CORNELL 
 
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 LIBRARY 
 
Cornell University Library 
 PR 2820. A 1 1598c 
 
 The tragedy of King Richard ({.Printed f 
 
 3 1924 013 140 037 
 
 
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 PRINTED IN U.S.A. 
 
King Richard II 
 
 A New Quarto 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Corneii University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013140037 
 
A New Shakespeare ^luarto 
 
 THE 
 
 Tragedy of King Richard II 
 
 Printed for the third time by Valentine 
 
 Simmes in 15-98. Reproduced in 
 
 facsimile from the unique 
 
 copy in the library of 
 
 WILLIAM AUGUSTUS WHITE 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 
 ALFRED W. POLLARD 
 
 Bernard Quaritch 
 
 II Grafton Street, New Bond Street, London 
 
 I p I 5 
 
Plates and letterpress printed in England 
 
 At the Oxford University Press 
 
 By Frederick Hall 
 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 The text of Shakespeare's King Richard II here repro- 
 duced in facsimile is that of a Quarto of 1598, identified 
 by Miss Henrietta C. Bartlett as belonging to an edition 
 quite distinct from the one of that year already known. 
 The original, which is believed to be unique, is preserved 
 in the library of Mr. W. A. White of New York, by whose 
 liberality it is now rendered available for study by any one 
 interested in the bibliography of Shakespeare and the 
 relations of the early Quartos and First Folio edition of 
 his plays. The First Quarto of Richard II was printed in 
 1597, and is one of the rarest of the early editions, the 
 only copies recorded being those in the Capell Collection 
 at Trinity College, Cambridge, the Devonshire Collection, 
 which passed last year into the possession of Mr. Hunting- 
 ton of New York, and the library of Mr. Alfred Huth, 
 from which, under the terms of a right to claim any fifty 
 books, generously conferred on the British Museum in his 
 will, it passed to the national library in 191 1 along with 
 the, also very rare, first editions of King Richard III and 
 The Merry Wives of Windsor. 
 
 The 1597 edition of Richard II was ' Printed by 
 Valentine Simmes for Androw Wise ', and, by a combina- 
 tion of carelessness and care on the part of the printer, 
 each of the three extant copies of it may be called unique, 
 leaves A 4 recto, Bi verso, B3 verso, B4 recto, Ci recto, 
 C2 verso, Di recto, Ii recto, 1 3 recto, each existing in 
 two states, one of which is more correct than the other. 
 ' Printing off ' at the end of the sixteenth century being 
 
6 The First Quarto 
 
 still a slow business, there was ample time for mistakes 
 to be discovered, whether by chance or deliberate 
 scrutiny, when only a part of the number of copies 
 required had been worked, and the pressmen would then 
 be told to stop until the error was corrected.^ Occasion- 
 ally a printer might be conscientious enough to treat 
 the sheet on which the error had been discovered as waste. 
 But if many copies had been printed, this was expensive, 
 and Valentine Sims (I prefer the shorter form of his name), 
 who held no high rank in his craft, saved his money and 
 only introduced the corrections into the copies which 
 had still to be worked. All the copies of each sheet, 
 ' corrected ' and ' uncorrected ', would then be hung 
 up to dry, and when the drying was completed they 
 would be taken down in any order and copies of the 
 book made up with such proportions of corrected and 
 uncorrected sheets as chance might dictate. So it comes 
 about that the * Devonshire ' (now the Huntington) copy 
 has two (A and D) of the imcorrected sheets and three 
 corrected (B, which shows ten out of a total of seventeen 
 variants, C, and I) ; the Huth (now the British Museum) 
 copy has the corrected sheets A C D and the uncorrected 
 B and I ; the Capell has the four sheets A B C D uncor- 
 rected and only sheet I corrected. When the early 
 Quartos were being reproduced under Dr. Furnivall's 
 supervision in photolithography both the Huth copy 
 
 ^ The co-existence of correct and incorrect readings in different 
 copies of the same edition, might arise in an Elizabethan printing-house 
 in a directl7 opposite way to that assumed in the present case, viz. by 
 the pressman catching up individual letters vrith his inking baUs, wrhen 
 he v?as inking one side of a sheet, and then replacing them wrongly. It 
 is possible that one or more of the different readings in the First Quarto 
 may have been caused in this way, but the majority are certainly due to 
 correction of mistakes originally made by the compositor, and it is simpler 
 Xo assume that all are of this kind. 
 
Entered at Stationers' Hall 7 
 
 (in 1888) and the Devonshire (in 1890) were reproduced, 
 in order that students might see for themselves whether 
 any more variants could be discovered. 
 
 The publisher of the 1597 Quarto of Richard II was 
 Androw (or Andrew) Wise, who entered it as ' his copy ' 
 in the Register of the Stationers' Company on August 29 
 of that year. The object of this entry was to prevent 
 any other member of the Company, which (save for a little 
 competition from Oxford and Cambridge) controlled the 
 whole English book trade, from printing or publishing 
 a rival edition. It was usual for every book to be entered 
 ' under the hands ' or ' by appointment ' of either one or 
 both of the Wardens of the Stationers' Company, or of 
 some important person (more especially the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury or Bishop of London) entrusted with the 
 task of censorship, or a deputy appointed by them. The 
 Archbishop of Canterbury in regard to the Stationers' 
 Company, acted as the external and extraordinary 
 authority to whom was committed the duty of seeing 
 that the domestic and ordinary authorities, in this case the 
 Master and Wardens, managed the affairs of the Company 
 in accordance with the terms of its charter. It is possible, 
 though by no means clear, that when a book was entered 
 under the hands of the wardens, the wardens were 
 recognized as acting as the Archbishop's deputies. In any 
 case, everything connected with printing and publishing 
 was under the supervision of the Privy Council, to whom 
 complaint might be made of any injury sustained, and 
 whose powers were extremely wide. A company of busi- 
 ness men had the strongest reasons for avoiding collision 
 with such an authority, and it is quite plain from its whole 
 history that the Company of Stationers was an especially 
 dutiful and submissive body, ready to coerce any of its 
 individual members rather than face collective disfavour.. 
 
8 The First Quarto 
 
 All this is here recited as creating a strong presumption 
 that such an entry as we have in this case 
 
 Andrew Wise. Entred for his Copie by appoyntment from 
 master Warden Man The Tragedy of Richard the Second — vj^.^ 
 
 was not preluded by a disreputable transaction in which 
 Wise filched a manuscript copy of the play with the aid 
 of some dishonest confederate, or sent shorthand writers 
 to the theatre to take down the speeches, as best they 
 could, from the actors' mouths ; but that he obtained 
 his text honestly and straightforwardly by a money pay- 
 ment to the company of players known as the Lord 
 Chamberlain's Servants, to which Shakespeare belonged, 
 and to which he must have sold the rights in his play. 
 
 The view here stated is set forth at length in a 
 monograph by the present writer on Shakespeare Folios 
 and Quartos (Methuen, 1909). Without repeating in 
 extenso the arguments there used, it may be noted that 
 a body of men who had a high official like the Lord 
 Chamijerlain as their protector could have had no reason 
 whatever to submit to systematic and open pilfering by 
 members of the Stationers' Company, and was indeed 
 exactly the sort of body with whom the Company would 
 be loath to become embroiled ; that at two particular 
 periods, about 1594 and again in 1600, the number of 
 plays entered on the Stationers' Register is so great as to 
 preclude belief in their having been obtained from any 
 other source than the only one which could supply them 
 in quantities, i. e. the Companies of Players who owned 
 them ; that the texts of the plays regularly entered on 
 the Stationers' Register, taking them as a class, are too 
 good to have been pieced together from reports of short- 
 hand writers or actors' ' parts ' surreptitiously obtained j 
 
 ^ The usual fee for registration. 
 
Not Pirated 9 
 
 and lastly, that there are sufficient plays not regularly 
 entered on the Stationers' Register and with bad texts, 
 some of them showing clear evidence of having been 
 obtained from reporters, to account for the complaints of 
 piracy by Thomas Heywood and for the reference to 
 ' stolne and surreptitious ' copies in Heminge and 
 Condell's preface to the Folio of 1623, which has been 
 quoted ad nauseam by later editors and uncritically 
 applied to all the Quartos, including those of which the 
 copyright was vested in 1623 in some of the very men who 
 were engaged in the production of the First Folio, and who 
 are thus represented as discrediting their own property. 
 
 Holding the views thus indicated, the present writer has 
 no doubt that Andrew Wise obtained his 'copy' in King 
 Richard II quite honestly by purchase from the Lord 
 Chamberlain's Servants, and there is also no room for 
 doubt that Wise made a very good bargain, not only in this 
 case, but in that of King Richard III, which he ' entered 
 for his copy' in the following October. The omission of 
 the autJior's name from the title-pages of both plays is good 
 evidence that in 1597 Shakespeare's reputation was still 
 not very great, and we may thus be pretty sure that per- 
 mission to print them was obtained at quite small prices. 
 On the other hand Richard II was reprinted in 1 598 (twice), 
 1608, and \6i$,2.nd Richard III mis^S, 1602, 1605,1612, 
 and 1622. Both plays, together with Ihe First Part of 
 King Henry IV, and two other works, were transferred by 
 Andrew Wise to Mathew Lawe on June 25, 1603, by the 
 following entry in the Stationers' Register : 
 
 Mathew Lawe. Entred for his copies in full courte Holden 
 this Day; These ffyve copies folowynge ii. vj*- 
 
 viz. 
 iij Enterludes or playes 
 
 The ffirst is of Richard the .3. 
 b 
 
10 The Five Editions 
 
 The second of Richard the .2. 
 
 The third of Henry the 4. the first part, all kinges. 
 Item master Doctor Plafordes sermons 
 Item a thing of no man can be hurt but by hym self. 
 
 All whiche by consent of the Company are sett over to him 
 from Andrew Wyse. 
 
 We now know that before thus transferring his copy- 
 right Wise had produced not two but three editions of 
 King Richard II, and that this play is thus the only one 
 of Shakespeare's which enjoyed the distinction of passing 
 through three editions in less than two years. 
 
 The edition of 1598 now discovered diflfers on its 
 title-page from that of the same year already recorded 
 only by three smaU omissions in the imprint, the 
 commas after ' Simmes ' and ' churchyard ' and the e 
 in ' folde '. A mere title-page bibliographer might 
 have been content to claim it on this ground as of a 
 ' different issue ' (a term often very vaguely used). For- 
 tunately Miss Bartlett was of sterner stuff and did not 
 rest until she had satisfied herself that it exhibited 
 differences on every page, and that the text, in fact, was 
 entirely reset. 
 
 The first question which confronts us is as to whether 
 the two editions dated 1598 are independent texts, or 
 whether one is printed from the other, and if so which 
 is the earlier. That they are not independent texts is 
 easily proved. In order not to prejudge the position of 
 the newly discovered (or newly differentiated) Quarto 
 we will call it W, after Mr. White, assigning the letter A 
 to the Quarto of 1597, B to the already known Quarto 
 of 1598, C to that of 1608, D to that of 1615, and F to 
 the Folio. To show that B and W are not independent 
 it will suffice to quote a few palpable errors in which 
 they agree as compared with A. 
 
The New Quarto 1 1 
 
 In I. i. 60 the 1597 edition (A) reads 
 
 I do defie him, and I fpit at him, 
 
 while both B and W omit the second ' I ', thus making 
 the line unmetrical. 
 
 Similarly in i. iii. 1 1 7 A reads correctly 
 
 Sound trumpets, and fet forward Combatants : 
 
 whereas B and W both again spoil the metre by substi- 
 tuting ' forth ' for ' forward ', 
 
 In 1. 141 of the same scene Richard banishes Hereford 
 Till twice fine fummers haue enricht our fields : 
 
 B and W both substitute the singular ' field ', which 
 could not be used as a synonym for a kingdom. 
 
 In I. iii. 234 we come upon another line metrical in A, 
 Thy fonne is banifht vpon good aduife, 
 
 unmetrical in B and W, which both substitute ' with ' 
 for ' vpon '. 
 
 Lastly (for there is no need to multiply examples in 
 this preliminary examination) the well-known couplet 
 (11. i. 12, 13), 
 
 The fetting Sunne, and Mufike at the clofe, 
 As the laft tafte of fweetes is fweeteft laft, 
 
 correctly printed in A, is spoilt in both B and W by the 
 unhappy substitution of ' glofe ' for ' clofe ', one com- 
 positor having caught the word from the end of line lo 
 (' Than they whom youth and eafe haue taught to glofe ') 
 and the other, as we must believe, having blindly followed 
 him. The odds against two compositors having made 
 a series of errors of this kind independently are incalcu- 
 lably great, and we may take it as certain that B and W 
 were not both derived directly from A, but that one must 
 have been set up from the other. 
 Although it will not help us very much in determining 
 
12 The New Quarto 
 
 whether B or W was the earlier, we may now quote a few 
 of the readings found in W and not in B which reappear 
 in the Quartos of 1608 and 161 5 (called here C and D), and 
 thereby prove that C was directly set up from W and not 
 
 from B. ... 
 
 In I. i. 24 on A2 verso, we find the foolish misprint 
 ' in ' for ' an ' in the line 
 
 Adde in immortall title to your Crowne 
 occurring first in W, and slavishly repeated by C and D. 
 
 In I. iii. 72, on B2 verso, W, 'followed by C and D, has 
 
 the line 
 
 To reach a victorie aboue my head, 
 
 where A and B correctly read ' at ' instead of ' a '• 
 
 In I. iii. 86, on B3 recto, W originates a palpable error 
 by printing 
 
 There lies or dies true to King Richards throne, 
 
 where A and B rightly read ' liues ' instead of ' lies ', 
 
 In I. iii. 187, W is responsible for the introduction of 
 an equally unhappy mistake, reading 
 
 This louing tempeft of your home-bred hate, 
 
 ' louing ' being a misprint for the ' lowring ' of A and B. 
 For our last instance we may take a double-barrelled 
 one from i. iv. 5-8, where W prints 
 
 King. And fay, what ftore of parting teares were fhed f 
 Aum. Faith none for me, except the Northeaft winde, 
 Which then blew bitterly againft our face, 
 Awakt the fleepie rhewme, 
 
 the substitution of ' face ' for ' faces ' and of ' fleepie ' 
 for ' fleeping ' being in each case an obvious falling oflE 
 from the correct readings given in A and followed by B. 
 On the other hand, in i. iii. 241 and 11. i. 156 we have 
 two cases in which W is followed by C in readings which 
 
Its Relation to the Second 1 3 
 
 we can be sure are right, where B is wrong, but these 
 have no evidential value because they can be explained 
 in two different ways. These readings occur in tw6 of 
 the seventeen lines in which two variant readings, oiie 
 correct, the other incorrect, are found in different copies 
 of the First Quarto. In thirteen of these seventeen lines 
 B has the corrected readings, in four the incorrect. Now 
 W has all the thirteen corrected readings that B has and 
 two others, ' fought ' for ' ought ' in i. iii. 241 and 
 ' kernes ' for ' kerne ' in 11. i. 156. If we regard these 
 as corrections, they are both of the kind which we shall 
 classify as ' obvious ', i.e. which any one may make at 
 any time without external authority ; but if W was 
 printed direct from A, it may have been printed from 
 a copy of A which had the two leaves, Ci recto and 
 Di recto, on which these lines occur, in the corrected 
 form. This is very unlikely, as W agrees with B ^ in 
 having the uncorrected reading ' With reuerence ' for 
 ' What reuerence ' in i. iv. 27 on C2 verso, and as this 
 page would be printed with the same pull as Ci recto, 
 we should have to suppose that the press was stopped 
 twice for correction, during the printing of this sheet, 
 instead of once. It is easier to suppose that the two 
 simple corrections were made by W independently ; but 
 as an alternative explanation is possible, no argument can 
 be founded on them. 
 
 Simply from the errors introduced by W any one used 
 to the examination of the sequence of Elizabethan 
 editions will be left in little doubt as to its relations 
 with B. But we have as yet no absolute proof. Our 
 
 '^ Tke other page on which B has the incorrect reading is A4 recto 
 (i. i. 139 : 'Ah but ' for ' But '). It was therefore set up from a copy 
 of the First Quarto which had sheets A CD uncorrected and the rest 
 corrected.. 
 
14 The New Quarto 
 
 simple dilemma, that either B was printed from W, 
 or W from B, has now become the more complex alterna- 
 tive that 
 either (i) B was printed from W, with the correction of 
 
 fairly numerous misprints, and C went back to the 
 
 hypothetically earlier W, ignoring the corrections 
 
 introduced by B, 
 or (ii) W was printed from B, fairly numerous additional 
 
 misprints being introduced in the process, and C 
 
 was printed from W, on this hypothesis its immediate 
 
 chronological predecessor. 
 It might easily have been necessary to base our preference 
 for the second of these alternatives on the unlikelihood 
 that whereas B of 1598 introduces many more new mis- 
 prints than corrections into A of 1597, and C of 1608 
 more new misprints than corrections into W of 1 598, and 
 D of 1 61 5 more new misprints than corrections into C of 
 1608, as between the two editions of 1598 the process was 
 reversed. Fortunately, however, we are saved from such 
 an anticipation of the results of our examination of the 
 relations of all the Quartos of King Richard II, by the 
 existence of two passages in which it seems clear that 
 a line correctly printed by A was first spoilt by B and 
 then tinkered at by W. 
 
 The earlier of these instances is the last line of the 
 passage i. i. 73-7 (on leaf A3 verso) : 
 
 If guiltie dread haue left thee fo much ftrength. 
 As to take vp mine honours pawne, then ftowpe : 
 By that, and all the rites of Knighthood elfe. 
 Will I make good againft thee arme to arme. 
 What I haue fpoke, or what thou canft deuife. 
 
 The last line scans, and that is about all that can b? 
 said for it. The only meaning which can be attached 
 to it is that Bolingbroke was ready to make good not 
 
Its Relation to the Second 15 
 
 only what he himself had said, but anything his 
 adversary could devise, a readiness which would show 
 an indifference to the subject of the quarrel no less 
 complete than his confidence in his own strength. In 
 A the line reads : 
 
 What I haue fpoke, or thou canft worfe deuife. 
 
 Even here Bolingbroke appears willing to fight to 
 prove the truth of something which is not quite true, 
 for if Mowbray gives a worse meaning to something he 
 has spoken, he is apparently ready to make good not 
 merely what he actually said, but the worse meaning 
 which Mowbray might give it, in order, by distorting the 
 accusation, to escape from it. This is not a reasonable 
 attitude, but it supplies a better meaning than the other, 
 and the position of ' worse ' in the line is very Shake- 
 spearian. How did the line as it stands in A become the 
 line as it stands in W ? The answer seems clear : by way 
 of the intermediate reading of B, which omitted ' worse ', 
 thus producing the unmetrical line, 
 
 What I haue fpoke or thou canft deuife. 
 
 which the printer's ' reader ', when correcting the proofs 
 of W, obviously botched by repeating ' what ' before 
 ' thou ', thus saving the scansion, though with rather 
 a wooden result. If this is so, B must clearly come 
 between A and W, and W therefore must have been set 
 up from it. 
 
 Our second passage is from 11. i. 17 sqq., and may most 
 easily be set forth by starting with the text as given in A. 
 John of Gaunt, in the fine speech beginning ' Oh but 
 they fay, the tongues of dying men, Inforce attention like 
 deepe harmony ', has expressed his belief : 
 
 Though Richard my liues counfell would not heare, 
 My deaths fad tale may yet vndeafe his eare. 
 
l6 The New Quarto 
 
 The Duke of York answers, according to A : 
 
 No, it is ftopt with other flattering foundes. 
 As praifes of whofe tafte the wife are found 
 Lafciuious meeters, to, whofe venome found 
 The open eare of youth doth alwayes liften. 
 Report of fafhions in proude Italic, etc. 
 
 Modern editors seem agreed that in the second of these 
 lines ' found ' is a misprint for * fond ', the ' u ' easily 
 creeping in from the compositor's eye being caught 
 either by ' foundes ' in the line above or by ' found ' in 
 the line below, while that Shakespeare should have made 
 three successive lines end in ' foundes ', ' found ', and 
 ' found ' is almost unthinkable. Adding either a comma 
 or a semi-colon after ' fond ', we then have York telling 
 his brother that the king's ear is stopped with other 
 sounds than good advice, flattering sounds such as praises, 
 of the taste of which [even] wise men are fond, or lascivious 
 metres, or talk of Italian fashions. 
 
 Already disfigured by the superfluous u in ' found ' 
 and the omission of a comma, the unlucky line is further 
 transformed in B by the initial ' t ' and tied ' ft ' in ' tafle ' 
 changing places, the word being thus transformed into 
 ' flate ', and the line reading : 
 
 As praifes of whofe ftate the wife are found. 
 
 The proof-reader of B was content to let this pass, 
 though what meaning he attached to it can hardly be 
 guessed. What we find in W is 
 
 No, it is ftopt with other flattering founds,. 
 As praifes of his ftate : then there are found 
 Lafciuious Meeters, to whofe venom found. 
 The open eare of youth doth alwaies liften, &c. 
 
 Taking ' found ' once more to be a misprint for ' fond ' 
 we can interpret this as an assertion that Richard's ears 
 
Its Relation to the Second 1 7 
 
 are occupied with listening to praises of his magnificence, 
 and that besides these there are foolish wanton songs, &c. 
 In this form the line was repeated in the Quartos of 1608 
 and 1615 and the Folio of 1623, and with the correction 
 of ' found ' into ' fond ' it has been accepted by some 
 modern editors. We may criticize the acceptance of such 
 readings later on. For the moment all we need emphasize 
 is that the reading of W appears to be an attempt to put 
 some meaning into the line as altered by the substitution 
 of ' fhate ' for ' tafte ' by B, and is not directly derived 
 from the text of A. Assuredly we cannot imagine any 
 proof-reader with the line as printed by W before him 
 changing it back into the form given in B. Therefore 
 we can claim quite positively that W must have been 
 printed from B and not B from W, i.e. the Quarto in 
 Mr. White's hands is the second edition of the two 
 printed in 1598, and takes third place in the complete 
 sequence A B W C D F.-^ This was the position assigned 
 to it by Miss Henrietta Bartlett, and it is a pleasure to me 
 to find myself in agreement with the discoverer, or 
 identifier, of this edition. 
 
 The position of the newly discovered, or newly dif- 
 ferentiated, Quarto being thus established, it might suffice 
 for the purposes of this introduction to set forth the new 
 readings in which it differs from B and to follow the fate 
 which befeU them in the reprints of 1608 and 161 5 and 
 
 ^ The foregoing argument may be called literary. If a typographical 
 one be preferred it is offered by the changes in 11. iii. 117. In A this 
 reads quite clearly 
 
 You are my father, for me thinkes in you 
 I fee old Gaunt aliue. 
 In B the f in ' for ' is so broken away that only a thin ridge 
 representing part of the back is visible. In W the f is omitted, ' or ' 
 taking the place of ' for '. The omission of the f in W is thus explained 
 by the compositor having overlooked the small fragment of one in B. 
 
1 8 Further Questions 
 
 in the Folio of 1623. But King Richard II was the first 
 genuine play by Shakespeare to obtain the honour of print 
 after having been duly entered in the Stationers' Register ; 
 it was printed, as we now know, no fewer than five times 
 in quarto ; a passage of considerable length was introduced 
 for the first time in the edition of 1608, and the Quarto 
 of 1 61 5 is generally asserted to have been used, though 
 with many corrections, in setting up the text of the 
 Folio of 1623. In his previous essay, Shakespeare Folios 
 and Quartos, the present writer has pleaded that the 
 merits of each Quarto text, and the character for honesty 
 or dishonesty which may be assigned to it, should be 
 considered separately, and judgement passed according 
 to the evidence in each case. In that essay it seemed 
 wiser to quote the independent textual verdicts of the 
 editors of the Facsimile Quartos issued under the super- 
 intendence of Dr. Furnivall, than to put forward the 
 results of a personal investigation, lest it should be 
 suspected that the critical evidence was being marshalled 
 so as to fit in as jieatly as possible with pre-arranged, 
 bibliographical theories. But having put forward a 
 purely bibliographical plea for a fairer treatment of the 
 Quartos, it seems reasonable to see if any results can be 
 obtained from a personal examination of all the editions 
 of one of the plays first printed in quarto, and for the 
 reasons given above King Richard II seems the right 
 play with which to start. This is offered as a plea in 
 mitigation if any one is inclined to censure this intro- 
 duction as needlessly elaborate. 
 
 It may perhaps be as well to preface our survey by 
 a frank warning that not too much must be expected to 
 result from it. There is a point of view, indeed, from 
 which the occasion from which we start, the discovery 
 of a new Shakespeare Quarto intermediate between two 
 
Results to be looked for 19 
 
 earlier and two later ones, is a pure misfortune — another 
 link in a useless chain, already too long. Unless it can be 
 shown — and we can hold out no such hope — that the 
 printer of such an intermediate edition had access to 
 some manuscript text by which to correct the errors of 
 his predecessors, we must own that the best he could try 
 to do was by using his mother-wit in a rough and ready 
 way as an editor to eliminate some of these errors, and 
 himself to introduce as few new ones as possible. In other 
 words, he could not substantially improve the text he was 
 reprinting, and he might make it worse. Not only might 
 he make it worse, but, as is already well known, and as our 
 survey will make clear, he did make it worse. Why, then, 
 trouble about him and his reprints ? The only texts 
 which matter are those of the earliest Quarto, which must 
 be derived, whether at first, second, or third hand, from 
 the author's manuscript, and the text of the First Folio, 
 which claims to have been based on the author's ' papers '. 
 There is a considerable element of truth in the contention 
 thus outlined. The only counterpleas which we can put 
 forward are that the results for which we are seeking 
 should be of use, not to the ordinary readers of Shake- 
 speare, but to the rather numerous persons who under- 
 take to edit his works, and secondly that in a modest way 
 they may be found to possess a certain human and 
 psychological interest of their own. 
 
 First, as regards the editor of Shakespeare, it is obviously 
 his editorship's business to form some estimate of the 
 textual value of the copy which was originally put into 
 the printer's hands. Knowing that in his own case any 
 copy which he sends to an average printer is usually 
 returned to him in print with a very small percentage of 
 errors, he is inclined to assume that because the text of 
 an editio princeps is faulty, therefore the copy from which 
 
20 Elizabethan Printers 
 
 it was printed must liave been faulty also, therefore it 
 was probably ' stolne and surreptitious ', &c., &c., and there- 
 fore the text of the Folio is always to be preferred to it. 
 As soon, however, as it becomes clear that an Elizabethan 
 play could not be reprinted without the introduction of 
 numerous fresh errors, it becomes clear also that an aggre- 
 gate of first errors in an editio princeps, as long as it does 
 not exceed the aggregate of additional errors first found 
 in a reprint, allows us to believe that the manuscript from 
 which the first edition was set up was textually very good 
 indeed. The faultiness of the successive reprints thus 
 becomes in a curiously inverted way a guarantee of the 
 excellence of the manuscript which Andrew Wise was 
 lucky enough to obtain. 
 
