizens, as well as in the introduction and sale of property. However, the political and commercial effect of this] condition was sought to be obviated by the provisions of the Articles of Confederation ; for, in reference to foreign commerce, that instrument provided, that, "No State shall | lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any f stipulations or treaties entered into by the United States, in Congress assembled, with any King, Prince, or Statei in pursuance of any treaty already proposed by Congress, to the courts of France or Spain," subject to the limita-\ tion, that, "no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing imposts and duties on foreign- ers, as their own people are subject to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods whatsoever," and that, "no vessels of war shall be kept in time of peace by any State, except such as shall be deemed necessary for the defence of each State, or its trade ;" as to inter-state commerce, it provided, that, "the better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and in- ercourse, among the people of the different States, . . . the people of each State shall have free ingress and re- *Baldwin's Constitutional View, i8i. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 21 gress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabit- ants thereof respectively; provided, that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of prop- erty imported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant," and, in respect to the Indian trade, it was provided, that, "the United States . . . shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of reg- ulating . . . the trade and managing all affairs with / the Indians, not members of any State,"* Whatever may have been the design and effect of these provisions of the Articles of Confederation upon the commercial power of the several States, or, for that mat- ter, upon any of their sovereign powers, it was early j demonstrated, that that instrument was but a "feeble league of friendship,"! and, as a scheme of government, the Confederation was acknowledged, on all hands, to be bad from beginning to end. This arose from the fact that there was no executive, no judiciary, and only the sem- blance of a legislature ; acting on States and not on indi- viduals. Congress never secured a hold on the people ; it was looked upon as a revolutionary body and was treated first with indifference and then with contempt.^ The Articles of Confederation, therefore, was not the strong tie which bound the colonies together during the severe trials of the revolutionary struggle ; but it was rather the ♦See Articles of Confederation, Arts. IV., VI., IX. tHinson v. Lott, 8 Wall., 148. JFramers and Framing of the Constitution, (McMaster), Century Magazine, September. 1887. 22 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. mutual sympathies aroused by a common cause. These dissolved, on the return of peace, and the very principles which gave rise to the war of independence, it has been said, "soon began to threaten the Confederacy with , an- archy and ruin,"* thus fulfilling the saying of Lord North, at the beginning of the struggle, when he described the American Union as "a rope of sand." It will, therefore, be seen that during the existence of the Confederation, the commercial power remained prac- tically in the same condition as it was, when the Declara- tion of Independence was adopted, subject to all the muni- cipal laws and regulations of the several States. This was so, not so much because the Articles of Con- federation did not undertake to vest the power to regu- late commerce, in the Congress of the United States, as then constituted, as it was because, notwithstanding the delegation of an undoubted authority over the sub- ject/ to the general government, that government had neither the necessary machinery to establish effective regulations, nor sufficient power, as a governing body, to carry its legislation into effect. As to the condition of the foreign commerce of the country, prior to the adoption of the present Constitution, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall says: — "It was regulated by foreign nations, with a single view to their own interests, and our disunited efforts to counteract their restrictions were rendered impotent, by the want of combination. Congress indeed possessed the power of making treaties, i but the inability of the federal government to enforce ♦Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat, i. COMMERCIAL DISORDER UNDER CONFEDERACY. 23 them became so apparent as to render that power in a great measure useless," and, in the exercise of their in- dependent commercial power, by the several States, a spirit of selfishness, in legislation, was soon developed, which "began to show itself in iniquitous laws and im- politic measures, from which grew up a conflict of com- mercial regulation, destructive of the harmony of the States, and fatal to the commercial interests abroad."* So, the conditions of their commerce, among them- selves, was not unlike that which affected their foreign commerce; for, it was found, that, rivers and bays, in many cases, formed dividing lines between the States, upon which they, severally, claimed and exercised all the rights and powers of sovereign nations, and in enacting laws for the regulation of the navigation of these waters, many repugnances were found to exist, arising either out of a misconception of powers, or enacted in a spirit of retaliation, pure and simple.t *Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419. ■fThis condition was not confined to early State legislation, under the Articles of Confederation, but was continued even after the adoption of the present Constitution. Thus, a law of New York provided that no one should navigate the bay of New York, the North River, the Sound, the Lakes or any of the waters of the State, by steam vessels, without a license of the State of New York or of its grantees. So, a law of Connecticut prohibited any one to enter her waters, with a steam vessel hav- ing such a license from the State of New York; while the New Jersey Legislature declared that, if any citizen of that State should be restrained under the statute of New York from using steamboats between the ancient shores of New Jersey and New York, he should be entitled to an action for damages, in New Jersey, with treble costs, against the party who thus restrains or impedes him, under the laws of New York; and this act of New Jersey was entitled, "An Act of retortion against 24 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. The general embarrassments under which this condi- tion of affairs placed the commerce of the country, were not long in being felt and in impressing their weight upon the attention of the statesmen and patriots of that day; and true to the dictates of the highest wisdom and sound- est policy, they set about to remedy the evils with which they found themselves confronted. Therefore, as early as 1778, hardly before the Articles^ of Confederation had been proposed to the several States for approval and ratification, the subject of a uniform regulation of commerce was pressed upon the attention of Congress, by a memorial from the State of New Jer- sey,* the authors of which complained that the regulation of trade was in the power of the several . States, and within their several respective jurisdictions, to such a degree as to involve many difficulties and embarrass- ments; and, its framers expressed the earnest opinion, that the sole and exclusive power to regulate commerce with foreign nations ought to be vested in Congress.t So, in 1780, two conventions were held in New Eng- land, to consider the condition of the country and to de- vise means to establish a more effective federal govern- ment. The convention held in that year, at Hartford, took into consideration, specially, the financial situation of the country at the time, and recommended a plan, urg- ing the several States to suffer Congress to tax them, I the illegal and repressive legislation of New York," and was defended, by its authors, on the principles of p.ublic law, which justify reprisals between independent States. *Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 410. tLaws U. S., Vol. I., 28. NEW ENGLAND CONVENTIONS OF I780. 25 /according to population, and authorizing that body to expend the revenue, so raised, in payment of the interest on the public debt, while the Boston convention declared in favor of a more solid and permanent union, under one supreme head, and "a Congress competent for the gov- ernment of all those common and national affairs, which do not and cannot come within the jurisdiction of the several States." Although the action of neither of these conventions seems to have referred directly to the subject of com- merce, and the necessity of its regulation by the general government, it shows, at least, a growing conviction on the part of the Eastern States, that there was an im- perative necessity for the establishment of a stronger and more effectual union between the States, since there were subjects of a recognized general nature, which could not be exercised advantageously by the States separately, and ought to be vested in the government of such a union. Following the memorial of the Legislature of New , Jersey, of 1778, Mr. Witherspoon, a delegate in Congress I from that State, presented to that body, in 1781, a resolu- Uion in the same spirit, but carrying the principle, upon which it was based, still further, in its application to commerce, by affirming, that it was indispensably neces- sary that the United States, in Congress assembled, should be vested with the right of superintending the commercial regulations of every State, in order that none shall take place, which shall be partial or contrary to the common interest.* ♦Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat, I. 26 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. So, in 1784, finding itself confronted by the intermin- able difficulties and embarrassments which had then arisen in respect of the commercial relations with foreign nations, Congress adopted a resolution addressed to all the States, recommending and urging, that they should authorize the general government, for a limited time, to regulate the foreign commerce of the country. But, the States hav- ing declined to grant the requisite authority, under this resolution, the measure failed. As a result of this failure, however, Congress appointed a committee to take the matter into consideration. The report of this committee, j which was submitted, at the next session of Congress, in I 1785, declared, in the strongest terms, that Congress ought to have the sole and exclusive power to regulate trade, as well with foreign nations as among the States.* So, that, during all these years, it will be seen, that there was no lack of practical proof of the necessity of/ some uniform system of commercial regulation in the general government ; and, with what might seem to have been an ample power, vested in Congress, by the Articles of Confederation, that body found itself impotent to deal even with the subject of foreign commerce under treaties already made by it, and the local jealousies of the several States rendered it impossible to gain their consent to the exercise of such powers, as it nominally had, even for a limited period. Difficulties had likewise arisen between the States, as 1 to the regulation of commerce among themselves. Thus,> in consequence of a lack of concerted action between thei *Laws U. S., Vol. I., so. MOUNT VERNON CONVENTION, I785. T.'J States of Maryland and Virginia, concerning the naviga- tion of the Potomac and Roanoke Rivers and the Chesa- peake Bay, a joint-commission was called to meet, at Mt. Vernon, in 1785, to devise means for the adjustment of all differences between them, and to define their respect- ive jurisdiction over these waters. The proceedings of this commission show, that its members "had not been very long at work, when they saw that common duties and common principles for ex- plaining the meaning of commercial laws and settling dis- putes about the currency were just as necessary as well defined rights on river and bay;" but with these things, the commission had nothing to do. Yet, such appeared to have been the importance of the subject, that its members ventured to draft a supplemental re- port to the Legislatures of their respective States, in which was set forth the needs of legislation on the subject of the currency, duties, and commerce in general, and urging the appointment of two commis- sioners, each year, by either State, for the purpose of arranging such matters, for the ensuing year. The Legislature of Maryland readily accepted the report, and requested Delaware and Pennsylvania to join in the scheme ; but, Virginia went further, and proposed to all the States, to call a trade convention, to be held at Ann- apolis, in the following year. The preamble to Mr. Madison's resolution, in the Vir- ginia Assembly, authorizing the appointment of dele- gates from that State to the proposed convention, recited that, "Whereas, the relative situation of the United 28 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. States have been found, on trial, to require uniformity in their commercial regulations, as the only effectual policy of obtaining, in the ports of foreign nations, a stipulation of privileges reciprocal to those enjoyed by the subjects of such nations, in the ports of the United States; for preventing animosities, which cannot fail to arise among the several States, from the interference of partial and separate legislation," therefore, the resolution declared, that the purpose of the proposed general con- vention be, "to take into consideration the trade of the United States, to consider how far an uniform system, in their commercial regulations may be necessary to their common interest and their permanent harmony."* While other causes may have conduced to the calling and assembling of the Annapolis convention of 1786, this preamble and resolution shows, that the primary cause of the recommendation of the Legislature of Virginia was the commercial necessities of the States, and a purpose on the part of its framers, that that convention should con- sider and devise some practical means for an effectual and harmonious regulation of trade. This convention was attended by delegates from Vir- ginia, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey and Dela- ware only. Therefore, with representatives from less than half the States present, the convention found itself powerless to accomplish the purposes for which it had been called. Nevertheless, it remained in session for two days, and its proceedings were directed to a discus- sion of the low state of trade and commerce, and in *Gibbons v. Ogden, g Wheat., i. ;a.nnapolis convention of 1786. 29 lamenting the want of power in the general government to afford proper relief. And, before adjournment, the delegates proposed and adopted a report to be presented to their respective States and to Congress, urging the call of a convention to meet, at Philadelphia, in the fol- lowing May, not only for the purpose of considering the condition of trade, but also for a more extensive revision of the Articles of Confederation, as the embodi- ment of a^more complete and perfect system of federal government. In pursuance of the recommendations contained in this report. Congress immediately adopted a resolution de- claring the expediency of holding a convention for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Con- federation, and this resolution was submitted to the Leg- islatures of all the States for their approval and action; and their approval having been obtained, the Constitu- tional Convention met at Philadelphia at the time ap- pointed. The result of its deliberations, as is well known, was the establishment of the present government of the Uni- ted States, under the Constitution as it now exists, with the exception of such amendments only as have, since, from time to time, been adopted, adding to, taking from or modifying the powers of the general government, as defined in that instrument. Considering, therefore, the direct and immediate causes which led to the assembling of that convention, and the results accomplished by its labors, it is a well settled fact that the want of power, in the general gov- 30 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. eminent, to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States, was one of the leading de- fects of the Confederation, and, certainly, as much as any other cause, led to the establishment of the present Constitution*, and that the many difficulties and embar- rassments attending the regulation of commerce, under the old system, were among the great and leading induce- ments to its adoption, all of which justify the conclusion of Mr. Webster that, "Over whatever other interests of the country this government may diffuse its blessings, it will always be true, as an historical fact, that it had its origin in the necessities of commerce, and for its imme- diate object the relief of those necessities by removing their cause and by establishing a uniform and steady system."t It is thus apparent, that the main object and chief de- sign of the framers of the Constitution, in vesting in Congress the power to regulate commerce, was to insure uniformity and consistency on all matters of a com- mercial character affecting the intercourse of the States with each other and with foreign nations ;t to secure uniformity of regulation against conflicting and discrimin- ating state legislation, in so far as that legislation may af- fect the operations of the commerce of the United States ;§ *See Cook v. Pennsylvania, 97 U. S., 566 ; Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419 (446) ; Wabash, St. Louis & Pacific Railroad Co. V. Illinois, 118 U. S., 557; State Tax Tonage Cases, 12 Wall., 204. tGibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., i. JThe Lattawanna, 21 Wall., 558. iWelton V. Missouri, 91 U. S., 275 ; County of Mobile v. Kim- ball, 102 id., 691; Walling V. Michigan, 116 id., 446. PURPOSES OF COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. 