^^^iiiiiiii«i;;i:;;j THE J BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE ^ SAGE ENDOWMENT,, FUn4 THE GIFT OF ' Henrg W. Sage 1891 , A/.tp.ra... 3./j/^..7.,. DATE DUE .. fiEl^^ mm II •yat^r ^.■J«Mwii» «i»t»"ii,... 06G-* vT5oc r / "^MiAl / wi llV'IIM "**'B*44B ■*&. j£^ ^■■■WIIR. Illtti*«f1 CPJ^ECl 4*89 ' HfflP""" ^ RPW* ^ (*■« flgfi-^ H9§1 \l FSS iii»#1?^? mn 17 1 ■■■' 1 Ml 5^ om *T^f«!^99^ "-^^-^ » CAYLOno 1 PRINTSO IN U.S.A. Cornell University Library DS 765.V93 The China^a^an. war ,com^^^^^^ 3 1924 023 145 257 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023145257 LondfftL. Siunpson.ZoM .Jifarsi &e^rrffeTMUp &Son.:y4 Flc^S^E.C. LoTiimt., SampsoTL.Loit.MarstOTc Se Company-. LimilcJ.. THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR COMPILED FROM JAPANESE, CHINESE, AND FOBEIGN SOURCES BY VLADIMIR LATELY OP THE * * * * DIPLOMATIO MTSSION TO OOllEA "... WKOTE THE HISTORY OF THE WAR . . HAVING BEGUN EKOM ITS VEEY OUTSET, WITH THE EXPECTATION IT WOULD PROVE A GREAT ONE." Thucydides, Boole I. ILLUSTRATED NEW YOEK CHARLES SCEIBNER'S SONS 153-157, Fifth Avenue 1896 V^3 A- 1 (yr)55'\ LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, Limited, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. /4/o;C€.iUp ?-i-«.r-MJ9, / tJTt. ^ TO MY EEADEE8. My principal object in writing this book has been to render it clear and interesting. This object was not easil-y attained ; the history of a war to be correct and complete must, to a certain degree, be technical, and when it has to treat of distant places with diffi- cult names, it risks to become unintelligible and wearisome to the majority of readers. I have had, therefore, to refrain as far as possible from details, and give as few names of places and persons as was consistent with a perspicuous narration. I have used only a small part of the materials collected for the purpose. These have been obtained from all avail- able sources ; from Chinese and Japanese accounts, and from the reports of foreigners, whenever any were present, either on men-of-war or on land. My acknowledgments are chiefly due to the Japanese war publications, without which it would have been impossible, at least at present, to have compiled an intelligent account of the war. It is not one of the least surprising incidents of the war that Japan should have been able to produce, simultaneously with her great efforts by land and sea, a rich literature on the VI TO MY BEADEBS. subject of the war. Besides numerous pamphlets, two periodical publications, exclusively dedicated to the war, were issued during its progress, forming before its conclusion several volumes. The amount of information of every kind contained in them was extraordinary, and nothing was neglected to render the subject clear to the Japanese public. My preference of Japanese sources does not aifect the impartiality of the narration — the Japanese have been uniformly fair to their adversaries, far more just than their own countrymen ; and it has always been easier to find the truth in the histories of the victors than in those of the vanquished. The former have greater self-possession, see events more clearly, and can afford to be impartial. CONTENTS. PAET I. THE HISTORY OF THE COREAN QUESTION. mAPTEE FAOE I. Short Historical Sketch of the Relations of the Three Countries . . ....... 9 Wars of the T'ang Dynasty. Kublai Khan's Armada. Hideyoshi's Invasions of Corea. II. Sketch of Modern History of Corea ..... 35 III. Events immediately preceding the Outbreak of Hostilities . 51 The Assassination of Kim-ok-Kiun. The Tong-Haks. Army and Navy of China. Army and Navy of Japan. PAET II. THE CORE AN CAMPAIGN. I. The Outbreak of Hostilities 88 The Attack on the King's Palace at Seoul. The Naval Battle at Phung Island. II. The First Military Operations .... . 104 The Asan Campaign. The Declaration of War. The Naval Demonstrations at Port Arthur and Wei- hai-wei. III. The Phyong-yang Campaign 120 Preliminary Description. Advance of the Mixed Brigade. Advance of the Sak-ryong Detachment. Advance of the Main Body. Advance of the G-ensan Detachment. Phyong-yang and the Chinese Army. viii CONTENTS. CHAFTEE fAGS TV. The Attack on Phyong-yang .... .149 The Mixed Brigade. The Sak-ryong and Gensan Detachments. The Main Body. The Retreat of the Chinese and Capture of Phyong-yang. PART III. THE CAMPAiaN IN CHINA. I. The Naval Battle at Hai-yang Island . 164 II. The First Anny's Invasion of China . . 186 The Crossing of the Yalu. Operations of the Fifth Division. Operations of the Third Division. III. The Caihpaign in the Eegent Sword's Peninsula . 203 The Landing of the Second Army. The Advance and Capture of Chin-chow and Talien Bay. The Capture of Port Arthur. IV. The First Army in Manchuria . . . . 237 Fifth Division or Eight Wing of the First Army. Third Division or Left Wing of the First Army. V. The Advance of the Second Army . . . 261 VI. The Wei-hai-wei Campaign . . 269 VIL The First Peace Embassy 305 VIII. The Continuation of the Manchurian Campaign . . . 308 IX. The Second Peace Embassv 322 APPENDICES. Appendix A. Otori's Programme of Reforms for Corea . . 335 „ B. Diplomatic Correspondence preceding the War 338 „ C. Statements of some of the Survivors of the Kowshing 349 „ D. The Declarations of War of China and Japan . . 370 „ E. Correspondence relating to the two Japanese in Shanghai ....... 375 „ F. Correspondence between Admiral Ito and Admiral Ting 380 „ G. Capitulation of Wei-hai-wei .... 387 „ H. Correspondence between Taotai Niu and Admiral Ito 389 „ I. The Peace Conference at Hiroshima . . . 391 „ J. The Armistice . ... 403 „ K. Peace Negotiations and Text of Treaty . . 405 Indkx .......... 438 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. COKEA EXPLORING DONG ElVER Japanese Dollak-note, with the Head of Empress Jinqu, who invaded corea ........ The Tai-Wen-Kun, Father of the Present King of Corba, AND Regent during his Ministry . Kim-Os-Kiun Majoh-Genebal Oshima Otobi, Japanese Minister in Corea Yuan-Shi-kai, Chinese Minister resident in Thk King of Corea .... <>AVTA1N MaTSUSAKI, KILLEn AT An-soxg The Bdgleb Shirakami Genjiro . Sub-Lieutenant Take-no-Uchi, killed while Movements of the Chinese on the Tax- Plan op Phtong-tang City and Environs Major-Genbeal Tachimi Colonel Sato Harada, the Hero of the Gemmu Gate YOSHINO Akitsushima HlYEI . Lai-yuen Saikio Maru TlliG-TUEN Chen-yuen Chiyoda Itsukushima Hashidatb Admiral Ito Marshal Yamagata Majob-General Osbko. Marshal Oyama c Gate of Chin-chow Private Onoguohi, of the Engineers, who blew up the Gate Captain Asakawa saved by Private Tio .... b 18 40 52 64 90 90 92 108 112 121 148 155 156 157 169 170 171 173 175 176 177 178 179 180 182 190 197 204 211 212 219 X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE LlBUTENANT-GrENERAL YaMAGI ... . . 227 HUANG-CHIK-SHAN (GoLDBN HiLL) FoET . . . 230 sobtie of 0naemed japanese coolies on a body or fugitive Chinese Soldiers in the Nbiqhboukhood of Chin-chow . 234 General Oshima and his Teoops fighting in the Snow . 253 Japanese Aemy advancing theough the Snow . . . 257 Majob-Gf.neeal Nofji . . . 264 Japanese Soldiees advancing on the Ice . . 265 Majoe-Gekeeal Otbra, killed at Wei-hai-wei . 279 Japanese Officer saving Girl and Baby . . 283 Captain Toda, Commander op the 2nd Torpedo Flotilla 286 Lieutenant Imai, Commander of the 3ed Torpedo Flotilla . 287 Lieutenant Jahtjshima, Commander of Torpedo Boat No. '12 2t)0 Captain Mochihaea, Ccmmakder of thk 1st Torpedo Flotilla 291 Kotaka . . . . . 294 Torpedo Boat No. 7 . . 295 Admiral Ting ... . . . 303 Lieutenant-Geneeal Katsuea .... . 315 Lieutenant-Genera L Nodzu ... . 318 MAPS. Map of the Operations during the China-Japan Wae FrontispiecB Diagrams h.lustrating the Naval Battle at Hai-yang Island . . . ' . . . . Facing page 169 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. INTRODUCTION. The China-Japan War cannot be considered as one of those distant struggles between outlandish nations, only interesting to the curious reader, who seeks to satisfy his craving for the strange and the little- known. It is an event which has already produced great results, and it bids fair to produce even greater ones and to rank as one of the great events of the century. ■ Indeed, for the magnitude, nature and duration of its results we think it will rank as the great war of the century. Even in a few months', after the first battles, we find that it produced a most rapid and startling change of public opinion. Japan, which it was fashionable to deride as a country of ridiculous little beings, who aped everything though with such inconsistent levity that no permanent results could be expected from their childlike imita- tions ; the country which was supposed to possess but a " veneer " of civilisation was found by the B 2 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. astonished world to possess an army and a navy Avhich could rank with the same institutions of Europe and America. Her victories were the more conspicuous, because so unexpected ; none of the grave writers who had formed western opinion of the Far East had ever given a thought to the military power of Japan ; all serious consideration was given to China, and she was supposed to be carefully nursed to become the ally of Great Britain, as the only nation sufficiently powerful to arrest the eastern expansion of Russia. All wrote about the undeveloped latent military power of the Chinese Colossus, and Japan was relegated to the domain of art and prettiness. People who had imbibed their opinion from these sources considered the war at first as a ludicrous one ; they were irresistibly moved to laughter by the idea of little Japan (forgetting that most nations of Europe are inferior to her in population and territory) daring to grapple with the Chinese Empire. These popular errors seemed moreover plausible on account of the numerical disparity of the two powers ; quantity is more easily appreciated than quality : it jL-equires less mental exertion. Those who had studied Japanese history, had travelled over the country with an attentive eye, even for a short time, or who had known educated Japanese, formed a far different opinion about the prospects of the war. They reflected that the Japanese had always been a M^arlike nation, that they- had stopped even the INTRODUCTION. 3 conquests of thei Mongols when they were in the heig^ht of their glory, that the progress achieved by Japan in the last twenty years was not fictitious but spread , through the whole people and their institu- jti9ns ; on the other hand China had never been fond flif war, and in her encounter with European troops in :the present century ha,d always cut a poor figure. (At the same time, the warmest admirers of Japan, . pi^obably even her own statesmen, did not expect such a brilliant series of extraordinary successes. Nobody doubted the valour of her soldiers, but the ■\var was a revelation to the world of the strategical ability and coolness of her generals and admirals. To- appreciate justly the merit of Japan, and the rapidity of her assimilation of foreign civilisation, it is necessary to bear in nlind that the present war is the first iforeign war that Japan has waged for the last three centuries, and that it was her first experiment with Ijhe new weapons and tactics which she has so lately adopted from the West. Notwithstanding this, every- thing passed smoothly, as if general manoeuvres were being carried on. It is but fair to add one more repaark ; the war being carried on in Corea and Manchuria required that soldiers, ammunition, stores, etc., should all be transported by sea, thus causing an immense increase of difficulty to the Japanese transport department. These difficulties were faced wi,th coolness and overcome without effort. .European officers who had an opportunity of witnessing the landing of considerable bodies of Japanese troops B 2 4'. THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. confessed that the operation could not have been performed better by well-trained "Western troops provided with an efficient transport service. The secret of these unexpected successes is revealed by an attentive consideration of the ancient and recent history of -Japan ; the many centuries of insular isolation and the feudal system had trained the mass of the Japanese people to sentiments of loyalty, of unswerving devotion to their chieftains, and developed a spirit of heroic fortitude and love of war. The last quarter of a century had initiated the higher classes to all the science and progress of the West. When, therefore, Japan resolved to put_ forth her strength in a foreign war, she found herself possessed with an army composed of soldiers who were ready to advance joyfully to death at the bidding of the emperor and for the glory of their country, and of officers and generals who had profited by the experience of centuries of Western wars, and who had taken up the study of military science just as it had reached perfection at the hands of Napoleon and Moltke. Japan had also great advantages in her vicinity and long intercourse with China, from whom she has received her early civilisation, and her writing. The peculiar nature of the Chinese characters — which express ideas rather than sounds, resembling thus our Arabic numerals, which have the same meanino- from Finland to Portugal, though with such diff"erent sounds — enables the educated Japanese to understand INTRODUCTION. 5 Chinese books and writing even when they cannot speak a word of the language. This common written medium not only facilitates the preparatory study of the enemy's country and forces, but is an incalculable benefit in the course of a campaign. All information which can be conveyed by writing can be obtained easily, without. fear of mistakes, and needs no inter- preters, which are only necessary in communicating with the illiterate and ignorant. This prompt means of information is a great advantage in modern warfare, where knowledge of every kind is the principal element of success. To such a cause must be attributed the relatively greater success of the Japanese as compared with the French and English in the China campaigns. While we note the brilliant qualities of the Japanese army, we must not overlook that they are set off by corresponding defects on the part of China. That country, throughout her long history, has seldom been remarkable for military success : she has often been conquered by smaller nations, and for the last tw(5 centuries and a half has been governed by a handful of Manchus, a hardy northern race. The education of the Chinese people and public opinion all tend to discourage any latent warlike tendency of the nation. The military profession is looked down upon ; mandarins of that class always ranking below civil mandarins ; and a soldier is considered as the lowest of the people, as a person who cares for no decent calling and is unfit for it. Under such conditions, it 6 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. is natural that th© Chinese soldiers should not be very brave, and generally unwilling to throw away their lives for a country which does not appreciate their services. Their pay is meagre, and often curtailed by dishonest superiors ; far from any pensions being given to the disabled, and to the relations of the killed in battle, even medical assistance and care of the wounded are not provided, and the end of a war generally means the dismissal of all those who have been hastily enlisted at the moment of danger. While the lower classes in China are not warlike and are not encouraged to become so, the upper classes are almost totally ignorant of the scientific civilisation of the West and averse to it, as they consider its advent as a certain forerunner of the fall of their oligarchy. They consider that the only hope of continuance of their system lies in keeping the people ignorant, not only of what happens in other nations, but even in other provinces of the Chinese Empire. All -attempts to achieve what we regard as freedom is completely smothered ; railways are not allowed to be built, and even good common roads are very seldom to be found in the interior, so that water-carriage of some kind is the general means of travelling over the greater part of the country. In the intellectual field matters are even worse : the ignorance even of the most learned Chinese is in- credible ; they lack that mathematical training which is considered necessary to all educated persons in the West, and which has produced those bold genera,!- INTBODOCTJON. 7 isations in all branches of science which, have revolutionised the thought of Europe and America. In China the only military examinations consist in bending tough bows, lifting heavy weights and handling the sword. If we keep in view all these simultaneous facts which operate in directing the conduct of the twO' countries, we shall find that the struggle in the Far East was not simply a war between two nations, but a war between the past and the present, between Western civilisation and a sporadic survival of the worn-out Eastern civilization ; an encounter between such tactics as were employed by Agamemnon at Troy and those that might have been conceived by Moltke. Though we point out China as the champion of the past, we must not consider that she enacts her part consistently : the worship of her ancient world is rather a pretext to avoid the trouble of reform than a sincere attachment to the great men of the past : she does -not follow their precepts, and there is perhaps no country in the world where there is such a scarcity of ancient monunients — in fact, they may be said to be entirely absent. At the same time it is necessary to dispel the error bred by ignorance, that China has never changed ; there is hardly any country that has undergone so many political- vicissitudes. Her history counts twenty-four dynasties, many of which were foreign, and established themselves by a bloody conquest of the country: every political change has brought with it a complete change of S THE OHINA-JAPAN WAR. dress and customs, and a considerable change in the internal administration. In the points just dealt with, Japan may be considered far more conservative than China ; she has had but one dynasty in the course of her whole history, and the internal changes up to the last generation have been far less than those of her neighbour ; at the same time she has a worship for the great men of the past, and their heroic exploits are ever present in the mind of the people. It has been fashionable among writers on the Far East to lay stress on the mysterious and awe-striking process which threatened the world in a near future : the " Awakening of China." These speculations about the future blinded them to what was really happening, the awakening of Japan : the phenomenon of a race that had slumbered for centuries in its beautiful ocean home, in those clusters of islands that remind one of Hellas, almost ignorant of the world that surrounded it, save for the casual advent of a Buddhist missionary, a Corean artist or a wave-tossed European, suddenly awakening to consciousness that it held a place in the world and resolved that it should be one of glory and honour. PAKT I. THE HISTOEY OF THE COEEAN QUESTION. CHAPTER I. SHORT SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF THE THREE COUNTRIES. The Corean question which has caused the war between China and Japan has its origin far into the past, and, to understand it clearly, a glance at the historical relations of the three countries is absolutely- necessary. China, Corea, and Japan form a group of nations connected by a bond of a peculiar nature, which it is difficult for a European reader to understand. It is not alone by their geographical proximity, . and by the ancient civilisation born in the North of China, which gradually spread into Corea and Japan ; nor by the diffusion of Buddhism, which China receiving from India passed on to her Eastern neigh- bours, that they feel bound together, but still more so by the use of the characters, invented in China, which spread, into Corea and Japan, and are still used, notwithstanding both those countries have an 10 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. alphabetical writing of their own. Chinese characters do not necessarily express a sound, their primary use is to represent an idea or object, and they have thus become the written medium of communication for three nations whose languages are totally different. It is difficult to render this fact intelligible to those who are unacquainted with Chinese characters, but the following parallel case in the West may be of some assistance. All the nations of Europe use the Arabic figures, though they correspond to very different sounds in the various languages of the continent, and a traveller is able to understand the numbers on shop-doors, and the hours of departure of a railway train, though he is unable to read them with their foreign pronunciation. What happens in these few cases in Europe occurs in all cases where writing is used in the Far East. A well- educated Chinese, Japanese, or Corean can under- stand almost everything which is written in either of the other two neighbouring countries, though he cannot speak a word of their languages. This common medium of communication, which is espe- cially useful for all those higher forms of thought which are best expressed and transmitted by writing, has created a deep-seated bond between nations which, by nature, would have little in common. In fact, the three nations are very different both physically and intellectually : the Japanese are viva- cious, strtistic, warlike, and ever ready to adopt improvements from abroad ; the Chinese are mostly RELATIONS OF CHINA, CORE A AND JAPAN. 11 quiet, laborious, pacific and averse to change ; and the Coreans, through centuries of oppression, have become slothful and indifferent to a degree which would be incredible to one who did not know them. The languages are diflferent in structure, and have nothing in common except what has been imported by literature and religion. Modern Japanese is full of Chinese words and expressions, but these are like French and Latin words in English, or Arabic ones in Persian, a mere borrowing of convenient ready- made phrases, which has not affected the structure of the language, though it has increased the mental stock-in-trade of the people: According to Chinese tradition, Corea owes its civilisation and even its political existence to a Chinese political refugee called iChi-tzii, who emi- grated thither about 1100 B.c. The country, which he founded with the name of Chao-hsien (Morning Freshness) was not conterminous with modern Corea ; it contained only the northern part of that country ; but, on the other hand, a portion of the present Empire of China was within its boundaries. The southern part of the peninsula was divided into several states, and these, after several centuries of war among themselves and with Chao-hsien (which after- wards changed its name to Korai through the invasion of a northern people of that name), gradually united to form, one country at the beginning of the tenth century of our era. Before this unity, was achieved, Corea had to sustain many foreign ways,, which were 12 TEE OHINA-JAPAN WAS. often provoked by one of the warring states calling in assistance either from China or Japan. The most persistent and terrible wars undertaken by China against Corea were during the Sui (589- 618 a.d) and Han (618-905 a.d) dynasties: The celebrated and infamous Emperor Yang-ti, who extended the Grand Canal, and who distinguished himself by his debauchery, cruelty, and protection of literature, planned a series of gigantic invasions of Corea both by land and sea. The first expedition, said to have consisted of 300,000 men, met with disaster. The land force marched during the rainy season, which converts some parts of Liao-tung * into an impassable bog ; the provision-carts could not proceed, and the army was decimated by famine and an epidemic. The naval force started from Lai-chou, a port in Shantung, but met with storms which •destroyed most of the vessels. Yang-ti was not discouraged, and began preparations for a new expe- dition on a vast scale. His disordered mind seems to have had a craving for the abnormal and the gigantic ; his accession to the throne was sullied by incest and parricide ; the lives of his subjects were wasted in excavating the Grand Canal, which, com- pleted in after years, is one of the greatest works of man ; and, if historians have not exaggerated, he collected the largest army which China has ever put into the field. More than a million of men are said to have been assembled for the invasion of Corea, but * The north-eastern part of China near Corea. RELATIONS OF CHINA, GOREA AND JAPAN. 13 they performed very little. The different divisions of this unwieldy force, after having suffered much from mutual over-crowding, were arrested before the fortified cities of the Coreans. One general reached the capital (the present Phyong-yang), but was deceived into believing that; the Coreans were far superior in numbers, and commenced a retreat, which became a rout, owing to the harassing attacks of the Coreans and the scarcity of provisions. A naval force^ which had also reached the capital, remained ignorant of the proximity of the army, and also retreated. It cannot be supposed that such a large army should fail so miserably ; it is therefore probable that the historians exaggerated the original numbers, and that very few of those who started ever marched into Corea, the majority deserting by the way. Even after these deductions it must have been a great military disaster ; and though Yang-ti stubbornly persisted in scheming new plans of invasions, he did not live to execute them — a band of conspirators, who could no longer bear his tyranny, put an end to his life and to his dynasty. The Chinese people had been unwilling to support the mad schemes of Yang-ti, but they felt the humilia- tion which they had suffered from Corea, and the new dynasty, the T'ang, so famous in Chinese history,* * The T'ang dynasty is the Angusta.n age of Chinese poetry, a,nd the Southern Chinese delight to call themselves " T'ang- ^en " (men of T'ang), while the Northerners prefer to call themselves " men df Han." 14 ' THE. OHINA-JAPAN WAB. . . was obliged to. continue a policy of hostility towards Corea, There were many reasons to provoke a war, besides the desire of' wiping out the disgrace of the formei- campaigns: Corea still, held territory, which once had belonged to China, and a usurper had killed the King of Corea* and several miilisters at a banquet. These difficulties were at first overcome, and the Chinese Emperor consented to recognise |;he usurper as tributary sovereign of the disputed terri- tory ; but when Shinlo (one of the small' states of Southern Corea) asked .China for protection against the usurper, and he would not listen to the orders to desist from his invasions, the Emperor resolved to make war on Corea. The war thus commenced lasted about half a century, through the reigns of several Chinese emperors, and ended with the conquest of northern and western Corea (then divided into the states of Korai and Po-chi)! It introduces us also to one of the most beautiful figures in Chinese history^ — to a monarch who can be compared with some of the best of the Roman Empire. T'ai-tsung, the son of the first T'ang emperor, was the real founder of the greatness of his house. "When both were in a private station he urged his father to rebel, and with his abilities he secured him the throne, which had been dishonoured by the vices of the tyrant Yang-ti. He commanded * Political assassination seems indigenous to the soil of Corea. After twelve centuries, parties unfortunately still employ the same methods. RELATIONS OF CHINA, GOliEA AND JAPAN. 15 in person the expedition sen,t against Corea ; he encouraged his troops by his example, and comforted them with, his kindness ; he lived on the simplest food and saddled his horse himself ; and inquired person- ally about the sick and wounded soldiers. His army was conducted with great skill, and won several victories, aid the abilities of the general were adorned by the bravery of the man. At the siege of a town, when the soldiers were busy forming a mound to overtop the walls, the emperor picked up a large piece of earth, and galloping under the walls, placed it on the top of the rising mound. His campaign was not entirely successful, and he was foiled in his last siege. But this check did not arouse his vanity, and he preserved unruffled the sweetness of his disposition. When the orders to raise the siege were given, the Corean governor, who had bravely defended the place, appeared on the battlements and bowed to the retiring emperor. T'ai-tsung sent rich presents to his chi- valrous adversary as an acknowledgment of his bravery. This was not the only instance of the T'ang emperor's magnanimity. When his soldiers com- plained that they were not allowed to sack a town, he replied that their reward should be given by the imperial treasury. At the end of the campaign, all the Corean prisoners, instead of being sold as slaves to enrich the troops, were ransomed and set free by the emperor, whose kind heart could not bear to tear apart children from their mothers, and wives from their husbands. The widow of a Corean general, who 16 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. had offered the most stubborn resistance, having fallen into his hands, he gave her rich silks and a fast cart that she might convey the dead body of her husband to Phyong-yang. These episodes of a man, great by his position and his deeds, who could lead the rough life of a soldier, brave the dangers of the field, and still keep a kind and generous heart, are pleasant to read in the light of present events. They form a contrast to the actions of the present age, and they show that China may still be a great nation if, in her reverence for the past, she aim rather at imitating the noble actions recorded in her history, than at preserving customs which through the lapse of time have lost their significance. They show that the Japanese are right when they sing in their war- songs that China formerly was a land of sages and heroes. T'ai-tsung died shortly after (a.d. 650), and the war continued in a desultory way during the reign of his successors until the Empress Wu (a.d. 684-705) (one of the most remarkable characters in Chinese history) usurped the throne. This vindictive but strong- minded woman pushed on the war with such vigour that the greater part of Corea was conquered. After these long and bloody wars Corea submitted to the suzerainty of China ; and if she occasionally relapsed from her allegiance, a short war was generally sufli- cient to recall her to sentiments of loyalty. We have examined one aspect of the question : The ancient political relations between China and SELATIONS^OF XJBINA,' COBEA . AND JAPAN. 17 Northern and Western Gorea. We have now to study another aspect : The relations of Japan with Eastern Corea. From the inter-action of these two series of historical events arises the third and later aspect, when all three nations became engaged in long disastrous wars. From a very early age Corea was invaded by the Japanese. According to Japanese tra- ditions about 202 a;D., the celebrated Empress Jingu, to revenge the death of her husband, who had been killed by the rebels in Kiushiu, undertook an expedi- tion to Corea. This Amazon, celebrated in Japanese legends as the mother of Ojiu, the god of war, suspected that the rebellion in Kiushiu had been instigated by Shinra,* a small kingdom which occupied the south-eastern part of the Corean peninsula, where the modern- provinces of Kang-Won and Kyong-Sang are now situated, and was determined to inflict an exemplary punishment. The King of Shinra was unable to resist such a formidable invasion, and submitted to great humiliations. He declared himself the slave of Japan, and Jingu hung her bow over the gate of the palace, and is even said to have written on the gate, " The king of Shinra is the dog of Japan."' The account of this expedition is legendary, but the Japanese maintain its truth, adorn their paper money with illustrations of it, and supported their right of suzerainty over Corea on the basis of this submission of Shinra to Jingu. This claim of suze- rainty was not officially relinquished .. until, : 1876 ^. , * Ai is read Shin-lo % tlie Chinese* 18 THL CHINA-JAPAN WAS. when Japan concluded the treaty which led to the opening of Corea to foreign trade. Sixteen centuries is a long time to keep up an imaginary sovereignty, but we must remember that RELATIONS OF CHINA, COBEA AND JAPAN. 19 tiihe seems to run slower in the East, where history is reckoned by dynasties rather than by reigns ; and even in European history we have the parallel case of England claiming for centuries the throne of France and her sovereigns assuming the title of kings of that country. The expedition of Jingu has influenced Japanese policy towards Corea since the third century ; that ancient episode impressed itself on the popular mind, and led all the restless warriors and politicians of Japan to embroil themselves in Corean wars, in the hope of rivalling the glory of Jingu. It also led to the third phase of the question : Hostility between China and Ja,pan. As early as the seventh century, the Japanese sent an expedition to assist one of the small Corean States against China, but it was un- successful, being surprised by the Chinese fleet and almost destroyed.* A great military expedition of the thirteenth century had, however, greater in- fluence on the mutual relations of China, Japan, and Corea. Kublai Khan's attempted invasion revealed to Japan the strength of her position and her relative power among nations : after- that national crisis Japan begins to appear as an aggressive factor in the politics of the Far East. This famous expedition, whose defeat was lately commemorated by the Japanese, and whose history was recently re-written by Imperial order, has often been compared to the Invincible Armada of Philip II. * This happened during the reign of Kao-tsung, a.d. 650-684. C 2 20 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. The incidents of the latter are well known to every English reader, and it will be interesting to give a few of the most striking .features of the former; Kublai Khan, or Shih Tsu as he is called by Chinese historians, ruled over almost the whole of the conti- nent of Asia ; and the Mongol power extended even far into Europe to the frontiers of Germany.- There was only a small outlying country in the sea which had not yet acknowledged his power. He tried at first to achieve its submission by diplomacy, and ambassadors with haughty messages were sent to Japan ; but the Mongols had now met at last a people who could withstand their hitherto invincible arms. The Japanese, ■ imbued with the pride and spirit of independence characteristic of «,11 islanders, did not deign even to answer the summary intimation to submit of Kublai Khan. The '■ Mongol emperor then tried the effect of arms, and sent an expedition of 300 vessels and 15,000 men, which was totally defeated by the Japanese near the Island of Iki. These diplomatic and military failures convinced the Mongol emperor that he had under-estimated the unknown enemy, and he prepared an expedition on a far larger scale. It is said that he assembled a fleet of 3,500 war -junks, and an army of- above lOOjOOOi- men. This vast armada was unlucky froni the beginning : the commander-in-chief fell sick, and his^ successor was unequal to the task df directing such an unwieldy host. Marco Polo asserts that dissension prevailed among the Mongol generals; 'As sc&ri as it BELATIONS OF CHINA, COREA AND JAPAN. 21 reached Japan a dreadful tempest (the Japanese attribute it to the divine intervention of the goddess Ise, whose aid had been invoked by the emperor) destroyed the greater part of the fleet,'and the few remaining vessels, together with the shipwrecked survivors, were cut to pieces by the Japanese. This great victory over the Mongol arms, which had swept unresisted from the Yellow Sea to the frontiers of Silesia and Egypt, naturally exalted the self-confidence of the Japanese, who were determined to be revenged on the Chinese and Coreans who had been forced to assist the Mongols. Japan was for a long time a prey to feudal wars, and her government was not able to undertake foreign wars, but her people had ample opportunities to secure revenge. During the end of the Yuan dynasty, and almost all through the Ming period, a.d. 1368-1642, Japanese pirates infested the coast of China. Their ravages were so considerable that Hung-wu, the first Ming emperor (a.d. 1368-1399) had to organise a special body of militia for coast defence, and ordered watch- towers to be built along the coast. The Japanese pirates scoured the whole- coast of China, and no place was safe from their bold raids. The central, provinces were of course those most affected, and from the reign of Hung-wu to the end of that of Shih-tsung (a.d. 1370-1567) they were devastated by Japanese adventurers, who not only raided the coast, but often established themselves ashore in ■ strong positions, from which they used to 22 TEE OEINA-JAPAN WAR. sally forth to plunder, destroy and burn. But they never lost their hold on the sea, and kept their ships, either to retreat to Japan when their situation became hopeless, or to remove to some other part of the coast. The Chinese in opposing their raids, often succeeded in destroying their " nests " (as they called their for- tified positions) and burning their ships, in which cases there was an indiscriminate slaughter of the Japanese. But the Chinese historians also record many victories of the Japanese, who then used to sweep over the whole country, at a considerable distance from the sea, plundering and slaying as they liked. They describe very well the national traits of the Japanese : their love of warfare, their indifference to danger and death, and their readiness to fight against superior numbers. It would be tedious to describe, even summarily, the yearly and often monthly inroads of the Japanese, To give an idea of their character and extent it will suffice to give a few examples. In the 17th year of Cheng Tsu (a.i>. 1419), in Liao-tung, near the present Port Arthur, 2,000 Japanese were destroyed by a series of ambushes and skilful stratagems of a Chinese general. In the 32nd year of Shih'Tsung (a.d. 1553), during whose reign the Japanese raids were most frequent and terrible, the pirates attacked all the coast from Wenchow to Shanghai. There was no way to subdue these formidable invaders, who had always a retreat by the sea, and could transfer their opera- tions rapidly from one province to another. RELATIONS OF OJIINA, CORE A AND JAPAN. 23 In the following year they defeated the Chinese troops with heavy loss, and spread all over the country to plunder. They defeated again the Chinese troops, and ravaging the country, they cut their way to the sea through another district. The losses through these incursions were immense ; historians calculate that during the seven or eight years when they were most terrible, China lost several millions' worth in goods and slaves carried off, and over 100,000 soldiers and people were killed or drowned. To find anything to parallel it in our histories, we must go back to the dark ages, when the fairest parts of Europe were exposed to the fierce raids of Normans from the north and Saracens from the south. These piratical forays were the spasmodic efforts of private adventurers, but they were followed by the greatest war in Japanese history. The evil govern- ment of the Ashikaga family, which rent Japan with civil wars, was finally put an end to by Nobunaga and Hideyoshi. The latter had risen from the position of a menial to the first rank in the empire ; but by his courage and military skill he made men forget his low origin, and he ruled with absolute power the whole country in the name of the emperor. He was beloved by his army, which had won in every battle, and he was eager to employ it abroad, now that no enemy had been left in Japan. The shadowy suzerainty claimed by Japan over Corea for centuries was a ready pretext to provoke a war with that country, which was however only a first step towards 24^ ■ ■ THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. an invasion of China, a gigantic sclieme which he might have realised if he had been a younger man. It is said that this scheme arose very early in the mind of Hideyoshi, and it recurred at intervals^ until he possessed the means of putting it into execution. 0hce when he was at the Kiyomidzu temple at Kioto, in the midst of the beauties of nature which all tourists have admired, grieving for the loss of his son, he turned to an attendant and said : " A great man ought to employ his army beyond ten thousand miles, and not give way to sorrow." He tried to smother his grief by gigantic schemes, and he parcelled out China among his generals in his day-dreams of conquest. The pride and ambition of this extra- ordinary man are well shown in the letter he sent to the King of Corea, when he said that, " he, the last scion of a humble stock had been predestined," that " wherever the sun shines, there will be no place which shall not be subject to him, and that his career had been like the rising sun, illuminating the whole earth." The proposal of a joint invasion of China was rejected because the King of Corea considered the enterprise absurd, and compared it to a bee attempting to sting a tortoise. Hideyoshi prepared a formidable invasion of Corea. A large army, said to have been of 150,000 men, and supported by powerful reserves, was landed in Corea near Fusan. The soldiers were not only warlike, and accustomed to victory, but they were much better armed than the Coreans, and had a BELATIONS. OF CHINA, COREA AND JAPAN. 25 good many firearms, whose use the Japanese had learnt from the Portuguese. The Japanese were commanded by two generals, Konishi Yukinaga and Kato Kiyomasa, very different in age and character ; Konishi was young and an ardent Christian, while Kato, a much older man, was a bigoted Buddhist. These differences soon created a bitter rivalry between the two generals, and the dissensions that followed probably influenced the result of the campaign. A curious incident happened before the departure of the expedition ; the Japanese warriors of that age were almost as ignorant as our mediseval knights, and they told Hideyoshi that they would be very much embarrassed if they received letters from the Chinese generals. Hideyoshi then appointed some bonzes learned in Chinese characters to assist them. At first the rapid success of the Japanese was astonishing. The impetuous young Konishi, by skilful seamanship, was able to land first in Corea, and immediately, the same day, took ,the castle of Tong-nai (near Fusan), then,, proceeding by the valley of the Nak-tong, he attacked and took Sang- ju, and Chhung-ju. He made such despatch that he was able to enter the capital, Seoul, within eighteen days from his first landing. The joy of Hideyoshi, on hearing of these rapid successes,- was so great that he exclaimed, " Now my own son seems risen from the dead." ! Kato, who had landed the next day, was very much annoyed at being everywhere forestalled by his youth- 26 THE QHINA-JAPAN WAB. ful rival, who made every effort to retard his march, even removing the boats that were necessary for crossing the river in front of the capital. Notwith- standing these delays, he entered Seoul about the same time as Konishi. The rapidity of the invasion utterly disconcerted the Corean Court, which was unprepared for war, and when the news of the fall of Chhung-ju reached Seoul, it caused such a panic, that the courtiers abandoned the king, and fled with the horses taken from the royal stables. The king was obliged to escape into Liao-tung and implore the assistance of China, while the royal princes were sent into the N.-E. provinces. The two Japanese generals, having found it impossible to act in concert, agreed to separate, Kato proceeding eastward to conquer Ham-gyong, and Konishi pushing on to Phyong-yang, which he reached about three weeks after leaving Seoul. Here the Japanese had some difficulty in crossing the Tai- dong river, but by a stratagem they succeeded, and defeated the Coreans, who were obliged to abandon Phyong-yang. The fall of this city, the ancient capital of the kingdom and a strong fortress, spread terror through all Corea and the Chinese province of Liao-tung, whither panic-struck fugitives repaired in great numbers. The impetuous Konishi wished to follow up his victory and invade China, but he was so distant from his base of operations, that he was obliged to ask for MELATIONS OF CHINA, OOBEA AND JAPAN. 27 the co-operation of the Japanese fleet, which was lying at, Fusan. It was ordered to sail round the western coast, and proceed up the Tai-dong river. Had such a junction been achieved, it is probable that Hideyoshi's dreams might have been realised. If the Japanese could have kept up their rapid advance, no resistance could have been offered to them ; neither Chinese nor Coreans were yet quite ready for war, and the army, which in a few weeks had conquered almost the whole of Corea, would have found no difficulty in passing through Liao-tung in a somewhat longer time. But unfortunately for the brilliant projects of Hideyoshi and his generals, the fleet was unable to reach the rendezvous. The Coreans, staggered at first by the impetuous onslaught of the Japanese, gradually recovered themselves, and, imbued with the courage of despair, attacked with success the Japanese fleet, while on its way, at the island of Ko-je and drove it back to Fusan. This naval success was owing to the Corean vessels being stronger than the Japanese, and having thick boards for protection against arrows and bullets. This defeat prevented any further advance of Konishi, and as the Tai-dong river and Phyong-yang marked the extreme limit of Japanese military operations during the celebrated invasions of the 16th century, the defeat of the Japanese fleet may be considered the turning-point of the war, and might be chosen as a far Eastern illustration of Capt. Mahan's theories of the influence of sea-power upon history. 28 ; -TBE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. While Konishi had advanced to Phyong-yang, Kato marched to the northern frontier of Corea and besieged Hoi-ryong, where the royal princes had fled for refuge : the princes were delivered up to him and the fortress was surrendered. Not satisfied with this success, Kato crossed the frontier and invaded the country of the Orankai : * here a touching episode is said to have taken place, which forms a favourite subject for Japanese artists. Towards the east, across the sea, the Japanese saw the dim outline of a mountain which they mistook for their beloved Fuji- san : Kato at once took off his helmet and reverently saluted his native land.f When the King of Corea fled to Liao-tung, to implore assistance from the Chinese, the latter sent a small army, which was promptly routed by the Japanese. The Chinese, now realising the power of their enemy, prepared to send a larger force, and to gain time they eiitered into negotiations with the enemy. This was only the first of many diplomatic missions. During the long war there were many others in the field, and at Peking. Of course, the Chinese were at a great advantage in their negotia- tions, as they employed cunning agents, whom they could disown at pleasure ; while the Japanese em- ployed their generals, who were only bluff", ignorant * At present it forms part of the Eussiau Amur province. t The Japanese say the mountain , may have been Yo-tei-rei in the northern island of Yezo. It was probably some island off the coast. RELATIONS OF- CHINA, CO BE A AND JAPAN. 29 warriors, who could not even read Chinese charaeterK and were obliged to have recourse to their Bonzes. The Japanese had been promised by a wily Chinese, who had been sent to cajole them into waiting, the whole of Corea up to the Tai-dorig river, i.e., the territory they had conquered. But while they were waiting for the answer from Peking ratifying such arrangements, a large Ming army silently advanced to attack them at Phyong-yang. The position -of the Japanese was very critical ; all the Corean peasantry were in revolt, and the Chinese army was upon, them. Konishi's courage and presence of mind did not fail him. He disdained to retreat, and boldly prepared for battle. Notwithstanding the great numerical supe- riority of the Chinese, the Japanese held their ground at Peony Mount (a strong position near Phyong- yang), but during the night they were obliged to' retreat. The Chinese were then commanded by Li-yu-sung, a veteran who had already distinguished himself by subduing rebellions and warring with the then rising Manchus. He was angry at the escape of the Japanese, and proceeded at once to Seoul with an army estimated at 200,000 men, most of whom must have been ill-armed Corean peasants. Konishi re- solved, to make a stand at Seoul, where he had asked Kato and other generals to, join him. The Chinese and.Coreans defeated the Japanese advanced guard, and moved on to the capital, wherie a dreadful battle was fought, the nj.ost bloody of the ,war, , At first 'the Japanese -were oye]:cpnie; by the superior numbers of 30 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. their enemies, but tliey finally succeeded in driving them back with heavy loss, through the tactics of an old general, who employed a favourite stratagem of ancient warfare. He kept aloof with a strong reserve, and when the Chinese fell into confusion, pursuing the Japanese, he attacked and defeated them. This victory gave very undecided results. The Chinese had lost heavily, and were afraid that Kato, whom they thought had not yet joined Konishi, might attack them in flank, so they retired to Phyong-yang. The Japanese advanced, and took some castles garrisoned by the Coreans, but they were weary of the length of the campaign, and harassed by the incessant guerilla w^arfare of the Coreans. They were also hard pressed for food, as the protracted hostilities had caused a famine. At last the Japanese generals consented to listen to terms of peace. Japan was promised the three southern provinces of Corea, and the recognition of her suzerainty. Hideyoshi wished also to be considered as the equal of the Emperor of China — this petty piece of vanity finally frustrated the negotiations. Pending the discussion of these conditions the Japanese evacuated Seoul and retired to the coast, where they could receive their supplies from Japan. This was the end of the first invasion. The Japanese, through discord among their generals, insufficient support from their fleet, and incapacity to judge the crafty diplomacy of the Chinese, had lost all the results of their first brilliant military achievements, which for RELATIONS OF CHINA, COBEA AND JAPAN. 3L their rapidity must be considered as wonderful for that age, The negotiations were undertaken with very little sincerity on the part of the Chinese, and with an arrogant desire on the part of Hideyoshi to assert his personal power. The consequence of all these discordant causes was that the Chinese took umbrage at some Japanese attacks on the Coreans, and Hideyoshi was offended by an insufficient recognition from the Emperor of China. A second invasion of Corea was at once planned^ and an army as powerful as the first invaded that unfortunate country. The success of this , second invasion was inferior to the first. The Coreans were prepared, and had been trained by the former campaigns, while a large Chinese army was already in the country to support them. The Japanese armies, after several victories, advanced only as far as the capital ; but they were obliged to retire almost at once, a defeat of their fleet, as in the former advance to Phyong-yang, depriving them of all means of obtaining supplies. As winter was approaching, and the country iad-- been devastated by years of warfare, they had to retire down to the coast near Japan. The Japa>Bese, now conscious they were leaving the country for ever^ resolved to enrich themselves and to inflict as much injury as .they could on the . unfortunate Coreans: They sacked and burnt all the towns during their slow march south. ;The retreating army took up its positions at Fusan^ and Urusan, at which latter place 32 , ' THE CHINA- JAPAN WAR. •they were forced to stand • at ^ bay, as an immense army of Chinese and Coreans was coming up to avenge former defeats and: the ruthless devastation of the country. The siege of Urusan was the last important episode of the war, and it was a fitting end to the succession of horrors. which had afflicted Corea for so many years. The Japanese, knowing the numbers and fury of their enemies, fortified their position. A triple enclosure of strong high walls, flanked by towers protected three sides of their camp, which was guarded by the sea on the fourth side: During the whole severe Corean winter the Japanese withstood furious assaults, amidst the horrors of famine and thirst. The lively imagination of the Japanese, so fond of the horrid and grotesque, has handed down innumerable incidents of that dreadful siege. The arrows shot into the fortress were so numerous that the besieged used them as fuel to cook the flesh of the frozen corpses of their horses. Every device was employed to eke out their scanty provisions. Eats and mice were caught and eaten, and even paper was chewed to allay the pangs of hunger. . The famished soldiers suff"ered from the intense cold, and many were found frozen to death sitting on the sunny side of the walls, where they had vainly; sought a little warriith. In the first assault bhe. Chinese had won the first' enclosure, and the Japianese found themseli/es in great straits fot? water, as the enemy, guarded every stream and source.- It is said- the 'Japanesfe :were reduced: toiick the wounds RELATIONS OF CHINA, COREA AND JAPAN. 33 •of the corpses, and chew the flesh to allay their thirst. Amidst famine and thirst they had to make such "violent exertions that in the extreme cold their •armour was covered with frozen sweat. Japanese historians amusingly relate that the warriors found their greave-bands constantly slipping down, as their legs had become like bamboo sticks. Amidst all these horrors one is charmed to find a few romantic episodes well befitting the chivalrous character of the feudal Japanese. Asano, one of the generals at Urusan, wrote of his distress to,Kato,.and as the latter had sworn to Asano's father to ever help his son, he at once proceeded to Urusan to share the dangers and privations of his friend. The distressed garrison of Urusan had sent many urgent messages for relief, but it was not until they were almost reduced by famine that an army marched from Fusan, and, after a desperate struggle, defeated the besiegers. Both armies were too much exhausted by the Tvinter campaign to engage in any decisive battle, and the military operations were confined to guerilla Tvarfare. The death of Hideyoshi, the author of the -war, soon after put an end to it ; one of his last orders was to recall all his troops from Corea. The war, together with the different attempted negotiations, had lasted over six years — from the middle of 1592 to the end of 1598. During all this time Japan had ibught against Corea and China, but though success- :ful in most battles, want of supplies had obliged her .