 A word may be interpolated here in extenuation of the 
 inaccuracy of the Elizabethan printers in their dealings 
 with plays. Let us renember that they worked in 
 wooden houses in which the windows were very small 
 and glazed with imperfectly transparent glass ; that they 
 worked long hours, probably at least eleven or twelve 
 a day, which means not only that their powers of atten- 
 tion were often overstrained, but that much of their 
 work must have been done by rushlight ; that they had 
 to deal with a text which even when there is no suspicion 
 of corruption often puzzles professors, and finally that, 
 when they could get it, they drank ale for breakfast and ale 
 for dinner and ale for supper. No doubt the ale was small, 
 but its effects may have been cumulative, as we are so 
 often told is the case with the arguments which set out to 
 prove that in his younger days Viscount Vervdam wrote the 
 plays with which we are concerned. Surely a generation 
 which drinks tea and coffee and has workshops with large 
 windows and electric light, and an eight-hour day, and 
 has never to deal with any copy in the least resembling 
 
The spelling of the Quartos 21 
 
 the plays of Shakespeare, should not be too forward in 
 despising these poor men. Nevertheless the fact remains 
 that they did make mistakes and made them in quantities. 
 
 Despite the disadvantages we have suggested, the 
 printers of the quartos occasionally, by setting up half a 
 page or more without any divergence from the copy which 
 they were told to follow, showed that accuracy was not 
 wholly beyond their reach. For the most part, however, 
 even when they faithfully reproduced the words of their 
 text, they allowed themselves a free hand in their dealings 
 with three matters which modern editors, with much saving 
 of trouble to themselves, but some loss to their readers, 
 have treated as negligible, viz. Spelling, Punctuation, 
 and the use of emphasis Capitals in the initial letter of 
 substantives. Something must be said as to each of these, 
 as they aU have some bearing on the history of the text. 
 
 As regards Spelling, the reader who dislikes the subject, 
 because, while aware that our present system is from 
 every reasonable standpoint indefensible, he is yet deter- 
 mined not to face the difficulties involved in any change, 
 wUl be glad to hear that it need not detain us long. In 
 the line (i. iii. 127) printed in the First Quarto as ' And for 
 our eies do hate the dire afpect ', the printer of B changed 
 ' eies ' into ' eyes ' ; the printer of W changed it back to 
 ' eies ' ; in C it is once more ' eyes ' ; in D it is again 
 ' eies ' ; finally, in the Folio, the see-saw comes to ground 
 upon ' eyes '. Not one printer had resisted the tempta- 
 tion to vary from his predecessor, and in words, mostly 
 adverbs or adjectives, now uniformly ending in -y there 
 is a constant tendency to alternate between -y and -ie, as 
 if merely for the pleasure of change. Variations of this 
 kind may, of course, be written off. They are really 
 negligible. At the opposite pole to these we find a few 
 positive misspellings, such as ' formerly ' for ' formally ' 
 
22 The Spelling of the Quartos 
 
 introduced by D into i. iii. 29, or ' percullist ' for _' port- 
 cullist ', introduced by C into i. iii. 167, These, like any 
 other blunders, may be very useful for detective work, 
 but are obviously not part of a system. There is no lack, 
 however, of system in the spellings in these early quartos 
 which modern editors are too often inclined to regard as 
 merely eccentric or ignorant. Some of these spellings 
 were due to the desire to preserve the old pronunciation 
 when vowel-values were shifting, others to the desire to 
 indicate what was believed to be the history of the word. 
 We may regret both these desires and the changes to 
 which they led, but no speUing which we find commonly 
 adopted in other books of the day must be debited as an 
 error against the individual printer who used it. It was 
 no fault of his that rival phonetic devices for representing 
 the same sound left their marks on different words, and 
 that in many cases the battle as to what was to be the 
 orthodox spelling of an individual word was not yet 
 decided. It was often not so much lack of system as the 
 clash of rival systems that led him into trouble. Moreover, 
 we have to reckon with a further system, which may be 
 called dramatic or poetic, which especially afEected past 
 participles, but left its traces also elsewhere. A dramatist 
 had good reason to avoid past participles in -ed where he 
 did not mean the last syllable to be sounded. The risk of 
 having his lines mispronounced was great, and he rushed 
 by preference into strange forms, such as ' slucte ' for 
 ' sluiced ', or ' ragde ' for ' raged ', which no printer 
 would have invented.-"^ In the same way we occasionally 
 
 ^ On the other hand it was so unusual in verbs ending in ' er ' with 
 past participles in ' ered ' for the e to be pronounced both before and 
 after r, that we find delivered, disordered, suffered, slaughtered, etc., 
 printed out in fuU, where modern editors have thought fit to substitute 
 deliver'd, disorder'd, suffer'd, slaughter'd, etc. 
 
Dramatic Punctuation 23 
 
 find the way to read a line indicated by the substitution 
 of ' that's ' for ' that is ', or ' they'le ' for ' they will ', 
 without any specially colloquial intention. But in all this 
 there is nothing which at the present moment need 
 detain us. 
 
 Punctuation is a much more important matter. If any 
 reader of this introduction has not already mastered 
 Mr. Percy Simpson's illuminating little tract, Shake- 
 spearian Punctuation (Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, 
 191 1, pp. 107. Price 5^.), he is strongly advised to 
 procure it at once and study it heedfuUy. In his Intro- 
 duction Mr. Simpson writes : 
 
 It is a common practice at the present day to treat the punctua- 
 tion of seventeenth-century books as beneath serious notice ; 
 editors rarely allude to it, and if they do, they describe it as chaotic 
 and warn the reader that they have been driven to abandon it. 
 It seems to be imagined that the compositor peppered the pages 
 promiscuously w^ith any punctuation-marks that came to hand, 
 and was lavish of commas because his stock of these was large. 
 In other words, old printers — ^printers as a class — were grossly 
 illiterate and careless ; the utmost that could be expected of 
 them was that they should spell out their texts correctly ; nobody 
 troubled about punctuation, not even the ' Corrector ', who is 
 referred to occasionally, for praise or the reverse, by writers 
 of the time. 
 
 With good reason Mr. Simpson asks : ' Is it on <z priori 
 grounds likely that printers were more ignorant than the 
 majority of their fellow men ? Could a human being 
 endowed with reason serve an apprenticeship, work at the 
 trade of printing all his life, and set up the type of book 
 after book, without fathoming the inscrutable mystery 
 of the comma and the full stop ? ' ' The fact is ', he says, 
 * that English punctuation has radically changed in the 
 last three hundred years. Modern punctuation is, or at 
 any rate attempts to be, logical ; the earlier system was 
 
24 Dramatic Punctuation 
 
 mainly rhythmical.' Later on he tells us : ' There is 
 a second important difference between the old and the 
 new systems. Modern punctuation is uniform ; the old 
 punctuation was quite the reverse. It was natural that 
 in the earlier stages of printing usage should be less 
 settled, and it was certainly convenient for the printer. 
 For the poet it was something more : a flexible system of 
 punctuation enabled him to express subtle diflEerences of 
 tone.' 
 
 Finally Mr. Simpson reveals the main object of his little 
 treatise to be the vindication of the punctuation of the 
 First Folio : 
 
 The punctuation, which is usually regarded as the weakest 
 point in the printing of the Folio, I believe to be on the whole 
 sound and reasonable. It will help to a higher appreciation of 
 the merits of this famous text if its claim to be regarded as correct 
 in an elementary point of typography can be conclusively estab- 
 lished. I have attempted to marshal the evidence, and I venture 
 to submit the issue to the judgement of scholars. Was there, or 
 was there not, a system of punctuation which old printers used f 
 Can the differences of this system be classified, and proved step 
 by step by an accumulation of instances ? If so, we must do 
 Isaac Jaggard and Edward Blount and their workmen the justice 
 to believe that they knew how to print. 
 
 In his text Mr. Simpson proceeds to * marshal the 
 evidence ' in forty-three sections, the character of which 
 may be to some extent surmised from the headings of the 
 first score of them : 
 
 Light stopping — Vocative followed but not preceded by a 
 comma — Vocative without commas — Imperative without comma 
 — Appositional phrase without comma — Comma marking a 
 metrical pause — ^The emphasizing comma — Comma equivalent 
 to a dash — Comma marking interrupted speech — Comma marking 
 the logical subject — Comma marking off adverbial phrase or clause 
 — Comma between accusative and dative — Comma between 
 
Dramatic Punctuation 25 
 
 object and complement — Comma before a noun clause — Comma 
 before the ' defining ' relative — Comma before ' as ' — Comma 
 before ' but ' ( = ' except ') — Comma before ' than ' — Comma 
 before ' and ', with no comma after — Comma before ' or ' and 
 * nor ', with no comma after, &c. 
 
 Mr. Simpson had one or two predecessors (notably 
 Mr. A. E. Thiselton) in his pioneer work, but I owe my 
 own conversion entirely to his little book, and it was 
 originally my intention to work out the punctuation of 
 the difEerent editions of King Richard II in accordance 
 with his headings. I found this, however, beyond my 
 powers, and have come to think his method of exposition 
 a little misleading, as suggesting a grammatical intention 
 in the minds of Elizabethan or seventeenth-century 
 punctuators with which I should be loth to credit them. 
 Having acknowledged my indebtedness to Mr. Simpson 
 I shall therefore deal with the problem in my own way, 
 and he must not be held responsible for any shortcomings 
 in my method of attacking it. 
 
 * Modern punctuation,' says Mr.. Simpson, ' is, or at 
 any rate attempts to be, logical ; the earlier system was 
 mainly rhythmical.' In the plays of Shakespeare and in 
 all the poetry of his day, rhythm, no doubt, played a very 
 large part in determining punctuation ; but if any one 
 word has to be set up in opposition to ' logical ' I would 
 use a slightly larger term than ' rhythmical ', and call the 
 punctuation with which we are concerned ' rhetorical '. 
 In the plays, wherever it becomes important, it might 
 perhaps best be called ' dramatic '. To get at its 
 underlying principle we may go back to the lessons of 
 the schoolroom in which I learnt that, when a comma 
 stopped the way, I must pause while I could count one ; 
 when a semi-colon, while I could count two ; when 
 a colon, three ; when a full stop, four. Educational 
 
 d 
 
26 Dramatic Punctuation 
 
 formulas are long-lived, and it is possible that this simple 
 rule of thumb, which made each stop simply and solely a 
 measure of time, came down from Elizabethan days. It is 
 certainly quite inapplicable to modern punctuation. Any 
 one who read aloud and marked his stops like this would 
 risk having things thrown at him. In reading aloud we 
 ignore many of the stops with which grammarians have 
 taught printers to pepper our pages. The stops may 
 sometimes save us from mistaking the sense, but they 
 give hardly any clue as to how a given passage should be 
 ' taken ', and it is precisely this which the punctuation 
 of the First Folio attempted to do — and, at least occa- 
 sionally, did. 
 
 The strength of Mr. Simpson's treatise is in his exam- 
 ples, and the example which effected my conversion was 
 a line and a half from King Henry V (v. i. 49 sq.), spoken 
 by PistoU as, in terror of Fluellen's cudgel, he begins to 
 eat the leek. In the Folio it is printed, quite shamelessly. 
 
 By this Leeke, I will moft horribly reuenge I eate 
 and eate I fweare 
 
 In the Globe Shakespeare there is a colon after 
 ' reuenge ' and a comma after the second ' eate ' ; but 
 the Folio shows us Fluellen flourishing his cudgel, and 
 how should he stop while he might count three after 
 ' reuenge ', or even one after ' eate ', when the slightest 
 pause might bring the cudgel on his head ? The absence 
 of stops here can hardly be called rhythmical, but it is 
 certainly dramatic, and it gives what is practically 
 a stage direction, which is totally lacking in the modern 
 rendering. 
 
 While I was pondering this section chance brought to 
 me, at second hand, a delightful piece of Shakespearian 
 punctuation of an opposite kind, in Mr. Anstey's Voces 
 
Dramatic Punctuation 27 
 
 Populi. A Hyde Park orator is giving his views on minis- 
 terial shortcomings, and by printing his observations as 
 
 The present Government Har. The most Abandoned ! The 
 most Degraded ! The most Cowardly ! The most Debased ! 
 The most Ber-lud-thirsty ! Set. Of Sneakin' Ruffians. That 
 hever disgraced the Title. Of so-called Yumanity.^ 
 
 Mr. Anstey not only tells us exactly what his orator 
 said, but exactly how he said it. Here, in fact, we have 
 the First Folio punctuation in a nut-shell, emphasis- 
 capitals and all. 
 
 It is not in every play that a Fluellen whirls his cudgel 
 about the head of an unlucky Pistol, or that a speech 
 has to be delivered with the energy proper to Hyde Park. 
 We must be content, as a rule, and certainly in Richard II, 
 to trace the influence of the dramatic form in such less 
 striking instances as the special punctuation, sometimes 
 abnormally light, sometimes abnormally heavy, which we 
 find in long speeches. There is an element of convention 
 in aU dramatic art, but a good actor does not strain it 
 needlessly, and if he is given a long speech to deliver he 
 will not emphasize the improbability of the other man 
 being content to remain silent by unduly prolonging his 
 pauses. Hence the frequent substitution of the colon 
 for a full stop even in unimpassioned speeches, and the 
 use only of commas when in wrath, indignation, or 
 entreaty, the torrent of words is in fuU flow. Hence, 
 on the other hand, the greater significance of such full 
 stops as occur. In other contexts the use of notably 
 light stopping may occasionally denote an intentionally 
 abrupt transition. On the other hand, dramatic speech 
 being more emphatic than ordinary talk, we find commas 
 which seem superfluous, or other stops which seem 
 
 * Quoted in the Rev. Cyril A. Alington's J Schoolmaster's Apology 
 {Longmans, 1914). 
 
28 Dramatic Punctuation 
 
 needlessly heavy, inserted to indicate a pause, so that 
 the words which follow may be clearly heard in their fuU 
 value. Instances of this kind may be usefully classified 
 on Mr. Simpson's method, but here we are only con- 
 cerned in trying to distinguish between peculiarities, as 
 we esteem them, which may be attributed to the 
 dramatic form, and those which could be found also 
 in non-dramatic Elizabethan prose. 
 
 At the other end of the scale to this mainly dramatic 
 punctuation we have the reproduction, as on the disk of 
 a gramophone, of the pauses, or absence of pauses, in 
 ordinary talk. Our modern punctuation has left ordinary 
 talk altogether on one side, not without serious loss to 
 its own usefulness. If systematization should always 
 be accompanied by the critical revision which leads to 
 improvement, nevertheless a systematization of the 
 pauses in normal speech which leaves normal speech on 
 one side, in order to cut up sentences so as to make them 
 more easy to parse, has lost touch with reality. Some at 
 least of the divergences from our modern ' logical ' punc- 
 tuation which Mr. Simpson puts to the credit of an 
 Elizabethan ' rhythmical ' system seem to the present 
 writer to have nothing to do with rhythm. They repre- 
 sent actual modes of common speech, some of which an 
 elocutionist, so far from treating as rhythmical, would 
 denounce as slipshod. If a boy who sings out ' Come 
 along Jack ' does not pause before his friend's name, and 
 we wish to indicate this, why should we be denied leave 
 to omit a comma ? On the other hand, although the 
 number of words which it takes to express the subject of 
 a verb may make no difference to it logically or grammati- 
 cally, the Elizabethan custom of marking off the end of 
 such an extended subject by the interposition of a comma 
 before the verb answers to a real necessity of clear speech. 
 
Dramatic Punctuatioft 29 
 
 In the sentence just written such a comma would be 
 placed between ' verb ' and ' answers ', and any one who 
 reads it aloud will find himself involuntarily making at 
 that point the slight pause which a comma indicates. 
 
 Lastly the First Folio abounds with commas which are 
 as purely rhythmical in their intention as the colons 
 which divide every verse of the Prayer-book version of 
 the Psalms into two halves, balancing each other. We 
 find these most frequently at the end of lines, but very 
 often at the internal rhythmical break which I am old- 
 fashioned enough to call the caesura. We find them, not 
 uniformly, but frequently, wherever they can be placed 
 with advantage, or even without injury, to the rhetoric, 
 and Mr. Simpson's classification of his wealth of examples 
 according to the grammatical collocations which they 
 override is useful, and (I think) only useful, as demonstra- 
 ting that they have nothing to do with grammar. On 
 the view here taken the punctuation with which we are 
 dealing differs from that now in use by its closer adherence 
 to the actualities of ordinary speech, and by accommo- 
 dating itself unashamedly to the rhythmical, rhetorical, 
 and dramatic necessities of the playhouse. It may fairly 
 be regarded as a system, though, as Mr. Simpson rightly 
 insists, a varying and flexible one. In so far, however, as 
 it is really a system, it obviously leaves room for infringe- 
 ments of its own variable and flexible requirements, and 
 there seems a gap in Mr. Simpson's argument when he 
 advances at a leap from the demonstration that such 
 a system existed to the conclusion that Isaac Jaggard and 
 his workmen ^ ' knew how to print '. They certainly did 
 not invent the system. To confine ourselves to Shake- 
 speare texts, it is found full blown in the Heyes Quarto 
 
 ^ Blount, wtom Mr. Simpson, following the imprint of the First Folio, 
 couples with Jaggard, was not a printer, but a publisher. 
 
30 Emphasis Capitals 
 
 of the Merchant of Venice. Whether they are to be 
 called good printers or bad in this respect thus depends, 
 not on their mere adoption of it, but on the success with 
 which they carried it out, though as against their hasty 
 detractors Mr. Simpson is entitled to claim that he has 
 rescued them from the worst imputation, that of having 
 had no system at aU. But Mr. Simpson says nothing as 
 to their lapses, and until an advocatus diaboli has inquired 
 into these and been defeated, his full case is not made out. 
 The present apologist for the Quartos enters this caveat 
 by no means unsympathetically, as though the system in 
 this Quarto is the same as in the First Folio it will be 
 seen that, when he would most like to prove care, this is 
 so conspicuously absent that argument as to some interest- 
 ing punctuations which the edition offers is hampered 
 by a doubt as to how far they were deliberate. 
 
 In penitence for the length of these remarks on Punc- 
 tuation we will content ourselves with noting as to the 
 use of a capital or majuscule for the initial letter of sub- 
 stantives that this must be regarded as denoting some 
 rhetorical stress or emphasis, and that we shall find the 
 frequency of such emphasis capitals bearing some relation 
 to the heaviness of the punctuation. The practice of 
 contemporary actors may quite possibly have had some 
 influence on it, but it seems clear that in this matter the 
 printers were guided partly by the copy they had before 
 them, partly by their own preferences. 
 
 These preliminary explanations as to spelling, punctua- 
 tion, and initial capitals having been offered, we now 
 approach the very difficult task of presenting the charac- 
 teristics of the successive editions of King Richard II, so 
 as to create an impression of each of these editions as 
 a product of human minds and human hands doing their 
 best, good or ill, with the material which was set before 
 
Text 31 
 
 them. We can prove in the case of three of these editions, 
 two of 1598 and one of 1615, that in each instance this 
 material was exclusively a preceding edition, examples of 
 which are available for examination. Our main business 
 is to use the bibliographically ascertainable relation 
 between copy and original in these cases to deduce from 
 the state of the text of the First Quarto the probable 
 quality of the material — the manuscript obtained from the 
 players — from which the first printed text was derived, and 
 in like manner to get some indication of the value of the 
 new material, the manuscript of the so-called Deposition 
 Scene, obtained in 1608, and again of what new material 
 we are to suppose was available in 1623. As our starting- 
 point it is necessary to form, and convey, as accurate an 
 impression as possible of the positive value of the text 
 of the First Quarto. To do this we must needs have 
 recourse to some external and patently independent 
 testimony. To set out ourselves to establish from the 
 beginning the value of this text would involve the dis- 
 cussion of every letter in it which varies from the text of 
 any other edition, and to deduce from such a discussion 
 results sufficiently clear to command acceptance would 
 be a heavy task even for an investigator free from all 
 suspicion of bias. The present investigator tries assidu- 
 ously to keep himself free from bias ; but he is quite 
 willing to have his statements regarded as those of an 
 advocate for the goodness of the ' regularly entered ' 
 quarto texts, and to win his case, if he can, as an advocate, 
 without assuming the role of a judge. It is therefore a 
 great help and satisfaction that in the Cambridge edition 
 of Shakespeare, first published in 1863-6 (the first volume 
 edited by W. G. Clark and J. Glover, vols, ii-ix by W. G. 
 Clark and W. A. Wright), and re-edited by Mr. Aldis 
 Wright in 1891, there exists an entirely independent 
 
32 The Cambridge Shakespeare 
 
 critical text, the authority of which is certainly greater 
 than that of any other, and that by bringing this text into 
 our evidence we can materially simplify our task. 
 
 It may be well here to summarize the main features 
 of the Cambridge Shakespeare. The division into Acts 
 and Scenes follows that of the First Folio with some 
 modifications. The old stage-directions, dioly recorded 
 in the foot-notes, are rehandled and supplemented with 
 some freedom in order to make the action intelligible. 
 The text is printed in modern spelling, with modern 
 punctuation and the modern abstinence from emphasis- 
 capitals at the beginnings of words. The line-arrange- 
 ment, when it differs from that of the early editions, is 
 also modern, the result mainly of the labours of the 
 eighteenth-century commentators, to whom their respec- 
 tive suggestions are duly credited in the critical notes. 
 
 The text of our play, except in the so-called Deposition 
 Scene which follows the First Folio, is based on that of the 
 First Quarto (in which the Deposition Scene is omitted), 
 but corrected, to the extent which we shall see, partly 
 from the readings in the later Quartos and the four 
 Folios, partly from the editorial conjectures of the com- 
 mentators of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 
 Readings and conjectures not accepted in the text are 
 recorded in the critical foot-notes, each being carefully 
 credited to its original source. In these critical foot-notes 
 no arguments are used, but at the end of the play there 
 are some longer notes in which thirty-two passages are 
 concisely discussed. 
 
 The Cambridge Shakespeare is, of course, not infallible. 
 From the purely critical point of view it suffers slightly, 
 but only slightly, from the opportunist eclecticism by 
 which most other texts are far more deeply affected. 
 But it is a very fine text to have been produced at a time 
 
First Quarto Errors ' 33 
 
 when eclecticism was still rampant, and the occasional 
 yielding to the desire for an effective reading makes it all 
 the more valuable as a witness on our side. No one can 
 say that it disregards intelligibility. In a few cases, as we 
 shall see, difficulties are left unsolved for lack of any 
 satisfactory alternative reading or any probable emenda- 
 tion. But the appearance in it not only of alternative 
 readings from the First Folio, but of at least a few which 
 originated in the later Quartos, besides a very few avowed 
 ■conjectures, gives us the better right to regard the 
 Tetention of the text of the First Quarto in any passage 
 as a deliberate judgement that nothing more satisfactory 
 has been proposed. 
 
 Turning now to the First Quarto itself we find that 
 this contains nine sheets, signed A-I, of four leaves, or 
 eight pages apiece, and a half-sheet signed K, containing 
 three printed pages, followed by a blank. Excluding the 
 title, the blank page on the back of it, and the blank last 
 page, we have in all seventy-three pages used for the text, 
 a full page usually containing thirty-seven lines. What 
 amount of alteration, excluding for the moment spelling, 
 punctuation, and stage-directions, was necessary to bring 
 this amount of printed matter to the standard of intelli- 
 gibility demanded by the Cambridge editors ? The 
 question has both a quantitative and a qualitative aspect, 
 and we must try to answer it in each respect. Of course, 
 to summarize the state of the text of a play of Shake- 
 speare's in terms of arithmetic is immensely difficult, and 
 we only attempt the task as a rough aid to visualizing our 
 problem. With this proviso we offer the Answer that on 
 an average one error has been discovered on every page 
 of the First Quarto, and about once in every four pages 
 some readjustment is needed in the line-arrangement. It 
 must be added that, as shown by the notes, about once in 
 
34 First Quarto Errors 
 
 every four pages there isa word or aphrase which not merely 
 one but most of the commentators have found difficult, but 
 for which no satisfactory solution can be discovered. 
 
 Before proceeding further we must recall the very 
 interesting and important fact already mentioned that in 
 the three copies of the First Quarto still in existence 
 nine pages exist in two different states, the one corrected, 
 the other uncorrected. The distribution of the pages in 
 the three copies has already been stated. In the co- 
 existence of corrected and uncorrected pages in different 
 copies of the same edition there is nothing unusual. It 
 can be paralleled from many Elizabethan books, and 
 could certainly be paralleled from many more were the 
 zeal for collation now reserved for special rarities bestowed 
 on a few score of ordinary works of the same period. In 
 the case of Richard II, as the nine pages on which these 
 variations occur are scattered over five sheets, we may 
 guess that Valentine Sims had a trick of arriving late, 
 or lingering unduly over his dinner, and the pressmen, in 
 their anxiety to get on with their work, began printing 
 off on several occasions before his arrival. When at last 
 the corrector made his appearance the pressmen stopped 
 work for a few minutes, while such additional corrections 
 as he thought needed were made on the sheet they 
 were printing. Such a method of procedure would be 
 very characteristic of the mixture of carelessness and care 
 which seems to have pervaded the Elizabethan printing- 
 houses. The printers were quite anxious to do decent 
 work, but they had to get on with their job, and while 
 they would take the trouble to make corrections they 
 could not hang about waiting for them. 
 
 The mistakes which were corrected in some copies and 
 left uncorrected in others are seventeen in number and 
 very various in kind. In the first of them we have one 
 
Errors of Hearing 35 
 
 of the few really probable cases of a compositor having 
 had his text read out to him, the line (i. i. 139) " But 
 ■ere I last receiude the Sacrament ' appearing in the 
 Devonshire and Capell copies with a preliminary * Ah ', 
 which could hardly have crept in from any other cause 
 than our English habit of making strange noises, now 
 generally ' Er ', between our sentences.'^ Many mis- 
 prints which have been explained as arising from oral 
 dictation more probably arose from the compositor 
 keeping a sentence in his head and dictating it to himself. 
 Any general habit of printing from dictation is extremely 
 improbable, inasmuch as with only a slight saving of time 
 to the compositor it would have involved the employment 
 of an extra man, nineteen-twentieths of whose time would 
 have been wasted, as a dictator can read quite twenty 
 times as fast as a compositor can set up. Moreover, early 
 pictures of printing-houses, in several of which we see the 
 compositor working with his copy stuck up in front of 
 him, further discount its likelihood. On the other hand, 
 on a dark day, or when difficult copy was sent in, a master 
 printer might easily have taken the manuscript himself 
 to a window or candle and dictated for a few minutes. 
 
 While the reading with the interjected 'Ah' stands by 
 itself, there are others of these seventeen mistakes which 
 may possibly be best explained on the dictation theory. 
 Thus in the second of the two lines (i. iii. 135-6) 
 With harlh refounding trumpets dreadfull bray. 
 And grating fliocke of wrathfull yron armes, 
 
 1 Mr. F. J. Hall, Controller of the Oxford University Press, who has 
 taken a very kind interest in the typographical questions dealt with in 
 this Introduction, is reluctant to admit even this as an instance of dicta- 
 tion. He suggests that the pen and ink copyist may have begun the line 
 with the intention of writing the word 'And', but when he got as far as 
 ' An ' he discovered his mistake, and put his pen through the ' An ' in 
 such a way as to make it look like ' Ah '. 
 