3 1 to establish a perfect equality among the several States as to commercial rights, in order to prevent unjust and invidious distinctions, which local jealousies and partial interests might be disposed to introduce ;* to insure equal- ity of commercial facilities, by preventing one State from building up her own trade at the expense of other States ;t to guard against the possibility of commercial embarrassments which would result if one State could directly, or indirectly, prohibit particular property from entrance into its territory, from another ;t and thereby to prevent commercial conflict among them,§ and, for the pro- tection of the general interests, as involved in inter-state and foreign commerceJ Owing to the general terms in which the commercial power of the federal government is vested in Congress by the Constitution, there has been much conflict of opinion as to the nature of this power, from which many difficulties have arisen in the various attempts made by the courts to determine the meaning of the word com- merce, as well as to ascertain the full extent of the oper- ation of the power itself. For this reason, it was always customary, with the earlier jurists, to consider the purposes .of the framers of the Constitution, in vesting the commercial power in Con- *Veazie v. Moor, 14 How., 567; Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., l; Mayor, etc., of New York v. Miln, 11 Pet. 102; Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419; License Cases, s How., 504. fBowman v. Chicago & Northwestern Railroad Co., 125 U 3., 46s (514). JLeisy v. Hardin, 135 U. S., 100 (112). §Graves, et al. v. Slaughter, et al, 15 Pet. 449. fNorthem Securities Co. v. United States, 193 U. S., 197 (352). 32 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. gress, in order to determine its nature and the extent of its operation ; but, of late, there has been shown a dispo- sition to disregard this method of inquiry, and, it has been recently declared, that the reasons which may have caused the framers of the Constitution to repose the commercial power in Congress, do not affect the limit or the extent of the power itself.* Etymologically the term commerce is derived from the Latin words, con and mercis, and, in its simplest form, denotes a mutual selling or traffic, which necessarily consists in the purchase, sale and exchange of commodi- ties ;t and commerce, in its ordinary and practical ac- ception, is said to be trade, bargain, sale, exchange, bar- ter, embracing all these terms, both as its means and object.1: However, on account of the general purposes for which the federal government was established, as well as the very nature of the commercial power of Congress itself, the meaning of the term commerce has been con- stantly enlarged in order to meet the continued and ever recurring changes in the conditions and requirements of modern trade. So that, the term commerce is now held to consist not only in the purchase and sale of com- modities, but in its broadest signification it has also been said to mean the purchasing and selling of articles of *Addyston Pipe & Steel Co. v. United States, 175 U. S., 211. tCounty of Mobile v. Kimball, 102 U. S., 691 ; Gloucester Ferry Co. V. Pennsylvania, 114 U. S., 196; Kidd v. Peason, 128 U. S., I (20) ; Northern Securities Co. v. United States, 193 U. S., 197 (379). ^Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (500), per Daniel, J. COMMERCE DEFINED. 33 necessity,* as well as their production and manufacture; in buying from one nation and selling to another, and in transporting the merchandise so purchased and sold, from the seller to the buyer, to gain the freight.! It like- wise embraces every act of sale, whether by word of mouth only or by the exhibition of samples, and con- sequently covers the negotiation for the purchase, sale and exchange of goods.t Commerce has, therefore, been held to consist in commercial intercourse between nations and parts of nations,! including navigation and inter- course,ir and extends to the transportation of persons and property for hire;|| and transportation includes all the in- struments of shipment or carriage.** So, transportation implies the taking up of persons and property at some point, and putting them down at another, and the receiving and landing of passengers and freight are incident to transportation. Commerce also includes the means of transportation and intercourse be- tween nations and parts of nations, whether by naviga- *Gibbons v. Ogden, g Wheat, i (191 et seq.) ; Gloucester Ferry- Co. v. Pennsylvania, 114 U. S., 196 (203) ; Kidd v. Pearson, 128 U. S., I (20) ; United States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S., i (22). fPassenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (416). JRobbins v. Shelby County Taxing District, 120 U. S.. 489; Leloup v. Port of Mobile, 127 U. S., 640; Caldwell v. North Carolina, 187 U. S., 622. § Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283. ^[Pennsylvania v. Wheeling & Belmont Bridge Co., 18 How., 421. 1 1 Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283; Crandall v. Nevada, 6 Wall., 35 ; Chicago & Northwestern Railroad Co. v. Fuller, 17 id., 560. ♦♦Interstate Commerce Commission v. Brimson, 134 U. S., 447 (457). 34 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. tion or passage over land, and the means of transporta- tion of persons and freight do not change the character of the business as one of commerce ; neither does the time within which the distance may be traversed,* nor the magnitude of the traffic, nor the extent of the inter- course.! And the means of transportation and inter- course embraces ships and vessels as instruments of in- tercourse and trade, as well as the officers and seamen employed in their navigation.^ So, the telegraph is held to be an instrument of commerce, and as such falls within the regulating power of Congress under the commercial clause of the Constitution ;§ and the term vessel embraces not only ships, but also all commercial vehicles which have been brought into existence since the adoption of that instrument. Hence, commerce with foreign nations and among the States of the American Union means nothing less than intercourse with those nations and among those States for the purposes of trade, be the object and extent of that trade what it may ; and thus, in its broadest signification, intercourse must include all the means by which com- merce may be carried on, whether by the free naviga- ♦Gloucester Ferry Co. v. Pennsylvania, 114 U. S., 196. tUnited States v. 43 Gallons of Whiskey, 93 U. S., 188. JHall v. De Cuir, 95 U. S., 485. As to seamen, it is held that contracts for their wages are exceptional in character, and may be subject to special restrictions, and, whenever they relate to commerce, not wholly within a State, legislation enforcing such restrictions comes within the domain of Congress, under the commercial clause of the Constitution. Patterson v. Bark Eudora, 190 U. S., 169. §Pensacola Telegraph Co. v. Western Union Telegraph Co., 96 id., I ; Western Union Telegraph Co. v. Texas, log id., 460. EXTENT OF POWER TO REGULATE. 35 tion of the waters of the several States, or by a passage, over land or through the States, when such passage be- comes necessary to commercial intercourse.* And, as was aptly said, by Mr. Webster, in the case of Gibbons against Ogden.i "nothing is more complex than com- merce, and in an age like this, no words embrace a wider field than commercial regulation," to which Mr. Justice Johnson, who delivered a separate opinion in that case, has added that, "The subject, the vehicle, the agent and the various operations of commerce thus become the objects of commercial regulation; and these various ob- jects are so vital to the commercial prosperity of a people, that the nation which cannot legislate concerning them would not possess the power to regulate commerce." Independent of all constitutional considerations, how- ever, the power to regulate commerce is the power to prescribe rules and to impose conditions by and under which it is to be govemed.1: Thus, the enactment of a law, by any government, which prescribes conditions upon which vessels shall engage in commerce is a regulation of commerce ;§ and any law is a regulation of commerce which imposes new conditions and terms on the coasting trade, or on foreign trade generally, or on foreign trade as regulated by treaties, or which, in anywise, interferes with the free use of navigable streams.lT ♦Philadelphia & Reading Railroad Co. v. Pennsylvania, 13 Wall., 232. t9 Wheat, i (9). JAddyston Pipe & Steel Co. v. United States, 17s U. S., 211 (242). §Henderson v. Wickham, 92 U. S., 259. fCibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., i (26), per Mr. Webster. 2,6 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS, And SO, a quarantine law, which arrests a vessel on its voyage, affects commerce, and since it interrupts the voy- age, extends to the vessel, officers, seamen and passen- gers, it is a regulation of commerce;* the same result may be attained by duties imposed upon the subjects of commerce, or on the receipts therefrom, or on the occu- pation or business of carrying it on,t and under certain circumstances the regulation of commerce may take the form of and have the effect of prohibition.^ Rules for the regulation of commerce may, therefore, be established in various ways, such as the imposition of a tax in the nature of discriminating, protective or pro- hibitory duties,! and the levying of a tax upon freight or passengers, passing through a State, is likewise a regu- lation of commerce within the meaning of the Constitu- tion ;![ and commerce may also be regulated by the ex- ercise of the police power of the States.** Since commerce is declared to include navigation and the transportation of persons and property, as well as the means and instruments employed in such transporta- tion, the regulating power of Congress extends to trans- portation in all its branches, and to all the means of ♦Compagnie Francaise de Navigation a Vapeur v. Board of Health, i86 U. S., 380 (388). tPostal Telegraph Co. v. Adams, 155 U. S., 688 (695, 6). ^Northern Securities Co. v. United States, 193 U. S., 197, citing In re Rahrer, 140 U. S., 545; Lottery Case, 188 U. S., 321 (355).. §Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419; see also New York, Lake Erie & Western Railroad Co. v. Pennsylvania, 158 U. S., 431. HPickard v. Pullman Southern Car Co., 117 U. S., 34. ♦♦Illinois Central Railroad Co., v. Illinois, 163 U. S., 142, REGULATION OF COMMERCE. 37 transportation within the limits of every State in the Union ;* and also, since the term includes the agencies of commerce, it embraces all such agencies whether they be individual or corporate in their character.t It, therefore, matters not that, in the course of a commercial transac- tion properly falling within the purview of the Constitu- tion, several different and independent agencies are em- ployed, or that such agencies act within the limits of a single State or within two or more States; if the subject of the transaction be within the constitutional power of Congress, these facts do not affect the exercise of the power, and to the extent to which each agency acts, in that transaction, it is unquestionably the subject of federal regulation.? But, in arriving at these conclusions as to the meaning of the term commerce, and as to the extent of the power of Congress to regulate the trade of the United States un- der the Constitution, the subject has not been wholly free from contention, either on the part of counsel or of the courts, whose duty it has been to construe and apply the principles upon which they are based. Thus, it was early contended, that the power of Con- gress to regulate trade, carried on over the navigable streams of the United States, is more extensive than that commerce which is confined to the land within its terri- torial limits, because, as was argued, navigation is not ♦Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 "Wheat, I (i97) ; Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (351) ; Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419. fPaul V. Virginia, 8 Wall., 168; Gloucester Ferry Co., v. Pennsylvania, 114 U. S., 196. JThe Daniel Ball v. United States, 10 Wall., 557. 38 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. merely incidental to the power of regulating commerce, but it is commerce itself, as inseparably connected with it, as vital motion is to vital existence.* This distinction, however, was held to have no reason for its support, since in the very statement, navigation is defined to be com- merce, from which necessarily arises a confusion of the terms upon which the argument is based. Besides, the fact remains, that neither the land nor the water embraced within the limits of the United States, as land and water, is a part of commerce or navigation, but only subject to be adapted, as ways or thoroughfares of commerce, only when they are required by either.! Hence it has been determined that, when so adapted, both land and water are within the regulating power of Congress to the utmost extent of the delegation of that power to the federal government. And, so of the application of the power to persons, and vessels employed in the carriage of passengers as sub- jects of the commercial regulation of Congress. This question was first raised, before the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Gibbons against Ogden,t where Mr. Wirt, as Attorney General, took the position that, since commerce always implies inter-com- munication and intercourse, and inasmuch as the great national object, in vesting the commercial power in Con- gress, was to enable the legislative department of the federal government to regulate the terms on which all *Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., i (229), per Johnson, J. tHolmes v. Jennison, et al., 14 Pet, 540. J9 Wheat, i ; see also, Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (557), per Woodbury, J. PERSONS AS SUBJECTS OF COMMERCIAL REGULATION. 39 commercial intercourse, between foreigners and this coun- try, and between the different States of the Union, should be conducted, and upon this, assuming that the compensa- tion paid for transportation, is the true test of the com- mercial character of such transactions, he argued that, if the freight be the test of commerce, then the regulation of passengers is included in the commercial power of Congress, because, as he maintained, freight is the com- pensation for the hire of the ship, and such hire, whether received from the carriage of passengers or goods, was nothing less than freight. These views of counsel were adopted, by the Chief Justice, Mr. Marshall, in delivering his opinion, in that case, when he says : — "No distinction is perceived between the power to regulate vessels in transporting men for hire and property for hire," a con- clusion which he deduced not from the commercial power of Congress alone, but also, from that clause of the Con- stitution which provides, that "the migration or importa- tion of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress," prior to the year 1808,* by saying that "this section proves that the power to regulate commerce applies equally to the regulation of vessels employed in trans- porting men who pass from place to place voluntarily, and those who pass involuntarily." The analogy here sought to be drawn by the learned Chief Justice, how- ever, between the two classes of cases does not appear to strengthen the argument, for the reason, that the per- sons referred to in this clause of the Constitution were *Const. U. S., Art. I., Sec. IX., cl. i. 40 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS, slaves, and, therefore, the means used in their transporta- tion was subject to the same rules as those which were applied to ships employed in the carriage of ordinary freight. Nevertheless, the question was not directly in issue in that case, and the expressions of the learned Chief Jus- tice being obiter dicta, no rule was established, and the question continued an open one, until the decision in the case of The Mayor, Aldermen and Commonalfty of the City of New York against Miln,* in which the court upon a division of opinion, took an entirely different view of the matter, and laid down the rule, that the commercial power of Congress did not apply to the regulation of passenger vessels. The appeal in that case was based upon a statute of the State of New York, which required the master of every vessel, arriving in the port of New York from any foreign port or from a port of any of the United States, other than the State of New York, under certain penalties named in the statute, to make a report, in writing, containing the names, ages, and last place of residence of every person on board the vessels com- manded by him during the voyage. And, in considering the constitutionality of this statute, Mr. Chief Justice Taney, drew a distinction between the case at bar, and the case of Brown against Maryland,^ in which it had already been determined that a statute of the State of Maryland, imposing a license fee upon importers and sellers of im- ported goods by wholesale, bale or package, was void *li Pet, 102 (136). ti2 Wheat., 419. PERSONS AS SUBJECTS OF COMMERCIAL REGULATION. 