•gradually to retreat. The only practical result of the D 34 TEE CEINA-JAPAN WAB. two terrible invasions was the occupation of Fusan, which was kept and garrisoned by the Japanese, who probably clung to it as a souvenir of their military achievements, just as the English, after they had been driven put of France, long retained a hold of Calais, and were attached to it far beyond its intrinsic importance, as the last remnant of their continental possessions. A long account has been given of Hideyoshi's campaign,* but it is not superfluous, as that event forms a conspicuous episode of Japanese history which has deeply impressed itself on the national mind". Modern Japanese writers say that it is similar to the Crusades, and as those romantic expeditions have greatly contributed to fix the European mind on the East, so Hideyoshi's invasions have kept Japan's attention riveted to Corea. * Besides native historians, an article in a foreign paper ■ pnblislied in the Far East has been of great use in compiling this description. ( 35 ) CHAPTER II. SKETCH OF MODERN HISTORY OF COREA. Soon after Hideyoshi's death and the collapse of his ambitious schemes, great changes took place in China and Japan. In the former country the Ming dynasty grew feebler every day, and was finally supplanted by the Manchus,. who govern the country still. In the latter, the Tokugawas, by rendering the post of Shogun hereditary in their family, monopolised the power in the country up to the restoration in 1868. The terrible experiences of the Japanese invasions encouraged the love of isolation of the Coreans ; every measure was adopted to prevent foreigners penetrating into the country. Along the northern frontier a desolate tract of land called the Neutral Zone divided Corea from the Chinese Empire. The subjects of the two countries were only allowed commercial inter- course once a year at an appointed fair held at a border town. After the fair was closed, any Chinese (or Manchu) who was found on Corean territory was liable to be put to death. Great vigilance was exer cised along the coasts, and an organised system of beacon-fires on the hill-tops served to convey rapid intelligence to the capital of the approach of any D 2 36 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. strange vessel. Any foreigners who were cast ashore by shipwreck, were kept in strict confinement and not allowed to return to their country, or even to be seen by the Chinese envoys ; this was the lot of the Dutch sailors of the seventeenth century, who were detained fourteen years before they could effect their escape. To avoid collisions with her neighbours, Corea con- sented to send tributary missions to Pekin and Yedo, which were more flattering to the pride of China and Japan than burdensome to the Corean exchequer. The strict loyalty to the Western suzerain involved Corea in the beginning of the seventeenth century in some wars with the Manchus, who were then menacing the Chinese dynasty of the Ming. Two invasions in 1627 and 1637 forced the Coreans to transfer their allegiance to the Manchus, but as the latter soon after became the occupants of the Dragon throne, the Coreans were no longer embarrassed about the choice of their Western suzerain, and were able to enjoy Over two centuries of immunity from foreign wars. Unfortunately, strife of some kind is inseparable from all forms of society, as it is a law which rules the whole organic world, and the care employed by Corea to avoid war with her neighbours and encroachment from more distant and enterprising nations, instead of producing a state of peace and tranquillity, developed a number of factious parties in the country which have rent her with conspiracies, political assassinations, and family feuds up to the present time. SKETCH OF MODERN EISTOBT OF CORE A. 37 This strange isolation, which earned for Corea the names of the Hermit Nation and the Forbidden Land, lasted until quite recently, and was a curious anomaly, when her two powerful neighbours had been forced open to the commerce of the world, and when steamers- were constantly passing within sight of her coasts. Attempts of all kinds were made by per- sons of all descriptions, actuated by the most oppo- site motives to overcome this stubborn seclusion. Christianity, which had penetrated into the peninsula, about the end of last century through the conversion of some Coreans at Peking, soon inspired some French missionaries to enter the country in disguise (the only means open to them) ; the success of their mission soon caused a violent persecution. The French Government, which has always protected Catholic missionaries, tried in several ways to obtain religious toleration for their proteges. The first expedition of La Gloire and La Viotorieuse was shipwrecked, owing to faulty charts and the high tides of the Corean coast. No redress having been obtained from the Chinese Government for the increasing persecution, in 1866 the French undertook to coerce the Coreans directly. On the 25th September the DerouVede and Tardif, with Bishop Ridel and three Corean converts as guides, anchored in front of Seoul, and caused such panic in the Corean capital, that no food was pro- curable from the neighbouring country. Had the French remained, they might have dictated their terms, but Admiral Eoze refused to listen to the 38 TEE CIJINA-JAPAN WAE. entreaties of the bishop, and returned to Chefoo to organise a more powerful expedition. This consisted of the frigate Guerriere, the corvettes Laplace and Primaiiguet, the despatch vessels Deroulede and Xien-chan, and ■ the gun-boats Tardif and Lehreton with 600 soldiers. The French were successful at first, taking the city of Kang-hwa;, and defeating the Coreans in several engagements ; but growing careless, they were repulsed in the attack on a fortified monastery, which might have been shelled from the ships. This slight defeat was sufficient for the admiral! to order a retreat, to the great disgust of the whole fleet. This unaccountable retreat was magnified by the Coreans into a national victory, and the persecution of the Christians became more violent. At the same time attempts were made to establish commercial relations with Corea. In 1862, the Government of Emperor Napoleon III. tried to get the envoys of the Shogun (Tycoon) to obtain freedom for French trade in the peninsula, and Lord Russell wished that England should also enjoy the commer- cial privileges the Japanese had at Fusan : the Eussians also established a station at Tsushima, which, however, they were obliged to abandon. In 1866, the Russians sent a war- vessel to Broughton's Bay to demand right of trade, but were told to apply at Peking. In the same year the adventurer Oppert (the author of the ' Forbidden Land '), who had set his mind to open Corea to the trade of the world. SKETCH OF MODERN EISIOBY OF OOSEA. 39 visited the country twice, first in the Bona, and then in the Emperor ; and the American schooner General Sherman, in attempting to trade in the Tai-dong river, was destroyed and all her crew massacred. A double current of feeling impelled men to seek to break through Corea's seclusion : religious zeal for the diffusion of the Gospel, and the spirit of commercial enterprise which dreamed of countless wealth in the opening of a new country. These sentinaents of such different nature united in inspir- ing one of the most extraordinary expeditions known in history. The French missionaries, under the pressure of the furious and relentless persecution which obliged them to hide like wild beasts, must often have been driven almost to insanity, and were led to countenance the mad schemes of their ignorant and persecuted converts. Some Coreans asserted that the Eegent, or Tai-wen-Kun, who was the ^fiercest persecutor, was so superstitious that, if they ■could secure the bones contained in some royal mausoleum, they could obtain freedom of religion and commerce as ransom for the contents of the tombs. Oppert, whom we have already mentioned, had entered into communication with the French priests and their Corean converts, during his two experi- mental commercial trips in 1866, so that when a French priest with four Corean Christians came to Shanghai, early in 1867, they laid before him the 40 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. plan of rifling the royal tombs. The scheme was- approved by Oppert, who, with the assistance of some merchants in Shanghai, fitted out an expedi- tion consisting of the s.s. China, of 680 tons, and a steam tender of 60 tons, manned by eight Europeans,. twenty Manilamen, and about one hundred Chinamen. This stralnge combination of missionaries and adven* turers had for its object the cessation of religious. THE TAI-WEN-KUN, PATHBE OF THE PRESENT KING OF COBEA, AITD BEGENT DUBINQ HIS MINISTBT. persecution and the opening of Corea to the commerce of the world. All this was to be obtained thrbugk the mysterious tombs which were not easily acces- sible. The nearest route lay in Prince Jerome's. Bay, up a river which was only navigable on cer- tain days of the month with favourable tides. As- happens in such nicely calculated schemes, any delay meant failure ; there was some loss of time^ SKETCH OF MODERN HISTOBT OF OOREA. 41 and the expedition, after coaling at Nagasaki, reached. Prince Jerome's Gulf on the 8th of May, 1867, and did not get up the river, in the tender, until almost the last favourable period of the tide. With the- utmost despatch the tombs were found, and the work of excavation commenced, but, unfortunately,, the work was stopped by a rocky slab, which could not be removed with the shovels they had brought. There was no time to go back to the ship for better instruments, as the favourable tide was almost over, besides the country was becoming alarmed at the nature of their proceedings. Thus the whole expedition failed through the unexpected presence of a stone slab. In 1871, America, whose attention to Corea had been repeatedly drawn on account of the loss of the General Sherman, which had never been satis- factorily explained, made a vigorous attempt to open Corea as she had opened Japan. An expedition was fitted out, consisting of the flagship Colorado, the corvettes Alaska and Benecia, and the gun- boats Monocacy and Pahs. They proceeded near Kang-hwa Island, where the French expedition had been a few years before. After some fruitless parleying, the American ships being fired upon, the Corean forts were shelled and silenced, and a force of 759 men landed, which stormed another Corean fort. In all five forts were captured, but nothing else was effected. Admiral Eodgers, like the French Admiral Roze, preferred to retire, and Corean 42 THE CEINA-JAPAN WAR. conceit was not slow in imagining that America, like France, had .been successfully repulsed by native valour. While America and Europe, both Governments and individuals, were making frequent but feeble attempts to open Corea, great changes were taking place in the interior of that country, and in its relations with its two immediate neighbours, Japan and China. In 1864, the Ni dynasty, which had lasted since 1392, was abruptly terminated by the death of the last king before he had chosen an heir. After a series of palace intrigues the present king, then quite a boy, was elected under the regency of his father, who assumed the title of Tai-wen-Kun, a name familiar to foreigners in the Far East on account of his merciless persecution of the Christians, and endless intrigues, which have so often disturbed his country and its neighbours. Japan, by one of the most extraordinary revolutions in history, changed her whole political organisation and social customs, and, breaking away from Chinese influence, began to follow European models. These measures, which startled the whole Far East, were peculiarly obnoxious to the Tai-wen-Kun, who was strenuously opposing all foreign encroachments, religious and commercial, in Corea, and when Japan rather imprudently sent an invitation to Corea to resume her ancient vassal- age, he took the opportunity of refusing in an insolent way. This insult caused deep indignation in Japan, and a war party, with Saigo of S'atsuma SKETCH OF MODERN IIISTOBY OF CORE A. 43 ^t its head, was immediately formed. Japan, however, then could not afford to go to war, and the question was left for later solution. In 1875, there occurred two events which then passed almost unobserved, but which now inust be ■considered of great importance, as they were the beginning of a persistent line of conduct which insensibly but inexorably has led China and Japan ito war. The neutral strip of land left uncultivated and •ownerless, between China and Corea, had become the haunt of robbers, whose depredation ravaged the neighbouring Chinese districts. Li-Hung-Chang sent ^ body of troops across the border, a gun-boat on the Yalu, and destroyed the marauders. This military expedition had as its natural consequence the regular annexation in 1877 of the whole country to China, whose' frontier thus extended to the .Yalu river. Corea and China, having now a common boundary, became more closely connected, and the latter was forced to take greater interest in the affairs of the peninsula. On the other hand, in September of the same year, 1875, some Japanese sailors of the Unyo Kan, having landed for water on Eang-hwa, Island, were fired upon by the Coreans. A party of thirty Japanese at once landed, stormed a fort," destroyed its defenders, and dismantled it ; in fact, they accom- plished almost as much as the 600 Frenchmen of Admiral Roze, and 759 Americans of Admiral Rodgers, .and keen observers might have seen even then what 44 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. advantage the Japanese would have over European troops engaged in a war against either Coreans or Chinese. After such an outrage, all parties in Japan agreed to take strong measures : China's neutrality was secured, and an expedition of two men-of-war and three transports, with less than 800 men, was sent to Gorea. The Japanese played off on the Coreans what had been done to them twenty-two years before by the Americans : they imitated Commodore Perry's stratagems by making a great display of their ships and men in sight of Seoul ; and after three weeks, on the 27th February, 1876, a treaty was signed; opening Fusan to Japanese trade. In 1880, Fasan and Chemulpo were also opened, and Japan found herself gradually committed to a policy of progress in Corea. Japan's success in opening Corea soon aroused . the rivalry of other nations. In 1882, Commodore Shufeldt signed the treaty which opened Corea to the trade of the United States, and in the same and. following years most of the European States concluded treaties. The Hermit Kingdom was, however, a disappoint- ment to foreigners, the resources of the country were found to be very meagre, and the people indolent ; . no trade of any consequence passed through the hands of Europeans : Corea remained the field of enterprise of Chinese and Japanese. The latter, especially, established themselves from the beginning in a way which showed they intended SKETCH OF MODERN HISTORY OF CORE A. 45 to be paramount in the country which they had drawn "from its secular seclusion. They built imposing "Consulates, laid out flourishing settlements, and tried to play the part in Gorea which for the last half •century had been played by the Europeans in the open ports of China. Of course they met with the some opposition : all the Coreans averse to progress, •either through ignorance or laziness, became enemies of the Japanese. The old party denominations which liad satisfied the Coreans for centuries and had suf- ficed to fill the country with bloodshed and strife, were inadequate to the new and strange conditions of the peninsula. A Progressionist and a Conservative party now arose, and each tried to find support in one ■of the neighbouring countries. The common name for China in Corea was Ta-kuc (the Great Country), and we know that nations are ■often willing, to endure the greatest sacrifices to keep such proud designations. The Chinese felt that they had responsibilities in the peninsula, and were disinclined that it should become a practising ground for that form of civilisation which the Japanese had imported from the West, and -were desirous to acclimatise in the Far East. China was irresistibly led to give sooner or later her support to the Corean Conservative party. On the other hand, Japan felt herself bound to support the Progressive party, which aimed at con- tinuing the policy inaugurated by the Treaties, and wished to introduce into Gorea the foreign customs 46 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. and learning adopted by the Eastern neighbour. The support of two opposite parties in a country which China and Japan wished to control, was a sufficient cause to provoke a conflict between the two powers, but there was a still greg-ter cause of danger in the- distrust and suspicion which each felt for the other. Every political disturbance (and they happen often in a disordered country like Corea, which has been the' prey of family feuds for centuries) was sure to ■ be attributed to the machinations of the rival nation.. The prudence of statesmen was able to defer the- conflict, but it was not likely to prevent it in- definitely. The first complication in Corea which threatened the peace of the three countries of the Far East happened in July, 1882. Kim-Ok-Kiun and other Coreans had been over to Japan. Surprised and pleased at the wonders which they had seen, they came back partisans of progress and enthusiastic supporters of Japanese influence. These ideas were not favourably received by the ex-Regent or Tai- Wen-hun, who was a hater of everything foreign, and he began to- intrigue with the Min, a powerful faction in Corea. It was decided to drive the Japanese out by violence. The soldiers were infuriated by having their rations diminished, and then malicious reports against the? Japanese were spread about the capital. A furious mob began to hunt to death all the defenceless. Japanese that could be found. A Japanese officer, who had been drilling the Corean troops, and sevea SKETOn OF MODERN EISTOBY OF CORE A. 47 others were murdered in one day ; the Legation was attacked and burnt ; and the minister, with twenty- eight Japanese, had to fight their way through the streets of Seoul and through the country to the sea, where they embarked on a junk and were picked up by the British gun-boat Flying Fish, which took them to Nagasaki. The Japanese Government at once took measures to obtain redress for the outrage : troops were got ready for any emergency, and the minister was sent back to Seoul with a military force. The Chinese- also sent a body of troops to Corea, but it was not with the object of opposing the Japanese, it was with the laudable intention of making a serious effort to establish peace in that distracted country. In fact, as soon as the Japanese had obtained satisfaction, the Chinese succeeded in capturing the Tai- Wen-kun, the chief originator of all mischief in the peninsula, and conveyed him to China, where he was detained for several years. The Corean Government had to send a special embassy to tender apology to Japan, to pay an indemnity to the families of the victims and to Japan, and allowed a certain number of Japanese soldiers to remain in Seoul for the protection of the Legation. In consequence of this last condi- "tion China also stationed a body of troops in the capital. The peace thus established lasted only a little over two years. The Min faction occupied the most important posts in the government, and this was 48 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. resented by the Progressive party, who, seeing they could not triumph by pacific means, resolved to have recourse to violence and assassination, the usual political methods of Corea. In December, 1884, to celebrate the opening of the post-office, an official -dinner was given in Seoul, to which all the Foreign Ministers were invited, most of the Corean high officials being also present. During the dinner there was an alarm of fire, and Prince Min (one of the Conservative party) left the banquet-room to ascertain where the fire was, when he was attacked by assassins, who almost killed him with their swords. The banquet broke up in great confusion, most of the guests escaping in the scuffle. This was but the beginning of the plot. During the night several of the Conservative Ministers were killed, and the next morning a new government was formed by Kim-Ok- Kiun and other members of the Progressive party, who invited the Japanese troops to protect the Eoyal Palace. The Min party, however, soon re- -covered from the blow, and, with the assistance of the Chinese troops, they attacked the Japanese who guarded the Palace. The king fled during the fight, .and the Japanese thus lost all object in continuing the defence, as they were no longer supported by the only generally recognised authority of the country. 'They retreated to their Legation, fighting their way through the streets. The same scenes of 1882 were now enacted on a grander scale. The Legation was .attacked and burnt, and the Japanese soldiers, forming 8KET0E OF MODERN EISTOBT OF COBEA. 49 in a square, cut their way, with characteristic bravery, through Chinese troops and Corean mobs from Seoul to the sea. Though this second sedition in the Corean capital resembled so much the first that had happened only two years before, it was much graver and might lead to more serious consequences. The Japanese Legation had been burnt and the soldiers driven out, not by a Corean mob alone, but also by Chinese soldiers, and this might involve the two countries in a war. The Japanese, with their usual discriminating clearness, set themselves to settle the two questions separately. A Minister was sent to Corea to obtain redress from that Government, and conditions similar to those of the convention of 1882 were demanded and granted : Corea had to apologise, to pay an indemity, to punish the murderers of a Japanese ojBficer, and to rebuild the Legation at her own expense. Both China and Japan had sent military and naval forces to protect their interests in Corea at that juncture, but fortunately all further collision was avoided. After settling with Corea, Japan sent Count Ito- and a special embassy to negotiate with China, who, on her side appointed Li-Hung-Chang as her Pleni- potentiary (assisted by Wu Ta Cheng). On the' 18th April, 1885, the Tientsin Convention was signed. It consisted of three articles : in the first it was stipulated that both countries should withdraw their troops from Corea ; in the second that no more ofl&cers should be sent by either country to drill the Corean E 50 TEE CEJNA-JAPAN WAR. troops ; and in the third, that if at any future time, in case of disturbances, either country should send troops to Corea, it must inform the other country. The Tientsin Convention secured peace in Corea for nine years, a very long period for such a restless and turbulent country ; this fact redounds to the credit of the sagacity of the two negotiators, Li-Hung-Chang iind Count Ito. ( 51 CHAPTER III. EVENTS IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES. The Assassination of Kim-Ok-Kiun. On the 28th of March, 1894, the pacific residents of Shanghai, whose tranquil existence is only excited by the result of the races and the fluctuations of exchange, were startled by the news that a political assassination •of an extraordinary character had taken place on the Foreign Settlements. Kim-Ok-Kiun, thQ leader of tthe Corean Revolution of 1884, had fled to Japan after the defeat of his party, and lived there together with Boku-Eiko, another Corean refugee, up to March, 1894. At that time he was ;prevailed upon to go to Shanghai by a Corean, Hung Tjyong-Ou, who had been abroad and spent several years in Paris, where he had made many acquaintances, amongst whom the •celebrated Pere Hyacinthe Loyson. Kim-Ok-Kiun -arrived in Shanghai on the 27th of March, accom- panied by his Japanese servant, by the Corean Hung and by a Chinese, the whole party, stopping at a ■Japanese hotel on the American Settlement. On the following day, Kim gave Hung a cheque for $5,00,0 to cash on a Chinese bank ; it was a bogus cheque, ' as B 2 52 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. no such bank was to be found in Shangbai. Hung returned, saying that the manager was out, and he- must return later to get the money, at the same time- he sent away the Japanese servant on some trifling; errand. There were no witnesses to what happened, afterwards, but circumstances indicate that the drama, was enacted as follows : — Kim-Ok-Kiun was on the bed on his right side when Hung drew a revolver and. KIM-OK-KITJir. fired at him, first at his left cheek, and then at his stomach as he turned round ; Kim-Ok-Kiun then- jumped up and rushed out in the corridor, but Hung pursued hitoi and with a third shot in the back, below 'the shoulder-blade, killed him. Hung then escaped. The people who rushed in at the sound of the firing, found the body of Kim-Ok-Kiun in a pool of blood at the top of the stairs, whence it was removed back to- his room. The assassin was tracked by the Municipal THE ASSASSINATION OF KIM-OK-KIUN. 53 police and arrested on the following morning. He .seemed to glory in his deed and said he had instruc- tions from the King of Corea^ At the inquest held 'Over the body the assassin seemed totally unconcerned, except when he saw the Japanese servant of Kim-Ok- Kiun slowly approaching him — then he trembled and felt relieved when the police kept the Japanese away. The foreigners in Shanghai, though not feeling much sympathy for the victim, were shocked at the ■crime that had been committed in their Settlements. One of the newspapers published the following appro- priate reflections : — " He is a very dangerous man isafely out of the way ; but whether his assassin was doing well for his country or not in removing him, he has no business to make our Settlement the scene of his crime. We do not want our Settlement made an Alsatia for political refugees from Corea and Japan, and for this at any rate Mr. Hung should be punished. Assassins commissioned by royalty should be warned "that the foreign Settlement of Shanghai must be respected." Notwithstanding this expression of public ■opinion, Hung was given up to the Chinese authorities, and afterwards even the body of Kim-Ok-Kiun, which the Japanese servant wished to take back to Japan, was also delivered to them. While detained, Hung was visited by a Corean official, who prostrated himself .before him ; and on the 6 th of April, at night, with the greatest precaution, surrounded by armed men, Hung was taken on. board a Chinese man-of-war, which 54 THE CHINA- JAPAN WAR. also conveyed to Corea the body of Ms victim — ^the man he had treacherously decoyed to Shanghai. On their arrival in Corea, rich rewards were heaped upon Hung, while the body of Kim-Ok-Kiun was quartered and the mutilated fragments exposed in the different provinces of the kingdom. The moral sentiment of the foreign community at Shanghai was shocked at this solution of the question, and it was vaguely felt that a mistake and a fault had been committed, though none could foresee the con- sequences it would bring. The crime of Hung had started a very complicated conflict of jurisdictions. The Foreign Settlements of Shanghai are in a very anomalous position ; they may be best compared to- the city of Cracow in 1815, which was declared independent under the protection of Austria, Prussia, and Eussia. The foreigners residing in them are subject to the laws of their own country, and judged by their own Consuls ; while the Chinese, if they are in the service of foreigners or in cases connected with foreigners, cannot be tried by their own magistrate unless he acts in concert with a foreign assessor. Kim-Ok-Kiun and his murderer were both Coreans, but as Corea is not a Treaty Power and is considered to be a tributary State of China, it was difficult to decide by what law and by what judge the case should be tried. The question was much debated by the Consular Body. J. M. Travassos y Valdez, the Portuguese Consul-General and Senior Consul, treated the matter in an exhaustive manner. He showed THE ASSASSINATION OF KIM-OK-KIUN. 55 that the Consuls and the Municipal Council between them possessed the legislative, executive and judicial powers — all that constitutes a true sovereignty. He quoted articles of the different treaties and conventions between China and foreign powers which did not in- validate this sovereignty and proved that the payment of a small land-tax to the Chinese Emperor (who, by Chinese law, is the proprietor of all land in the empire and only leases it to his subjects) does not affect the question of sovereignty within the Settlements, no more than the payment of tribute by a tributary state lessens its sovereign rights within its frontiers. He demonstrated that by the rules of the Mixed Court the Chinese Magistrate had the least power ; while all the Consuls had full power over their nationals in each and every case ; the authority of the Chinese Magistrate was limited by the presence of a foreign assessor in many cases. After discussing the different legal theories which might be brought to bear on the case, he completely demolished the absurd assumption that, Corea being a tributary state, Coreans were to be treated like Chinese subjects ; the suzerainty of China not affecting the sovereign rights of Corea^ which had moreover been recognised by the different Treaties and by the diplomatic relations of that • country. He concluded that the case should be tried by a member of the Consular Body and according to- the laws of his country. Some opposition in the Consular Body prevented this rational conclusion, and Hung was delivered to the Chinese authorities with. 56 THE aUINA-JAPAN WAS. the result we have seen. Mr. Valdez deplored this measure as an outrage to the foreign flags which defended the Settlements, as a violation to the sacred rights of asylum, and as a dangerous precedent which might lead to endless crimes. Any Corean Minister obnoxious to his Court might be murdered with impunity in the Foreign Settlements of Shanghai, and the assassin would be handed over to the Corean authorities to be handsomely rewarded. Indeed it is regrettable that any foreigner should have forgotten the high mission which it behoves him to fulfil in China, where every European or American should consider himself as the pioneer of a nobler civilisation which has to be engrafted into the aged empire. The delivery of Hung and the body of Kim was a foolish and base action. It showed weakness, and it pandered to the vilest instincts of barbarism. It was sad that white men, forgetful of all the glories of their race, should descend from the high place to which they have been elevated by centuries of Christian and philosophical progress, and become accomplices in the shameful practices of the barbarous government of Corea. But it is not necessary to waste words to stigmatise this action, because it ■brought its own punishment on all those concerned. The rest of this book will show that the false step taken at Shanghai was the primary cause of that acute state of the Corean question which led to the war between China and Japan. The war had already been prevented on two former occasions, and it THE ASSASSINATION OF KIM-OK-KIUN. 57 :might still have been averted for many years if further provocation had been spared to the excited political parties of the Corean Peninsula. China would not have lost thousands of lives and millions of money, and foreign merchants would not have suffered from a painful depression. If the step was taken in deference to the Chinese Government it showed an erroneous appreciation of the true aspects of the ■questions of the Far East ; in that case, as in all others, the most friendly action towards China is firmly to prevent her committing those mistakes which her ignorance of international law and usage renders her liable. True friends are never servilie ; they never renounce their convictions and their feelings to sub- .serve the weakness and prejudices of those in whom they feel an interest. The Tong-Hahs. It has been already mentioned that Corea, after the • Japapese invasions of the 16th century, was rent by 'domestic factions, and that during the present century the Eoman Catholic propaganda had aroused a violent persecution, which in late years was headed by the Tai- Wen-Kun, the great hater of foreigners and their 'doctrines. These facts had greatly disturbed the people ; internal dissension had produced misgovern- ment and dreadful oppression, every kind of com- mercial activity was burdened with taxes, and the peasants were liable to th.e corvee, which could only be 58 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. avoided by the payment of a fine; the teaching of the foreign missionaries, which was brought forcibly into public notice by official persecution, awakened; men's minds to the existence of a body of doctrines totally different from those that had been taught for centuries and which compared favourably with them. In the second half of this century, the Corean people, debarred from all commercial and agricultural activity by vexatious taxation, and forced to do as little work as was sufficient for immediate subsistence to escape extortion, had plenty of leisure to occupy their minds- with the moral problems imported from the West. The consequence was the birth of a new religious sect, which, from the conditions of the country, ended by becoming another political party. In 1859, in the city of Kyeng-Jin, a walled town forty miles north of Fusan, in the province of Kyong- Sang (the south-eastern province of Corea), a man called Choi-Chei-Ou, who had been very much impressed by the progress of Catholicism, fell sick, and, like other enthusiasts in such circumstances, had a vision which suggested a remedy for his sickness and a new doctrine for the welfare of the people. After his recovery, -he composed a book under the name of ' Great Sacred Writings.' It consisted principally of doctrines taken from the' three great religions of China, which are also known in Corea. He took the five relations * from Confucianism, the- * A doctrine of Confucius giving moral guidance in the relations of mankind, i.e., between sovereign and subject, father TEE TONG-HAKS. 5^ law of heart-cleansing from Buddliism, the law of cleansing the body from moral as well as material filth from Taoism.* To give these old doctrines some fresh flavour he added a few Christian ideas ; the rejection of transmigration and the existence of one God, for whom he used the Catholic name Chun Chu (Heavenly Master). The religion was called Tong- Hak Eastern Doctrine to distinguish it from the AVestern or Eoman Catholic. This national reaction against the foreign teaching soon spread from Kyong- Sang into the neighbouring provinces of Chhung- Chhong and Cholla, that is to say, through the whole of Southern Corea. In 1865, during a perse- cution of the Roman Catholics, Choi was arrested as 'one of them and beheaded. Probably the officials could not discriminate nice points of doctrine, and considered one head more, even though not orthodox, would add to their merits with the Government. The unjust death of their founder naturally exasperated, the Tong-Haks ; this grievance against the govern- ment was the first provocation to become a political party, and they yielded to it as soon as the general discontent encouraged them to do so. In the spring of 1893 a number of Tong-Haks- came to the king's palace at Seoul to expose their and son, elder brother and younger, linsband and wife, friend and friend. * This account of Choi and his doctrines is taken from an article of Will. Jenkin in the Corean Eepository, the only account of the sect to niy knowledge. "60 THE GEINA-JAPAN WAS. grievances ; they demanded that their martyred leader be declared innocent and rewarded with post- humous rank,* that they should not be confounded with the Eoman Catholics, and that their religion should not be condemned. They declared they would drive out all foreigners if these demands were not granted. They were sent away with soothing words, but some of them were arrested when they got back to their villages. About a year afterwards, in the months of March and April, 1894, the Tong-Haks began to put their threats into execution. The first outbreak was at Ko-pho in the province of ChoUa, and this was soon followed by another at Kim-Hai in the neighbouring province of Kyong-Sang. At first the Tong-Haks tried persuasion with the people, but whenever this failed they did not hesitate to use violence, ill- treating the stubborn and smashing their furniture. By these means they soon formed bands of several thousands, which moved' about the country, putting to flight the officials and plundering public granaries and armouries. It was difficult to suppress them, as when they were attacked in one place they fled to another. But in a month or two their numbers had increased to such an extent that they required such ■ tactics no longer ; they were able to keep the field and engage the government troops. In May, 1894, the insurrection became very serious ; * The Government of Corea, like that of China, grants honours even after death. THE TONG-EAKS. 61 it had spread to different places of the three southern provinces, and in one place alone, the Tong-Haks were said to be 20,000 or 30,000 strong. This was probably an exaggeration, but such a rumour showed the alarm of the country. The Government sent some troops by sea on two small steamers to the- province of Cholla, and despatched another force by land. The Tai- Wen-Kun, when he was in power, had! organised a kind of popular army or militia which was, supposed to muster 50,000 or 60,000 men for the whole kingdom, and now the Seoul contingent was marched south to Cholla province. The Government troops had some success at first, and defeated the- rebels, who then retreated to Paik-san, a mountain stronghold. This fastness can shelter several thousand men, and has perpendicular rocks 150 feet high on. three sides. The Tong-Haks, feigning flight, inveigled, the troops into a pursuit which led them into an ambuscade artfully prepared. The rebels were- completely successful, routing their enemies with the loss of a high officer and over 300 men. The next day, 31st of May, the Government at Seoul were informed of this disaster, and the greatest consterna- tion prevailed in the capital. The ministers were consulting day and night, and the people expected the Tong-Haks at the gates. The danger, though not so imminent, was still -great. On the 1st of June the rebels had taken the capital of Cholla province, and the report of their success encouraged insurrection ini every quarter. The most extraordinary rumours. €2 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. -circulated amongst the idle and ignorant people of Corea ; it was said that in the vanguard of the Tong- Haks, leading them to victory, could be seen a misty figure with a white helmet and cuirass, and this misty figure was believed to be the ghost of Kim-Ok-Kiun. The death of Kim-Ok-Kiun, by his political promi- nence and by its sensational character, had deeply impressed the idle Coreans, and it was still more brought into public notice by the exultant Min faction ■when they displayed the fragments of his body all -over the kingdom. It was therefore natural that all those who were friendly to his party, or who hated the Min faction, should see a retribution brought ^bout by superhuman means in the revolution which so quickly followed his death and iiie dismemberment ■oi his body. The Min faction were so frightened by the news of the defeat of the Government troops, and of the capture of the provincial capital of ChoUa, that they resolved to invoke foreign aid and ask China to send troops to quell the rebellion. By the third article of the Tientsin Convention, Japan had an equal right to send troops to Corea, but it was .hoped that the Japanese Government had too many internal diffi- culties with the Parliamentary opposition to be able to pay much attention to foreign complications. The application to China was made in the first days ■of June, and on the 8 th of that month a small Chinese force was landed at Asan ; some additional troops were sent a few days later, when the Chinese soldiers THE TONG-HAKS. 63 numbered probably about 2,000 men. It was a small force, but it came in the name of China, a country which is looked up to with sentiments of awe by the -Corean people, who call it the Great Country. The moral effect of the landing, and a small victory of the Corean troops, soon checked the progress of the Tong-Haks, who abated their military activity, though they were still ready to recommence their reign of violence when an opportunity offered itself. The Chinese Government also sent some men-of-war : the Yang-wei, Pln^-yuen, and Tsao-kiang to Chemulpo .(the sea-port of the capital), and the Chi-yuen and Chih-yuen to Asan. The Japanese Government had been informed by China that a force was being sent to Corea, and, profiting by the .third clause of the Tientsin ■Convention, it resolved to follow the same course. Otori, the Japanese minister to Corea, who was then in Japan on leave, received orders to rejoin his post, and he made such despatch that on the 9th of June he arrived in Chemulpo. In that port there were six Japanese men-of-war, and a body of marines was landed to escort Otori to the capital. The Japanese minister left Chemulpo at 5 a.m. on the 10th of June and reached Seoul the same day ; \he marines, about 400 men, were quartered in the capital. This was only a preliminary measure. Japan prepared a much larger force to guard her interests in Corea : on the 5th June orders were issued to the military and naval authorities to prepare an expedition for the neigh- 64 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. bouring peninsula. It was composed of troops of the? 5th Division under the command of Major-General Oshima, and from its irregular formation it after- wards acquired the name of Mixed Brigade, a narne^ which the exploits of the war has rendered familiar throughout Japan. The military preparations were carried out with such rapidity, that the first detach- ment was able to leave Ujina (the port of Hiroshima, headquarters of the 5th Division) on the 9th of June. MAJ0B-6ENEBAL OSHIMA. The people of Japan are intensely patriotic, and have- always felt deep interest in Corea ; they manifested therefore the greatest enthusiasm at the departure of the troops. From the 9th to the 11th of June, whilfr the embarkation was going on, all the houses in Ujina. and Hiroshima displayed the national flag. The first detachment of Japanese troops reached. Chemulpo on the 12th of June, and they proceeded at once to the capital to relieve the marines. Other TEE TONG-HAKS, 65 detacbments arrived afterwards, and it has been stated that before the outbreak of hostilities the Japanese had 8,000 men around Seoul : this number, as will be shown later, was probably an exaggeration, but they certainly had a force superior to the Chinese in Asan. The simultaneous presence of Chinese and Japanese soldiers in Corea created a situation full of difficulties, which were greatly increased by mutual distrust. Unfortunately, even in the diplomatic correspondence, the two countries could not find a common basis for discussion. The Chinese Government, though com- municating the departure of their troops for Corea in compliance with the Tientsin Convention, considered they had a special right to send troops, as Corea was their tributary country, and had asked for assistance. The Japanese Government, on the other hand, only asked in conformity with the Tientsin Convention, which gave equal right to the two countries to send troops, and they refused to recognise Corea as a tributary state of China. On this last point, no agree- ment was -possible ; China continued asserting her suzerainty, and Japan refused to acknowledge it. By the treaty of 1876, Japan had renounced her claims to suzerainty, and treated with Corea as an independent power, thus virtually ignoring China's protectorate. In the succeeding treaties, Corea had always informed the European powers of China's suzerainty, adding, however, that such suzerainty did not affect her sovereign rights, either in internal or r 60 THE ■ GHINA-JAPAN WAS. foreign affairsi, nor limit her powers of treaty -making. The people of Japan were quite as sensitive as their Government on this point, and an unlucky proclama- tion of the Chinese general at Asan, in which, besides promises of pardon to the i»ebels wko submitted, and dreadful threats to those who resisted, Corea was mentioned as a tributary state of China, was loudly commented on in the Japanese press, and aroused great indignation. Another difficulty also arose in the course of the negotiations. The Japanese Government considered the Tong-Hak movement not an accidental occurrence, but the inevitable consequence of the persisting mis- government of the country, and argued that the rebellion could not be suppressed, nor its recurrence prevented, unless radical reforms were carried out in Corea. Japan proposed that reforms should be instituted, and asked China to assist her in enforcing them.- China refused to join in such measures, not deeming them necessary, and not wishing to interfere in the internal affairs of the peninsula. The suggestion of the Japanese Government, which had thus created another difficulty, was a very clever move ; it placed China in a dilemma : the mis- government of Corea was evident and difficult to be denied, yet China could ■ not act against the party which caused the misgovernmentj because they were her iriendS) and she had sent troops to support theni. Notwithstanding these reasons, it would have been TEE TONG-EAKS. 67 better for China to liave accepted Japan's proposals ; Corea, a poor country, was not worth a war, and the nominal suzerainty was only a question of puerile vanity. Besides showing greater diplomatic ability, Japan possessed great political and military advantages quite from the beginning of the crisis. While the Chinese had only a small force in an obscure corner of the country, the Japanese were masters of the capital, and had the Government under their control. They lost no time in using these advantages. Otori insisted that reforms should be carried out, and obtained the nomination of a special commission to that effect. His programme of reforms was very complete, and comprised five principal headings- subdivided into minor ones.* The Coreans, though yielding apparently to Otori's persistent importunity, had no real desire to carry out such a thorough reorganisation of the country. They procrastinated, and later on answered that the reforms could not be initiated until the Japanese troops had left Corea. The situation became very grave. Neither China nor Japan would yield, and Corea hesitated in coming to a decision. Her sympathies were with China, but Japan held her capital, and could enforce what she liked. Although the negotiations had been carried on all the time, and friendly Powers had offered their good offices in the cause of peace, no settlement could be * See Appendix A. F 2 68 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. arrived at. Japan resolved to take her stand with China and Corea on the questions of reforms. She closed her correspondence with China, declaring that the latter country's refusal to entertain the proposal of reforms relieved the Japanese Government of all responsibility for any eventuality which might arise out of the situation.* With Corea she determined to urge the reforms, employing all means, even force, when other methods had failed. In the latter half of July the prospects of peace were almost hopeless. It became only a matter of speculation what incident would precipitate hostilities. On the 16 th of July the Chinese Government asked Japan to send no more men-of-war to the treaty ports (probably a renewal of the Foochow f affair was feared), and on the 24th of July it was known in Shanghai that the Japanese Government had promised not to include that port in their sphere of military £»perations. Before describing the outbreak of hostilities and -the course of the war it will be useful to cast .a glance on the armies and navies of the two -countries. * The whole correspondence -which preceded the war is -eontained in Appendix B. t The French fleet went up the Foochow river in 1884 before ■jhostilities- commenced, and blockaded the Chinese fleet, which ^afterwards they destroyed. ( 69 ) The Chinese Army. The army of the Chinese Empire is nominalJy formed of four classes of troops : — I. The Eight Banners. II. The Green Standard (or Chinese Army). III. The Braves (or Volunteers). IV. The Drilled or Trained Army. (I). The first class received its name because it- was divided by the first sovereigns of the Manchu dynasty, now reigning in China, into the following, divisions : — • 1. Bordered yellow 2. Plain yellow . 3. Plain white 4. Bordered white 6. Plain red , 6. Bordered red . 7. Plain blue . . 8. Bordered blue . Three superior tanners. Five inferior banners. Each of these banners is composed of Manchus, Mon- gols and Chinese, .who form each a kusai, so that the whole banner force is divided into twenty-four kusai. The men (they cannot be called soldiers) who are' en- rolled in this force are the descendants of the army which conquered China about two hundred and fifty 70 THE CBINA-JAPAN WAB. years ago, and established the present dynasty. That army, originally composed of Manchus and Mongols, was afterwards reinforced by the defection of a part of the Chinese army who forsook the Ming dynasty. This united force of three nationalities conquered the whole country and established itself in garrisons in the principal cities of China. Where the hardy soldiers were placed two centuries ago, to guard the fortresses and curb rebellion, now their descendants can be seen, living peacefully among the Chinese, enjoying privileges, but totally indistinguishable from the rest of the people. There is not the slightest trace of that bravery and spirit of adventure which led the mixed horde from the barren north down to the fertile plains of China in the members of the present banner force. They consider that their ancestors earned glory enough for the succeeding generations, and limit themselves to drawing their pay. The numerical strength of the Eight Banners may be- estimated at about 250,000 men, of whom nearly two-thirds are either in Peking or the metropolitan province of Chihli, the rest are in garrisons, in the principal cities of the empire. This distribution is in accordance with the ancient policy of the Dynasty, who at first treated China as a conquered country, and had to establish garrisons to check any incipient rebellion, and to keep the bulk of their- army near Peking, ready ,to march in any direction on - every emergency* ■ THE GHINESE ARMY. . ;71 The subdivisions of the Eight Banners at Peking are as follows : — Men. I The, "Proud Eiders" (called "Paid Division " Ly-j Sir Thomas Wade), composed of Manchus, Mon-1 „„ „„„ 'gols and Chinese. Each kusai furnishes 1 campj (battalion), i.e., 24 camps . • ' , Guards or Flank Division, Manchus and Mongols,! j^ ooo 8 camps . . .'-.'. .1 Vanguard Division, Manchus and Mongols, 41 ' ^„„ camps about! ' Light Division, Manchus and Mongols, 2 camps . 2,000 Imperial Guard, Manchus and Mongols of three) .. „„„ superior banners, 1 camp .1 Gendarraerie Division, Manchus, Mongols andl „, „„_ Chinese, 8 camps .1 Artillery and Musketry Division, Manchus andi „ „„„ Mongols, 4 camps i about! Peking Field Force, Manchus, Mongols andl no nnn Chinese about! Total . . , 96,400 Of the above force only about 20,000 or 30,000 can in any way be considered as soldiers. , II. The second class, the Green Standard (or Chinese Army), is composed entirely of Chinese, and is but a -modification of the ancient army which the Manchus found in existence when they conquered China. It numbers about 500,000 or 600,000* men, distributed * According to a memorial of Tseng-Kwo-Fan, the Greien Standard from the reign of Tung-cheng (1723-36) to the forty- fifth year of Chien-Lung (1781), though nominally consisting of '640,000 men, was only about 60,000 or 70,000 strong.' In the' forty-sixth -year (1782) about 60,000 more were addedi Thjs will show how uiireliable Chinese military figures, are. 72 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. in torpid garrisons which have a variety of duties, most of which are performed by the police in Europe. In fact, both the Eight Banners and the Green Standard are rather of the nature of a constabulary than an army ; they are only useful for maintaining the peace and suppressing small riots. They are called armies by the Chinese, whose geographical and political ideas are limited to their own empire, which they consider conterminous with the world. With such notions the duties of a police and an army are easily confounded, and a rebellion is a small war, and a war a great rebellion ; the use of force is necessary in both cases. Owing to the profound tranquillity enjoyed by China for a long time after the conquest, the two classes we have described gradually lost all their military efficiency, and became simply an instrument for controlling the people in ordinary times. This was proved by the T'ai-ping rebellion, when a rabble froni the Kuangtung and Kuang-Hsi provinces overran half the empire and nearly overthrew the Government. It was then that some public-spirited men, seeing the inefficiency of the regular forces of the empire, started enrolling bands of volunteers amongst the peasantry of Hunan and Hupeh to assist the Government in suppressing the rebellion. This movement was taken up by Tseng-Kwo-Fan in the above-mentioned provinces and imitated by Li-Hung- Chang, who enlisted similar bands in the province of An-hui. These volunteers, enrolled to assist the THE GEINESE ARMY. 73 hereditary and professional soldiers of the regular army, led to the formation of the third class. III. The Braves. — This class is formed of Chinese of different provinces ; men of the same province are kept- together, and they are transferred from province to province when there is occasion for their services. Their number is naturally very uncertain, because being formed of volunteers enlisted on emxergencies, their strength fluctuates with the internal conditions of the country ; a certain force, however, is always supposed to be kept on hand. IV. The Trained Army. — This is composed of soldiers mostly from the Braves who have been drilled in the European fashion.* Their number is very uncertain ; different authorities estimate them at from 50,000 to 100,000 men. Every war or rebellion affecting the Chinese Empire has awakened the Government to the inefficiency of its military organisation, and some reform has been attempted ; but such laudable efforts have been smothered by the inertia of the nation and .by bureaucratic corruption and conservatism. The T'ai- ping rebellion led to the formation of the Braves ; the war with France and England encouraged a slight adoption of European drill ; and the complications with Eussia about Kuldj a. started the formation of a * This is an important distinction to lemembei- when con- sidering the Chinese army. During the course of the war a Governor reportEd on the proficiency of his soldiers in the uso of the bow and arrow. 74 THE CHmA'JAPAN WAS. speqial army in Manchuria. This last army, which deserves special consideration in the present war, has been estimated at 70,000 men, armed in the Eur.opean fashion; but this number probably indicates the intentions and not the results of the reform, A Japanese war publication says that, though the Province. Banner Army. Green Standard. Braves. Trained Army. Chilili Shansi Shantung Honan Kiang-su \ An-hui J Kiang-Hsi Che-Mang Pu-kien Kuang-tung .... Kuang-hsi Szu-chuan Hu-peh Hunan Shensi Kan-su Yun-nan . . .