36 Corrections during Printing 
 
 the Huth and Capell copies repeat ' harsh resounding ' 
 where they ought to have printed ' wrathfull iron '. 
 Possibly a dictator, as dictators have a way of doing, with 
 mistaken kindness began to read line 135 over again when, 
 the compositor was setting up line 1 36, and thus ' harsh 
 resounding' was printed twice over. In three other cases 
 the question is one of an ' s ' at the end of a word ; ^ in twO' 
 others of a letter inserted or omitted at the beginning.^ 
 Other theorists will expect to find the compositor,, 
 instead of always setting up the successive letters of a line 
 in their order, varying his work by picking out the letters 
 according to the arrangement of his composing box and 
 occasionally clapping one or more on the wrong word^ 
 This may explain ' any ' for ' a ' in v. ii. 108 (Huth)^ 
 taken in conjunction with 'a' for ' any' in the following^ 
 
 '^ In I. ii. 48 'butchers' for 'butcher'; in i. iii. 133 'Draw' for 
 ' Drawes ' ; in 11. i. 156 ' kerne ' for ' kernes '. The first of these is 
 important because it supplies an exact parallel to another line left 
 uncorrected. ' Butchers ' for ' butcher ' occurs in the line ' That 
 it may enter butchers Mowbraies breafl. '. In 11. i. 124 the First 
 Quarto reads ' Oh fpare me not my brothers Edwards fonne ', and 
 we may fairly conclude that if the press-corrector had been alert 
 he would have treated ' brothers ' as he treated ' butchers ' and docked 
 the final s. 
 
 ^ I. ii. 70 ' cheere ' for ' heare ', i. iii. 241 ' ought ' for ' fought '. The 
 reading ' cheere ' is rather famous, because of Malone's vigorous defence 
 of it, when ' heare ' was only known as a later Quarto reading, its occur- 
 rence in the Devonshire copy of the First Quarto not having been noted.- 
 The full passage is 
 
 Alacke and what fhaU good olde Yorke there fee. 
 
 But empty lodgings and vnfurnidit wals, 
 
 Vnpeopled offices, vntrodden ftones. 
 
 And what heare there for welcome but my grones ? 
 ' There fee ' in the first of these lines is so excellently complemented by 
 ' heare there ' in the fourth that there can be littie doubt as to the 
 correctness of the latter reading. Yet Malone made out quite a good case 
 for his ' And what cheer there for welcome but my grones ? '. 
 
Corrections during Printing ■^j 
 
 line ; ^ possibly also ' emptines, hoUownes ' in i. ii. 59 
 instead of ' emptie hoUownes '. In two lines we have small 
 words dropped out ('alas' from i. ii. 42, the first ' his' from 
 I. iii. 108). In ' riuall hating ' for ' riuall-hating ' (i. iii, 
 131) we have the less important omission of a hyphen, and 
 in ' portcnlift ' for ' portcullift ', in i. iii. 167, a simple 
 misspelling. The mistake ' with ' for ' what ' in i. iv. 27 
 may point to an original contraction ' w". The remaining 
 differences of reading are ' cruell woundes ' for ' ciuUl 
 woundes ' in i. iii. 128 (involving a change of only two 
 letters), and ' this ' for ' thy ' in v. iii. 126. 
 
 If these seventeen corrections had occurred in a first 
 edition of a book by certain writers, Ben Jonson, for 
 instance, or Herrick, we should need to inquire whether 
 any of them could be due to the belated intervention of 
 the author. Not even the most valiant defenders of the 
 value of the First Quartos, as far as I am aware, has ever 
 contended that Shakespeare revised the proof-sheets of 
 any of his plays. To make out even a plausible case 
 for such a revision would immediately place the text 
 in question on a pinnacle far higher than I should dare 
 to claim for the best that has come down to us. We 
 must take it that the mistakes are ordinary mistakes due 
 to the compositors misrendering their copy, and that 
 the corrections are ordinary corrections due to the 
 printer's reader^ intervening belatedly. As such their 
 interest is very great, as they show us the kind of mistakes 
 which not merely some Elizabethan printers chosen at 
 haphazard, but the very men who were setting up the 
 first edition of this play, were capable of making when 
 
 1 He is as like tkee as a man may be. 
 Not like to me, or any of my kinne. 
 ^ The ' printer's reader ' would probably be Sims himself. In his. 
 absence the compositor would have had to examine the proof himself. 
 
38 Errors not due to Copy 
 
 left to themselves. To this point we shall return later on. 
 There is another which we must press home at once. 
 Here are seventeen mistakes which the compositors made 
 and the proof-reader tardily corrected. If instead of 
 correcting them when part of the number of copies 
 required of each sheet had been printed off he had not 
 corrected them at all, though the reputation of the First 
 Quarto would have suffered, the value of the manuscript 
 on which that Quarto was based would have remained 
 the same. Save in so far as they suggest that the writing 
 of the manuscript was bad, or that it was crabbedly 
 corrected, the seventeen blunders, far from discrediting 
 the manuscript, bring vividly before us the ease with 
 which errors were introduced in the process of printing 
 and the extreme danger of assuming that the faultiness 
 of a printed text involves a corresponding faultiness in 
 the manuscript which it follows.^ 
 
 We can express the errors corrected in copies of the 
 First Quarto itself in the following table.^ 
 
 
 
 Lettei 
 
 :s omitted 
 
 
 
 I. iii. 133 
 
 reads 
 
 Draw 
 
 
 for 
 
 Drawes. 
 
 I. iii. 241 
 
 
 ought 
 
 
 
 fought. 
 
 II. i. 156 
 
 
 kerne 
 
 
 
 kernes. 
 
 ^ Obviously the first business of the Cambridge editors was to follow 
 the corrected pages in each case and eliminate the mistakes due to the 
 uncorrected ones. As a matter of fact when the first Cambridge edition 
 was issued the existence of the two ' states ' of the sheets in question was 
 not fully known ; but in the revised edition of 1891 the process was 
 completed, and from the numerical estimate of the sins of the First 
 Quarto oflEered on p. 33, from the stand-point of the Cambridge text, 
 these blunders which the printers of the Quarto themselves corrected 
 were, of course, set aside. 
 
 * This omits ' portculift. ' /or ' portcullifl ' in x. iii. 167 as a matter of 
 spelling with which we are not at present concerned ; also ' riuaU hating ' 
 Jot ' riuall-hating ' in i. iii. 131, as hyphens for our purpose may be classed 
 with punctuation. 
 

 
 First Quarto Errors 
 
 39 
 
 
 
 Letter added 
 
 
 I. ii. 48 
 
 reads 
 
 butchers for 
 Letters substituted 
 
 butcher. 
 
 I. ii. 59 
 
 reads 
 
 emptines for 
 Words omitted 
 
 emptie. 
 
 I. ii. 42 
 
 reads 
 
 then for 
 
 then alas. 
 
 I. iii. io8 
 
 
 God 
 
 Word added 
 
 his God. 
 
 I. i. 139 
 
 reads 
 
 Ah but for 
 Words substituted 
 
 But. 
 
 I. ii. 70 
 
 reads 
 
 cheere for 
 
 heare. 
 
 I. iii. 128 
 
 
 cruell 
 
 ciuill. 
 
 I. iii. 136 
 
 
 harfh refounding 
 
 wrathful! yron. 
 
 I. iv. 27 
 
 
 With 
 
 What. 
 
 V. ii. 108 
 
 
 any 
 
 a. 
 
 V. ii. 109. 
 
 
 a 
 
 any. 
 
 V. iii. 126. 
 
 
 this 
 
 thy. 
 
 Taking the Cambridge text as our standard we can 
 express the First Quarto's uncorrected errors, other than 
 of line-arrangement, speakers, spelling and punctuation, 
 in the same way, adding in a fourth column a note of 
 the edition in which the error was first corrected.-"- 
 
 Letters omitted (8) 
 I. i. 102 reads taitoviT^ for traitor corrected by B. 
 
 I. iii. 180 y'owe you owe F. 
 
 '^ In this column B stands for the earlier edition of 1598, W for the 
 later, C and D for those of 1608 and 1615, F for the Folio of 1623, F^ for 
 the second Folio, G for the Quarto of 1634, F* and F* for the third and 
 fourth Folios, and Edd. for later editions. 
 
 2 The mention of this misprint in a foot-note in the Cambridge edition 
 should have carried with it at least eight others apparently omitted 
 as not worth noticing : 11. i. 200 ' lay ' for ' fay ' ; in. iii. 201 ' flroug'st ' 
 for ' ftrongfl ' ; iii. iv. 48 ' htah ' for ' hath ' ; v. i. 3 ' wohfe ' for ' whofe ' ; 
 V. ii. 104 ' rhy ' for ' thy ' ; v. iii. 49 ' writtng ' for ' writing ' ; v. v. 33 
 ' penurie ' for ' penurie ' ; v. v. 88 ' prond ' for ' proud '- 
 
40 
 
 f trst { 
 
 Juarto hrrors 
 
 
 I. iii. 239 1 
 
 reads had't 
 
 for had it 
 
 corrected by Edd, 
 
 II. i.2S7 
 
 King 
 
 King's 
 
 W. 
 
 III. ii. 40. 
 
 bouldy 
 
 boldly 
 
 Edd, 
 
 V. iii. 75 
 
 voice 
 
 voic'd 
 
 W. 
 
 ■v. iii. 122 
 
 fets 
 
 fet'ft 
 
 G. 
 
 V. vi. 43 
 
 through 
 
 thorough 
 
 Edd. 
 
 
 Letters 
 
 transposed (i) 
 
 
 II. i. 278 
 
 reads Brittaine 
 
 jor Brittanie 
 
 corrected by B. 
 
 
 Letters added (16) 
 
 
 I. iii. 222 
 
 reads nightes 
 
 for night 
 
 corrected by C. 
 
 I. iii. 254 
 
 returneft 
 
 return'ft 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iv. 20 
 
 Coofens 
 
 Coofen 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 18. 
 
 found 
 
 fond 
 
 Edd. 
 
 II. i. 124. 
 
 brothers (so 
 
 F) brother 
 
 B. 
 
 II. ii. 16 
 
 eyes 
 
 eye 
 
 F. 
 
 II. ii. 31. 
 
 thought 
 
 though 
 
 B. 
 
 II. ii. 129 
 
 that is 
 
 that's 
 
 F. 
 
 II. iii. 36 
 
 Herefords 
 
 Hereford 
 
 W. 
 
 III. ii. 29 
 
 heauens 
 
 heauen 
 
 Edd. 
 
 III. ii. 32. 
 
 fuccors 
 
 fuccor 
 
 Edd. 
 
 III. iv. 26 
 
 pines 
 
 pins 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iv. 29 
 
 yong 
 
 yon 
 
 B. 
 
 IV. i. 89 
 
 he is 
 
 he's 
 
 F. 
 
 V. i. 37 
 
 fometimes 
 
 fometime 
 
 W. 
 
 V. i. 62 
 
 knoweft 
 
 know'ft 
 
 B. 
 
 
 IV. Letters substituted (7) 
 
 
 1. i. 152 
 
 reads gentleman 
 
 jor gentlemen 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 I. ii. 47 
 
 fet 
 
 fit 
 
 F. 
 
 I. ii. 58 
 
 is 
 
 it 
 
 B. 
 
 II. i. 15 
 
 Hues 
 
 life's 
 
 F4. 
 
 II. i. 102 
 
 inraged 
 
 incaged 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iii. 52 
 
 tottered 
 
 tatter'd 
 
 W. 
 
 V. V. 27 
 
 fet 
 
 fit 
 
 W. 
 
 
 V. Words omitted (14) 
 
 
 I. i. 118 
 
 reads fcepters for my fcepters 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 I. iii. 172 
 
 fentence 
 
 featence then 
 
 F. 
 
 ^ The line is omitted in the Folio. 
 
11. i. 48 
 
 reads moate 
 
 II. iii. 99 
 
 lord 
 
 HI. ii. 30 
 
 elfe 
 
 ni. ii. 134. 
 
 this 
 
 III. iii. 13. 
 
 brief 
 
 III. iv. 57 
 
 at 
 
 IV. i. 76 
 
 bond 
 
 IV. i. 333 
 
 the 
 
 V. i. 62 
 
 He 
 
 V. iii. 36 
 
 May 
 
 V. iii. 144 
 
 coufin 
 
 First Quarto Errors 41 
 
 I. iv. 23 reads Bufliie for Bushy, Bagot here and Greene corrected 
 by FG. 
 
 for a moate corrected by C. 
 
 the lord F. 
 
 elfe if Edd. 
 
 this offence F. 
 
 brief with you F. 
 
 We at Edd. 
 
 my bond W. 
 
 and the Edd. 
 
 And he Edd. 
 
 I may B. 
 
 coufin, too, G. 
 
 VI. Words transposed (4) 
 
 II. ii. no reads diforderly thruft /or thruft diforderly corrected 
 
 by Edd. 
 II. ii. 138 reads Will the hatefull commons for The hateful! 
 
 commons will corrected by Edd. 
 V. ii. 52 reads do thefe iufts and triumphs hold ? for hold thofe 
 
 iufts and triumphs ? corrected by F. 
 V. iii. 13s reads I pardon him with all my heart for 
 With all my heart 
 
 I pardon him corrected by Edd. 
 
 VII. Words added (2) 
 
 I, i. 162 reads obedience bids Obedience bids for Obedience 
 
 bids corrected by Edd. 
 
 II. i. 113 reads now not, not for now, not corrected by ^Ad, 
 
 VIII. Words substituted (17) 
 I. iii. 33 reads comes for com'ft corrected by F. 
 
 I. iv. 53 reads Enter Bujhie with newes. for Enter Bushy. 
 
 King. Bushy, what newes ? corrected by F. 
 
 II. i. 177 reads a number for the number corrected by F. 
 II. i. 252 hath have Edd. 
 II. iii. 123 in of B. 
 
 II. iii. 158 vnto to B. 
 
 III. iii. 119 princeffe a prince, is W. F. 
 III. iv. II griefe joy Edd. 
 
two 
 
 for too 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 canft 
 
 
 cameft 
 
 B. 
 
 them 
 
 
 him 
 
 W. 
 
 throwne 
 
 
 ftricken 
 
 F. 
 
 the 
 
 
 thy 
 
 B. 
 
 the 
 
 
 a 
 
 B. 
 
 there 
 
 
 their 
 
 B. 
 
 ftiU 
 
 
 fhaU 
 
 F. 
 
 what 
 
 
 that 
 
 F. 
 
 42 First Quarto Errors 
 
 III. iv. 34 reads two 
 
 III. iv.,8o 
 
 IV. i. 22 
 
 V. i. 25 
 V. i. 32 
 V. i. 34 
 V. ii. 98 
 V. iii. 106 
 V. vi. 47 
 
 The list is a pretty long one, but now let us compare 
 it with a similar list for B, the earlier of the two editions 
 of 1598, issued from the same printing office as the first 
 edition, and very probably set up by the same compositors 
 who had worked at the first a few months earlier. In this 
 list I have only assigned to their authors the corrections 
 made in the later Quartos and the First Folio. Two 
 small errors which seem to occur only in the Capell 
 copy (' gortes ' for ' grotes ' in v. v. 68, and the omission 
 of ' it ' in V iii. 55) are left on one side, as not affecting 
 the whole edition. 
 
 
 I. Letters omitted (16) 
 
 
 I. iii. 141 
 
 reads field 
 
 for fields 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 I. iii. 237 
 
 vrge 
 
 vrgde 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 266 
 
 a 
 
 as 
 
 
 II. i. 201 
 
 right 
 
 rightes 
 
 
 II. ii. 79 
 
 care 
 
 cares 
 
 
 III. i. 7 
 
 death 
 
 deaths 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. II 
 
 fauour 
 
 fauours 
 
 
 III. ii. 41 
 
 his 
 
 this 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. 138 
 
 head 
 
 heads 
 
 F. 
 
 IV. i. 52 
 
 take 
 
 taske 
 
 
 IV. i. 138 
 
 his 
 
 this 
 
 
 IV. i. 332 
 
 hart 
 
 harts 
 
 
 V. i. 43 
 
 griefe 
 
 grief es 
 
 
 V. i. 46 
 
 simpathie 
 
 simpathize 
 
 F. 
 
 V. V. 36 
 
 king 
 
 king'd 
 
 F. 
 
 V. vi. 43 
 
 the fliade 
 
 fliades 
 
 
Second Quarto Errors 
 
 II. Letters transposed (2) 
 II. i 18 reads ftate for tafte 
 
 43 
 
 III. ii. 40 
 
 bloody for bouldy (boldly) 
 III. Letters added (12) 
 
 corrected 
 
 by 
 
 Edd, 
 
 I. iii. 13 
 
 reads what's 
 
 for what 
 
 
 
 
 I. iii. 109 
 
 forwards 
 
 forward 
 
 corrected 
 
 h 
 
 lF3. 
 
 I. iv. 22 
 
 comes 
 
 come 
 
 
 
 D. 
 
 II. i. 243 
 
 (& 24s) againfl: 
 
 gainft 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 271 
 
 efpie 
 
 fpy 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. ii. 26 
 
 eyes 
 
 eye 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. iii. 102 
 
 thoufands 
 
 thoufand 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. 53 
 
 trembled 
 
 tremble 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. 170 
 
 wralls 
 
 wall 
 
 
 
 
 V. i. 74 
 
 betwixt 
 
 twixt 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. iii. 17 
 
 commoneft 
 
 commonlt 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. iv. 4 
 
 friends 
 
 friend 
 
 
 
 W. 
 
 
 IV. Letters substituted (2) 
 
 
 
 
 II. i. 12 
 
 reads glofe fi 
 
 7r clofe 
 
 corrected 
 
 by 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 87 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 
 V. Words omitted (23) 
 
 
 
 
 I. i. 60 
 
 reads and foi 
 
 ■ and I 
 
 corrected 
 
 by 
 
 F. 
 
 I. i. 77 
 
 deuife 
 
 worfe deuife 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 88 
 
 flatter 
 
 flatter with 
 
 
 
 
 II. i. 127 
 
 tapt 
 
 tapt out 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 146 
 
 be 
 
 aUbe 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. iii. 3 
 
 in 
 
 here in 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. iii. 118 
 
 father 
 
 my father 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. iv. IS 
 
 death 
 
 death or fall 
 
 
 
 
 II. iv. 18 
 
 with 
 
 with the 
 
 
 
 
 III. iii. 27 
 
 the 
 
 are the 
 
 
 
 
 III. iii. 205 
 
 heir 
 
 my heir 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iv. 42 
 
 in 
 
 as in 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iv. 107 
 
 in 
 
 in the 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 IV. i. 26 
 
 thou 
 
 I fay thou 
 
 
 
 
 IV. i. 117 
 
 any 
 
 that any 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. i. 87 
 
 weep 
 
 weep thou 
 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. ii. 2 
 
 ftory 
 
 ftory of[f] 
 
 
 
 
44 
 
 V. ii. 66 
 
 V. ii. 78 
 V. ii. 109 
 V. V. 46 
 V. V. 50 
 V. vi. 8 
 
 II. n. S3 
 II. iii. 92 
 
 II. iv. 8 
 
 III. iii. 21 
 
 III. iv. 55 
 
 IV. i. 115 
 
 V. ii. 89 
 V. V. 27 
 
 II. i. 171 
 
 II. i. 291 
 
 III. ii. 113 
 
 III. iii. 146 
 
 IV. i. 41 
 IV. i. 122 
 
 IV. i. 148 
 
 V. iii. 102 
 V. V. 32 
 V. vi. 43 
 
 I. i. 70 
 I. i. 87 
 I. i. 146 
 I. i. 189 
 I. i. 198 
 I. i. 202 
 I. iii. loi 
 I. iii. 117 
 
 Second Quarto Errors 
 
 reads againft the for gainft the triumph 
 triumph day 
 
 toy, by my (twrice) 
 
 me to me corrected by F. 
 
 difordered a difordered F. 
 
 made made me 
 
 Salifbury Salifbury, Blunt F.» 
 
 VI. Words transposed (8) 
 reads yong fonne for fon yong 
 
 more than why then more why 
 
 all are 
 royally is 
 it is 
 I may 
 not thou 
 haue many 
 
 are all 
 is royally 
 is it 
 may I 
 thou not 
 many haue 
 
 VII. Words added (10) 
 reads the noble for noble 
 our countries our 
 and boyes 
 
 a king 
 liue I 
 not here 
 and let 
 do come 
 a king 
 the shade 
 
 VIII. 
 
 boies 
 
 king 
 
 liue 
 
 here 
 
 let 
 
 come 
 
 king 
 
 shades 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 W. 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 
 F. 
 F. 
 D. 
 
 F. 
 F. 
 
 reads 
 
 Words substituted (50) 
 a _ for the corrected by G^ 
 
 faid fpeake 
 
 the my F. 
 
 begger-face beggar-fear F. 
 
 Hues F. 
 
 we 
 
 the 
 
 forward F. 
 
 life 
 you 
 thy 
 forth 
 
 * Salisbury, Spencer, Blunt. 
 
Second Quarto Errors 
 
 45 
 
 I. iii. 146 
 
 reads vnto 
 
 for to corrected by F. 
 
 I. iii. 233 
 
 with 
 
 vpon 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 240 1 
 
 would 
 
 Ihould 
 
 
 I. iii. 303 
 
 it 
 
 he 
 
 
 I. iv. 10 
 
 your 
 
 our 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. S3 
 
 in 
 
 for 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 92 
 
 I 
 
 and 
 
 
 II. i. 95 
 
 the 
 
 thy 
 
 
 II. ii. 57 
 
 the reft of the al the reft 
 
 
 II. ii. 94 
 
 I came came 
 and 
 
 by as I came by I 
 
 
 II. ii. 103 
 
 two 
 
 no > 
 
 
 II. ii. 139 
 
 in 
 
 to 
 
 
 II. iii. 14 
 
 that 
 
 which 
 
 
 II. iii. 77 
 
 ghorious 
 
 gratious regent 
 
 
 II. iii. 112 
 
 my 
 
 thy 
 
 F. 
 
 III. i. 15 
 
 with 
 
 by 
 
 
 III. i. 18 
 
 they 
 
 you 
 
 F. 
 
 III. i. 22 
 
 While 
 
 Whilft 
 
 
 III. ii. I 
 
 you 
 
 they 
 
 
 III. ii. 142 
 
 Ye(=yea) 
 
 I(=ay) 
 
 
 III. iii. 56 
 
 smoke 
 
 shock 
 
 
 III. iii. 166 
 
 And 
 
 As 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iv. 24 
 
 commeth 
 
 come 
 
 
 III. iv. 38 
 
 that 
 
 which 
 
 
 III. iv. 50 
 
 that 
 
 which 
 
 
 III. iv. X04 
 
 drop 
 
 fall 
 
 
 IV. i. 22 
 
 my 
 
 them 
 
 (Whim) 
 
 IV. i. 35 
 
 that 
 
 which 
 
 
 IV. i. 41 
 
 the 
 
 that 
 
 
 IV. i. 70 
 
 mine 
 
 my 
 
 C. 
 
 IV. i. 82 
 
 of 
 
 at 
 
 F. 
 
 IV. i. 98 
 
 a 
 
 that 
 
 F. 
 
 IV. i. 102 
 
 fure 
 
 furely 
 
 
 V. i. 39 
 
 my 
 
 thy 
 
 
 V. i. 95 
 
 doubly 
 
 dumbly 
 
 F. 
 
 V. ii. II 
 
 while 
 
 wbilft 
 
 
 V. iii. 16 
 
 to 
 
 vnto 
 
 F. 
 
 ^ The line is omitted in the Folio. 
 
4 6 Second Quarto Errors 
 
 V. iii. 21 
 
 reads fparkles 
 
 for fparks 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 V. V. I 
 
 V. V. 14 
 V. V. 31 
 V. vi. 35 
 
 to 
 thy 
 prifon 
 flaughter 
 
 I may 
 the 
 perfon 
 flaunder 
 
 F, 
 
 The total number of errors introduced in this one edi- 
 tion amounts to no fewer than 123, or very nearly twice 
 as many as those which have been detected in the First 
 Quarto, and far more than the sins which can be attributed 
 to the printers of that edition even if every difficulty 
 which remains unsolved is to be laid at their door. Let 
 us remember that this second edition was probably called 
 for in a hurry ; let us remember that the printer's reader, 
 knowing that the compositors were setting up from print 
 instead of from manuscript, may have given himself 
 a holiday ; let us make any other allowances that can 
 reasonably be suggested : we cannot get away from the 
 fact that in the face of this mass of new errors introduced 
 in printing the second edition from the first, we cannot 
 argue from the smaller number of errors in the first 
 edition that the manuscript from which that edition was 
 set up was in any respect imperfect. It may have been 
 imperfect, and the printers may have printed from it 
 with absolute fidelity, but with the evidence before us 
 of the mass of errors introduced in reprinting the text in 
 the same printing-house a few months later, the proba- 
 bility is all the other way. 
 
 In comparison with B, the text of the later of the two 
 editions of 1598 here reproduced from Mr. White's copy 
 is quite creditably correct. From my record of it I have 
 omitted three examples of the kind of misprint which the 
 Cambridge editors treated as negligible in the case of the 
 First Quarto (' Knigthood ' in 1. i. 179 ; ' vengance ' in 
 I. ii. 8 ; ' iustie ' for ' iustice ' in i. iii. 30), lest I should 
 
New Quarto Errors 
 
 47 
 
 be thought to be pressing too hardly on the later Quartos. 
 On the other hand I have included ' vnpruind ' for 
 * vnprund ' in in. iv. 45, because after 
 in C and D the misprint recurs in F. 
 
 Letters omitted (4) 
 reads face for faces 
 
 land lands 
 
 or for 
 
 beaft beafls 
 
 Letters added (4) 
 reads they reach for thy reach 
 Ah A 
 
 loue's loue 
 
 vnpruind vnprund 
 
 Letters substituted (3) 
 reads in for an 
 
 rebellious rebellions 
 
 hald held (F had) 
 
 Words omitted (3) 
 reads royall for moft royall 
 
 Duke good Duke 
 
 Before My Lo. before 
 
 Words added (3) 
 reads w^hat thou for thou 
 
 fmall pofterne poflerne 
 
 king (Qi kingd) 
 
 substituted (18) 
 for at 
 Hues 
 
 I. IV. 7 
 
 II. i. 210 
 II. iii. 117 
 V- i. 35 
 
 II. i. 106 
 
 II. i. 115 
 
 III. ii. 13s 
 III. iv. 45 
 
 I. i. 24 
 III. ii. 26 
 V. iii. 63 
 
 III. iii. 38 
 
 III. iv. 70 
 
 IV. i. 326 
 
 1. 1. ^^ 
 
 V. V. 17 
 V. V. 36 
 
 being corrected 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 
 corrected by C. 
 F. 
 F. 
 C. 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 
 I. ui. 72 
 I. iii. 86 
 I. iii. 187 
 I. iii. 266 
 
 I. iv. 8 
 
 II. i. 10 
 II. i. 18 
 
 a King 
 
 Words 
 reads a 
 lies 
 louing 
 foyle 
 fleepie 
 hath 
 his 
 then there 
 
 lowring 
 
 foyle 
 
 fleeping 
 
 haue 
 
 whofe 
 
 the wife 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 
48 New Quarto Errors 
 
 II. i. 293 
 
 II. ii. 3 
 
 III. i. 24 
 in. ii. 31 1 
 
 reads broken jor broking corrected by F. 
 halfe-harming life-harming (F. selfe-harming) 
 mine my 
 would wil 
 
 III. ii. 67 
 III. ii. 116 
 III. ii. 117 
 
 my 
 
 browes 
 
 wo 
 
 
 me 
 
 bowes F. 
 