4I as being in contravention of the commercial power of Congress. "It is difficult," he contended, "to perceive what analogy there can be between a case where the right of a State was inquired into in relation to a tax imposed upon the sale of imported goods, and one where, as in this case, the inquiry is as to the right over persons within its acknowledged jurisdiction; the goods are the subjects of commerce, the persons are not. The court did extend the power to regulate commerce so as to pro- tect the goods imported from a state tax after they were landed and were yet in bulk. But why? Because they were the subject of commerce, and because the power to regulate commerce, under which the imposition was made, implied a right to sell; that right was complete without paying the State for a second right to sell whilst the bales or packages were in their original form. But how can this apply to persons? they are not the subjects of commerce, and not being imported goods cannot fall within a train of reasoning founded upon the construc- tion of a power given to Congress to regulate commerce and the prohibition to the States from imposing a duty on imported goods." The decision of the court in this case, though not without a serious division of opinion,* *In delivering a dissenting opinion, in the Miln case, Mr. Justice Story contended that, if the powers to regulate commerce be exclusive in Congress, there is no difference between an ex- press or implied prohibition upon the States; and that, generally if an act of a State be a regulation of commerce, and the subject upon which it operates belongs exclusively to Congress, it was a means cut off from the range of State sovereignty and State legislation, and was void. So, the learned justice continued, "The power given to Congress to regulate commerce, with foreign nations and among the 42 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. was, therefore, that the statute of the State of New York, in question, was not a regulation of commerce within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, and it estabhshed the doctrine, that persons were not the sub- jects of commerce, and do not fall within the principles enunciated in the case of Brown against Maryland* The opinion of a majority of the court upon which this decision was based, however, rested, not so much upon the character of the vessels employed in the trans- portation of passengers, as upon the character of the pas- sengers themselves. This decision was rendered in 1838, and there the matter stood until the Passenger Casesf came up for de- termination in 1849. These cases were two in number, and involved the constitutionality of a statute of the State of New York, which imposed certain fees upon the master of every vessel entering the port of New York, from foreign ports, for himself, each cabin and steerage passenger, mate, sailor and mariner, for the use of the Marine Hospital, and a statute of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts relating to alien passengers, which re- quired an examination of such passengers arriving at the port of Boston, and provided that, upon such exam- States, has been deemed exclusive, from the nature and objects of the power and the necessary implication growing out of its exercise. Full power to regulate a particular subject implies the whole power, and leaves no residuum, and the grant of the whole to one is incompatible with a grant to another of a part. When a State proceeds to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the States, it is doing the very thing which Congress is authorized to do." 11 Pet, 102 (157-8). *See Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (494). t7 How., 283. PERSONS AS SUBJECTS OF COMMERCIAL REGULATION. 43 ination, the master, consignee or agent of vessels trans- porting them, should pay for the support of foreign pau- pers, a certain fee for every such passenger as might be found incompetent to maintain himself. Following the rule laid down in the case of The Mayor, Aldermen and CommomiMeMn of the City of New York against Miln, these statutes were held to be constitution- al by the highest courts of the States of New York and Massachusetts, respectively, and from their decisions, ap- peals were taken to the Supreme Court of the United States for final review. In the decision of these cases by that court, however, there developed an irreconcilable difference of opinion among its members, not only as to the constitutionality of the acts upon which the appeals were based, but also as to the actual conditions under which the Miln case had been determined;* for all the *In delivering their separate opinions in the Passenger Cases, a verbal altercation, in which no little feeling was displayed on either side, took place between Mr. Taney, the Chief Justice, and Mr. Justice Wayne, as to what were the views of the majority of the court in the case of Mayor, etc., of New York vs. Miln, in which the latter took occasion to make a statement of the circumstances under which that case was decided, in order, as he said, "that hereafter the profession may know definitely what was and what was not decided in that case by the court." The effect of this statement was that, when that decision was rendered, a majority of the court — four out of seven — were of the opinion that the power of Congress to regulate commerce was exclusive; that the opinion of Mr. Justice Thompson, who had been appointed to deliver the opinion of the Court, was objected to, on consultation, as containing expressions incon- sistent with that view, and that the opinion of Mr Justice Barbour, which was delivered, as that of the court, did not, so far as anything contained in it was liable to the same objection, command the assent of a majority of the Judges. To which the Chief Justice replied that, of the seven Judges who then com- 44 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. judges read separate opinions, giving their individual views upon the subject involved, with the exception of Mr. Justice Nelson, who concurred in the opinion handed down by Mr. Taney, the Chief Justice,* and the decision of the court was embodied in an order to the effect that the statutes of the States of New York and Massachu- setts, imposing taxes upon passengers arriving at the ports of these States, were contrary to the Constitution of the United States, and, therefore, void, and its result posed the court, four had already died. and. he orotested. against a statement of circumstances, which rested only in memory, to impair the authority of a settled rule, fearing lest it might tend to shake the public confidence in the weight of the court's deci- sion. Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (429, 487). *The learned Chief Justice, in his opinion in these cases, argued that the power contended for, by the majority of the court, could not be maintained, except by the introduction of the word "intercourse" into the Constitution, and that, if such be the case, then it comes to this, that intercourse means nothing more than "commerce," being merely the addition of a word without changing the argument. "If," says he, "commerce with foreign nations could be construed to include persons, and to embrace travellers and passengers, as well as merchandise and trade. Congress would also have the power to regulate this inter- course between the several States, and to exercise this power of regulation over citizens passing from one State to another. It, of course, needs no argument to prove that such a power over the intercourse of persons passing from one State to another is not granted to the Federal government by the power to regulate commerce among the several States. Yet, if commerce does mean the intercourse of persons between the several States, and does not embrace passengers or travellers from one State to another, it necessarily follows that the _ same word does not include pasengers or travellers from foreign countries. And, if Congress, under its power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, possesses the power claimed for it, in the decision in this case, the same course of reasoning and the same rules of con- struction (substituting 'intercourse' for 'commerce') would give the general government the same power over the intercourse of persons between the different States." 7 How., 283 (493). PERSONS AS SUBJECTS OF COMMERCIAL REGULATION. 45 was the abrogation of the doctrine laid down in the Miln case, and the extension of the commercial power of Con- gress to vessels carrying passengers, as well as to the passengers themselves. It is a self-evident proposition, that the subject upon which any power is intended to operate is not the power itself, and for this reason, while the term commerce, as thus enlarged and defined by the Supreme Court of the United States, may, to some extent, indicate the various subjects upon which the commercial power of Congress may operate, it by no means determines the full scope of its operation. Hence, in order properly to ascertain the scope of the operation of the commercial power of Con- gress, it has been found necessary to resort to a consid- eration of the cardinal principles underlying the general powers of the federal government, as well as to the na- ture of that government, in respect of the several pur- poses, for which it was instituted and established, the necessity recommending- this mode of construction, arising from the fact that, under the federal system, the powers of government are possessed and exercised by two separate and distinct sovereignties operating, at the same time, upon the same people, within the same terri- tory, and often upon the same subject. Among the fundatnental doctrines of American con- stitutional law, based upon the historical development of the Union, are that, prior to the establishment of the federal government, all political power resided in the people of the several States; that this condition arose from their colonial history and development, and fi-om 46 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. the situation of the States as separate and independent political communities when they declared themselves free from all allegiance and connection with Great Britain; that those powers, which were not delegated to the gen- eral government, by the Constitution, were, and still are inherent in the several States, or in the people thereof, and that these powers may be exercised by the States without restraint and independently of the federal rela- tion, established by that instrument, between the States and the United States ; that the federal government is the creature of the Constitution, and as such, exercises its functions only under delegated authority, and that, "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Con- stitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."* There- fore, notwithstanding the adoption of the Constitution by the several States of the Union, and the establishment of the government of the United States, the States may still exercise any power of a political nature which has not been delegated by them, through the Constitution, to the United States, and that authority to exercise any power, on the part of the federal government, is to be determined alone, by a consideration of the question, as to whether such power be delegated to the United States, or prohibited to the several States or to tlie people, under the Constitution. In accordance with this doctrine, therefore, under the operation of the dual system of government established by the Constitution, some of the powers of government in ♦Const., U. S., Amendment X. SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 47 this country may undoubtedly be exercised by the States to the exclusion of the federal authority, while others may be exercised by the general government, exclusive of any authority, on the part of the several States. However, there are said to be certain powers known to the Constitution, which arise from the relation estab- lished by that instrument between the several States and the United States, as a whole, as well as from the nature of their respective governments. These powers have been usually denominated concurrent powers, which are such powers as may be exercised by both governments, at the same time, and upon the same subjects, and those powers, which are of a local, temporary or subordinate nature, which may be exercised by the States, but only so long as the general government may see proper to withhold its paramount authority over the subject-matter of the power. Based upon these considerations, therefore, it has been customary to divide all the powers of government, under the federal system prevailing in this country, into four general classes, viz.: Those powers which belong ex- clusively to the several States; those which belong ex- clusively to the general government ; those which may be exercised concurrently by both the States and the United States, and those which may be temporarily exercised by the States, but only until Congress, by some direct action, assumes the exercise of the power in behalf of the federal government. Consequently, in determining the exclusiveness of the authority of the federal government, in its application to 48 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. the commercial power of Congress, the following ques- tions have received the consideration of the courts : (A) Whether, under the Constitution, the power to regulate commerce be exclusively in the States? (B) Whether this power be vested exclusively in the federal govern- ment? (C) Whether it may be exercised concurrently by the States and by the federal government? and (D) Whether this power, as delegated to the general govern- ment, may, in any case, be exercised by the States tempor- arily until Congress shall see fit to control the subject- matter of the power, by the actual exercise of its para- mount authority over the subject? Of those powers, which belong exclusively to the States, it may be said, generally, that they are all those inherent powers of sovereignty, as before suggested, which reside in the several States by virtue of their condi- tion as separate political communities, capable of indepen- dent self-government, and which were not surrendered to the government of the United States, by the several States, when the Constitution was framed and adopted. The right of the several States to the unimpaired exercise of these powers is, therefore, derived from their political condition, prior to, and at the time of the adoption of that instrument, and from the very nature of their sov- ereignty, as independent States. Therefore, when the Constitution is silent as to the existence of any power, that power remains with the EXCLUSIVENESS OF COMMERCIAL POWER. 49 States, unimpaired by the grant of any other power, and may, in all cases, be exercised by them to the exclusion of any authority on the part of the United States. The mere statement of these principles in connection with that clause of the Constitution which vests in Con- gress the power to regulate commerce shows, that the terms in which this power is vested in the legislative de- partment of the federal government, are such that the power is not one belonging exclusively to the States, because there is an express delegation of the power to that body, and it would be impossible, under any rule of correct reasoning, to predicate the existence of an ex- clusive power in the Statgs, in any case, where the very power in question is expressly delegated to the federal government, whatever may be the extent of the authority of that government, in the exercise of the power so dele- gated. However, it may be stated, as a general principle of constitutional interpretation, that the mere grant of a power to the federal government does not of itself imply a prohibition to the States to exercise the same power.