- . . Kuei-chou Sbeng-ching, Manchuria. Kiriu, Manchuria . Amur, Manchuria . . Turkestsn . . .' . . Hi , 162,646 4,149 2,405 1,011 : 6,539 4,' 055 2,781 5,356 2, '065 5,842 6., 719, 5,791 19,592 10,712 11,661 7,623\ 7,925/ 47,138 26,288 25,406 8,943 46,840 1 11,074 37,546 62,573 69,015 11,535 34,790 22,603 26.470 43,261 43,519 36,110 30,613 15,295 22,700 5,700 6,500 4,500 22,700 4,400 2,850 5,500 3,000 12^900 6,000 4,000 5,000 3,000 -Total, 266,872 , 599,019 96,750 12,000 soldiers on the registers of the three Manchurian provinces amounted to about 175,000, most of them were of no military value. It mentions also that Wu-Ta-Cheng, during his special appointment in Manchuria'' froin 1884 to 1889,' or'gariis'ed 'f6r Bach province a force of eight battalions of infantry (4,000 men) and two of cavalry (500 men) with twenty. ^THE CHINESE NAVY. 75 gdris^whicH would give a total of 13,500 men with sixty guns for the whole of Manchuria. Though this' information dates from 1888, it is probable, as we shall see from the forces engaged in the war, that it was not increased in later years. j' The table on the preceding page showing the territorial distribution of the armies of China is taken; from a Japanese war-publicatioii. The Chinese Navy ' Is far superior to the Army, as they have had many foreign instructors, and for a time had the services of Captain Lang, E.N., as Admiral of their Navy. Even the native officers were many of them well instructed in their profession, and presented a strange contrast to their brother officers of the land service. This difference is not surprising ; the navy,' even in time of peace, requires constant care and a certain professional "knowledge ; a ship cannot be navigated unless some of the officers at least have, received a scientific education. The Chinese Navy was divided into four squadrons — the Pei-yang or Northern Squadron, the Nan'-yang or Southern Squadron, and the Foochow and Canton Plotillas. The following tables give the list of the" different vessels, with a brief description of their mostj striking points. i -For the purposes, .of this, book the., Pei-yangi I 76 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. ft* s B a » ■< -C! a 'ja s ^^ 7. a iS n H o ^ C cii 00■ ^1 " OS a ■- a a n cp ffi -^ ««^ ... ■• o J rt B S o«) " " is J § .. .. .. a a a. 9 cq CN l>(NWCN(N(NMi-Hr-lT-ipH pq i-H I— I rH Cj {ij f^ F^ d d o ^ .S ^ bo £3 bobob£ d,>4 I as ^ o.,i< § THE CHINESE NAVY. 11 (M « O O O 1^ 1^ lO »o t* cc CO c^ c^ cq U5 OS CO '-O CO 2 PI IH iH »H ^ t3 ■ a • -- 2 ■ = 2 to ^ bo « .i^ .§< § 02 Si IS d ^ m ^ . © ®^ a a '^ I BO pC] •"I *^ •:S ^ a) a « r S*^^ is Pan ft . & r ^ ^ d s a CO Th c i-< (N (M (M 01 01 OOOO«t>t>Q005OOOO 'OOOOiOI>t->000000 CDCOWOli— I'cHtJHINCNi— II>Tfl^ Cq"(M ffqiM(NrHr-lT-li-(i-l [H 2 -g g) . . . . bo-9 '"^ *? ^rS V ? § ^Hj^-^-?-*f 000000 o o o in 00 00 ^ CO O I> ^ T^ o CO o o o o O O iO O O O (M 04 (N W ^ sO M to O o a &* CQ a-s S3 to 000000 o o lO o o o ■* CO 10 tH tH ■^ (M i-H i-H i-t (N (N'OOH • • • • SPio-^ o io ^.^ .2 .a p g..2 o-^-^-? 3 • ja-^ 60 60 bo o boo a 9 g a S a.J^ Q d is +a -4J ^ ■*» ^ -M -*J oS c3 cS (d ee es ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ w^ ^ rH rH w i~{ )-4 t-l 1-^ >» ^ d fl Q fl m o o o o d ■ iH r— 1 1— 1 03 cS 03 03 cs E ^ -4^ -IS .«J -tS -4^ ••■a -T^ 1 o cd iA ^ e3 a S o -a ^ ^ P^a .o ^ i-H i-H 1— 1 fH f-H 1-1 P-« _^ -)J -4^ _j^ -1^ .*A -*3 a fl d fl fl fl >. on g g t*» 02 t*» BQ !^m .2 ^ fl o. fl a* fl o< fl eS o cS O a a o s rs J ...s P 00 9th J (Hiri 10th (Mat m^ T) fl fl • fl fl pa O Gth Division (Kumamoto) s ■ 1 o| ■ r-l if pg . 1- 1^ s| ■*! :! a a -a THE JAPANESE ASMT. 83 05 lO Tt< ' 'rt' .3-9 OjSO « ^£ • rH CO »0 -^ (N CO -^ O • (M rH iM Cq (M rH CO - • l> « • ■ M CO 00 ■ ... I-H CO -* O g| CO IM t-H CO -^ bO^ Si iH ■* l> CO CO CO -M O - tH r-( CO • (M !M • • rH t> UTS CM COCO CO b rH .CO (^ s CO CO 3.J is 1— 1 T-H -H^coM-* iHCqCOtM -t^Cq .,-HM-l . (M |« i-( (M (M r-H r-1 M O '"'"'1 i-( ■ • rH Cq • g I— 1 . > CO . ■* t> ^■g OS ■«*< CO CO 1 t> 13 S ^"i* tHCOOSlOM^t H?0 .COi-i:O(M00 .cq(MNOCO(M ^^ rH rt C3 O • • 1-1 '""'"' m a -n ►i^ 00 E-( M J 1-i 1-1 bS 1 •|a I-H ^COI>»n CO • . . W f-( • r-iCq(Mr-ii-lCO"«*H r-( ■ ■ • • Oq rH • S T-H -^ hH T-H /-N ■ ■o -o r— 1 EQ 03 'o . * -*J o ?> E3 O k •-.i 3 s -*J 1 3 ^1 T3 ■ 11 Total". Grand o c3 O • •^ E^ 1 III 1 1 'II Special serge Sergeant-maj Sergeants Chief hospita Hospital atte Veterinaries .Employes . Gunsmiths ■ Farriers . Saddlers . blacksmiths Tailors . Shoemakers Carpenters 3 ^ !^ . I G 2 84 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. , The numbers contained in each division are I as follows :— ! Body-guard 1st Division (Tokyo) 2nd 3rd 4tli 5th 6th (Sendai) . (Nagoya) (Osaka) . (Hiroshima) (Kumamoto) Total Men. 7,359 10,243 8,872 8,943 9,107 8,898 10,271 63,693 ' The Eeserve contains 91,190 men, and the teiri- itorial army 106,088 men, so that in time of war each [Japanese division is reinforced by about 13,000 nien, j ready to be marched to the seat of war, besides about ■15,000 which remain for the defence of the country. 'But the cadres are insufficient for such a large force, and it is doubtful whether on a war-footing, a Japanese division ever reaches 20,000 men. Of course the surplus men are always useful and readily used to fill up the gaps produced by the enemy and by sickness. The infantry regiment of three battalions and twelve companies has 120 soldiers in each company on a peace-footing, and 210 in time of war, thus raising its war strength -to- 2,810 men, of which 2,744 are i combatants. If the other corps are proportionately increased we should have the war strength of a ■cavalry battalion equal to about 800 men, of ian artillery regiment about 1,200 men, of an engineers THE JAPANESE ABMl. 85 battalion about 600, and of a train battalion about 1,000 men.* This would give nearly 15,000 men for a division on the war-footing. Any higher number must be obtained by an increase in the men attached in sundry capacities to the train. The Japanese statistical tables indicating the distribution of the men allot a large portion of the reserve and terri- torial army to the transport. Such an arrangement explains the excellent comlnissariat organisation of the Japanese army in its distant expeditions. The artillery regiment consists of six batteries, each battery having four pieces on a peace-footing and six pieces in time of war ; four of these batteries are of field-pieces, and two of mountain-guns. The Japanese infantry, at the time of the war, was armed with the Murata rifle, a breech-loader invented" by a Japanese officer of that name ; it had then no magazine. The cavalry was armed with sabres and Murata carbines, only the cavalry of the Imperial Guard having lances. The artillery had 7-centimetre pieces of compressed bronze of the Italian model, made at Osaka, where a cannon-foundry was established and directed by Italian officers specially engaged for the purpose. * Some of these details of the Japanese forces on a war- footing are extracted from a lecture delivered by Captain Uchiyama at the Education Meeting of Kioto. 86 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WA^. , ■■ ■ ■ .J The Japanese Navy. This requires little description, as the navies of all countries are similarly organised, but it calls for some remarks. It is strange that Japan, an empire con- stituted solely of islands, with such an extensive sea- coast and numerous maritime population should have such a relatively weak navy. While her army, so superior in discipline and military science, was also actually superior in numbers to the Chinese, her navy was inferior and possessed no vessels powerful enough to cope with the Chen-yuen and Ting-yuen, the two big ironclads of the Pei-yang squadron. Japan had several fast, vessels; one of them, the FbsAmo, the . fastest in the world, but her victories , were due to the skill and. daring of her sailors and not to the ships which they manned. Japan has three military ports, Yokosuka, Kure and Sasebo, to each of which a squadron is attached ; but during the war the fleet was divided into several small squadrons of four vessels (rarely of more), which acted as tactical units in their military operations. The following table gives the most important particulars of the Japanese war- vessels : — THE JAPANESE NAVY. 87 t-O t~ (MI>500StH coco CO lMr-1i-( iioip'BnI)B 9zn^ CD O 00 00 CO I> i-i O (M CO CO O»i0OOOO t- osMcoeot-Niiieq o t-oco oo CI jq r- "w a d SI S '-i(N a en oo w ooooo oo CO C0OO(MO m tH (m CO ■^ :d i> t*- pa 3 si ■ H • bog i a . a .^ 1=2 ■ o a, §5: SS gagas' ■ g a § g g* T3 • O O CO =3 a 'H'S c S" c6 o g iTj ^ , _ „ . . 6p S .. Sao 0.9 B 2 O C3 a. a a ii>V-Y3,io •^ 03 03 rt ^ ^ " a« o^^ ^ ^ a o a 3h;4 p -? S ^ g^ S g 3 a-SlS a a a a-ga a i (N Sco'§eoc"?ur3rH^ « O . .ScNCO'-''-H>'-l(N j^ §cogc7^^§fc§§flao C P=* HOHOOOOP^ o oooot^ooo O O lO Ol O CO »o o o tH CD ■* ■* CD 00 tM tr- t- o oooooooo O OOOiOt^lOOO O lO ■* CD CJ « CD l> (M W t> CO i-H rH iH ^ i-H cot* O O O CD O lO I-H t> lO CD O I> CO -^ (> O O O CO O O lO lO t- inoot>oO'-ti-i (M -tti (N 03i>o»— 'tJ^ CO, i-iTHTf*THCOCOCO CO CO i-H i-l 1— I ■ S3.-. • - s^ a »3c8jga-H ■ ca QD ^ a i a -3 g si^iggl"! . (S o.a.. jfl^ M .... -a a S o a -S g 88. TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. PAKT IL THE COEEAN CAMPAIGN. CHAPTER I. THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES. The Attach on the King's Palace at Seoul. It has been already shown that in the middle of July the Corean question became so complicated, that it was well-nigh impossible to resolve it by pacific means. The Japanese Government had proposed a programme of reforms, which China thought unneces- sary, and had refused her co-operation ; the Corean Government had consented at first, but afterwards procrastinated, urging that the withdrawal of the Japanese troops must precede any measures of reform. This tergiversation of Corea was attributed to the machinations of China, and the Japanese Government determined to deprive the Min party of that power which they used in the interests of China. Even if the Japanese Government had been unwilling, it . would have been compelled to adopt this strong line of policy : popular feeling throughout Japan was A TTA CK ON. TBE . RING'S. PAL A OE.^ :AT SEO UL. 89, very excited, and the whole nation was resolved to suffer no more humiliations in Corea. The pacific policy, which led to the first treaty with. Corea in 1876, had been distasteful to a party in the country, and the consequent discontent caused, in 1877, the Satsuma Rebellion, which cost Japan thousands of lives and millions of money during the seven months of civil war. The two attacks on the Japanese Legation at Seoul had deeply hurt the proud suscep- tible character of the Japanese, who considered the apologies and indemnities of the Corean Government an insufficient atonement for the murders and out- rages committed on their fellow-countrymen. On this occasion, Japan must assert itself, and with an energy which would render impossible any further trifling with her dignity. Gn the other hand, the opportunity was so favour- able that it must not be allowed to slip ; the Japanese had been quicker and more clever. They had offered China a share in the re-organisation of the country, and she had refused ; they had a strong force in the capital, and they could act without her assistance. The question could not be settled without a war, and in such a case rapidity would be the chief element of success. The march of events was very rapid. On the 18 th of July the Corean Government informed Otori, the Japanese Minister, that the presence' of such . a large body of Japanese soldiers troubled the minds of the people, and that they could not undertake the 90- TBn ohina-j'a:pan- war. reforms until after tlie withdrawal of the Japanese troops. On the 19th, Yuan-Shi-kai, the Chinese Minister, who had been at Seoul since 1885, and who was suspected by the Japanese to be encouraging the Coreans in their resistance, left the capital, and, embarking on a Chinese man-of-war at Chemulpo, returned to China. On the 20th July, Otori sent an ultimatum to the Corean Government ; he reminded OTOEI, JAPASESE MINISTER IN CORBA. TUAN-SHI-KAI, ' CHINESE MINIBTEE EESIDENT IN COKEA. them that by the Convention of 1885, Corea had bound itself to build barracks for the Japanese soldiers (he thus insinuated that Japan had a perfect right visrh-vis of Corea to send troops in the country) ; he added, that the presence of soldiers, who had publicly proclaimed * their object of protecting a dependent state was incompatible with the independence of that * He alluded to the pioclamation of the Chinese generals.; ATTACK ON TEE' KING'S PALACE AT SEOUL. M- couritrj/ and he gave the' Coreaii Government three' days' time for a final answer to his deinands ; if it- were not satisfactory Japan would carry out the reforms by force. The Corean Government, con- sidering its helplessness, showed considerable resolu- tion. On the night of the 22nd it answered that the~ Chinese troops had come at their request, and would not leave until similarly requested. Orders were at once given to the Japtoese troops encamped near the capital to attack the King's Palace next morning. Two battalions, led by Majors Mori and Hashinioto, marched out of their camp early in the morning; their object was declared to be an attack on the Chinese troops at Asan, but they soon changed their direction, and moved towards the front and rear of the palace. After a ' short , engagement they drove out the Corean troopsrand took possession of the person of the, King, to whpm. they declared they had come to guard the Palace and deli v!er him from an obnoxious faction. There was another short scuffle with some Corean troops outside the Palace, but with the loss of only two killed and five wounded in both engagements, the Japanese bec'ame masters of the capital and the Government. The Japanese loudly declared that the 23rd July marked the beginning of- a new era for Corea, and set themselves to remodel the Government ; the Mih party were driven out and replaced by progressive politicians. The notorious Tai-Wen-Kun, the father of the' King, who had not been allowed to see his son for years, was 92 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAE. called to the Palace and entrusted with higLautliprity., Strange changes take place in the politics of the Far East as well as in those of Western countries, and it was indeed extraordinary that one of the fii:st steps in the revolution brought about by Japan, in the name of progress and civilisation, was to replace in power the Tai-Wen-Kun, the relentless persecutor of Christianity, THE KING OP COnEA. the hater of all foreigners, the man who had been confined for years in China because he was suspected to have promoted the attack on the Japanese in 1883. The occupation of the Palace and the changie in the Government gave the Japanese legal sanction for all their future proceedings; they at once received a request from the Corean Government to drive out j:he naval fight at peung' island. 9S from Asan the Chinese, who now instead of defenders were considered intruders. With the feeble resistance at the Palace, hostilities between Japan and Corea coinmenced and ended ; it now became only a question of a few days when hostilities would break out between China and Japan. It was conjectured ' that the first engagement would take place somewhere between Seoul and Asan. But circumstances ruled a far different and more startling opening to the great drama that was to be enacted in the Far East. The Naval Fight at Phung Island. When the situation in Corea became critical, China, as well as Japan, began to reinforce her troops in that country. On the 21st of July and following days, eleven steaniers carrying over 8,000 soldiers were despatched from Tientsin to Corea. They were sent in two directions, some to the Yalu, the boundary river of Corea,' and others to Asan, to increase the strength of the small expedition which originally had been sent simply to intimidate the Tong-Haks. The object of the Chinese was to reinforce the :Asan detachment to such an extent that it could resist any attack of the Japanese, while at the same time troops "should be constantly sent to the frontier, to form a large ariny to march south to the capital and drive out the Japanese, who thus would be attacked on both sides arid driven into the sea. The plan was good, but to be effective it required rapid mobilisation. M ' . TBE OHINA-JAPAN WAS, a coHdition which all the subsequent history of the war shows to have been impossible for China. Besides a defective military organisation of her few fighting troops, the absence of railways and good roads rendered a rapid , concentration by land im- possible. China, though possessing a long frontier with..Corea, was, compelled to depend on the sea for the rapid conveyance of troops to the neighbouring country. Japan, from her insular conditions, found herself in the same position ; the sea was the only open route. The relative situation of the two forces in Corea rendered this sea route longer and more dangerous. The Japanese at Seoul had a Chinese force on .the south, which could intercept all communication with Fusan, the Corean port nearest to Japan ; their ■communications ■ therefore had all to pass via Chemulpo. The Chinese at Asan had a strong Japanese force in the north, and could only,, com- municate by sea with China. As Asan is a little south of Chemulpo even the sea-routes of communi- cation intersected. The immediate object of the Japanese was to prevent the troops in Asan receiv- ing reinforcements ; their own troops at Seoul were in sufficient numbers not only to hold their own, but to. crush, the enemy at Asan, and the Chinese army coming from the north was not near enough to constitute' .a danger. for some time; if .this pbj.ect • could not be attained, the position of the .Japanese .troops at. ; Seoul, niight beQOin.e.. dangerous.,.,. Indeed, THE NAVAL FIGHT AT PHUNG ISLAND. r95 for a moment, the situation of both armies seemed critical, the Chinese at Asan and the Japanese at Seoul \Y6re equally far from their base of operations, and it was doubtful which would succeed in strength- ,ening its own position or weakening that ,of its adversary. The Japanese Government was informed of the departure of the Chinese transports, and on the 23rd of July the Akitsusliima, Yoshino, and Naniwa left Sasebo ; these three vessels are the fastest in the Japanese navy and eminently qualified for the work that was expected from them. On the 25th, at 7 A.M., when they were near the islands of Phung and Shapain, they met two Chinese men-of-war, the Tsi-yuen and the Kuang-yi; the Chinese vessels came from the neighbourhood of Asan, where, as we know from other evidence,* the attack of the Japanese troops on the King's Palace at Seoul was known at 5.20 P.M. of the preceding day. They therefore knew that war was all but declared, and probably expected to be attacked by the enemy's vessels.- The Japanese vessels, on the other hand, had been at sea for two days and knew nothing of the grave events that had taken place at Seoul on the 23rd, but they must have known that such events would happen, and they probably had instructions to stop all transports. They were, however, astonished that the Chinese did not salute their flag and that they were cleared for action. The Japanese likewise made preparations, and as the * The log of tli3 ss. FeicMng, published in the Shanghai papers. '96 TEE CEINA-JAPAN WAR. passage among the islands was very narrow they changed their course south-west to go out into the open sea, when the Chinese vessels which had come very near opened fire. The action was short and decisive. In about an hour the Kuang-yi was crippled, and had to be run into shallow water. The Tsi-yuen had her bow gun disabled, twenty of the crew were killed, and she had to fly to Wei-hai-wei, so riddled with shot, that some eye-witnesses of her condition said she looked like a pepper-box. During the engagement it is said the Tsi-yuen hoisted a white and a Japanese flag, and when one of the Japanese men-of-war approached, discharged a torpedo, which missed. She was pursued for some time by the Yoshino. The above is the Japanese account. The Chinese say the Japanese fired first, but the Tsi-yuen fought so well that a Japanese man-of-war was obliged to hoist the white flag, and only the arrival of other vessels saved her from capture. Further details were also added, that a shot had demolished the bridge, killing the Japanese admiral, who was seen to turn several somersaults in the air. This account is contradicted by the fact that several Europeans * saw the Tsi-yuen running away with a white and Japanese flag. Un- fortunately Chinese military and naval ofiicers are obliged to spread exaggerated reports to please the tiaste of the majority of the nation, who are thoroughly * Von Hannecken, Mr. Muhlenstedt and the officer of the EowsMng. THE NAVAL FIGHT A.T PHUNQ ISLAND. 97 ignorant of military matters, and would not bq satisfied Avith the plain recital of the most heroic action. Throughout the war the Japanese have been far more just in their appreciation of the Chinese generals and officers than their own countrymen. The fight of the Tsi-yuen and Kuang-yi with the three Japanese men-of-war, each of which would have been more than a match for both of them, was certainly a plucky afi'air. It is the boldest action of the war — the only one in which the Chinese engaged overwhelming odds, and it is strange that Fong, the captain of the Tsi-yuen, was beheaded two months afterwards for cowardice. It is • the duty- of history to correct the mistakes and prejudices of the transient moment, when men's ■passions are excited and their judgment blinded ; and against the hasty death-sentence pronounced by literary mandarins ignorant of warfare, it .is fair to adduce the opinion of the competent Japanese naval officers * who had fought against Fong, and the testi- mony of the German engineer,^ wiio had served on his ship. The engagement was certainly imprudent on the part of the Chinese, and if they commenced firing, the only explanation that can be suggested is that they had * When the Japanese captured the torpedo-boats at Wei-hai- wei the next year, among the questions they asked the Chinese prisoners was : Why was Fong, who fought so well at Phung Island, decapitated? and the Chinese officers answered that they did not know, but Admiral Tirg had tried to save him. t Mr. Hoffmann, who made a declaration in a Shanghai paper ■ that Fong had fought his ship well at the battle of the Yalu. H 98 TEE OEJNA-JAPAN WAR. orders to protect the transports at any cost, and they hoped either to disable' the Japanese vessels, or draw them away from the Corean coast by a running fight. While the Yoshino was pursuing the Tsi-yuen two other vessels came in sight, the Tsao-Kiang, a small Chinese despatch vessel, and the British s.s. Kowshing. The ATcitsusliima gave chase to the former, and soon captured her, as she could oflfer no resistance. The Naniwa took charge of the latter, and through ignorance and mistrust a bloody drama was enacted which cost over a thousand human lives. The Naniwa, at about 9 A.M., signalled to the Kowshing to anchor, and emphasised the signal by two blind guns, then, after some more signals and consultation with the other men-of-war, she sent a boat with an officer to board the steamer. The officer examined the ship's papers, and found she was a British steamer which had been chartered by the Chinese Government to convey troops to Corea (she had on board about 1,200 men, besides twelve guns, ammunition, etc., and Mr. von Hannecken, a German officer who had been employed by the Chinese for many years in constructing their forts, travelling as a passenger). After putting several questions the Japanese officer informed the captain of the Kowshing that he must follow the Naniwa, and left so abruptly that the captain had only time to say that he was obliged to obey a man-of-war, though he'would do so under protest. After the Japanese boat had left, and when THE NAVAL FIGHT AT PHUNQ ISLAND. 99 1 preparations were being made to follow out the orders received, there was a scene of terrible confusion. When the Naniwa had stopped the Kowshing, the two Chinese generals who were in charge of the troops, had become very excited, and had informed von Hannecken that they would perish rather than be taken prisoners. Von Hannecken was the only European who could speak Chinese, and had to negotiate the whole business. He informed Captain Galsworthy of the intentions of the Chinese, and they agreed together that he should insist to be allowed to return to Taku,. the port he had left on the 23rd of July before any declaration of war. But the Japanese officer had departed so suddenly that the captain had no time to make objections nor call for von Hannecken. As soon as the Chinese generals understood what was proposed to be done, their excitement increased, and was communicated to their soldiers, who began rushing about the deck in a wild manner. Arms and ammunition were served out to some of the soldiers by the generals, who declared they would not follow the Naniwa, but would fight the Japanese ; and when the officers of the Kowshing declared they would leave the ship if the Chinese intended to fight, armed soldiers were detached to guard all Europeans with threats of instant death if any sign was shown of obeying the Japanese orders or of abandoning the vessel. It was truly a pitiable sight that such a number of oflicers, amongst, whom were two generals, should not have sufficient military experience to H 2 100 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. understand the absurdity of attempting resistance in a merchant vessel against a powerful man-of-war. But in their ignorance of international law, they probably trusted to the protection afforded by the foreign flag, and by the presence of the Europeans on board, and concluded they were safe as long as they could keep these hostages. They had paid for their passage, and paid a large price, and they considered they were entitled to be landed either at .Asan or Taku. Their ignorance sealed their fate aiid that of the poor wretches who were under their orders. While the Chinese had taken possession of the steamer, the Japanese were signalling to follow, so then von Hannecken asked Captain Galsworthy to ask the Naniwa by signal to send the boat again, which was immediately done. This time von Hannecken himself went to parley with the Japanese, and the scene was truly dramatic. The deck was swarming with armed and excited soldijers who were kept back with difficulty. Von Hannecken, a man of commanding presence, was at the gangway ; the Japanese officers were on the ladder with their hand on the sword-hilt. Von Hannecken explained that the captain was not free to obey. The Chinese would not allow him to follow the Naniwa and wanted to return to Taku. This request seemed reasonable to von Hannecken and to the captain. The Japanese officer promised to refer the question to the captain of the Naniwa. The only answer which came from the Naniwa THE NAVAL FIGHT AT PHUNQ ISLAND. lOL after some time, whiclr was probably employed in deliberation, was the signal " quit the ship at once." This of course was meant for the Europeans, but they could not leave, as the Chinese soldiers guarded all the davits. Captain Galsworthy signalled : " We are not allowed," and then " send a boat," to which the Japanese answered : " Life-boat cannot come." Then the Naniwa steamed around and placing herself alongside of the Kovjshing at 150 metres on the port side, launched a torpedo and fired two broadsides. It is not certain whether the torpedo struck the ship, but there was a terrific explosion which filled the air witli coal-dust and obscured everything. In the confusion, von Hannecken and the Europeans jumped overboard, and swam for their lives under a hail of bullets ; the Chinese soldiers who could not swim and knew they must die, were firing wildly both at the Japanese and at their comrades in the water. The Naniwa opened fire at about 1 p.m., and in half-an-hour the Kowshing was sunk. The captain, first officer, and a quarter- master were ^picked up by a Japanese boat : von Hannecken and some of the soldiers swam ashore, others clung to the masts of the Kowshing and were rescued next morning by the- French f gun -boat Lion, but the total lives saved did not exceed 170, so that over 1,000 died.* The sinking of the Kowshing, on account of the European lives lost, and the international question it * Tlie statements of some of the survivors will be found in Appendix C. 102 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. raised, led people to forget the other incidents of that eventful morning, and obscured the salient points of jbhat memorable day. If it had not been for these extraneous considerations, the 25 th July would have revealed to the World the business-like rapidity with which the Japanese carried on warfare — even at that early date the military qualities of the Japanese would have been understood. The Japanese men-of- war met the Tsi-yuen and Kuang-yi at 7 A.M., and at 1.30 P.M. the Kowshing was sunk. In about six hours a man-of-war had been destroyed, another disabled, a despatch vessel captured and a transport sunk. Though the Japanese were supposed to be an ex- citable people, all this had been done without flurry and without losing sight of the principal points of each question. The engagement with the Tsi-yuen had not tempted the Japanese to pursue and destroy the disabled ship ; they remained to intercept the transports. The Kowshing presented a complicated question of international law, which the Japanese officers had to settle in a few hours just after an engagement, and with the apprehensions that at any moment other Chinese vessels might arrive to renew the battle. This question was resolved correctly, but it must be remembered that such a solution entailed firing upon the British flag — a flag which > commands respect all over the world, and in the Far East is looked upon with sentiments of awe. It was there- fore an act of singular boldness for the Japanese to act so resolutely on so short a reflection. * TEE NAVAL FIGHT AT PHUNa ISLAND. 103 From a military point of view the events of the 25th were very important. The sinking of the Kow- sldng with 1,000 picked soldiers was equal to the loss of a bloody battle, and it may be said that fate of the troops at Asan, and the prospects of the the Chinese plan of campaign, were settled on that day. If the Kowshing had arrived at Asan, the landing of 1,200 fresh soldiers, the presence of a brave, skilful officer like von Hannecken, and the encouragement felt by the Chinese in finding themselves always able to receive reinforcements, would have materially affected the results of the first land engagement. Perhaps the Japanese, who have shown always so miuch prudence together with their boldness, might have hesitated to attack the position at Asan before receiving reinforcements. It produced also other consequences which lasted during the whole war. It inade neutrals more careful in embarking in doubtful enterprises, and it showed the Chinese that the con- veyance of soldiers by sea was fraught with difficulty and danger. 104 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. ' CHAPTERII. THE FIRST MILITARY OPERATIONS. The Asan Campaign. When the Japanese assaulted the Palace and changed the Corean Government on the 23rd July, they pre- pared to face the Chinese armies which were already in the country. The northern army was of uncertain numbers, and its exact position' was unknown ; but as it did not constitute an immediate .danger, it was considered sufficient to despatch on the 23rd a small party of cavalry scouts to watch the movements of the Chinese. The southern force at Asan was very near, and though not formidable in numbers might be reinforced, and in any case must be destroyed before the northern army approached, as otherwise the Japanese would be exposed to a double attack. Besides these military reasons, there were others of a different kind, which imperatively required a prompt defeat of the Chinese at Asan : the wavering attach- ment of the Corean party favourable to the Japanese must be strengthened by some striking military success evincing the manifest superiority of Japan ; and the further presence of Chinese troops might THE ASAN .CAMPAIGN. 105' spread disaffection in the already disturbed southern provinces. On the 25th July, General Oshima, leaving a small force to guard the capital, started with the bulk of his troops for Asan. The Japanese advance was rapid: on the 26th they were at Su-Won, on the 27th at Chin-we, and on the 28th at Su-sa-chang, within sight of the Chinese camps. The march had been full of difficulties, beasts of burden were not easily procured, and the Corean coolies who had been hired as carriers * decamped on the first day ; for a short time the advanced guard, which was about a day's march in front of the main body, was blocked at Su-Won and could not proceed : the commander, Major Koshi, was so chagrined, that after fruitlessly spending day and night in endeavouring to requisition coolies and beasts, he committed suicide. On the 26th, when the rest of the troops reached Su-Won, the difficulties were gradually adjusted. Otori wrote from Seoul, that the Corean Government had entrusted to Japan the task of driving out the Chinese from Asan, and had issued a proclamation to all officials, that the Japanese army should be provided with beasts of burden and coolies, whose services would be properly paid. The Corean peasants, accustomed to * The European reader should know that in the Far East iiien are employed for a variety of work confined to animals in Europe ; they pull small carriages and carry loads great distances. During the whole war the Japanese army was accompanied by large numbers of coolies, who did almost all the transport. 106 THE OEINA-JAFAN WAS. be plundered by their own troops, scarcely believed the possibility of being paid for anything that was taken, but they joyfully accepted the strange custom of the Japanese and furnished all the assistance re- quired. On the 26th, General Qshima.also received from Otori the news of the naval engagement off the coast, which had taken place the preceding day, and. the troops were immediately informed of the victory, which filled them with enthusiasm and impatience to rival the success of the navy. The Chinese, when they foresaw the probability of a Japanese attack, decided not to resist it at Asan, where their retreat would have been cut off by the sea, but chose, with great skill, a strong defensive position near Song-hwan, which they fortified with great pains. The ■ road from Seoul to Asan at Su-sa- chang has to cross two small rivers, one of which forms a pond : the ground is entirely without cover and cut up with paddy-fields ; beyond these, there is a ridge of hills. The Chinese broke the bridges, dammed the rivers, and built six redoubts protected by abattis on the hills. The Japanese arrived at Su-sa-chang, five miles from the Chinese position, before noon of the 28 th of July ; the officers, with their field-glasses, soon dis- covered the Chinese entrenchments, gaily bedecked with a liberal supply of flags. Some Japanese officers disguised themselves, and approached very near to the Chinese lines : when they returned in the evening, General Oshima summoned a hasty council, in which THE AS AN CAMPAIGN. 107 it was decided that, owing to ,the strength of the position, and the difficulty of approach, through paddy- fields exposed to the enemy's fire withou.t shelter, a night attack was necessary. The troops were not informed of the plan, but suddenly awakened at mid- night, when noiselessly and without confusion they marched towards the enemy. The Japanese were divided into two wings : the right wing, under Lieutenant-Colonel Takeda, consisted of four com- panies of infantry and one company of engineers, and was to make a strong diversion on the enemy's left ; the left wing, under General Oshima, consisted of nine companies of infantry, one battalion of artillery, and one company of cavalry ; by a circuitous route it was to attack the flank and rear of the Chinese right wing. Captain Matsusaki, with a company of infantry, was at the head of the right wing ; the two streams were forded with difficulty, the water reaching to the shoulders, and a narrow road turning to the left led across a pond and through paddy-fields to a hamlet. The darkness of the night and the difficulties of the road soon threw the Japanese into confusion. Some detachments lost their way, and Leiut.-Col. Takeda called to the interpreters to inquire- the road at the Corean houses, when suddenly a white figure darted past and shouted. The Chinese soldiers ambushed in the hamlet immediately opened a heavy fire. The Japanese lying down behind the embankments returned the fire, but they wexe in a very embarrassing 108 THE GHINA-JAPAN WAR. position ; the nature of the ground hampered their movements, and they were crowding up under the enemy's fire. Lieutenant Tokiyama with twenty men, in their anxiety to push forward to the assistance of the vanguard, jumped into the pond where it was deepest, and were drowned. CAPTAIN MATBtJSAKI, KILLED AT AN-SOKG. Captain Matsusaki encouraged his men to hold their ground, standing up on the embankment of the rice-field and waving his sword ; a bullet hit him in the thigh, but he still continued to brave all danger until another bullet killed him. Gradually reinforce- ments came up, and the Japanese charged the Chinese, driving them out of the village into the paddy-fields to the south. This skirmish, which was called after THE A SAN CAMFAIGN. 109 the name of the ford of An-song (the second of the two streams), lasted from 3.0 to 3.30 a.m. At 5.0 A.M. the battle was renewed by an attack on the redoubts. At this time the left wing, under Oshima, came into action, and a heavy artillery fire was directed on the Chinese entrenchments. The Chinese are said to .have made bad practice with their guns, while the Japanese shells bursting inside the forts made great havoc amongst the Chinese. Under cover of the smoke, the Japanese stormed the extreme forts on the right and left ; the Chinese, hemmed in on both sides, abandoned all their forts at 5.30 a.m. and retreated in disorder. General Oshima, with the 1 1th Regiment, pursued the Chinese along the road to Chhon-an, while Lieutenant- Colonel Takeda, with the 21st Regiment, marched on Asan. The Japanese expected to meet a desperate resistance at this place, but they found it evacuated by the Chinese, who had preferred to make their stand at Song-hwan, where they had a good line of retreat to Chhon-an. The forces engaged in this battle were exaggerated at the time ; as we have seen the two wings of the Japanese consisted of thirteen companies of infantry, one of engineers, one of cavalry, and a battalion of artillery. These, on a peace-footing (they could not have received their reserves at that time), would give a total of about 2,500 men. The Chinese force, according to the prisoners captured by the Japanese, amounted to 3,000 men, but only a portion were 110 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. engaged at Song-hwan ; the commander-in-chief, Yeh- chih-chao, had already retired, so that probably no more than 1,500 fought against the Japanese. The Chinese lost eight guns, a great many flags (these do not count much, as there is such a large supply in the Chinese army), large quantities of stores and ammunition, and according to Japanese accounts 500 killed and wounded. The Japanese losses were six officers and eighty-two men killed and wounded. The proportion of officers deserves to be noted. If we take as a basis the regimental tables given in the account of the Japanese army, we shall find that out of a total loss of eighty-eight, only three or four should have been officers ; the greater actual loss redounds to the credit of the officers of the Japanese army. It shows better than any words, b'etter than the florid descriptions of the Japanese newspapers and war publications, how the Japanese officers exposed their lives to encourage their men. The first reports of the battle announced that the Chinese had been annihilated, afterwards itiwas found that some of the routed Chinese, about 1,500 men, had succeeded, by a circuitous route, in escaping north and joining the Chinese army at Phyong-yang. This retreat was described by General Yeh as a brilliant strategical movement (he incidentally described the battle of Song-hwan as a heavy loss to the Japanese), and it gradually became so magnified that he received honours and rewards from his emperor, and the Japanese were contemptuously criticised for allowing THE AS AN CAMPAIGN. Ill him to escape. The truth lies away from all these exaggerations. General Yeh, when he heard of the loss of the Kowshing and knew that he could get no further reinforcements, was right in saving a portion of his army, though- with such a splendid military position he ought to have made a much better resistance at Song-hwan. General Oshima, on the other side, was quite right in neglecting the small band of fugitives, and attending to the more im- portant duties of the campaign. One of the great merits of the Japanese throughout the war has been to waste no attention on details and to keep always in niind the principal object of the campaign. On the 29th of July General Oshima had to sacrifice all minor points and to reserve his forces for maintaining Japanese supremacy in the capital, and for opposing the large Chinese army which was expected to march down from the north. The Japanese left Asan on the 31st of July, and arrived at Seoul on the 5 th of August, when a triumphal entry was made ; all the spoils of the campaign, guns, flags, etc., were displayed to dazzle the Coreans and convince them of Japan's military superiority over the country they had been accustomed to consider the greatest in the world. But the victory of Song-hwan, though unimportant as regards the number of troops engaged, has in some points a high historical value. It was the first battle fought by Japan in a foreign war since three centuries, and it 112 THE CHINA- JAPAN ■ WAR. was the first experiment of the new army organised entirely on the European system. Although the Japanese were confident of success, it must have been satisfactory to them to find their expectations so fully realised. , The Asan campaign was a small afiair, but its prompt execution showed that the generals knew how to command, and that the army organisation THE ETJGLEB SHIHAKAMI GENJIRO. worked smoothly, even in a country unprovided with good roads. Officers and men behaved with steady valour, and there were' some instances of heroism which proved that the foreign-looking uniform had not changed the spirit of the old samurai. Captain Matsusaki, who had shown such bravery in the critical moment of the battle, encouraging his men until he THE DECLARATION OF WAS. llS died, and the poor bugler, Shirakami Genjiro,* who was by his side, and mortally wounded, and continued blowing his bugle until he breathed his last and fell dead, became the first popular heroes of the war. The Declaration of War. The naval and land engagements of the 25th and 29th of July had taken place without any formal declaration of war, which was issued simultaneously by China and Japan on the 1st of August. In an Appendix f will be found the text of these two interesting documents. Chinese subjects in Japan and Japanese subjects in China were placed under the protection of the United States. The official announcemeijt of a state of war produced very different impressions in the two countries. The people of Japan, always so susceptible about the national honour, and who had desired the war, hailed the news with joy, and prepared themselves for the greatest sacrifices for the purpose of securing a * When the local M.P. was asked to give some presents to the bugler's family, the bereaved father answered like a true Japanese : " It is the lot of all men to die. My son had to die sometime. Instead of falling asleep in a corner of this miserable hovel, nnmourned save by a few relatives, he has fallen on the field of honour and received the encomiums of a multitude of his superiors, ^ence his mother and I cannot look upon this as a mournful occasion. We rejoice that our son has been loyal to Japan, even to the "point of shedding his blood in defence of her honour."— (Taken from the Japan Mail.) f See Appendix D. ' , I 114 , TSE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. glorious victory to their country. Notwithstanding the alleged poverty of Japan, the war loans were covered with facility, and the country was able to bear all expenses without having recourse to foreign capital. Societies of all kinds were formed to nurse the wounded and to provide the soldiers with every imaginable comfort. Offers of money and useful articles came not only from the noble and rich, but even the poor stinted themselves that they might contribute their mite for the good of the men who were battling far away for the glory of Japan. When the soldiers travelled by train to embark for the seat of war, crowds welcomed them at every station, offering them delicacies and shouting farewell. Each report of a military success was solemnised by dis- playing the national flag at every house, land by walking through the streets it was always possible to know when a victory had been achieved by the Japanese arms. China presented a far difierent spectacle. The people are not warlike, and are indifierent to military glory ; moreover, they felt no deep interest in the Corean question. Some attempts were made to excite hostility against Japan, but it never rose above rough assaults on quiet, inoffensive Japanese by the rowdies of the treaty ports. Shanghai unfortunately was the scene of a disgraceful episode. Immqjiiately after the outbreak of hostilities the Chinese became frenzied with the suspicion that the country was. full of Japanese spies (considering thfe. want of military preparation, and THE- BECLABATION OF WAS. 115 the small numbers of the army, it is inconceivable what they could report) ; every individual in foreign clothes with a dark skin was supposed to be a Japanese spy. At first an Arab, a stoker in a French steamer, was arrested and released ; but later on two genuine Japanese, dressed as Chinese, were seized in the foreign settlement and delivered to the American Consul, who was supposed to protect Japanese subjects. That the men should have been tried by a fair court, and, if found guilty, shot, would have been perfectly right by the laws of war. But they were unconditionally surrendered to the Chinese authorities, taken to Nanking, frightfully tortured, and beheaded. The United States Consul at Shanghai was not responsible for this crime, as he acted under orders from Washington, but it was the greatest dis- grace that ever sullied the American ilag — the flag which is supposed to symbolise freedom and progress. The men who had so fearlessly trusted .to its pro- tection should not have been delivered to courts where the employment of torture precludes all justice and invalidates every decision. This de- plorable action of the American Government has lowered its dignity and destroyed its prestige in the Far East, and it will take many years before she can recover them and cancel the memory of that dark deed. It was, moreover, an infringement of the rights of the foreign settlements, where a mixed court can judge even the Chinese in certain cases. If America declined to try Japanese in China, she I 2 ■116 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. ■ could not renounce doing so on the foreign settle^ ments. It was also a doubtful favour to China. She gained little by the death of those two poor wretches, and she was disgraced in the eyes of the whole civilised world. Foreigners, for the honour of their own civilisation, and for the gradual improvement of China, should never let an opportunity escape to prevent the blind, irresponsible action of the anti- quated laws of that empire. The Chinese authorities also offered rewards for the lieads of Japanese, and for the destruction of men-of- war, quite unconscious that such primitive methods, were of no practical utility and only paraded her barbarism before the world. Other methods equally futile were employed to meet the urgent requirements of the war. It was supposed, on no substantial evidence, that Japan was suffering from scarcity of food, and the exportation of provisions to Japan way. prohibited. The only persons that could be injured by such a measure were the Chinese producers. Military operations had been pushed on very vigorously during the days preceding the formal declaration of war, but very strangely, after that solemn act, there was a lull which lasted nearly two months. The foreign spectators became tired of waiting, and they supposed that the efficiency of the Japanese army had been exaggerated, and augured ill for its final success. In fact, it was the general opinion of foreigners in Europe and the Far East that the only chance of victory for Japan was in NAVAL DEMONSTRATION AT PORT ARTHUR. 117 striking a few rapid, stunning blows before China <30uld gather together her mighty strength, i.e., the ■countless multitudes of coolies that it was fashionable to call raw material for soldiers. But Japan had planned her campaign and was determined not to carry it out until all preparations were complete. Any slight check caused by over Jiaste would raise the courage of the enemy and diminish the prestige of the Japanese arms. The Naval Demonstration at Port Arthur and Wei-hai-icei. On the ]Oth of August Admiral Ito with the Japanese fleet — about 20 vessels — made an attack on Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei, the two naval ports of China. It was a very slight affair — an exchange of shots at long range between the forts and_the men- of-war. For some time people were puzzled to find out the meaning of this reconnaissance. It was generally thought an attempt to provoke Admiral Ting, the commander of the Chinese fleet, to come out and ■engage a great naval battle ; but after about a month the true object became CAddent : it was to cover the movements of the Japanese transports, who were pouring troops into Corea all the time. The fear of a naval engagement before they were ready kept the Chinese fleet inactive during that precious time. When the Japanese became convinced that China 118 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. would not yield until severely defeated they pushed, on their preparations with marvellous rapidity. Eealising the difficulties of a campaign across the sea they purchased all the steamers they could buy. It- is said they bought 47 — most of them large vessels — during the war. This number, added to their re-/ spectable mercantile navy, formed an imposing fleet of transports for the conveyance of troops, ammunition, and other necessaries for a campaign. To strengthen, their position in Corea, they concluded a defensive treaty with that country on the 25th of August for the purpose of establishing its independence. To this, object Japan contributed the necessary military force, and Corea promised to render every assistance for the easy transit- of the troops through the country. In the first half of September another important measure was decided upon in Japan. The headquarters of the army, which had been established in the imperial palace, were transferred to Hiroshima, a town on the Inland Sea conveniently situated for the despatch of troops to the seat of war. The Emperor arrived there on the 15th of September — a day which will be cele- brated in the annals of Japan — and at once dedicated his whole time to the conduct of the war. His quarters were modest — two small rooms — and he passed al- most the whole day there in the despatch of business, rising early and retiring late. The imperial physi- cians became alarmed lest this incessant occupation should injure his health, but the vigorous constitution of the sovereign enabled him to resist all fatigue. NAVAL DEMONSTRATION AT POST ARTHUR. 119 During this lull of military operations, which extended from the 29 th of July to the middle of September, the Japanese landed troops at Chemulpo (Yinsen), Gensan and Fusan. The latter port was how- ever soon abandoned, as it lay too far from the seat of war, and Yinsen and Gensan became the chief landing- places for their forces, especially the former. The Chinese were also hurrying forward their troops both by sea and land. The armies of the three Manchurian provinces were slowly marching south, some to Phy- ong-yang and others to the banks of the Yalu, the border river between China and Corea, where a second army was being formed. Near the mouth of this river was the chief landing-place for the Chinese troops which were conveyed by sea. 120 TEE. CHINA-JAPAN WAR. CHAPTER III. THE PHYONG-YANG CAMPAIGN. Preliminary Description. The original plan of tlie Chinese was to send troops to Corea by two routes : by sea direct to Asan, and by land over the Yalu. The former were to keep the Japanese in check while the latter, a much larger force, thus gained time to advance south and drive the enemy out of the peninsula. The Japanese were to be attacked on both sides, and as the Asan force was situated between the Japanese troops and their country, it would impede the facility of communica- tions and at least render impossible the erection of a telegraph line. In the account of the Asan campaign we have seen that the first part of the plan was rendered abortive \jj the prompt and successful attack of the Japanese. There still remained the second part of the plan : the army descending from the north, whose numbers were magnified by rumour, and which the Chinese confidently supposed would be able to sweep the Japanese out of Corea. The movements of this army had been closely watched by the Japanese, even when THE PHYONG-YANG CAMPAIGN. 121 they had other matters to attend to. On the 23rd of July, when they had not yet commenced their march against Asan, a small party of mounted scouts under Machida, lieutenant of the line, and Take-no-Uchi, sub-lieutenant of cavalry, were sent north to recon- noitre. The adventures of this small party read like a chapter of romance, and show what a spirit of enter- prise and daring animates the Japanese army. SUE-LIEUTENANT TAKE-NO-UCHI, KILLED WHILE EXPLOBING THE MOVEMENTS OF THE CHINESE ON THE TAI-DONG ElVER. From Seoul they rode through an unknown country, full of natural obstacles, up to the Tai-dong river, opposite to Phyong-yang, where they knew that the Chinese troops Were being concentrated. In this neighbourhood, almost within sight of the enemy, they remained nine days, observing his movements and attempting the most desperate and daring 122 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAli. ventures to annoy him. In the hopes of destroying a telegraph station of the Chinese, they tried re- peatedly to get boats and cross the river by night, but no ferry-boats could be found. Then Sergeant Kawasaki boldly swam across the river, and when discovered, swam back amidst a hail of bullets and returned to his companions, who received him clapping their hands at his bravery. " Their persistence in spying the enemy cost most of them their lives. On the night of the 9th of August they were attacked by 200 Chinese, and after a brave resistance all were killed except two, who succeeded in escaping, and returned to the Japanese army. This successful skirmish gave courage to the Chinese, who advanced to Hwang-ju. The Japanese, in re- cording the brave swimmer's exploits, remark that in Hideyoshi's time a similar feat was performed. A more serious advance was made shortly after by Major Ichinohe, who, commanding the vanguard of the Japanese army, started north from Seoul on the 8 th of August. The same day they rested at Ko-yang, and the next day they reached Pha-ju. On the 10th they crossed the river Chhong with boats which had been prepared beforehand. As the opposite bank is formed by high hills, the place constitutes an important strategic position on the high road from the capital northwards. On the 11th Major Ichinohe arrived at Kai-song, an im- portant city, which once was the capital of Corea, and THE PHYONG-TANO OAMFAIQN. 