 [y]ewe F, 
 
 III. iii. 17 
 
 III. iv. 52 
 
 IV. i. 14s 
 
 your 
 puld 
 againft his 
 
 
 our 
 pluckt 
 againft this 
 
 This total of 35 new errors in W compares very 
 favourably indeed with the 1 23 in B, and is, as it should be, 
 only a little over half of the number the Cambridge editors 
 debit to the printers of A. But the printer employed 
 in 1608 by Mathew Lawe did even better. Hitherto he 
 has been held responsible for some thirty or more new 
 errors introduced by his immediate predecessor. In the 
 imprint he is named only by his initials, W. W., but these 
 are known to stand for William White ; and it is rather 
 a pretty coincidence that the good workmanship of his 
 office is now vindicated by the evidence of this facsimile 
 from the library of a modern collector who bears the 
 same name. As before, we omit from our formal 
 summary a few printers' faults which have no sig- 
 nificance (hi. ii. 177, Kin for King ; in. iii. 120, 
 Gentlem for Gentleman ; i. i. 147, Tpon for Vpon ; 
 1. iii. I, Kerford for Hereford ; i. iii. 38, Morfolk for 
 Norfolk; i. iii. 112, befend for defend; in. ii. 169, 
 lettle for little). Relieved of these the record stands : ^ 
 
 Letter omitted (i) 
 V. ii. 39 reads subiect for subiects corrected by F. 
 
 ^ The line is omitted in the Folio. 
 
 ^ The ' Deposition Scene ', as it does not occur in the first three 
 Quartos, is excluded from our reckoning. 
 
i6o8 Quarto. Its Errors 
 
 Letters added (3) 
 III. iii. 19 reads willes for will 
 
 III. iii. 160 weepeft weepft 
 
 IV. i. 93 lefus lefu 
 
 Letters substituted (4) 
 I. iii. 167 reads percullift for portcuUift 
 
 V. i. 63 will wilt 
 V. ii. 46 art are 
 
 V. iv. i works words 
 
 Words omitted (3) 
 1. ii. 12 reads were for were as 
 
 I. iii. 269 1 deal a deal 
 
 II. i. 148 Nothing Nay, nothing 
 
 Word added (i) 
 
 49 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 
 F. 
 
 I. i. 82 
 
 reads aliue, aliue 
 
 for aliue 
 
 corrected by F. 
 
 
 Words substituted (6) 
 
 
 I. iii. 215 
 
 I. iii. 280 ^ 
 
 II. ii. 57 
 
 II. ii. 69 
 HI. iii. 12 
 
 III. iii. 168 
 
 reads breach 
 who 
 
 reuolting 
 couetous 
 fliould 
 their 
 
 for breath 
 woe 
 
 reuolted 
 coufening 
 Would 
 there 
 
 corrected by D. 
 
 F. 
 
 F. 
 F. 
 F. 
 
 We come now to the edition of 161 5, the last of the 
 Quartos which preceded the Folio of 1623. After 
 eliminating a few misplaced letters which make only 
 nonsense (v. v. 26, refnuge for refuge ; i. i. 192, baee for 
 bafe ; i. iv. i, Humerle for Aumerle ; iii. ii. 32, pooferred 
 for profered ; v. iii. 56, nos for not), we find a record 
 about as good as that of W. 
 
 Letters omitted (3) 
 
 . iii. 301 reads Giue for Giues corrected by F. 
 
 II. i. 195 right rights F. 
 
 IV. i. 329 intent intents F. 
 
 1 The Folio omits the line. 
 
5° 
 
 161^ Quarto. Its Errors 
 Letters added (3) 
 
 
 
 I. i. 67 
 
 reads meant for mean 
 
 corrected 
 
 iy F. 
 
 III. iii. 46 
 
 be drencht be drench 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. iii. 58 
 
 thee heart the heart 
 Letters substituted (6) 
 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 29 
 
 reads formerly for formally 
 
 
 
 III. iii. 135 
 
 you yon corrected by F 
 
 . (yonc 
 
 III. iv. 64 
 
 line liue 
 
 
 F. 
 
 IV. i. 14s 
 
 yon you 
 
 
 F. 
 
 IV. i. 80 
 
 heare heard 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. V. 45 
 
 care eare 
 
 Words omitted (3) 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iii. 98 
 
 reads of for of her 
 
 corrected 
 
 by F. 
 
 V. i. 43 
 
 good good night 
 
 
 F. 
 
 V. vi. 3 
 
 town town of 
 Words added (3) 
 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 126 
 
 reads hath beene for hath 
 
 corrected 
 
 by-£. 
 
 II. ii. 136 
 
 will will I will I 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. 56 
 
 can cannot can 
 Words substituted (20) 
 
 
 F. 
 
 I. i. 149 
 
 reads your for his 
 
 
 F. 
 
 i..i. 179 
 
 and or 
 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 60 
 
 gorgde gored 
 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 94 
 
 youth mouth 
 
 
 F. 
 
 I. iii. 215 
 
 one a 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. i. 60 
 
 and or 
 
 
 F. 
 
 11. i. 113 1 
 
 nor not 
 
 
 
 II. iii. 22 
 
 whensoeuer whencesoeuer 
 
 
 F. 
 
 II. iii. 56 
 
 eftimation eftimate 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. i. 13 
 
 profeffion pofleflion 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. 19 
 
 my thy 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. ii. 107 
 
 Ihowers fliores 
 
 
 F 
 
 III. ii. 135 
 
 loue's (W loue's) loue 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iii. 74 
 
 the thy 
 
 
 F. 
 
 III. iv. 15 
 
 fadd had 
 
 ^ The Folio omits the line. 
 
 
 F. 
 
Correction of Quarto Errors 51 
 
 V. V. 52 
 V. V. 62 
 
 reads there 
 hath 
 
 for their 
 haue 
 
 corrected by F. 
 F. 
 
 V. V. 70 
 
 euer 
 
 neuer 
 
 
 V. V. 99 
 V. V. 106 
 
 wer't 
 thine 
 
 art 
 thy 
 
 
 Tables are dull reading, and I fear that those I have 
 already offered will have been too much for most of my 
 readers, but here is one more, a very short one, for which 
 I ask attention. It summarizes the last column in the 
 foregoing ones and shows how many of the errors intro- 
 duced in each of the Quartos were corrected in the 
 successive editions up to and including the First Folio. 
 
 New Errors 
 
 
 First Corrected by 
 
 
 Left 
 
 uncorrected. 
 
 
 B. 
 
 W. 
 
 C. 
 
 D. 
 
 Fi. 
 
 
 
 A. 69 
 
 H 
 
 8i 
 
 2 
 
 
 241 
 
 
 20 
 
 B. 123 
 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 58 
 
 
 59 
 
 W.3S 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 18 
 
 C. 18 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 H 
 
 
 1 + 2 
 
 D. 38 
 
 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 
 4 + 1 
 
 The most remarkable feature of this table is its tribute 
 to the editorial work of the First Folio. As regards C and 
 D, the editions of 1608 and 161 5, the success with which 
 F intercepts in the one case all but one, in the other all 
 but four, of the new errors in the lines it prints, seemed 
 to me so extraordinary that I have been sorely tempted 
 to offer another explanation. It will be remembered 
 that before the discovery of Mr. White's unique edition 
 33 out of the 35 new errors which it introduced were 
 necessarily debited to C, the edition of 1608, which re- 
 peated them. As no fewer than 18 of these errors appear 
 also in the First Folio, on the evidence available there 
 was no escape from the conclusion that F must have 
 been derived from C either directly, or through D. As 
 between C and D there was sufficient evidence to assign 
 
52 Copy used for First Folio 
 
 the honour of having been used as ' copy ' for the First 
 Folio to D. In the preface to vol. iv of the Cambridge 
 Shakespeare we are told of Richard II, ' the play, as 
 given in the First Folio, was no doubt printed from a copy 
 of Q 4', i.e. from the edition of 1615, which has now 
 become the Fifth Quarto, and to which we give the 
 symbol D. In the introduction to the Facsimile of the 
 First Quarto, Mr. P. A. Daniel adduced what he con- 
 sidered ' sufficient proof that the Folio version got to press 
 through the medium of Q 4 '. With the discovery of W 
 the problem is materially changed and the unusually com- 
 plete success with which the First Folio succeeded in 
 evading the new errors introduced by C and D would 
 be very prettily explained if it could be shown that it was 
 in fact set up from an edition in which these errors do 
 not occur, to wit that which is here reproduced. 
 
 The chief evidence on which, before the discovery of 
 W, the Folio text was held to be based on D rather than 
 C was the recurrence in the Folio of the misspelling 
 ' formerly ' for ' formally ' in i. iii. 29, and of the three 
 variations ' euer ' for ' neuer ', ' wer't ' for ' art ', and 
 ' thine ' for ' thy ' which come close together in v. v. 70, 
 99, and 1 06. ' Formerly ' for ' formally ' is neatly 
 balanced by the recurrence in the Folio of W's ' vn- 
 pruind ' for ' vnprund ' in in. iv. 45 (' Her fruit trees all 
 vnpruind, her hedges ruind ') after it had been corrected 
 in C and D, the one being a common misspelling and the 
 other possibly suggested twice over by ' ruind ' at the 
 end of the line. The three variants of D repeated in 
 the Folio in v. v. come so suspiciously close together, 
 that we may be reminded that the Fifth Quarto of 
 Richard III is said to have been printed from copy 
 made up from the Fourth and Fifth, and be tempted 
 to suppose the Folio set up from a copy of W with the 
 
Badness of Second Quarto 5 3 
 
 last two leaves supplied from D. But the Folio follows 
 D in reproducing in i. iii. 167 the curious misspelling^ 
 * percullift ' for ' portcuUift ', which occurs in C but not 
 in Mr. White's copy of W, and though, with the variants 
 in different copies of A before us, it cannot be denied 
 that ' percullift ' may have occurred in the copy of W 
 followed by C, though not in Mr. White's, an hypothesis 
 which makes such large assumptions is worthless. Despite 
 ' vnpruind ' and the suspiciously complete success with 
 which the Folio eliminates the errors of C and D, I am 
 not prepared to challenge the derivation of the Folio 
 from the Quarto of 161 5, though the case on the other 
 side is only a little less strong. 
 
 The second point which emerges from our tables is the 
 extreme and pre-eminent badness of B, the Second 
 Quarto, which according to the judgement of the 
 Cambridge editors introduces no fewer than 123 new 
 errors, and only corrects 14 out of some 69 already made, 
 leaving 55 to stand. It is rather a lucky chance that the 
 faultiest of the later Quartos is the second, since it is to 
 
 ^ Mr. Daniel (Preface to Facsimile of Devonshire Quarto, p. xv) adduces 
 also the spellings ' Britaine ' in 11. i. 278 and ' Impresse ' in iii. i. 25, 
 where the First Quarto has ' Brittaine ' and ' impreese ' ; also ' more 
 then ' in 11. iii. 92 where B W C have ' more than ' and the First Quarto 
 ' then more '. Some coincidences of this kind are certain to occur between 
 any two editions, and these do not count for much. On the other hand, 
 C and D in one place (i. i. 32) have the spelling ' appeallant ' which (with 
 omission of the second 1) is normal in the Folio, and D anticipates the 
 Folio spelling ' kindred ' for the ' kinred ' of the earlier quartos. But 
 even if working from a text of 1598 a compositor in 1623 would naturally 
 sometimes abandon the spelling of his copy for later forms already in 
 use in 1615. The whole problem is made curiously difficult by the close- 
 ness with which C follows W save in emphasis capitals, punctuation, and 
 a few spellings, and the fact that in these matters D frequently reverts 
 to W. On the other hand, the Folio has its own style and introduces 
 some small diflterence in almost every line. 
 
54 Second Quarto Corrections 
 
 be feared that there has been an inclination to regard 
 a ' second quarto ' as only a little less important than 
 a first, and thus the whole question of the value of the 
 readings in these early Quartos, other than the first, is 
 brought before us. As to this it would seem but common 
 sense to make the textual value of any edition depend on 
 the quality of the source from which it is derived, and 
 the accuracy with which the readings of this source are 
 reproduced. The source from which A was derived was 
 plainly a manuscript text of the play, either Shakespeare's 
 autograph, or some copy, at first or second hand, from 
 this. Equally clearly, since it repeats some 55 of its 
 blunders, the source from which B was derived was A, 
 and we can therefore have no reason whatever for pre- 
 ferring any reading in B to any reading in A, unless either 
 it is self-evidently right, or else there is some ground for 
 supposing that the printer of B had access for occasional 
 consultation, either to the manuscript used by A, or else 
 to some other independent source. Is there, as a fact, 
 any ground for supposing this ? 
 
 Of the fourteen readings of B accepted by the Cam- 
 bridge seven may fairly be considered self-evidently right. 
 These are ' traitor ' for ' taitour ' in i. i. 102 ; ' it ' for ' is ' 
 in I. ii. 58 (' grief e boundeth where is fals ') ; ' brother ' 
 for ' brothers ' in 11. i. 124 (' Oh fpare me not my brothers 
 Edwards fonne '), any inclination to admit the double 
 genitive as a grammatical eccentricity being discredited 
 by the press-corrector's treatment of the similar phrase, 
 ' butchers Mowbraies breafl ' in i. ii. 48 (see supra, p. 36, 
 and note) ; ' though ' for the first ' thought ' in 11. ii. 31 
 (' As thought on thinking on no thought I thinke ') ; 
 * camefl ' or ' camfl ' for ' canft ' in in. iv. 80 (' how canfl 
 thou by this ill tidings ? ') ; ' their ' for ' there ' in v. ii. 98 
 (' And interchaungeably fet downe there hands ') ; 
 
Doubtful Readings 55 
 
 ' I may ' for ' May ' in v. iii. 36 (' Then giue me leaue 
 that May turne the key '). If any one cares to argue for 
 the double genitive in 11. i. 124 it may be shunted into 
 my second class with no harm to my argument. The 
 other six are indubitably self-evidently right, and this 
 justifies their introduction into the text, without inquiry 
 as to the authority on which they are based. 
 
 Contrast with these the remaining seven, for which as 
 conjectures in some cases much, in others a good deal 
 less, may be said ; but for which it can hardly be claimed 
 that they carry their own proof with them. The first 
 of the seven substitutes ' Brittanie ' for ' Brittaine ' in 
 the lines 11. i. 277 sqq. printed in A as 
 
 Then thus, I haue from le Port Blan 
 
 A Bay in Brittaine receiude intelligence, 
 
 The change enables the Cambridge editors to rearrange 
 the lines as 
 
 Then thus : I have from le Port Blanc, a bay 
 In Brittany, received intelligence. 
 
 But when 'Brittaine' recurs in 1. 285 they print it as 
 ' Bretagne ', and the change to ' Brittanie ' was rejected 
 by the Quarto of 1615 and every subsequent seventeenth- 
 century edition. Whether an improvement or not, it can 
 thus hardly be accepted as self-evidently right, nor is it 
 a reading for which it is easy to suppose recourse being 
 made to any independent authority. 
 
 In II. iii. 123 sqq. the First Quarto reads 
 
 If that my coufin King be King in England, 
 It muft be granted I am duke of Lancafter : 
 
 Here B reads ' King of England ', which leaves us 
 puzzled as to how so common a phrase should have been 
 abandoned by the printer of A for a much less usual one. 
 
5^ Doubtful Readings 
 
 In II. iii. 158, 
 
 But fince I cannot, be it knowen vnto you, 
 B substitutes ' to 70U ' for * vnto you ', which seems to 
 the present writer a needless tinkering of a quite inoffen- 
 sive line. 
 
 In III. iv. 29 sqq. 
 
 Go bind thou vp yong dangling Aphricokes, 
 Which like vnruly children make their fire, 
 Stoope with opprefsion of their prodigall weight. 
 Giue fome fupportance to the bending twigs. 
 
 B reads ' yon ' for ' yong ', and probably from the idea 
 that apricots weigh heavy when they are ripe rather than 
 when young, the Cambridge editors accept the reading. 
 But surely the picture of the new shoots, as yet only 
 twigs, borne down by the weight of the young green 
 fruit, is vivid enough to stand, and it is the word 
 ' yong ' that suggested the comparison of the fruit to 
 ' vnruly children ' in the next line. If ' yon ' be thought 
 better, it can hardly be called self-evidently right. 
 
 In V. i. 31-4 the Cambridge editors admit two correc- 
 tions by B. The Queen is reproaching her husband for 
 his patience. ' The Lyon,' she tells him, 
 
 The Lyon dying thrufteth foorth his pawe, 
 And woundes the earth if nothing elfe with rage, 
 To be ore-powr'd, and wilt thou pupiU-like 
 Take the correction, mildly kifle the rod, 
 And fawne on Rage with bafe humilitie. 
 Which art a Lion and the king of beafts. 
 
 In line 32, B reads ' thy ' for ' the ', and thus originated 
 the frequent misquotation of the line as a taunting 
 imperative : ' Take thy correction mildly, kiss the rod.' 
 The transference of the comma from before to after 
 ' mildly ' originated with the First Folio, and though 
 also accepted by the Cambridge editors, needlessly aug- 
 
Doubtful Readings 57 
 
 ments the idea fully conveyed in ' pupill-like '. Quoted 
 as an imperative in a single line the rhythm is improved 
 by the substitution of ' thy ' for * the '. But vit must 
 lead the unabridged text 
 
 and wilt thou pupill-like 
 Take the correction, mfldly kisse the rod . . . 
 
 and both the changes accepted by the Cambridge editors 
 are open to grave objection. 
 
 In the last line B reads ' a king of beafls ' instead of 
 ' the king of beafls ', and this may seem to be supported 
 by Richard's reply, which begins 
 
 a King of beafts indeed ; if aught but beafts, 
 I had been ftill a happie King of men . . . 
 
 Frankly, B's reading is an improvement, but if it had 
 been proposed by an eighteenth-century editor it vsrould 
 hardly have won acceptance, and can we be in the 
 least sure that the better phrase was what Shakespeare 
 tvrote ? 
 
 The last of B's readings accepted by the Cambridge 
 editors is a syncopated spelling ' knowft ' for ' knoweft ' 
 in a line (v. i. 62) which had to wait until Rowe's 
 edition for a necessary emendation. The full passage 
 reads in A, 
 
 Northumberland, thou ladder wherewithal! 
 The mounting Bullingbrooke afcends my throne. 
 The time fliall not be many houres of age 
 More than it is, ere foule finne gathering head 
 Shall breake into corruption, thou Ihalt thinke. 
 Though he diuide the realme and giue thee halfe. 
 It is too little helping him to all. 
 He fliall thinke that thou which knoweft the way 
 To plant vnrightfull kings, wilt know againe. 
 Being nere fo little vrgde another way. 
 To plucke him headlong from the vfurped throne : 
 h 
 
58 Doubtful Readings 
 
 Rowe saw that both the flow of the sentence and the 
 rhythm of line 62 would be improved by reading 
 
 Ani he shall think that thou which know'ft the way, 
 
 and those who dislike the intrusion of an unaccented 
 extra syllable will prefer ' knowfl; ' to * knoweft '. To 
 those who hold this view the change suggests itself ; to 
 those who delight in a free rhythm, it seems needless.^ 
 Neither the one, nor the other, with examples of many 
 such tinkerings before them, can imagine the printers 
 of B consulting a manuscript for authority to change 
 ' knoweft ' to ' knowfl: ', when they were omitting the 
 initial ' And ', which affects the line much more vitally. 
 
 It wiU be understood, I hope, that I have no wish to 
 force my own opinion of these readings on my readers, 
 I am only pointing out that on the one hand they are not 
 self-evidently right, as the substitution of ' it fals ' for * is 
 fals ' is self-evidently right, and on the other hand it 
 would be quite superfluous to postulate a new manuscript 
 authority to account for their adoption by B. We cannot 
 separate them from the other readings in that edition, 123 
 of which the Cambridge editors reject, a treatment much 
 too sweeping if independent manuscript authority could 
 be claimed for any single one of the new readings. Hence 
 we are justified in concluding that, despite its having 
 been printed within a few months of the first edition, no 
 new reading in B can be received except on the footing 
 of an emendation, entitled to no greater consideration 
 than would be extended to a conjecture by Rowe, or Pope. 
 
 When we turn to Mr. White's Quarto we find that it 
 contains eight new corrections of mistakes, so regarded by 
 the Cambridge editors, and the best part of a ninth, and 
 that all, or perhaps all but one, of these carry their own 
 evidence with them. Thus in 11. i. 257, where A reads 
 
New Quarto Corrections 59 
 
 * The King growen banckrout like a broken man ', W adds 
 's (i. e. * is ') to ' King ', and thus gives the sentence its 
 needed verb. On the other hand in 11. iii. 36, where 
 Northumberland is made to ask Percy, ' Haue you forgot 
 the Duke of Herefords boy ? ', W knocks out the super- 
 fluous ' s ', and thus converts ' boy ' into a vocative, and 
 the Duke himself into the object of the question. In 
 III. iii. 52 comes the doubtful phrase, 'this Castels tottered 
 battlements,' where W substitutes ' tattered '. The 
 emendation gives an easier reading, and yet if Rowe had 
 proposed it instead of the printer of an early Quarto 
 (hitherto supposed to be C, through which it made its 
 way into the First Folio), I think we should have had 
 ' tottered ' explained as equivalent to ' made to totter ', 
 and considered a pleasing Shakespearian use. Later on in 
 the scene (iii. iii. 119) comes the half correction. North- 
 umberland is vouching for Bolingbroke, and the First 
 Quarto makes him say ' This fweares he, as he is princeiTe 
 iuft '. W, being quite sure of the sex of Bolingbroke and 
 of the gender of ' princeffe ', substituted ' a Prince ', 
 leaving it to the First Folio to add the necessary ' is ' 
 .(' This fweares he, as he is a Prince, is iuft), which had 
 previously been represented by the feminine termination 
 of ' princeffe '. 
 
 We may note in passing that this example is another 
 instance in this play of a misprint possibly due to a mis- 
 take in hearing (' princeffe ' for ' prince is '), and that the 
 fact that the printer of W was only able to make half the 
 correction instead of completing it, is tolerable proof 
 jhat he had no higher authority at his elbow. 
 
 The remaining five corrections made by W are all 
 obvious, one of them being a mere matter of a convention 
 in spelling which had not become hard and fast when the 
 Quartos were printed. 
 
6o Neza Quarto Corrections 
 
 In IV. i. 19-22, Aumerle, when Bagot accuses hiniy 
 
 exclaims (in A) 
 
 Princes and noble Lords, 
 What anfwer fliall I make to this bafe man ? 
 Shall I fo much diflionour my faire ftarres 
 On equall termes to giue them chafticement ? 
 
 The printer of W, perceiving that Aumerle _ could 
 hardly propose to chastise the stars on a footing o£ 
 equality, substituted a clearer reference to Bagot by 
 changing ' them ' to ' him '. 
 
 In lines 74-77 of the same scene another fighting 
 gentleman exclaims : 
 
 I dare meet Surry in a wildernes. 
 And fpit opon him whilft I fay, he lies. 
 And lies, and lies : there is bond of faith. 
 To tie thee to my ftrong correction. 
 
 The" third of the four lines (76) halts, and W helps it 
 by inserting ' my ' before ' bond '. The emendation is 
 somewhat less than self-evidently right, because either 
 ' the ', which B supplied, or ' a ' would be as good or 
 better. But one of the three must needs be supplied. 
 
 In V. i. 37 Richard in A addresses his ' fometimes 
 Queene ', and the Cambridge editors follow W (as copied 
 by C) in substituting the more modern form ' some- 
 time '. To a modernizer the correction is self-evidently 
 right, but as the Cambridge editors print 'thy sometimes 
 brother's wife ' in i, ii. 54, and ' my sometimes royal 
 master's face ' in v. v. 75, their change here is either 
 ill-considered or based on a theory that the occurrence of 
 the later form in a third Quarto (they took it from the 4th, 
 which till now ranked as the 3rd) justified its introduction, 
 into the text in this instance, while its non-occurrence in 
 a Quarto in the other two lines obliged them to reject it. 
 Such a theory could only be maintained if it could be proved 
 
Later Quartos 6r 
 
 that the printers of W had access to a manuscript text» 
 and surely neither this nor any other of the readings of W 
 which we are examining justifies such an assumption. 
 
 In V. iii. 75, when Bolingbroke hears the Duchess of 
 York clamouring outside the door, he exclaims in A : 
 * What ftiril voice fuppliant makes this eger crie ? ' 
 W emends ' fliril voice ' to ' ftirill voic'd ', and we need 
 not hesitate to accept the change as self-evidently right. 
 
 Lastly, in v. v. 27, Richard in A says of the stocks,^ 
 ' many haue, and others must fet there ', and W corrects 
 ' fet ' to ' fit '. The two words seem to havebeen vulgarly 
 confused in Shakespeare's time, as ' lie ' and ' lay ' are 
 at present. (In i. ii. 47 the First Quarto again reads ' fet ' 
 where the Cambridge editors accept ' fit ', not quite so 
 certainly as here, as the true reading.) The correction 
 is thus little more than a matter of spelling, and brings 
 the emendations in W to rather a tame close. 
 
 Those in C, the Quarto of 1608, always excepting the 
 addition of the so-called Deposition Scene, are only two 
 in number, ' night ' for ' nightes ' in i. iii. 222 (' Shall be 
 extint with age and endlefle nightes '), and ' a moate ' 
 for ' moate ' in 11. i. 48 (' Or as moate defenfiue ta 
 a houfe '). Both these carry their own proof. In D, the 
 Quarto of 161 5, there is not a single correction of a blunder 
 of A's, though some forty-five of those noted as such by 
 the Cambridge editors had as yet passed untinkered. 
 
 This closes our review of the history of the text of the 
 First Quarto as successively reprinted in the four later 
 Quartos issued before 1623. Of the original 69 errors, 
 or what the Cambridge editors account as such, in this 
 First Quarto, only 25 had been corrected, and no fewer 
 than 214 new errors had been introduced, of which only 
 nine were stopped on the way. We argue from this 
 that the intermediate Quartos, and more especially the 
 
62 Later Quartos lack Authority 
 
 Second (B), have no authority entitling them to correct 
 the First unless the corrections are self-evidently right, 
 and therefore submit that some eight or nine of the cor- 
 rections embodied in the Cambridge text should not have 
 been accepted, but that the text of the First Quarto 
 should have been allowed to stand, and the total of its 
 misdoings reduced accordingly. We have still to apply 
 the same process to the text of the First Folio, inquiring 
 whence it was derived and what probability there is that 
 any additional authority was available for its preparation. 
 But before passing on to this we have first to consider the 
 problems raised by the additional i66 lines introduced 
 in 1608 into the single scene which forms Act IV, and 
 also the changes introduced in the later Quartos in 
 punctuation and initial capitals. 
 
 Copies of the Quarto of 1608 are found bearing two 
 diflEerent title-pages. The earlier of these (the order is 
 self-evident) reads : 
 
 THE I Tragedie of King I Richard the fecond. | As it hath 
 been publikely acted by the Right | Honourable the Lord 
 Chamberlaine | his feruantes. | By William Shake-^eare. [White's 
 device.] LONDON, | Printed by W. W. for Mathew Law, and are 
 to be I fold at his fliop in Paules Church-yard, at | the figne of 
 the Foxe. | 1608. 
 
 The later : 
 
 THE I Tragedie of King | Richard the Second : | With new 
 additions of the Parlia- | ment Sceane, and the depofing | of 
 King Richard. | As it hath been lately acted by the Kinges \ 
 Majesties feruantes, at the Globe. 
 [White's device.] AT LONDON, 
 Mathew Law, and are to | be fold at 
 yard, | at the figne of the Foxe. | 1608. 
 