* There is nothing, however, in the language of that clause of the Constitution, vesting in Congress the power to regulate commerce, to indicate that the power is vested exclusively in the general government, and therefore, under the operation of the principle just stated, the States may still exercise the same power, unless the ex- clusiveness of the power in that government, may be ♦Sturges V. Crownenshield, 4 Wheat., 122; Houston v. Moore, 5 id , I ; see also, New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad Co. v. New York, 165 U. S. 628 (631). 50 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. shown to exist, for some reason, other than that it has been so delegated, by the express terms of the Consti- tution; for, notwithstanding the grant of a power to Congress, in express terms, it does not necessarily follow, that that body is vested with exclusive authority over the subject-matter of the power ; and, therefore, the States may still exercise the same power, unless, for other reasons, the prohibition to the States is fairly or neces- sarily implied. Nevertheless, it has been often asserted that the commercial power of Congress is exclusive, and that no part of this power may be exercised by the States.* B. Generally speaking, there are four ways in which an exclusive power in the federal government may arise. These are: Where the power is granted, in exclusive terms ; where the States are expressly prohibited to exer- cise a power, delegated to the federal government ; where the power is exclusive in its nature, and its exercise would legitimately admit of only a single and national rule, and, where the terms in which the power is granted are such as to show, that state legislation, on the subject-matter of the power, would be repugnant to the federal grant, or that the framers of the Constitution intended, that the power should be exclusively exercised by Congress. Examining the subject more closely, in reference to the *Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (411) per Wayne, J., Graves, et al., V. Slaughter, et al, 15 Pet., 449 (505), per McLean, J. EXCLUSIVENESS OF COMMERCIAL POWER. 5 1 commercial power of the general government, it will be found, that the power to regulate commerce is not granted to Congress, in exclusive terms; that the Constitution nowhere expressly prohibits the States from exercising the same power, and it nowhere affirmatively appears, that the terms in which the grant is made, are necessarily of such a nature as to show, that state legislation on the subject would be repugnant to the federal grant, or that the framers of the Constitution intended that the power should be exercised exclusively by Congress.* If, there- fore, the regulation of commerce be exclusively vested in the legislative department of the federal government, it must bear the other test of exclusiveness,t and be so from ♦Notwithstanding the claim that the general language, in which the commercial power is granted to Congress, is sufficient to show that the federal government is vested with an exclusive au- thority over the subject, in all cases, it will be remembered that the Constitution itself recognizes some power, on the part of the States, ,when it declares, that "no State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be necessary for executing its in- spection laws." For the execution of these laws, therefore, the several States may even lay an impost or duty upon commerce, in so far as this may be necessary for that purpose; and, pi this necessity the States are presumably to be regarded as the sole judges. But, in this connection, it must not be forgotten that this power which is reserved to the States, while absolute in terms, is not to be used for any other purpose than that of enforcing their inspection laws; and this is amply guarded, in the same section of the Constitution, by the further provision that "the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts laid by any State on Imports or Exports shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress." Const. U. S.., Art. I., sec. X., cl. 2. tWelton V. Missouri, 91 U. S., 275; Henderson v. Wickham, 92 id., 259 ; County of Mobile v. Kimball, 102 id., 691. 52 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. the nature of the power itself, because this is the only remaining source from which such exclusiveness can pos- sibly arise; and, if the several States be excluded from the exercise if this power, it must be so, because the nature of the power, thus delegated to Congress, requires that a similar authority should not be exercised by the States.* A resort to the nature of a power, as a means of con- stitutional interpretation, is based wholly upon the doctrine of implication, and such a mode of construction becomes necessary on account of the general terms in which the powers granted to the United States, by the Constitution, are expressed; and, as applied to powers, generally, the doctrine is that the grant of any power carries with it all that is necessary to the full, proper and complete enjoy- ment of the power expressly granted, in order to carry out the beneficial purposes of the grant; and any power which has been expressly granted must include whatever is indispensably necessary to its enjoyment. Therefore, when a power may be legitimately implied from an express power, the power so implied is as im- portant in determining the extent of the operation of the power, upon which the implication rests, as the words of the instrument in which the principal power is granted ;t and, when this is ascertained, by logical rules of construc- tion, a power which arises by implication is as effectual as an express declaration would have been, had it been made in the instrument itself ; and, in order to determine *Cooley V. Board of Wardens, 12 How., 299. fPrigg V. Pennsylvania, 16 Pet., 539. EXCLUSIVENESS OF COMMERCIAL POWER, S3 the extent of an implied power, the nature of the principal power, and the object sought to be attained by the grant are always subjects for judicial consideration. These are familiar principles of the common law, and are fully recognized, in their application to all classes of powers, whether they be private, corporate, governmental or constitutional in their nature, the object of the doctrine of implied powers, being to rectify the common defects of language, and to secure the beneficial enjoyment of that which is imperfectly expressed. Therefore, whenever from the Constitution of the United States a clear inten- tion to vest a power exclusively in the federal govern- ment may be discovered, its exclusiveness may be implied, from the nature of the power so vested in that govern- ment, as determined by the object sought to be attained by the grant. A power which is exclusive in the United States, by reason of the nature of the subject-matter of the power, and not by the express terms of the Constitution, is, therefore, necessarily one which may be exercised only by virtue of the nature of the subject; because the nature of a power always depends upon the nature of the sub- ject upon which it is intended to operate.* Familiar in- stances of this are all those powers which concern the intercourse of the United States with each other, and with foreign nations, and which, as has been said, neces- sarily concern the whole country collectively and no part of it in particular; and, as applied to the commercial power, when the nature of the power is referred to, as a *Cooley V. Board of Wardens, 12 How., 299. 54 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. test of exclusiveness, it embraces that class of legislation of a general nature affecting the commercial interests of all the States, which, from its essential character is na- tional, and which, so far as it affects these interests be- longs exclusively to the federal government.* So far, therefore, as the foreign commerce of the United States is concerned, it has been said, that from the nature of the subject, the power of Congress to regulate this branch of commerce, is necessarily exclusive,! because of the unrestricted authority of the federal government over the foreign relations of the United States. Undoubtedly, one of the primary objects sought to be attained in the establishment of the federal government, was to provide means for a unity of action on the part of the several States, in their international intercourse, and so far as regards their foreign relations, to make them one people and one nation, and, consequently, to cut off all communications between foreign governments and the several State authorities, acting in their individual capaci- ties, as independent States ;t therefore, under the Con- stitution, the several States have no foreign relations.! For this reason, it has been held, that whatever regulations foreign commerce should be subject to, in the ports of the Union, the general government would be held respon- sible for, and that all other regulations except those which *Hinsoii v. Lott, 8 Wall., 148. fGibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., i (228), per Johnson J. JHolmes v. Jennison> et al., 14 Pet., 540. §Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (ssi), per Woodbury, J.; see also Henderson v. Wickham, 92 U. S., 259 ; Bowman v. Chicago & Northwestern Railroad Co., 125 U. S., 465. EXCLUSIVENESS OF COMMERCIAL POWER. 55 Congress may impose, would be regarded, by foreign nations, as trespasses and, therefore, in violation of na- tional faith and comity.* But, it is evident, from a reading of the Constituition, that the exclusiveness of the power of the federal govern- ment, over the foreign relations of the Union, does not arise from the grant of the commercial power to Con- gress,t since that power is expressly derived from the authority of the constitutional authorities of the United States to make peace and declare war; from its treaty- making power, and from its exclusive right to send and receive ambassadors and other public functionaries ; and, the intercourse of the United States with foreign nations, in the exercise of these powers, is exclusively with govern- ments and public authorities, and has no connection with private persons, in their capacity as such, whether they be immigrants or passengers, or travellers, by land or water, from a foreign country .t The exclusiveness of the authority of the federal gov- ernment over the foreign relations of the United States, therefore, does not arise from the commercial power of Congress; but, it comes directly from those other powers, the all comprehensive one of which is the treaty- making power, the exercise of which is not only exclu- sively vested in the United States, but also prohibited to the States, by the express provisions of the Constitution,§ ♦Gibbons v. Ogden, g Wheat., i (228), per Jolinson, J. tid., per Johnson, J. rr. .r^ -r iPassenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (494). per TanerfC. J. §See Const. U. S., Art. I., sec. X., cl. I ; Art. Il.f sec. II., cl. 2; Art. III., sec. II., cl. i ; Art. VI., cl. 2. S6 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. a circumstance which is not common to the commercial clause of that instrument. A treaty is defined to be a compact between sovereign nations, and is considered a rule of reciprocal obligation.* It depends, for the enforcement of its provisions, on the interest and honor of the respective governments which are parties to it. If these fail, its infraction, by either party, becomes the subject of international negotiation and reclaimation, so far as the injured party chooses to seek redress, which may, in the end, be enforced by actual war.t Like that of other nations, the treaty-making power of the United States undoubtedly extends to all the usual subjects of diplomacy between nations;:]: and these are necessarily determined by the comity of nations, and the application of the general principles of international law. And, the subject-matter of such diplomacy relates to the usual questions of peace and war; the surrender of pris- oners; the cession of territory and the various other sub- jects which are usually embraced in such compacts be- tween sovereign nations having international relations with each other.§ However, the treaty-making power of the United States is by no means unlimited in its extent and field of opera- tion. This power is granted to the federal government in general terms, without an enumeration of the objects intended to be embraced in it, and, consequently, it was ♦Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, s Pet., i (45), per Baldwin, J. tEyde v. Robertson, etc., 112 U. S.., 580. jUnited States v. 43 Gallons of Whiskey, 93 U. S., 188. §Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 5 Pet., i (60), per Thompson, J. EXCLUSIVENESS OF COMMERCIAL POWER. 57 designed to include only those subjects, which in the or- dinary intercourse of nations, had usually been made the subjects of negotiation and treaty, and which were con- sistent with our institutions and the distribution of powers between the general and the state governments.* Hence, the treaty-making power of the United States, in order to be legitimately and constitutionally exercised, must be em- ployed, in full recognition and subordination to the con- stitutional powers of the several States ; because, although the treaty-making power, in carrying out the purposes and designs of the framers of the Constitution, excludes the States from all intercourse with foreign nations, still, this power is of no higher order than any other, the powers of the federal government, and, like these, the treaty-making powers must be exercised in full recogni- tion and subordination to the constitutional rights of the several States. A treaty between the United States and a foreign na- tion, therefore, cannot annul a state law rightfully and constitutionally enacted, and in reference to matters within the power of its Legislature; and, neither can Congress, by legislation enlarge federal powers and jurisdiction, nor can this be done under the ^treaty-making power.f Hence, it has been held that a treaty, no more than an ordinary statute, can cede away the rights of a State, nor any of its citizens.^ But, while a treaty, between the United States and a *Holmes v. Jennison, et al, 14 Pet., S40 (569), per Taney, C. J. tMayor, etc., of New Orleans v. United States, 10 Pet, 662. JLicense Cases, s How., 504 (513). per Daniel, J.; see also Pas- senger Cases, 7 How., 283 (507)- 58 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. foreign nation, cannot annul a statute, rightly and con- stitutionally enacted by the Legislature of a State, in ref- erence to matters within its constitutional power, if the subject of the treaty be the subject of international diplo- macy it may contravene the statute of a State and still be not objectionable. This is so, not because the United States has any power to override the constitutional enact- ments of a State, but because a State statute interfering with any of the legitimate subjects of the treaty-making power of the federal government, transcends the consti- tutional power of the State, and, for this reason, is invalid and of no effect. Therefore, the solution of the question as to whether the power of Congress to regulate the foreign commerce of the United States be exclusively vested in the general government, upon principles underlying the treaty-making power, depends upon the question, whether the regulation of commerce is one of the recognized and usual subjects of diplomacy and negotiation between nations; and, if this be so, whether the power to regulate commerce, by means of treaties, is a power granted to the federal gov- ernment by the Constitution. Among commercial nations, the regulation of trade is generally considered to be a legitimate subject of diplo- macy, and, as such, may fall within the province of an ordinary treaty-making power ; but, from this, it does not necessarily follow, that the regulation of foreign com- merce, in this country, falls within the treaty-making power of the United States. This is so, because, the powers of the United States are limited, and must always EXCLUSIVENESS OF COMMERCIAL POWER. 59 be exercised in subordination to the constitutional grant, under which they are claimed. Therefore, in order to determine whether the foreign commerce of the United States may be regulated by treaty, the Constitution must needs be the only guide. An examination of that instrument will show, that the commercial power of the United States is vested alone in Congress, representing the entire legislative depart- ment of the federal government, while the power to make treaties is vested in the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate ; and, from this it is clear, that, if the regulation of foreign commerce may be effected, by the exercise of the treaty-making power, the Presi- dent, with the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators present, would be enabled to exercise a power which is expressly vested by the Constitution in Congress, as a whole. The commercial power of Congress is, therefore, not embraced within the treaty-making power of the federal government, and this being so, it would be equally as illogical to contend, that this power might be exercised by the Supreme Court, representing the judicial depart- ment of that government. In either case the act would be condemned, as an unauthorized and unconstitutional usurpation of powers, by one department of the govern- ment, which are expressly delegated to another. When, therefore, it is said, that commercial regula- tions, on the part of the federal government, fall within the treaty-making power, it can only be meant, that, in the making of treaties^ the President, as the federal Ex- ecutive, may, by and with the advice and consent of the 6o COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. Senate, incorporate m treaties the provisions and policies of a prior law of Congress relating to commerce; and, that the validity of such treaties, as the embodiment of a system of commercial regulation, between the United States and foreign countries, must depend primarily upon the provisions of an act of Congress, in pursuance of which the treaty is made; for laws which concern the ■exterior relations of the country with other nations and governments are general in their nature, and should pro- ceed from the legislative authority of the nation.