123 which the Japanese compared to Kioto, their ancient capital. ( The Japanese remained two days in this place, and received the report of the survivors of the party of cavalry scouts, which had advanced as far as Chung- kwa. After their desperate escape they had retired to So Heung, while the Chinese who had crossed the Tai-dong river advanced to Phung-san. On account of this news the Japanese, when they left Kai-song on the 13th of August, proceeded with great caution. They might almost be considered to be marching in the enemy's country, and besides, the nature of the ground was such i that the advance was fall of danger. The road from Kai-song to Kim- chhon at first winds round the southern side of a mountain range, and presents great natural difficulties to an advancing enemy. The Japanese mention one pass of several ri which a few men could have defended against thousands, and which would have formed, well defended, an impregnable stronghold. The Japanese passed these defiles without opposition and rested at Kim-chhon on the same day. On the 14th the Japanese advanced to Phung-san, a small town among the hills, and sent detachments to reconnoitre, but they found no Chinese. The Japanese, as they approached the enemy, advanced slower. It was not until the 17 th that they marched to Nam-chhon-chon. Here they heard that the Chinese were advancing south from Hwang-ju. Up to Nam-chhon-chon the Japanese army had been 124 """' THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS, accompanied by a Corean official, who had been despatched by the central Government for th« purpose of informing officials and people that the Japanese were advancing with the consent of the King of Corea, who was allied with Japan, This official, as soon as he got to Kai-song, feigned illness and telegraphed to be recalled, but he was ordered to remain with the Japanese. He .did so until they arrived at Nam- chhon-chhon, when he ran away, together with the local officials. On the 19 th the Japanese made a farther advance of two ri, pushing a detachment under Captain Machida even to So-Heung ; and they remained in these positions for the whole of the 20th, reconnoitring the movements of the Chinese army, which, having the Tai-dong river as a line of defence, and Phyong- yang as base of operations, had pushed a body across the river to build forts. The position of this Japanese force, so far advanced in the enemy's country, was considered hazardous, as it could not be properly isupported from its distant base, and it suffered also from scarcity of provisions. In consequence of this Major Ichinohe received orders to retire. On the 21st he withdrew to Kim-chhon, and on the 22nd to Kai-song. At this juncture a very curious thing happened. The Chinese who had crossed the Tai-dong, probably thinking themselves too much exposed, and imagining that the Japanese were advancing in force, also retreated, so that the two vanguards, which had THE PH70NG-YANG CAMPAIGN. 125 approached within ten ri of each other, recoiled simultaneously, leaving the whole country from Kai- song to Phyong-yang free of troops. The Chinese however only reported that all the country north of Kai-song was free of Japanese on the 23rd of August, and they filled up the preceding days with a variety of "engagements in which they were victorious. It was popularly supposed in China that the Japanese were being exterminated in detail, and the Chinese confidently expected to hear that their troops, after these desultory skirmishes, had entered Seoul. The prudence of the Chinese would have been justified if Major-General Oshima had followed out his first plan, which was to attack the Chinese and drive them out of Phyong-yang without awaiting reinforce- ments from Japan, and only with the force which he commanded, and which was called the Mixed Brigade. But on the 19th of August Lieutenant-General Nodzu arrived at Seoul, having come overland from Fusan. He at once informed himself of the enemy's position and .movements. He justly argued that the Chinese would not easily abandon their base of opera- tions at Phyong-yang, because it was the strongest place in the north-west of Corea, protected by a river and surrounded by hills, easily defended, and the key to all operations for the defence of the Chinese frontier or the attack of the Corean capital. He knew also that the Chinese would relinquish with difficulty their old habit of always resting on strong places in warfare. He concluded that therft 126 TSE CEINA-JAPAN .WAB. was very little apprehension of a Chinese advance. On the . other hand, as the orders he had received from headquarters were to drive the Chinese com- pletely out of Corea and not leave a single man in the country, he had no option but to attack Phyong- yang, and occupied himself with the arrangement of his forces and plans to achieve that end. Besides the forces which Oshima had at Seoul and Kai-song, he had sent a battalion to Sak-riong, a small town about as far from the capital as Kai-song, but on another road leading to Phyong-yang. On the other hand, a small reinforcement had approached the capital and was awaiting for orders. On the, 8th of August a battalion of infantry of the 12th Eegiment (10th Brigade) and a company of artillery had reached Gensan and marched at once for the capital. On arriving at a short distance from Seoul they reported their arrival. Division-Commander Nbdzu at once ordered them to turn back and proceed to Sak-riong and reinforce the battalion of the Mixed Brigade which was already there. This united force came to be called the Sak-riong detachment, and consisted of two battalions of infantry and one com- pany of artillery. On the 23rd of August orders were given to General Oshima to advance ndrth with his Mixed Brigade, and he encamped that day at Kim-chhong, and on the next day entered Kai-song, where Major Ichinohe with the retreating vanguard had been waiting since the 22nd. On receiving this reinforcement Major THE 'PHY0N6-TANG CAMPAiaN. 127 Ichinolie pushed on north the following- day, the 25 th of August. On the 21st Major-Gen eral Tadzumi, commander of the 10th Brigade, reached Chemulpo and proceeded to the capital the following day. He was appointed to command the Sak-riong detachment. Thus the Japanese forces were so disposed that they could advance on Phyong-yang by two i;oads : by the one which passed through Sak-ridng, and by the main road, which had been already traversed by Major Ichinohe in his first advance at the beginning of August. This attack by the front, though by two different roads, was not thought adequate to the purpose at headquarters, and General Nodzu was informed telegraphically that on the 26th of August a Mixed Brigade of the third division had landed at Gensan, ' and, though belonging to another division, was put under his orders. The plan for the attack of Phyong- yang, now decided upon by Marshal Yamagata, was as follows : General Nodzu with the main body and General Oshima with the Mixed Brigade were to advance by the main road ; General Tadzumi with the detachment at Sak-riong was to advance by that road ; and Colonel Sato (General Oseko not being- able to arrive in time to take command) was to advance from Gensan with the troops of the third division, which had been put under the orders of General Nodzu. It was hoped in this way to be able to surround and destroy the Chinese army at 128 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. Phyong-yang. As the country to be traversed was in some places little known and full of difficulties, owing to the want of proper roads, fifteen days were allowed for the execution of the plan. The difiierent detachments were to reach Phyong-yang between the 31st of -August and the 15 th of September, but the real attack was not to be delivered until the last date, and the movements of all the detachments, with the exception of the Mixed Brigade, were to be kept as secret as possible, and Phyong-yang was not to be approached too near before the 15 th of September. Before describing the execution of the plan it is necessary to show what movements were made prior to the 31st of August. The Mixed Brigade had reached Kai-song on the 24th of August, and it re- mained there up to the 28th, when it advanced to Kim-chhon, and on the 29th arrived at Phyong-san. It was still there on the 31st, the date fixed for the concentric advance on Phyong-yang. The Sak-riong detachment by the 31st of August had reached Sin-ge. The Gensan force was still at that port and the main body was stationed along the main road, divided in two columns at about two days' distance from each other, one at Kai-song and the other at the capital, Seoul. The following table gives the particulars of the different detachments : — THE PHYONG-YANG CAMPAIGK. 129 ■a o o o ^f« CO TM •^ Htl (tT 5D CO r~( (N Clf CO £ S cj 1— ( V) -^ 05 ^^ • % >^ s§ fl i '1 1 ' .3 1=^ ii ■ .2 o- 1 I—* I— 1 ^^ "^-v— ' > y ' d >. d a .2 a .2 ^0 K> a M rl U & o< eS si •Ut s •«-> ■*A ■^ -*J -M « ti o d <|, ^ o ^ fQ rH t-H i-r T- >> d 1 1 s o g 2 .0 : 3 -«* O ■*^ "etf' w IM 1-i ■ -*J * ■ i * -i * • -53 -^ - ) Nw* ^§•38 ^ t^ ■s ^^ -s ■43 ■« . °.-i PI ■^ S .-« 1 §1 i a^§ Ma's • s^PSPC- _g w^ So "ill ^^1 iJ ^J -*3 .*J rt fl_g (=1 r-[ 1^ ™ 5 s IM (N r-2_« t-H (M r~t (M .-4 . ^ ■ . 'a 13 • ? M OS /^ >» '^ ? .1 1 1 o a I g 1 i^ 6 ^ ■5" ■4J a '• !^ ^1 3 0) 1 1, a 1 1 ■B g 1 o •| 1 a .H § i !« a S « 03 H >■ P -♦* a Si S P g|i«g a " s^'" ^^^ -I g am § » 2 g a.B ni 03 P P r; ■J 05: S boo— „ a ^ «» js s p oi a s ^^■"g§ ■a^ggS. sjafe* "3 a O'a JB S--* ««i>2 a a * O 2 >. GO "73 « 43 Eh "^ ^ O S <» ^ S,"" g o ^ o g of the enemy's guns, and they were ascertained to be about ten to fourteen. The capture of the junks was to convince the Chinese that the Japanese were making preparations to cross the river in the neighbourhood of Phyong-yang, and to mask the real passage which, about that time, was being eff"ected lower down the river by General Nodzu with the main body. The 14th was a very clear day, and the Chinese commenced their cannonade at 6.30 a.m., but the Japanese did not answer ; their officers were busy with their field-glasses watching all the movements of the Chinese. It was feared they might suspect what was coming on the next day, and divide their forces, but it was soon discovered that their principal apprehensions were for the front attack of the Mixed Brigade. The last preparations were made for the coming action, which was to commence at 3 a.m. of the next day, the loth of September. The ambulance was brought forward to headquarters. The left wing was to send a detachment, under Major Okuyama, 138 TEE OEINA-JAPAN WAB. across the river in boats to attack the enemy's flank, and all the artillery was transferred to the right wing to cannonade the Chinese forts outside the Tai-dong gate of Phyong-yang city. Advance of the- Sak-riong Detachment. We have already stated that this body was formed of a battalion of infantry detached from the capital, and of a battalion of infantry and company of artillery, which, on their march from Gensan to Seoul, had received orders to alter their destination and reinforce the battalion stationed at Sak-riong. This place being the rendezvous, gave the name to the detachment. We have also seen that General Tadzumi, who was to command it, had proceeded by the main road, together with General Oshima and the Mixed Brigade, up to Phyong-san. From this place, on the 2nd of Sep- tember, he altered his route and reached Sin-ge on the 3rd, where he found his troops awaiting, him under Majors Yamaguchi and Tomita. Sin-ge had been a populous and wealthy place on the road from Sak-riong to Phyong-yang, but a short time before the routed Chinese, flying from Asan, had passed through, the town had been devastated and the people had fled. The Japanese suff'ered from great scarcity of food while they remained there. On the 6th of September they advanced five ri, and on the 7th they advanced four ri more, to Su-an, a town of about 1,000 houses. On the 8th, after THE PEYONG-YANG CAMPAIGN. 139 climbing a steep pass, they reached a small village with no accommodation, so that the troops had to sleep in a pine forest. On the 9th they started for Sam- deung, detaching the eighth company of the 21st Eegiment, under Captain Tanabe, to reconnoitre on the road to Sang-won. The road to Sam-deung was very difficult, and they had to cross a river with no bridge and with only a few boats. As there was a heavy rain-storm the troops had to sleep in their wet clothes in the fields. At Sam-deung they found that all the inhabitants had fled. As they were now only eight ri from Phyong-yang, and the attack had been arranged for the 15 th, they rested for three days (9th to 11th). Captain Tanabe returned from Sang- won and reported that the Chinese fugitives from Asan had been at that place for several days. On the 12th the Japanese advanced again. Major Yamaguchi, with the vanguard, at 8 a.m. reached the Tai-dong. On the opposite bank they saw about fifty Chinese cavalry, who soon dispersed, but were replaced by about 1,000 infantry. Two sections of Japanese infantry then deployed on the hills and fired several volleys at the Chinese on the opposite bank, who soon entirely disappeared. Preparations were made for crossing the river. At first they could only find one damaged vessel, which, however, they managed to convert into a ferry-boat, and Major Yamaguchi crossed the Tai-dong, which at this place narrows to a breadth of 330 yards. He occupied a small village of some strategical importance and threw out outposts. 140 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. General Tadzumi, with the main body of the detach- ment, had intended to advance only as far as Kang- dong, but on hearing the firing he advanced. The want of boats prevented the passage that night, and it was only at 10 A.M. of the 13th that five vessels were requisitioned and the whole detachment crossed to the right bank of the Tai-dong. On that same day Major Yamaguchi, with the advanced guard which had crossed the day before, pushed forwards. The Japanese proceeded very cautiously, and as they reached the top of some high ground a mounted scout returned reporting that the enemy's forts were in sight. The Japanese halted, and their ofiicers were busy with their field-glasses. They could plainly see the streets of Phyong-yang and the flags of the Chinese generals.* On the right and in front of the city there was Mok-tan-son, a high hill which has historical associations for the Japanese, as it was there that their General Konishi, during Hideyoshi's first expedition, made a stand against the united Chinese and Corean force and was defeated. Behind this, on a hill, they could see a great number of tents. The Japanese soldiers were forbidden to advance, as the appointed time for attack had not yet come ; but they heard artillery firing in the distance, and knew that General Oshima, advancing from the main road, was engaging the enemy's attention. * Chinese generals have large flags, with their names written in gigantic characters, flying from high staffs at their head- quarters. TEE PHYONG-YANG CAMPAIGN. 141 General Tadzumi remarked that when an army im- mures itself in fortifications it is in no hurry to fight. On the 14th the Japanese had their lines from mount Tai-song on the right to the top of Kuk-chu-si on the left, and made ready for the attack of the ensuing morning. The night, that of the autumnal equinox, was beautiful, and the full moon shone on Phyong-yang and the enemy's camps, where so many thousands were sleeping, all unconscious of the slaughter that awaited their awakening. The Advance of the Main Body. This detachment, which formed the centre of the forces advancing on Phyong-yang by two routes from Seoul, marched in two columns, which proceeded almost by the same road employed by the Mixed Brigade. Up to the 10th there were only occasional unimportant divergences, but on that date, when the Mixed Brigade moved up to Chung-hwa, the first column reached Hwang-ju and the second column Phung-san, and, as we have already explained, the centre became left wing, and vice versa. The main body, to follow up this plan, had to proceed to Kang- so on the other bank of the Tai-dong, which had therefore to be crossed. Preparations for that purpose were made on the same day. Major Baba, of the engineers, soon reported that he had secured 'some ferry-boats in the neighbourhood of Iron Island, and later on he sent a further report that twenty-five 142 TEE OEINA-JAPAN WAS. ferry-boats were ready. The passage of the Tai-dong commenced on the 11th of September; it proceeded slowly, because the river at that point is about 1,000 yards across and the tide is very strong. The fast boats took two hours to go across and come back (for the return trip), and the slow ones even as much as four hours. Only the infantry of the first column succeeded in crossing over on that day, and the artillery had to wait till the following day. On the 12 th the second column also reached the Tai-dong. The number of vessels was quite insuffi- cient, especially as many had been damaged by the work of the preceding day. The officers' baggage and pack-horses had to be left at Hwang-ju, and on the 1 3th of September the whole army had not completely crossed the Tai-dong. The passage of this large river, though the principal, was not the only obstacle the main body had to overcome in their advance. Two creeks had to be traversed before reachiag Phyong-yang. On the 14th the Japanese advanced to four ri from Phyong-yang, and the vanguard pushed on one ri nearer to that city. Since the 12th cannon-firing in the direction of Phyong-yang had been heard, and it was known that General Oshima was keeping the Chinese occupied with his prepara- tions of attack. The Japanese advanced as near as they could to Phyong-yang, so as to be ready to attack on the following morning, as soon as the Gensan and Sak-riong detachments began their assaults on the opposite side of the city. ( 143 ) Advance of the Gensan Detachment. It was formed of troops of the 3rd (Nagoya) Division, but only the 18tli Regiment of infantry had landed, and this, with a sufficient allotment of artillery and engineers, under Colonel Sato, advanced towards Phyong-yang by Yang-dok and Song-chhon. The roads that had to be traversed were dreadful, and the troops suffered great hardships. On their way to Yang-dok, which was reached by two columns on the 2nd and 4th of September, the artillery lost thirteen out of their hundi'ed and twenty horses, and when they arrived at that place they found no provisions. From Yang-dok westward all the people were pro-Chinese, and fled with their ofiicials at the approach of the ■Japanese. Nowhere could provisions be found ; all had been taken for the use of the Chinese army. The Japanese! remained at Yang-dok till the 5th, when they left and reached Song-chhon on the 8th. Here they remained till the 11th, when a farther advance of one ri was made to a small place which is only eight ri from Phyong-yang. Their advance was not expected, so that not a single Chinese soldier was found in the neighbourhood. On the 13th they advanced to Sun-an, well to the rear of the Chinese position, and only five ri from Phyong-yang. As the Chinese still showed no signs of being aware of the enemy's advance in this direction, Colonel Sato advanced to within one ri of Phyong-yang, driving 144 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. away a small force of Chinese cavalry which he found in his way. The brisk cannonade and the busy preparations of General Oshima had thoroughly con- vinced the Chinese that the main attack was to be delivered where they expected it, on the southern bank of the Tai-dong. Phybng-yang and the Chinese Army. Phyong-yang is an important city of about 20,000 inhabitants in the north-west of Corea. It is the capital of the province of Phyong-an, and has played an important part in the history of the country. For some time the capital of ancient Corea, which extended far north of its present limits, it was the constant object of Chinese attacks by land and sea when the Celestial emperors were engaged in war with their small neighbour. It marked the farthest northern advance of the Japanese armies during the invasions of Hideyoshi, and the Chinese victory gained at Mount Mok-tan (Peony), on the north side of the city, saved China and Corea from the Japanese armies. Phyong-yang is very strong, both by nature and art. On the east it has the Tai-dong river, which winds almost round three sides of the city. On the north there is a very high hill, Mok-tan-san (Peony Mountain), where Konishi was defeated in 1592, and the banks of the river are steep and convenient for defence. The city is surrounded by high strong walls, TEE OEINEiSE FOBOES OF PEYONa-TANG. 145 and the Chinese had added very considerably to the defences they had found. The Chinese forces consisted of what they called four armies : — The Sheng-tztt army, gnderl General Wei-j'u-kuei '' . . j The I-tzft army, under Gren-j eral Ma-yu-kun . . . . J The Feng army, under Gen- eral Tso-^ao-kuei . . . The Peng-tien drilled army,) under ,'General Feng- sheng-a 10 camps " of infantry . 1 battalion of artillery. 1 company of cavalry . 4 camps 6 battalions of infantry j 2 battalions of cavalry. \ 1 battalion of artillery. J 2 battalions of infantry j 2 battalions of cavalry . J Total About 6,000 men „ 2,000 „ „ 3,500 „ „ 1,500 „ 13,000 * The Chinese camp is a military term indicating a body of about 500 men. Each camp or battalion occupied a square fort. The number and disposition of these forts were approxi- mately as follows : — Forts. On the south of the city (which were covered by] a line of entrenchments for a length of ahout> 15 2,000 metres, forming the first line of defence) . ) Outside the Tai-dong gate on the left bank (besidesl _ a very strong tete-de-poni) i On the north, on hills outside the city . ... 4 Mok-tak-san (Peony Mountain) 1 In the north corner, inside the city Total 27 These fortifications were constructed with great ■care, and were far stronger than anything the Japanese ■ever imagined they should find. They were well L 146 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. provided with field and mountain guns, and the troops were armed with magazine rifles. The Chinese generals were so confident of the strength of their position, and of the measures of defence they had taken, that they boasted that they could hold the place for years against myriads * of Japanese. It is. but fair to add that though the Japanese did not know the strength of the fortifications, they had prepared for a possible check in the attack intended ■ for the 15 th. On the 12th of September large reinforcements reached Yinsen, and were at once sent to the front. They were under the command of Marshal Yamagata, the new commander-in-chief of the Japanese forces in Corea^ but their presence was not required at Phyong-yang, which fell before they reached the Tai-dong river. * The Chinese and Japanese use myriad (or 10,000) as ai unit of calculation. Thus they say ten myriads for 100,000, 100 myriads for 1,000,000. ( 149 ) CHAPTER IV. The Attack on Phyong-yang. The Mixed Brigade. In describing the advance of this body, it has been noted that skirmishing had been going on during all the days from the 12th to the 15th of September. To understand the events of those days, as well as the grand attack of the 1 5th, it will be necessary to throw a glance on the map of Phyong-yang city. It will be seen that the road from Chung-hwa (along which the Mixed Brigade had to advance) turns north as it approaches the Tai-dong river^ and after passing between two forts, and crossing a small stream, it runs nearly parallel to that river, flanked by forts, until it reaches the tete-de-pont which the Chinese had built to protect the bridge of boats. When the Japanese advanced on the 12th of September they occupied the two first forts, which were abandoned by the Chinese, and then proceeded to a bridge across the small stream. Here they met a few Chinese, who exchanged shots. The Japanese drove the Chinese back, but did not pursue them, as the road beyond the stream was unsheltered by trees, and exposed to the flank fire of the Chinese forts on the other side of 150 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. the Tai-dong river. To prosecute the attack on Phyong-yang, the Mixed Brigade had to advance in unsheltered ground, under the fire of three strong forts, built near the bridge of boats, and the flank fire of the forts across the river ; at the same time it received little assistance frorfe its own, artillery, as the only favourable ground for placing the guns was at a considerable distance from the Chinese forts. On the 1 4th of September arrangements were made for the attack of the following morning. The Mixed Brigade was divided into several detachments. One was pushed north to join with the Sak-riong detach- ment ; another was to advance between some hills and ^attack the Chinese forts in front ; another body was to advance by the main road from Chung-hwa, while another detachment, under Major Okuyama, was- to cross the Tai-dong and attack the south-eastern corner of Phyong-yang, co-operating with the main body under Lieutenant-General Nodzu. The attack began before daylight, at 4.30 A.M., on the 15 th of September, . with a furious cannonade. The Japanese guns were directed on the forts on the left bank of the river, which protected the bridge of boats, and on the forts of the opposite shore, which could direct a dangerous flank fire on an advancing enemy. The Chinese answered vigor- ously, but they fared worst in this artillery duel, as their aim was much inferior to the Japanese. Gradually, under cover of the artillery, the Japanese advanced, but they met a stubborn resistance. The THE ATTACK ON PHYONG-TANG. 151 hest Chinese troops, under General Ma-yii-kun,. besides the defeated troops of Asan — who were placed in the front to redeem their lost reputation — had all been -stationed in the forts on the left bank, and, well armed with Mauser repeating rifles, they poured a hail of fcullets on the advancing enemy. The Japanese could find no shelter in the open ground in front of the forts, and the rising sun revealed their position to the ■enemy. The Japanese officers, always at the head of their troops, kept shouting and encouraging their men. With a desperate efibrt the Japanese succeeded in capturing the outworks of the two first of the four forts which the Chinese were defending on the left bank, and planted the flag of the 11th Eegiment on the earthworks. But the Chinese, retiring to the central part of the forts, kept on the same incessant fire, before which the Japanese soldiers fell like chessmen, ,to use their own graphic expression. The Chinese iiad an abundant supply of ammunition in their redoubts, and fresh supplies were being constantly sent across the bridge of boats, whicli the Japanese artillery in vain tried to destroy. The Japanese •exhausted their ammunition, and were obliged to ^search for cartridges on the bodies of their killed and wounded comrades, and at last had only their .Ijayonets to oppose to the dreadful cross-fire of the /Chinese forts, which were so placed that the enemy .had to advance between them in the attack. For a moment the position was so critical that iEnsign Omori, fearing the regimental colours might 152 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. fall into the hands of the Chinese, ran with them to the side of the outwork, and digging a hole, buried them in the ground, showing the place to some soldiers, that they might recover the flag in case he was kUled. A fresh body of Japanese troops, the 2nd battalion of the 21st Eegiment, with half the 9 th company, made a desperate attempt to rush the Chinese forts, but the earthworks were too high and steep, and they had to retire with heavy loss. The Japanese soldiers had been from three in the morning up till past noon without any food, and having exhausted their ammu- nition, they were forced to slowly retire to their old positions. The object of their attack was a simple demonstration to draw away the Chinese troops, but they had carried it out with such earnestness that,, had the Chinese resistance been less vigorous, they would have taken the forts and the bridge of boats. The Chinese troops on this side of the river were probably more numerous than the Japanese attacking force, and with their fortifications and advantage of position they were able to repulse them easily. The losses of the Japanese were very heavy. The 11th Eegiment had three captains and one lieutenant killed ; the 2nd and 10th companies of the 21st Eegi- ment had all their ofiicers killed and wounded, and the 4th company had only one ensign left. Even. General Oshima was wounded. He had shown the most reckless bravery. During the heat of the action,, he had ridden up to the flag of one of the regiments THE ATTACK ON PHYONG-TANG. 153^ and declared to the soldiers he would die there unless 'th^y^tObk the forts. Major Okuyama, with the left wing, was more- fortunate in his share of the attacks. He crossed th& -Tai-dong river and succeeded in setting fire to the- houses in the neighbourhood of the Chinese forts. The Sah-riong and Gensan Detachments. As these two detachments, though starting from. sutih distant places, converged on the same side of the city of Phyorig-yang, their attack must not be dealt wiDl^' separately. The north side of the city- — the ol^efct of ishis combined attack — was defended by five forts, 'One of which was on the celebrated Peony MoUMain, a hill that commands the whole of Phyong- yang. The forts were disposed in a zigzag line,- which presented three forts as a first defence and two- (including that on Peony Mount) as a second line of defence. The Sak-riong detachment was to attack the right (the side nearest the Tai-dong river) and the^ Gensan' detachment the left of this line of forts. The latter detachment had been very fortunate in its- approach^ oil Phyong-yang. As its advance was not expected by the Chinese — fully occupied with the demonstrations of General Oshima's Mixed Brigade — it had been' able to take position on a hill favourably situated 'at 1,500 metres from the extreme Chinese- fort on the left. Mountain guns were at once^ ■154 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. dragged on the top of this hill, on the 14th of September, in readiness for the attack of the following morning. The Sak-riong detachment began the attack at daybreak in two bodies — Major Yamaguchi, with one battalion on the Chinese right, and Major Tomida, with another battalion on the Chinese centre. The Chinese, with their Mauser magazine rifles, kept up a steady fire on the advancing Japanese, but Major Yamaguchi's battalion made such a desperate assault that with heavy loss it captured the first Chinese fort {the one nearest the river) by 7.30 a.m. The third fort (the one in the centre of the first line) opposed a longer resistance, but the company of artillery brought up its guns to a hill at 800 metres and shelled the Chinese with such accurate aim that they fell into confusion, and Major Tomida, seizing the opportunity, stormed the third fort at 8 a.m. The Gensan detachment in the meantime had taken, without much difficulty, the fifth fort, the Chinese probably becoming bewildered by the mul- tiple attacks to which they were exposed — the can- non roaring in every direction on both sides of the river. The first line of forts being taken, the two detachments converged on the two remaining. The smaller was abandoned without resistance, but the fort on Peony Mount held out for a short time. General Tachimi,* the commander of the Sak-ri8ng detachment, ordered Major Yamaguchi to move from * It is the same as Tadzumi : both pronunciations are coiTect. THE ATTACK ON FHTONd-YANG. 155 the fort he had taken and attack Peony Mount in front, while Major Tomida was to advance in the rear from the third fort. Colonel Sato, with two battalions, also advanced from the fifth fort towards Peony- Mount, which thus was attacked on three sides. As it constituted the principal defence of Phyong-yang it was obstinately defended for a short time, but the Japanese artillery (the company of the Sak-riong and MAJOB-GENEBAL TACHIUI. the battalion of the Gensan detachments), which had been attempting to breach the city walls, seeing the difficult position of the infantry, turned the guns on Peony Mount. This artillery fire was so heavy that the Chinese began to waver, and the Japanese infantry, swarming up the hill on three sides like ants (to borrow their expression), took the celebrated Peony Mount at 8.30 a.m. 156 2!S^ GIIINA-JAPAN WAB. As soon as Colonel Sato saw that Peony Mounfc had been taken he directed his efforts against the Gemmu'* Gate, the nearest on that side of the city. The Chinese defended the walls so well and kept up such a brisk fire that the Japanese assault was repulsed. The soldiers were reluctantly retreating, regretting the wasted lives of their brave comrades, when an episode happened which resembles rather a COLONEL SATO. feat of a romance of chivalry than an incident in the sober scientific warfare of modern times. Lieutenant Mimura, burning with shame at the repulse, shouted to his men, " Who will come with me to open that gate ? " and at once rushed towards the Gemmu Gate. * This is the Japanese pronunciation of the characters. In Corean it should be Hyon-mii, but after Harada's celebrated exploit the gate deserves to be called by a Japanese name. THE ATTACK ON PBT0N6-TAN0. 157 Harada, one of the soldiers of Mimura, then said, " Who will be the first on the wall ? " and flew after his officer. They ran so quickly that only eleven other soldiers were able to join them under the wall after passing through a rain of lead. Mimura and his small band of h^'oes found the gate too strong to be forced, so the lieutenant gave the order to scale the HAEADA, THE HERO OF THE GEMMU GATE. walls. The Chinese were busy firing in front, keeping the Japanese troops back, and never imagined that a handful of men would have the boldness to climb the walls like monkeys under their very eyes. Mimura and his men came upon them with such surprise that they were scattered in an instant. The Japanese at. once jumped down inside the walls and 158 TEE CEINA-JAPAN WAS. rushed to the gate, killing three of its defenders and. dispersing the rest, Miniura cutting right and left with his sword. The gate was difficult to open, and while they were striving to succeed, the Chinese, who began to increase in numbers, kept firing from a distance. Soon one soldier was killed and another wounded. The lieutenant ordered that the rest of the company should be called from without, but another soldier was killed before Harada succeeded in unbolting and opening the gate to the astonished Japanese who were outside. With the taking of Peony Mount and the Gemmu Gate, Phyong-yang was virtually captured. ' The glory of this brilliant achievement was due to General Tachimi and Colonel Sato, with their troops, who were, however, also greatly aided by fortune. Colonel Sato- was able to occupy a favourable position, on the 14th of September, which had been neglected by the Chines.e ; and during the fierce engagement of the 15th the death of Tso-pao-kuei, the bravest Chinese general that the war has produced, disheartened his troops and facilitated the Japanese victory. The easy capture of Peony Mount was due to this event. General Tso was wounded early in the fight, but he tore up his clothes, bound up his wound, and continued encourag- ing his men ; another wound did not abate his courage, and he still cheered on his soldiers until a third bullet killed him. His death threw disorder into his troops, who broke up and fled in every direction. TEE ATTACK ON PHYONQ-TANG. 159" Shortly after the storming of the Gemmu Gate white flags were displayed at the principal gates of Phyong-yang. General Tachimi advanced on horse- back to find out the cause of these flags, but he found difiiculty in communicating with the Chinese — they could not understand him ; and when he had recourse to writing he could only obtain a letter from the- Corean official of the city. As the Chinese soldiers were gathering in numbers on the walls, and looked threatening, Tachimi thought it useless to expose himself and his men to a sudden attack from an enemy whose intentions were not clear. He therefore- retired, and, as a heavy storm began at the time, the- Japanese troops were withdrawn to Peony Mount. The Main Body. General Nodzu with his troops did not begin the- attack till 8 a.m., when his artillery opened a heavy fire upon the Chinese forts on the south of the city. Under cover of this fire a company of Japanese infantry approached the forts, when, at the same time, a body of Chinese cavalry over 100 strong issued from the forts. The Japanese artillery saw at once this sortie of the enemy, as well as the danger of their infantry, who had not yet discovered the approach of the Chinese cavalry, and they turned their guns from, the forts on to the horsemen. The fire of the artillery revealed to the infantry the advance of the Chinese, and the unfortunate cavalry was welcomed with such 160 TEE OEINA-JAPAN WAR. a dreadful artillery and rifle fire that very few escaped. A few were made prisoners, and from them it was ascertained that they belonged to the army of Tso- pao-kuei, which had broken up after the death of its leader. Soon after over 1,000 cavalry were seen escaping "behind the forts, and as they passed through the fields they were exposed to a murderous fire. The troops of the main body were thus reduced to the -condition of spectators of the consequences of the fierce fight which had been fought on the north of the city and won by the Gensan and Sak-riong de- tachments ; they had only to stop the flight of the routed Chinese. Major Okuyama, of the Mixed Brigade, who had •crossed the river and set fire to the houses near the ■Chinese forts, assisted the easy work of the main body. At 2 P.M. a body of infantry assaulted the forts and, after driving out the Chinese without ■difficulty, set fire to them. They then retreated to their original positions. The Retreat of the Chinese and Capture of Phybng-yang. The white flags had been hoisted only to gain time. The Chinese had no heart to remain and defend the place. Even on the preceding day, in a council of war, Yeh-chih-chao and other generals had advised a letreat, and it was only owing to the angry expostu- THE ATTACK ON FEYONG-TANQ. 161 lations of Tso-pao-kuei that any defence was made. When Tso died Phyong-yang lost its only brave defender, and all officers and soldiers were only anxious to escape as rapidly as possible. During the whole night of the 15th a mob of soldiers streamed out of the gates of Phyong-yang. Unfortunately, the two roads of escape were guarded by the main body and the Gonsan detachment, and the Chinese had to run the gauntlet of- the Japanese fire. The work of slaughter lasted the whole night up till morning, and the light of day revealed the sickening sights of war ; heaj^^of corpses and dead horses were strewn about right and left of the two fatal roads. It is estimated that the Chinese lost about 1,500 men in that dread- ful night of disorderly flight. The next morning not a single Chinese soldier was left in Phyong-yang, and the Japanese marched through the different gates and occupied the city with cheers to their emperor. The spoils captured by the Japanese were of every possible kind : 35 good guns, over 500 maga- zine rifles, 500 breech-loaders, an immense quantity ofi ammunition for cannon and rifles, tents, horses, money, and an endless variety of sundries, such as drums, trumpets^ carts, etc., which the Japanese, with amusijQg precision, carefully enumerate. The fortifications erected by the Chinese, formed the marvel of the Japanese, who did not expect to find such finished work, and could not imagine how it had been possible to execute it in the forty-two M 162 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. days the city Lad been occupied. On inquiry it was found that not only all the Chinese troops, but all Coreans, from seventeen to fifty years of age, had been compelled to work, so that each fort, besides its garrison of about 500 men, had had 360 Corean -coolies to assist in building it. The loss of the different Japanese detachments in the battle of Phyong-yang was as follows : — Killed. Wounded. Missing. Mixed Brigade — Officers Bank and file 6 no 18 2.')7 13 Salr-riong detachment — Officers Bank and file 9 45 i Gensan detachment — Officers Bank and file 2 31 5 87 19 Main body — Officers Bank and file ... . . 4 1 22 ■■ Total . . . 162 438 83 Giving a total of 8 officers killed and 27 wounded, and 154 soldiers killed and 411 wounded, besides 33 missing. The Japanese lists of losses were most carefully compiled, the name and native village of ■every common soldier being published. The Chinese losses cannot be so accurately known ; but the Japanese, who are not addicted to exaggeration, estimate that during the battle and the retreat about 2,000 Chinese were killed ; besides a larger number of wounded, 600 prisoners were taken. THE ATTACK ON PHTONG-TANQ. 163 The consequences of the victory at Phyong-yang "were enormous. The strongest city of Corea had been taken in a day ; the great Chinese army, which was to enter Seoul, had been dispersed ; all hopes of assistance from China were lost by the Conservative party in Corea. With the battle around Phyong-yang the Corean campaign may be said to have finished ; mo further resistance was offered, and the Chinese iretired beyond the Yalu to defend the frontiers of their empire. Hostilities commenced on the 25th of July, and on the 15 th of September Corea was ^conquered — in less than two months — -and at a very trifling cost of life. It is estimated that in battle, from wounds and sickness, the Japanese only' lost 663 men in Corea. If we are astonished at the rapid conquest of the Japanese we must not forget that their ancestors three centuries ago were almost as quick. In a little over two months from the date of landing, Konishi had taken Phyong-yang, and he had to march his troops through the country, without steamers, to •convey them to convenient landing-places on the •coast. The difference lies in the sequel. While the Japanese invasion of the sixteenth century stopped at Phyong-yang — which marked their last greatvictory — in the war of the nineteenth century the battle of Phyong-yang was only the first of a series of brilliant and unexpected victories. The reasons of the difi'erent success of the two campaigns will appear in the next part of this book. M 2 164- TEE OHINA-JAPAN WAB, PART III. THE CAMPAIGN IN CHINA. CHAPTER L THE NAVAL BATTLE OF HAI-YANG ISLAND. DuKiNG the period , preceding the battle of Phyong— yang the Japanese navy had been very busy. After- the demonstrations at Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei, on the lOth of August, it had confined itself to patrol- ling the Corean coasts and protecting the Japanese transports which conveyed the reinforcements for the army in Corea. The last of these expeditions arrived - at Cheumlpo (Yinsen) on the 12th of September. It consisted of 30 transports, and had on board Marshal Yamagata, the new commander-in-chief of the Japanese army in Corea, 10,000 soldiers, 4,000 coolies, and 3,500 horses. The troops were landed., and despatched to the front with such rapidity that it called forth the admiration of the foreign men-of- war that were in harbour. This fleet of transports- was protected by a strong force of men-of-war divided . into several squadrons. NAVAL- BATTLE OF HAI-YANG ISLAND. 165 On the 14th, after the landing of the troops and ■stores had been completed, a portion of the fleet left for the mouth of the Tai-dong river, where some of ■the vessels and a fc-w torpedo-boats were detached to proceed up the river and assist the troops that were preparing to attack Phyong-yang. The rest of the fleet anchored at Cape Shoppek. On the 16th of September the Main and 1st Flyiiig Squadrons proceeded towards Hai-yang Island to watch the enemy's movements. As the Japanese did not expect -to fight a battle, they had left their torpedo-boats in ■the Tai-dong river. ■ About this time the Chinese fieetf was similarly employed. On the 14th^ of September five steamers left Taku with 4,000 troops destined for the Talu river, where the Chinese were concentrating a second army to support the first one at Phyong-yang. These transports were convoyed at first by six cruisers and four torpedo-boats, but when they passed near Talien Bay they were joined by the bigger vessels of the Pei-yang squadron. The whole fleet then proceeded to the Yalu, where the troops were all disembarked by the 16th, and on the morning of the l7th, their object being attained, the Chinese prepared to return to their ports. On the same morning the Japanese fleet reached the island of Hai-yang, and after exploring it they advanced towards Tahi Island, when, a little after 9 A.M., smoke was seen in the distance, and at 11.40 the Chinese fleet came in sight. Admiral Ito at once 166 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. ordered his vessels to prepare for action. His squad- ron was composed of vessels of very different speed and power, and it was a difficult task to conceive a plan wMcli should enable them to act in concert with- out incurring the loss of any of the weaker, slower vessels. His fleet was formed: by the 1st Flying- Squadron, a fine group of four cruisers with, speed from 19 to 23 knots ; by the Main Squadron, six vessels of very different speed, as the first four ranged from 17 '5 to 19 knots, and the two last could only steam 13. Besides these he had the Akagi, a gun- vessel of a little over 600 tons, and the Saikio Maru,, an armed merchant steamer. Neither of the latter could be considered as fighting vessels, and they were ordered to place themselves to the left of the two squadrons, which thus covered them from the Chinese fleet. It will be seen in the sequel that Admiral Ito's anxiety for the safety of these ves- sels, and of one of the slow vessels of the Main Squadron, the Hiyei, obliged him often to modify his tactics. The Chinese fleet, composed also of twelve* vessels^ with six torpedo-boats, was possessed of much more uniform though far inferior speed to the Japanese. It was also somewhat at a disadvantage, because two of the vessels with the torpedo-boats, having delayed their departure from the Yalu, were separated from. * Some statements give the Chinese fourteen vessels, hut as only ten weie effectively engaged the total number is- unimportant. NAVAL BATTLE OF HAI-YANG ISLAND.- 167 the rest of the fleet. The Chinese thus had only ten vessels in the line of battle, which was also the number of the Japanese fighting ships. To render clear the following description there is attached a table with the names, tonnage, speed and guns of all the vessels engaged. Each vessel has also a number by which its position may be traced in the diagrams illustrating the evolutions •of the battle. As for these diagrams, of course, 'their accuracy can only be approximate. The re- lative positions of vessels and their evolutions can only be judged with imperfect precision, especially in the heat of an action, which was fought generally at long range. The ten Chinese vessels were placed in order of battle, in a single line, with the strongest vessels in the centre and the weaker ones on the wings. Admiral Ito disposed his fleet in a single column, led by the 1st Flying Squadron, with the Yoshino at the head. As the two fleets approached, the Chinese opened fire at 6,000 metres, but the Japanese reserved their fire until they were at 3,000 metres. The action began about 1 p.m. The Japanese fleet at first seemed as if it intended to attack the Chinese centre, for which reason perhaps Ting, the Chinese admiral, placed his largest vessels there, but as they approached the 1st Flying Squadron swerved from its original direction, so as to pass by the right wing of th© Chinese fleet, at the same time it increased its speed from ten to fourteen knots. Diagram I. shows the' 168 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAE. tpiD C3 « a ■2 -g* to g .3 .2 a, t i(:3.2.2 d.S'iS a a o oWto 53 Cj OJ O ^cq'S'S a a 2 Ju '" 'S ¥ u d § a a « o ^*^ a a ao, a •" o a) J- D^ g 60f- !► S 3 g a o o Kjj ^ +? -+^ o o C9 U ■ -^ a a a a a ? g 3 o o o t- _^ cq (N cq M ""* (M WrHCOCO g*^ (D a o o ^ ^ d v c3 ca ^ c J^O 130 O »0 U3 lO »0 O O O ypHl— (t-li— II— (r-)r-(i— ( I— ( .— I ooooooooowoo Ct CO CO OU -* -!t4 CO iK CO CO 1-1 QO o o oo r>-ot^i>oco o lo iQ »ra r> ifi t* r» o rH 1-i CO i-H O (M Tt* (N M (N l> ■^ CO coco" -^c^r-^^e^co' Pi t3 P4 a O o I> OI> iC O »C lO O N O CO CM 00 I— 1 OJ CO T— 1 r-1 h* ca t> o CO CO »— ( 1— 1 1— < 1— 1 I— 1 rH i-l .§ aa a a 111 t; 60 .5 a 00 .S (-1 'n ;S s.S ^ .03 »« ptq oj ja -M 'f- ,£3 *^ in »- .;^ .-s a FT3 ^a o c O IS a g ^ IN mT((.siotst-c»osoB«(N a Dixxgrcx/ns .sfwmn/^ tlic Manceii-vres of tJw JVoa'/xI Balfl^y o f^ Hai' -}itjhc/ Islccnd' .';s,'H'''' Duz^anhl ■i M OTtfiri •^ %3 Ma^ranv E '^ '; Dia^rcurvIV DioL^rTVJTv V Diagram HT m. /ire n fire ■B4 DiM/rccmVI CAifu^e .Ships i> Japcuiese-'^^hips NAVAL BATTLE OF HAI-7ANG ISLAND. 169 position of the two fleets at this moment of the battle.* The Main Squadron, after following for a short time the original course, also deviated in the same direction as the 1st Flying Squadron. The Yoshino [1], which led the movement, was for a moment a target for the ■whole of the Chinese fleet, but her speed soon enabled her and her consorts of the Flying Squadron to sweep (past their right wing, pouring a deadly fire on the * ^he number [1] indicates Chinese vessels, and [1] indi- •oates Japanese. By referring to the tahle their names and particulars will be ascertained. As the evolutions of the Japanese fleet become very complicated in the successive diagrams, different colours have been used to mark the course of the vessels. The 1st Flying Squadron's path is marked red, th&t of the Main Squadron blue, and the manoeuvres of the SaiJeio Mam, Akagi and Eiyei are marked with green lines. 170 TEE OEINA-JAPAN WAR. weak vessels that had been placed at the end of the' line. The poor little Yang-wei [1] was in flames, as- the first Japanese vessels steamed past. The object of this skilful evolution of Admiral Ito- had been to take advantage of his superior speed, and circle round the Chinese ; in following this- course, his ships kept at a distance from the large- vessels and heavy guns of the centre and concentrated, their fire, with fatal efi"ect, on the small flanking AKlTStrSHIMA. vessels that they could approach without danger. The original plan had been to continue the circle, and come round the other wing, and the Flying Squadron had already begun to port when it saw two other- Chinese vessels with six torpedo-boats coming up to join the rest of the fleet. 'The Flying Squadron then starboarded to attack these new enemies, who prudently retired from the- NAVAL BATTLE OF BAI-YAN& ISLAND. Ill unequal contest. Admiral Ito observed this new course, and signalled to the Flying Squadron that they should change again and - follow the Main Squadron. Diagram II. shows the Yang-wei [1] in flames after the passage of the Japanese vessels, and the Flying Squadron commencing to starboard to pursue the new Chinese vessels. The Main Squadron, following in the wake of the Flying Squadron, swept past the Chinese right wing, and concentrating its artillery on the Chao-yung [2], set that vessel on fire. While full success attended the fast vessels of the Japanese fleet, the slow ones were exposed to great danger, which they only 172 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. avoided by the display of skill and intrepidity. The Hiyei [9], one of the slowest, was lagging in the rear, ■unable to keep up with her consorts of the Main •Squadron ; she now found herself obliged to run the gauntlet of the whole Chinese fleet which was fast •approaching. Eather than run such a risk, the commander boldly resolved to pass through the Chinese line ; by such a course he shortened the distance which separated him from the rest of his :squadron — he followed the chord of the arc — and was exposed, to the fire of fewer vessels for a shorter time. He passed between the Ting-yuen [6] and King- yuen [7] at the distance of 500 metres, and •escaped two torpedoes which were launched at him. He had, however, to sustain the fire of several Chinese vessels, and the Hiy&i [9] was in flames when he successfully brought her out of the enemy's line. Diagram HI. shows the Hiyei [9] passing through the •Chinese fleet, and the Flying Squadron starboarding .all the time to follow up the Main Squadron. The Hiyei [9] signalled at 1.55 p.m. that she was in flames, and the little Akagi [12], whose slowness had kept her behind, bravely went to her assistance. The Akagi [12] had been hotly pursued by the Lai- ■yuen [4], whose guns had killed her commander and destroyed the steam-pipe, so that the supply of shells at the forecastle was cut ofi". The Akagi [12] fought on bravely, and when her main-mast was struck down, the flag was reset upon the stump. At one time the Lai-yuen [4] was only at 300 metres -distance, and NAVAL BATTLE OF HAI-TANG ISLAND. 17a her shells caused great havoc, but a lucky shot from the Akagi [12] set her on fire, after which she had to give up the pursuit. Admiral Ito, who, with the Main Squadron, was circling round and approaching the Chinese fleet, did. not lose sight of the distress of the Hiyei [9] and Akagi [12], and he signalled to the Flying Squadron ta alter their, course again, and starboard so that they might interpose between those vessels and the Chinese. Diagram IV. shows the Akagi [12] near the Hiyei [9] and the Chinese vessels in pursuit ; the Flying Squadron is about to starboard again ; the Main Squadron is approaching the rear of the Chinese fleet.- 174 THE OEINA-JAPAN WAS. At the same time the Saikio Maru [11] is star- lioarding. At 2.23 P.M., as the Main Squadron passed the Chao-yung [2] at 800 metres, that vessel sank. The Japanese say that the cries of the drowning men could be heard above the roar of the cannon, and that it "was quite heart-rending. The Saikio Maru [11] that by her speed had escaped hitherto from the advancing •Chinese fleet,, now perceived that the detached Chinese vessels and torpedo-boats, which had turned off at first, when the Flying Squadron swept round the right wing of the enemy's fleet, were approaching again in an attempt to join the rest of the Chinese fleet. To avoid running into them, the Saikio Maru [11] had to alter her course, and in Diagram IV. she was shown to be starboarding. In avoiding this danger, she approached the Hiyei [9] and Akagi [12] and became exposed to the fire of the Chinese fleet that was pursuing those vessels. For some time the Saikio Maru was in extreme danger ; one of the 301-centi- metre shells from the Ting-yuen [6] struck her, and destroyed the boiler connected with her steering-gear ; she had to lower speed before a hand- wheel could be fixed. In the meantime .the detached Chinese vessels [11] [12] and some torpedo-boats came up on the' other side, and the Saikio Maru [11] was between two fires.. One of the torpedo-boats crossed her bows and discharged two torpedoes, which luckily missed, as she was going full speed at the time ; one torpedo is said to have passed right under her coming up on NAVAL BATTLE OF HAI-YANG ISLAND. 175 the other side. It has already been mentioned that Admiral Ito had signalled to the Flying Squadron to ■alter their course again, and instead of following the Main Squadron, to advance in an opposite direction and protect the Hiyei [9] .and Akagi [12]. The approach of the 'Flying Squadron also saved the Saikio' Maru [11], and the three weak vessels were able to escape from the battle. SAmiO MAEIJ. Diagram V. shows the position of the fleets after these evolutions had taken place ; the Hiyei [9] and Akagi [12] 'are safely out of the battle, and the Saikio Maru [11]^ has already turned round to efiect her escape. It is a pity that none of the Japanese diagrams show the torpedo attack on the Saikio Maru [11], but carefully noting the successive positions 6i that vessel, the reader's imagination can supply the 176 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAE. omission. The Flying and Main Squadrons have swepfc round the Chinese fleet almost in a circle, but in opposite directions.. The position where the Chao- yung [2] sank is also marked. When the two Japanese squadrons closed on the. Chinese fleet on both sides, the fiercest encounter of the battle took place. The two flagships the Matsushima [5] and the Ting-yuen [6] exchanged. ^ ■J '^ i -^.!