 Desire to advertise the ' new additions ' was pre- 
 sumably one reason for the substitution of a new title 
 
 By William Shahe-fieare 
 
 Printed by W. W. for 
 
 lis fhop in Paules Church- 
 
The ' Deposition ' Scene 63 
 
 for that which followed the wording of the earlier 
 Quartos. Perhaps equal weight was attached to informing 
 book-buyers with short memories that the Lord Chamber- 
 lain's servants of the previous reign were now entitled to 
 call themselves the King's Majesty's Servants, the play 
 being thus invested with a semblance of royal sanction. 
 Attention was also drawn to the fact that the play, 
 known to be an old one, still held the stage, and no 
 second-rate stage either, but that of the famous Globe 
 Theatre. As to the ' new additions ' themselves, specified 
 as consisting ' of the Parliament Sceane, and the depofing 
 of King Richard ', most students who have read the 
 text will, I think, agree that what is represented is not 
 a deposing, but an abdication, and that it is very difficult 
 indeed to conceive of any such scene having taken place 
 in Parliament, i.e. in the House of Peers. Dramatically 
 also, we are tempted to submit, the incident is not 
 a success. The business with the looking-glass and the 
 desired boon which turns into a request to be allowed to 
 go away, if they move pity, also lessen respect, and with 
 the parting with the Queen and the soliloquy at Pomfret 
 Castle still to come, the Lord Chamberlain's servants in 
 1597 may not impossibly have thought that there was 
 a danger of ' too much Richard ' and cut the lines out 
 in the acting version from which the First Quarto was 
 printed. It may be heretical to suggest this (I do not 
 claim to be the first heretic, if so), but some such con- 
 siderations seem to me likely to have reinforced any fear 
 that the passage might be viewed unfavourably at Court 
 after the Pope had issued his Bull in 1596 declaring 
 Elizabeth deposed.^ By 1608, however, Shakespeare had 
 
 ^ Logically, to omit, because of the Pope's Bxill, lines intended to enlist 
 sympathy on the side of Richard, was absurd. But in times of political 
 excitement logic counts for little. 
 
64 The ^ Deposition ' Scene 
 
 become a much more important person than in 1597? 
 when it was apparently not thought worth while to print 
 his name on a title-page. When, therefore, the play was 
 revived, the omitted 166 lines were restored to their 
 place, as ' new additions ', and Mathew Lawe succeeded 
 in incorporating them into his reprint. He may have 
 done this either by buying a copy of the new lines from 
 the Globe Company, or by suborning some one employed 
 in the theatre to make a surreptitious copy, or by per- 
 suading some one employed in the theatre or sent to it 
 for the purpose to take down the lines in shorthand, or 
 to learn them by heart and dictate them to the printers. 
 The text has too many omissions and too many mistakes 
 in line arrangement to allow us to believe that it was 
 obtained for cash from the King's servants as a body, or 
 transcribed from an acting copy of the part, and the same 
 reasons, with the added improbability of any one high 
 in the hierarchy of the Globe playing traitor for the sake 
 of the small sum Mathew Lawe would be likely to pay 
 for an addition to a sixpenny play, forbids us to identify 
 the ' some one employed in the theatre ' with the actor 
 who took Richard's part. The ' additions ' may thus have 
 been obtained from some subordinate person employed 
 about the theatre, but were more probably procured 
 by means of shorthand writers specially sent there for 
 the purpose, the subsequent complaints of Heywood 
 informing us of two such thefts * by stenography ' about 
 this time. 
 
 As regards punctuation there is a double tale to tell. 
 In the set speeches the punctuation of the First Quarto, 
 if we remember that it is dramatic and not grammatical, 
 will be found sufficiently complete and intelligent to 
 entitle us to believe that Shakespeare punctuated these 
 portions of his own manuscript with some care, and that 
 the Quarto reproduces this punctuation with very much 
 
First Quarto Punctuation 65 
 
 the same substantial fidelity that it reproduces the words 
 of the text. Two examples of colons entirely super- 
 grammatical, but very efFective in the emphasis which 
 the pauses they denote lend to the words which foUow, 
 may be cited as» evidence of the essentially dramatic 
 character of the punctuation. 
 
 In the Cambridge edition lines i. i. 92-100 are thus 
 printed : 
 
 Besides I say and will in battle prove, 
 
 Or here or elsewhere to the furthest verge 
 
 That ever was survey'd by English eye, 
 
 That all the treasons for these eighteen years 95 
 
 Complotted and contrived in this land 
 
 Fetch from false Mowbray their first head and spring. 
 
 Further I say, and further will maintain 
 
 .Upon his bad life to make all this good. 
 
 That he did plot the Duke of Gloucester's death . . . 
 
 Plump at the end of 1. 96, separating ' treasons ' from 
 its verb, the Quarto inserts a colon, and the line ' Fetch 
 from false Mowbray their first head and spring ' comes 
 rushing out after the pause with doubled effect. And 
 at the end of this line, shade of Lindley Murray ! there 
 is no full stop — only a comma ; for Bolingbroke wiU not 
 ^ve Mowbray a chance to interrupt him, but dashes on 
 with his second accusation, with only an imperceptible 
 pause. In the earlier lines, on the other hand, when he 
 is preparing the way for his rush, Bolingbroke's measured 
 tones are marked by two stops which the Cambridge 
 editors omit, a comma after ' say ' in 1. 92, and another 
 after * here ' in the next line. Grammatically a comma 
 after ' here ' should entail another after ' elsewhere ', but 
 dramatic punctuation sets no store on pairing its commas 
 and usually omits either one or the other. 
 
 Our second instance of a colon emphasizing the words 
 that follow it is from Richard's announcement (11. i. 
 
66 First Quarto Punctuation 
 
 159-62) of his intention to seize John of Gaunt's goods to 
 pay for the Irish war. This is printed in the First Quarto : 
 And for thefe great afiaires do aske fome charge, 
 Towards our afsiftance we doe feaze to vs : 
 The plate, coine, reuenewes, and moueables 
 Wherof our Vnckle Gaunt did ftand pofTeft. 
 
 York's speech of protest against this confiscation ends 
 with a full stop which is quite misleading when repro- 
 duced in a modern edition. We have, indeed, no means 
 now of conveying its exact effect. A full stop with us 
 means the end of a sentence. A full stop in a play of 
 Shakespeare's means a pause of a certain length without 
 any necessary grammatical implication. York has been 
 speaking for some twenty lines and has begun a comparison 
 between the Black Prince and Richard, his unworthy 
 son. Then come our lines (11. i. 184 sqq.) : 
 
 Oh Richard : Yorke is too far gone with griefe, 
 Or elfe he neuer would compare betweene. 
 King. Why Vnckle whats the naatter ? 
 
 The sentence is not finished, for York breaks down, and 
 the King, who has been paying no attention to him 
 whatever, but has been walking round the room appraising 
 the value of its contents, at the sound of his sob turns 
 round, and with his usual superficial good nature, exclaims 
 ' Why Vncle whats the matter ? ' A dash after ' betweene ' 
 would show that York's sentence is unfinished, but a dash 
 gives us no indication of the length of the pause, whereas 
 by using supergrammatical stops, or no stop at ally 
 Elizabethan punctuation can tell us all about it. 
 
 Full stops are very sparely used within a speech, 
 because the pause they denoted was long enough to give 
 the other man a chance to interrupt, and to avoid an 
 impression of tameness on his part colons were preferred. 
 In the opening speeches of Bolingbroke and Mowbray 
 
First Quarto Punctuation 67 
 
 full stops are only used as the speakers turn from address- 
 ing the King to denouncing each other. In Bolingbroke's 
 second speech one comes (i. i. 72) at the end of the four 
 lines during which he throws down his gage. He pauses 
 for Mowbray to take it up ; but Mowbray does not, and 
 Bolingbroke continues contemptuously, 
 
 If guilty dread haue left thee fo much ftrength, 
 As to take vp mine honours pawn, then ftowpe, 
 
 and hurries on : 
 
 By that, and all the rites of Knighthoode elfe, 
 Will I make good againft thee arme to arme, 
 What I have fpoke, or thou canft worfe deuiie. 
 
 The next speech of Bolingbroke's has no internal fuU 
 stop. That of Mowbray (i. i. 124-51) has two ; the first 
 after his exclamation ' Now fwaUow downe that lie ' ; the 
 second, when he turns from John of Gaunt to the King. 
 
 In the next scene the only internal full stops in a speech 
 come in the long harangue of the Duchess of Gloucester. 
 The first of them (at 1. 21) tells us, I think, that she breaks 
 down ; the second preludes her final appeal : 
 
 What fliall I faie ? to fafegard thine own life, 
 The belt way is to venge my Glocefters death. 
 
 In the long third scene, comprising over three hundred 
 lines, the first internal full stop comes at 1. 68, when 
 Bolingbroke turns to address his father ; the second at 
 1. 122, dividing what are really two separate speeches by 
 the King, before and after the flourish of trumpets ; the 
 third, at 1. 270, preludes a question ; the fourth, in 
 Gaunt's farewell to his son (1. 280), once more, I think, 
 suggests a struggle with emotion, which would lend added 
 point to the words which follow : 
 
 Woe doth the heauier fit, 
 Where it perceiues it is but faintly borne. 
 
68 First Quarto Punctuation 
 
 In Scene iv one internal full stop (1. 22) marks a pause 
 full of meaning after Richard's words as to Bolingbroke : 
 
 He is our Coofens Coofin, but tis doubt, 
 
 When time fliall call him home from banifhment, 
 
 Whether our kinfman come to fee his friends. 
 
 The only other one (1. 60) again comes at the close of 
 a sinister sentence : 
 
 Now put it (God) in the Phyfitions mind, 
 To help him to his grave immediatly : 
 The lining of his coffers fliall make coates 
 To decke our fouldiers for thefe Irifli warres. 
 
 After which Richard turns to his favourites and bids 
 
 them 
 
 Come gentlemen, lets all go vifite him. 
 
 Pray God we may make hafte and come too late. 
 
 , It would be wearisome to continue this examination 
 through the other four acts of the play, but I think it 
 will be found that what I have called an internal full stop 
 in a speech has almost always some special dramatic 
 significance, which in a modern play would be expressed 
 by a stage direction. 
 
 The full stop being used thus sparingly, except at the 
 end of a speech, and the semi-colon appearing but seldom, 
 the work of internal punctuation falls almost entirely on 
 the colon and the comma. 
 
 Instances have already been given of the need, where 
 a colon is used when we should expect a lighter stop, of 
 looking put for the reason. In another passage (in. ii. 
 4-1 1) we find it used, together with the unusual semi- 
 colon, in a way explained in the last of the lines here 
 quoted. Richard is returned from Ireland and Aumerle 
 asks him 
 
 How brookes your Grace the ayre 
 After your late tofsing on the breaking feas ? 
 
First Quarto Punctuation 69 
 
 The King answers : 
 
 Needes muft I like it well, I weepe for ioy, 
 
 To ftand vpon my kingdome once againe : 
 
 Deere earth I do falute thee with my hand. 
 
 Though rebels wound thee with their horfes hoofes : 
 
 As a long parted mother with her childe 
 
 Playes fondly with her teares and fmiles in meeting ; 
 
 So weeping, fmiling greete I thee my earth. 
 
 And do thee fauours with my royall hands ; 
 
 Clearly he has sat down on a bank, and between these 
 unrhjaned couplets is caressing the earth. As a rule he 
 is a rapid speaker, seldom needing a heavier stop than 
 a comma, and the contrast to his usual style which we 
 find in one speech (iii. iii. 142, &c.) is very marked : 
 
 What muft the King do now ? muft he fubmit ? 
 
 The King fhall do it : muft he be depofde ? 
 
 The king fhaU be contented : muft he loofe 
 
 The name of King ? a Gods name let it go : 
 
 lie giue my iewels for a fet of Beades : 
 
 My gorgeous paUace for a hermitage : 
 
 My gay apparel for an almesmans gowne : 
 
 My figurde goblets for a difh of wood : 
 
 My fcepter for a Palmers walking ftaffe : 
 
 My fubiects for a paire of earned Saintes, 
 
 And my large kingdome for a little graue, 
 
 A little little graue, an obfcure graue, 
 
 Or He be buried in the Kings hie way. 
 
 Some way of common trade, where fubjects feete 
 
 May hourely trample on their foueraignes head ; 
 
 For on my heart they treade now whilft I liue : 
 
 And buried once, why not vpon my head ? 
 
 It is impossible to believe that these definite instruc- 
 tions for the time at which these lines are to be taken, 
 instructions which, if carried out, enhance so greatly the 
 beauty of the passage, can have proceeded from any one 
 but Shakespeare himself. The colourless punctuation 
 
70 Punctuation of Later Quartos 
 
 substituted for it in modern editions is a crime, only to 
 be explained, like most crimes, by the fact that the 
 editors did not know what they were doing. 
 
 Commas, when they seem to us superfluous, are usually 
 rhythmical. Scores of them are put at the end of lines, 
 merely to warn the actor that he must not run it hastily 
 into the next, and the signals might well receive attention 
 from many modern speakers of Shakespeare's verse, who 
 struggle mechanically to get away from the line-endings. 
 Where a comma takes the place of a heavier stop, it 
 usually only means that the passage is to be taken lightly. 
 Here and there it may have dramatic significance. Thus 
 (i. iii. 97-9 ^) when Richard bids farewell to Mowbray 
 and orders the combat to begin, as it were in the same 
 breath, there may be a suggestion of insincerity ; but 
 my impression is that Shakespeare paid little attention to 
 punctuation except in what may be called the set speeches, 
 and along with obviously careful stopping there is a good 
 deal which is equally obviously careless, and many sins 
 of omission. I am anxious, therefore, not to claim too 
 much. 
 
 A detailed examination of the punctuation of the four 
 subsequent Quartos would be tedious, and is fortunately 
 not necessary, as the trend of the changes made can be 
 expressed in general terms. While the punctuation used 
 in ordinary books in Shakespeare's day was not the same 
 as ours, it was much nearer to ours than the dramatic 
 punctuation at examples of which we have just been 
 looking. Even if the First Quarto had been fully punc- 
 tuated throughout, the later ones would almost certainly 
 have tended to revert to a more normal use of stops, and 
 
 ^ Farewell (my Lord) fecurely I efpie, 
 Vertue with Valour couched in thine eie, 
 Order the trial Martiall, and beginne. 
 
Emphasis Capitals yi 
 
 the fact that, except in the set speeches, the First Quarto 
 is patently underpunctuated, offered a further encourage- 
 ment to tinkering. Both in B and W we find this process 
 at work : missing commas are supplied, and we find more 
 full stops creeping into the set speeches. In C, the 
 Quarto of 1608, the tendencj^ to heavier punctuation 
 becomes very marked, and along with it we may note 
 a no less marked increase in the emphasis capitals. These 
 in the first three Quartos had been used only sparingly. 
 In A only about a hundred different words are given an 
 initial capital. Many of these have to do with royalty 
 and its appurtenances (King, Queen, Highness, Sovereign, 
 Majesty, Liege, Prince, Realm, Crown, Sceptre, Corona- 
 tion), titles of honour (Peers, Lords, Duke, Grace, 
 Knighthood, Knight, Ladies, Madam), professions and 
 occupations (Clergy, Attorneys, Physician, Actor, Beggar, 
 Gaoler), mental states lending themselves more or less to 
 personification (Fear, Reverence, Patience, Sorrow, Grief, 
 Envy, Rage, Shame, Cowardice, Despair, Virtue, Valour, 
 Hope), and other ideas which may almost be said to 
 claim capitals in their own right. The most important 
 group of instances for our purpose is that formed by 
 more or less ornamental or rhetorical phrases (furthest 
 Verge, tongueless Caverns of the earth, the Falcon's 
 flight, Author of my blood. Eagle-winged pride, blindfold 
 Death, the Jewels that I love, the setting Sun and Music 
 at the close, a tenement or pelting Farm, a Prophet's eye^ 
 redeem from broking Pawn the blemisht Crown, drinking 
 Oceans dry, a set of Beads, a Palmer's walking staff, a pair 
 of carved Saints, unruly Jades, immaculate and silver 
 Fountain), and the metaphorical use of Lions, Leopards^ 
 Spiders, Adder, Serpent, PeHcan, Camel. There is 
 hardly any use of capitals for maledictory emphasis, and 
 what may be called haphazard capitals are very rare. 
 
72 Emphasis Capitals 
 
 In B and Wthere is a slight tendency to reduce the capitals 
 in ornamental phrases, and though a few new capitals are 
 introduced there is no general increase on balance.^ 
 
 In C, the Quarto of 1608, we find a notable increase of 
 emphasis capitals, not consistently maintained, but in the 
 aggregate considerable and in some passages very marked, 
 Thus the lines i. i. 87-91 are printed : 
 
 Bol. Looke what I fayd, my life fliall prooue it true, 
 That Mowbray hath receiude eight thousand Nobles, 
 In name of lendinges, for your Highnefle Souldiours : 
 The which he hath detainde for leawd imployments. 
 Like a falfe Traytour, and iniurious Villaine. 
 
 The First Quarto (we take no account of proper names) 
 prints ' Lendings ', apparently as we might use inverted 
 commas, and ' Highnes ', but uses lower case instead of 
 the other four capitals. 
 
 Lines i; i. 177-85 were printed in 1608 as : 
 
 The pureft treafure mortall times afloord. 
 
 Is fpotlefle reputation, that away ; 2 
 
 Men are but guUded Loame or painted Clay : 
 
 A lewell in a tenne times bard vp Cheft, 
 
 Is a bold Spirit in a loyall Breaft. 
 
 Mine Honour is my life, both grow in one ; 
 
 Take Honour from me, and my life is done. 
 
 Then (deare my Leige) mine Honour let me try. 
 
 In that I liue, and for that will I die. 
 
 The First Quarto gives a capital (which C denies) to 
 Reputation and also to Liege ; the other nine it prints in 
 lower case. 
 
 ^ It is perhaps well to point out that one reason for the moderation may 
 have been that Valentine Sims had only a small stock of upper-case letters 
 to use. This was certainly true in 1597 of his supply of the letter T, 
 since we find him using varieties from two other founts. 
 
 2 We are tempted to suppose that the comma and semi-colon in this 
 line have changed places ; but the semi-colon may represent a pause 
 before a declamatory line. The First Quarto omits both stops. 
 
Emphasis Capitals 73 
 
 Again, take lines 11, iii. 118-28 from Bolingbroke's very 
 clever speech to that exasperating person ' good old 
 Torke '. In 1608 they w^ere printed : 
 
 You are my Father, [f]or me thinkes in you 
 I fee old Gaunt aliue. Oh then Father, 
 Will you permit that I fliall ftand condemn'd 
 A wandering Vagabond, my rights and royalties 
 Pluckt from my Armes perforce, and giuen away 
 To vpftart Vnthrifts ? wherefore was I borne ? 
 If that my Coofin King be King of England, 
 It muft be graunted I am Duke of Lancafter : 
 You haue a Sonne, Aumerle, my noble Coofin, 
 Had you firft died, and he been thus trod downe, 
 He fhould have found his Vnckle Gaunt a father. 
 To rouze his wronges, and chafe them to the Bay. 
 
 Except for proper names in these twelve lines the only 
 capitals in the First Quarto are reserved for the word 
 ' King'. In 1608 no fewer than eleven others were added. 
 
 The foregoing examples are selected, not average ones ; 
 but the increase in these emphasis capitals and also in 
 the weight of the punctuation in 1608, if not so great as 
 they suggest, is still real and indisputable. It is perhaps 
 worth mentioning that they are accompanied by a slightly 
 broader spelling. Whether Master White's compositors 
 made these changes out of their own heads or whether 
 by any chance they were playgoers and reproduced in 
 these ways new theatrical fashions, we must not inquire. 
 As for the 1615 Quarto, this follows that of 1608 too 
 closely to need separate examination, but on the whole 
 reduces its capitals. As we shall see, the FoHo of 1623 
 generally adopts the heavier style, and to the Folio we 
 must now turn. 
 
 Turning our attention first of all to the Text, we start, 
 as the result of our tables, with ample evidence that the 
 Folio stands on altogether a higher plane than the later 
 
74 Ihe First Folio 
 
 Quartos. It corrects exactly as many (24^) of the mistakes, 
 i. e. the readings rejected as such by the Cambridge 
 editors, of A as all the later Quartos put together, and 
 whereas of the mistakes of B the three later Quartos only 
 set right six, the Folio corrects as many as 58. Of the 
 mistakes of W it corrects 15 ; of those introduced by C 
 and D no fewer than 47 out of 55, while three others 
 occur in lines which it omits. We have already noted 
 the possibility that its seeming success as regards these 
 last two Quartos may reaUy have been due to its having 
 been set up from W. Even if this were so, however, in 
 the correction in the Folio of so many errors of A, B, and 
 W, we should have evidence of a real effort at revision as 
 opposed to the haphazard corrections of the Quartos. 
 On the other hand the revision as regards the errors of 
 A, B, and W, was very far from being complete. Some 
 20 mistakes of A were left untouched, 59 of B, and 1 8 of W, 
 so that the old errors of these three Quartos left uncor- 
 rected amount to no fewer than 97. As the readings 
 of A which the Cambridge editors reject amount only 
 to 69 we start with the fact that, even if no new errors 
 had been introduced by the printers of the First Folio, 
 its text would stiU have been considerably more faulty 
 than that of the First Quarto. Just, however, as the 
 printers of the later Quartos had been unable to avoid 
 introducing new mistakes, so the printers of the First 
 Folio were unable to avoid introducing them. 
 
 In attempting an estimate of the number of new errors 
 in the First Folio we have to proceed with some caution. 
 If every reading in it which the Cambridge editors reject 
 were to be reckoned as an error, the number would be 
 very large, slightly exceeding the total of the original sins 
 of B. To count all these rejected readings, however, as 
 mistakes would be very unjust to the editors of the Folio^ 
 
Its Right to its own Style 75 
 
 precisely because they were the editors, not of a single 
 play, but of all the plays of Shakespeare which they could 
 find. As editors of a collected edition they had a right 
 to adopt, and did adopt, a style of their own. How far 
 they were consistent in this respect is a large question with 
 which we are not here concerned. But we can see that 
 in this play of King Richard II they made certain changes 
 which may reasonably be regarded as within an editor's 
 competence, and it is only fair to put these on one side. 
 
 One of the changes in the First Folio, the general 
 substitution of the word ' Heaven ' for ' God ', stands 
 by itself. King James considered the use of the word 
 ' God ' on the stage as irreverent, and the substitution 
 of '' Heaven ' being imposed on the players by external 
 authority cannot be laid to their charge. Next in 
 frequency to this come instances of letters being eUded 
 to mark the way in which the word should be pronounced. 
 As to whether such elisions are good or bad opinions will 
 differ. When I wrote Latin verses in the lower forms of 
 my school I was taught to substitute apostrophes for 
 ehded syllables, but the appearance of these in my first 
 copy of verses in the Sixth was treated as a reflection on 
 the composition master's power of seeing how a line should 
 be read. My own belief that ' elided ' syllables should 
 almost always be pronounced, but so lightly as not to 
 interfere with the rhythm of the verse, makes me now 
 resent elisions and contractions almost as keenly as he 
 did,^ but not to the point of reckoning every indulgence 
 
 ^ On the day after I wrote this I took up Bronte Poems, edited by 
 Mr. A. C. Benson, and found this stanza : 
 
 I saw her stand in the gallery long, 
 
 Watching those little children there 
 As they were playing the pUlars 'mong, 
 And bounding down the marble stair 
 with the note to ' playing ' : 'A monosyllable. Emily Bronte so 
 
76 FirU Folio Errors 
 
 in them as a mistake, more especially on the part of 
 actors, to whom such finger-posts to the correct rhythm 
 of a line were, of course, of great use. Thus we may rule 
 out of our list of Folio ' errors ' all such readings as 
 ' Uv'ft ', ' breath'ft ' (i. ii. 24), ' ftiew'ft ' (ib. 31), ' go'ft ' 
 (ib. 45), ' com'ft ' (i. iii. 33), ' he 's ' (ib. 39), ' flatter'ft ' 
 (11. i. 90), ' thou'dfl; ' for ' thou wouldst ' (ib. 232), ' th'Ex- 
 chequer' (11. iii. 65), 'prethee' for ' praythee ' (iii. ii. 2o)» 
 ' 'em ' for ' them ' (ib. 21 1), ' you'l ' for ' you will ' (iii. iv. 
 90), ' what 's ' (v. ii. 73), ' is't ' (ib. 76), ' she 's ' (v. iii. 82), 
 * o'th ' (v. V. 60), ' th' ' (ib. loi), &c. ; also ' knowefl ' in 
 III. ii. 36, where the Cambridge editors think it necessary 
 to print ' knowft '. Rather than seem to be pressing the 
 case against the First Folio I would also admit 'yond' for 
 'yon' in 11. iii. 53, iii. iii. 26 and iii. iii. 135, as merely 
 a matter of Spelling. In the same way ' O ' or ' Oh ' for 
 ' Ah ' (11. i. 163, II. ii. 52), ' o ' f or ' a ' (11. i. 251) and 
 ' ought ' for ' aught ' (v. ii. 53), also ' bond ' for ' band ' in 
 V. ii. 65, can none of them be regarded as sins. We may 
 also readily throw in ' mine ' for ' my ' in i. i. 191 and 
 ' my ' for ' mine ' in v. ii. 78 in each case before ' honour ', 
 and ' thine ' for ' thy ' in i. iii. 14 and v. iii. 76. 
 
 Even when all these allowances are made ^ the following 
 list of readings rejected by the Cambridge editors amounts 
 to just a hundred. 
 
 pronounced, it is plain, words like " being ", " doing ", " going ".' In 
 opposition to this I submit that ' playing ' may be as small a fraction 
 more than a monosyllable as you please, but it must be more ; also that 
 the line is perfectly easy to read with this additional fraction and also with 
 the additional fraction involved in reading ' among' for ' 'mong ', though 
 I presume this latter form is due to Emily Bronte herseU and not to 
 Mr. Benson. 
 
 ^ As in the case of the Quartos we must add to them a certain number 
 of negligenda, e. g. ' ueuer ' for ' neuer ' (i. iii. 183), ' Anmerle ' for 
 ' Aumerle ' (i. iv. i), &c. 
 
First Folio Errors 
 Letters omitted (12) 
 
 77 
 
 I. iii. 69 
 
 reads 
 
 earthy 
 
 for 
 
 earthly. 
 
 I. iii. 186 
 
 
 or (reconcile) 
 
 
 nor. 
 
 I. iii. 302 
 
 
 euer 
 
 
 neuer. 
 
 I. iv. 15 
 
 
 vsford 
 
 
 words. 
 
 II. i. no 
 
 
 his 
 
 
 this. 
 
 II. ii. 27 
 
 
 weepe 
 
 
 weepes. 
 
 II. ii. 99 
 
 
 come 
 
 
 comes. 
 
 II. iii. 6 
 
 
 our 
 
 
 your. 
 
 II. iii. 35 
 
 
 direction 
 
 
 directions. 
 
 III. iii. 93 
 
 
 ope 
 
 
 open. 
 
 in. iii. 202 
 
 
 hand 
 
 
 hands. 
 
 V. V. 29 
 
 
 misfortune 
 Letters added (10) 
 
 
 misfortunes. 
 
 I. i. 77 
 
 reads 
 
 fpoken 
 
 for 
 
 fpoke. 
 
 I. ii. 8 
 
 
 raigne 
 
 
 raine. 
 
 I. iii. 17 
 
 
 comes 
 
 
 come. 
 
 I. iii. 86 
 
 
 Kings (Richards) 
 
 
 King. 
 