* But, when, either by silence or non-action. Congress has seen fit to leave the commerce between the United States and foreign nations free from all legislative regu- lation, it is clearly within the power of the President, in the exercise of the treaty-making power, to em- body the principles of this freedom, in all treaties made, by him, with foreign nations. This would not impugn the power of Congress to regulate such commerce, nor enlarge the treaty-making power, beyond its constitu- tional limits. It would only be the declaration of a rule of comity, which is one of the inherent attributes of national sovereignty, subject to be modified by proper authority when the interests of the government demand a change. And, such a change may be accomplished by legislative action, for, as was declared, by Mr. Justice Field, in the case Chae Chan Ping, against the United States, while a treaty is in its nature a contract between nations, and is often merely promissory in character, re- quiring legislation to carry its stipulations into effect, such ♦Bowman v. Chicago & Northwestern Railroad Co., 125 U. S., 46s (482). FOREIGN COMMERCE. 6l legislation is open to future repeal and amendment ; and, if the treaty operate of its own force, and relates to a subject within the power of Congress, it may be deemed, in that particular, only the equivalent of a legislative act, to be repealed or modified at the pleasure of Congress, and, in either case, the last expression of the sovereign will must control.* Unlike the commercial power, the treaty-making power is exclusively vested in the United States ;t and, while many of the principles underlying the exclusiveness of the treaty-making power apply necessarily to the com- mercial power, inasmuch as they both relate to that fed- eral unity, which it was the great design of the Constitu- tion to establish, still, it by no means follows, that, for this reason, the power to regulate commerce is vested exclusively in the United States, because, the two powers are not co-terminous in their effect and operation. -' Indeed, the contrary is true ; for, the very nature of the subject of the commercial power is such as to preclude the idea of its exclusiveness in the federal government; and, the principle is well established, that there must nec- essarily be some subjects of a local character, connected even with foreign commerce, which are beyond the scope of the federal power, and therefore, subject to the regula- tion of the several States. This question was elaborately discussed, by counsel, in *Chae Chan Ping, v. United States, 130 U. S., 581 (600) ; see also. Homer v. United States, 143 U. S., 570; United States v. Lee Yen Tai, 185 U. S., 213. rr o ^ o . ^^ tFong Yue Ting, eU., v. United States, 149 U. S., 698 (706) ; Knox V. Lee, 12 Wall., 457. 62 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. the leading case of Gibbons against Ogden,* in which he undertook to show the necessity as well as the wisdom of the rule, upon which it is based, by saying: — "It is the only safe and practical rule ; it is one which the extent of our territory would indicate, even if the government were despotic. In China, the Mandarins of provinces must be entrusted with some subordinate authority to make commercial regulations, adapted to local circumstances. With us, the peculiar nature and principles of our free and federative government, make the existence of such subordinate legislation more prudent and politic. There must be even in respect of foreign commerce, local in- terests and details which cannot be presented to the view of Congress, and can be, at least, better provided for by the State Legislature, emanating from the very people to whom they relate. This must have been perceived by the framers of the Constitution, and they must have felt the difficulty of designating the limits of what ought to be permitted to State authority. They did not, therefore, attempt the limitation, except in some plain cases, which they marked by restrictions and prohibitions." The application of the principles contended for, in this argument of counsel, to the case then under advisement, did not require a full consideration, by the court, and, in its decision, it went only so far as to determine, that the Act of the Legislature of the State of New York, upon which the case arose, was repugnant to that clause of the Constitution, which authorizes Congress to regulate com- merce, so far as the Act prohibited vessels, licensed ac- *g Wheat, i (loi). LOCAL SUBJECTS OF COMMERCIAL POWER. 63 cording to the laws of the United States, for carrying on the coasting trade, from navigating the waters of that State by steam vessels. But, the question has been fully considered in subsequent cases, and the principle is now well established, that, when the subjects of the commercial power are local, in their operation, or constitute mere aids to commerce, the respective States may provide for their regulation and management, at least, until Congress intervenes and supersedes their action, by such legislation, as that body may deem appropriate to the subject.* The consideration of this subject might be continued further; but, enough has been said to show, that, the com- mercial power of Congress, even in respect to foreign commerce, is not per se exclusively vested in the general government; and, that it is only exclusive, by virtue of the nature of the power, in those cases where a general or a national rule requires, that it should be so, or where the principles of international law, are to be observed in the relations of the United States with foreign nations. But, inasmuch as a paramount and controlling authority over the whole subject, within the limits of the constitu- tional grant to Congress, is vested in the federal govern- ment, the extent of the exercise of any regulating power, by the several States must be determined by a considera- tion of this fact, and must depend upon a proper applica- tion of those principles which govern the States, in the ex- ercise of their temporary powers, in respect to subjects of a local character, as well as those which underlie the *Pound v. Turck, 95 U. S., 459; Cardwell v. American River Bridge Co., 113 U. S., 203. 64 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. legitimate exercise of their reserved power of taxation and police power, in so far as these well recognized powers, on the part of the States, may indirectly affect the federal power of commercial regulation. The same, to some extent, is also true of commerce among the several States ; for inter-state commerce, like! foreign commerce, may be as varied as commerce itself, and its regulation may cover the whole commercial field, including the means, instruments and agencies by, and through which it is carried on. Commerce among the States, like commerce with for- eign nations, therefore, consists of intercourse and traffic between their citizens. It includes the transportation of persons and property, and the navigation of the public waters for that purpose, as well as the purchase, sale and exchange of commodities, where these are necessary to the exercise of the commercial power of Congress, and the power to regulate inter-state commerce, as well as commerce with foreign nations, vested in Congress, is the power to prescribe the rules by which it shall be governed, that is, the conditions upon which it shall be conducted, and to determine when it shall be free and when it shall be subject to duties or other restrictions. The power to regulate also embraces, within its control, all the intsrumentalities by which that commerce may be carried on, and the means by which it may be aided and encouraged. The subjects, therefore, upon which the power may be exerted are of infinite variety. While with reference to some of those, which are local and limited in their nature or sphere of operation, the States INTER-STATE COMMERCE. 6$ may prescribe regulations until Congress intervenes and assumes control; yet, when they are national in their character and require uniformity of regulation, affecting alike all the States, the power of Congress is exclusive; and, necessarily, Congress alone can prescribe regula- tions which are to govern the whole country. Otherwise, it is said, there would be no protection against conflicting regulations of the different States, each legislating in favor of its own citizens and against those of other States ; and that it was from apprehensions of such con- flicting and discriminating state legislation, and to secure uniformity of regulation, that the power to regulate com- merce with foreign nations and among the States was vested in Congress.* Therefore, the legislative depart- ment of the federal government has the unquestioned power under its authority to regulate commerce to inter- pose, by the exercise of this power, in such a manner as to prevent the States from any oppressive interference with the free interchange of commodities by the citizens of one State with those of another.! And, when a commodity has commenced to move as an article of trade or traffic between a place in one State - and a place in another State, it denotes commerce between the States, and the means employed in moving it, from place to place, over every part of the entire line, is an iemployment in that commerce; consequently, the appeal in the case of the Chicago & Northwestern Railroad ♦Gloucester Ferry Co. v. Pennsylvania, 114 U. S., 196; Du- buque & Sioux City Railroad Co. v. Richmond, 19 Wall., 584. tWoodruff V. Parham, 8 Wall., 123. 66 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. Company against Fuller* was based upon the constitution- al proposition, that from the moment of the consign- ment of goods from one State to another, the goods them- selves, and everything pertaining to their transportation, including compensation, is commerce between the States, and, as such, is not subject to state legislation, in any of its branches, until fully delivered to the consignee, and that, when consigned such goods cease to form items in the common mass of property in the State where the shipment was made, and until delivered and introduced into the common mass of property in the State to which it is consigned, does not fall within the operation of the laws of the several States. In considering the subject of the exclusiveness of the power of Congress over inter-state commerce, it will, however, be well to remember that, prior to the adoption of the Constitution, the low condition of trade and the serious embarrassments which had arisen throughout the country respecting its regulation, demonstrated the neces- sity of some practical means for its control, by the gen- eral government, free from the conflicting legislation of the several States; and that, so far as the nature of the subject is concerned, the same reasons, which influenced the framers of the Constitution to recommend the dele- gation of the power to regulate foreign commerce, to the federal government, induced them to incorporate, in their plan of government, the power to regulate commerce, among the several States, the only difference being that the one concerned the establishment of a mode of united *io Wall., 557- INTER-STATE COMMERCE. 67 action, in the international relations between them and foreign nations, while the other was based upon the necessity of an harmonious relation among themselves. In either case, uniformity of regulation was the main object sought to be attained; and the commercial power in respect of foreign and inter-state commerce was granted to Congress to insure this uniformity, the pur- pose of the grant being to place the commerce of the country beyond interruptions and embarrassments arising from conflicting and hostile state regulations.* Consequently, it has been said that, in matters of inter- state commerce, the United States are but one country, and are, and must be, subject to one system of regulation, and not to a multitude of systems,t which is the an- nouncement of a doctrine as applicable to foreign as it is to inter-state commerce. Being one country, and necessarily subject to one sys- tem of regulation, commerce among the States must be considered as a whole, and the federal power of regulation cannot stop at the boundary line of the several States. It must extend to the interior of every State, and comprehend in the field of its operation, not only that commerce, which is introduced into a State from without, but also that which arises in one State, and passes into another, as well as that which passes through a State upon a continuous voyage, irrespective of the question as to whence it came, or what may be its destination, "because the authority of the United States, within the ♦Southern Steamship Co. v. Masters and Wardens, 6 Wall., 31. tRot>l>'ns v. Shelby County Taxing District, 120 U. S., 489. 68 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. limits of its constitutional powers, extends over the whole Union."* In contravention of this doctrine, however, it has been contended, that commerce among the States means a voy- age from State to State, commencing in one State and terminating, so far as the authority of a license from the United States goes, at the boundary line of the State where the voyage began; and, that the subsequent prog- ress of the voyage then becomes the subject of the regu- lation of the next State in whose territory it is continued. Eut the fallacy of this contention becomes apparent in its naked statement; for, if the argument upon which it is based were sound, the result would be, that a vessel making a voyage from a port in one State must navigate subject to the regulation of the State, in which she com- mences her voyage, until she touches the boundary line of that State, and, at the moment she leaves its jurisdiction and enters the jurisdiction of another, she then navigates subject to the regulation of the State, so entered, until she completes the voyage. In such a case, the vessel would be under the control of state regulations during the whole voyage, and Congress would be ousted of its jurisdiction altogether.f The effect of such a doctrine, it is plain to be seen, would be, that one State could estab- lish, at pleasure, a policy of non-intercourse with other States, and thus defeat the main object of the estab- *Kidd V. Pearson, 128 U. S., I (17). See also, Crandall v. Nevada, 6 Wall., 35; Philadelphia & Reading Railroad Co. v. Pennsylvania, 15 id., 232; Wabash, St. Louis & Pacific Railroad Co. V. Illinois, 118 IJ. S., 557; Fargo v. Michigan, 121 id., 230. tGibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., i. INTER-STATE COMMERCE. 69 lishment of the federal government, so far as tne regula- tion of inter-state commerce is concerned. Such a result would not only plainly contravene the commercial power of Congress, but would also be, in a measure, in violation of that other clause of the Con- stitution, which guarantees to the citizens of each State all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States^; and hence, it has been very pertinently said, that such action, on the part of the States, would be repug- nant to the Constitution, and would strike at the Union itself.* This subject was thoroughly discussed, its result was clearly pointed out, and the true doctrine, in its appli- cation to inter-state commerce, was laid down, in the case of The Daniel Ball against the United States.'