^irti 1 Hft^ _> mA 1 h ^p . ^"■■ yA^ ^^ 1 limmKmnmmmmamiwmwn Wm jbmLmm hBBhhm ^HHHBB ■'^^^ ■™-'*"'"' '""*■* W^ r^ ■ ^^^p^ «s^»^. -1 TING-TCEN. shots with dreadful effect ; the Chinese ship was soon in flames, while one of her 30j-centimetre shells- bursting on the Matsushima [5] set fire to a heap of ammunition and killed or wounded eighty of the crew ; a fire also broke out, but it was soon ex- tinguished. The Japanese stood the dreadful carnage, with great courage ; almost all the gunners were killed, but even the band players offered to work thev NAVAL BATTLE OF HAI-YANG ISLAND. Ill guns. On the Chinese side, when the fire broke out on the flagship and she was unable to work her guns, the Chen-yuen [5] came bravely to her assistance' and remained by her all the time ; it was owing to this intervention that the flagship was not destroyed. The fire was finally put out by von Hanneken* and some other foreigners on board the Ting-yuen [6], who encouraged the disheartened Chinese. CHBN-YTJEN. At about 3.30 p.m. the Chih-yuen [8] was sunk, and then the Japanese directed their attention to the King-yuen [7]. After passing round the Chinese fleet, the two Japanese squadrons came back hemming * Mr. von Hanneken, tlie passenger of the KowsMng, was sent -to assist Admiral Ting. The European reader must not Ibe ■surprised that a land officer was chosen for this purpose, because .the Chinese admiralhimself was an old cavalry officer. N 178 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. in the Chinese vessels who now were in great disorder, some escaping and none keeping in any order. When the Flying Squadron swept back it repeated the attack on the King-yuen [7], which sank at 4.48 p.m. Now again the two squadrons surrounded the scattered Chinese vessels, directing their fire principally against the two large Chinese ironclads, the Ting-yuen [6]i and Chen-yuen [5] ; but the 14-inch armour belts of i#.ja6A^L i.irt.'.,°l'»^^i« ik.r^^^ i,,Yi-'.t*'^iL-«>*- ;llll'< ; , . 216 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. The fleet reached its destination in the afternoon, and knowing that the entrance to the bay was guarded by torpedoes it proceeded very cautiously. A small squadron of six steam launches was ordered to " sweep " the bay and remove the torpedoes. All the time firing could be heard in the distance, and as it was known that the army was attacking Chin-chow the men in the fleet were very much excited. On the next day a scene was enacted which, from its comical nature, seems discordant with the usual notions of war, though it was but a consequence of the absurd conduct of the Chinese in the morning. At six A.M. of the 7th November the Japanese vessels slowly entered the bay — at first only the 4th Flying Squadron, which fired some shots at the forts, but no answer was made. At 9 a.m. the Main Squadron entered Ta-lien Bay. At 10 o'clock some more shots were fired, which elicited no reply. The fleet was greatly puzzled at the harmless nature of the grim- looking forts around the bay, until at last, after care- ful examination, they saw the dark caps and uniforms of the Japanese infantry, and later on they saw their national flag flying over the forts. Boats were sent ashore and came back with the joyful news that all the forts had been taken that morning by the land forces. The capture of Ta-lien Bay was a most important step in the campaign against Port Arthur. Not only were the formidable approaches, which should have constituted the true land defence of that port, taken, but the possession of that anchorage, with its wharves THE CAPTURE OF PORT ARTHUR. 217 .and appliances for the landing of heavy guns, enabled the Japanese to land their siege-train at a short "distance from Port Arthur instead of painfully drag- rging it along from Hua-yiian-kou or Pi-tzii-wo. The Capture of Port Arthur. After the taking of Chin-chow and Ta-lien, Marshal jOyama waited for the arrival of the Mixed Brigade, .and after leaving a small garrison at Chin-chow to -defend the isthmus and guard the rear, he advanced, on the 17th of November, with the whole army. There are two roads leading to Port Arthur, one along ihe northern shore, aiid the other along the southern shore of the peninsula. The Japanese, following their rusual tactics, advanced along both routes ; the detach- ment which advanced south was very small and was x)nly meant to create a diversion. It consisted of two battalions of infantry, a troop of cavalry, a company of mountain artillery, and two companies of engineers under Lieutenant-Colonel Masumidzu, and formed the left column. The rest of the army, with the exception of three battalions, two at Chin-chow, and one to guard ihe communications, advanced along the northern route, which had been found the best by the reconnoitring parties. It proceeded in the following order : — 1st. The reconnoitring cavalry, two battalions (minus five troops), under Major Akiyama. 2nd. The First Division and the Mixed Brigade (less the troops stationed at Chin-chow, or forming part of the left column). 218 ; , TEE pmNA-JAPAN . WAS.. , : Both these bodjes proceeded by the same route>. passing through Nan-kuo-ling (Difl&cult Pass), Ying- cheng-tzu (Camp Town), Shuang-tai-kou (Double- Terrace Ditch), and Tu-cheng-tzii (Mud Town), to- Shui-shih-ying (Naval Camp), which is close to Port Arthur. The whole distance was covered in four days,, and by the 20th of November the whole army was' in position and ready to attack Port Arthur. There had been soine slight engagements during these days. On the 18th, Major Akijamai, advancing from Tu-cheng-tzii (Mud Town), with a single company of cavalry, met a body of Chinese froin Shui-shih- ying (Naval Camp), which gradually increased ' to- about 3,000 men, who completely surrounded the Japanese horsemen. These fought with great bravery,, and siicceeded in cutting their way through the enemy and retreatifig ^to Shuang-tai-kow (Double Terrace: Ditch). On hearing of the' engagement, Major Marui had sent a company of infantry to assist the cavalry, and they now in turn were attacked arid surrounded by the Chinese. , " Seeing the danger of their rescuers, a handful of caValfy, under Captain Asakalwa, made a desperate charge ' to extricate therii. The infantry and cava;by succeeded in retiring, but they were obliged to a;bandon their wounded, who preferred to .kill themselves rathier than be tortured by the enemy. Lieutenant Nakaina,n was severely wounded, and' his servant cut off his head and brought it back to the- camp to be honourably buried. , Captain Asakawa. was also wounded, and his horse shot under him ; but ■'■\t>^' r-^ 4 CAPTAIN ASAKAWA SAVED BY PRIVATE TIO. TEE CAPTURE OF POET ARTEUB. 221i private Tio, though mortally wounded, gave his horse to his officer, and led him out of danger, when he fell down dead. Major Marui, with the rest of the battalion, came up to rescue the advanced guard, but he was not able to repulse the Chinese, who now had mounted four guns on a hill. It was not until the artillery of the advanced guard arrived and unlim- bered their guns that the Chinese retired. The Japanese lost one officer and eleven men killed, and one officer and thirty-two men wounded. Encouraged by this success, on the 20th of, Novem- ber, when the whole Japanese army lay before Port Arthur, the .Chinese made a sortie with over 3,000 men. General Yamaji, informed of their movements,, made his preparations very quietly, and when the enemy surrounded a hill occupied by a Japanese- regiment, they received a severe flank attack from the artillery, which obliged them to retire, leaving . about 100 dead on the field. It will now be useful to throw a glance on the. defences of Port Arthur ; these were both on the land and sea, and so arranged that they could mutually assist each other. Around the oval harbour, divided into two basins, there was an almost continuous chain of forts. On the land side, on the northern shore of the harbour, beginning at the west, we find three forta on the I-tzu-shan (Chair Hill), which were respectively called I-tzu-shan (Chair Hill), An-tzu-shan (Table HiU), and Wang-tai (Hope Terrace) forts ; their height is 86, 128, and 137 metres, and as they lie 222 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. rather behind the general line of defence, they ■can fire on the back of the other forts which they •command by their superior elevation. They form the key to the whole defence of Port Arthur. Proceeding eastwards we find another fort on Sung-shu-shan (Pine-Tree Hill), 103 metres high. Farther east and sloping south we find a group of seven forts on Erh- lung-shan (Two Dragon Hill), 82 metres high, and on 'Chi-huan-shan (Cock's-comb HUl), 126 metres high. These forts alrdost surround Port Arthur on the land side ; the enceinte is completed by two forts near the sea, one on Fan-tao Hill, 84 metres high, and the other, Lao-li-tsui (Old Oyster Mouth), close to the shore, which may be considered a coast fort. Pro- ceeding now along the sea in a westerly direction we meet the fort on Huang-chin-shan (G-olden Hill), 78 metres high, which is one of the most important of the whole defence ; its guns were mounted in such a Tvay that they could sweep round in every direction, and not only repel a sea-attack, but co-operate also in the land defence. We now have to cross the mouth of the harbour and proceed to an elongated strip of land which runs into the harbour and which the Chinese have appropriately called Lan-hu-wei (Tiger's Tail). On this strip of land, and oh the peninsula to which it is attached, there are eight forts, whose names need not trouble us, as they played an insighificant p)art in the great -military drama which w^s- to follow. One ofthem"onMan-ton-^shan (Bread Hill), Illmjetres high, is also important for.: the land defence, as it TEE :Q'j:PTtfRE' OF ^POBT ARTHUR. 223' •can fire Across the harbour and protect the land forts. , ■ ' The guns mounted on these ^forts were numerous, ^nd many' of them 'of the best pSLtterh ; the following is a list of some of them : — I-Tzii Hill Fortsr:— Nat given. , , . Sung-^hu (Pine-tree) Hill : — *■' Two 20-cm. ; . two 9-cm, ; one quick-firing ; one 12-om. '■ ■ Krupp; two.mountain Krupp ; one mountain ; one 7-om. ( mountain. , ; , . ' Erli4ung (Two Dragon), CM-hnan (Cock's Comb) : — 1st fort. Thiree- quick-firing. 2nd „ 'Two qtlick-firing ; one 9'-om. ; 3i;(j! „ , Two quick-firing ; two 12-cm. Krupp. --.iJtL. „ .Two qTiick-firing ; three Srjan. - 5tli „ Four 9-cm. Krupp ; one quick-firing; two 12-cm. Armstrong. 6th. „ One 9-cm. Krupp ; two quick-firing. 7th „ Two 12-cm. Armstrong ; one 15-cni. and one 9-ciu. Krupp ; one quick-firing. Fan-tao : — Not given. ■ Lau-li-tsui : — Not given. Huang-chin (Golden Hill) : — Three 24-cm ; four field-guns ; four 9-cm. Krupp ; two 21-cm. Krupp ; two 18-cm. ; four 9-cm. Lan-hu-wei (Tiger's Tail) : — 1st fort. Two 21-cm. Krupp ; three 9-cm. , .• 2nd „ Three 9-cm. Krupp. 3rd „ Two 15-cm. Krupp. 4th „ Four 16-cm. Krupp ; one 9-om.-, 6th „ Four 16-cm. Krupp ; two Ig-oiti. ■ Manton Hill : — Three 24-cra. Krujjp ; two 12-cm. Krupp. Cheng-tou : — i ■ ; ' ' Two 12-cm. Krupp ; six 9-cm. Ktupp.- Lan-tieh : — '''-'• Nine 9-cm. ,• ' ' ' ' 224 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. The guns here fenumerated total up to over a- hundred, but they form only a small part, as the; Japanese captured 330 guns. The garrison troops were estimated as follows : — Chiu-ohing army Kuei-tztl army Ho-tzil army Sheng-tzii army Huai-tzil army (fled from Chinchow) . . Kung-wei army | Ming-tzii army ... 8 camps Men. 4,000 4 „ 2,000 ' 3 „ 1,500 5 „ 2,500 6 „ 1,800 4 „ 1 cavalry 1,200 200 6 companies 400 Total 13,600 Even if we admit that the Chinese camps, as is usually the case, did not contain their full complement of men, still there must have been about 10,000 men in the place, a force fully adequate for a stubborn- resistance. General Yamaji expected it, and talking with an officer, whUe marching to Port Arthur, he calculated losing over a thousand men before taking this formidable fortress, which Admiral Courbet con- sidered could hold out a long time against a strong fleet and an army of 20,000 men. The attack was fixed for the morning of the 21st of November, but the heavy siege guns did not arrive till the night from the 20th to the 21st ; they had been dragged over the difficult mountain roads by the transport coolies, who, in their patriotic ardour,, worked incessantly for two days and nights to bring THE CAPTURE OF PORT ARTHUR. 225 up the artillery. General Yamaji naturally relied very much, on his siege-train for the success of the assault which he meditated for next morning : the attack on Chin-chow had shown him that a heavy preliminary cannonade soon demoralised the Chinese, and rendered an , assault possible. He intended to ■concentrate on Port Arthur the fire of thirty -six siege guns and sixty -four field-pieces : the assault was to be delivered in the order in which we have described , the forts. The division was to take first the three forts on I-tzu-shan (Chair Hill), and then the one on Suhgrshu-shan (Pine-tree Hill) ; the Mixed Brigade was to wait for the capture of these forts, and then attack the seven forts on Erh-lung-shan (Two Dragon Hill) and Chi-huan-shan (Cock's-comb Hill) ; the left column, which had marched to Port Arthur by another route, was to make a demonstration to the north- east of the line of forts and divert the attention of the Chinese from the main attack, which was to be delivered at the opposite extremity of the. land defences. These, directions were thought sufiicient for the day, but the attack proceeded with such rapid .success that the programme was exhausted a little after noon, and it had to be extended during the battle. The Japanese marched to take up their positions at midnight, and at 2 a.m. all was ready for the attack. Before daybreak, siege, field and mountain guns opened fire, arousing the Chinese from their slumbers : on the I-tzu forts alone forty guns were pointed and Q 226 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. fired incessantly. These forts answered vigorously and were assisted by Sung-shu-shan (Pine-tree Hill) and Huang-chin-shan (Golden Hill) forts, the latter also employing the heavy coast guns, which could be pointed in every direction. After about an hour, the guns on I-tzii-shan (Chair Hill) were silenced, and the Japanese infantry, which had taken up its position to the west of that hill, rushed to the assault. Major Marui, who had been driven back by the Chinese at Tu-cheng-tzii (Mud Town), burned to revenge this disgrace, and with his battalion he rushed into the first fort, killing or driving out the garrison. The Japanese lost eighty killed and wounded in this assault. The capture of I-tzii-shan (Chair Hill) fort, which was effected at 8 a.m., so scared the Chinese in An-tzu-shan (Table HiH) and Wang-tai (Hope Terrace) forts, that they all fled, but were met by General Nogi, who, with a regiment, was advancing to the parade-ground between I-tzii-shan and Sung-shu-shan. Man-tou-shan (Bread Hill) fort began firing shells to assist them, but the fugitives were all dispersed ; and as they tried to escape north, after running along the side of the harbour, they were shelled by the Japanese men-of-war, which were cruising to the west of the Port Arthur peninsula. The poor hunted Chinese were obliged to take refuge on the rocks of Lao-tieh-shan (Old Iron Hill). Now the field guns were brought up to attack the Sung-shu-shan (Pine-tree Hill) fort, but the Chinese were so disheartened, that a few rounds of shell THE CAPTURE OF PORT ARTHUR. 227 sufficed to put them to flight. The capture of I-tzu- pshan forts, from their elevation, and position slightly behind the line of defence, enabled the Japanese to fire down on the rear of the other forts. When General Yamagi, who has a very grim, saturnine expression, saw the fall of the Sung-shu-shan (Pine-tree Hill) fort, he smiled, and the circumstance was thought so ex- traordinary that an officer at once communicated the IJBUTENANT-GENEEAL TAMAGT. information that he had seen his General smile. The Sung-shu-shan fort was taken at 11 a.m. The Mixed Brigade had the hardest fighting of the day. Great part of its force had been detached to the Left Column, so that it was reduced to a single regiment ; moreover, as there were no field-pieces on that side, and the siege guns were too far, only mountain guns could be brought to play on the seven forts which it was their object to attack. But the Q 2 228 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. Japanese say that the Kiushiu* men were worth more than a siege train. The attacking force was composed of the 3rd battalion against the Chi-huan-shan (Cock's-comb Hill) forts, and the 2nd battalion against the Erk- lung-shan (Two Dragon Hill) forts, as these troops were not foupd sufficient. Three companies of the 1st battalion were sent to reinforce them. The Japanese advanced under such a heavy fire that they had to take refuge in a small hamlet, and then after- Tvards in a spot where the guns could not fire, and 'which was too far for the enemy's rifles. For a time, before Sung-shu-shan fell, they were exposed to a •double flank fire from that fort and those on Chi- huan-shan. It was resolved then to take the latter first, and at 11.30 a.m. the 3rd battalion took the Chi-huan-shan (Cock's-comb Hill) forts. At 12.30 the 2nd battalion took the Erh-lung-shan (Two Dragon Hill) fort, and the whole land defences of Port Arthur had fallen. There are two dramatic episodes connected with this attack of the Mixed Brigade. Major Hanaoka was mortally wounded, but still he rushed up to the fort shouting, " Long live the Emperor ! Long live our flag ! " When afterwards taken to the hospital, and asked if he had any parting words to say, he replied : he died for his country, and begged his mother to * Kiushiu is the southern island of Japan, which has pro- duced the statesmen that have reformed their country, and most of the principal leaders of this war. THE CAPTURE OF PORT ARTHUR. 229 take care of herself, and his children to study. Asked if he had any words for his soldiers, he answered : his good wishes. The officers around his death-bed com- forted him by saying that he had earned eternal glory in taking such a strong fort ; but he replied, "What have I to do now with the glory of this world ? " The bystanders then mournfully said what a pity he can- not see Pekin ! This last observation sounds strange to those who do not know the wild enthusiasm in the Japanese army to enter the great capital of China. Kani, the captain of one of the companies detached to attack the Erh-lung-shan (Two Dragon Hill) forts, had long been suffering from dysentery, but on the day of the assault he overcame his weakness and marched at the head of his men ; but when within 100 yards of the fort, he broke down, and had to lie on the ground, while his men • rushed on. Taken to the hospital, he never could forgive his weakness, and on the morning of the 28th of November (a week after the battle) he escaped from the hospital, went to the spot where he had succumbed, and killed himself with his sword. The following letter was found by his side : — " It was here that disease compelled me to halt and suffer my men to attack the fort without me. Never can I wipe out the disgrace while I live. To vindicate my honour I die here, and leave this letter to speak for me." * t The programme assigned by Yamaji was exhausted at 12.30 P.M. It was therefore resolved to utilise the * From the Japan Mail. 230 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. remainder of tlie day, and the 2nd Eegiment which had not yet been engaged, was ordered to attack Huang-chin-shan (Golden Hill) fort, which was the principal coast fort, and" had rendered important assistance to the defence during the morning; The Japanese passed through the streets of the town of HUANG-CHIN-SHAN (GOLDEN HILL) FORT. Port Arthur, and charged up the hill, taking the fort without much difficulty. There still remained the forts on the Tiger's Tail, and the others on the opposite side of the entrance of the harbpur, but as the Chinese abandoned them and fled during the night, it may be said that the formidable fortress of Port Arthur was taken in a single day. THE CAPTURE OF POST ARTHUR. 231 This wonderful result was owing to the fundamental error of the Chinese, who consider that war consists in preparing a vast amount of first-class war material, regardless whether the soldiers that are to use it are a mere undisciplined rabble enlisted on the spur of the moment. The Chinese fired their guns willingly, but did not employ much infantry fire ; and when they used their rifles it must have been at very long range, judging from the small proportion of killed to wounded among the Japanese troops. By the fall of Port Arthur the Japanese were in possession of the best dockyard in the Far East, provided with every requisite for repairing their vessels. They had now a splendid naval base of operations at the enemy's door. It is calculated that the machinery, docks, etc., at Port Arthur represented ^ value of 60 million yen, about six million pounds sterling. All this was purchased at a very small cost of life ; only 270 hors de combat, of which the ridiculously .small number of eighteen represent those actually killed in battle, though of course many afterwards succumbed to their wounds. The Chinese lost over a thousand killed. The Japanese celebrated their marvellous victory by great rejoicings ; the soldiers assembled on the parade-ground, and shouted "Banzai!" ("Long live ! " ) to ' their emperor and to Great Japan. Marshal Oyama gave a great banquet, at which General Nishi sang a well-known Japanese verse : 232 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. " that he would need a voice like the fall of a mountain to celebrate the great victory of his country." But the Japanese did not allow their- enthusiasm to interfere with business. On the 26th of November a telegram from Hiroshima (the imperial head- quarters) announced, with Spartan terseness, that the naval base of .operations was transferred to Port Arthur. It was the epitaph of the Chinese strong- hold, which had cost so many millions and years of labour to Viceroy Li-Hung-Chang. The Regent's Sword peninsula was for administra- tive purposes divided into two districts, and Japanese officials appointed. On the 1st of December, Marshal Oyama transferred his headquartsrs to Chin-chow. ' The J'apanese fleet had prepared to take part in the operation, hoping that the Chinese admiral. Ting, would strike a blow in defence of Port Arthur ; but though Admiral Ito on the 1 1 th of November, with a squadron of twelve vessels and six torpedo-boats, tried to tempt him out of Wei-hai-wei, Ting wisely declined to risk his remaining fleet. On the day of the assault on Port Arthur (21st of November), the Japanese fleet cruised around the harbour, exchanging long-range shots with the coast forts, and, as we have seen, shelled the Chinese fugitives ; but their co-operation was purely per- functory. At the time Port Arthur was taken, a report went abroad that the Japanese torpedo-boats made a daring dash into the harbour, distracting the -^^/K SOKTIE OF CNAEMED JAPANESE COOLIES ON A BODY OE FOGITIVE CHIKESE S0LDIEH3 IN THE KEIGHBOTJKHOOD OF CHIN-CHOW. THE .CAPTURE OF POST ARTHUR. 235 aittention of the forts, and contributing to tlie fall of the fortress, but no such incident is mentioned in the Japanese war publications, and it is unlikely they would have omitted such an heroic exploit so congenial to the daring character of the Japanese people. While the Japanese army was taking Port Arthur, the small garrison which had been left at Chin-chow to guard the isthmus was exposed to a dangerous attack from the Chinese, who suspected that the place was insufficiently defended, and might be taken by a coup de main. The garrison, though far inferior in nutnbers, made a most galla.nt resistance. A few marines from the fleet taught the infantry to handle the fortress guns captured at Chin-chow, and even the transport coolies volunteered to. fight, and on one occasion made a desperate sortie, armed only with cudgels against a body of Chinese fugitives. Chin- chow was for some time exposed to danger on both sides. While the Chinese troops were advancing south by the Fuchou road, bodies of fugitives from Port Arthur were advancing north — their only way of escape. The Japanese, with coolness and boldness, succeeded, however, in warding off the danger from both sides. The fall of Port Arthur caused an immense sensa- tion. The foreigners in the Far East had been inclined to discount the Japanese victories. These had been won in obscure corners of Corea and the Chinese frontier, and they suspected exaggeration in 236 THE CEINA-JAPAN WAB. the Japanese accounts. They also considered that China had not had time to put forth her whole strength, and imagined that with a few months of preparation the Chinese could repulse any Japanese attack on such a formidable fortress as Port Arthur. All these surmises were refuted by a day's fighting, and it caused great sensation. At Peking, for the first time, sferious alarm was felt and acknowledged. The despised enemy now seemed to be at the gates. An attempt was hurriedly made to avert the imminent danger, and a peace mission was projected. But Chinese love of subter- fuge was not yet crushed, and instead of sending^ well-known statesmen with full powers, a few irre- sponsible Europeans with inadequate credentials were forwarded to Japan. Mr. Detring, the Commissioner of Customs at Tientsin, and the trusted adviser of the Viceroy Li-Hung- Chang, was sent, bearing a letter from the Viceroy to Count Ito, the Japanese minister, in which there was some reference to an Imperial edict about the peace. The Japanese Government naturally refused to open negotiations with such an envoy, and politely sent him back. The people were indignant, and considered the mission as an insult to the national dignity. ( 237 ) CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST ARMY IN" MANCHURIA. It has been already shown that up to about the middle of November the operations of the two divi- sions of this army had been confined to two objectives. 'General Tachimi, with the van of the fifth division, had pushed out numerous reconnaissances to clear the roads north and east, and keep in touch with the ■Chinese, who might descend south and threaten the Japanese line of communications. General Oseko, with the advanced guard of the third division, had pushed west and captured Hsin-yen on the 18th of November, as a preliminary step to an important strategical movement which would be carried out as soon as the second army, having captured Port Arthur, was free to march north. We must now consider the further operations of the two divisions. Fifth Division, or Bight Wing of the First Army. To understand the operations in this part of Man- churia it is necessary to cast a glance on the roads which intersect the country. There is, first, the main road which, from Chiu-lien-ch'eng and Feng- huang, leads to Liao-yang and Mukden. The 238 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. celebrated Mo-tien (Heaven-touching) Pass lies on this road, and we have seen that the Japanese, after a reconnaissance, renounced attacking it, and with- drew their outposts first to Lien-shan-kuan and then to Tsao-ho-kou. Then there is another road which from Chiu-lien-ch'eng takes a circular sweep east and north, and by Chatig-tien, Tuan-tien, Kuan-tien, Ai- yang-pien-men, and Sai-ma-chi joins the main road at Tsao-ho-kou. Between these two roads there are three cross-roads, two of which form a loop between Feng-huang and Ai-yang-pien-men ; there is, besides, a road at Sai-ma-chi which leads to northern Man- churia. We need not notice the roads from Chiu- lien-ch'eng to Tai-ku-shan, and from Feng-huang to Hsin-yen, as they lead to that part of the country where the third division intended to operate. Towards the end of November two reconnaissances were made by the fifth division : one by the circular road from Chiu-lien-ch'eng to Sai-ma-chi, in which the Japanese met only a slight resistance from a few Chinese soldiers supported by peasants armed with matchlocks; the other, led by Tachimi himself, had a far more important object. The Japanese were informed that a body of well -trained Tartar troops from the Amur province, led by General I-ko-teng-a, were marching south by the road which abuts at Sai-ma-chi on the circular road just mentioned. The object of the Chinese general was to retake Feng- huang, and at the same time cut off the Japanese outposts at Lien-shan-kuan. As the Japanese had THE FIRST ABMY IN MANCHURIA. 239 already a Chinese force in front of them at Mo-tien Pass, it became important to prevent the junction of these two armies. The Tartars of I-ko-teng-a and the Chinese at the Mo-tien Pass could unite in two ways, eith'er by the- road from Tsao-ho-kou to Sai-ma-chi, or by the mountain roads to the north, out of reach of the enemy. To prevent the junction of the two armies, it was sufficient for the Japanese to hold Tsao-ho-kou, which is placed at the intersection of the main road with the road to Sai-ma-chi. There- fore, on the 23rd November, the' outpost at Lien- shan-kuan was withdrawn, as too much exposed and of inferior strategical importance. On the 25th of November the Chinese at Mo-tien Pass came down about 1,500 strong with two guns, and attacked the Japanese outpo^st at Tsao-ho-kou ; while General I-ko-teng-a, with 4,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry and six guns, from Sai-ma-chi, attacked on the other side. The Japanese were hard pressed, but finally drove the enemy back after a sharp engagement. If the Chinese had succeeded, they would have had the road from Tsao-ho-kou to Sai- ma-chi open, and could have joined with the Tartars of I-ko-teng-a. General Tachimi in the meanwhile started from Feng-huang on the 26th of November, and, taking the other road by Ai-yang-pien-men and Sai-ma-chi, pushed on north-east of Tsao-ho-kou, where, at a place called Tsui-chia-fang, he defeated the Chinese ; they were said to be 5,000 strong, and were probably ^40 THE OHINA-JAPAN WAR. tlie force whicli had attacked Tsao-ho-kou a few days before. The Japanese suffered great hardships, having to ford torrents over ten times, and , having their wet clothes frozen by the cold night wind. After this success General Tachimi returned by the main road, and was at Feng-huang on the 5th of December. In ten days he had made a circular march by Ai-yang- pien-men, Sai-ma-chi, Tsao-ho-kou, and back to Feng- huang ; he had also pursued into the mountains the force which had been defeated at Tsao-ho-kou on the 25th of November. Thus far the Japanese had not •only prevented the junction of the two Chinese forces along the road from Mo-tien Pass to Sai-ma-chi, but they had rendered such a junction difiicult, even by the mountain roads. The Japanese, however, were obliged to retire after these successes. It is probable that they found great difficulty in provisioning their outposts ; and, as these were always liable to attack, they probably thought it better to allow the enemy to advance, and then give him such a lesson that would enable them to enjoy a protracted rest. The outpost at Tsao-ho-kou was withdrawn, and General Tachimi took up a position south. The road from Mo-tien Pass to Sai-ma-chi, which had been hitherto blocked by the Japanese outpost, was now open to the Chinese, who could join with the Tartars. General I-ko-teng-a seized the oppor- tunity, and prepared to attack Feng-huang ; his forces advanced by three roads, the main road from THE FIRST AliMT IN MANCHURIA. 241 Tsao-ho-kou to Feng-liuang, and the two roads which from the latter place, forming a loop, join again at Ai-yang-pien-men. The Tartar general himself led the detachment on the main road. General Tachimi, being informed of the enemy's advance, left Feng-huang on the 9 th of December, and, marching north, met the enemy near Pan-chia-tai. At this place the road and a small river run between two hills about 250 metres high, and from 1,200 to 2,000 metres apart. General I-ko-teng-a had 2,000 drilled troops and over 1,000 new levies, with two guns ; the Japanese had three battalions, with a small force of artillery. General Tachimi made a vigorous attack on the Chinese centre, and broke the enemy's force in two, dispersing it right and left. The engagement lasted from 10 A. M. to 4 p.m. The Chinese losses were over 100 killed, and the Japanese pursued the enemy all the next day. The rest of the Amur army, estimated at 6,000, marched towards Feng-huan by the two roads from Ai-yang-pien-men. The Japanese were obliged to call up reinforcements, and a battalion stationed at Tang-shan was sent to Feng-huang, its place being taken by a battalion from Chiu-lien. Thus reinforced, Colonel Tomoyasu marched out of Feng-huang, and met the Chinese on the morning of the 14th of Decem- ber, and defeated them, capturing four guns. At the same time General Tachimi, who was far away in frontVn the main road, was informed of the enemy's approach, and ordered to send a detachment to inter- R 242 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. cept their retreat. This unexpected attack in the rear completed the rout of the Chinese, and they gave no further trouble in this part of Manchuria. We now take leave of General Tachimi, who earned such glory in the first great battle of the war, when, together with Colonel Sato, he stormed the Peony Mount at Phyong-yang, and decided the fall of that city. Since that brilliant exploit he had no chance of distinguishing himself in any considerable action ; his time was spent in mountain marches and desultory warfare, which, though requiring eminent qualities, and of considerable importance to the safety of the line of communications of the Japanese army, were not of la nature to attract popular attention. His soldiers, however, appreciated him, because the Japanese say that Tachimi possessed the qualities of Napoleon in knowing how to make the enemy's country support an army ; his men were always well- provided, although they had to camp and march in a mountainous country during a rigorous winter. In fact, the sufferings of the Japanese were of no ordinary character, and could not have been borne without the foresight of the staff and the excellent arrangements of the commissariat. As soon as it became evident that a winter campaign was necessary, the Japanese Government purchased a large quantity of sheepskin* overcoats, which were distributed to the troops. Throughout the whole campaign the * Most of these skins were said to Lave been bouo-lit in China. TEE FIRST ARMY IN MANCHURIA. 243 columns of transport coolies dragged carts over the mountain roads to the Japanese outposts, constantly- supplying them with all that was necessary. General Tachimi was confronted in Manchuria by the ablest and boldest of the Chinese generals ; the Japanese remark that I-ko-teng-a was the first who assumed the offensive; the other generals at Song- huang, Phyong-yang, and Chiu-lien, ensconced behind their forts, apathetically waited for the enemy to come. I-ko-teng-a also showed some strategical ability in the disposition of his forces, which might have been attended with success if some of the detachments had advanced sooner, so as to combine a simultaneous attack. His attempts to take Feng- huang were most persistent, and he probably would have renewed them if the bold advance of the third division had not obliged him, for strategical reasons, to retreat and take his forces to a region where a greater danger threatened the armies of his country. The Third Division or Left Wing of the First Army. We have just seen how the fifth division repulsed the Chinese attempts to recover Feng-huang, and. break the Japanese line of communications ; we have now to follow the movements of the other portion of the first army — the third division — which about this, time performed one of the most brilliant strategical operations of the war. From the time the Japanese crossed the Yalu they declared th.ey had two . E, 2 244 TEE CBINA-JAPAN WAR. objectives in the campaign — Mukden and Peking. The first was more of the nature of a feint to mislead the enemy ; but the Japanese, as we have seen with Oshima's arttack at Phyong-yang, carry out their demonstrations with an earnestness which renders them true attacks, and, besides, the genius of Yamagata evolved a plan which menaced both objectives at the same time. It is truly surprising what complexity of results the Japanese can produce from the simplest military movement. They obtain this by never losing sight of the principal object of the campaign ; the details then naturally follow as an inevitable consequence. A glance at the map of Northern China and Manchuria will show that the main road from Peking to Mukden, after running parallel to the coast and nearly straight up to the neighbourhood of Chin-chow (not the Chia-chow near Port Arthur), there takes a sweep eastward to Mukden. At the same place there is another road which continues along by Ying-kow (modern Newchwang) to Kai-ping, and at the latter town, after sending- off a branch road to Hsin-yen and Chiu-lien, continues along the coast to Port Arthur. There is also another road from Chiu-lien- cheng and Hsin-yen, which leads to Hai-cheng, and thence by Newchwang * (old) to the main road from Peking to Mukden. Resuming, we may say that the Japanese armies at Port Arthur, and near the Yalu, * It is called old to distinguish it from Ying-kow, the treaty- port, -which foreigners generally call Newch-svang. TEE FIRST ARMY IN MANCHURIA. 245 had three roads to advance towards China proper : one that keeps always along the coast from Port Arthur, by Fuchow, Kai-ping, and Ying-kow, which was destined for the second army ; another from Feng-huang, by the Mo-tien (Heaven-touching) Pass and Liao-yang to Mukden, where the main road would lead to Peking ; this road, besides being very circuitous, was strongly guarded at the Mo-tien (Heaven-touching) Pass ; and, finally, there was the third route, between the two former, which leads from Feng-huang by Hsin-yen to Hai-cheng. It was now the object of the third division to occupy Hai-cheng. If this object could be achieved, the following results would follow : the defence of Mukden at the formid- able Mo-tien Pass would be destroyed, as that pass would be turned, and the Japanese could approach directly by Liao-yang ; the Chinese armies stationed along the line — Mukden, Liao-yang, Hai-cheng, and Kai-ping — would be cut in two, and as Hai-cheng is a centre of roads irradiating in every direction, the Japanese could advance and beat in detail their scattered adversaries ; lastly, as Hai-cheng is only seventy-five miles from Shih-san-shan (near Chin- chow (Thirteen Hills)), while Mukden is 135 miles from that point, the Japanese could at any time con- tinue their direct advance by the chord of the arc described by the main road, and completely cut off from China the troops stationed at Liao-yang and Mukden. By a simple march the Japanese would be able, while attacking the enemy's front, to threaten 246 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. his line of retreat, and force him either to retire or be broken in two and defeated in detail. A preliminary step to this strategical movement had already been made when Oseko occupied Hsin- yen, but his force was inadequate to carry out the entire operation, so the third division was organised; to act independently. On the 3rd of December the main body of. this division left the headquarters at An-tung, and on the 8th had reached Hsin-yen, when it was joined by its commander, General Katsura, who had started from An-turig on the 5th of Decem- ber. A day's rest was granted to the troops, and on the 10th they started for Tomu-cheng (knocker-wood town), where it was ascertained the Chinese had a force to defend the road to Hai-cheng. The day before (the 9th) two detachments had been sent out, one under Colonel Sato, to advance towards Kai-ping, and guard against any flank attack from the Chinese army stationed in that neighbourhood ; and the other, under General Oseko, to advance upon Tomu-cheng by another route. On the 11th of December the main body met Chinese forces at Erh'-tao-ho-tzii (two- road river) and Pai-tsao-wa-kou (white-grass-hollow- ditch), respectively about 4,000 and 2,000 strong ; after a short engagement these troops were defeated, and on the 12th the main body entered Tomu-cheng at the same time with General Oseko, who had taken another road, and defeated a body of 3,000 Chinese Tne next day (the 13th) the Japanese advanced on Hai-cheng, where the Chinese had taken a position TEE FIRST ARMY IN MANCHURIA. 24:7 . on two hills flanking the town ; after a very short resistance they retired, and the Japanese occupied the town. It is not necessary to give details of these skirmishes, because during the fighting on the 11th and 12th the Japanese only lost seven wounded, and on the 13th they captured Hai-cheng without any loss. Considering the great strategical importance of that town, it was very cheaply purchased. For the rest of the campaign Hai-cheng was the pivot of all the operations of the two hostile armies. As soon as they had abandoned Hai-cheng, the Chinese began to feel the importance of that loss ; they probably did not grasp at once the remote con- tingencies of the position, and recognise the danger of a Japanese advance direct to Shih-san-shan (thirteen hills) or Chin-chow, thus cutting off" all the Manchurian armies from China ; but they felt immediately the inconvenience of an enemy thrust in between their armies. The direct communication between Liao-yang and Ying-kow (modern Newch- wang) passes through Hai-cheng, and was therefore intercepted by the Japanese ; the Chinese could com- municate by a circuitous route through Newchwang (old), but even this was dangerous, as the Japanese at Hai-cheng, by advancing on Newchwang, could cut that route also. Not only were the Chinese com- munications rendered difficult, but to avoid losing them, they had to further disperse their forces by detaching troops to protect Newchwang. For the rest of the v/ar the Chinese armies were stationed in 248 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. the environs of Liao-yang, Newchwang (old), and Ying-kow (modern Newchwang), and the Japanese, situated in the midst of them, at Hai-cheng, kept beating back their advances and preventing their junction. Of course, the Japanese accepted great risks by taking up such a position ; but events showed they had been justified in running these hazards against a slow, inactive foe like the Chinese. Katsura's march to Hai-cheng had been undertaken a month before the iadvance of the second army on Kai-ping ; he was therefore unsupported, and if the Chinese had attacked him simultaneously with all their armies, before he could fortify his position, he would have been exposed to great danger ; but such concerted action was wanting, and the Chinese neg- lected the opportunity. Katsura, when he marched from Hsin-yen, had foreseen the possible dangers of his advance, and had detached Colonel Sato towards Kai-ping to guard his flank ; that officer proceeded as far as Chien-ma-ho-tzu (thousand horse river) on the 13th of December, and remained there watching the movements of the enemy. General Sung advanced from Ying-kow (modern Newchwang) with about 10,000 men, hoping to dis- lodge the Japanese from their advantageous position. Katsura. being informed of this movement by his scouts, feared that if he gave the Chinese time, the Liao-yang army might attack on the other side and crush him ; he, therefore, resolved to assume the offensive and defeat Sung before the other generals TEE FIB ST ABMY IN MANOEURIA. 249 had fixed their plans. The two armies met at Kang- wa-sai (vat-brick village), where Sung had commenced to entrench himself, probably with the intention of w^aiting until the Liao-yang army was ready for a combined attack. General Katsura left a small force to guard Hai-cheng, and advanced with the bulk of his forces to Pa-li-ho (eight li river), a village situated at the junction of two roads, one leading by Ta-shih-chiao (great stone bridge) to Kaiping, and the other by Kang-wa-sai (vat-brick village) and Kao-kan (high cutting) to Ying-kow (modern Newchwang). He was thus able to protect Hai-cheng from an advance from either road. On the morning of the 19th of December, Major-General Oseko was ordered to advance towards Kang-wa-sai, with a regiment of infantry, some cavalry and three batteries of artillery i his force probably numbered about 2,500 men. Oseko arrived at Kai-chia-tun (covered house village) about 11 A.M., without encountering Chinese troops, but his cavalry videttes informed him that they were massed in great numbers^ at Kang-wa-sai. He reported the news to Katsura and attacked the enemy. The road from Hai-cheng to Ying-kow, between Kai-chia-tun (covered house village) and Kang-wa-sai, takes a bend south, passing through the villages of Shang-chia-ho (upper extra river) and Hsia-chia-ho (lower extra river). At the latter place a side road leads to Ma-chlian-tzii (horse pen), and from thence another road passing through Hsiang-shui-pao-tzu 250 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. (fragrant water bubbles) goes to Kang-wa-sai. These roads form a rough triangle, which contains a hillock and a pine-wood. Chinese troops were observed in Kang-wa-sai and Ma-chiian-tzu (horse pen), and when the Japanese, advancing by the main road, arrived at Hsia-chia-ho (lower extra river), they saw the necessity of first attacking Ma-chiian-tzu, other- wise the Chinese from that place could deliver a dangerous flank attack, threatening to cut them off from the rest of the army which was on the road to Hai-cheng. A battalion (consisting only of three companies) was detached for this work. One company was kept back as a reserve, and the other two advanced towards Ma-chiian-tzu, but were exposed to a heavy fire on the left flank by the Chinese ambushed in the pine-wood. This necessitated another change of front, the enemy in the wood having to be dealt with first. The Japanese turned, and drove back the enemy on their left flank ; but while the Chinese in the wood were retreating, those in Ma-chiian-tzii opened fire on the right flank of the new Japanese formation. This brought about a new change of front, which was executed with great difficulty, the soldiers having to march knee-deep in the snow. The third company was now brought forward, and the eighteen guns originally intended for the attack of Kang-wa-sai concentrated their fire on Ma-chiian- tzii, which was taken by a rush of the Japanese infantry. THE FIRST ARMY IN MANCHURIA. 251 Oseko, having defeated the Chinese left wing and secured his right flank, proceeded with the original attack on Kang-wa-sai, directing all his artillery against that place, but the superior numbers and strong position of the Chinese were too much for his small force, and it was not until 4 p.m., when Major-. Creneral Oshima * arrived with reinforcements, that he was able to deliver a serious attack. At that time the battalion which had taken Ma-chiian-tzii was able to co-operate, attacking the Chinese left flank ; but the enemy had placed four guns in Kang- wa-sai, had cut loop-holes in the mud walls, had piled furniture on the top of them, for shelter against the Japanese fire, and opposed a stubborn resistance. It was not until 5 p.m. that the Japanese became masters of the place. The whole Japanese force engaged in the battle amounted to 4,537 men, but the brunt of the fighting fell on Oseko with about half that number. The losses were very severe, nearly 400 killed and wounded, about 9 per cent, of the total number engaged. The Chinese loss could not be ascertained, as they carried away their wounded and even their, dead ; but it was estimated at about 200 killed and 200 or 300 wounded. The Japanese remark that this was the first time during the war that the losses on both sides were nearly equal : hitherto, contrary to all military experience, though the Japanese had been always the attackers, and the Chinese the * Not the Oshima of Asan and Phyong-yang. 252 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. defenders, of strong positions, the Chinese losses had been much greater in every engagement. Various reasons are suggested to explain the relatively heavy Japanese losses ; the most probable are, that, owing to the snow which covered the ground, the dark outline of the advancing Japanese became an easy target for the Chinese guns and rifles ; and that, as the battle ended at night-fall, there was no pursuit,- during which the greatest slaughter of a routed enemy takes place. General Sung's "- forces can be enumerated as follows : — I-tzu army Ming-tzii' army Sung-wu „ Other soldier.s 5 camps. 13 „ 4 „ 6 „ Total 28 This would give a nominal strength of 14,000 men, but as most of the troops had already been engaged, and defeated, it is probable they had dwindled down to less than 10,000 men. Though Sung was attacked at Kang-wa-sai, yet as he had advanced from Kaiping, we may consider him to have undertaken an offensive operation, which in itself is a remarkable feat for a Chinese general ; moreover, with the support of hastily constructed entrenchments, he succeeded in inflicting on the Japanese the heaviest percentage of losses of the whole war. We cannot therefore deny him exceptional praise, especially when we consider 3 s THE FIRST ARMY IN MANCHURIA. 255 that he was a very old man : properly supported by the Liao-yang army, he might have seriously embarrassed Katsura's advanced position at Hai-cheng. We left Colonel Sato in observation at Chien-ma- ho-tzii (thousand horse river). There he witnessed the movements of the Chinese army as they advanced from Kaiping by Tang-chih (soup-pond) and Ta-shih- chiao (great stone bridge) towards Hai-cheng. On the night of the 18th of December, he received orders from General Katsura to retreat to Tomu-cheng (knocker-wood town), as General Sung was reported to be advancing with 20,000 men. On the 19th he heard firing in the direction of Kang-wa-sai, and on the same night left for Tomu-cheng, which place he reached on the 22nd of December. General Sung, after his defeat, retreated with the bulk of his forces to Kao-Kan (high cutting), pro- tecting the road to Ying-kou : another portion of his army retreated to Newchwang (old). The severe check inflicted on Sung at Kang-wa- sai discouraged the Chinese army at Liao-yang, and secured a month's rest to Katsura, which he diligently employed in fortifying his position. Hai-cheng is surrounded by hills : on the south there are Chiao-moi-sh^n and Tan-wan-shan, on the east Ching-chia-shan, and on the north Huan-hsi-shan (joy mountain) and Shuang-lung-shan (double drg,gon mountain). These hills form an excellent line of defence, within which Katsura kept his army, only sending out reconnoitring parties to watch the 256 ' THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. enemy's movements. Major-General Oseko was entrusted with the south-western defence and Major- General Oshima with the north-eastern. On the 13th of January it was reported that a Chinese force of about 20,000 men was coming from Liao-yang. The advance was slow and cautious ; on the 14th they were about ten miles from Hai-cheng, on the 15 th about five or six, and on the night of the 16th the Chinese line in some places approached to within 2^ miles of Hai-cheng. On the 17th. the Chinese commenced firing at daybreak, and continued until night-fall ; as they never approached closer than 1,600 metres, the Japanese did not answer up till noon, in the vain hope of encouraging the enemy to advance. But the -Chinese were not caught by this artful trick, and kept firing from a safe distance. Abflut 1 P.M. the Japanese, finding it useless to wait, pushed forward their artillery, and a brisk cannonade soon threw the , Chinese into disorder, and they ■commenced a retreat which was hastened by the advance of the Japanese infantry. .This brief sum- mary is quite sufficient for such a paltry a,ffair, which was justly considered as the most ridiculous battle on record (though it was to be surpassed later on). About 14,000 Chinese with artillery fired at Hai-cheng all day, and the Japanese losses were only one killed and forty-nine wounded : they evidently hoped to frighten the Japanese out of the place by making a great noise. Throughout the latter part of the war the Chinese THE FIRST ABMT IN MANCHURIA. 259' infantry seem to have preferred long-range firing, wHle the Japanese invariably reserved their rifles- for 600 metres, and continued up to 200 metres,. when they employed the bayonet. The Chinese losses had been very slight, and encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements which brought up their number to about 20,000, they advanced in a similar manner against Hai-cheng on the 22nd of January. This time they were a little bolder, and advanced to within 600 metres of the? enemy's positions, when the Japanese, with seven battalions and three batteries, drove back their right wing, while with another force they threatened their line of retreat. The Chinese retreated with a loss of about 200 or 300 men : the Japanese loss was even more insignificant than on the former occasion — one killed and twenty-six wounded. What makes- these trifling engagements worthy of an historical notice is, that at the time rumours were circulated in China and Japan that the first army (at least that portion in Hai-cheng) had been annihilated. The- two soldiers killed in the engagements of the 17th and 22nd of January were, we must suppose, the foundation of this colossal " canard." The only difficulties the Japanese had to encounter at Hai-cheng came from the climate, and the distance of their source of supplies. The cold was intense,, reaching 20° Fahrenheit below zero ( — 29 Centigrade),, but the Japanese are a hardy race, capable of resisting very low temperatures, and during the cold winter of S 2 260 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. northern China the soldiers used to strip naked in the freezing wind to enjoy their favourite national pastime •of wrestling.* Though supplies were scarce, and even the generals reduced to a ration of one bad candle per night, still food was always at hand, and the soldier never went without his three substantial meals a day. While the third division had to endure nearly a month of military inactivity, we may glance back at what had been done in another direction by the second army. * This was actually witnessed by foreigners near Wei-hai- wei, but probably the same was done in Manchuria. ( 261 ) CHAPTER V. THE ADVANCE OF THE SECOND ARMY. We have already explained that Lt. -General Kat- sura's advance on Hai-cheng was hazardous, and would have been inexcusable in the face of any except a Chinese army ; it is strange he was left to advance alone when the second army could have co-operated by advancing northward at the same time. On the 10th of December Katsura commenced his march on Hai-cheng ; by that time the second army had not only rested after the Port Arthur campaign, but had fixed its headquarters at Chin-chow since the 1st of December. It could have m3,rched forward immedi- ately, and arrived at Kaiping about the time that Katsura occupied Hai-cheng, but instead it delayed its departure for a month. It is probable that difficulties of transport rendered long preparatory work necessary before commencing an advance. Winter had set in, and the roads were difficult. The Japanese gave up coolie transport and resorted to the natives, who pro- vided bullock Carts for the use of the commissariat ; the road to be traversed was divided into stations, each station being provided with relays of carts and bullocks. 232 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. There must, however, have been reasons of another nature that dictated a certain delay before prosecuting the campaign with vigour. Soon after the first battles of the war, probably after the crossing of the Yaiu, the Japanese staff must have known that they could carry on the campaign as they liked, and that China was a mere dummy on which they were experiment- ing. There were also political reasons : it was gene- Tally supposed that Japan could win only by a rush, taking China by surprise — the Japanese were resolved to explode this error, by -beating their adversary leisurely, and convince the world' that they could win as they liked. A prolongation of the hostilities', more- over, would gradually inform all the inhabitants of China that there was a war, and permeate throughout the vast empire the consciousness of defeat. Besides the Japanese troops had a unique occasion to practise the modern art of war and to carry on huge experi- ments in corpore vili. 