 I. iii. 128 
 
 
 fwords 
 
 
 fword. 
 
 II. iii. 145 
 
 
 wrongs 
 
 
 wrong. 
 
 III. iv. 24 
 
 
 comes 
 
 
 come. 
 
 III. iv. 69 
 
 
 doubted 
 
 
 doubt. 
 
 V. ii. 58 
 
 
 fees 
 
 
 fee. 
 
 V. ii. 109 
 
 
 nor 
 
 
 or. 
 
 
 Letters substituted (5) 
 
 
 I. ii. 20 
 
 reads 
 
 leaf as 
 
 for 
 
 leaues. 
 
 — 
 
 
 vaded 
 
 
 faded. 
 
 II. i. 109 
 
 
 were 
 
 
 wert. 
 
 II. i. 1x8 
 
 
 chafing 
 
 
 chafing. 
 
 III. iii. 66 
 
 
 tract 
 Words omitted (5) 
 
 
 track. 
 
 II. iii. 87 
 
 reads 
 
 nor vncle me 
 
 for 
 
 nor vncle me 
 no vncle. 
 
 II. iii. 134 
 
 
 And 
 
 
 AndL 
 
 III. ii. 55 
 
 
 from 
 
 
 off from. 
 
 V. li. 18 
 
 
 one 
 
 
 the one. 
 
 V. V. 17 
 
 
 needles 
 
 
 fmall needles. 
 
78 
 
 First Folio Errors 
 Words transposed (7) 
 
 I. i. 137 
 
 reads I did 
 
 for 
 
 did I. 
 
 II. i. 127 
 
 Thou haft 
 
 
 Haft thou. 
 
 II. iii. 29 
 
 we laft 
 
 
 laft we. 
 
 IV. i. 9 
 
 it hath once 
 
 
 once it hath. 
 
 IV. i. 112 
 
 of that name the 
 
 
 fourth of that 
 
 
 fourth 
 
 
 name. 
 
 V. iii. 9 
 
 rob . . . beat 
 
 
 beat . . . rob. 
 
 V. V. 58 
 
 houres . . . times 
 
 
 times i . . houres. 
 
 
 Words substituted (61) 
 
 
 I. i. 57 
 
 reads doubly 
 
 for 
 
 doubled. 
 
 I- i- 73 
 
 hath ^ 
 
 
 haue. 
 
 I. i. 116 
 
 our (kingdoms) 
 
 
 my. 
 
 I. i. 157 
 
 time 
 
 
 month. 
 
 I. i. 186 
 
 down 
 
 
 vp. 
 
 I. ii. I 
 
 Gloufters 
 
 
 Woodftocks. 
 
 I. ii. 23 
 
 mettle 
 
 
 mettall. 
 
 I. ii. 43 
 
 to (defence) 
 
 
 and. 
 
 I. iii. 20 
 
 his (fucceeding iffue) 
 
 my. 
 
 I. iii. 28 
 
 placed 
 
 
 plated. 
 
 I. iii. 55 
 
 iuft 
 
 
 right. 
 
 I. iii. 71 
 
 rigor 
 
 
 vigor. 
 
 I. iii. 76 
 
 furnifh 
 
 
 furbifli. 
 
 I. iii. 82 
 
 amaz'd 
 
 
 aduerfe. 
 
 I. iii. 140 
 
 death 
 
 
 life. 
 
 I. iii. 198 
 
 this (realm) 
 
 
 the. 
 
 I. iii. 227 
 
 fudden 
 
 
 fullen. 
 
 I. iv. 7 
 
 grew 
 
 
 blew. 
 
 I. iv. 28 
 
 foules 
 
 
 fmiles. 
 
 I. iv. 54 
 
 verie 
 
 
 grieuous. 
 
 I. iv. 59 
 
 his (phyficians) 
 
 
 the. 
 
 II. i. 12 
 
 is (the clofe) 
 
 
 at. 
 
 II. i. 27 
 
 That 
 
 
 Then. 
 
 II. i. 52 
 
 for (their birth) 
 
 
 by. 
 
 II. i. 202 
 
 his fetters patents) 
 
 the. 
 
 II. ii. 3 
 
 felfe-harming 
 
 
 life-harming ^. 
 
 
 1 W, C, and D read ' halfe- 
 
 harming 
 
 i 
 
First Folio Errors 
 
 79 
 
 II. ii. 126 reads impoffible for 
 
 vnpoflible. 
 
 II. iii. 90 
 
 thefe 
 
 thofe. 
 
 II. iii. 125 
 
 kinfman 
 
 coufin. 
 
 III. ii. 35 
 
 friends 
 
 Dower. 
 
 III. ii. 43 
 
 lightning 
 
 ight. 
 
 III. ii. 84 
 
 fluggard 
 
 coward. 
 
 III. ii. 102 
 
 Loflre(, Decay) 
 
 and. 
 
 III. ii. 139 
 
 hand 
 
 wound. 
 
 III. ii. 178 
 
 wail their prefent 
 
 fit and wail 
 
 
 woes 
 
 their woes. 
 
 III. ii. 203 
 
 faction 
 
 party. 
 
 III. iii. 36 
 
 vpon 
 
 on. 
 
 III. iii. 91 
 
 is 
 
 ftands. 
 
 III. iii. 127 
 
 our felfe 
 
 our felues. 
 
 III. iii. 171 
 
 mock 
 
 laugh. 
 
 III. iv. 100 
 
 this 
 
 thefe. 
 
 IV. i. 33 
 
 fympathize 
 
 fympathy. 
 
 IV. i. 14s 
 
 reare 
 
 raife. 
 
 V, i. 44 
 
 fall 
 
 tale. 
 
 V. i. 66 
 
 friends 
 
 men. 
 
 V. i. 71 
 
 ye 
 
 you 
 
 V. i. 78 
 
 Queene 
 
 wife. 
 
 V. ii. 22 
 
 Alas 
 
 Alac. 
 
 V. ii. 81 
 
 fonne 
 
 Aumerle. 
 
 V. iii. 14 
 
 thofe 
 
 thefe. 
 
 V. iii. 21 
 
 dayes 
 
 yeares. 
 
 V. iii. 50 
 
 reafon 
 
 treafon. 
 
 V. iii. 63 
 
 had 
 
 held.i 
 
 V. iii. 93 
 
 kneele 
 
 walk. 
 
 V. iv. 3 
 
 Thofe 
 
 Thefe. 
 
 V. V. 13-14 
 
 faith . . . faith 
 
 word . . .word 
 
 V. V. 33 
 
 treafon makes 
 
 treafons make 
 
 V. V. 38 
 
 am 
 
 be. 
 
 V. V. 46 
 
 heare 
 
 check. 
 
 V. V. 56 
 
 that 
 
 which. 
 
 V. vi. 8 
 
 Salfbury, Spencer 
 
 Oxford, 
 SaUfbury^ 
 
 1 W, C, and D read «hald'. 
 
8o First Folio Errors and Variants 
 
 If any one vdll take the trouble to examine these 
 100 readings rejected by the Cambridge editors he will 
 see that one large group of them are obviously careless 
 blunders, which must certainly be debited to the printers, 
 and another large group petty tinkerings, sometimes 
 giving a slightly easier reading, more often only a harmless 
 alternative, but never one which strongly demands assentt 
 
 As examples of blunders we may cite ' doubly ' for 
 ' doubled ' (i. i. 57), ' placed ' for ' plated ' (i. iii. 28), 
 ' earthy ' for ' earthly ' (i. iii. 69), ' rigor ' for ' vigour ' 
 (i. iii. 71), ' furnish ' for ' furbish ' (i. iii. jG), ' fudden 
 for ' fuUen ' (i. iii. 227), ' grew ' for ' blew ' (i. iv. 7), 
 ' foules ' for ' fmiles ' (i. iv. 28), ' is ' for ' at ' (11. i. 12, 
 ' music at the clofe '), ' chafing ' for ' chafing ' (11. i. 
 118), &c. 
 
 As examples of unimportant alternatives we take ' time ' 
 for ' month ' in i. i. 157 (' this is no month to bleed '), 
 ' just ' for ' right ' in i. iii. 55, ' verie ' for ' grieuous ' 
 in I. iv. 54 (' Olde lohn of Gaunt is grieuous ficke '), ' his ' 
 for ' the ' in i. iv. 59, ' kinfman ' for ' coufin ' in 11. iii. 125, 
 ' friends ' for ' power ' in in. ii. 35 (' great in fubstance 
 and in power '), ' fluggard ' for ' coward ' in in. ii. 84 
 (' Awake thou coward Maiefky thou fleepest '), this being 
 an improvement, ' lofle' for ' and ' in in. ii. 102 (' Grie 
 woe, deflruction, ruin and decay '), ' hand ' for ' wound ' 
 in III. ii. 139 (' Haue felt the worft of deathes deflroying 
 wound '), where ' wound ' rhymes with ' ground ' and 
 
 * hand ' would clash with ' hands ' in the previous line, 
 
 * faction ' for ' party ' in in. ii. 203, ' is ' for ' flands, in 
 III. iii. 91 (' for yon me thinkes he flandes '), ' mock ' for 
 ' laugh ' in iii. iii. 171, ' reare ' for ' raife ' in iv. i. 145, 
 ' fall ' for ' tale ' in v. i. 44 (' Tell thou the lamentable 
 tale of me '), ' Queeae ' for * wife ' in v. i. 78, ' fonne ' for 
 ' Aumerle ' in v. ii. 81, ' dayes ' for ' yeares ' in v. iii. 21, 
 
special Corrections 8i 
 
 * kneele ' for ' walke ' in v. iii. 93, ' faith . . . faith ' for 
 
 * word . . . word ' in v. v. 13 seq. (' fet the word it felf 
 Againfl the word '), ' am ' for ' be ' in v. v. 38, ' heare ' 
 for ' check ' in v. v. 46 (' To checke time broke in a dif- 
 ordered firing '), ' that ' for ' which ' in v. v. 56. 
 
 Our first group answers to the printers' errors, ' all of 
 which can be easily and certainly corrected ', of Mr. 
 Daniel's Introduction to the Facsimile of the Devonshire 
 Quarto of 1597 (p. xvi) ; our second to his ' varying 
 readings '. Here and there we may hesitate as to how 
 a given reading should be classed. For instance, ' amaz'd ' 
 for ' aduerfe ' in i. iii. 82 (' Of thy aduerfe pernitious 
 enemy ') looks like a variant. Taking the Hne by itself 
 it even looks like a good variant, as ' aduerfe ' is rather 
 an otiose epithet to apply to ' enemy '. But when we 
 take the full sentence : 
 
 And let thy blowes doubly redoubled 
 Fall like amazing thunder on the caske 
 Of thy aduerfe pernitious enemy 
 
 there seems at least a chance that the new reading 
 
 * amaz'd ' may be merely a printer's error suggested by 
 
 * amazing ' in the line above. The distinction, however, 
 is generally easy to draw. On the other hand there are 
 two variants which seem to stand clearly by themselves 
 as {a) requiring some historical knowledge, and (b) being 
 of a kind which any one who possessed this knowledge 
 would have been almost sure to make if he had the chance. 
 These are the substitution in i. ii. i (' Alas, the parte 
 I had in Woodflockes blood ') of ' Gloufters ' for ' Wood- 
 ftockes ', and in v. vi. 8 (' The heads of Oxford, Salisbury, 
 Blunt, and Kent ') of ' Salfbury, Spencer ', for ' Oxford, 
 Salisbury '. The first of these changes avoids the con- 
 fusion which might be caused by speaking in this single 
 instance of Thomas of Woodstock as ' Woodstock ', 
 
 1 
 
82 Accepted Corrections 
 
 whereas elsewhere in the play he is invariably called by 
 his title as (Duke of) Gloucester. In the second case 
 a positive error is corrected, as Aubrey de Vere, Earl of 
 Oxford, was not involved in the conspiracy in question, 
 whereas ' Spencer ', i. e. Thomas Despencer, was. 
 Mr. Daniel writes (p. xviii) of these two readings : 
 
 These clearly are instances of revision, and to be adopted : 
 and as I see no reason for placing the other variations ^ of the 
 folio text in any other position than that which is occupied by 
 these I conclude that, unless otherwise discredited, all must be 
 accepted, even though the object of the change may not be so 
 apparent, or perhaps in our judgement so beneficial. 
 
 Elsewhere (p. xvii) he speaks of these changes as ' made 
 at an early date ', ' when the play was first produced, or 
 at any rate during the process of its settling down into 
 its position as an acting play', and as therefore being 
 ' probably sanctioned, if not actually made, by the 
 author himself '. He would, therefore, admit all the 
 Folio variants into the text. The Cambridge editors, 
 on the other hand, having an eye only to what Shake- 
 speare wrote, as distinguished from what he may, or may 
 not, have ' sanctioned ', reject the greater number of 
 them, including the two corrections just considered. 
 There are, however, some twenty-four instances in which 
 they have accepted readings first found in the FoUo, and 
 at these we must now look. Three of them are of the 
 kind which we have treated as merely a matter of editorial 
 practice. These are ' returnft ' for ' returneft ' (i. iii. 
 254), 'that's' for 'that is' (11. ii. 129), and 'he's' for 
 * he is ' (iv. i. 89). ' You owe ' for the quite perverse 
 ' y'owe ', by which the First Quarto spoils the metre of 
 I. iii. 180 (' Sweare by the duty that y'owe to God ') is 
 a real correction, though one which needs no private 
 
 ^ i. e. variations as opposed to printers' errors. A. W. P. 
 
Accepted Corrections 83 
 
 information to account for it. The substitution of ' fit ' 
 iox ' fet ' in i. ii, 47 (' O fet my husbands wronges on 
 Herefords fpeare '), and ' pinnes ' for ' pines ' in iii. iv. 26 
 (' My wretchednes vnto a row of pines ') may be regarded 
 at pleasure either as matters of spelling or as fairly 
 important corrections. As already noted (p. 61), the 
 words * fit ' and ' fet ' were liable to the same confusion 
 as ' Ue ' and ' lay ' are still, and the superiority of one 
 over the other in this context is not striking. In the 
 other case Pope was deceived by the reading ' pines ' and 
 •emended the Une into * My wretchedness suits with a row 
 of pines ' ; but it is probable that ' pines ' was only 
 a misspelling for ' pinnes ' or ' pins ' though a very un- 
 liappy one. In i. i. 152 ('Wrath kindled gentleman be 
 ruled by me'), the correction ' gentlemen ', and in 11. ii. 16 
 
 For Sorrowes eyes glazed with blinding teares 
 Diuides one thing entire to many obiects 
 
 the substitution of ' eye ' for ' eyes ' (as an alternative to 
 substituting ' Diuide ' for ' Diuides ') were dictated by 
 the context. In i. iv. 20 (' He is our Coofens Coofin ') the 
 Folio's change of ' Coofens ' to Cofin ', though accepted 
 by the Cambridge editors, seems not beyond challenge.^ 
 
 ^ Aumerle, who had ridden a little way with the banished Hereford, 
 ostensibly as a mark of sympathy, has just said that if the word ' Farewell ' 
 wovdd have added years to Hereford's exUe 
 
 He should have had a volume of farewels : 
 But since it would not, he had none of me. 
 Now Richard, unless badly provoked, is always himself soft of speech, 
 and it would seem quite in keeping with Shakespeare's presentment of 
 him that he should treat Aumerle's outburst somewhat coldly. The 
 "Quarto makes him begin his reply : 
 
 He is our Coofens Coofin, but tis doubt. 
 When time fhall call him home from banifhment, 
 Whether our kinfman come to fee his friends. 
 Aumerle is reminded vrith a touch of formality that Hereford is his 
 
84 Accepted Corrections 
 
 The one reading of the eleven involving the change of 
 only a single letter, which seems to me at once certain 
 and at the same time hardly to be reckoned as obvious^ 
 is the substitution of ' incaged ' for ' inraged ' in 11. i. 102. 
 The passage reads in the First Quarto : 
 
 A thoufand flatterers lit within thy Crowne, 
 Whofe compafle is no bigger than thy head, 
 And yet inraged in fo fmall a verge, 
 The wafte is no whit lefler than thy land. 
 
 It cannot be said that ' incaged ' is an impossible 
 correction for the printer's reader to have evolved out of 
 his inner consciousness and the context, but I do not 
 personally feel justified in assuming that this was how it 
 originated. 
 
 Passing from single letters to words we find the First 
 Folio restoring an obviously needed 'my' in i. i. 118 
 (' Now by [my] fcepters awe I make a vowe '), and 
 a hardly less obvious ' then ' in i. iii. 172 (' What is thy 
 fentence [then] but speechlefle death ? '), and ' the ' in 
 II. iii. 99 (' Were I but now [the] Lord of fuch hot youth '). 
 In III. iii. 13, by adding 'with you' in antithesis to 'with 
 him' it achieved the restoration to sense and rhythm of 
 three lines which the First Quarto had printed as : 
 
 The time hath bin, would you haue beene fo briefe with him 
 He would haue bin so briefe to fliorten you. 
 For taking fo the head your whole heads length. 
 
 This in the Folio reads 
 
 The time hath beene 
 Would you haue beene so briefe with him, he would 
 Haue been fo briefe with you, to Ihorten you, 
 For taking fo the Head, your whole heads length. 
 
 own cousin, and there is an ironical suggestion of regret that in spite of 
 this he may not be recalled. For Richard to caU. him ' our coufin ' and 
 ' our kinfman ' in the same breath seems redundant. 
 
Doubtful Corrections 85 
 
 Here also it seems fairly arguable, though not certain, 
 that the acumen required is beyond what we have a right 
 to assume in the editor of the Foho, and obliges us to 
 presume some external help. 
 
 Two other instances in which the Cambridge editors 
 admit FoKo additions are somewhat less convincing. In 
 I. iv. 23 seq., 
 
 Our felfe and Bufliie 
 
 Obferued his courtfhip to the common people, 
 
 the half line is filled out in the Folio so as to read 
 Our felfe and Bufliy : heere Bagot and Greene. 
 
 This the Quarto of 1634 emended to 
 
 Our felfe, and Buftiy, Bagot here and Greene, 
 
 which (omitting the comma after ' felfe ') the Cambridge 
 editors accept. I confess this makes on me the same 
 impression as the expansion by a certain Mr. Seymour of 
 York's ' Tut, tut ! ' in 11. iii. 86 into ' Tut, tut, boy : 
 go to ! ' in order in the same way to eke out a line. I do 
 not believe that Shakespeare wrote either the one or the 
 other. In iii. ii. 134 I am again recalcitrant. The First 
 Quarto prints this passage : 
 
 Three ludafles, each one thrife worfe then ludas, 
 Woidd they make peace ? terrible hel, 
 Make war vpon their fpotted foules for this. 
 
 In the second Hne the words ' make peace ? ' are a cry 
 of rage which can only be adequately rendered by giving 
 to each the time of a whole foot. The next two words 
 are pronounced slowly, and after ' hel ' there is a slight 
 pause marked by the dramatic comma, and then the 
 next line follows with a swift rush. Some one, however, 
 as I think, whether actor, editor, or press-corrector, could 
 only see that the middle line was short of two syllables, 
 so supplied these from the opening words of the next. 
 
86 Doubtful Corrections 
 
 and made good the loss by adding a pitifully weak word 
 at the end, thus giving the Folio reading : 
 
 Would they make peace ? terrible Hell make warre 
 Vpon their fpotted Soules for this Offence. 
 
 Despite the large H and S and O this is surely far 
 weaker than the other, and I cannot believe that Shake- 
 speare either wrote it or approved it. 
 
 As against these expansions we have in v. ii. 52 a curtail- 
 ment. The full passage reads in the First Quarto : 
 
 Torke. Well, beare you wel in this new fpring of time, 
 Left you be cropt before you come to prime. 
 What newes from Oxford, do thefe iufts & triumphs hold ? 
 
 Aum. For aught I know (my Lord) they do. 
 
 Torke. you will be there I know. 
 
 Aum. If God preuent not, I purpofe fo. 
 
 Torke. What feale is that that hangs without thy bofome ? 
 yea, lookft thou pale ? let me fee the writing. 
 
 It will be noted that York's speech begins with a 
 rhymed couplet rounding off the previous colloquy. 
 Then come a long line and three short ones in which the 
 dramatic tension and with it the dramatic rhythm are 
 completely relaxed, to be resumed at full pressure when 
 next York speaks . Now the Folio cut down the long line to 
 
 What newes from Oxford ? Hold thofe lusts & Triumphs ? 
 
 but leaves the three short lines untouched. The Cam- 
 bridge editors accept both the curtailment and the 
 refusal to tinker further. Rowe and Pope between them, 
 on the other hand, botched the three short lines into two 
 of the regulation length : 
 
 Aum. For aught I know they do. 
 
 Tork. You will be there. 
 
 Aum. If God prevent me not, I purpose so. 
 
 And if the Folio treatment of the long line is accepted, 
 
Doubtful Corrections 87 
 
 it is hard to see why Rowe and Pope should not be 
 allowed their way. 
 
 We have still to struggle with eight cases of word- 
 substitution. Four of these are obvious, viz. ' comft ' for 
 ' comes ' in I. iii. 33 (' Againft whom comes thou ? '), 
 ' the ' for ' a ' in 11. i. 177 (' AccompHftit with a number 
 of thy howers '), ' too ' for ' two ' in iii. iv. 34 (' Cut off 
 the heads of two faft growing fpraies '), and ' fhall ' for 
 * ftUl ' in V. iii. 106 (' Our knees ftill kneele till to the 
 ground they grow '), though I am not sure that the 
 sUght absurdity of this last line as it stands in the Quarto 
 must not be debited to Shakespeare himself. In v. i. 25 
 the Cambridge editors accept ' ftricken ' instead of 
 ' throwne ' (' Which our prophane houres heere haue 
 throwne down ') presumably because strict metre requires 
 a disyllable. Otherwise the change is on the same plane 
 as a dozen or more others which they reject. In v. vi. 47 
 they accept ' that ' for ' what ' (' Come mourne with me, 
 for what I do lament '), as no doubt Shakespeare did 
 when he was told it was more elegant ! Two notable 
 improvements wiU complete our tale. In in. iii. 119 the 
 First Quarto printed : ' This fweares he, as he is princefle 
 iust.' The new Quarto of 1598 changed 'princefle' into 
 ' a prince ', and the Folio, by inserting ' is ', finally 
 restored the line as ' This fweares he, as he is a Prince, is 
 iuft '. Again, in i. iv. 53, where the Quarto has the 
 stage direction Enter Bujhie with newes, the Folio, after 
 the direction Enter Bujhy, makes the King continue his 
 speech with the words ' Bufliy, what newes ? ' I feel 
 bound to acknowledge both these improvements as 
 probably originating elsewhere than in Jaggard's printing- 
 house. 
 
 If we now consider the new readings in the First Folio 
 as a whole, both those which the Cambridge editors 
 
88 Folio Readings classified 
 
 accept and those which they reject, as a result of this 
 tedious survey we can divide them into classes, (i) obvious 
 misprints ; (ii) readings which imply no judgement on 
 vphat Shakespeare wrote, but are only concerned with 
 the (eHded or uneUded) presentation of it ; (iii) correc- 
 tions of patent errors in earlier editions ; (iv) a number 
 of small changes which seldom affect the general sense 
 of the passage in which they occur ; (v) a very few 
 important readings, mostly clearly right, but which, 
 whether right or wrong, we cannot assume to have been 
 arrived at by the editor of the First Folio pondering on 
 the text. Do the readings in these last two classes justify 
 us in considering the text of the First Folio as representing 
 a revision in any sense authoritative of the text printed 
 in the First Quarto, and if so what is the authority on 
 which that revision was based ? 
 
 We have so far concerned ourselves almost exclusively 
 with the positive evidence bearing on the question. But 
 there is an at least equally large body of negative 
 evidence which must not be neglected. The principle of 
 Economy forbids us to call in any authority vastly in 
 excess of what can be shown to have been used. We 
 must remember, of course, that the standard of accuracy 
 and care in editing was very low. We must expect many 
 things to have been overlooked which a modern editor 
 would be severely blamed for overlooking ; but if at 
 a moment when the Foho editor was obviously exercising 
 care he can be shown not to have consulted an authority 
 which would have solved his difficulty we must be 
 permitted to doubt whether the authority was there for 
 him to consult. 
 
 The Foho text of Richard II being set up from a copy 
 of the Quarto of 1615, the fact aheady recorded that in 
 over 120 instances it restores readings of the First Quarto 
 
i6ij; Quarto corrected by ijpy 89 
 
 which had been perverted in 58 cases by errors introduced 
 by B, in 15 by W, in 16 by C, and in 34 by D, proves that 
 either a copy of the First Quarto (or of some other text 
 with the same readings in these passages) must have been 
 available for use in Jaggard's printing-house, where the 
 Foho was set up, or else that the copy used of D must 
 already have been corrected to this extent before it 
 reached the printer. The negative evidence against 
 a copy of the First Quarto having been thus available in 
 Jaggard's house is strong. We have first the fact that 
 while some 120 of its readings were restored, about 100 
 others were left in the state to which the subsequent 
 Quartos had reduced them ; and, secondly, we have 
 a little handful of instances (i. i. 77 ; 11. ii. 3 ; v. iii. 63) 
 where we find the Folio editor wrestHng with the bad 
 readings he found in D and botching them as best he 
 could, in a way which forbids us to suppose that he had 
 a copy of the First Quarto at his elbow all the time. 
 I. i. 77 reads in the First Quarto ' What I haue fpoke, 
 or thou canft worfe deuife '. B spoilt it by omitting 
 ' worfe ' ; W mended it by repeating ' what ' before 
 * thou ', and the Folio editor varied the botching by 
 omitting this second ' what ' and changing ' fpoke ' to 
 ' Ipoken '. In 11. ii. 3, where the First and Second 
 Quartos have the phrase ' life-harming heauines ' the Foho 
 reads ' felfe-harming ', and this seems to have originated 
 in a gallant attempt to improve on the absurd ' halfe- 
 harming ' of the three later Quartos. So again, in v. iii. 
 63, where the First and Second Quartos read ' held his 
 current ' and the Foho ' had his current ', this very poor 
 variant is clearly due to puzzlement caused by the three 
 later Quartos spelling ' held ' as ' hald '. It is difficult to 
 beheve that these readings would have found their way into 
 the Folio if its editor had had the First Quarto before him. 
 
90 Use of a Prompt Copy 
 
 If we try to get out of this difficulty by supposing that 
 the superior text used in correcting D was not the First 
 Quarto, but one in which the text, though better than 
 D's, was already corrupted, we shall find that, except on 
 the impossible supposition of a large number of bad 
 readings having originated twice over independently, 
 there is no moment at which such a text could have come 
 into existence, having regard to the variety of bad 
 readings originated by each of the later quartos which 
 it would contain. We have also a slight piece of positive 
 evidence that the text used in correcting D was that of 
 the First Quarto, because along with the 120 good 
 readings at least one of its bad readings was restored, 
 the double genitive ' my brothers Edwards fonne ' in 
 II. i. 124. 
 
 We have thus to suppose a copy of D, the Quarto of 
 1615, brought into Jaggard's printing-house aheady 
 corrected, though by no means adequately, from a copy 
 of the First Quarto. But we have found reason to admit 
 that the text of his copy of the First Quarto must itseH 
 have been already corrected in a handful of places from 
 some other authority, and we are now back at our 
 question : What can this authority have been ? 
 