^ The plaintiff, in that case, was the owner of a steamer called the Daniel Ball, plying exclusively in the waters of the State of Michigan ; the goods, in question, received by the plaintiff, for transportation, were destined and marked for other States, and the steamer was likewise engaged in transporting, up the Grand River, goods brought within the State of Michigan from without its limits. Upon these facts, it was contended, by counsel, that, inasmuch as the agency of the steamer, in the trans- portation, was entirely within the limits of the State of Michigan, and since she did not run in connection, or in combination with any other line of vessels or railroads leading to other States, she was, therefore, engaged en- *Graves et al. v. Slaughter, etc., 15 Pet., 449. tio Wall., SS7- 70 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. tirely in domestic commerce, and was not subject to the regulating power of Congress. To the correctness of this contention, however, the Supreme Court of the United States, before which the question came for determina- tion, refused to give its assent; for, in delivering its opinion, the court said that, so far as this steamer was employed in transporting goods, destined for other States, or goods brought from without the limits of the State of Michigan, and destined for places within that State, she was engaged in commerce between the States, and however limited that commerce may have been, she was, so far as it went, subject to the legislation of Congress ; that she was employed as an instrument of that com- merce, for whenever a commodity has begun to move as an article of trade, from one State to another, commerce in that commodity between the States has commenced, and the fact, that several different and independent agen- cies are employed in transporting the commodity, some acting entirely within one State, and some acting through two or more States, does, in no event, affect the char- acter of the transaction. To the extent to which each of such agencies acts in that transportation, it is subject to the regulation of Congress. If, it is concluded, the authority of Congress do not extend to an agency engaged in such commerce, when that agency is confined in its operations, within the limits of a single State, its entire authority, over inter-state commerce, may be de- feated. Several agencies combining, each taking up the commodity at the boundary line, at one end of a State, and leaving it, at the boundary line, at the other end, the INTER-STATE COMMERCE. 71 federal jurisdiction would be entirely ousted, and the constitutional provision, vesting in Congress the power to regulate commerce among the several States, would become a dead letter. Hence, when a common carrier voluntarily engages in inter-state commerce, by making an arrangement for a continuous carriage or shipment of goods and merchan- dise, it becomes subject to the regulation of Congress, and, in so far as such traffic is concerned, the provisions of the Act of Congress, establishing the Inter-state Com- merce Commission, apply.* And, the doctrine is well established that, while such property is in transit, and is the subject-matter of inter- state commerce, it is entirely under the protection of the Constitution of the United States; and, wherever commerce among the States goes, the power of the nation goes with it to protect and enforce its rights ;f so, when the subject of inter-state commerce is property, and that commerce is of a national character, and requires uni- formity of regulation, affecting all the States alike, the power is exclusive in Congress, and the States can do no act with respect to such commerce, when it is carried on by corporations or individuals, which will operate as a burden on the inter-state business of the company or ♦Interstate Commerce Commission v. Detroit, Grand Haven & Milwaukee Railway Co., 167 U. S., 633 (642) ; Cincinnati, New Orleans & Texas Railway Co. v. Interstate Commerce Commis- sion, 162 U. S., 184. tHall V. De Cuir, 95 U. S., 485- 72 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. individual, or impair the usefulness of their facilities for inter-state traffic* The power to regulate commerce among the States is vested in Congress, in terms as absolute as those, which delegate to that body, the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations; and, therefore, it has been holden that a State can no more regulate or impede commerce among the several States than it can regulate or impede commerce with foreign nations ;t and, for the same rea- son, no State may pass any act affecting such commerce, although it purports to operate within the limits of the State, provided, however, that the state regulation, com- plained of, be of such a nature as to fall within the im- plied constitutional inhibition, and requires the application of what may be considered the general or national rule.t And, it has been said, that it is practically impossible to separate the regulation of foreign commerce and do- mestic commerce among the States from each other, for the reason, that the same policy applies to each, and not a reason can be assigned for confiding the power over the one, which does not conduce to establish the pro- priety of conceding the power over the other ; and that the importance of regulating commerce among the States, for the purposes of the Union, is scarcely less than that of regulating it with foreign nations. But, it has been contended that, notwithstanding the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and ♦Cardwell v. American Bridge Co., 113 U. S., 205; Stone v. Fanners' Loan & Trust Co., 116 id., 307. tBrown v. Houston, 114 U. S., 622. JHall V. De Cuir, 95 U. S., 485. FOREIGN AND INTER-STATE COMMERCE. 73 among the several States is delegated to Congress, in the same section of the Constitution, and in the same language, nevertheless, it does not necessarily follow that the power to regulate both classes may be exercised to the same extent; and this position was taken by Mr. Justice McLean, in the Passenger Cases, who bases his argument upon the same considerations as those which are given to support the identity of the power of Con- gress to regulate both foreign and inter-state commerce, when he holds, that the United States is considered as a unit in all regulations of foreign commerce, but not so, when the regulations are to operate upon commerce among the several States. But, however this may be, it is clear, that commerce on land between the different States is so strikingly dissimilar, in many respects, from commerce on water, that it has often been found difficult to regard them in the same aspect, in reference to the respective constitutional powers and duties of the state and federal governments. This difference was clearly stated, and the reasons for it, were tersely given, by Mr. Justice Bradley, in the case of the Baltimore .rkins, 163 U. S., 625; Third National Bank of Louisville v. Stone, 174 U. S., 432; Louisville v. Third National Bank, id., 435 ; Louisville v. National Bank, etc., id., 436 ; First National Bank of Louisville v. Louisville, etc., id., 438. TAXATION AS A MEANS OF INSPECTION. 219 Therefore, whenever the power of the, State to tax the property and business of individuals and corporations, engaged in inter-state commerce, is ascertained, or con- ceded to exist, any mode of levying and collecting the tax, which the state Legislature may adopt, will be up- held* The amount of the tax may, therefore, be appor- tioned to the amount of sales of merchandise, made with- in the State ;f it may take the form of a tax upon the privilege of doing business there, provided always, that the assessment be based upon the value of the property and business, affected by the tax, and that it do not amount to a condition precedent to the right to carry on the business of foreign or inter-state commerce.^ So, the gross receipts of a common carrier corporation, engaged in the business of inter-state commerce, may be taken into consideration, in determining the amount of a tax to be laid, upon its business within the State levying the tax ;§ and, what the amount of the tax shall be may be properly ascertained, by an apportionment of the number of miles operated in the State to the entire length of its road, within and without the State,1[ and ♦Lehigh Valley Railroad Co. v. Pennsylvania, 145 U. S., 192 (300). tlUinois Central Railroad Co. v. Illinois, 146 U. S., 387; Illi- nois V. Illinois Central Railroad Co., 184 U. S., ^^\ Clark v. Titusville, id., 329. tPostal Telegraph Co. v. Adams, 155 U. S., 688 (696). §Maine v. Grand Trunk Railroad Co., 142 U. S., 217 (228) ; Home Insurance Co. v. New York, 134 U. S., 594. 1[Charlotte, Columbia & Augusta Railroad Co. v. Gibbes, 142 U. S., 386 (394) ; Barbier v. Connolly, 113 U. S., 27; Soon Hing V Crowley, id., 703; Missouri Pacific Railway Co. v. Humes, 115 U. S., S12. 220 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. this mode is open to no constitutional objection, simply because, the value of the road as a whole was established as an instrument of inter-state commerce.* But, whatever may be the extent or the operation of the general power of taxation, upon the part of the sev- eral States, or the limitations placed upon the exercise of this power, by the Constitution of the United States, it is nevertheless true, that when the taxing power, de- pends upon, and is necessary to the proper enforcement of the police power, it is as full and complete as that of Congress to regulate commerce. Therefore, whenever the States' power of taxation is exercised in the enforcement of the police power, and when its purpose is to determine the quality and value of merchandise produced, manufactured and sold, within their respective jurisdictions, or, when its object is to preserve the character and reputation of the State, in foreign markets, or to prevent fraud on the public, in commercial transactions.f or to establish quarantine and health regulations to protect its inhabitants from disease, pauperism and crime, it may be exerted to any extent, without constitutional objection, even though the tax levied for this purpose, affect inter-state and foreign commerce 4 and, it is as applicable to articles of trade, ♦Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Chicago & St. Louis Railroad Co. v. Backus, 154 U. S., 421. tSee Patapsco Guano Co. v. Board of Agriculture, 171 U. S., 345 (355-7) ; St. Louis Consolidated Coal Co. v. Illinois, 185 U. S., 203; Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Co. v. Philadelphia, 190 U. S., 160. r^Gilman v. Philadelphia, 3 Wall., 713 ; Ex parte McNiel, 13 id., 336. DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 221 which are intended for immediate traffic and consump- tion of its own people, as it is to those which are designed for import or export* The power of the several States to establish police regulations of this character, therefore, extends to the imposition of an inspection or license tax upon all articles of commerce, and upon all dealers in such articles, which may be legitimately brought within the scope of its op- eration.f It embraces such quarantine laws, as may be deemed necessary to enforce the exclusion of persons and property, actually infected by contamination and dis- ease, as well as such as may have been indirectly exposed to infection ;f and, the purpose of these laws, being to insure the State and its inhabitants from contamination and disease, each State possesses the inherent power to enact any regulations on the subject, which has this end in view.§ However, where a state inspection law applies to "im- ports and exports," the Constitution itself prescribes the limitation, and the tax laid, cannot exceed the cost of its enforcement; for it is expressly provided in that instru- *Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat, i (203) ; Brown v. Maryland, 12 id., 419; Foster v. Portwardens, 94 U. S., 246. tSchollenberger v. Pennsylvania, 171 U. S., i; Patapsco Gua- no Co. V. Board of Agriculture, id., 345 ; Lindsley & Phelps Co. V. Mullen, 176 U. S., 126; St. Louis Consolidated Coal Co.' V. Illinois, 185 U. S., 203; Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Co. v. Philadelphia, 190 U. S., 160; see also Plumley v. Massachu- setts, ISS U. S., 461 ; Wooruflf v. Parham, 8 Wall., 123 ; Hinson v. Lott, id., 148. JSmith V. St. Louis & Southeastern Railroad Co., 180 U. S., 248. §Rasmussen v. Idaho, 181 U. S., 198. 222 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. ment, that any sum collected, in excess of this amount, shall be "for the use of the Treasury of the United States," and, that the law itself "shall be subject to the revision and control of Congress;"* and, it has been held, as a general proposition, applicable alike to persons and to merchandise, that the State, into which they come or are transported, may not under the guise of an inspection law, make any discrimination against persons, nor against the products and industries of any other State, in favor of its own citizens, or its own prod- ucts or industries,! nor may it impose a license fee, for the purpose of inspection, upon a corporation, doing an inter-state business, which is so far in excess of the ex- pense of inspection, that it is plain, that it was adopted, not to repay such expense, but as a means of raising a revenue.^ The power of regulation, respecting any subject, is a power of government, which is continuing in its nature ;§ and, as such, it may be exercised, whenever, and in what- ever manner it may suit the will or convenience of the State, in> which it is vested, and this statement necessarily applies to the legislative action of the several States, as well as to that of the federal government, whenever the subject-matter of the power falls within the constitutional ♦Constitution "J. S., Art. I., sec. X., cl. 2; Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., I (203); Brown v. Maryland, 12 id., 419; Foster v. Portwardens, 94 U. S., 246. fBrimmer vs. Rebman, 138 U. S., 78; see also Guy v. Baltimore, 100 U. S., 434. tPostal Telegraph Co. v. Taylor, 192 U. S., 64; see also Postal Telegraph Co. v. New Hope, id., 55. §Stone V. Farmers' Loan & Trust Co., 116 U. S., 307. STATES POWER OF REGULATION. 223 authority of either, and, in its application to the commer- cial power, it, of course, implies the power to prescribe rules by which the various operations of commerce shall be governed.* And, in so far as the power of the sevei-al States to regulate commerce is concerned, it has been said, that "the government, created by the Constitution, was not designed for the regulation of matters purely local in their character,"t and for this reason, it has always been held, that this power may be exercised, by the States, whenever it is intended for the local convenience of com- mercial transactions, or of those who may be engaged in commercial pursuits;:]: or, where the power is exercised, for the inspection of articles of trade, or for the enforcement of their inherent police power. The States may, therefore, enact laws interdicting vessels, coming from foreign ports, or from ports of the United States, from landing passengers and goods, when the interdiction is based upon a legitimate exercise of the police power; and in the exercise of this power the States may prescribe the time for vessels to quarantine, and impose penalties for a violation of such regulations as they may adopt, for this purpose, and this power necessarily includes the right to exact such fees, from owners or consignees of vessels, affected by its operation, as may be required to reimburse the State for the cost of detention, and the *Addyston Pipe & Steel Co. v. United States, I7S U. S., 211 (242). tPowell V. Pennsylvania, 127 U. S., 687, per Field J. jpittsburg & Southern Coal Co. v. Bates, 156 U. S., 577. 224 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. fumigation of the vessels, cargo and persons on board.* This power also extends to the regulation of vessels, while in port, and, in its exercise, the State may pre- scribe rules for their anchorage and mooring, designed to prevent confusion and collision ; and, for this purpose, the law of the State may designate the wharfs, at which vessels may discharge and receive passengers and goods, and require their removals, when not thus engaged, so as to make room for other vessels ; and, in the execution of such rules, the State may appoint officers to super- intend and enforce its regulations, and may impose a tax, for that purpose, since this is only a means of reim- bursing the State for the use of commercial facilities, provided by it, or by its authority .f There has never been any question of the existence of this power, on the part of the several States, and, it has been uniformally recognized, by the legislative and ju- dicial departments of the United States, since the adop- tion of the Constitution. Thus, concerning state quaran- tine regulations, the Acts of Congress of 1796 and 1799$ expressly empowered and directed the officers, named in these Acts, to conform their action to, and assist in the execution of the quarantine and health laws of the sev- eral States; while the Act of i878,§ expressly provided that "there shall be no interference," in its execution, "in ♦Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (400). tSee Gloucester Ferry Co. v. Pennsylvania, 114 U. S., 196. taU. S. Stat, 37; 3 id., 477. §20 U. S. Stat, 37; see also, Morgan Steamship Co. v. Board of Health, 118 U. S., 455; Louisiana v. Texas, 176 U. S., i ; Cam- pagnie Frangaise de Navigation a Vapeur, 186 U. S., 380. STATES POWER OF REGULATION. 225 any manner with the quarantine regulations, as they may now exist, or may hereafter be adopted, under state laws." It is also, under the exercise of the police power, that the several States are enabled to legislate, in all those matters, the purpose and object of which is to prevent the spread of crime, and to exclude, from their respective limits, convicts, persons likely to become a public charge, and persons afflicted with loathsome and contagious dis- eases.