'Whether any or all these reasons actuated the Japanese Government, it is cer- tain that the second army remained over a month in complete inactivity. On the 30th of December, a mixed brigade, under the command of Major-General Nogi, was ordered to march north : it consisted of two regiments of infantry, a battalion of cavalry, a company of engineers, and a battalion of artillery, probably about 8,000 men. It started on the 1st of January, 1895, for Pu-lan-tien (Port Adams), whence, by two roads, it advanced to Hsinng-yo-cheng (Bear Rock Town), a town about THE ADVANGE OF THE SECOND Alt MY. 263 eighteen miles from Kaiping, where the two roads meet again. General Nogi reached this place on the 8 th of January. On the following day a further advance was made to within eight miles of Kaiping, where the scouts had ascertained the Chinese were in force. On the 8 th of January an officer and a few soldiers* of the first army from To-mu-cheng joined the mixed brigade, establishing the first communications between the two armies. The Japanese in their march from Chin-chow, a distance of about 115 miles, met with very severe weather, but each soldier was provided with a fur-coat, which was sent on ahead to the station where he was to bivouack. Kaiping has about 15,000 inhabitants, and is sur- rounded by a wall thirty feet high and ten feet thick. The Kaiping river, from fifty to seventy metres wide, luns in front of it, and in the space of about 300 metres between the town and the river, the Chinese had built semicircular redoubts. As the river was frozen, the Chinese, following one of their old military rules, had cut up the ice so as to make the passage difficult. The defending force was about 4,000 or 5,000 strong, and the position so formidable that the Japanese officers afterwards declared, that if they had known it, they would have hesitated in attacking. General Nogi made the following dispositions for the attack : Colonel Kano, with two battalions • of infantry, was to make a feint on the Chinese right ; Colonel Oki, on the right, with two battalions, was to attack the enemy's left wing, while Nogi himself, with 264 TEE CHIN A- JAPAN WAR. two battalions of infantry and the artillery and engineers, was to attack the centre. On the morning of the 10th of January at 5.30 A.M., the Japanese commenced their march on Kaiping— the battle commenced at about 7 a.m. Colonel Oki, looking at the enemy's position, saw on their left a. MAJOR-SBNERAL NOGI. hill called Feng-Huang-shan (Phoenix Hill), which he- at once compared to Tem-san,* and ordered the first battalion to cross the frozen river • and dislodge the Chinese. The battalion advanced and occupied Feng- * A mountain that played an important part in the cele- brated Japanese hattle of Yanuzald, fought between Hideyoshi- and Aketchi. JAPAXESE SOLDIERS ADVANCIXG OS THE ICE. TEE ADVANCE OF TEE SECOND AliMY. 267 Huang-shan (Phoenix Hill), throwing the Chinese left wing into great disorder. Oki then ordered the second battalion to Across the river and attack the wavering Chinese, following himself with two companies. The ■enemy's left wing was broken and retreated west into the fields, receiving a heavy flank fire from the Japanese battalion on Feng-huang-shan, which killed over 100 of them. Ensign Ogawa, at this time rushed through a hail of bullets and, though wounded, climbed on the south-western corner of Kaiping, planting the flag of the first regiment on the walls. In the meantime the Japanese centre had made little progress, and the left wing was threatened with a flank attack by reinforcements which were coming .Tip from Ying-kow. It became necessary to finish the battle soon, and the reserves were called up ; a simul- taneous advance was made by the centre and the two "wings, and at 9.40 a.m. Kaiping was in the hands of the Japanese. The Chinese tactics in this battle were far superior to those in any previous engagement. Instead of hiding behind walls, their troops were stationed on the north bank of the river, presenting a line of fire of 2,000 metres to the advancing Japanese ; they also utilised the river in a proper military way, as an obstacle to retard the enemy while he was exposed to their fire. They dispensed with the foolish custom of waving a lot of flags, and did not waste their ammunition at long ranges, but reserved their fire for 400 and 500 metres. There was also another point 268 THE GEINA-JAPAN WAR. in which they showed improvement : the Japanese troops, attacking a position, always advance by a succession of rushes, lying down from time to time • hitherto the Chinese fired all the time, regardless whether the enemy was advancing or lying down, but at Kaiping the Chinese only fired when the Japanese were advancing. In consequence of these tactics, the Japanese losses were heavy, forty-six killed and 263 wounded in about three hours' fighting. The Chinese retreated towards Ying-Kow in good order, covering their retreat with a rear-guard, and stopped at' Ho-chia-tien, about four miles from Kai- ping. The Japanese outposts were advanced to Hai- shan-sai (Sea Hill Village). The capture of Kaiping was of great strategical importance : not only was Katsura's position at Hai- cheng rendered perfectly safe, and communications established between the two armies, which could, if necessary, render each other assistance, but by the possession of Kaiping and Hai-cheng the Japanese commanded aU the roads leading to China. The former place being a centre of the coast routes, and the latter of the inland roads. With a secure position and the means of striking when they pleased in any direction, the two Japanese armies halted for some time, until more favourable weather, and the progress of military events in another region, rendered' a vigorous prosecution of the campaign easy and profit- able. ( 269 ) CHAPTER VI. THE WEI-HAIrWEI CAMPAIGN. The forces at Hai-cheng and Kaiping had. decided to act on the defensive until their proper time of action should come ; but those at the latter place represented only a small part of the second army. Only one brigade under General Nogi had been advanced, thus leaving two in the Regent's Sword Peninsula. One was required to guard the important fortresses of Ta-lien and Port Arthur ; but the other, the Ku- mamoto Brigade, could be employed in a naval expedition during the remainder of the winter, while operations were arrested in Manchuria. The second {Sendai) division was now mobilised and sent to Ta-lien, which had become the Japanese naval base of operations since the capture of Port Arthur. Marshal Oyama, with his staff, took command of this new army, composed, like his former one, of a brigade and a division. The Japanese, when they wisely judged that a rapid prosecution of the Manchurian campaign was unadvisable, sought some other object which should employ their troops and contribute to the general ends of the war. Wei-hai-wei answered all these views. It was conveniently situated near Ta-lien Bay ; it was the second naval stronghold of China, or. 270 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. to use the picturesque language of the Emperor of Japan, it was one of the leaves of the gate of China^ the other being Port Arthur ; it also sheltered the- Pei-yang squadron. That fleet, though severely handled at Hai-yuan Island, was still a formidable collection of vessels, and the Japanese could never feel entirely secure until it was destroyed. That- factor eliminated from the campaign, the Japanese could prosecute the war at their pleasure, and advance their armies by land or sea, or by both ways. , Taken, in such a light, the capture of Wei-hai-wei would be- more important than was the fall of Port Arthur, as in all probability the Chinese fleet would be either taken or destroyed. The Japanese, as usual, commenced by a feigned attack. On the 18 th of January a squadron of three vessels, the Yoshino, Akitsushima, and Naniwa, left Ta-Iien and proceeded towards Teng-chou, a city of 10,000 inhabitants, about 100 miles west of the- Shantung promontory. Owing to a snow-storm the. Japanese could not commence the attack until 4 p.m.,. when they fired blank cartridges at a Chinese fort ;. they soon employed shells, as the enemy answered vigorously with a battery of eight guns, amongst which was one of 12 centimetres. On the following, morning it snowed again, but as soon as it cleared up the Japanese recommenced firing, and were briskly answered by the forts. During this bombardment one of the most comic incidents of the war occurred : in this out-of-the-way town some missionaries lived. THE WEI-HAI-WEl CAMPAIGN. 271 the kind of life the Spaniards lived in California, so- inimitably described by Bret Harte in his 'Eye of the Comandante ; ' they were ruthlessly awakened from their dreamy existence by the sound of the- Japanese artillery, and flattering themselves that the- seat of war was being transferred to their neighbour- hood, one of them, with visions of the Pope stopping Attila in his mind, embarked in a small boat with a white flag and an American flag. His object was to go and " try and induce the ships to refrain from cruel and wanton destruction of innocent lives and property." The Japanese naturally imagined that he had come out to enjoy the fight, and left him to his devices. What rendered the situation still more comical is, that the whole operation was a diversion ; while the three men-of-war were firing at Teng-chou, the real expedition was starting in a diff"erent direc- tion, and the missionary with his small boat con- tributed to the realistic mise-en-scene of the Japanese feigned attack. The Chinese had been fearing an attack on Teng-chou, as there are excellent landing- places in the neighbourhood, and the news of the bombardment sent all the disposable Chinese forces in Shantung in the direction of Teng-chou. The real expedition started from Ta-lien Bay on the 19th of January. It was composed of fifty trans- ports, and reached the coast of Shantung in three squadrons on the 20th, 21st, and 23rd respectively ; it was protected by almost the whole Japanese fleet of twenty vessels, some' escorting and others watching 272 THE CSINA-JAPAN WAR. the Chinese fleet in Wei-hai-wei. The place chosen for the landing was a convenient beach near the city of Yung-cheng, sheltered from the northerly winds. The Chinese had made some slight preparations for resistance, and there were about 200 or 300 soldiers "with four guns, who opened fire on the Japanese boats ■as they attempted to land. The Yaeyama, on per- ceiving this, signalled to the boats to come back, and opened fire with shell on the Chinese battery. A few rounds were sufficient to disperse the defending force, and the Japanese landed and captured the guns. Arrangements were made at once for the landing of the troops ; to avoid confusion, the naval officers divided the beach into sections, allotting one to each regiment or battalion, and though there was a heavy fall of snow, all proceeded with order and rapidity. The landing of such a large force required several ■days ; it was not until the 26th of January that the Japanese army, divided into two columns, marched by -the two roads which lead from Yung-cheng to Wei- hai-wei. The inland route was taken by the second '(Sendai) division, and the sea-route by the Kumamoto brigade. The roads were found to be wretched, impassable even for field-pieces, so that the army had to advance only with mountain guns. The city of Yung-cheng had been occupied shortly after the landing, and though five battalions of 350 men were supposed to defend it, the Chinese offered hardly any resistance ; six Japanese soldiers scaled one of the gates and threw it open to their comrades. There THE WEI-IIAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 273- "were a few skirmishes on the way to Wei-hai-wei, but nothing worth recording happened until the Japanese were in the neighbourhood of that fortress. The fleet had been, all this time, very active, watching Wei-hai-wei and the Chinese fleet. On the 21st of January, a squadron of eleven vessels steamed near that port, and when it retired, a man-of-war was left to keep constant watch ; this duty was undertaken by several vessels who relieved each other by turns. On the 25th the British man-of-war Severn * carried to Wei-hai-wei a letter from Admiral Ito to Ting, the Chinese admiral, advising him to- surrender. This step was not a new one on the part of the Japanese ; before the attack on Port Arthur, a Japanese ofiicer, who had resided long in dhina, addressed a letter to the Chinese generals advising surrender, as resistance was useless. When the Japanese took Port Arthur they found the draft of a contemptuous answer which was, however, never sent. The present letter from Ito to Ting will be alluded to again when the whole correspondence about the surrender of Wei-hai-wei is mentioned ; it is contained in an appendix, and is worth reading, as it is a remarkable document, showing great breadth of views and historical knowledge. * This letter, written in English, was published in the Japan Mail, hut without any date, and no mention of its having been delivered by a British man-of-war. The latter statement is derived from a Japanese war publication ; if it is correct, it would explain why Admiral Ting proposed that the British admiral should be guarantor of the surrender of Wei-hai-wei] T 274 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAIt. r Wei-hai-wei, the \d,s.t refuge of the Pei-yang- squadron, is a semicircular bay whose coasts measure about eighteen or twenty miles in length. The entrance is protected by two islands, Liu-kung, 500 feet high and about six miles in circumference, and Jih, which is small and only contains a fort. The water is mostly shallow, but near the western corner of Liu-kung Island there is excellent anchorage. The large island at the mouth of the bay naturally forms two entrances ; the eastern is the widest, but has Jih Island in the centre. Around the bay and on the two islands at its mouth, numerous batteries and forts had been erected to guard against attacks from land and sea. In describing the fortifications, it will be advisable to follow the order in which they were attacked by the Japanese, to render the following- narrative clearer. On the southern shore, near the eastern entrance, coming from the sea, three littoral forts presetited themselves in the following order ; — Cliao-pel-tsui . . \ *^''^« 24-centimetre guns ^ 1 two 28- „ Lu-chneli-tsui . , four 24- „ „ two 21- Lung-Miao-tsu i -"o I two ,15- These batteries were protected on the land side by four forts mounting respectively — Four 15-centimetre guns. Two 12- „ „ quick-firing. Four 12- „ Two 12- „ „ quick-firing. THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 275 On Jih Island there was a fort with Two 26-centimetre guns, Two 12- „ „ quick-firing, two of which were mounted on disappearing carriages. On Liu-kung Island there were forts on the eastern and western corners : — Eastern . . two 24-centiinetre guns. Western . . six 24- ,, ,, There also were disappearing guns. On the northern shore, near the western entrance, there were likewise three forts, which, conaing from, the sea, were in the following order : — First Poshan . six 24-centimetre guns. Second „ . . two 21- „ „ Third „ . ' . ];^°;!- " Itwo lo- „ To the back of these forts, for protection against land attack, there were two forts : — _,. (two 15-centimetre guns. Itwo 12- „ „ quick-firing. becond . • W in ■ t c ■ [two 12- „ „ quiek-firing. Besides all these forts there were some unfinished batteries on the western side of the harbour, between the northern and southern shores. To defend ail the forts on land and on the islands, there must have been nearly 10,000 men * — a force fully adequate for a stubborn resistance if properly trained and well led There were a few foreigners stationed in the batteries, * This probably includes the sailors of the fleet. T 2 276 . THE OHTNA-JAPAN WAS. but they had little professional training, and were destitute of any real authority. The above description of the forts, their armament and garrisons, does not exhaust the defences of Wei- hai-wei : Admiral Ting had with him the remainder of the Pei-yang squadron, a formidable array of twenty-five vessels. Their particulars are as fol- lows : the Chen-yuen, Ting-yuen^ Tsi-yuen, Lai-yuen, Ping-yuen, Kuang-ping, Wei-yuen, Ching-yuen, and Kang-chi ; six small gun-boats, seven large torpedo- boats and four small. All these vessels could be used for the defence of the harbour, the small gun- boats from their shallow draught being able to approach the land, and sweep the shore with their guns. On board the fleet there must have been at least 4,000 sailors, and, as they were well disciplined, they constituted a really valuable force. To guard against torpedo attacks, and to prevent the Japanese fleet forcing its way into the bay, two formidable booms had been constructed across the two entrances ; they consisted of hawsers, 2^ metres apart, formed of three strands of steel wire, each strand from three to four centimetres in thickness ; at intervals of nine metres, baulks of timber forty centi- metres thick were attached, and the whole boom was fixed by chains and anchors, and torpedoes were placed in front of both booms. The Japanese army commenced its advance on the 26th of January. On the 25th orders had been given that the right column (the Kumamoto brigade) THE WEI-EAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 27? should advance as far as Pao-chia (Awabi-house), keeping up communications with the fleet; the left column should advance to Chang-chia--kou-tzu (Chang- house Pass), keeping touch with the right column. Both columns were to throw out scouts to reconnoitre the enemy's position. On the 29 th the troops had reached their destination, and it was ascertained that the Chinese were massed in large numbers around Po-chih-ya-so (PJace of the 100-foot Cliff), the head- land which closes the bay to the -east. At Feng-lin-chi (Phoenix-grove) there is a junction of several roads, amongst which the one that serves for the communi- cations of the eastern defences with the town of Wei- hai-wei and the western forts : an attack, therefore, on Feng-lin-chi (Phcenix-grove) threatened the re- treat of the defenders at Po-chih-ya-so (Place of the 100-foot Cliff"). The Japanese employe.d their usual tactics, attacking the front, and at , the same time threatening the line of retreat. On the night of the 29 th of January orders were issued that, on the follow- ing morning, the second division should advance and take the hills to the south and east of Feng-lin-chi, while the Kumamoto brigade should attack Po-chih-ya-so and the land defences of the three eastern littoral forts. The fleet was to co-operate by bombarding those forts from the sea. The second division advanced at 6 ■a.m. on the 30th of January, and at 7 a.m. it encountered the Chinese, .and gradually drove them, without much resistance, from height to height, until, it pursued 278 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. them to the sea-shore. The retreat of the defenders of the eastern forts was thus cut off; but a new military element appeared on the scene, which de- stroyed the results of the Japanese tactics : the Chinese fleet approached the shore, and shelled the Japanese troops so heavily * that they had to retire to Feng-lin-chi. It was now 9.50 a.m., and the second division pushed on to Mo-tien-ling (Heaven- touching Pass),t and after taking it occupied Lung- miao-tsui, the third of the littoral forts. The guns were found in good order, and were at once directed on the Chinese ships and island forts ; but the Ting- yuen, which with the gunboats had shelled back the Japanese infantry, now steamed quite close to the fort, and in about half-an-hour silenced it. One of the 24-centimetre guns in the fort was struck by a shell and broken in two, the free end flying away about forty feet. The Kumamoto brigade began to advance at 3.30 A.M., and at 7 a.m. it was in action. The Chinese entrenchments extended in successive lines from Mo- tien-ling to Po-chih-ya-so, and the Japanese met vigorous resistance. At 10 a.m. the Mo-tien-ling entrenchments were stormed, and at the same time the fleet began firing on the littoral forts ; by 1 p.m. the three sea batteries and the four land forts were taken ; the latter were in some instances blown up by * One shell alone killed fourteen men. f The reader will remember that there is a pass of this name in Manchuria. THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 279 the Chinese soldiers, but the sea forts remained intact, and their guns were at once utilised by a body of WAJOK GEKEKAL OTERA, KILLED AT WII-HAI-WEL marines: which" had been landed for the purpose, and had accompanied the Kumamoto brigade. Before the 280 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. attack, Admiral Ting had vainly urged on the Chinese generals to accept a body of volunteers from the fleet, who could have served the guns and de- stroyed them before leaving. The refusal of this wise suggestion materially hastened the fall of Wei- hai-wei. The Japanese had brought up no siege guns, and the state of the roads would not have allowed any to be transported for a long time, so that their only chance of injuring the Chinese ships and island forts lay in the guns which they might capture from the enemy. In the eastern forts the Japanese found twelve powerful guns, well-protected, at their dis- posal, and when properly ofiicered and manned by the navy, they were able to keep the Chinese fleet con- fined in the western part of the harbour. The Japanese losses were not at all commensurate with the results obtained ; the second division lost only twenty-eight killed and fifty-four wounded, the Kumamoto brigade about one hundred killed and wounded ; but this included many ofiicers, amongst whom Major-General Otera,* who was wounded by splinters of a shell, and died in two hours. A romantic episode is said to have taken place during the attack of the 30th of January. A Japanese * The news was conveyed to his wife by the following^ message : " The Major-General has died a glorious death : do not give way to grief." As Mrs. Otera was prepared for such news she was not surprised. His mother, 87 years old, re- marked that her son had fallen in the discharge of his duty, and she regretted that he was not permitted to live longer, and be of more service to his Sovereign. Il-IE WEl-BAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 281; officer, OH entering one of the forts, found a beautiful Chinese girl crying ; with great gallantry he at once ordered two non-commissioned officers to accompany her to th(3 next village. Later on the same officer found a baby, two years old, in a basket ; he at once piqked it up, and the child, without evinciBg the slightest fear, stretched out its arms and smiled. When the fort was entirely captured, the officer chose the least ill-favoured of the Chinese prisoners, and released him on condition that he should take the child to its parents. It is said that the baby showed reluctance to be separated from the protector in whose arms it had been sheltered during the fight. The Japanese were determined to push on the attack \igorously. On the first night (30th of January) the torpedo-boats tried to get through the boom at, the eastern entrance. This bold attempt had been planned so - rapidly that the land forces were not warned, and the Japanese troops in the eastern forts, thinking the Chinese were attacking, fired on the torpedo-boats, which were obliged to retreat. On the following day arrangements were made, and the army informed of the operation the .torpedo-boats intended to perform during the night of the 31st of January. But at the appointed time a terrific storm broke out, which compelled, not only the torpedo- boats, but the greater part of the fleet, to seek a refuge. The torpedo-boats went to a neighbouring island, and their absence caused Admiral I to great anxiety until the stdrm abated: he had left .only 282 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. the first Flying Squadron to watch Wei-hai-wei, and prevent the Chinese escaping ; the rest of his vessels went to Yung-cheng Bay, where the British fleet and the other foreign vessels which followed the opera- tions had already anchored. The storm was attended by such intense cold that blocks of ice were frozen into the mouths of the guns. The storm raged the whole day and night of the 1st of February. It was a very unlucky occurrence for the Japanese, as it compelled them to suspend all military operations for two days. Admiral Ting seized the opportunity, and knowing from' former experience how worthless would be the resistance of the soldiers, he landed on the 1st of February, with a body of volunteers from the fleet, and destroyed all •the guns in the western forts. This act of the Chinese admiral prolonged the resistance, probably for a week. The Japanese occupied the -city of Wei- hai-wei and the western forts in the afternoon of the 2nd, the Chinese soldiers having fled to Chefoo ; if they had found the guns in a serviceable condition, they could have bombarded the Chinese fleet and Liu- kung Island from a comparatively short range, and a surrender would have been inevitable in a few days. The storm of the 31st of January and 1st of Feb- ruary prevented the Japanese from following up their rush, which probably would have been too . quick to allow the Chinese soldiers time to destroy the guns. This short respite was admirably utilised by Ting, who •also destroyed all the junks and boats in the harbour. JAPAKESB OFFIOEB SAVING GIHL AND BABY. THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 285 The situation of the two hostile forces was now, very strange. The Japanese completely enveloped the Chinese : on the sea a powerful fleet prevented all exit, and the whole coast was occupied by their army. Ting 'had only his ships, island forts, and the booms to protect him. But now that the Chinese navy showed foresight and bravery, there seemed to be even in their desperate conditions some hopes of a protracted resistance. The island of Liu-kung is almost perpendicular on the seaside, and landing is impossible ; there was no chance for those desperate rushes with which the Japanese hitherto had carried all the defences they could approach. The forts on Liu-kung Island were tdo strong and too sheltered to be silenced by the fire of the fleet, especially as the Japanese did not wish to risk their vessels, and had no armoured ship that could approach with impunity. The captured forts on the eastern side were too far to inflict any damage to the forts on Liu-kung Island and the fleet which tJiey sheltered, so that the Chinese, though completely surrounded, were able, owing to the length of Wei-hai-wei Bay, to lie at anchor in complete security. It was thought by many that in this strange position the Chinese could hold out indefinitely, as long as they had provisions and ammunition. The Japanese were, however, determined to refute these prognostications. They had powerful reasons to urge them to make the most desperate ■eff'orts ; tJiey could not allow the Pei-yang squadron to escape 286- THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. capture or destruction now that it was almost in their grasp ; they felt also that their military prestige was at stake on the rapid success of this military operation. The few unprofessional foreigners with the Chinese forces must not baffle them, in the sight of the war- CAPTAIN TOUA, COMMANDER OF THE 2ND TORPEDO FLOTILLA. vessels of the principal nations of the world. As soon as the storm subsided the Japanese pushed on their operations with unceasing pertinacity. On the 3rd of February the second, third, and fourth Flying Squadrons (12 vessels) attacked the Chinese island forts, with the assistance of the eastern THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 287.' batteries, and many Chinese were killed, according to : their own accounts. The Chinese fleet moved about the harbour shelling the Japanese forts. At night the torpedo-boats made another attempt to break through the boom at the eastern eritrance, but though they even employed dynamite they could not break LIEUTENANT IMAI, 005IMANDBB OF THE 3bD TOKPEDO FLOTILLA. it ; they then turned their attention to its extremity near the shore, and they succeeded in widening the interval which separated it from the rocks. On the night of the 4th of February preparations were made for a second attempt with the torpedo- boats, which were divided into three . squadrons : the 288. THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. first watching outside, and the second and third passing through the interval of the boom which had widened on the preceding night. There is some discrepancy in the minor details of the operation. According to one .account, the torpedo attack was preceded by a diversion of two small gun-boats, the Cholcai and Otago, which, piloted by Captain Togo, an ofiicer who had studied the China coast, and could navigate through the bay of Wei-hai-wei even in the dark, steamed into the harbour after the moon set, at 1 A.M. of the oth, and advanced close to the Chinese squadron and opened fire.* While this action- was going on, the torpedo-boats' crept along the eastern shore at half -speed (11 knots), and waited for their opportunity. The rest of the operation is described almost iden- tically in the different accounts. The flotilla was composed of ten torpedo-boats, which advanced in the following order, one behind the other : — Tkird Squadron Second Squadron . * This diversion of the gun-boats is not' mentioned in 'the official reports of the engagement. THE WBI-HAI-WMI CAMPAIGN. 2SS Third Squadron. No. 6. When ehe reached the , south of the harbour, she Steered west, and ' passing between the Chinese vessels fired two torpedoes which were not dis- charged owin boats were lost ; No. 9 abandoned after the explosion in the boiler, and No. 22, which ran aground near the eastern forts, and was fired upon by," the Chinese forts. , Some of the crew escaped THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 291 ashore, but others fell into the icy water and were frozen to death ; the remainder were obliged to keep quiet for fear of being noticed by the Chinese, until they were rescued on the evening of the 5th of February. CAPTAIN MOCHIHAEA, COMMANDER OF THE IST TOEPEDO FLOTILLA. Several torpedo-boats reported that they had struck the Ting-yuen, and the Japanese were much dis- appointed at seeing her still afloat on the morning of the 5 th. She gradually sank, her decks remaining out of water. The Chinese had lost their most formidable vessel. u 2 292, TEE OEINA-JAPAN WAS. ^ On .the 5th of February it was decided to make- another night-attack with the torpedo-boats. Ad- miral Ito has afterwards confessed that he' felt more pain in giving that order than for any other he had given during the campaign. On the preceding night some had been scalded, others frozen to death, and as; it was probable that the Chinese fleet would now keep better watch, it seemed as if he was sending his men to an inevitable and horrible death ; yet the order was given, and executed with the utmost promp- titude. Commander Mochihara, the chief of the flotilla, told his men that there was hardly any chance of escaping, and death was almost certain ; it was better to remove all unnecessary articles, a hand- lamp being sufficient, no signals except port and starboard being required for such a desperate enter- prise. " Our boats and our bodies are the enemy's." He accordingly sent away all the naval records, signal sheets, and written orders. But there was not the slightest trepidation ; all the men were overjoyed at the dangerous duty on which they were detached. At 4 A.M. of the 6th of February, while the second and third torpedo squadrons were watching outside the bay, the First Squadron entered the harbour. It was composed of the following boats : — Kotaka. No. 23, „ 13- ■ „ 7. „ 11. THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 293. Nos. 13 and 7 had their screws fouled and could not approach the enemy, but the other three boats discharged seven torpedoes and destroyed three of the enemy's vessels : the Lai-yuen, Wei-yUen, and a gun-boat, the Pao-hua. None of the Japanese crews were wounded. in this attack. The Chinese lost about 200 men drowned, but the moral effect of this dreadful night-attack must have been appalling, when on the following morning the fleet witnessed its numbers dwindling away beneath the insidious blows of the fearless enemy. It was on this day that the subject of a surrender was first mooted : the inhabitants, male and female, of Liu-kung Island assembling around the jetties and begging the autho- xities to save their lives. The two torpedo attacks in the nights preceding the mornings of the 5th and 6th of February decided the fate of Liu-kung Island and of the remaining vessels of the Pei-yang squadron ; from that moment all successful resistance was impossible, and the surrender was only deferred by the obstinacy of sullen despair. The Japanese observe that the results obtained by' the heroism of the torpedo-boats compare favourably ■with those achieved by the fleet at Hai-yuan Island.' In the battle of the 17th of September, 12 Japanese vessels encountering 14 Chinese with 8 torpedo-boats," succeeded in burning or sinking 5 ships, with trifling-" damage to themselves and with, a loss of 6 9. killed and 160 wounded. In the torpedo attacks at Wei-; 294 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAIt. hai-wei a total force of 14* boats succeeded in sinking an ironclad and -3 other vessels, with a loss of 2 torpedo-boats, 9 killed, 31 wounded, and 5 drowned. The indirect result of these attacks was also the fall of the island forts and the capture of the remaining vessels. The last days of the siege were sufficient to un- nerve the stoutest troops : the hulls of the sunken ships were a constant reminder to the survivors what their fate might be any night : this wearying appre- hension must have told with even greater etiect than the attacks themselves. The Chinese report another torpedo attack, which was repulsed, at 4.30 A.M., of the 7th of February, but as it is not mentioned by the Japanese, it must have been a false alarm of the * It should be fifteen according to the lists given before, probably the Eotaka is not reckoned. TEE WEI-EAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 295 excited crews. The real attack was made by the Japanese fleet — by the captured forts near the eastern entrance — and by some rifled mortars which the Japanese had now planted on the northern shore. The eastern forts, by a heavy cannonade, succeeded in blowing up, at 8 A.M., the magazine on Jih Island ; that fort was now lost to the unfortunate defenders. Later in the morning, all the Chinese torpedo-boats and two steam-launches, 13 vessels, escaped by the western entrance, but they were pursued by the First Flying TOBPEDO BOAT NO. 7. Squadron* and all captured, some in a serviceable condition, and others only needing repairs for the injuries sustained by the rocks when run aground. After dark the Chinese soldiers on Liu-kung Island begged their commanders to save their lives, but were finally pacified by Admiral Ting and General Chang, The Chinese report another unsuccessful torpedo * The TosMno could certainly steam faste;r than any of them, and prohahly her consorts could do the same. 296 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAS,. attack before dawn of the 8tli, but it is not mentioned by the Japanese, though it mav have been a feint to fatigue the defenders. After dawn the eastern forts again opened fire, and one of their shells struck the Ghing-yuen, killing and wounding about 40 sailors,' Fresh petitions were made to Admiral Ting, who said it was the duty of both sailors and soldiers to fight to the end ; but if he did not receive reinforce-' ments by the llth of February he would find means, to save their lives. On the 9th of February the Japanese made another combined attack by sea and land ; the Ching-yuen having steamed out to shell the forts. Captain Naruta of the Japanese Navy, by very careful sighting, succeeded in hitting her near the water-line with two shells from one of the 2 8 -centimetre guns of the forts. The Ching-yuen sank so rapidly that her crew had not time to haul down her flag. The Chinese fleet was now reduced to four vessels and a few gun-boats, with crews much diminished by the enemy's fire : the soldiers and inhabitants on Jjiu-kung Island were dispirited by the effects of the Japanese shells : almost every night a torpedo attack is reported, and though such reports are not con- firmed, the constant alairm must have had a terribly demoralising effect. Their ammunition also had almost run short. It was under these circumstances that Admiral Ting, on the night of the llth: of February, . received a telegram from Li-Hung-chang announcing that reinforcements could, not b&.selitj THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 297- and advising the fleet to escape to some other port. There was no possibility of following this advice : the powerful Japanese squadron was ever watchful, and the Chinese men-of-war had very low speeds. At the same time sailors, soldiers, and inhabitants clamoured for a surrender, alleging that the promised time had come and no reinforcements had arrived. The heroic resolution of Admiral Ting had to yield at last, and on the same night he made arrange- ments for sending Captain Chang of the Kudng-ping with a letter to Admiral Ito proposing a capitulation. The messenger left on the morning of the 12th of February on the Chen-pei, flying) 'a white flag, and returned the same day with a favourable answer from Admiral Ito, together with some presents of cham- pagne and other luxuries. Admiral Ting then wrote another letter (it was to be his last) to Admiral Ito, in which, after thanking him for saving the lives of his men, he requested a prolongation of the time allotted for the surrender of the forts and ships. He declined accepting the presents, as their two countries were at war.* After finishing this letter, he wrote a telegram to Li-Hung-chang, retired to his cabin and committed suicide by swallowing a large dose of opium. The correspondence between the two admirals * A system of petty suspicion is rampaijt in China, and if Admiral Ting had accepted Ito's presents, he would have been suspected hy millions of his countrymen of having been bribed to surrender by a case- of champagne. ■ 298 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. forms a noble page of history. The first letter from Ito, which is rather in the form of a memorial, was sent, according to a Japanese review, through the British man-of-war Severn on the 25th of January, some clays before the attack on Wei-hai-wei com- menced. It will seem strange to European readers that an invitation to surrender was sent so early, but the Japanese were so fully aware of their own superiority, and of the rottenness of the Chinese mili- tary system, that they thought it generous to give a fellow-soldier timely warning. This document is a l-emarkable production ; it shows a wonderful grasp of the modern history of the world, and the warmest friend of China could not point out better the defects of her social organisation, and indicate their remedies,, than did Admiral Ito in his letter forwarded a few days before the Japanese army and navy were to destroy China's last stronghold and capture her only fighting fleet. No summary can give it justice, and the reader is earnestly entreated to refer to the appendix in which it is contained.* China in her hour - of shame and disgrace may seek consolation by the reflection that she has fallen before a nation of heroes, who, in the exultation of unparalleled triumphs preserved those rare sentiments of equa- nimity which dictate friendship even to the enemy. Admiral Ting has been blamed for not having destroyed all his ships and war material before sur- rendering, but to these ungenerous critics it may * See Appendix P. THE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 299 be pointed out that he vainly tried to induce his sailors to destroy the ships, and that in most European capitulations the war material is delivered intact to the enemy. Others have blamed him for committing suicide. To the [latter accusation it is sufficient to answer that in the ethical code of China suicide is not blameworthy in certain cases. It may also be added that in his peculiar circumstances suicide would, have been excusable even for a Euro- pean : the barbarous laws of China involve the whole family in the guilt of one of its members, and if Ting had not committed suicide he would have brought ruin on his relations. Even after perform- ing that supreme act of self-sacrifice he was denied posthumous honours by his Government. Ting was honoured only by strangers. On hearing of his death Admiral Ito, deeply moved, ordered that one of the captured Chinese vessels should be returned, to convey his body with befitting decorum to Chefoo. Before this ship left, the Japanese officers paid a visit to his mortal remains — the pro- found respect they showed greatly touched the Chinese and foreigners who beheld them. At Chefoo the foreign men-of-war sent detachments to accom- pany the bier. The death of Admiral Ting, which was followed by the suicide of the Chinese general and other chief officers, left the Japanese in great embarrassment how to continue the negotiations for the surrender. They refused to treat with any foreigner, and insisted that 30Q. THE .CmNA^JAPAN WAE. the highest Chinese officialon Liu-kung Island should arrange the capitulatiqn. Taotai Niu was the highest surviving official, and on him devolved the duty to sign with the Japanese admiral a stipulation * in 11 articles for the surrender of forts/ ships, etc., and for /the departure of the Chinese soldiers and sailors. The Chinese were much touched when Admiral Ito gave back the Kang-chi that she might convey Ting's coffin to Chefoo. Taotai Niu wrote a letter thanking him for the gracious act. Up to this moment the negotiations had proceeded with the dignity befitting such a grave occasion, but at the last moment a comic incident was introduced. The Kuang-ping, one of the vessels to be delivered to the Japanese, did not belong to the Pei-yang squadron, but had been detached, together with the Kuang-yi and Kuang- chia from Canton, to take part in the manoeuvres of the northern fleet. They had been detained for some time when the war broke out, and they were not allowed to return. The Kuang-yi was destroyed at Phung Island on the 25th. of July, the Kuang-chia ran aground and was blown up after the battle of Hai-yuan Island on the 17th of September; the Kuang-jnng was the only remaining vessel. Her captain, Chang-Pi-kuang, felt rather uneasy at the idea of returning alone to Canton without any ships, and he asked the Japanese to return the Kuang-ping^ alleging that she belonged to the Canton squadron which had taken no part in the war. This comic - i * For the text of this stipulation, see Appendix F. TEE' W.EI-EAI-WEI CAMPAIGN. 801 fiequestJ was afterwards repeated by Taotai Niu. As it is probably the most ridiculous incident which fever happened /in any war, the letter is given in an appendix. * ' It shows' better than a lengthy descrip- tion the utter absence of national feeling in China, and the' childish ideas of the Chinfese in all. inter- national relations either of war or peace. The Chinese set free by the terms of the capitula- tion were as follo\Vs : — Navy .. . . '! 30 students. 183 officers, 1 2,871 warrant ofjicers and marines. . I 40 officers. ^^^ ' ' ' \ 2,000 rank and file. Total . . 5,124 The vessels delivered up were the Cheyi-ynen (7,430 tons), Ping-yuen (2,850 tons), Tsi-yUen (2,355 tons), Kuang-ping (1,050 tons), and 6 small gun- boats : these with the 7 torpedo-boats captured when they attempted to . escape, and with some of the sunken ships that could be floated, constituted a respectable fleet : its value was estimated at 30 niillion yen.f ' ■ After the evacuation, the Japanese troops' abandoned all the land forts and destroyed them, removing only the serviceable artillery and war material. A garrison was put in Liu-kung Island, knd the remainder ' *' See Appendix H. ■f About three million, sterliiig'. 302 TSE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. of the army re-embarked for Ta-lien to join the rest of the forces in Manchuria. The capitulation was settled by Admiral Ito entirely on his own ■ responsibility, and he was very anxious to know how his Government would view his conduct, but it met with the most enthusiastic approval. The Wei-hai-wei campaign was very short; the first troops landed on the 20th of January, and on the 16 th of February they were in possession of forts and ships. In four weeks the ariliy had disembarked, advanced, attacked and won the place ; they were even able to spare four days for the convenience of the departing Chinese. The fighting only lasted two weeks, from 30th of January to 12th of February, and it would not have lasted so long but for the storm, which suspended all operations for two days and gave the Chinese time to destroy the guns in the western forts. It was the most dramatic episode of the war, and nothing was wanting to enhance its spectacular efi'ect. The hills encircling the bay formed a gigantic amphitheatre from which the vicissitudes of the struggle could be observed: military attaches and men-of-war of the principal navies of the world followed with intense curiosity all the operations, and the Japanese, conscious that they were acting before a gallery of nations, deter- mined to display day by day all the resources of their skill and daring. Nulla dies sine linea was the motto which governed their actions. The stubborn resist- TEE WEI-HAI-WEI CAMPAIQN. '303 ance of Liu-kung Island, which recalls to mind the defence of the island of Sphacteria in the Peloponne- sian war, so vividly described by ThucydideSj lent an element of momentary uncertainty which rendered the interest more intense. In a few days the ADMIRAL TING. Japanese exhibited all the methods of modern warfare by land and sea ; dashing assaults on the forts, skillful handling of guns and ships, daring torpedo attacks which strewed the harbour with sunken hulls. 304 . TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. The Japanese never I'elaxed. thdir relentless hold on the foredoonied fleet until the inevitable surrender came. Then followed the striking correspondence between the admirals ; the tragic fate of Ting, victim to the unfortunate defects of his country, as Ito had foretold in his first letter ; and the imposing scene of the Japanese ofiicers reverently visiting the remains of Ting, which may be compared with the most striking pages of the history of chivalry. ( 305 ) CHAPTER VII. THE FIRST PEACE EMBASSY. It has been recorded that after the fall of Port Arthur a kind of informal Peace Mission was sent to Japan ; but the Japanese politely refused to treat with persons unprovided with proper credentials. Later on, while the Wei-hai-wei expedition was being prepared, another Peace Embassy was appointed to negotiate with Japan. It consisted of two high officials, one of whom had been Minister to Washington, and the services of Mr, Foster were secured as unofficial adviser ; a long time was lost waiting for his arrival from America, and when he came, the two Chinese Ambassadors showed no haste to depart. At last, the news of the landing at Yungcheng, and of the Japanese advance on Wei-hai-wei hurried the de- parture of the Peace Embassy, which arrived at Hiroshima on the 31st of January. A pompous list of the personnel attached to the mission was given ; it was as follows : — H, E. Chang-yu-yuan, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary. H. E. Shao-yu-lion, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extra- ordinary. X 306 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. Wu-ting-fang (barrister-at-law), First Secretary (Expectant Taotai). Ku-Cha-lisin, Second Secretary (Secretary Judiciary Depart- ment). Jin-Liang, Second Secretary (Secretary to Tsnng-li Yamen). Liang-Ching, Third Secretary (Expectant Taotai). Kuang-Shang-i, Third Secretary (Expectant Taotai). Ching-Fah, Translator (Expectant Governor). Lo-Kan-lei, Translator (Expectant Governor). Ln-Yow-ming, Translator (Expectant Governor). Chien-Sha-tai, Attache (Expectant Vice-Governor). Chang-Tao-Kuan, Attache (Expectant Governor). Chang- Yn-ping, Attache (Expectant Vice-Governor). Shang-Nu-tsai, Translator (Ex-Governor, Shantoushen). Chao-Shih-lien, Translator (Expectant Chief Salt Commis- sioner). Ching-Yin-chang, Translator (Expectant Educational Official). Hsui-Chan, Business Manager (Expectant Provisional Secre- tary). Hsiii-Fo-ming, Business Manager (Expectant Provisional Secre- tary). Chang-Hua-fang, Student. I Ching-ki, Student. Wang Yu-yen, Student. Li Wang-to, Officially Appointed Merchant (Candidate for Guai-yo). Shih Hung-shing, Officially Appointed Merchant (Fifth rank). Shih Shang-ohee, Officially Appointed Merchant (Fifth rank). Liu Sui-lin, Officially Appointed Merchant (Sixth rank). All this pomp was to disguise the real nature of the mission, for, when on the 1st of February, the plenipotentiaries of the two nations exchanged cre- dentials, those of the Chinese envoys were found insufficient. On the 2nd of February, the Japanese plenipotentiaries presented a memorandum stating, that as the Chinese envoys had not full powers, and THE FIRST PEACE EMBASSY. 307 were obliged to refer all matters to Peking, the negotia- tions were terminated. Japan was always willing to reopen them when China sent duly accredited ' pleni- potentiaries. This extraordinary termination surprised the whole world. China had given every outward assurance of being in earnest in her desire for peace — an American statesman had been specially engaged as unofficial adviser to the mission ; the American Minister at Peking had been requested to draft a form of cre- dentials ; but at the last moment his draft was secretly set aside and- substituted by vague and unmeaning credentials. Mr. Foster and the American Minister were placed in a ridiculous position ; but that is trivial compared to the loss sustained by China ; she exposed herself to the derision of the. whole world, thousands of lives and millions of money were wasted, and the wh©le Pei-yang squadron was. destroyed or captured. All this was sacrificed for the pleasure of attempting a childish trick which did not succeed. The texts of the credentials and the whole corre- spondence of the plenipotentiaries are contained in an appendix.* * See Appendix I. X 2 308 TEE OniNA-JAPAN WAR. CHAPTEK VIll. CONTINUATION OF THE MANCHURIAN CAMPAIGN. When we last described tlie operations of the Japanese in Manchuria, the First Army (represented by the Third Division), under Lt. -General Katsura, was at Hai-cheng, where it had repulsed three attempts of the Chinese to re-capture the town on the 19th of December and 17th and 22nd of January ; the Second Army (represented by a brigade) under Major-General Nogi had taken Kaiping on the 10th of January. "The two armies starting from the Yalu and Chin-chow had converged towards the Liao river, and ended by forming one army, of which the Third Division con- stituted the right wing, and General Nogi's brigade the left wing. It will, therefore, be unnecessary to treat their movements separately. While the fate of Wei-hai-wei was being decided in the beginning of February, neither of the hostile armies in Manchuria showed any activity. But later, the Chinese made two advances, for they cannot be called attacks, on Hai-cheng. This town is surrounded by five hills, of which the Japanese occupied four, the fifth being unnecessary for the defence, and being situatedon their line of communications toTomucheng, THE MANCHURIAN CAMPAIGN. 309 which was secure against any attack in force from the enemy. The four fortified hills are thus situated : — Tan-wan-shan about 2\ miles S.W. of Hai-cheng. Ching-cHa-shan about 1 mile W. of Hai-oheng. Huan-hsi-shan OTer 1 mile N. of Hai-cheng. Shuang-lung-shan over 1 mile N.E. of Hai-cheng. To the east and south of Hai-cheng the country is mountainous ; but to the west and north there is a large plain with two hills N.N.E. of Hai-cheng. From the south, the Newchwang river runs in a north- westerly direction up to Hai-cheng, where it takes a sharp bend around Ching-chia-shan and flows on almost due west to the Liao river. Tan-wan-shan, Ching-chia-shan, Huan-hsi-shan, and the two hills in the plain are almost in a line perpendicular to the course of the river. On the 16th of February the Chinese advanced from Newchwang (old) and from the positions they held on the Liao-yang road, along the whole front of the Japanese line. At first, the Japanese did not answer the fire of the Chinese to encourage them to come closer; but at 11 a.m., finding this expectation was useless they opened fire with their artillery, and the Chinese gradually retreated out of range. On the two wings, at Tan-wan-shan and Shuang-lung-shan, the Chinese advanced within rifle-range ; but a few volleys sent them back rapidly. It was not a battle, but an exchange of cannon-shots, and, owing to the bad marksmanship of the Chinese gunners, the Japanese lost only three killed and eleven wounded. At the 310 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. same time it must be noted that the Japanese found the enemy had made great improvements — shots came much nearer on this than on any previous occasion. But three killed is a very small result for a day's practice with twelve guns. Thp Chinese forces numbered about 16,000; and the Japanese counted 150 killed. In the Chinese account of this battle, three Japanese guns were said to have been captured ; but a retreat had to be made owing to the severe artillery fire. The following sentence deserves to be quoted in full : " On retreating we laid an ambush and designedly threw our ranks into disorder for the purpose of drawing the enemy after us ; but we failed in our purpose." All these successive attacks on Hai-cheng had been directed by Generals Sung and I-ko-teng-a ; but now a new leader appeared, who made another and last attempt to recover the town. Wu-ta-cheng, who has been already mentioned as assisting Li-Hung-chang during the negotiations of the Tientsin Convention of 1885, had been sent north to fight the Japanese. On his arrival at the seat of war, he published a proclamation which caused much amusement. He informed the Japanese that he had come to destroy them ; but he expressed compassion for their sad condition, and generously invited them to come to his camp and submit, when, he feelingly added, he would treat them like his own soldiers. As Chinese soldiers are ill-fed, ill-treated, and often swindled of THE MANOEUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 311 their pay, such a ridiculous promise would be the last inducement which could lead soldiers to desert. Wu-ta-cheng's advance was preceded by an attempt at strategy^ — the Chinese attacked Tomu-cheng, threaten- ing the Japanese line of communications, before they advanced on Hai-cheng on the 21st of February. On this occasion the Chinese repeated their manoeuvres of the 16th with even greater timidity — one body ad- vanced to within 1,700 yards of the Japanese position, and retired before the Japanese opened fire ; others, advanced a little closer, but retreated at the first shots ; and others finally kept firing their rifles at a Japanese entrenchment — evidently hoping to scare the Japanese with a big noise. The Chinese were 20,000 strong, and had twenty guns, but only succeeded in killing two and wounding six Japanese ; their own losses were about 100, due principally to the precision of the Japanese artillery. The time had now come for the Japanese to assume the long-deferred ofiensive. It was undertaken with such rapidity, and the diff'erent divisions worked so harmoniously that a fortnight sufiiced to defeat and disperse the greater part of the Chinese armies by a succession of crushing blows. The operation was commenced by the left wing of the united Japanese armies. General Yamaji had now joined General l^ogi, and the Japanese forces around Kaiping amounted to about 12,000 men, With these troops an advance was made to Tai-ping-shan, which was occupied without much difiiculty, but . the Chinese, 312 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. under General Sung, advanced from three directions,* about 12,000 strong, with 12 guns. They were repulsed to their entrenchments, which were suc- cessively stormed ; three f were taken without much difficulty, but at the fourth J the Chinese made a stubborn resistance. They withstood the fire of the Japanese artillery at 1,600 metres, and the assault of three battalions on the front and two flanks. It was 4 P.M., and a portion of the attacking force had ex- hausted its ammunition, and was obliged to lie down for shelter against the enemy's fire. Two companies were sent forward as reinforcements, and the officers telling their men to cease "firing and use the bayonet, the Japanese charged the entrenchment. Major SaitO' rushing forward with uplifted sword and cutting down the defenders. The Chinese retreated to Po-miao- tzu at 5.30 P.M. Some of their troops were armed with the new German repeating rifles and used smoke- less powder, so that their armament was superior to the enemy. The Japanese troops had marched out at 2 A.M., and did not return to their quarters until 11 p.m., marching under arms for 21 hours through the snow. In the First Regiment 394 men had their feet frost- bitten, and in the Fifteenth Eegiment there were even more cases. The advance on Tai-ping-shan and its surrounding * Po-miao-tzii, Tang-ohia-pu-tzii, and Lau-ye-miao. X Hsiao-ping-slian, Ta-tzfi-wo, and Tung (eastern) tzu-li. X Hsi (western) tzu-li. THE MANGHURIAN CAMPAIGN. 