 Two further points of difference between the Quartos 
 and the Folio of 1623 here come to our aid, both of them 
 suggesting that the copy of the First Quarto used in 
 correcting D was a playhouse copy which the Prompter 
 had kept up to date in accordance with the changing 
 practice of the theatre. The first of these, the drastic 
 changes in the stage-directions, needs no labouring. The 
 second, the omission from the First Folio of fifty lines 
 taken from eight different places, which are duly printed 
 in the Quartos, must be briefly examined. Mr. Daniel 
 apparently regarded these omissions solely in the light of 
 
Lines omitted in the Folio 91 
 
 a defect in the Folio ^ atoned for by its superior version 
 of the ' Deposition ' scene. But if we examine these 
 en masse we cannot attribute them (save perhaps in the 
 case of two single lines) to mere carelessness. Some of 
 them are ordinary ' cuts ' made to prevent a scene or 
 a speech from dragging ; others surmount textual 
 difficulties by the rough and ready method of excision. 
 Their roughness forbids us to believe that they are 
 editorial ; they are, in fact, plainly theatrical. I here 
 quote the omitted lines with their contexts, enclosing the 
 actual omissions in brackets : 
 
 I. iii. 129-33. 
 And for our eies do hate the dire afpect 
 Of ciuill wounds plowd vp with neighbours fword, 
 [And for we thinke the Egle-winged pride 
 Of skie-afpiring and ambitious thoughts, 
 With riuall-hating enuy fet on you 
 To wake our peace, which in our Countries cradle 
 Drawes the fweet infant breath of gentle fleepe] 
 Which fo rouzde vp with boiftrous vntunde drummes, 
 With harfli refounding trumpets dreadfull bray. 
 And grating fliocke of wrathfull yron armes. 
 Might from our quiet confines fright faire Peace, 
 And make vs wade euen in our kinreds bloud : 
 Therefore we banifli you, &c. 
 
 This is surely a passage which Shakespeare can never 
 have read over, or he would not have left the ' Peace ' of 
 line 137 to be frighted by the ' peace' of line 132. The 
 omission of the five lines 129-33 leaves the sword which 
 is to plow up civil wounds to be roused up by drums in 
 rather an awkward manner, and it might have been 
 better to sacrifice the following five lines as well. The 
 
 ^ His words are (Introduction, p. xviii) ' as a set off against its [the 
 Folio's] fifty lines omissions we have its admittedly best version of the 
 hundred and sixty-six lines of the " additions " which Q°^ i and 2 omit.' 
 
92 Lines omitted in the Folio 
 
 obvious difficulty is surmounted, though in so clumsy 
 a manner as to make it incredible that the omission was 
 either made or approved by Shakespeare himself. 
 
 I. iii. 239-42. 
 You vrgde me as a iudge, but I had rather, 
 You would haue bid me argue like a father : 
 [Oh had't beene a ftranger, not my child. 
 To fmooth his fault I ftiould haue beene more milde : 
 A partial flaunder fought I to auoide. 
 And in the fentence my owne life deftroyed :] 
 Alas, I lookt when fome of you fliould fay, 
 I was too ftrict to make mine owne away : 
 But you gaue leaue to my vnwilling tongue, 
 Againft my will to do my felfe this wrong. 
 
 Can any one seriously contend that the passage does not 
 gain dramatically by the omission of the bracketed lines ,^ 
 which add to its length much more than to its effect ? 
 
 I. iii. 268-93. 
 
 Gaun. The fullen paffage of thy weary fteps, 
 
 Efteeme as foyle wherein thou art to fet, 
 
 The pretious lewell of thy home returne. 
 
 [Bui. Nay rather euery tedious ftride I make. 
 
 Will but remember me what a deale of world : 
 
 I wander from the Jewels that I loue. 
 
 Muft I not ferue a long apprentiftiood. 
 
 To forreine paflages, and in the end, 
 
 Hauing my freedome, boaft of nothing elfe. 
 
 But that I was a iourneyman to griefe. 
 
 Gaun. All places that the eie of heauen vifits 
 
 Are to a wife man portes and happie hauens : 
 
 Teach thy neceiEty to reafon thus. 
 
 There is no vertue like neceffity, 
 
 Thinke not the King did banifh thee. 
 
 But thou the King. Woe doth the heauier fit, 
 
 Where it perceiues it is but faintly borne: 
 
 Go, fay I fent thee foorth to purchafe honour, 
 
 And not the King exilde thee ; or fuppose, 
 
Lines omitted in the Folio 9J 
 
 Deuouring peftilence hangs in our aire, 
 
 And thou art flying to a freflier clime : 
 
 Locke what thy foule holds deare, imagine it 
 
 To \y that way thou goefl:, not whence thou comft : 
 
 Suppofe the finging birds mufitions. 
 
 The grafle whereon thou treadfl:, the prefence ftrowd, 
 
 The flowers, faire Ladies, and thy fteps, no more 
 
 Then a dehghtfull meafure or a dance, 
 
 For gnarling forrow hath lefle power to bite, 
 
 The man that mocks at it, and fet8 it light.] 
 
 Bui. Oh who can hold a fier in his hand. 
 
 By thinking on the frosty Caucasus, &c. 
 
 Had these twenty-six lines perished we should have 
 been the poorer, as they are very good rhetoric ; but 
 twenty-six lines of good rhetoric at the end of a very long 
 scene may be much less good as drama, and whoever 
 made the cut had a sound dramatic instinct. That the 
 editor of the Folio should have made it on his own 
 motion is in the highest degree unlikely. 
 
 II. ii. 77. 
 Greene. Here comes the Duke of Yorke. 
 Queene. With fignes of war about his aged necke, 
 Oh ful of carefull bufines are his lookes ! 
 Vncle, for Gods fake fpeake comfortable wordes. 
 Yorke. [Should I do fo I Ihould bely my thoughts,] 
 Comfort's in heauen, and we are on the earth, &c. 
 
 The omission of the intervening Une brings ' comfort's 
 in heauen ' in more pointed antithesis to ' comfortable 
 words '. 
 
 III. ii. 29-32. 
 Carl. Feare not my Lord, that power that made you king, 
 Hath power to keepe you king in fpight of all, 
 [The meanes that heauens yeeld must be imbrac't 
 And not neglected. Elfe heauen would, 
 And we will not, heauens offer, we refufe. 
 The profered meanes of fuccors and redrefle.] 
 
94 Lines omitted in the Folio 
 
 Aum. He meanes my Lo: that we are too remifle, 
 
 Whilst BuUingbrooke through our fecurity, 
 
 Growes ftrong and great in fubftance and in power. 
 
 This is an unfortunate omission, as by the removal of 
 the four lines Aumerle is left without any foundation for 
 the meaning which he attributes to the Bishop's speech. 
 But until Pope inserted ' if ' between ' Elfe ' and ' heauen' 
 the meaning was very obscure, and the lines seem to have 
 been impatiently struck out because of this. If this was 
 done by the actor it suggests that the omission of 'if 
 (or such other word as would have mended the sense) may 
 have been a slip in Shakespeare's own draft, otherwise the 
 line should have been mendable from the actor's ' part '. 
 
 III. ii. 49. 
 So when this thiefe, this traitor BuUingbrooke, 
 Who all this while hath reueld in the night, 
 [Whilft we were wandring with the Antipodes,] 
 Shall fee vs rifing in our throne the eaft. 
 
 Possibly the reference to the King's absence in Ireland 
 as a wandering in the Antipodes was found misleading ; 
 possibly the omission, being only of a single line, was 
 accidental. 
 
 Fitzwaters and Percy have thrown down their gages in 
 challenge to Aumerle : 
 
 IV. i. 52-9. 
 [Another L. I taske the earth to the like (forfworne Aumerle) 
 And fpurre thee on with full as many lies 
 As it may be hollowed in thy treacherous eare 
 From finne to finne : there is my honors pawne 
 Ingage it to the triall if thou dareft. 
 Aum. Who fets me elfe ? by heauen He throwe at all, 
 I haue a thoufand fpirites in one breaft 
 To anfwer twenty thoufand fuch as you.] 
 Sur. My lord Fitzwater, I do remember well 
 The very time (Aumerle) and you did talke, &c. 
 
Lines omitted in the Folio 95 
 
 The phrase ' I taske the earth to the like ' has provoked 
 a shower of emendations ; but probably the only reason 
 for this omission was that the scene is a long one and it 
 was thought that three challenges were enough — as indeed 
 they are. 
 
 V. iii. 97. 
 Aum. Vnto my mothers prayers I bend my knee. 
 Yorke. Againft them both my true ioynts bended be, 
 [111 maift thou thrive if thou graunt any grace.] 
 Du. Pleades he in earneft ? looke vpon his face. 
 His eies do drop no teares, &c. 
 
 This line, like in. ii. 49, may well have been omitted by 
 accident/ but the other six omissions, amounting to 
 forty-eight lines, are all in accordance with dramatic 
 exigencies, and along with the remodelling of the stage 
 directions offer excellent evidence that the copy of the 
 First Quarto by which that of 161 5 was corrected was 
 a playhouse copy from which the Prompter had scored 
 out the lines omitted from the acting version, and inserted 
 stage directions in accordance, probably, with the 
 resources of the Company when the play was revived in 
 1608. Is it unreasonable to suppose that while doing this 
 the Prompter did also a little more and brought the text 
 of his copy of the First Quarto here and there into 
 agreement with the lines as spoken by the actors, who 
 would have been confused if they had been prompted 
 with any other word than that which they were accus- 
 tomed to use, whether this was wrong or right ? In a few 
 cases, as we have seen, the word or words substituted for 
 the reading of the Quarto were certainly right and seem 
 
 ^ With these two probably accidental omissions from the Folio we may 
 mention that of the two words ' My Lo.', i. e. ' My Lord,' which in 
 modern editions form line iv. i. 326, though the First Quarto runs them 
 into the next line. This omission, however, originated in W. 
 
96 History of Text 
 
 to need some super-editorial authority for their restitu- 
 tion, and this seems amply provided by our supposition. 
 In a far larger number of lines,^ on the other hand, the 
 substitution of one word for another of nearly equiva- 
 lent meaning suggests imperfect memory or perhaps the 
 actor's taste. 
 
 We are now, perhaps, in a position to set down the 
 hypothesis, as to what happened from the moment when 
 Shakespeare handed over his copy to the Players, which 
 seems to raise the fewest difficulties and to obey most 
 consistently the law of economy. 
 
 When a new play was accepted by a company of players 
 it is evident that copies must have been made of the 
 different parts, so that each actor could learn his own and 
 know enough of those of the other actors to bring in his 
 speeches at the right time. 
 
 A clean copy may have been made at the same time 
 for the use of the Prompter, or (as appears to have been 
 the case with the anonymous Second MayierCs Tragedy 
 of 161 1, and Massinger's Believe as you list of 163 1) the 
 author's own manuscript may have been taken for this pur- 
 pose. To copy a play of this length would have occupied 
 a scrivener some three or four days, and although the cost 
 would not have been great, probably about five shillings, it 
 is by no means certain that the Company incurred it, as 
 with a single complete text and the actors' ' parts ' they 
 would be fairly secured against accident. Even if this cost 
 were incurred, it seems probable, when we transport our- 
 selves back to 1597 and forget the price which a single 
 scene of a play in Shakespeare's autograph would be likely 
 to fetch at the present time, that the clean copy made by 
 
 '^ Some deduction, however, must be made to allow for the probability 
 that some of these substitutions were made by the compositor from trying 
 to carry too many words in his head. 
 
History of Text 97 
 
 the scrivener would have been considered better worth 
 keeping than the author's draft, and that thus, whether 
 there was one complete copy or two, it was probably 
 the one in Shakespeare's handwriting which (with the 
 ' Deposition scene ' cut out) reached the printer. Save 
 the shock it may cause to our feelings to contemplate 
 such an outrage, there is nothing, as far as I can see, that 
 makes this improbable. It has been rather elaborately 
 demonstrated that the number of errors which Valentine 
 Sims introduced into the Second Quarto is so great that 
 even if he had had an absolutely perfect manuscript to 
 print from there is no reason to suppose that the First 
 Quarto would have been any less incorrect than it is. 
 On the other hand the fact that more than once we find 
 a suggestion that Sims was obliged to help a compositor 
 by dictating the text to him (see pp. 35 sq., 59) suggests 
 that the manuscript was probably not written in a specially 
 clerkly hand. Finally, we really want to get rid of 
 Shakespeare's autograph at the earliest possible moment, 
 because if it remained in existence for any length of time 
 so many people must be seriously blamed for not having 
 made better use of it. There is indeed no subsequent 
 occasion on which it can be brought into play, without 
 a moral impossibility arising that it should only have 
 been used to tinker one or two passages when there was 
 a mistake on every page waiting to be corrected. 
 
 To these considerations there is one which is worth 
 mentioning, though I put it forward vpith some diffidence, 
 namely, that the very unequal and inconsistent punctua- 
 tion which we find in the First Quarto is much more 
 likely to have taken its origin from that of the author 
 himself than from any which we can suppose a profes- 
 sional copyist to have been guilty of. The impression 
 which a very close study of the play has made on me 
 
98 History of Text 
 
 (I mention it for what it is worth) is that Shakespeare 
 wrote it at top speed, the words often coming to him as 
 fast as he could set them down, and that some passages- 
 he could hardly have troubled himself to read over.^ 
 Such a flow of ideas and words is not favourable to 
 careful punctuation, and I believe that, in the manuscript 
 which he handed over to the players, all but the most 
 carefully written speeches were hardly punctuated at all. 
 On the other hand, as we have seen (see p. 69), some at 
 least of these set speeches are fully punctuated, and with 
 a dramatic punctuation such as cannot reasonably be 
 attributed to any one but the author. A professional 
 copyist might have reproduced faithfully all the punctua- 
 tion he found and added none of his own, but it is simpler 
 to divide the responsibiHty for that found in the First 
 Quarto between Shakespeare and the printer, without 
 dragging in a third party. I am conscious, however, that 
 to argue from anything so defaced with errors as the 
 Quarto's punctuation is not without risk. 
 
 As soon as the First Quarto was printed its greater 
 handiness and legibility would give it great advantage 
 over any written text for the purposes of a prompt-copy,, 
 and if any written text then existed at the theatre there 
 is every probability that it was destroyed. Some ten 
 years later, when the play was revived and the ' Depo- 
 sition ' scene restored to the acting version, presumably 
 by Shakespeare's wish, the text of this could have been 
 obtained, if no copy of it had been specially preserved, 
 from the original actors' ' parts '.^ With this addition: 
 
 '^ The worst instance of this is the confusing double reference to Peace- 
 in I. iii. 132 and 137, which seems to have led to five lines being cut out in 
 despair of mending it. 
 
 ^ This supposes that the ' Deposition ' scene was acted when the play- 
 was first staged, and cut out in or before 1597. 
 
History of Text 99 
 
 the First Quarto may have continued in use as a prompt- 
 ■copy right down to the time when the printing of the 
 First FoUo was undertaken. While being used as a 
 prompt-copy, passages which for any reason were omitted 
 ■in representation would naturally be scored out ; hence 
 the omission from the Folio text of forty-eight lines 
 ^besides two single lines which appear to have dropped out 
 accidentally) duly printed by the First Quarto. While 
 being used in this way it would furthermore be natural 
 that the copy of the First Quarto should here and 
 there be brought into agreement vdth any variation 
 from its text which an actor systematically introduced ; 
 hence the few certain corrections of the First Quarto 
 which appear in the Folio text, and the larger number of 
 instances in which one word is substituted for another 
 of nearly equivalent meaning. 
 
 Whether because a Folio would be inconveniently 
 large to use as a prompt-copy, or for any other reason, it 
 is probable, as we have seen, that the corrected First 
 Quarto was not sent to the printer, but only placed at 
 the disposal of whoever was intrusted with the task of 
 preparing the historical section of the First Folio for 
 the press. Possibly he even had to go to the theatre to 
 consult it. In any case it is certain that the process of 
 correcting a copy of the Quarto of 161 5 by the aid of the 
 corrected First Quarto was very hastily and inadequately 
 performed, and that this imperfectly corrected Quarto 
 of 161 5 was the sole authority by which Jaggard's press- 
 corrector had to work, so that if he found anything in it 
 which he thought wrong he had to botch as best he could. 
 Moreover, although now and again we find him obviously 
 taking pains in this way, we cannot regard him as very 
 good at his proper job, as he passed a discreditable number 
 Qi new mistakes introduced by his own compositors. For 
 
100 History of Text 
 
 these reasons we have no doubt that the text which an 
 editor of Richard II ought to follow is not that of the First 
 Folio, but that of the Quarto of 1597. 
 
 As regards how the text of the Quarto of 1597 should be 
 modified when reproduced in a modern edition we have 
 already given reasons for our contention that no variant 
 should be accepted from any of the later Quartos, unless 
 by a quite rigorous standard its correctness can be called 
 self-evident. On the whole it is safest to apply the same 
 test to the variants first found in the Folio of 1623, 
 despite the possibility suggested in this introduction that 
 any given variant may be a restoration of an original 
 reading preserved in an actor's ' part ' and transferred 
 thence to the prompt-copy and so to the copy of the 
 Quarto of 161 5 in which corrections were made, and from 
 this to the new text. In lines where both the Quarto 
 and the Folio have possible readings it is simpler to 
 believe that the reading of the Folio is due to a single 
 substitution of a wrong for a right word, than that this 
 substitution took place in 1597 and was corrected in the 
 roundabout way indicated. In other words it seems 
 safer to use the theory of a corrected prompt-copy rather 
 as a means of explaining how the new readings which we 
 are bound in any case to accept found their way into the 
 First Folio than as a reason for accepting more variants 
 from this source. 
 
 The theory here maintained as to the relations of the 
 Quarto and the FoUo texts of Richard II has points iii- 
 common both with that of the Cambridge editors and with 
 the view expressed by Mr. P. A. Daniel in his introduction" 
 to the Facsimile of the Devonshire copy of the Quarto of 
 1597. At the same time it differs substantially from both. 
 
 It agrees with the Cambridge editors in taking the text' 
 of the First Quarto as reproducing most accurately the* 
 
History of Text loi 
 
 words Shakespeare wrote, and only regrets that they 
 should have fallen below their own creed by borrowing 
 six or seven unauthoritative readings from the Second 
 Quarto and a few more from the Folio. It differs from 
 the Cambridge editors, not only as to these readings, but 
 also in regarding the First Quarto, not that of 1615, as 
 the one taken by the Players as a prompt-copy, the Quarto 
 of 1615 being hastily corrected by this. 
 
 It agrees with Mr. Daniel in his criticism of the Cam- 
 bridge editors on this point, but differs strongly from his 
 preference for the Folio text, and still more from the 
 reasons on which that preference is based. These (see 
 the quotations from his introduction on p. 82) seem to be 
 trebly wrong (i) in the undue importance, as ' instances 
 of revision ', attached to the correction in the Folio of 
 two historical errors which any man, woman or child with 
 the necessary information could have set right ; (ii) in his 
 refusal to admit any difference between these historical 
 emendations and others in regard to which the decision, 
 ' right ' or ' wrong ', is entirely a matter of Shakespeare's 
 art ; and (iii) in the rather wilful indifference as to the 
 text Shakespeare first handed to the players, on the 
 ground of our supposed possession of a later text rendered 
 superior by its inclusion of variants which Shakespeare 
 is credited with having introduced, or at least approved. 
 Happy in his belief that the Folio text was thus authori- 
 tatively revised, Mr. Daniel apparently did not think it 
 worth while to make any definite pronouncement or even 
 to give much consideration as to whether the text Shake- 
 speare originally handed to the players is or is not that of 
 the First Quarto ; or rather, at the moment when he 
 should have considered this point he allowed himself to be 
 hypnotized by the words ' stolne and surreptitious ', which- 
 have been the undoing of so many Shakespeare editors. 
 
102 History of Text 
 
 In the theory here put forward the two historical 
 corrections are disregarded as of no evidential value, but 
 in view of the presence in the First Folio of three or four 
 literary corrections which seem to demand a skill greater 
 than can fairly be attributed to its editors the suggestion 
 is offered that these may have been found already made 
 in the copy of the First Quarto used as a prompt-copy. 
 While it is thus admitted that the Folio may at haphazard 
 contain some good readings, it seems impossible to 
 accept its text as in any way edited or revised by Shake- 
 speare himself, or under his supervision or authority, 
 because, while it presents many of the characteristics of 
 an edited text, the editing seems to represent the views 
 and practice of the printing-house, possibly of the theatre, 
 in 1023, rather than of Shakespeare himself. Such cuts 
 as we find in i. iii. 129-33 and iii. ii. 29-32 (see pp. 91 
 and 93) could not have been made by the author. More- 
 over, as compared with the First Quarto, there is a 
 greatly increased heaviness in the punctuation and a multi- 
 plication of emphasis capitals which we can hardly 
 attribute to the writer of Hamlet's advice to the players, 
 ' Speak the speech I pray you as I pronounc'd it to you, 
 trippingly on the tongue, but if you mouth it as many of 
 our Players do, I had as lieve the towne cryer spoke my 
 lines.' The First Folio, as already admitted, has a style 
 of its own and a right to that style vdth which it is no 
 part of my present business to quarrel. But that the 
 text of the First Quarto more accurately represents what 
 Shakespeare originally wrote, may even indeed have been 
 set up from his autograph manuscript, and that the play 
 itself never subsequently received any revision whatever 
 from Shakespeare himself, seem to me among the most 
 certain of propositions, 
 
 Alfred W. Pollard. 
 
CONTENTS OF PAGES OF THE 
 NEW QUARTO 
 
 D 2^ II. i. 222-57. 
 
 D 2'' II. i. 258-96. 
 
 D 3^ II. i. 297-300. ii. 1-32. 
 
 D 3'' II. ii. 33-70. 
 
 D4^ II. ii. 71-108. 
 
 D4'' II. ii. 109-48. 
 
 E I* II. ii. 149. iii. 1-33. 
 
 E i'' II. iii. 34-71. 
 
 E 2^ II. iii. 72-110. 
 
 E2'' II. iii. 1 1 1-48. 
 
 E 3=^ II. iii. 149-71 
 
 Ai^ 
 
 title. 
 
 Ai'' 
 
 blank. 
 
 A2» 
 
 I. i. 1-21. 
 
 A2t 
 
 I. i. 22-59. 
 
 A 3^ 
 
 I. i. 60-97. 
 
 A3'' 
 
 I. i. 98-135. 
 
 ^K 
 
 I. i. 136-72. 
 
 A 4" 
 
 I. i. 173-205. ii. I, 2. 
 
 B i^ 
 
 I. ii. 3-40. 
 
 Bi'' 
 
 I. ii. 41-74. iii. I, 2. 
 
 B2^ 
 
 I. iii. 3-34. 
 
 B2b 
 
 I. iii. 35-72. 
 
 B3^ 
 
 I. iii. 73-110. 
 
 83" 
 
 I. iii. in-48. 
 
 B+a 
 
 I. iii. 149-86. 
 
 84" 
 
 I. iii. 187-224. 
 
 Ci^ 
 
 I. iii. 225-62. 
 
 Cii> 
 
 I, iii. 263-300. 
 
 C2^ 
 
 I. iii. 301-9. iv. 1-27. 
 
 C2»' 
 
 I. iv. 28-65. 
 
 cr 
 
 II. i. 1-36. 
 
 Cs" 
 
 II. i. 37-72. 
 
 C4- 
 
 II. i. 73-110. 
 
 cI" 
 
 II. i. 1 1 1-46. 
 
 Di^ 
 
 II. i. 147-83. 
 
 Di" 
 
 II. i. 184-221. 
 
 E s*" II. iv. 14-24. 
 E 4^ III. i. 26-44. 
 E 4'' III. ii. 18-55. 
 F I* III. ii. 56-91. 
 F i"' III. ii. 92-129. 
 F 2^ III. ii. 130-67. 
 F 2^ III. ii. 168-204 
 F 3* III. ii. 205-18. 
 F 3'' III. iii. 23-61. 
 F 4» III. iii. 62-98. 
 F 4'' III. iii. 99-136. 
 G I* III. iii. 137-74. 
 *G I*" III. iii. 175-209 
 G 2* III. iv. 2-37. 
 G2'' III. iv. 38-73. 
 
 IV. 1-13. 
 III. i. 1-25. 
 ii. 1-17. 
 
 lu. 1-22. 
 
 IV. I. 
 
 * Up to this point the Quarto of 1608 follows W page for page^ 
 but in view of the ' Additions ' which necessitated adding aa 
 extra sheet in any case, it here abandons the extreme compres- 
 sion practised by W. 
 
104 
 
 Contents of the New Quarto 
 
 G 3^ III. iv. 74-107. IV. i. 1-4 
 
 H4'' V. ii. 106-17. 
 
 G s'' IV. i. s-42. 
 
 1 1=" V. iii. 28-65. 
 
 G 4* IV. i. 43-80. 
 
 1 1*" V. iii. 66-102 
 
 G4'' IV. i. 81-118. 
 
 I 2* V. iii. 103-38 
 
 H 1= IV. i. 119-53 ; 319 sqq. 
 
 I 2"° V. iii. 139-46 
 
 H I*" IV. i. 321-34. V. i. 1-25. 
 
 V. 1-18. 
 
 H 2* V. i. 26-63. 
 
 I 3= V. V. 19-57. 
 
 H2'' V. i. 64-101. 
 
 131- v.v. 58-95. 
 
 H 3^ V. i. 102. ii. 1-36. 
 
 14^ v.v. 96-118. 
 
 H3'= V. ii. 37-71. 
 
 I 4'' V. vi. 17-52. 
 
 H4* V. ii. 72-105. 
 
 
 111. 1-27. 
 
 IV. I-II. 
 
 vi. 1-16. 
 
THE 
 
 Tragcdie of King Ri- 
 chard/he fecond. 
 
 Asithath beene* publikely a(5tcd by the Right Ho- 
 nourable the Lord Chambcrlainehis 
 ■' j feniants. 
 
 Bj WiHiam Shdkc^fearc. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 Printed by Valentine Simmes,for Andrew Wire,and 
 are to be fbldeat his (hop in Paiiles churchyard, at 
 the figne of the Angel. 
 1598. 
 
Enter King Richard, lohii of Gant, 
 
 wich other Nobles and 
 Jnendants. 
 
 King l\tc, 
 
 httrd. 
 
 Lcle Tolin of Gaunt time Iionored LancaHcr, 
 Hal} thou according to thy othe nnd bande 
 liroujhc hither Henry Herforti thy bold ion, 
 Httcto make good thf boidroiis late appc.ilc 
 Which rhen our l.idire would not let vj hc.irc 
 Agninft the Dukeof NorfolkejThomas Mowbray? 
 CMht, 1 haHcmy Lcigc. 
 Kinf. Ttli me mo; ouei.haO. thou founded him 
 It- he . ppcalc the Duke on anc;cnt m;,licc, 
 Or won hily as a good fubicft H ,ould 
 On fome knowne gr«und of trcacherie in him? 
 
 CauHt. As ncaie as 1 could fift him on that argument, 
 Onfomearpi'rantdangerfccncmhim, 
 Aitnde at your HighnelTe,no inuete ale tra'i.c. 
 
 King. Th'-n call them to onr prefcncc face to face, 
 Audfrowning brow to brow oir felues will heate, 
 Thcaccufcr and the accufed freely fpeakc: 
 Hie ftomackt are they.borb.and full of ire, 
 Iiiragc, deafe as the fea.haftic as fiic. 
 