* For this reason, it was early contended, that, in the exercise of their inherent police power, the States pos- sessed the right to regulate the subject of foreign immi- gration, even though such regulation might affect the commercial and political relations between the United States and foreign nations, and notwithstanding the gen- eral rule laid down, by the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Passenger Cases,'^ the force of this conten- tion, seems to have been fully recognized, and acted upon, by all the departments of the federal government,^ for many years, under the maxim, that every nation has the power, inherent in its sovereignty, and essential ♦Plunley V. Massachusetts, 155 U. S., 461 (478). t7 How., 283. ^e Act of Congress of June IS, 1878 (20 U. S. Stat., 177), shows how this matter was regarded, before that date, since it expressly provided, that "The acts of every State and municipal officer or corporation of the several States, in the collection of head-money, prior to January i, 1878, from the master, con- signee or owner of any vessels bringing passengers to the United States, from a foreign port, pursuant to the then existing laws of the several States, shall be valid, and no action shall be main- tained against any such State or municipal officer, or corporation, for the recovery of any money so paid, or collected prior to that date." 226 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. to its self-preservation, to deny an entrance, into its dominion, of all immigrants, whom it might determine to be detrimental to its political welfare, or disadvan- tageous to its social interests; but since the effect of the determination of the court, in those cases, was, that the States may not prohibit the introduction of foreigners, into the United States, contrary to treaty stipulations be- tween the United States and the country whence they came, or are brought into this country under the authority of Congress, the rule has since been established, that this power is vested exclusively "in the national government, to which the Constitution has committed the entire con- trol of international relations, in peace as well as in war," and, that, therefore, all authority to regulate immigration into the United States, belongs to the political department of that government, and may be exercised, by it, either through treaties, made by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, or through statutes enacted by Congress,* except, in so far as the judicial department may be authorized, by treaty or statute, or by the Constitution, to intervene.f And, since the passage of the Act of Congress of 1878, the whole matter of the regulation of foreign immigra- tion has been subject to federal control, and its power, in this respect, has been continually exerted, by the enact- *Chae Chan Ping v. United States, 130 U. S., 581 ; Nishimura Eiku V. United States, 142 U. S., 651 (659) ; Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U. S., 698 (705) ; United States, ex rel, Turner v. Williams, 194 U. S., 279. tFok Yung Yo v. United States, 185 U. S., 296; Lee Gon Yong V. United States, id., 306. STATES POWER OF REGULATION. 227 ment of such laws, as those relating to the Chinese Cooley Trade ; to the prohibition against the immigration of orien- tal subjects for purposes of prostitution; to the preven- tion of pauper immigration from Europe, and in other legislation of a similar character; and. Congress having thus assumed entire control over the subject, the States are bereft of all authority, in the matter, except, perhaps, when its exercise is necessary to the establishment and enforcement of their legitimate inspection, quarantine and health laws. While the States may not enact any law, which, in effect, amounts to a regulation of foreign and inter-state commerce, it is nevertheless true, that when the regula- tion, in question, operates only upon that part of such commerce, which is carried on wholly within the State, it is open to no constitutional objection;* hence, it has been held, that the exaction of a tax license fee, by a State, upon a foreign corporation, as a condition to its right to have an office, for the transaction of business in the State, is within its legislative authority,! and will be upheld, and the right of the several States to fix and regulate the amount of tolls, for the use of wharfs, piers, elevators and improved channels of navigation, has so frequently been recognized, that its existence can no longer be doubted.:}: The grounds upon which the power of the States to *State of New York, ex rel., Pennsylvania Railroad Co., v. Knight, 192 U. S., 21 TT c o tPembina Mining Co. v. Pennsylvania, 125 U. S., 184. iCovington & Cincinnati Bridge Co. v. Kentucky, 154 U. S., 204. 228 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. regulate the tolls to be charged, by the owners of such in- struments of commerce, as has been already stated, is the public use in which they are employed,* as well as the right of the State to exact the payment of compensa- tion for the use of such instruments, and for their con- struction, maintenance and operation, and since they may furnish these facilities, or permit them to be furnished by individuals or corporations,! the States may determine the amount of the charge, which shall be made for their use,$ without violating the Constitution of the United States,§ or trenching upon the commercial power of Congress, and, therefore, it has been held, that the exaction of such com- pensation, or the determination of the amount which shall be paid, is in no sense a regulation of commerce, within the meaning of that instrument.^ And, while it has been held, that the States may exact a license fee for the use of improvements on navigable rivers, the authorities are also uniform, upon the prop- osition, that such tax can never be laid, for the use of the navigable waters of such rivers, employed for the pur- poses of inter-state and foreign commerce ;|| nor, where the improvement is a bridge, connecting two States;** *Munn V. Illinois, 94 U. S., 113. tWisconsin, Minnesota & Pacific Railroad Co. v. Jacobson, .179 U. S., 287. iLindsley & Phelps Co. v. Mullen, 176 U. S., 126. §Sands v. Manistee River Improvement Co., 123 U. S., 288; Monongahela Navigation Co. v. United States, 148 U. S., 312 (339. 330). IJHarman v. Chicago, 147 U. S., 396 (411). **Covington & Cincinnati Bridge Co. v. Kentucky, 154 U. S., 204 (221) ; see also, Covington & Cincinnati Elevated Railroad Transfer & Bridge Co., v. Kentucky, id., 224. STATES POWER OF REGULATION. 229 and, as has already been seen, a State cannot, under the guise of a license tax, exclude, from its territorial limits, a foreign corporation, engaged in such commerce,* for the reason, as has been held, that the right to engage in that commerce, is not derived from the States, in which it is carried on, but is a privilege guaranteed to it, by the Constitution of the United States, and this privilege can- not be abridged by any action on the part of any one of the several States. And, while it has been held, that although a State may so far regulate the movement of trains, owned by a corporation, engaged in the business of inter-state commerce, as to require them to stop at certain stations on its line of road, if the direct effect of such regulation be to hinder and obstruct inter- state commerce, or otherwise interfere with its move- ment, or with the usefulness of the facilities, furnished by the corporation, it will be condemned ;t and a munici- pal corporation cannot impose a license fee, on a tele- graph company, engaged in the business of transmitting inter-state messages, even for the purpose of inspection, which is so far in excess of the expense of inspection, as to show, that it was adopted, not to repay such ex- pense, but as a means of raising a revenue for general municipal purposes.:!: Upon the other hand, in consider- ing the subject of the liquor traffic between the States, it has been held, that the power of the States to regulate *Crutcher v. Kentucky, 141 U. S., 47 (51), citing Norfolk & Western Railroad Co. v. Pennsylvania, 136 U. S., 114. tlllinois Central Railroad Co. v. Illinois, 163 U. S., 142 (153). jPostal Telegraph Co. v. New Hope, 192 U. S., 55; Same v. Taylor, id., 64. 230 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. the sale and use of intoxicating liquors is such, that the traffic may be absolutely prohibited, or it may be regu- lated, under a local option law, enacted by the Legislature of a State.* In those cases, where the State's power of regulation is based upon its general legislative authority concerning its own political and civil institutions, or where the value of the subjett of the regfulation depends upon a franchise derived from the State, it has been contended, that since the grant of such franchise implies a contract between the State and the individual or individuals to whom it is granted, the power of the State to regulate its use is to be determined by the terms of the grant, and, that if the grant may be so construed as to exclude this power, it will be protected from the assertion of any authority, which may be claimed, on the part of the State, by that clause of the Constitution of the United States, which provides,, that no State may pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts ;t but, in regard to this conten- tion, it has been held, that, while the Legislature of a State may, perhaps, for a consideration, limit its power of regulation, as is sometimes the case in respect of tax- ation, still, if the power may be bargained away at all, it can be done only by words of positive grant, or some- thing, which, in contemplation of law, amounts to the same thing; J and, if, therefore, there be a reasonable doubt, concerning the grant, it will always be resolved *Ohio, e» rel,. Lloyd v. Dollison, 194 U. S., 445. tU. S. Const., Act. I., Sec. X., cl. I. iStone V. Fanners' Loan & Trust Co., 116 U. S., 307. FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 23I in favor of the continued existence of the power, and its abandonment will never be presumed, in a case, where the deliberate purpose of the State to abondon, does not clearly appear.* Whatever may be the extent of the operation of the power of the several States, concerning the regulation of commerce, growing out of a proper and legitimate exercise of their police and taxing power, or arising from their inherent power to legislate concerning their politi- cal and civil institutions, it is, however, well settled, that whenever the power of Congress attaches to any com- mercial subject, its authority over that subject is com- plete, and is affected by no limitation, other than such as may have been prescribed by the federal Constitution; and, therefore, in the accomplishment of the purposes, for which this power was vested in the federal government. Congress may adopt such means as it may deem requisite and appropriate to that end.f Hence, its power to regulate commerce may be exerted by means of tariff legislation, the purpose and effect of which is to exclude certain articles of trade, from the limits of the United States altogether ;$ or the power ' ♦Providence Bank v. Billings, 4 Pet, 514 ; Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge, 11 id., 420; Minot v. Philadelphia, Wilming- ton & Baltimore Railroad Co., 18 Wall., 206; Bailey v. Magwire, 22 id., 215; Northwestern Fertilizing Co. v. Hyde Park, 97 U. S., 660 ; Newton v. Commissions, etc., 100 U. S., S48. flnter-state Commerce Commission v. Brimson, 154 U. S., 447 (478) ; Northern Securities Co. v. United States, 193 U. S., 197 (33s) ; see also. In re Rahrer, 140 U. S., 345 ; Lottery Cases, i88 U. S., 321 (3SS). . . „ . „ c , / te U. S. Stat, 237; 29 id., 604; Butterfield v. Stranahan, 192/ U. S., 470; Same v. Bidwell, id., 498; Same v. United States, id., 499. 232 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. may be exercised by the granting of licenses to individ- uals or corporations engaged in commerce with foreign nations, among the States or with the Indian tribes. And, when a license for this purpose is granted by the government of the United States, it necessarily confers, upon the licensee, full authority to do whatever is au- thorized to be done, by its terms.* In the exercise of its regulating power. Congress may also prohibit unjust charges, discrimination and preference, by common car- riers, upon inter-state transportation, and it may create a Commission to carry its legislation to this end, into ef- fect ;t and, owing to the plenary power of Congress over the subject of foreign commerce, it follows, that no in- dividual has a vested right to trade with foreign na- tions, which is so broad in its character, as to limit its power to determine what articles of merchandise may be imported into the country, or the terms upon which a right to import them may be exercised.^ However, since the power to regulate commerce, vested in Congress, by the Constitution, is a power wholly independent of the taxing power, and the one having no relation to the other, except in so far as both may be considered integral parts of that general plan of govern- ment, outlined and established by that instrument, it fol- lows, that the taxing of imports by the federal govern- ment is not to be sustained under the grant of the com- *License Tax Cases, S Wall., 462. tinter-state Commerce Commission v. Brimson, 154 U. S., 477 (472). JButterfield v. Stranahan, 192 U. S., 470 (493). FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 233 mercial power to Congress, but under the taxing power alone. The imposition of duties, it is true, may operate as a regulation of commerce, but, this is merely inci- dental, its main object being to raise a revenue, and, for this reason, it has been said, that the power to levy a tax, upon imports, was granted to the federal government, and prohibited to the States, by the very terms of the Constitution itself.* In considering the effect of coasting licenses, granted, by the United States, to the owners of vessels, engaged in the business of commerce among the States, and the right it confers, upon the holder, Mr. Justice Clifford, delivering a dissenting opinion, in the case of Gilman against the City of Philadelphia,^ referred to the discus- sion of the question, in the case of Gibbons against Ogden, and said: — License as the word is used, in the Act of Congress, means, say the court, permission or authority and the court held, that a license to do a particular thing is a permis- sion or authority to do that thing, and, if granted by a person having power to grant it, it transfers to the grantees the right to do whatever it purports to author- ize. Adopting the language of the court, in that case, it certainly transfers to him, all the right, which the grantor can transfer, to do what is within the terms of the license. Ships and vessels enrolled, and licensed, under the Act of Congress, and no others are deemed ships and vessels *Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat, 419. See Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., I (201 et seq.) ; Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (449). t3 Wall., 713- 234 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. of the United States entitled to the privileges of ships or vessels employed in the coasting trade. Majority of the court, as stated, in the opinion just read, admits that a ship or vessel of the United States, which is duly enrolled and armed with a coasting license, such as is required by the Enrollment Acts, may navigate the coast of the United States, and may pass from the open sea into the public navigable rivers of the United States, and up the same, as far as the navigable waters extend. Coming more directly to the case, under consideration, the opinion admits, that such a ship or vessel has a right, under such an enrollment, or with such a coasting li- cense, to navigate from the sea, up the river described in the record, to the wharfs of the complainant." Whatever may have been the conclusion drawn, by the learned justice from this statement, in its appli- cation to the facts of the case, then under consideration, the statement itself clearly expounds the legal scope and effect of a coasting license granted by the federal gov- ernment, which has always been held to be a warrant to the holder to traverse the waters washing or bounding the United States, to enter these waters and to enjoy all the privileges which are incident to their navigation. However, it is a principle equally well established, that the authority of such a license can never be extended, so as to control privileges or rights, beyond its legiti- mate import, nor invade the constitutional rights of the several States, whether these rights be attributable to the police power, or to any other the rights of the States, which have not been surrendered or delegated to the FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 235 federal government by the terms of the Constitution; nor can such license, under any circumstances, convey to the licensee, and privilege to use free of toll, canals constructed by the States, or water-courses partaking of the character of. canals, situated exclusively within the interior of any State, and made practicable, for naviga- tion, by the funds of the State, by which they are con- structed or improved, or under privileges, which the States may have conferred, for the accomplishment of the same end ; and any attempt to use a coasting license, for a purpose of this kind, has been declared to be not only a departure from the obvious meaning of the Con- stitution, but also beyond the object and the scope of the power granting it ;* and, the enrollment and licensing of vessels, under an Act of Congress, gives the licensee no right to violate a legitimate statute of a Statcf When, therefore, the master of a ship attaches his vessel to a pier, without authority from the owner of the pier, either express or implied, and he has no business to transact with such owner, he is a trespasser, and all pretense of a license fails4 In the exercise of its constitutional power to levy taxes, for the support of the government. Congress has also, by legislation, provided for the granting of licenses, to dealers in liquors, to pursue their calling, within cer- tain revenue districts of the United States; and, the ex- tent of the operation of such licenses have likewise been *Veazie v. Moor, 14 How., 568. tManchester v. Massachusetts, 139 U. S., 240 (261). iSutton v. Strong, i Black, i. 236 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. the subject of litigation in the courts, the licensee con- tending, that any infringement upon the privilege, thus granted, by the laws of a State, was in violation of the constitutional power of Congress to regulate com- merce, and was therefore void, as against a license au- thorized by, and issued under an Act of Congress, But, the sufficiency of this contention has always been denied, and, on several occasions, the Supreme Court of the United States has determined, that the sale of such mer- chandise, within a State, is subject exclusively to state control,* for the reason, that a license, issued under an Act of Congress, gives to the licensee no right to keep or sell intoxicating liquors, in violation of a state law, and, therefore, it is no defense to an indictment, under the laws of the State.f Hence, a state law requiring a license, before an individual shall be permitted to sell intoxicating liquors, at retail, is not unconstitutional, at least, where it does not interfere with the sale of im- ported liquors, in original packages.