313 positions had a twofold object — it broke the Chinese line, and occupying Sung's troops at Ying-kow, pre- vented them co-operating with the other Chinese armies at Newchwang (old) and Liao-yang, which were to become the object of an important series of military operations in a few days. The two Chinese armies, whose headquarters were at Newchwang (old) and Liao-yang, after their frequent repulses from Hai-cheng, never retired very far. They had hitherto been left unmolested, as it did not enter into the Japanese plan of campaign to pursue to any distance. At the same time the Japanese forces were not large enough for a bold oflfensive ; but towards the end of February a portion of the Fifth Division, which was no longer required to protect the line of communications, since the Chinese general had re- moved to Liao-yang, was sent to Hai-cheng. Genera! Katsura was now in a condition to assume the offensive. The roads from Hai-cheng to Newchwang, from Hai-cheng to Liao-yang, and from Newchwang to Liaoryang form a triangle, .and there are four other roads (besides cross paths) radiating from Hai-cheng. The Chinese troops were situated across the three eastern roads and the road from Hai-cheng to Liao- yang. It was the object of Katsura, taking advantage of the favourable position of Hai-cheng, to push back the Chinese along these divergent roads, inevitably separating the Liao-yang from the Newchwang, troops. On the 28th of February the Third Division marched 314 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. out of Hai-cheng at 3 a.m. ; the Seventh Eegiment, charging with the bayonet, took Shi-to-shan at 4 a.m. ; the Sixth Regiment attacked Sha-ho-yen in front, while the Sixth Brigade attacked its left, and moved towards Chang-hu-tai. By 7 a.m. all these positions on the two innermost of the four roads we have described were occupied ; and the Fifth Brigade, advancing by the most westerly road, took Ta-fu- tun by 10 a.m., when the whole Chinese line was pushed back. Some of the 15,000 Chinese engaged retreated to Pu-lai-tien and others to Newchwang (old), as had been foreseen by General Katsura. There still remained the fourth, the road from Hai-cheng to Liao-yang, and the Sixth Brigade, with some artillery, di^'erged in that direction, and by 2 p.m. had occupied the high ground near Tung-yen-tai. The Japanese lost 1 officer and 85 men wounded, and 10 killed ; the Chinese left 160 dead. On the following day, 1st of March, this last move- ment — the pursuit of the Liao-yang troops — was continued. The Third Division had bivouacked at Tou-ho-pu, and at 7 a.m. it marched towards Kan- hsien-pu, where the Chinese were stationed : at 11.45 A.M. that position was taken, and the Japanese pushed on to the point where the Hai-cheng, Liao-yang, and Liao-yang-Newchwang roads meet. The two Chinese armies had now been completely separated, and General Katsura, by the peculiar disposition of the roads, was able to deal with them in detail. The pursuit of the Liao-yang army was continued THE MANCHUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 315 on the 2nd of March for some distance beyond the junction of . the two roads just mentioned, when General Katsura, having reunited all his troops, altered his order of march, converting his van into a rear-guard, and marched along the Liao-yang-Newch- wang road to attack the latter town. On the 4th of March Newchwang (old) was attacked by three columns advancing from the north, north-west, and east. The column acting on the north-west took a LIEUTENANT-GENERAL KATSUBA. position near Li-chia-wo-fu, so as to command the roads leading to Ying-kow and Tien-chwang-tai ; the Japanese, with their usual tactics, had marched round the Chinese and threatened their line of retreat with one part of their forces, while another part attacked in front. The battle commenced at ,9 a.m., and the Japanese met a vigorous resistance ; the Chinese had constructed thick earthern parapets' and had loop- holed the houses ; they had, moreover, gatling guns, 316 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. and used smokeless powder for their rifles, so that the open ground which had to be traversed by one of the Japanese columns was swept by a hail of bullets. If the Chinese troops had been of equal quality to their own, the Japanese confess that the ground would have been impassable. But by 2.30 p.m. the town was entered, and the defenders fled in the direction of Ying-kow. A portion, about 5,000 or 6, -000, were unable to escape, and with them the Japanese had to engage in a desperate house-to-house conflict which inflicted heavy losses ; the fighting lasted late into the night, the sound of rifles being heard up to 11 p.m. A large body of Chinese en- trenched in a wineshop offered an obstinate resistance until the Japanese engineers blew down a portion of the wall with dynamite, which caused such terror that' they threw down their arms to the number of 300. The Japanese had forty-two killed and 174 wounded, the Chinese about 1,800 killed and over 2,000 prisoners. The heavy losses of the latter were also due to their retreat being commanded by the Japanese guns. A large list of spoils taken was compiled by the Japanese with that precision almost amusing in its minuteness. It was as follows : — 2,138 rifles. 1,518,000 rounds of small arm ammunition. 1 field piece. 12 mountain guns. 2 guns of position (6-centimetie). 216 flags. TEE MANCHUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 317 42 fusils de rempart. . 1,648 boxes of gunpowder, 1,120 koku * of rice. 150 koku of barley. 110 koku of Indian corn. Horses enough, to carry the baggage of the whole army. 80 or 90 tents. 213 horse shoes. A quantity of clothing, fur coats, field ovens, and other articles. Immediately after the capture of ISTewchwang (old) General Katsura with the Third Division marched towards Ying-kow, situated lower down on the Liao river ; but he had been forestalled by Yamaji. That general, on the 6th of March, advanced to Hou-chia- ying-fang at the junction of the Ying-kow-Hai-cheng and Ying-kow-Tien-chwang-tai roads. General Sung, who had so long defended Ying-kow, had been, obliged to evacuate that town and retreat to Tien-chwang-tai, as he was threatened to be crushed between the two wings of the Japanese army, Ying-kow was defended by a small garrison which offered very little resistance, and on the 7th of March the Japanese took all the forts situated on both banks of the Liao river, which presented no obstacle in its frozen condition. General Yamaji sent officers to inform the foreign consuls that the Japanese intended to occupy the foreign settlement of Ying-kow. In the port the Japanese captured another vessel of the Pei-yang Squadron, which had been icebound during the * A koku is nearly .five bushels. . . 318 THE CHINA- JAP AN WAR. winter ; now only two vessels- of the squadron remained undestroyed or uneaptured. The Third and First Divisions, constituting the right and left wings of the Japanese army, after the capture of Newchwang (old) and Ying-kow, had drawn together, and now they marched together against Tien-chwang-tai, which for three months had been the general headquarters of the Chinese armies of Newch- wang and Ying-kow. THE MANOEURIAN CAMPAIGN. 319 stroyed over 1,000 men ; their total loss was estimated at 2,000, while the Japanese lost only about eighty killed and wounded. There were only about 10,000 Chinese engaged, so that a portion of the defeated armies of Newchwang and Ying-kow must have already retreated further into the interior. The Japanese offensive commenced by Yamaji's diversion at Tai-ping-shan on the 24th of February, was followed up by the defeat of the Liao-yang army on the 28 th of February and 1st of March ; and by the capture of Newchwang on the 4th, of Ying-kow on the 7th, and of Tien-ehwang-tai on the 9th ; this fort- night's campaign was the last one of the war, and it could not have been otherwise. China was now entirely at the mercy of the Japanese armies. By a short and brilliant series of manoeuvres the troops at Liao-yang had been cut off from the rest of the empire, the remaining armies had been irretrievably broken, and the Japanese had nearly 100,000 men on the enemy's soil ready to strike a fatal blow. The possession of Ying-kow, shortly to be opened to navi- gation by the melting of the ice, gave them a. new naval base of operations nearer to Peking ; the de- struction of the Pei-yang squadron at Wei-hai-wei . had left them the command of the sea without the slightest fear of hindrance, and they could attack when, how, and where they pleased. ^ There were no further . operations of importance ; 320 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. but two incidents may be mentioned. A Third Expedition started from Japan on the 15 th of March, and went to the Pescadores, a group of islands between the mainland and Formosa, and excellently situated for a base of operations against the latter. After some reconnoitring, an attack was made on the 23rd on Peng-hu Island (the principal one of the group). The Japanese fleet cannonaded the forts, which answered, but without ever hitting the ships. The Yoshino was damaged, but by a sunken rock unmarked iu the charts. A force was landed, and the forts taken without much opposition, the Japanese only losing about three killed and twenty-eight wounded. The garrisons fled like frightened sheep, the men trampling on each other in their panic hurry to get to the shore and escape in junks and boats. In this last engagement of the Chinese troops amidst such disgraceful demoralisation it is grateful to. record some singular instances of rare bravery. In one fort, while all the garrison fled without ofi'ering any serious resistance, half-a-dozen soldiers placed themselves here and there and tried to inflict some injury on the enemy ; on another occasion, two bands of twenty and thirty men boldly resisted the advance of the whole Japanese force. Considering how a panic will spread amongst the best troops, the excep- tional conduct of these obscure heroes deserves special praise, and it is to be regretted that their names have not been recorded to serve as rallying words to awaken a brighter future for their country. CASE OF TUE YIKSANG. 321 The expedition to the Pescadores was not import- ant enough to employ the whole Japanese fleet, and a portion of the squadron was busy in the north, searching the foreign vessels which crowded to Tientsin after the opening of the Pei-ho.* The Japanese officers performed their work very politely but very thoroughly. The search on the sea proved fruitless, but while the Yiksang was discharging her cargo in lighters at Taku (at the mouth of the Pei-ho) a boat from a Japanese man-of-war came alongside and asked to have a case opened — it was found to contain cartridges ! It formed part of a shipment of 240,000 cartridges. This contraband had been shipped on a false declaration, that it was bamboo-steel, but of course the Japanese took the ship before a Prize- court, which, after having detained the Yiksang for some time, finally released her and all her cargo except the contraband, It was a strange freak of fate that one of the first acts of war of the Japanese navy should have been the sinking of the Kowshing and the last the capture of the Yiksang, both steamers belonging to the same company. * The river of Tientsin .whicli is closed to navigation in winter l)y ice. 322 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. CHAPTER IX. THE SECOND PEACE EMBASSY. Attempts liad been made to hurriedly amend the failure of the First Embassy, by oifering to amend telegraphically the credentials, and when that pro- posal appeared too unconventional for such an important matter, to forward new and satisfactory credentials to the envoys. But it became apparent that after such a fiasco Shao and Chang were not the proper persons to continue the negotiations. More- over, it was perceived that a treaty of peace in the present critical circumstances could only be concluded by a statesman of unquestioned authority and who ■could bear the heavy responsibility. In China, amidst so much autocracy, there exists unbounded liberty of criticism ; in fact, there is a special body of officials — the censors — whose duty it is to expose all abuses and condemn all measures injurious to the State. It was well known ttat peace could not be obtained from Japan without great sacrifices : it was therefore necessary to choose as plenipotentiary a statesman of sufficient authority to be able to bear the burden of responsibility, to defy the storm of slanderous criticism, and of such influence that his actions could not be disowned by the Government. THE SECOND PEACE EMBASSY. 323 There was only one man in China who possessed these requisites — Li-Hung-chang, the Viceroy of Chihli. "Whatever conditions he thought necessary to accept would be ratified by the Emperor, as his disgrace would involve almost all the high officials in the Empire. Since the outbreak of the war, Li- Hung-ehang had been under a cloud : it is the system of the Chinese Government to mete out punishments for every error ; ofiicials are expected to petition the Emperor informing him of their mis- demeanours and requesting punishment. At every reverse of the Chinese arms some dearly purchased honour had been withdrawn from the aged Viceroy, now a Peacock's Feather, now a Yellow Jacket. But in the great national crisis, created by the war with Japan, the Government becaine conscious of the silliness of such proceedings, and the man who had contributed to save the dynasty at the time of the Tai-ping rebellion by enrolling bands of volunteers in his native province of Anhui, the man who in the last decades had represented China in all her dealings with foreign powers, was reinstated in all his honours and called to Peking to confer with the Emperor and Empress-dowager. The result of these audiences was • to entrust to him the mission of treating for peace with Japan. Notwithstanding his enormous influence over the officials and people of China, Li-Hung-chang felt that in such a critical moment he could not bear alone such a heavy responsibility, and deliver his reputa- Y 2 324 TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. tion to the easy after-criticism of those who would! be bold as soon as the danger was passed. A subtle- plan was devised to shift the responsibility amongst all the high officials of the Empire, by inviting them to send telegraphic memorials on the advisability of concluding peace. Strengthened by the expressed opinions of all the influential men of China and. pro- vided with unimpeachable credentials Li-Hung-chang started for his mission. On the 19th of March he reached Shimonoseki, the place chosen by Japan as the site of the peace conference. He was accompanied, by General Foster and Wu-Ting-fang, who had formed part of the First Embassy, and also by his adopted son Lord Li, a statesman who had resided in England, and who ' was specially qualified for the mission, having been for some years Chinese Minister at Tokio. The whole suite consisted of 132 persons, but there was no useless display of names and titles as on the preceding occasion : it was a serious mission which had come to transact business of the highest order. On the 20th of March the Viceroy landed, on the 21st a conference was held and the credentials ex- changed without any difficulty. The negotiations were proceeding with perfect smoothness, when one of those extraordinary incidents happened which seem contrived by an ironical Fate to defeat the expectations of men and to prove the vanity of all human foresight. On the 24th of March, as the THE SECOND PEACE EMBASSY. 325 Viceroy Li-Hung-chang was returning from the con- ference, a fanatic of the name of Koyama, approached his palanquin and fired a pistol at him, the bullet entering the left cheek beside the nose. The wound luckily was slight and caused no inconvenience, but the event caused a profound sensation and produced the most unexpected results, which from their deep seat in the recesses of the human heart have scarcely been recognised. Japan had striven hard to humble the arrogance of China, and had forced her foremost statesman in his old age to come as a suppliant for peace, and to her un- speakable shame his life was attempted on her soil. She had posed before the world, and spared no pains to shine by the valour of her soldiers, the skill of her generals and the humane treatment of the enemy's subjects and soldiers, and her unsullied record was broken by the senseless act of a miscreant. For the first time she felt humbled before her adversary. Government and people vied in their efforts to atone for the disgraceful act. The Governor of the town and the Chief of Police were dismissed for remissness in their duties ; the Emperor sent his physician to attend the wound ; the Empress prepared with her own hands bandages for the illustrious invalid ; more than 10,000 letters were sent in a week from all parts of Japan to Li-Hung-chang expressing their abhorrence of the act. Yet probably this abominable incident contributed largely to the re-establishment of cordial relations between the two 326 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. countries. It had a salutary effect upon Japan ; though she had kept singular composure amidst her victories, there was a danger she might become in- toxicated by such an uninterrupted series of successes of every nature ; Koyama acted the part of the slave that walked by the side of the victorious general in the Eoman Triumph. It also had a favourable effect on China ; the human heart is so strangely constituted that we are more inclined to forgive than to ask forgiveness, and China was flattered by finding Japan, at last, humbled before her, and she felt happy she could be generous. At the same time, all the Chinese belonging to the Embassy were surprised and deeply gratified by the spontaneous and universal manifesta- tions of regret of the Japanese nation. Swayed by such sentiments the two nations were led to feel esteem and sympathy for each other. It had also political effects of a very different nature. All the enemies of the aged Viceroy, all the snarling censors were ready to denounce him as a traitor to his country if he concluded a disadvantage- ous peace, but the edge was taken off their arguments when the old statesman returned with a bullet lodged in his skull. Li-Hung-chang behaved with courage and dignity ; he walked out of his palanquin without assistance, and when the bandages prepared by the Empress were shown to him, he took them up reverentially and said : "In truth the benevolence of Her Majesty the Empress of Japan is profound as the sea. When THE SECOND PEACE EMBASSY. 327 I return home and tell my Imperial Mistress what has been done for me, she will be very satisfied." The Japanese Government recognising that the Peace Negotiations were unavoidably delayed by the crime of Koyama, agreed to grant an armistice binding all the troops in Manchuria, Chihli and Shantung.* This armistice in the north was to last 21 days, from 30th of March to 20th of April. Li-Hung-chang was soon able to resume work, with the assistance of his son Lord Li, and on the 17th of April the treaty of peace between China and Japan was signed. The armistice was extended until the date for the exchange of ratifications, which was not to take place later than the 8th of May. Eatifi- cations were exchanged on that date at Chefoo, the place indicated in the Treaty of Peace, f * See Appendix J. t Appendix K contains the text of the treaty, and the negotiations that preceded it. 328 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. Conclusion. By the treaty of Shimonoseki, besides a large war indemnity, Japan was to receive Formosa, tlie Pesca- dores islands, and the Liao-tung peninsula, with the great naval stronghold of Port Arthur. This latter condition of the treaty was considered excessive by some of the European powers, who feared that the possession of such a formidable strategical position would enable Japan to exercise an undue influence at Peking. A coalition was formed by Russia, France, and Germany, who advised Japan, in the interests of the permanent peace of the Far East, to relinquish her claims on the Liao-tung peninsula. Japan con- sented to this proposal, showing to the world that the wisdom of her statesmen was equal to the skill of her generals. The European intervention caused much excitement in Japan, and there was some sharp censure of the ministers who yielded to its advice. Nothing could have been more unjust. A refusal to abandon the Liao-tung peninsula would have pro- bably brought on a terrible war, which, though it might have been very glorious for Japanese daring, would have sacrificed all the practical results of the war. Besides, there was no dishonour, even to the most punctilious patriotism, to yield a little to the CONCLUSION. 329 courteous remonstrances of the three greatest military powers of the world. This alliance, the most formid- able recorded in history (if we bear in mind the ■gigantic military developments of modern Europe), is the most flattering testimonial to the power of Japan in the Far East, and to the skill she displayed in the last war. It is a proof from the highest quarters that the China-Japan AVar is one of the most remarkable events of the century,/ and justifies the opinions expressed in the Introduction to this book. The wonderful military successes of Japan are of «uch a peculiar nature, and suggest such complex considerations, that a careful analysis is necessary. Since the capture of Constantinople in 1453, and the rise of the Osmanli power which threatened Christian Europe for over two centuries, until crushed at Lepanto and Vienna by John of Austria and Sobieski, the world has not witnessed the growth of military power in an Eastern people. Moreover, the power of the Japanese is of a far higher order than that of the Osmanli Turks ; the latter achieved their conquests by numbers and the courage of fanaticism, and were generally assisted by renegades in the skilled depart- ments of warfare ; the Japanese have conducted their military operations on scientific principles, and were not aided by a single European ofiicer. If we con- sider the accessories of warfare, the difi"erence excludes comparison ; while the conquests of the Osmanlis were marked by wholesale massacres and outrages of every kind, the Japanese have shown a humanity and 330 TEE GEINA-JAPAN WAB. moderation which would honour any Christian nation. Peaceful inhabitants were never ill-treated, and the ambulances and field hospitals extended the same treatment to the wounded of both sides. If we con- sider the numerical disparity of the two nations, we must look back to the conquests of Alexander and of the British in India to find an historical parallel, as there is little doubt that,- left to themselves, the Japanese could have conquered the whole Chinese Empire. There is another feature in the war which deserves attention : the whole invading force had to be trans'- ported by sea. In a few months Japan landed about 80,000 men on the enemy's coasts ; we must go back to the Punic wars to find a nation that has accom- plished such a mighty effort. Moreover, this was done with a fleet little, if at all, superior to the enemy's,, and with transport steamers mostly pur- chased during the war. Of course, the rapid successes of the Japanese must be discounted by the fact that the war was under- taken against an unwarlike people destitute of military organisation ; but it must be remembered that the a,bsence of any efficient military resistance was com- pensated by obstacles of another nature — the want of roads, difficult country, and the severe winter prevail- ing during the latter part of the campaign. These difficulties successfully and rapidly overcome by a nation carrying on the war across the sea, show that Japan possesses a very efficient military organisation, CONCLUSION. 331 and a commissariat which can provide against any emergency. The Japanese were not surprised at their success, and their only astonishment was that foreigners should ever have doubted the result. The war has been a revelation to the world of the po.wer of Japan, and has won for her universal recog- nition as a great civilised nation ; but those who have not watched closely this enterprising nation must bear in mind that her military development is only a part of the general national progress ; there are many other facts, less known, which are more important. / Japan has carried on an expensive war without the assistance of foreign loans, entirely with her own financial resources, and has bought in the few months the struggle lasted 120,000 tons of shipping ; the country did not feel the strain, and t;rade flourished. 1 Her manufactures are steadily improving, and there is hardly an article produced in Europe or America which cannot be made now in Japan. In science she is advancing rapidly ; an officer of her army has invented a rifle, and when the plague broke out at Hong Kong in 1894 Japanese experts were sent to make bacteriological studies on the disease ; during the war, Dr. Kikushi (Surgeon- in-cliief of the second army) discovered that the ashes, from burnt straw (a material easily procurable, and necessarily clean from the process it has undergone) could be advantageously substituted for the lime- bandages advocated in France for the treatment of wounds. 332 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. But far above all these material results must be placed the magnificent burst of earnest patriotism pervading all ranks of society which was occasioned by the war. The whole nation felt and acted like one man ; political parties, so violent in ordinary times, were silent during the war and all vied in self-sacrifice and patriotism. A country which has shown such sentimen ts possesses the chief ele ment of nationargreatness. "" The practical results of the war are very important for Japan : the Pescadores give her a fine strategical position, commanding maritime access to China, and the Island of Formosa, with its rich produce of tea, sugar and camphor, gives her a territorial increase which will greatly develop her trade. She now forms a splendid island empire stretching for nearly 30° of latitude up to Kamschatka, along the eastern shores of the Asiatic continent over which she is destined to exert great influence. The indemnity of 200 millions of taels * will increase the national capital, and under the skilful management of her financiers it will probably produce a commercial and industrial expansion which will astonish the world as much as her military successes. If-tke future of Japan .promises to be bright, it must be confessed that she deserves it. For the last — tiliFEy~years~the best part of the nation has been quietly but steadfastly studying and working to rise to the level of the foremost nations of the earth. * Over thirty million sterling. aONOLUSlON. 333 The youth of Japan have been exploring the whole world in search of everything which might contribute to the welfare and greatness of their country. Every steamer to Europe and America had Japanese pas- sengers of every class, all bent on study and self- improvement. No branch of human activity has been neglected, and each nation has had to yield its best knowledge to the acquisitive curiosity of the Japanese ; even Ceylon has been visited by Japanese zealous to improve their knowledge of Buddhism, During the last generation Japan has been like a vast bee-hive, whose inmates were busy everywhere, gathering the essence of the best they saw, and it is just they should now begin to enjoy the fruits of their industry. This phenomenon is not a new one in the history of Japan : in the past she assimilated the learning of China so thoroughly, that at present Chinese litera- ture is better cultivated in Japan than in the land of its origin. If the same success attends her present attempt to absorb the science and culture of Europe and America, Japan may become a crucible in which the knowledge accumulated by the secular experience of the East and the West will be fused and amalga- mated, giving forth as its product a new form of civilisation on a wider basis. The severe lesson of the war ought to produce a beneficial effect on China, but unfortunately there are no signs of it at present. The blow, materially, has been a very trifling one to the huge empire : the 334 'IllE CniNA-JAPAN WAH. loss of territory is insignificant, and the war indem- nity only appears large owing to the want of financial organisation in the country. If wc take the popula- tion of China at the lowest estimate, 200 millions, the indemnity amounts to less than -gV of what was paid by France in 1871 without its affecting her national prosperity. Though the wealth and re- sources of China are probably exaggerated, yet she can pay the sum without feeling any inconvenience. Her defeat has deejaly wounded her pride, but this should produce a healthy reaction and the resolution to reform her institutions and national life. Unless this resolution is carried oiit and China succeed in imitating the material progress of Japan, and most of all in adopting her civic and military virtues, her future looks very dark. ( 335 ) APPENDICES. APPENDIX A. Programme of Eefoems presented to the Corean Govern- ment BY the Japanese Minister Otori. I. — Reform in central and provincial governments and appointment of able officials. 1. To define clearly the duties of all officials. All domestic and foreign affairs are to be under the control of the Giseifu (administrative council), and at the heads of the departments are to be placed the six Sohausho (ministers) as hitherto. Palace officials are to be distinguished from administrative officials, and the former should under no circumstances be connected with national administrative affairs. 2. As diplomatic and commercial relations with foreign countries are of the greatest importance they should be dealt with circumspectly, and a responsible minister be entrusted with them. 3. Offices which are necessary to carry out administrative orders should be retained, but all sinecure offices should be abolished. Offices should be amalgamated to simplify matters as much as possible. 4. The present provincial districts are too numerous. They should be reduced in number so as to diminish expenses; but special care should be taken not to interfere with adminis- trative efficiency. 336 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. 5. All officials should have fixed duties. Only those whose offices are absolutely necessary should be retained, and superfluous officials should be dismissed. 6. Appointment through family descent, position, or prece- dent should be abolished, and all offices should be opened to talent. 7. Appointment by payment of money should be abolished, as it is liable to gross evils. 8. All officials' salaries should be clearly fixed at such sums as may enable them to live honestly. 9. The acceptance by officials of pecuniary and other bribes should be strictly prohibited by law. 10. Private trading by all officials of the central and provincial governments should be strictly prohibited by law. II. — To increase national wealth hy financial reorganisation. 11. The national revenue and expenditure should be ex- amined and clearly defined by a fixed system. 12. All affairs relating to public accounts should be strictly managed. 13. The monetary system should be immediately re- organised. 14. The agricultural products of the provincial divisions should be ascertained and the rate of taxation reformed. 15. All taxes should be reformed by law and new sources of revenue opened. 16. "Where expenditure is not absolutely necessary reduc- tions should be made, and where increase is necessary every effort should be made to meet it. 17. The government roads should be level and wide. Eailways should be constructed between Seoul and the treaty ' ports ; and there should be telegraphic communication with the cities, district offices, and garrisons, so as to increase the facilities of communication. 18. The business of the custom-houses at the treaty ports should be entirely managed by Corea, without any external interference. APPENDIX A. 337 III. — To reorganise law and law courts. 19. Such existing laws as are considered unsuitable to the times should be suspended or reformed, and new laws should be established to meet new requirements. 20. By reforming the law of judicial procedure the equity of the judiciary should be proved. IV. — By reorganising tlie army and police to suppress internal rebellion and maintain peace. 21. Military officers should be educated. 22. The present army and navy should be reformed, and as many corps in new style should be established as the national finances permit. 23. As the establishment of police is most necessary, police- stations should be set up in Seoul and other important towns, and strictly disciplined. V. — To fix the educational system. 24. The entire educational system should be appropriately reformed, and in every locality elementary schools established for the education of children. 25. After the establishment of elementary schools, middle schools and colleges should in the course of time be established when required. 26. The ablest among students should be sent abroad to study. 838, TEE CHINA-JAPAN WAS. APPENDIX B. Despatches between the Chinese and Japanese Govern- ments ON THE CoEEAN QUESTION BEFOEE THE COM- MENCEMENT OF Hostilities.' ' The subjoined official translations of the despatches laid by Count Ito before the House of Peers on the 19th of October werie given in the Japan Mail of 22nd of October, 1894. No. 1. Chinese Legation, Tokyo, the 3rd day,* the 5th month, the 20th year of Kwang-sv, {the 7th day, the Qth month, the 27th year of Meiji). Monsieur le Ministre, — I have the honour to inform your. Excellency that I am in receipt of a telegram from His Excellency Li, Superintendent of Commerce of the Pei-yang, to the effect that in the convention of the 11th year of Kwang-su (the 18th year of Meiji) between China and Japan it is provided that, should there arise in future the necessity on the part of China to despatch troops to Korea owing to the existence of any disturbance in that country, the fact shall be previously communicated to Japan, and that the troops shall be withdrawn at once on the cessation of the^ disturbance and none shall be left behind, and the telegram adds that a communication had been received from the- Korean Government containing the following statement : — The people in Zeura-do, who are vicious in habit, havings * 7th of June, 1894. APPENDIX B, 339 under the leaders of, the Togaku-to,* attacked and taken several towns and villages, proceeded northward- and took possession of Zenshu. The government troops which were despatched to suppress the revolt have not been successful. If this disturbance continues to spread and is allowed to exist for a long time much trouble may be given to China. When in the years 1882 and 1884 we suffered from internal commotions, the uprisings were in each case suppressed by the troops of China on our behalf. In accordance with those precedents we hereby present an earnest application for de- spatch of some troops to speedily quell the disturbance. As soon as the revolt is quelled we will request the withdrawal of the troops and shall not ask for their longer detention, so that they may not suffer the hardships of being abroad for a long period. The telegram further states that the application upon examination is found to be urgent both in words and in fact, and that it is in harmony with our constant practice to protect our tributary states by sending our troops to assist them. These circumstances were accordingly submitted to His Imperial Majesty, and, in obedience to his will, Greneral Yeh, commander of troops in Chihli, has been ordered to proceed at once to Zeura and Chinsei in Korea with selected troops, and to speedily suppress the disturbance in such nianner as he may deem most convenient in order to restore the peace of our tributary state, and to dispel the anxiety of the subjects of every nation residing in,' Korea for commercial purposes, and at the same time the general is commanded to return with the troops as soon as the desired object is attained.' The telegram finally declares that His Excellency, the minister to Jajtan, is required to make comtnunicatioh' in pursuance of the Said convention and is telegraphed to that gffect,.aiid,i8 arQCordingly instructed to at once communicate the matter to the Japanese Foreign Ofi&ce. In making, therefore, the foregoing communication to Ycur * "The Tong-hak party. z 2 340 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. Excellency I avail myself to renew to you the assurances of my highest consideration. (Signed) Wang. His Excellency Monsieur Mutsu, H. I. J. M.'s Minister for Foreign Affairs. No. 2. Department of Foreign Affairs, Tokyo, the 1th day,* the, Qth month, the 21 th year of Meiji. Monsieur le Ministre, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's note of to-day, acquainting me, in accordance with the provision of the convention of the 18th day t of the 4th month of the 18th year of Meiji between our two Governments, that your Government have despatched troops to Korea. In reply, I beg to declare that although the words " tribu- tary" state appear in your note, the Imperial Government have never recognised Korea as a tributary state of China. I avail myself, &c., &c. (Signed) Mutsu Munemitsu, Minister for Foreign Affairs. His Excellency Monsieur Wang, H. I. 0. M.'s E. E. and M. P. No. 3. Japanese Legation, Peking, the 1th day,X the 6th month, the 2lth year of Meiji. Messieurs le Prince et les Ministres, — In pursuance of instructions which I have just received from His Imperial Majesty's Government I have the honour, in accordance * 7th of June, 1894. t 18th of April, 1885. % 7th of June, 1894. APPENDIX B. 341 with the provision of the Convention of the 18th day of the 4th month of the 18th year of Meiji between our two Governments, to acquaint Your Highness and Your Excel- lencies, that owing to the existence of a disturbance of a grave nature in Ko8la necessitating the presence of Japanese troops there, it is the intention of the Imperial Government to send a body of Japanese troops to that country. I avail myself, &c. (Signed) Komuka Yatako, H. I. J. M.'s Charge d' Affaires. His Highness and Their Excellencies of the Tsung-li Yamen.* No. 4. Tswngli Yamen, the 6th day,^ the 5th month, the 2Qth year of Kwang sii {the 9th day, the 6th month, the 27th year of Meiji). Monsieur le Charge d' Affaires, — We have the honour to . acknowledge the receipt of your note under date of the 4th instant (the 7th day the 6th month of the Japanese Calendar) informing us that you have been instructed by your Govern- ment to acquaint us, in accordance with the provision of the Convention between the two countries, that owing to the existence of a disturbance of a grave nature in Korea^ Japanese troops will be despatched to that country. Our country has despatched troops to Korea in compliance with an -application -from that country, for the purpose of assisting her to suppress the insurgents, and the measure is in accordance with the praetine hitherto pursued by our country, in protecting tributary states. Besides, the sole ■object being the suppression of the insurgents in the interior, the troops are to be withdrawn as soon as that object is attained. Although the condition of Jinsen and Fusan is * Chinese Foreign Office, t 9th of June, 1894. 842 THE GEINA-JAPAN WAR, at present qiiiet and peaceful, our war vessels' will be for a while stationed there for the protection of commerce carried on at those ports. The sole object of your country in sending troops is evidently to protect the Legation, Consulates, and com- mercial people in Korea, and consequently it may not be necessary on the part of your country to despatch a great number of troops, and besides, as no application therefore has been oiade by Korea, it is requested that no troops shall prqceed to the interior of Korea, so that they may not cause alarm to her people. And moreover, since it is feared that in the event the soldiers of the two nations should meet on the way, cases of unexpected accident might occur, owing to the difference of language and military etiquette, we beg to request in addition that you will be good enough to telegraph the purport of this communication to the Government of Japan. Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances, &o., &e., &c., , . . ■ , ; Eresident and Members-of Tsung^li Yamen: Ys Komura, Esq., H. I. J. M.'s.Chargf d'Affaires. No. 5. Japanese Legation, Peking, tlie 12th day,* tJie 6th month, tJie 27th year of Meyi. Messieurs le Prince et les Ministres, — Having received your note under date of the 9th instant, acquainting me that the despatching of troops to Korea is in accordance with the practice hitherto pursued by China in protecting her tribu- tary states, and that no necessity exists on the part of Japan, to send a large number of troops there, and requesting that tho9Q troops shall not be sent to the interior of Korea, I did not fail to at once communicate by telegram the purport of * 12 th of Jun^,, 1894; . ' • APPENDIX B. ®43 -thatnote to my Governmeiit, and I have now the honour to iinforin Your Highness and Excellencies that I am in receipt of a reply by telegram to the following effect : — The Imperial Japanese Government have never recognised Xorea as .a tributary state of China. Japan despatched her troops in virtue of the Chemulpo Convention, and in so •doing she has followed the procedure laid down in the Treaty of Tientsin. As to the number of troops, the Japanese 'Government are compelled to exercise their own judgment. Although no restriction is placed upon the movement of the ■Japanese troops in Korea, they will not be sent where their presence is not deemed necessary. The Japanese troops are Tinder strict discipline, and the Japanese Government are confident that they will not precipitate a collision with the •Chinese forces. It is hoped that China has adopted similar precautions. I avail myself, &c., &c., &c. (Signed) Komuea, H. I. J. M.'s Charge d' Affaires. His Highness and Their Excellencies of the Tsung-li-Yamen. ]Sro. 6. i J)e'partment of Foreign Affairs — Tokyo, the VI th day* the ^h month, 21th year of Meiji. Monsieur le Ministre, — I have the honour to> inform Your .Excellency that the following is a resume of the proposals made iu my interview with you yesterday to your Goviern- ment on behalf of the Imperial Government in respect Qf the present events in Korea as well as with a view to the Adjustment of her affairs in future: — As to the present ..events, Japan and China to unite their efforts fop the speedy isuppression of the disturbance of her insurgent- people. .After the suppression of the; disturbance, Japan and' China, * 17th of June, 1894. S44 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. with a view to the improvement of the internal administra- tion of Korea, to respectively send a number of Commissioners charged with the duty of investigating measures of improve- ment, in the first place on the following general points :— {a) Examination of the financial administration. (&) Selection of the Central and Local Officials. (c) Establishment of an army necessary for national defence in order to preserve the peace of the land. In making the foregoing communication, I avaU myself, &c., &c., &c. (Signed) Mutsu Munemitsu, Minister for Foreign Affairs. His Excellency Monsieur Wang, H. I. C. M.'s E. E. and M. P. No. 7. Chinese Legation, Tokyo, the IWi day* the 5th month, the 20th year of Kwangsu {the 22nd day, the 6th month, of the 27th year of Meiji). Monsieur le Ministre, — I have the honour to inform Your Excellency that I am in receipt of a telegram from my Government to the effect that having carefully considered the proposal made by your Government in respect to the events in Korea and the adjustment of her affairs in future, the Chinese Government would reply as follows : — As the disturbance in Korea has already been suppressed, it is no longer essential to trouble the Chinese forces oa Korea's behalf, and therefore no necessity -exists to consider the proposition that our two countries shall co-operate in suppressing the disturbance. In regard to the adjustment of Korean affairs in future, the idea may be excellent, but the measures of improvement must be left to Korea herself. Even China herseK would * 22nd of June, 1894. APFENDIX B. 345 not interfere with the internal administration of Korea, and Japan having from the very first recognised the indepen- dence of Korea can not have the right to interfere with the- same. As to the withdrawal of troops from Korea after the sup- pression of the disturbance, provision on that subject exists- in the Treaty of 1885, concluded between the two countries, and therefore it is not required to discuss the matter over again on this occcasion. The above has already been communicated to Your Ex- cellency in our, interview, and in now repeating it for your- further consideration, I avail myself, &c., &c., &c. (Signed) "Wang, H. I. C. M.'s E. E. and M. P. His Excellency Monsieur Mutsu, H. I. J. M.'s Minister for Eoreign Affairs. No. 8. Department of Foreign Affairs, Tokyo, the 22nd day,* the 6th month, the 27th year of Meiji. Monsieur le Ministre, — I have the honour to acknowledge- the receipt of Your Excellency's note of the 22nd inst., in. which Your Excellency, in pursuance of instructions from the Imperial Chinese Government, rejects the proposals advanced by His Imperial Majesty's Government for the tranquillisation and amelioration of Korea. The Imperial Government, much to their regret, find it impossible to share the hopeful views entertained by Your Excellency's Government regarding the actual situation in Korea at the present time. Sad experience teaches us that the Peninsular Kingdom is the theatre of political intrigues and civil revolts and dis- turbances of such frequent recurrence as to justify the * 22nd of June, 1894. 5346 THE CBINA-JAPAN WAR. ■conclusion that the Government of that country is lacking in -some of the elements which are essential to responsible independence. The interests of Japan in Korea, arising from propinquity -as well as commerce, are too important and far-reaching to : allow her to view with indifference the deplorable condition ;of affairs in that kingdom. In-., this situation an attitude of unconcern on the part of Japan would not only be a denial of the sentiments of -friendship and good correspondence which the Imperial Government entertain for Korea, but it wo^ild be a censur- able disregard of the law of self-preservation. The necessity for the adoption of measures looking to the peace and tranquillity of Korea is, for the reasons already given, a demand which the Imperial Government cannot permit to pass unheeded, for so long as those measures are ■delayed so long will the cause of the disorder exist. In the estimation of the Imperial Government, therefore, the withdrawal of their forces should be consequent upon the ■establishment of some understanding that will serve to guarantee the future peace, order, and good government of the country. That course of action is moreover, it seems to His Imperial Majesty's Government, not only in perfect Iiarmony with the spirit of the Tientsin Convention, but it ;accords with the dictates of reasonable precaution. Should the Government of China continue to hold views ^antagonistic to those which I have frankly and in good faith presented to Your Excellency, it cannot be expected that the Imperial Government will under the circumstances feel at liberty to sanction the present retirement of their troops from Korea. I avail myself, &c., &c., &c., (Signed) Mutstj Munemitsu, Minister for Foreign Affairs. His Excellency Monsieur Wang, H. L C. M.'s E. E. and M. P. -4PPENBIX B. , • ;347 No. 9. ' ■ ' ■Japanese Legation, Peking, the 14 from thence it coincides with that parallel of latitude to the- westward as far as 122° longitude east of Greenwich, and from that point of intersection it follows the same meridian of longitude southward to the coast of the Bay of Liaotung, where it terminates. This cession includes all Islands appertaining or belonging to the province of Shengking situated in the eastern portion of the Bay of Liaotung and in the northern part of the Yellow Sea. (6.) The Island of Formosa, together with all Islands adjacent or belonging to the said Island of Formosa. (c.) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all Islands lying- between 119° and 120° longitude east of Greenwich, and 23" and 24° north latitude. Article III. — The alignments of the frontiers described in the preceding Article and shown on the annexed map, shall be subject to -verification and demarcation on the spot by a Joint Commission of Delimitation consisting of two or more Japanese and two or more Chinese Delegates, to be appointed immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act. In case the boundaries laid down in this Act are found to be defective at any point, either on account of topography or in consideration of good administration, it shall also be the duty of the Delimitation Commissioners to rectify the same. The Delimitation Commission will enter upon its duties as soon as possible, and will bring its labours to a conclusion within the period of one year after appointment. The alignments laid down in this Act shall, however, be maintained until the ratifications of the Delimitation Com- mission,' if any are made, shall have received the approval of the Governments of Japan and China. Article IV. — China agrees to pay to Japan as a war in- APPENDIX K. 407 demnity the sum of 300,000,000- Kuping taels. The said sum to be paid in five instalments ; the first instalment being 100,000,000 taels, and the four remaining instalments .being 50,000,000 each. The first instalment is to be paid within six months after the exchange of ratifications of this Act, and the four remaining instalments are to be respec- tively paid on or before the same date of the four succeeding years. Interest at the rate of 5 "per cent, per annum shall begin to run on all unpaid portions of the said indemnity from the date the first instalment falls due. Article V. — The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who wish to take up their residence outside the ceded districts shall .be at liberty to sell their real property audi retire. For this purpose a period of two years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of tlie present Act shall be granted. At the expiration of that period those of the- -inhabitants who shall not have left such territories shall, at at the option of Japan, be deemed to be Japanese subjects. Article VI. — All treaties between Japan and China having; come to an end in consequence of war, China engages imme- diately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act to- appoint Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese Plenipotentiaries a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation and -a Convention to regulate Frontier Intercourse and Trade. The Treaties, Conventions and Eegulations now subsisting between China and European Powers shall serve as a basis for the said Treaty and Convention between Japan and China. From the date of the exchange of the ratification of this Act until the said Treaty and Convention are brought into actual operation the Japanese Government, its officials, commerce, navigation, frontier intercourse and trade, industries, ships and subjects shall in every respect be accorded by China most favoured nation treatment. China makes in addition the following concessions, to take effect six months after date of the present Act : 1st.— The following cities, towns and ports, in addition to 408 THE CEINA-JAPAN WAR. those already opened, are opened to the trade, residence, industries and manufactures of Japanese subjects, under the same conditions and with the same privileges and facilities as exist at the present open cities, towns and ports of China : 1. — Peking. 2. — Shasliih in the province of Hupeh. 3. — Siangtan in the province of Hunan. 4. — Chungking in the province of Szechuen. 5. — Wuchow in the province of Kuangsi. 6. — Soochow in the province of Kiangsu. 7. — Hangohow in the province of Chekiang. The Japanese Government shall have the right to station Consuls at any or all the above-named places, 2nd. — Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese flag for the conveyance of passengers and cargo shall be extended to the following places : 1. — On the Upper Yangtsze Eiver from Ichang to Chung- king. 2. — On the Siang Eiver and Lake Tungting from the Yangtsze Eiver to Siangtan. 3. — On the West Eiver from Canton to Wuchow. 4.^0n the Woo'sung Eiver and the Canal from Shanghai to Soochow and Hangchow. The Eules and Eegulations which now govern the naviga- tion of the inland waters of China by foreign vessels shall, so far as applicable, be enforced in respect of the above- named routes, until new Eules and Eegulations are conjointly agreed to. 3rd. — All goods imported into China by Japanese subjects, upon the payment, either at the time of entry or subsequently at the option of the importer or owner, of a commutation tax or duty of two per cent, upon the original cost, shall there- after in every part of China, be exempt from all taxes, imposts, duties, charges and exactions of whatever nature or under whatever denomination levied in the name or for the profit of the Government, public functionaries, private in- APPENDIX K. 409 dividuals, corporations or establislimeiits of any kind. In like manner and to the same extent, but without the payment of any commutation tax or duty whatever, an equal immunity from every kind of taxation shall be accorded by China in respect of all Chinese goods and produce purchased in China by Japanese subjects and declared to be for export, such immunity from taxation shall exist, from the date of such declaration up to the time of actual exportation. All Chinese goods and produce intended for home consumption, when conveyed in Japanese vessels from one open port to another open port in China, shall, upon the payment of the coasting trade dues existing at this time, be in the same manner and to the same extent, exempt, during the whole process of such conveyance, from all kinds of taxation, including import and export duties. It is, however, understood that the foregoing stipulations do not in anywise affect any arrangement for the time being in force regarding the taxation of imported opium. 