^ But, in the case of Pervear against the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, which was a license tax case,§ the question as to the effect of a license granted to dealers in liquors, under the revenue laws of the United States was distinctly raised, and in disposing of this question, Mr. Chief Justice Chase, who delivered the opinion of the court, held, that, "The circumstance, that the state prohibition ♦License Cases, 5 How., 504; License Tax Cases, s Wall., 462. tMcGuire v. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 3 Wall., 387. JSee also, License Cases, S How., 504. §5 Wall., 462. FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATIOK. 237 applies to merchandise in the original package is wholly immaterial. Even in the case of importation," says he, "that circumstance is only available to the importer. Merchandise in the original package, once sold by the importer, is taxable as other property. But, in the case before us, there is no importation. So far as it appears, the liquors [in question] were home-made, or, if not, were in second hands;" and, therefore, the court deter- mined, that the law, the constitutionality of which was attacked, in that case, fell within the legitimate scope of the operation of the taxing power of the State, and for that reason it was upheld. This ruling was in strict conformity with principles laid down, by the Supreme Court of the United States, in the License Cases, as early as 1847, which were stead- ily adhered to and followed, until, 1889, when they were reversed, by the decision of that court, in the case of Leisy against Hardin,* which held, that, inasmuch as such liquors constituted a lawful subject of trade, their sale, in any State, could not be regulated by its legisla- tion, when they were the subject-matter of inter-state commerce. But, the effect of this decision made such an innova- tion, in the doctrines, theretofore entertained, respecting the application of the police power of the States, in its operation upon the liquor traffic, that Congress imme- diatel enacted a statute,t which provided, among other things, that fermented, distilled or intoxicating liquors, *i35 U. S., 100. fAct of Congress of August 8, 1890. 238 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. transported into any State or Territory, should, upon ar- rival, be subject to the operation of the laws of such State or Territory, to the same extent and in the same manner as though such liquors had been produced, in that State or Territory, and should not be exempt therefrom by reason of having been introduced therein, in original packages. This statute was afterwards presented to the court for construction and interpretation in the case of Scott against Donald* and, while Mr. Justice Brown, expressed the opinion, in a dissenting opinion delivered, by him, in that case, that "the effect of this enactment" was "to with- draw intoxicating liquors from the operation of the com- mercial clause of the Constitution, and permit the traffic in them to be regulated in such manner as the several States, in the exercise of their police power, shall deem best for the general interest of the public," a majority of the court held, that it did not preclude the federal courts from inquiring into the question as to whether a given state law is a lawful exercise of the police power of the State, and, that, even under the Act, the State cannot discriminate between inter-state and domestic commerce, in commodities, the manufacture and use of which are admitted to be lawful. Whatever may be the effect of this decision, upon tfiis legislation of Congress, the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Brown, above referred to, presents the question as to whether, that legislation, be a recognition of the right of the several States to regulate the sale of liquors, *i6s U. S., 58 (102.) FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 239 within their respective limits, under the exercise of their inherent poUce power, or whether it be an act of permis- sion only. The first of these questions has never been determined; but, In re Rahrer* the second question was considered, and partially answered, in the opinion of Mr. Chief Justice Fuller, when he said, that, in the pas- sage of the Act of Congress of August 8th, 1890, pro- viding that imported liquors should be subject to the operation of the state laws, to the same extent as though they had been produced in the State, Congress did not use terms of permission to the States, but simply re- moved an impediment to the enforcement of the state laws, in respect of imported packages, in their original condition, created by the absence of a specific utterance on its part; and, that jurisdiction attaches, not in virtue of the law of Congress, but, because, the effect of that law was to place the property where jurisdiction could attach. And, this opinion of the learned Chief Justice is clearly in line with former decisions of the court, and its ultimate adoption, as a constitutional rule, is the only safeguard against an invasion of the well recognized police power of the several States. Any other result would involve a denial, to the States, of a power, which they have never surrendered to the federal government, and would give rise to the implication, that the States may receive, from Congress powers, which it does not possess, a doctrine, as repugnant to the whole federal theory, as it is to the independent existence of the States itself. The States having, therefore, the constitutional power *i40 U. S., S4S (564-5). 240 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. to impose a license fee, upon sellers of intoxicating li- quors and other noxious articles of commerce, within their respective jurisdictions, they may do so either directly or through the instrumentality of one of its municipal corporations; and a special license tax, im- posed by such a corporation, so authorized by the State, for the privilege of selling beer, is not obnoxious to the commercial clause of the Constitution of the United States.* In like manner, a State may impose a license tax, either directly, or through a municipal corporation, upon the keepers at a ferry, for boats owned by them, and used in the transportation of passengers and goods, from a landing in the State/ imposing the tax, across a navi- gable stream, to a landing in another State.f A state law, however, requiring a license tax to be paid by the owners of commercial articles; or upon the instrumentalities of foreign and inter-state commerce, must be uniform in its operation, and, if the law dis- criminate against goods, or passengers, from outside the State, it will be declared unconstitutional,^ and, even without such declaration, it can have no valid operation. But, it has been said, that a license to sell liquors, under the revenue laws of the United States, providing for the establishment of collection districts, embracing the Territories, where the Indians reside, does not have the effect of conferring an absolute right, upon the H- *Downham v. City of Alexandria, 10 Wall., 173. tWiggins Ferry Co. v. East St. Louis, 107 U. S., 365. jWelton V. Missouri, 91 U. S., 275. FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 24I censee, to sell liquors, for the reason, that such a license does not authorize the introduction of liquors into the Indian country, contrary to the laws established by Con- gress, for the government of these Territories.* A license granted by the United States, being, like any other license, a personal privilege, is revocable, at the pleasure of the government; it ceases with the death of the licensee, and cannot be transferred, or alienated.f Therefore, when a law of Congress authorizes the grant of a license to erect and maintain a bridge across a navi- gable stream, the owner of the bridge, in accepting its provisions, takes it, subject tO' the reservation, implied in the grant, that Congress may, withdraw the license, or direct necessary alterations to be made, in the structure ; and, such a license may be withdrawn, at any time, within the discretion of Congress ; and, therefore, it is not neces- sary to first judicially ascertain whether the bridge, either does, in fact, or would, if constructed, under the license, materially obstructs the navigation of the stream, over which it is built; and, if in the judgment of Congress, the public interest require the bridge to be removed, or alterations to be made in the manner of its construction, the United States is not liable to make compensation to the owners, for loss occasioned, by what was directed to be done, although the bridge, so far as it may have pro- gressed, was constructed in substantial compliance with the provisions of the law, relating to its construction.^ ♦United States v. 43 Gallons of Whiskey, 108 U. S., 491. tDe Haro v. United States, S Wall., 599. JNewport & Cincinnati Bridge Co. v. United States, 105 U. S., 470. 242 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. Whenever it may be determined, that the federal power of regulation attaches to any of the subject/of commerce, it necessarily follows, that the power, by virtue of its own operation, carries with it full authority to enforce such regulation as Congress may deem proper to adopt; and, in the exercise of this authority, it may provide for the enforcement of its mandates and for the prevention of any act which rnay interfere with, or ob- struct the due execution of that authority;* and, this may Se accomplished through the means of a civil or criminal proceeding against the offender. However, in reference to the Act of Congress establishing the Inter- state Commerce Commission, in the case of the Inter- state Commerce Commission against Brimson, it was contended, that Congress had no power to pro- vide any method, by which that commission could enforce the provisions of the statute, or compel obedience to its lawful orders, except through criminal proceedings or by civil actions to recover the penalties imposed, for non-compliance with its orders; but, in disposing of this contention, the court held, that, "any such rule of constitutional interpretation, if applied to all the grants of power made to Congress, would defeat the principal object for which the Con- stitution was ordained."t and, so ruled, in reference to the facts, presented in that case, and under which its de- termination was had. Hence, the power to prescribe rules for the regulation *In re Debs, 158 U. S., 564 (581). tiS4 U. S., 447- FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 243 of commerce, includes the right, not only to determine what such rules shall be, but also, to declare the liability which shall follow their infraction, and to the extent of the power, vested by the Constitution, in the federal government, whatever Congress may determine, either as a regulation of the subject, upon which it was de- signed to operate, or as a liability for its infraction, is exclusive of state authority ;* and, an Act of Congress, constitutionally enacted, under its power to regulate com- merce among the States and with foreign nations, is binding upon all, and its provisions are as obligatory, as if they were, in terms, embodied in the Constitution itself.t As has already been suggested, the federal power of regulation "consists as much in negative as in posi- tive action."! Whence, it follows, that the power to regulate that commerce, which is vested in the federal government, may be exercised, without legisla- tion, as well as with it; and, by refraining from taking any action on the subject, Congress adopts, as its own regulations, those rules, which the common, or the civil law, (where the principles of the civil law prevail), has provided for the government of commercial business, and those which the several States, may have adopted, in the regulation of their domestic concerns, — but not regulating it within the meaning of the Constitution. In fact, it has been held, that congressional action is ♦Sherlock v. Ailing, 93 U. S., 99. tNorthern Securities Co. v. United States, 193 U. S., 197 (333). jpassenger Cases, 7 How., 283 (399)- 244 COMMERCIAL POWER OF CONGRESS. only necessary, to cure defects, or to supply omissions in existing laws, as they may be discovered, and to adopt such laws to new developments of trade.f Therefore, in the absence of any action, on the part of the federal government, it is said, Congress exerts its power to reg- ulate commerce and intercourse, with foreign nations and among the States, by willing that it shall be free. The mere fact, however, that Congress has not seen fit to prescribe a specific rule, in the exercise of its com- mercial power, it is said, does not affect, in any wise, the power itself ; and, whenever the power is exclusive in the federal government, on account of the natonal character of the subject-matter of its regulation, and, for this reason, admits of but one uniform system or plan of regulation, it has been declared to be so far exclusive in Congress, that no State has the power to make any regulation, which will, in any way, effect the free and unrestricted intercourse with foreign nations, and among the States, as Congress has left it, or which will impose any discriminating burden upon the products of other States, whether they be of the federal Union or of foreign nations, coming to, or brought within their several jurisdictions.* So, when the subject-matter of the power falls within the exclusive authority of Congress, that body may alone act in the premises, and, its non-use of the power ^ tHall V. De Cuir, 95 U. S., 485. *See Welton v. Missouri, 91 U. S., 275; Brown v. Houston, 114 U. S., 622; County of Mobile v. Kimball, 102 U. S., 691; Weber, v. Virginia, 103 U. S., 344. FEDERAL POWER OF REGULATION. 245 is said to amount a declaration that, it shall be free from all burdens, which might be imposed, by state leg- islation;* therefore, it can never be successfully urged, that the federal govemement has lost its power, by reason of its non-user, because, a power of government, which actually exists is never lost; for, as was said, in the case of the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad Company against the State of Iowa,f "A good government never puts forth its extraordinary power, except under circum- stances, which require it," for says the court, "that gov- ernment is the best, which, while performing all its du- ties, interferes the least, with the lawful pursuits of its people." *Gloucester Ferry Co. v. Pennsylv- nia, 114 U. S., 196. t94 U. S., ISS (162). THE END. KF 4606 J78 Author Jones, Paiil Vol. Title Copy The commercial power of congress, Date Borrower's Name