4th. — Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in the interior of China or transporting imported merchandise into the interior of China, shall have the right temporarily to rent or hire warehouses for the storage of the articles so purchased or transported, without the payment of any taxes or exactions whatever and without the interference of any Chinese of&cials. 5th. — The Kuping tael shall be taken to be the tael in which all taxes, duties and fees are payable by Japanese subjects in China, and all such taxes, duties and fees may be paid in standard Japanese silver yen at their face or repre- sentative value. 6th. — Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all kinds of manufacturing industries in China, and shall be at liberty 'to import into China all kinds of machinery, paying only the stipulated import duties thereon. All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects in China shall in respect of inland transit and internal taxes, duties, charges and exactions of all kinds, and also in respect of 410 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. warehousing and storage facilities in the interior of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy the same privileges and exemptions as merchandise imported by Japanese, subjects into China. 7th. — China engages to at once proceed under the advice of experts to remove the Woosung bar at the mouth of the Huangpu Eiver in such a manner as to maintain constantly a clear channel of at least twenty feet in depth at low water. In the event of additional Eules and Eegulations being necessary in connection with these concessions, they shall be , embodied in the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation provided for by this Article. Article VII. — Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding Article, the evacuation of China by the armies of Japan shall be completely effected within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act. Article VIII. — As a guarantee of the faithful perform- ance of the stipulations of this Act, China consents to the ' temporary occupation by the military forces of Japan of the following places : Fengtienfu (Moukden) in the province of Shengking. Weihaiwei in the province of Shantung. Fengtienfu shall be evacuated by Japan upon the payment of the first two instalments of the war indemnity herein stipulated for, and Wei-hai-wei shall be evacuated upon the payment of the final instalment of said indemnity. It is however expressly understood that no evacuation shall take place until after the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation. All expenses connected with this temporary occupation shall be defrayed by China. Article IX. — Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifi- cations of this Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be restored, and China undertakes not to ill-treat or punish prisoners of war so restored to her by Japan. China also engages to at onCe release all Japanese subjects accused of APPENDIX K. 411 being military spies or charged with any other militaiy offences. China further engages not to punish in any manner nor to allow to be punished those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been compromised in their relations with the Japanese army during the war. Article X. — All offensive military operations shall cease upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act. Article XI. — The present Act shall be ratified by their Majesties tlie Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of China, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at on the day of the month of the 28th year of Meiji, corresponding to In Witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms. Done at Shimonoseld in duplicate, this day of the month of the 28th year of Meiji, corresponding to China's Reply. Shimonoseki, 5'h April, 1895. In the brief time agreed upon within which I was to make my examination and reply to the draft of Treaty proposed by Their Excellencies the Japanese Plenipotentiaries, I have given to the important subject the most earnest study and care which it has been possible to devote to it, in view of the physical disability under which, unfortunately for my country, I am now suffering. If, therefore, this memorandum should not be as complete as might be desired, I can only plead these causes in excuse, and trust that within a few days I shall be able to answer fully and specifically all. the points desired by the Japanese Plenipotentiaries.. Without taking up every Article in detail, I have sought to group together my views under the four important ques- tions involved in the negotiations and embraced in the draft 412 IHE CHINA-JAPAN WAB. of Treaty, namely ; 1st, Corea ; 2nd, Cession of Territorj- ■ 3rd, Indemnity ; and 4th, Commercial Privileges. 1. — Corea. The Chinese Government some months ago indicated its willingness to recognise the full and complete independence and guarantee the complete neutrality of Corea, and is ready to insert such a stipulation in the Treaty; but in due reciprocity, such stipulation should likewise be made by Japan. Hence the Article will require to be modified in this respect. 2. — Cession of Territory. The preamble to the proposed draft of Treaty sets forth that the object of making it is " to remove all cause for future complications." But this Article, in place of promoting that object, contains provisions which, if insisted upon and enforced, will be the sure and fruitful source of complications which may be transmitted through many generations. It is the duty of the Plenipotentiaries *of the two Govern- ments, and it is a part of wise statesmanship, to negotiate such a peace as will make true friends and allies of these two great nations of the Orient, who are and must remain neighbours, and who have in common so many things in their history, literature, art and commerce. Territory long held by a nation, through many centuries and dynasties, becomes a priceless heritage. Nothing will so arouse the indignation of the people of China and create in them a spirit of undying hostility and hatred, as to wrest from their country important portions of their territory. This will be especially the case with that portion of territory described in clause (a) of this Article, because it gives Japan a foothold and base for military and naval operations within easy reach of and constantly threatening the capital of the empire, and because it takes from the present dynasty of. China a portion of its ancient possessions. APPENDIX K. 413 In this clause China hears Japan saying : " I am going to be . your ever-threatening and undying enemy, with my army and navy ready to pounce down upon your capital when it suits me ; and I propose to humiliate your Emperor by taking from him a valuable portion of his ancestors' home." It further means a line of fortifications along the whole co-terminus frontier ; large standing armies and navies near at hand at great expense to both nations, and constant danger from frontier broils and from the lawless on both sides of the dividing line. Japan, in inaugurating the war, announced her object to be to secure the complete independence of Corea, and her diplomatic ministers in Europe and America declared that it was not the purpose of their Government to wage a war of conquest. If if should be consistent with these declarations, it is entirely possible to so modify Article II. and other Articles to be specified, as to make a lasting peace and one which will in the future make the two great peoples of the East sincere friends, and thus stand as an immovable bulwark against the encroachments of the hostile nations. But if a peace is to be exacted by Japan through the successful fortunes of war, which will necessarily awaken in the Chinese people a spirit Of hostility and revenge, it may well be antici- pated that both nations, without any bond of sympathy or interest, will fall a prey to outside enemies. 3. — Indemnity. China does not think it is just to require her to pay an indemnity for the expenses of a war in which she does not regard herself as the aggressor, and during which she has not invaded Japanese territory ; hence it seems illogical for China to pay an indemnity. But in view of the fact that my Government, desiring to bring the unfortunate war to a close, so as to relieve the people from suffering, in October last promised through the American Minister to pay indemnity, and in vievf of the further fact that' an indemnity was one of 414 THE OHINA-JAPAJ^ WAS. the conditions mentioned among the terms announced by- Japan, on the 17th of February last, through the Minister of the United States in Peking, I am prepared to insert in the Treaty a provision for a reasonable indemnity. In the first place, it is to be noted that Japan stated the object of the war was to secure the complete independence of Corea. On November 22nd of last year it was announced to the foreign Governments that China was ready to acknow- ledge the independence of Corea; and the expenses of the war beyond that time ought not to be included in the indemnity. In requiring an indemnity of China it should not be" fixed at a sum beyond her ability to pay, as her failure to pay would be held by Japan to be a violation of the Treaty, and might lead to a renewal of the war. The amount demanded is beyond the ability of China to pay under her present system of taxation. To increase the internal or domestic taxes at this time would lead to great discontent, and pro- bably to insurrection, especially when added to the dissatis- faction of the people with the Emperor and his Government for making what they will style a humiliating and dishonour- able peace. The Customs tariff on imports and exports cannot be increased, because of treaties with foreign Govern- ments, which require ten years' notice and the unanimous consent of the Governments concerned. This latter source of revenue is the only available fund which can be hypothecated or pledged to bankers or capitalists in negotiating foreign loans. It is already so fully pledged for war loans that only a part of it can be made available for a loan to pay off the indemnity. From a statement prepared by theCoinmissioner of Foreign Customs at Shanghai, on the 1st of March last, it appears that the Customs revenues of China were on that date pledged for the payment of war loans, in 1895, of Haikuan taels 3,937,420 ; in 1896, of Hk. taels 6,281,620; in 1897, of Hk. taels 5,142,238; and that upon these war loans it will be necessary within twenty APPENDIX K. 415 years to pay Hk. taels 78,017,103 out of the Customs revenues. It is to be noted that since the 1st of March the amount of these loans has been considerably increased. The credit of the Chinese Government and its ability to negotiate a loan have been greatly injured by the war. It has been compelled to pay 7 and even 8J per cent, interest, and the lowest rate it has obtained abroad (and that for small sums only) was 6 per cent., with a heavy discount on the face value of the bonds. It is claimed by prominent and ex- perienced bankers that the best rate which can be obtained at the conclusion of peace is 6^ to 7 per cent, on the full value of the bonds. The average annual total revenue received from Chinese Customs, including transit dues and opium likin, from 1890 to 1893 inclusive, amounts to Hk. taels 22,548,150 ; and of this sum it has heretofore been customary to pay over to the provincial authorities six-tenths. If this important sum of ready cash is diverted to pay the indemnity, new taxation will have to be imposed in the provinces, and the people would complain. If a foreign loan is sought to be made to meet the indemnity asked by Japan, it would require in principal and interest, at GJ per cent., if redeemable in twenty years, the enormous sum of Ha. taels 690,000,000, an amount entirely beyond the possibility of the Chinese Government to negotiate, and beyond its ability to meet by taxation. This will be apparent to any one at all acquainted with Chiaese revenues, when it is remembered that the indemnity to Japan is not the only financial burden which has been brought upon China by the war, and which must be imme- diately provided for. As already mentioned, the terms of peace when made known will cause the present dynasty and the Government to become unpopular with many of the Chinese people, and local discontent and disorder may be expected. Besides, there have been called into the field large numbers of raw and undisciplined troops, which with the conclusion of peace must be disbanded, and there is great 416 THE QEINA-JAPAN WAR. danger that they will commit acts of robbery and lawlessness which will seriously tax the Government to suppress. The energies of the Government will be tried to the utmost to preserve the peace, and without peace and order it will be impossible to raise even the usual revenues. It will, there- fore, become necessary, in order to preserve internal tran- quillity, to organise and equip an army according to modern methods of warfare, and to rebuild the navy which has been practically destroyed by the war. These will require large and immediate expenditures of money, but it will be impos- sible to raise the money for these purposes if this heavy indemnity is to be paid. The Government is contemplating various reforms and improvements in the country, but all these will be paralysed if Japan does not largely reduce her demand. The indemnity is termed in the draft the proposed treaty " a war indemnity," which it is supposed means an indemnity to pay the expenses incurred by Japan in the prosecution of the war. But if that is the case, I think the Japanese Pleni- potentiaries must admit that the sum demanded is largely in excess of that amount. It is not possible for one not pos- sessed of the official details to know the exact amount of the war expenses of Japan up to the present time, but there are certain official and public data and statements which would seem to fix the limits within which that sum may be approxi- mately estimated, and the Japanese Plenipotentiaries wiU be able to confirm or correct it. It is understood that there was in the Public Treasury of Japan," at the opening of the war, about 30,000,000 yen. How much of this sum was used for war purposes is not known to the public, but it may be assumed that aU of it was appropriated for that purpose. Soon after the opening of hostilities a war loan of 150,000,000 yen was axithorised. According to the report in the public press of Japan, the Prime Minister, His Excellency Count Ito, made a speech in the Lower Hous^ of the Japanese Parliament on the 20th of February last, in which after referring to the APPENDIX K. 417 failure of negotiations at Hiroshima early in that month, he used this language : " Prom the subsequent state of the war and under the present circumstances it is difficult to tell when peace will be restored, and it is not improbable that the ■ war fund may become insufficient." He thereupon asked the Parliament to authorise an additional war loan to meet the emergency of a considerable prolongation of the war. It seems fair to infer from this speech that the first war loan had not been exhausted and would not be unless the war was continued for some time. The Japanese vernacular newspapers, in referring to this speech and the action of the Parliament on the subject, stated that " the actual need of the fund will be some time in June or July next, and, the Government is said to have submitted it to the Diet, not because the money is in urgent need, but because the Diet is just now sitting." (See Asahi, quoted in the Yokohama Gazette, February 23rd) ; and the following, " of the first war loan there remains 50,000,000 yen to be raised, and of the 80,000,000 already floated a considerable sum was still to be paid up." (See Kokumin,. as quoted in the Japan Mail of February 23rd.) In addition account is to be taken of some popular contributions. But if these statements are to be accepted as approximately correct, it would seem reasonable to believe that the total money expenditure of Japan in the war up to the present time does not exceed 150,000,000 yen. In estimating the war expenditure of Japan, it should not be forgotten that victory has given that country many valu- able spoils of war, such as the captured naval vessels and the large amount of military material and supplies, which should fairly be deducted in fixing the gross amount of the indemnity. To charge China with interest on the deferred payments of the indemnity is an onerous and unreasonable provision, and becomes doubly so when the enormous amount demanded is considered. 2 E 418 TEE CEINA-JAPAN WAR. 4. — Commercial Privileges. ' In the very brief time allowed for an examin£ttion an(} reply to the Treaty draft, it has not been possible to study- fully the complex and detailed questions to which the com- mercial' privileges and stipulations asked for give rise'. The- following must be taken as merely an expression of views- and full reservation is mad6 to add to or correct them here- after. It is hoped, howeirer, that the following statement may aid the Japanese Pleiiipotentiaries in understanding some of the clauses to which China is disposed to agree and some respecting which modifications will be asked. "War having suspended the operation of the late Commercial Treaty, a new agreement is recognised by China as necessary,, and she is ready to accept the existing treaties with Foreign Powers as the basis of negotiations ; it will require, however,, in due reciprocity that a stipulation be added to the intro- ductory paragraph of the Article, granting favoured natiom treatment to China in Japan. Eeply is for the present reserved on the 1st and •2nd clauses.. The 3rd clause provides for a reduction of the transit dues- on Japanese imported goods to two per cent., or a practical decrease of one-half of one per cent. ; and it is proposed to abolish altogether the existing transit dues on-goods exported. When it is remembered that this same Treaty contains an ..Article demanding of China the payment of an indemnity beyond her present power to make, it seems most inappro- priate to ask China to give up any of her existing sources of revenue. Eather ought Japan, in view of what has been stated respecting the Customs revenues, to agree to an increase of that tariff. At the same time that Japan is negotiating with Foreign Powers to secure an increase of her own tariff,, it is hardly consistent to demand of China a reduction of her already low tariff. The effect or object of the 3rd clause appears to be to- exempt foreign goods from any dues or likin tax whatever APPENDIX K. 419 after they had passed out of the hands of the importer or foreign owner. This is a subject which has been often con- sidered with foreign diplomatic representatives at Peking, and the fairness of such a claim has never been shown. There is no Government which more jealously guards its commercial privileges than Great Britain, and her subjects engaged in the Chinese trade have often moved her Ministers to secure relief from the likin tax, but without success. Lord Elgin, who accompanied the British army to Peking, and exacted from China after the occupation all the commercial. privil^ea which he deemed just on the part of the victor, rejected the claim as now proposed and said he " did not see his way clear to further protection of imports against taxation once they have passed into the hands of a Chinese purchaser." (British Government Blue-book on Eevision of Treaty of Tientsin, 1871, p. 443.) The British Board of Trade, having official supervision of foreign commerce, examined this subject at the request of the British Office of Foreign Affairs, and decided that " to insure the sale of the (imported) goods to their -ultimate consumer with no enhancement of cost derived from taxation . . . . is a view which cannot be entertained by Her Majesty's Government. There is nothing in the Treaty which appears to my Lords to justify such a sweeping demand, and in view of the internal taxation to which native goods are subject in China, it would be in their opinion both unjust and inexpedient to enforce such a demand, even if it were warranted by the terms of Treaty stipulations " (lb. p. 347). Sir Thomas Wade, so familiar with Chinese trade, and so long the able representative of Her Majesty's interests at Peking, said the likin tax " is not in its nature more open to objection than our income tax, nor, indeed, to any extraordinary tax by which a State short of money may recruit its finances." And again, referring to the abuse to which the privilege asked for in the 3rd clause would give rise, he said, " it is hard enough on the Provincial Governments that they must give up their tolls on goods that are foreign-owned; but it will 2 E 2 420 TEE GEINA-JAPAN WAS. be harder still if Chinese, armed with foreigners' certificates, are to carry Chinese-owned goods toll free from one end of the Empire to the other " (lb. pp. 444 and 447). In view of these declarations, so well founded in justice and propriety, I feel sure the Japanese Plenipotentiaries will be willing to modify their proposition so as to secure the protection of imported goods only so long as they remain in the possession of the foreign owner. This will be secured by granting to 'Sflrpan favoured nation treatment, and Japan should be satisfied with that. It may be rerharked on the 4th clause that, laying aside for the present the consideration of the justice of this claim, its prudence may be seriously questioned. To allow foreign merchants .to temporarily establish themselves at great dis- tances from the treaty ports, beyond the protection and con- trol of their Consuls, would seem to be inconsistent with the practice of extra-territoriality, and greatly embarrassing to the Chinese authorities. Sir Thomas Wade, in discussing a similar proposition presented by British merchants, said : " I am decidedly against any sweeping demand with reference to it. . . . "We are bound to ask nothing from her (Cliina) except when we see our way to a fair provision for the con- trol of the extra- territorialised foreigner." And again, "if -our merchants are to congregate in any number in a Chinese town or suburb inland, I shall be much mistaken if we do not soon find the necessity of a land concession forced upon us" (lb.. pp. 435 and 449). The 6th clause refers to the privilege of importing machinery into China to convert Chinese raw materials into manu- faetaiised goods, a question which has been much discussed with the Diplomatic Corps at Peking, and which has been settled against the privileges asked for in this clause. The prohibition of foreigners from engaging in China in manu- facturing industries has been one of long standing and in which Foreign Governments have acquiesced, as a prohibi- tion which properly belongs to the sovereignty and indepen- APPENDIX K. 421 dence of a nation. To allow foreigners to enter" arid establisli factories for converting the natural products into manufac- tured goods would tend to destroy the livelihood of the Chinese and work -a serious injury to native industries which it is the duty of the Government to protect. The regulation is one which has been in existence for many years, and one which has been adopted by other nations, and should not now be abolished. The provision inserted in the 6th clause exempting all articles manufactured by Japanese in China from all internal taxation is most objectionable and unduly discriminating. Besides, if these privileges are granted to Japanese subjects, they must necessarily be extended to all nations which have treaties with China, and the ruin of the-, native industries would be swift and certain. The provisions contained in Article VIII., making the evacuation of the places named therein dependent upon the^ conclusion of the Treaty of Commerce provided for in Article VI., seems an unnecessary and unreasonable provi- sion. By the terms of the latter Article Japan is at once- guaranteed the most favoured nation treatment, and thereby placed on an equality in respect to commerce with ali competitors. The foregoing embraces a review of all the important and essential provisions contained in the draft of Treaty sub- mitted for my consideration, and to which I have made as frank and as complete a reply as has been possible under the circumstances. A few Articles of minor importance or of mere detail have not been noticed, biit it is believed that if an accord should happily be reached on the four questions above discussed, the Articles not treated of may be arranged' in -due time. I trust I may be pardoned for saying that I have served my country for half a century, and it may be that I am', nearing the end of my days. This mission is probably the? last important service I will be permitted to render my: Sovereign and his subjects. It is my sincere desire and my 422 THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR. highest ambition to reach such, a conclusion of our negotia- tions as will bring lasting peace and friendship to the people anid Governments which we represent. We should listen to the voice of reason ; we should be so ooritrolled by the highest principles of statesmanship as to safeguard the interests and the future welfare of these. two great peoples, whose destinies and happiness for many gene- rations are now in our hands. i It matters little to Japan, in this time of her abounding prosperity and greatness and in the abundance of able men, whether she to-day receives a larger or smaller indeninity, or whether she enlarges her boundaries by the annexation of a greater or smaller portion of the territory now within the reach of her armies ; but it is a matter of vast moment to her future greatness and the happiness of her people, whether or not by the negotiations now in. hand her Plenipotentiaries make of the Chinese nation firm friends and allies or invete- rate foes. As their representative I stand ready to join hands with Their Excellencies the Plenipotentiaries of Japan, in making such a peace as will leave no seeds of enmity to spring up and curse us in future generations, and such a peace as will bring honour to us and blessing and enduring friendship to the two great nations of the Orient. Ll HUNG-CHANG, Ambassador plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China. China asked to Formulate lier Proposals. Shimonoseki, Bth April, 1895. At the meeting of the 1st day of the 4th month of the 28th year of Meiji (April 1st, 1895), the Plenipotentiaries of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, proposed that in pre- senting the conditions of peace, a mode of procedure should be adopted by which the draft Treaty of Peace would be pre- APPENDIX K. 423 sented article by article and the Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor bf China should express his acceptance or non-acceptance of the several articles one by one, thus disposing of" each article iii succession. 'In view, however, of a desire repeatedly expressed by the Chinese Plenipotentiary that the draft Treaty inight be pre- sented to hiin en 'tloc, the" Japanese Plenipotentiaries finally complying with- his wishes, presented to him the draft Treaty in its entirety under an assurance that he would^ within' the space of'^ four days' time, either signify his eLticeptanCe ofth^ Treaty as a whole or indicate the particulars in which it Was unacceptable. In now examining the memorandum presented by the ■Chinese Plenipotentiary, the Japanese Plenipotentiaries are disappointed to find that' the communication' is confined to an! ■elaborate recital of the dom!estic difficulties of the Empire of China coupled with a request to the Japanese Plenipoteri- rtiaries for a reconsideration of the conditions of peelbe. '' ■ The memorandum not only cannot be takerl as a reply to the draft Treaty presented by the Japanese 'Plenipdtentiaries, but it faUs even to definitely express the ■vvishes or desires of 4ihe Chinese Plenipotentiary. ■-''■ In eoil'clusion, remiuding -the Chinese Plenipotentiary that ithe domestic difficulties of China do not properly fall within the sphere of the present discussion, and that demands arising .•as a consequence of war cannot be regarded as matters for negotiation in the ordinary acceptation of that term, the Japanese Plenipotentiaries beg to express their desire that the Chinese Plenipotentiary will, without additional delay, definitively announce his acceptance or non-acceptance of the -draft Treaty of Peace already presented, either en Hoc or .severally article by article, and in case any alterations are desired, that he will present them in concrete form. 424 THE CHINA-JAPAN. WAB. Counter-proj)Osal by CJiinese Plenipofentiary. Shimonoseki, 9 299 Captain of the Chinese ship Kuang-ping, 297, 300 Chang-chia-kou-tzu, 277 Chang In Hoon ; peace conference at Hiroshima, 391-402, 408-437 Chang Yu-lin, of the Kowshing, 352, 353 C%ao-«)M, of the Foochow squadron, 77 Chao-yung, Chinese man-of-war, 76 ; the naval battle at Hai-yang Islandj 167-185 Chemulpo, opened to Japanese trade in 1880. .44; Chinese war-ships sent to, 63 ; Japanese troops at, 63, 64, 119 Chen-an, Chinese man-of-war, 76 Ghen-ching, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Ohen-chung, Chinese man-of-war, 76 Chea-hai, Chinese man-of-war, 76 Chen-hong, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Ghin-Hsi, Chinese man-of-war, 76 INDEX. 439 Chen-nan, Chinese man-of-way, 76 Chen-pei, Chinese man-of-war, 76,297 Chen-pien, Chinese man-of-war, 76 Chen-tung, Chinese man-of-war, 70 Chen-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 86, 177 ; the naval battle at Hai- yang Island, 167-185 ; at Wei-hai- wei, 276, 301 Ohhong river, 122 Ohia, Chinese general, 200 Chih-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76 ; sent to Asan, 63 ; the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185 China ; the soldiers of, 5-7 ; historical relations of Japan, Corea and, 9-34, 45, 46 ; wars undertaken by, against Corea, 12-16 ; coasts of, infested by Japanese pirates, 21- 24 ; assists the Coreans against Japanese invasion, 28-33 ; the Manohus in, 35, 36 ; tributary missions sent by Corea to, 36 ; land between Corea and China annexed by, 43; sends troops to Asan to ■check the Tong-haks, 62-68, 93 ; army of, 69-75 ; navy of, 75-78 ; - naval battle at Phung Island, 93- 103; campaign at Asan, 104-1 13 ; declaration of war between Japan and, 113-117 ; attack on the army •of, at Phyong-yang, 120-1G3; army of, at Phyong-yang, 144- j 146 ; the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 164-185 ; campaign of ■Japanese first army in Manchuria, 186-202, 237-260, 308-321 ; cam- paign of Japanese second army •corps in the Eegent's Sword Peninsula, 203-236, 261-268; the Wei-hai-wei campaign, 269- 304 ; first peace embassy sent by, to Japan, 305-307; second peace embassy, 322-327; the treaty of peace at Shimonoseki, 328, 329; practical results of the war, 332- China (cont.) 334; documents relating to peace treaty, 391-402 ; text of the treaty of peace, 405-437 ; despatches be- tween the governments of Japan and, on the Corean question, 338- 348 ; text of tlie armistice between Japan and, 403, 404 ; text of the declaration of war by, 372-374 Chin-chow, advance on and capture of, 207-213, 234, 235, 261 Chinese troops, at Chin-chow and Ta-lien, 214 ; at Port Arthur, 224 Ching-chia-shan, 309 G/iiny-ytieii, Chinese man-of-v;ar, 76, 77 ; the naval liattle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185; at Wei-hai-wei, 276, 296 Clii-tza, Chinese political refugee, and Curea, 11 Chiu-lien-ch'eng, town of, 188, 192- 194, 238 Chiyoda, Japanese war-ship, 87, 178 ; iit the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Choi-Chei-Tu, and his doctrines, 58, 59 Chohai, Japanese gun-boat, 87 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 ; at Wei-hai- wei, 288 Cholla, province of, disturbances in, 60-62 Chong-ju, 186 Christians, persecution of, in Corea, 37, 38, 42 Chung-hwa, town of, 133-135 Cockblirn, Mr., 349 Commercial privileges granted to Japan by China in the Treaty of Peace, 407-410, 418-422 Consular Body at Shanghai ; and the murder of Kim-Ok-Kiun, 54-57, 375-379 Corea ; historical relations of China, 440 INDEX. COEBA {cont.) Japan and, 9-34, 45, 46 ; invaded by the Japanese under Hideyoshi, 23-34 ; sketch of modern history of, 35-50 ; Fiance and, in 1866. . 37, 38 ; persecution of Christians in, 37, 38, 42; Oppert's ex- peditions to, on the s.s. China, 39-41 ; America and, in 1871. .41 ; China annexes part of, 43 ; the Japanese in front of Seoul in 1876 . . 44; opened to trade with the United States, 44 ; Japanese in Seoul attacked by the Coreans, 46- 49 : the Tientsin Convention and, 50; Chinese and Japanese troops sent to, in 1894.. 62-67; reforms in, suggested by Otori, 67, 68, 335- 337 ; outbreak of hostilities in, the King's Palace at Seoul attacked by the Japanese, 88-93 ; the King of, 92 ; naval battle at Phung Island, 93-103 ; the Asan campaign, 104- 113 ; Japanese troops stationed in, 130; advance on, and capture of town of Phybng-yang in, 120-163 ; Japan and, 370-372 ; China and, 372-374; complete neutrality of, ' 412 Corean question, despatches between the Governments of China and Japan on the, before the com- mencement of hostilities, 338-348 Correspondence between Admiral Ito and Admiral Ting, 380-386 relating to the delivery of the two Japanese in Shanghai, 375- 379 Cousins, Mr. Bdmimd, 349, 350 DEcriAEATioN OF War by China, text of the, 372-376 by Japan, text of the, 370-372 Denby, Mr., and the Japanese spies arrested in Shanghai, 376-379 Despatches between the Governments of China and Japan on the Corean question before the commencement of hostilities, 338-348 Detring, Mr., sent as peace envoy to- Japan, 230 ; and the destruction of the Kowshing, 349 Dockyard at Port Arthur, 231 Drilled or trained army of China, 69,73 EtGHT Bakneks, the, part of the Chinese army, 69-71 Emperor of Japan, the, at Hiroshima, 118 Fei-ting, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Peng,Chinese General, 200 Peng-huang, 238, 240-243 Feng-huang-cheng (Phoenix City), 195, 213 Feng-huang-shan (Phoenix Hill), 264, 267 Feng-liu-ohi (Phoenix Grove), 277, 278 Fengtienfii, 410 First army, Japanese, 191,192; in- vasion of China, 186-202 Flags of the Chinese general, 140 Fleet, Japanese, at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Fong, Captain of the Tsi-yuen, 97 Foochow squadron of the Chinese Forbidden Land, the, 37. See Corean navy, 75, 77 Formosa, Japan and, 328, 332, 406 Forts at Chin-chow, 214 at Port Arthur, 221-225 —. at Phyong-yang, 145, 146, 161 -at Wei-hai-wei, 274-276 Foster, General, 324 France, and Corea, in 1866 ..37, 38 French missionaries in Corea, 37-41 Fu-ching, of the Foochow squadron, 77 INDEX. 441 Fuji-san, Japanese and, 28 Fukuhara, a Japanese arrested in Shanghai, 375-379 Fu-po, of the Poochow squadron, 77 Fusan, opened to Japanese trade in 1876.. 44; Japanese troops landed at, 119 Fuso, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185; at Ta-lien Bav, 215, 216 Galswokthy, Captain of the s.s. Eowshing, 98-103, 355-358 ; re- port of, 366-369 Gemnu Gate, Phyong-yang, stormed by the Japanese, 156-159 General Sherman, American schoon- er, destroyed by the Coreans, 39, 41 Gensan, Japanese troops landed at, 119, 146 . detachment, march on Phyong-yang, 128, 129, 131, 143, 144, 153-159 Green Standard, the, part of the Chinese army, 69, 71-73 Gresham, Mr., U. S. Secretary of State, 375-379 Hai-an, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Hai-ching of the Canton squadron, 77 Hai-cheng, Japanese attack on, 245- 260, 268, 308-313 Hai-yang Island, naval battle of, 164-185 Hanaoka, Major, mortally wounded, 228, 229 Hanneken. See Von Hanneken. Harada, the hero of the Gemnu Gate, Phyong-yang, 157, 158 Hasegowa, Major-Generai, 203 Hashidate, Japanese war-ship, 87, 180; at the naval battle of Hai- yang Island, 167-185 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215-216 Hashimoto, Major, 91 Heaven-touching Pass, 196, 238-241 , in Manchuria; also near Wei-hai-wei. See Mo-tien-ling. Hermit nation, the, 37, 44. /See- Corea. Hideyoshi, invasion of Corea, 23-34,. 140, 144 Hirayama, Captain, 363 Hiroshima, 64 ; headquarters of the Japanese army transferred to, 118 ; peace conference at, 391-402 Siyei, Japanese war-ship, 87, 171 ;. at the battle of Hai-yang Island, 166-185 Hoffmann, Mr., and Captain Pong, 97 Hoi-ryong, besieged by Konishi, 28 Hsin-yen, capture of, 198-201, 237 ;. occupied by Oseko, 246 Hsiurig-yo-cheng, town of, 262 Huang-chin-shan (Golden Hill) fort, 230 Huang-ohin-tzu (Yellow Peak), 199„ 200 Huan-hsi-shan, 309 Huan-tai, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Hua-yiian-chlang (Flower Garden^ Elver), 205 Hua-yiian-kou (Flower Garden Port),. 205, 207 Hung-chia-po-Azii (Red House Vil- lage), 198 Hung-Tjyong-Ou assassinates Kim- Ok-Kiun, 51-57 Hung-wu, first Ming Emperor, 21 Hu-shan (Tiger Mountain), 189-192: Hwang-ju, capture of, 132, 133 IcHiNOCHE, Major, 122, 124, 126, 132' I-ko-teng-a, general of Tartar troops,. 238-243, 310 Imai, Lieutenant, 287 442 INDEX. Indemnity to be paid by China to Japan, 406, 407, 413^17 Ito, Admiral, 117, 182; battle of Hai-yang Island, 165-185 ; and the Chinese fleet at Wei-hai-wei, ■232; attack on, and capture of, Wei-hai-wei, 273-304 ; correspond- ence with Admiral Ting, 380-386 ; correspondence with Niu-chang- ping, 389, 390 Ito Hirobumi, Count, and the Tientsin Convention, 49, 50; and Mr. Detring, 236; peace conference at Hiroshima, 391-402, 405-437 Itsuhushima, Japanese war-ship, 87, 179 ; at the naval battle of Hai- yang Island, 167-185 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Iwaki, Japanese war-ship, 89 jAHtrsHiMA, Lieutenant, 290 Japan ; people of, always a warlike nation, 2, 3 ; history of, 4, 5, 8 ; historical relations of China, Coroa, and, 9-34, 45, 46 ; paper money oi, 17, 18 ; invaded by Kublai Khan, 19-21 ; pirates of, infest the coast of China, 21-24 ; under Hideyoshi invade Corea, 23-34; insulted by the Tai-wen-Kun of Corea, 42, 43 ; sends troops to Corea to check the ■ Tong-Haks, 63-66; reforms in Corea, suggested by, 67, 68, 335- 337; army of, 78-85 ; navy of, 86, 87 ; campaign in Coroa : attack on the-Kihg's Palace at Seoul, 88-93 ; naval battle at Phuug Island, 93- 103 ; the Asan campaign, 104- 113; declaration of war between China and, 113-117,370-372 ; naval demonstration of the fleet at Port Arthur, 117-119 ; attack on, and capture of Phybng-yang, 120-163 ; the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 164-185; campaign of first army Japan (cont.) in Manchuria, 186-202, 237-260; 308-321; campaign of second army corps in the Regent's Sword Peninsula, 203-236, 261-268; the Wei-hai-wei campaign, 269-304 ; first peace embassy sent to, by ■ China, 305-307 ; second peace embassy, 322-327 ; the treaty of peace, 328, 329,405-437 ; the power of Japan, 329-332 ; practical results of the war, 332-331; despatches between the Governments of China and, on the Corean question, 338- 348 ; the treaty of peace at Shimo- noseki,328,329;documentsrelating to the treaty of peace, 391-402 ; text of the, 405-437 ; text of the armistice between China and, 403, 404 Japanese in Seoul, attacked by the Coreans in 1882 .. 46, 47, 89 ; second attack in 1884. .48, 49, 89 Jernigan, Mr., and the Japanese spies arrested in Shanghai, 375-379 Jih Island, at entrance to Wei-hai- wei, 274, 275, 295 Jingu, Queen, 17, 18 Kai-chi, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Kaimon, Japanese war-ship, 87 Kaiping, town, capture of, 263-268, 311-313 Kai-song, city of, 122, 123 Kang-chi, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 388 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 276, 300 Kang-hwa, city of, taken by the French in 1866.. 38 Kang-hwa Island, Japanese sailors fired on at, in 1875.. 43 Kang-wa-sai, 249-252 Kani, Captain, suicide of, 229 Kano, Colonel, 263 Kato Kiyomasa, General, invasion of Corea, 25-33 INDEX. 443 Katsura, General, in Manchuria, 191- 193, 246-255, 261, 308-319 Katswragi, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Kawasaki, Sergeant, 122, 200, 201 Kencho, Mr. S., 364, 369 Kikushi, Dr., 331 Kim-chhon, 123, 126 Kim-Ok-Kiua, 46; government of, 48 ; assassination of, 51-57 ; effect of the death of, on the Coreans, 62 King's Palace, Seoul, attacked by the Japanese, 88-93 King-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76 ; the naval battle at Hai-yang Island, 167-185 Kiushiu, rebellion in, 17 ; men of the Japanese army, 228 Komura Yataro, Japanese ministei-, despatches of, on the Ooreaa ques- tion, 340-348 Kongo, Japanese war-ship, 87; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Konishi Yukinaga, Geperal, invasion of Corea, 25-33, 140, 144, 163, 184 Korai, people named, 11 Koshi, Major, suicide of, 105 Kotalia, Japanese torpedo-boat, 294 Kowahing, British s.s. sunk by the Naniwa, 98, 103, 321 ; statement of the survivors, 349-369 ' Koyama, fires a pistol at Li Hung- chang, 325, 326 Kuang-chia, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 300, 389 Kuang-hi, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Kuang-hing, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Kuang-jping, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 389 ; the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185: at Wai-hai-wei, 276, 297, 300, 301 Kuang-ting, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Kuang-yi, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 96, 97, 102, 300, 389 Kublai Khan's invasion of Japan, 19-21 Kumamoto brigade of the Japanese army, at Wei-hai-wei, 269, 276- 277, 278, 281 Kure, Japanese squadron of, 86, 87 Kuroda, Major-General, 192 Kusunchi, a Japanese, arrested in Shanghai, 375-379 Kyeng-Jin, city of, 58 Lai-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 173 ; the naval battle at Hai-yang Island, 16^185 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 276,293 '*■ Lang, Captain, Admiral of the Chinese navy, 75 Li, Lord, son of Li Hung-chang, 324, 327 Liao river, 308, 317 Liao-tung, Chinese province of, 12, 22, 26, 27 Liao-tung Peninsula, the, 328. Liao-yang, 313, 314,319 Lien-shan-kuan (United Mountain Pass), 196, 201 Li-Hung Chang ; annexes neutral country between Corea and China in 1 877 . . 43 ; and the Tientsin Con- vention, 49, 50 ; enlists volunteers in the Chinese army, 72, 73 ; sends Mr. Detring as peace envoy to Japan, 236; Admiral Ting and, 296, 297 ; sent by China as peace embassy to Japan, 322-327, 391- 402, 405-437; shot by a fanatic, 325, 326 Lion, French gun-boat, rescues some men of the Kovishing, 101, 353 Liu-chia-tun, village of, 208 Liu-tung Island, at entrance to Wei- hai-wei, 274-304 Li-yu-sung, Chinese general, 29 Loh FSng-luh, Mr., and the destruc- tion of the Kowsliing, 349 444 INDEX. Loyson, Pere Hyacinth, 51 Lii-sliuD-Kow. Bee Port Arthur. Machida, Lieutenant, 121, 124, 133, 200 Ma-chiian-tzii, 250 Main body of Japanese troops ; march of and attack on Phyong-yang, 127, 129, 133-138, 141, 142, 159, IGO Manchuria ; Japanese first army in, 186-202, 237-260, 308-321 Mjnchus, the, in China, 35, 30 Marui, Major, at Port Arthur, 218, 221, 226 Masumidzu, Lieutenant-Colonel, 217 Matsusaki, Captain, killed at An-song, 107, 108, 112 Matsushima, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, -167-185 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Maya, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at Ta- lien Bay, 215, 216 Ma-yii-Kun, Chinese general, 151 Meiryun, Chinese man-of-war, 76 Mihara, attempt to swiili the Yalu river, ]88 Mihara, Colonel, 199-201 Military service compulsory in Japan, 79 Mimura, Lieutenant, 156, 153 Min, the powerful faction in Corea, 46, 48, 62, 91 Min, Prince, 48 Minrchieh, Chinese trooping-vessel, 76 Mines, Chinese, and powder, 212, 213 Mixed Brigade, march of and attack on city of Phyong-yang, 128, 129, 131-138, 149-153 Miyake, Sergeant, swims the Yalu river, 189 Mochihara, Captain, 291, 292 Mok-tan-son,hill near Phyong-yang, 140-144 ; taken by the Japanese, 153-159 Mongols under Kublai Khan invade Japan, 19-21 Mori, Major, 91 Mo-tieu-ling (Heaven-touching Pass) in Manchuria, 196, 238-241 ; near Wei-hai-wei, 278 Mou Ching-sing, soldier aboard the Kowshing, 353 Muhlenstedt, Mr., of the s.s. Kow- shing, 96, 365, 369 Mukden, Japanese march on, 202, 244 Musashi, Jai anese war-ship, 87 Mutsu Munemitsu, Viscount, Japan- ese Minister for Foreign Aflfairs^ despatches of, on the Corean ques- tion, 340-348 ; peace conference at Hiroshima, 391-402 Nakada, Mr., 401, 402 Nakaman, Lieutenant, 218 Nam-chhbn-chon, 123, 124 Naniwa, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; the- sinking of the s.s. Kowshing, 95- 103, 359-369 ; at the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 ; off Teng- ohou city, 270, 271 Nan-jui, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Nan-shen, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Kan-yang (or Southern) squadron of the Chinese navy, 75, 77 Naruta, Captain, 296 Naval battles. &e "Hai-yang Island, Phung Island, Wei-Hai-wei. Navy, the Chinese, 75-78 the Japanese, 86, 87 Newchwang river, 309 (old), 309 ; attack on, 313- 317 Nieh, Chinese general, 200 Nishi, Major-General, 208, 231 Nishin, Japanese war-ship, 87 Niu-chang-ping of "Wei-hai-wei, 300^ 301 ; correspondence with Admiral Ito, 389, 390 INDEX. 445 Nobunaga, 23 Nodzu, Lieutenant-General, attack on Phyong-yang, 125-129 ; in Mancliuria, 135, 150, 159, 160, 191-193, 318 Nogi, Major-General, in Mancliuria, 208, 226, 308, 319; capture of Kaiping, 262-268 OsAWA, Ensign, at battle of Kaiping, 267 Oki, Colonel, 263, 264, 267 Okuyama, Major, 137, 138, 150, 153, 160, 1^3 Omori, Ensign, 151, 152 Onoguchi, Private, at Chin-chow, 211, 212 Oppert, Mr., in Corca, 38-41 Orankai, country of the, 28 Oriate, Pedro, of the Kowshing, 349- 351 Oseko, Major-General, 127 ; opera- tions of, in China, 192, 197, 202, 237, 246, 249, 256 Oshima, Major-General, 64 ; and the Asan campaign, 104-113 ; attack on Phypng-yang, 125-129, 140, 142, 144 ; wounded before Phyong- yang, 152 ; in Manchuria, 251, 253, 256 Oshima, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Otago, Japanese gun-boat, at Wei- hai-wei, 288 Otera, Major-General, killed at Wei- hai-wei, 279, 280 Otori, Japanese minister to Gorea, 63, 89, 90, 105 ; msists on reforms in Cort a, 67, 68, 335-337 Oyaina, Marshal, commander-in-chief of Japanese army corps in Eegent's Sword Peninsula, 203-236, 269 Paik-san, mountain strongliold of the Toug-Haks, 61 Pan-chia-tai, place called, 241 Pao-hua, Chinese gun-boat, 293 Pao-min, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Paper money of Japati, 17, 18 Peace conference at Hiroshima, docu- ments relating to, 391-402, 405- 437 Peace embassies sent by China to Japan, 305-307, 322-327 Pei-ho, river, 321 Pei-yang (or Northern) squadron of the Chinese navy, 75, 76, 165, 270, 317, 319; at Wei-hai-wei, 274- 304 Peng-hu Island, 320 Peony Mount, Phyong-yang; Jap- anese under Konishi attacked at, 29. See also Mok-tan-son Pescadores Islands, 328, 3:)2, 400; Japanese expedition to the, 320, 321 Phung Island, naval fight at, 93-103 Phung-san, 132 Phyong-yang ; .Japanese under Konishi retreat from, 26, 29, 140, 144 ; attack on and capture of by the Japanese, 120-163 ; Chinese army at, 110, 130, 144-146 ; plan of, 148 Ping-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76 ; sent to Chemulpo, 63; the naval battle of Hai-yacg Island, 167- 185 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 276, 301 Pi-tzu-wo, town of, 206, 207 Po-chih-ya-so, attack on, 277 Polo, Marco, and the Mongol invasion of Japan, 20, 21 Po-miao-tzu, 312 Port Adams, 262 Port Arthur, 273, 328; harbour at, 78 ; naval demonstration by the Japanese fleet at, 117-119 ; posi- tion and defences of, 207, 221-225 ; capture of, by the ■ Japanese, 217- 236 446 INDEX. Ports opened to Japanese trade ty the Treaty of Peace, 408 Powder-mines, the Chinese and, 212, 213 Pu-lan-tien (Port Adams), 262 Ekfokms in Corea, suggested by Japan, 67, 68, 335-337 Regent's SwOrd Peninsula, campaign in the, 203-236, 261-268 Eidel, Bishop, 37 Eoze, Admiral, before Seoul, 37, 38, 41 Saigo of Satsuma and Corea, 42, 43 Saildo Motru, Japanese armed mer- chant steamer, 166, 175 ; at the battle of Hai-yang Island, 1G7-185 Saito, Major, 312 ; advance on Chin- chow, 206-210 Sak-rioDg detachment, march to, and attack on Phyong-yang, 126-129, 138-141, 153-159 Sam-deung, toTvn of, 139 Sasebo, Japanese squadron of, 86, 87 Sato, Colonel, march to and attack on Phyong-yang, 127-129, 143, 144, 155-158 ; crosses the Yulu river, 190 ; in Manchuria, 246, 255 Satsuma rebellion in Japan, 89 Second army corps, Japan's ; cam- •paign of the, in Eegent's Sword Peninsula, 203-236, 261-268 Seoul, entered by General Konishi, 25, 29, 30 ; the French in front of, in 1866 .. il, 38 ; Japanese before, in 1876 . .44 ; Japanese in, attacked by the Coreans, 46-49 ; entered by Japanese troops in 1894.. 63; attack on the king's palace at, by the Japanese, 88-93 Severn, H.M.S., at Wei-hai-wei, 273, , 298 Shanghai; assassination of Kim-Ok- Kiun at, 51-57 ; disgraceful episode at, 114-116 ; correspondence relat- ing to the delivery of the two Japanese at, 375-379 Shao Yu Lein; peace conference at Hiroshima, 391-402, 405-437 Sheepskin overcoats, purchased by the Japanese Government for the- troops, 242, 243 Shibada, Lieutenant-Colonel, 129 Shibayama, Eear-Admiral, 364-366. Shih Tsu. See Kublai Khan Shimonoseki, treaty of peace arranged' at, between China and Japan, 324— 329, 391-402, 4C5-437 Shinra, King of, 17 Shirakami Genjiro,- bugler, 112, 113 Shuang-lung-§han, 309 Shufeldt, Commodore, and Corea, 44 Sin, General, 195 Sin-gd, town of, 138 So-Heimg, 124, 132 Song-eblbn, town of, 143 Sbng-hwan, Chinese troops at, 106, 110, 111 Spoils captured by the Japanese ; at Phyong-yang, 161 ; at Chiu-lien- ch'eng, 194; at Chin-chow, 215; at Newehwang, 316, 317 Storm, a terrific, at Wei-hai-wei, 281,. 282 Sn-ku-chong, 190 Sung, Chinese general, 188, 192, 248-252, 255 ; residence of, at An- tung, 194; retreat of his troops towards Mukden, 195; attack om Hai-cheng, 310-313 ; at Ylng-kow, 317 Su-sa-chang, Japanese troops at, 105, 106 Su-Won, Japanese troops at, 105 Tachimt, General, crosses the Yalu river, 186-196, 237 ; enters Feng- huang, 195, 196; in Manchuria, 239-243 INDEX. 44T Tactics of the Chinese troops at tattle of Kaipin?, 267, 268 Tadzumi, Major-General, 127, 129, 131, 138-141, 154, 155, 158, 159 Ta-hsi-kou (Great Western Ditch), 196 Tai-dong, Eiver, 121, 124, 205 ; cross- ing of the, 139-142 Tai-ku-shan (Great Orphan Moun- tain), 197, 201 T'ai-ping rebellion, the, 323 ; Chinese army in the, 72, 73 Tai-ping-shan, advance on, 311-313 i"ai-tsnng, son of Emperor T'ang, 14-16 Tai-wen Kun, or Hegent of Corea, 39, 40, 42, 47, 57; army of, 61; placed in power by the Japanese, 91, 92 ; corresponds with the Chinese generals at Phyong-yang, 130 TahacMcho, Japanese war-ship, 87; at Ta-lieu Bay, 215, 216 ; at battle of Hai-yang Island, 167-185 Tahao, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Takeda, Lieutenant-Colonel, 107, 109 Take-no-Uchi, Sub-Lieutenant, 121, 133 Ta-lien Bay, 271 ; advance on and capture of, 207-217 Tamari, Lieutenant-Colonel, 363, 364 Tamplin, chief officer of the s.s. Kow- shing, report of, 358-366 Tanaba, Captain, 139 T'ang dynasty, the, 13 Tang-shan, town of, 195 Tan-wan-shan, 309 Tartar troops under General I-ko- teng-a, 238-243 Ta-tung-kou (Great Eastern Ditch), 197 Tem-san Mountain, 264 Teng-chou, city of, 270-272 Teng-ying-chou, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Tenryo, Japanese war-ship, 87 Tien-chwang-tai, 318, 319 Tientsin Convention, the, 49, 50, 62,. 63, 65 Tiger Mountain, 189-192 Ting, Admiral, commander of the Chinese fleet, 117; and Captain Fong, 97; the naval battle or Hai-yang Island, 164-185; Von. Hauneken sent to assist, 177 ; at Wei-hai-wei, 232 ; defence of Wei-hai-wei, 273-304; death cf, 297-299 ; correspondence with. Admiral Ito, 380-386 Ting-Tiai, of the Foochow squadron,. 77 Ting-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76, 86, 176 ; the naval battle at Hai- yang Island, 167-185 ; at Wei- - hai-wei, 276, 278, 289, 291 Tio, Private, saves Captain Asakawa,. 219, 221 Toda, Captain, 286 Togo, Captain, 288 Tokiyama, Lieutenant, drowning of,. 108 Tomida, Major, 154, 155 Tomu-cheng, Chinese attack on, 311 Tomoyasu, Lieutenant-Colonel, 129,. 241 Tong-Haks, the (religious sect), in. Corea, 57-66, 93, 339 Torpedo-boats, attack of Japanese, at Wei-hai-wei, 281-297 Tsao-ho-kou (Grass River Pass), 196,. 239, 240 Tmo-Kiang, Chinese man-of-war, 76 ; sent to Chemulpo, 63 ; cap- tured by the Ahitsusliima, 93,. 359 Tse-liai, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Tseiji, Major, 212 Tseng-Kuo-Fan, and the "GiecriH Standard " army, 71, 72 Tse-ting, Chinese man-of-war, 77 448 .INDEX. Tsi-an, Chinese man-of-war, 76 Tsi-yuen, Chiqese man-of-war, -76 ; chased by the Yoshino, 96, 98, 102, 359, 369 ; the naval battle at Hai-yang Island, 167-185 ; at Wei-hai-wei; 276, 301 Tso-pao-Kuei, Chinese general, 158, 160, 161 Tsui-ohia-fang, Chinese defeated at, 239, 240 TsukusM, Japanese war-ship, 87 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 216 Tsung-Hsin, place called, 132 Tu-men-tzii, 198, 199 Tung-Ha-hsin, fireman of the Kowshing, 351, 352 Ujina, port of Hiroshima, 64 Urusan, the siege of, 31-33 Valdez, Mr., Portuguese consul at Shanghai, 54-57 Von Hanneken, German officer, and the s.s. Kowshing, 96-103, ,350- 369 ; his report on, 354-358 ; sent to assist Admiral Ting, 177 ; forts at Chin-chow built by, 214 Waku, Chinese minister, despatches of re the Corean question, 338-348 Wang Kwi-fung, soldier on board the Kowshing, 353 'War indemnity to be paid by China to Japan, 406, 407, 413-417 Wars undertake! by China against Corea, 12-16 Wei-Ching, Chinese man-of-war, 77 Wei-hai-wei ; harbour at, 73 ; naval demonstration - by the Japanese fleet at, 117-119 ; attack on and capture of, 269-304, 410 ; fortifi- cations of, 274-276 ; capitulation of, 387, 388 Wei-yuen, Chinese man-of-war, 76; the naval battle at Hai-yang Island, 167-185; at Wei-hai-wei, 276, 293 Wi-ju, Japanese scouts at, 187, 188 Wrestling, Japanese soldiers and, 260 Wu, Empress, 16 Wu-Ta-Cheng, Chinese General, 310 ; army organised in Manchuria by, 74,75 Wu-Ting-fang, 324 Yabuki, Colonel, 191 Yaeyama, Japanese war-ship, 87, 363, 369 ; off Yung-cheng, 272 Yalu river, 119; landing of troops at, 165 ; the crossing of the, 186- 190 ; naval battle off the : see Hai- yang Island. Yamagata, Marshal, 164, 190 ; attack on Phyong-yang, 127-129, 146 ; in command of the First Army, 186- 202 Yamagi, General^ in Machuria, 311, 317-319 Yamaguchi, Major, 139, 140, 154 Yamaji, Lieutenant-General, cam- paign in the Regent's Sword Penin- sula, 203, 208-236 Tamato, Japanese war-ship, 87 Yang-dok, town of, 143 Tang-wd, Chinese man-of-war, 76 ; sent to Chemulpo, 63; the naval battle of Hai-yang Island, 168- 185 ; in flames, 170, 171 Yang-ti, Emperor, 12-14 Yanome, Lieutenant, 212 Yeh-chih-chao, Chinese commander- in-chief, 110, 111, 160 Yiksang, capture of the, 321 Ying-kow, 317, 31a Yinsen : see Gensan. Yokosuka, Japanese squadron of, 86, 87 Yoshino, Japanese man-of-war, 86, 87, 95, 169, 295 ; pursues the Tsi- INDEX. 449 yuen, 95, 96 ; at the battle of Hai- yang Island, 167-185 ; at Ta-lien Bay, 215, 2 16 ; off 'J'eng-oliou city, 270, 271; damaged off Peng-hu Island, 320 Yuan-Kai, of ihe Poocliow squad- ron, 77 Yuan-Slii-kai, Chinese resident min- ister in Corea, 90 Yung-cheng, city of, 272 Bay, 282 Yung-jao, of the Canton squadron, 77 Yu-yuan, Chine^■e man-of-war, 77 •Z G LONDON: I'RISTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, Limited, STAMFORD STREET AKD CHAKtSG CROSS. '•T- <-v-- ^-■r**^-:**"-'-. ':''<■ J, A.-^<'. ■ /■/,'■■■" ■; /,•.