 Enter BMilingbroeke MclDiovbraj, 
 
 BuEing, Many ycares of happy daies befall 
 My gratious Soueraigne,my moft louing Lie^e,- 
 
 A 2 M<nift 
 
* TheTrageStef 
 
 Tidowk Each day ftill better others happmcflea 
 Vntill the heauem tniiying earths good nappe* 
 AAAc in iiDmortaU title to your Crowne. 
 
 King. We thanke you botb,yet one but flatters vs. 
 As well appeareth by thecaufe you come. 
 Namely to appeale each other ofhigh trcafbn: 
 Coodn of Hereforcf what<lon thou obieft 
 Ag«n(l the Duke of Norfblke Thomas Mowbray* 
 Bui. Firfl.heauen be the record to Tuy (pcech, 
 rin thedeootionof afubieiftsJoiie, 
 ■ Tendering the precious fafctie of my Prince, 
 And free Irons other tuisbegotteanate. 
 Come I appellant to this princely prefence. 
 Now Thomas Mowbray do I turne to thee. 
 And marke my greeting welI:for what I (peake 
 My body /hall make good ypoDthts earth, > 
 Or my diuine foule anfwer it in heauen: ' 
 Thou art a traitour and a mifcrcant; 
 Too good to bclb,and too bad to Hue, 
 ' Since thctiiore'fiiire andcriftallislhe skie. 
 The vglier feeme thecloudes th^at in it ffie. 
 O nee more,'(hc>more to aggraiiatc the note^ 
 Wi:h a foule trait ours name (lufFelthy throatc. 
 And with ((b pleafe my Soueratgne,)ere I moue, 
 W hat my tong{]beakei, Qty right dt^a wrie fword may proac> 
 3l0w, -Let litdt iny cokle wo^sbere accuTc my.zeale, 
 Tis not the triail ofa womans war, 
 '%he bitter clamour df two eager tongucr, 
 ' Can a: bitratrthis ctafe betwixtvs twaine; '-' 
 The bloud4S'ho(t«lb&i muft be cooid for this, 
 Yet can I not of fuchf taine patiaice-boaflj 
 As to be hufhtandnaught ataH to^fs^. 
 Firft the fairc rcucrcnce of your highnefTe curbesme, 
 From gluing reines and Ipurs to my free fpeechj 
 "Which elfc would poft Vntill ithadrcturnd, 
 Thefc tearrocs of trca(bn doubled downehh throiat: 
 Setting afidc his hi»h blouds royaUre, 
 And let Jhim bcrio kAlfman to'ioy Lage, 
 
Kin£ RichArithtfietniL 
 I do deJGIe him; and fpit at him, 
 Call him a flaundcrous coward and a villaine: 
 Which to maintainr, I would allow him ods. 
 And mcete him, were I tide (o runne afoote, 
 £uen to the frozen ridges of the Alpcs» 
 Or any other ground inhabitable. 
 Where eucrEnglini man durft feihis foote. 
 Means time l:t this defend my loyaltie. 
 By all my hopes moft falfly doth he lie, 
 
 "Bui, pale tremblingcovvard,thcrc 1 throw my gage, 
 Difclainrng heerc die kinred of a King, 
 AndtiiY aGdc my highbloudsroyallic, 
 ~^Which fearc,not reucrcnce mnkes thee to except. 
 If guiltie dread hauc left thee fo much ftrcngth. 
 As to take vp mine honours pawne.thcnftowpc: 
 By that, and all the rites of Knighthood e!(e. 
 Will I make good againd thee armc to af me. 
 What I haue fpoke.or what thou canft t^euiG;. 
 
 (^tvf, I take it vp, and by that fword I fweare, 
 Which gently hide my Knigthood on my fliouldcr, 
 Ilcanfwerthccin any faire degree: 
 Or chiualrousdefigne of knightly triall, 
 And when I mount, aliue may I not hghr, 
 If I be traitour or vniuftly fighf. 
 
 Hing. What doth our Coofin lay to Mowbraics charge. 
 It muft be great that can inherite vs. 
 So much as of a thought of ill in him. 
 
 BuL Looke wh:U I faid, my life Hiall prooue ittruc, ^ 
 That Mowbray hath rcceiude eight thoufand nobles, 
 In name oflcndings for your highncfle fouldiours, 
 The which he hath dctainde for lewd imployracnts, 
 Like a falfe traitour and iniurious villaine. 
 Befides I fay,and will in battaile prooue, 
 Or here,or cWc where to the furtheft Verge 
 That euer was furueyed by English eic. 
 That all the trealbns for thefe eighteeneyearcs, 
 Complotted and contriued in this land; 
 ~ cht from falfc Mowbray thcirfirfth«ad and fpiing? ^^ 
 
 A 3 Furthtt 
 
 X Vl' 
 
ThefrdgtMe of 
 
 FurtfierT ray.ancl Further will 'main taine 
 
 Vpon his bad life to make all this good, 
 
 That he did plode the Dukeof Gloccftcrs death, 
 
 Sug'cft his foone bclceuing a<luerfarics. 
 
 Ana confcquently like a ti aifoiir coward, 
 
 Slue IcoL't his innocent foule through fticames of blou^; 
 
 Which bloud,lii<e (acnficing Abels cries, 
 
 Euen from the tongud.fleCauf rns of the earth. 
 
 To meforiufhce and rough chaftifcment : 
 
 And by thr glorious worth of niy difccnt, 
 
 Thisarmc Ihall doit, or this life befpent. 
 
 King. How high a pitch his rcfelution^JIbares, 
 Thomas of Nprfolkc what faifl thou Co this? 
 
 Moi»b Oh let my (oueraighe turnc away bis face. 
 Ana bid his eares a little while be dcafe^ 
 Till I hauftoldethisflaunderof his bloud, 
 How God and good men hatefbfoule a ber, 
 
 KtMgt Mowbray impartiall are our eics and eares^ 
 Were he my brothcr,nayi my kingdumes hcire, 
 As he isW my fathers brothers fonne, 
 Now by fceprers awe I make a vow, 
 Such neighbour neerenes to otir facred bloud 
 Should nothing priuiledge him.nor partialize 
 Thevnftoopingfirraencffeof my vp/ightfoule. 
 He is our fubieA Mowbray, fo art fhou, 
 Free fp'eechand fearricflie I to thee allow. 
 
 2dov^. ThcH Bullingbrookc as low as to thy heart, 
 Through the falfe paflagc of thy throat thou licft, 
 1 hrcc parts of that receipt I had for Callice» 
 Dtsburft Ito his NghncUe Souldioiirs, 
 The other part referu'de I by confent. 
 For that my foueraigne liege was in my debt, 
 Vpon remainder of a f<earcaccount, 
 Since laft I went to France to fetch his Qijeene.- w 
 
 Now fallow downe that lie.For Glocellers deatL. 
 1 flew him not,but to mine owne disgrace 
 Neglefted my fworne dutic in that cafe: 
 Foryou my noble Lord of Lanqifter, 
 
 The 
 
King %Kh4rithefftcni. 
 
 The honourable father to my fcr. 
 
 Once did I lay an ambufli for your life, 
 
 Atiefpade that doth vexe my grreued foiilcs 
 
 Ah hut ere 1 lad receiu'de the facramcnt, 
 
 I did confcHcic^and txaAly begd 
 
 Your graces pardon,and I hope 1 had it. 
 
 This IS my fault, as for thertft appcald 
 
 It iduesfrom the rancour of a viiiaine, 
 
 A recreant and inoft degenerate tiaitour, 
 
 Wbichinmyfclfc 1 boldly will defend. 
 
 And cnterchangcably huile downe the gage, 
 
 Vpon this oiierwcening traitours foote. 
 
 To prooue my felfc a loyall Gentleman, 
 
 Ellen m the beft bloud chan)berd in his bofeme, 
 
 In haCte whereof moft hartily I pray 
 Your highn^ffc to afsigne our (riall day. 
 
 King. Wrath kindled gentleman,be ruled by inc, 
 Lets purge this choler without letting bloud. 
 This wc prcfcnbe.though no Phifition, 
 Dcepc malice makes too deepeinciHon, 
 Forgct,forgiue,conclude,and be agreed, 
 Our DoAors fay^this is no month to bleed; 
 Good Vnckle,Iet thisend where it begiinne, 
 Wcele caltnc the Duke of Norfolkc,you your fonnco 
 
 Csmtt, To be a roakc-pcace fliall become my age. 
 Throw downe (my fonnc )thc Diikcof Notfolkes g igc. 
 
 Xing. And Norfolkc throw downe his. 
 
 Count. When Harry ,when?obcdience bids. 
 Obedience bid»; 1 (hoi: Id not bid againe. 
 
 Ki'Jji^, Norfol: c throw downe we bid, there is noboofe^ 
 
 T^ow, My fclfe 1 throwvCdrcad fcuera!gne)a t thy foote, 
 Mvlife thoufhaltcommaundjbut not myfhame, 
 Theonemyduticowesjbut myfaircnamc 
 Dcfpiglit of death that liucs vpon ray graue. 
 To dark honours vfe thou (halt not haue : 
 lam di(g:a(le,impencht, and bafFuId hecre, 
 Pierft to the foulc with Slaundcrs venomd fprarc, 
 The which no balmc can cure^ but his h^artbluud 
 
 Whicli 
 
^ TheTra£*Meof 
 
 I Which brcathdc this poyfon. 
 
 Kifti. Ragemuftbcwithftood, 
 G iue me his gagc,Lions make Leopards tame. 
 
 McTvk Yca;but not change his fpots.take but my flbame,. 
 And I rcfignc my gage roy deare dcarc Lord- 
 The purell trcafurc mortall times affooid. 
 Is fpotlcffc repufation,that away, 
 Men arcbutguildedloame.or painted clay.- 
 A j cwell in a tenne times bard vp ched, 
 Is a boldc fpirit in a loyall bread. 
 Mine honour is iwy lifc,both grow in one, 
 Take honour from rae,and my life is done. 
 
 Then(deare roy Liegc)minc honour let me try. 
 
 In thai I liuc,and for that will I dy. 
 Kia£. CooCn throw vp your gagc.do you beginne.' 
 ! Bfi/, O God defend my foulc from fiich deepe finne^ 
 
 Shall I fecme Crcft-fallcn in my fathers fight.' 
 
 Or with pale begger-face impeach my hight. 
 '^ Before this out- dardedaflard? Eremy tongue 
 
 Shall wound my honour with fuch feeble wrong, 
 
 Or found fo bafe a parlce,my teeth fliaH icare, 
 
 The flauifh motiue of recanting feare, 
 
 And fpit it bleeding in his high difgrace. 
 
 Where Hiame doth iiarbour,euen in Mowbraies face, 
 Kinji. We were not borne to fuc.but to cenimaund^ 
 
 Which fince we cannot do to make you friends, 
 
 Be readie as your life fhall anfwer it. 
 
 At Coucntry vpon Jaint Lambards day: 
 
 There ("hallyour fwordsand launces arbitrate 
 
 The fwelling difference of your fetlcd hate. 
 
 Since we cannot atone you,you (hall fee 
 
 lufhce defi^ne the Viftars chiualric. 
 
 Lord Marlhalijcommaund our Officers at Arroes, 
 
 Be rcadic to direft thefc home allarmei. Ixit 
 
 Biter lohn efG4Hvt,vt>tth the Dikhejfe cfGloeefler, 
 CfAunt. Alas the part I had in Woodftocks bloud, 
 Doth more foHicite mc then your exclaimed; 
 
King '^ichtird thefeemi. 
 
 Toflirre againft the butchers of his life. 
 But (incc corre^ion lieth in thofe hands, 
 Which made the fault that wc cannot corrc£V, 
 Put we our quarrell to the will of hea uen, 
 Who when they fee the houres ripe on earth, 
 Will raine hot vengancc on offenders heads. 
 
 Duchejff Findcs brotherhood in thee no ftiarpcr fpurrc! 
 Hath loue in thy oldc bloud no liuingfire.^ 
 Edwards feum Tonnes, wHcrcof thy felfeartonc, 
 Were as (euen vioh of his facrcd blond, 
 Or feuen fairc branches fpringing from one rootc: 
 Some of thofc fcucn arc dried by natures courfe, 
 Someofthofc branches by the deflinies cue: 
 But ThomM my dccrcLord.my life my Gloccfter, 
 Onevioll full of Edwards facred bloud. 
 One flouridiing branch of h is mod royall roote 
 Is crackt,and all the precious liquor fpilt; 
 Is hackt ciowne,and hisfumroer Icaues all faded 
 By cniiies hand, and isuf ders bloudie axe> '* 
 
 Ah Gaunt,his bloud was thine,that bed,lhat wombe. 
 That me(tal!,that felfe mould, that fafhioned thee 
 Made him a man: and thcugh thou liuefl and brcathcft, 
 Yctartth(5u flaine iDhim,thoudo(lccn{cnt 
 InfomeJarge mea/ureto thy fathers death. 
 In that thou fecft thy wretched brother die, 
 Who was the modell of thy fathers life, 
 Call it not patience,Gaunr, it is di^aire. 
 In fufFering thus thy brother to beflaughtred, 
 Thou fhe weft the naked pathway to thy life. 
 Teaching f^erne Murder bow to butcher thee: 
 That which in meane men we intitle Patience. 
 Is pale colde Cowardice in noble breads. 
 What (hall I fay?to fafegaird thy ownclife, 
 The bcfl way is to venge my Gloceflers death. 
 
 GAmt Gods is the quarrel), for Qods fubllitute, 
 
 gis deputie annointed in his fight, 
 ath caufd his deatli,thc which if wrongfully. 
 Let hcauen reuenge, for I may ncuer lin 
 
 B An 
 
TheTritgeAkpf 
 
 An angtiearme agaiivR hisininiftc!'. 
 
 DHih. Where then alas may I complanc my felfc/ 
 
 <7«»»/. To God the widdowc* Champion and defence. 
 
 DHch. Why then I will.fiircwellolde Gaunt, 
 Thou gocft to Couentry .there to beholde 
 OurCoofin Hcrford and fell Mowbray fight. 
 OfetmyhuibandswrongsonHerfordsfpe^rf, 
 That it may enter butchcrMowbraies breaft. 
 Or if misforiuno miffc the firft carriere, 
 BcMowbraiesfinnesfohcauicinhisbofome, <¥'> 
 
 That they may breakc his foming courfcrsbacksj 
 (And throw the rider headlong in the lifts, 
 A caitiue recreant to my Coofin Herford. 
 Farewell oldc Gaunt, thy foniclimes brothers wife, 
 "With her companion gricfcrouft end her life. 
 
 Gaunt, 5iftcr farewell, 1 rouft to Goocntrics 
 As much good Aay with ihcSjasgo with me. 
 
 'Duch. Yet one word more, gricfe boundcth where it fallesj . 
 Not wflh the emptic hollownefle, but weights 
 I take my leaue before I hauc begtinnci 
 For foirow end's not "whefi itfeemeth doc© . ' 
 Coreraen^ me to my brbthfrEdmund Yorkci 
 Lo this is ail;nay yet depsrt not i^o, 
 Though thii beall, donotfo qtjickly goe.. 
 1 Hiall re mcmbermore: Bid him^h what? 
 With all good fpccdc at Plaftiie vifit me. 
 Alackc and what (ball good olde Yoi ke there fee,- 
 But cinpte lodgings and vnfurnifht wallcs, 
 Vnpcopled offices, vntroddcn Rolu-s, 
 And what hcare there for welcome but my grones?: 
 Therefore commend me,lct him not come there, 
 To ff eke out forrow that dwtls cucric where, 
 Dcfolate,d(.fo!afe will I hence and die: 
 The 1^1 Icaue of thee fakes my weeping eye. Ixeanii 
 
 Enter the Lord TifarfiaS and the Dukf AutxerU. 
 •MrA My Lord AunscrJe, is Harry Hcrford avmdc? 
 ^m. Yea at all pointcs^snd iongs to enter in. 
 
 Mar, 
 
21*r. The Duke ot'Notfplkc fprisjlitfiilly and bold, 
 Staics butthe fummons of jhc appellants UT.mpet. 
 
 yiutiJt Why then the Champioiis arc prepaid.and (lay 
 For nothipgbut hi&.Maicflies approach.. 
 
 The trumpet} found y ^md the King eviurs with hiitwl/les : rthen 
 thtyare^et^enttrtheUHkeofNorfolke mar me: defendAHt, 
 
 Ktng. Marfiiall demaund ofyoiidcic Champion, 
 The caufe of his ariuall herein armes, 
 Aike him his namc.and orderly proceeJe 
 To fwcare him in the iufiice of his caufe. 
 
 Mhy^ In.<7ods name and the Kings , fay who thou art, 
 And why thou comraefl: thus knightly clad in armes? 
 Againft what man thou comft,and what's thy quarrt II, 
 Speake truely on ihy knightliood,and thy olh, 
 As fo defend thee heaucn and thy valour. 
 
 Morv. My name is Thomas Mowbray, D.ofNorfoIke, 
 Whahither^romcingagcd by my oath, 
 (Which Goddefcnda Knight fliould violate) 
 Both to defend my loyakie and truth, 
 ToGod,myKing,andmyfL\ccccdingiirue, 
 Againft the Duke of Hcrford that appealcs nice. 
 And by the grace ofGod,and this mine arme, 
 To prooue hiin in defending of my (clfc, 
 Atraitour to my God,my K>ng,and me: 
 And as I truly fight defendme heaucw. 
 
 The Trwnfets fotmd, enter iyuJ?e ofHerford 
 afpiliansiH armour. 
 King. Marfiiall aske yonder Knight in armes. 
 Both who he island why be commsth hither 
 Thus plated io habiiieircnts of war, 
 And formally according to ouviitw, 
 Depofehim in the iuRie of bis caufe. 
 
 Tiiar. What is thy name.and whcre&rp comfli thou hither? 
 Before King Richard in hisroyall lifii? 
 AgainR whome comes ihoui'and vvhats thy qnarrcll? 
 Sp eake like a true knight,fo defend th :;« hcauca. 
 
 E 7. SuL 
 
The Trageiiire/ 
 
 Bui. Harry of Hcrfcrd,Lancafter,and Dai bic 
 Am I, who readie here do ftand hi Armes, 
 " To prooiie by Gods grace,and my bodies valout 
 In hfts, on Thomas Movhray Duke of f»lorfolke, 
 That he is a iraitour foulc and dangerous, 
 To God of hcauen,KingRichard,and to mc 
 And .IS I truely fight.defend me heauefl. 
 
 T^lar. On paine of death no pei Ton be fo bolde 
 Or daring, hardie, as to touch the hfts, 
 Except the Marttall and fuch officers 
 Appointed to dircA (hc(t faire deHgnes. 
 
 Bui. Lord Martial!,Iet roe IcilTe my SoUerkigneshacd; 
 And bow Hjy knee before his Maieftie, 
 For Mowbray and itiy felfe are hke two men. 
 That vow a long and wearie pilgrimage. 
 Then let vs take a ccremoniousleaue, 
 And louing farewell of our feuer^liVidids. 
 
 Alar^ The appellant in all dutic gteetes your highncfTC;,. 
 And craues to kide y<>ur hand and take hi? lieaue. 
 
 King. We will deCcend and folde him in our armet. 
 Goofin of Herfofd, as thy cauftis righr,_ 
 So be thy fortune in this royall fight: 
 Farewell my bloud, whjch if to day thou ftead. 
 Lament we may,biit notreuenge thee dead. 
 
 Bait- O let np noble eicprophanc a teare 
 Forracif I be gora'c with MowBfsyesfijcarc: 
 A i COliiid^it as is the falcons flight ; . 
 Ag.iinftabird,do I with Mowbray'fight. 
 My louing Lord 1 talce my leaue of you.- 
 Of you (ray noBlc coofinytord Aiimarle, 
 Notficke although 1 hauc to do with death, 
 Butluftie,yong,and cheerely drawing breath. 
 Loejis at EnglilTi fcaffs (b I rcgrcct 
 The daincieft lali^to nialvc the end imoflfwceteo 
 Ohthouthc earthly Author ofroy bloud, 
 Whofc yoiithfu!! fpitit in roe regenerate. 
 Doth with a t wo fo!dc vigour hft roe vp, 
 To reach a viiftoric abouc my head, 
 
 AdcTe 
 
KmgRKhttrdthtfeitntL 
 
 Addeproofevnto mine armour with thy prayers. 
 
 And with thy bledings fteelemy launces point. 
 
 That it may enter Mowbrayes waxen coate» 
 And fti'rbiih new the name of lohn a Gaunl^ 
 
 £uen in the luflie hauiour of his (bnne. 
 
 Gaunt God in thy good caufe make thee profperoui. 
 Befwtftlike lightning in the execution, 
 
 And let thy blowes doubly redoubled. 
 
 Fall like am^izing thunder on the caske 
 
 Of thy aduerfe pernitious cnemie, 
 
 Rowfe vp thy youthfull bloud,be valiant and liuc. 
 
 BmI. Mine innocence and Saint Georgeto thriue. 
 
 "Mowt How (ucr God or fortune call my lotte. 
 There lies or dies true to King Richards throne, 
 Aloyall iufi and vpright Gentleman: 
 Neuer did captiue with afrcer heart 
 Cad of his chaines of bondage, and embrace. 
 His golden vncontroled enfranchifement. 
 More then my dauncing (bule doth celebrate 
 This feaft of battle with mine aduer(arie. 
 Mod mightie Liege, and my companion Peeres,^ 
 Take ftova my mouth the wi(h of happieycarcs. 
 As gentle and as iocund as to icft 
 Go I to fightitnith hath a quiet bred. 
 
 King, Farewcll(my Lord)fecurely I efpie^ 
 Vrrtue with valour couched in thine cie. 
 Order the triall Martiall,and beginne. 
 
 TdM'tt Harrie of HerfordeXancafter.and Darbf, 
 Receiuf thy Lunce,and God defend thy tight. 
 
 3hL Strong as a tower m hope I cry, Amen. 
 
 "Mart. Go bearc this launce to Thomas D. of t^orfolfcev 
 
 Uersid, Harry of Herford,Lancafter,and Darby, 
 .f tands heere.for God,h!$lbucvaigne,and himfelfe. 
 On paine to be ^und faUe and recreant, 
 To proue the Duke of Norfolke Thomas Mowbray, 
 A traitour to his God,his King,and him, x 
 
 And dares him to (ct forwards to the fight. ^ 
 
 Htrald. Here ftandethThooaas Mowbray D. of Nfecfolkr, 
 
 •B 3 'fOn>|, 
 
On paine to \iefo),iaAfiiQs9wijfecKitxti. 
 Both to dtfendJiiFpfqlFci^aodtQipfipratitt' 
 
 Henry of Heifo|:d,Ijn«a(ljeii:i3Qici D)w>Cjiy4 > 
 To God.his roujBt3igne,and.to him^(^^f^; 
 Courageoufly,and witHjafr^dtfir^jvrK^ ' 
 Atcenci>ngl)ul'therfi,grialjjtebegin|ife$^fc V ■ 
 
 lylart. iSound trurtipe.K, an<lf«4ib«^€orafc4MI«^' U ' 
 Stay ,tfae King hath (hrowi>cbi3«vai der dowcc' 
 
 2CWJ;. Let them lay by thci|ferfim^ti,and their' fpcx^i ■ 
 And both relume backe to t^e» t|iaiFej;3igatncf : 
 Withdi aw vyith; tft^ad J^ttheiHutBpets foUnd,; 
 While wcretuf he thcfe Dukes what fwedewM* 
 Draw ncere and lifti- ■ 
 
 What with out c@i||ir^l] w* baue done.)^ ti^ ;. v 
 For that our kingdotnei f ailh-lboi^ld i)i>t be foild 
 With that deere blond wlpielitl ha^hfofteV^" 
 AndfQrous?etcsdj»^hdtc4hft(&'*^3wft- : 1 
 
 ©f ciuill woupds piQvyd vpw ith neighb^^urs fw0JcK- ' 
 ' And for we thin^^c fi^glcrfyvin^pfidc 
 Ofskie-arpiringand.<<inDbinc>u$thoi!gh{s 
 With liuali-h^ypgjcnuyfet OB ycwiiM 
 To wakcour.|jeac«yW.lMclf.in oiireouhtri^s cradle »n 
 Drawes the fweetcmfant breath .©fgcntlc/flcepi^ : * 
 
 Whi£hforouzd vp witt^pifbttoas,vntunde drunmaest 
 
 With fa^rili te(bui>^ii^|riu!»if>ef $ ^ixadtuU bray»-^ 
 
 And grating (bock <j|w|<^tifi|llt yroh arrocs, ' 
 
 Might from our quictcOiafinesftightfairePcii©^ 
 
 And iij^/ljjiP&^^cr^ip^our.kftJreds b|o«l!|;' 
 
 Thcreforc"wc |>a^ifK,yoa;Ourdt;e^riti?ries-* - - 
 
 You Coufin i^tford vpon paineofjife/ • . 
 
 Till twice fiocftmnicrshau.e cnHcHt.our field 
 
 Shall not rcgrcetcpur:faire;d0niJnjons,^ 
 
 But tread diaflr^hger paths oft>adiflimeoti> 
 Btil. You'rwiI!bedonc;thismuft,mycoaifort'be, . 
 
 That Sonne thaewanties you hegrc, fliallffKtfioifcme, 
 
 And ihofe his goldcnbeJinics vnti^yoa lici^^hr . - 
 
 Shallpointonme^dguildipybafiilbfiwbti':'!! ' : ' 
 X«gc NorjSblke,focthcetcioaincs»IiteHi«rjdo6ted, 
 
 Wliich 
 
Which I with fome ViiWiHingnes proneanccj 
 The flic flovy houres fhali not dctertninatc 
 The datelefle limire of thy deere exile; 
 The hopelcde. wocd)i>rneaer toicttii^e^ 
 Breathe I againft thee, vpon paine of life. 
 
 Mswb. Ahcauie fentcrice,myn)oftfbueraigacLiege> 
 And all vnlookt iat froiif pur Highnes mouth. 
 A deerer nient,not fo decpe a niaimci 
 As to be cafl forth in the common ayre, 
 Haue I dcftrucd at yourHighnefTchands: 
 The language 1 haue learnd thefc fortie yeareSj, 
 ' My natiuc Englifli now I muft forgo, 
 And no w my tongues vfe is to mc no more 
 Than an vnflringed violl or a harpe. 
 Or like a cunning inftrument cafde vp, 
 Or bnng open,put into his hands 
 That kno wes no touch to tune the harmony,. 
 Within my moutli you haucingayld my tongue^ 
 Doubly portculkK with my teeth and 1ippef> 
 And dull vnfceling barren ignorance 
 Is made my iayler to attend on mc.*- 
 I am too olde toiawnevpon a nurfe, 
 Too farre in yeeres to be a pupill now. ■ 
 Whatis thy fentencebutfpecchleflcdeath, 
 Which robbes my tongue from breathing natiue brcath^ 
 
 King. 1 1 bootes thec not to be compafiionate. 
 After ourfentcncepbyning comes too late, 
 
 2^evf, Then thus I turne mefrom my countries light,- 
 To dwell m folcmnc (hades of cndJt flTe nighr* 
 
 King. Returne againe and take an oih with thee. 
 Lay on our royal! &vor<iyour banifht hands. 
 S wcarc by the dutie that y owe to God 
 (Our pait therein we banifl^ with you«:felues>)' 
 To keeps the oath thatweadmintfter: 
 You neuer Ihall. fo helps you truth and God.- 
 £ mbrace each others loue in b^mOimenr, 
 Nor ncu er looke vpon each others face, 
 Nor ncucrwritfercgrcetCjOOMCconcilc. 
 
 This* 
 
Tie Tragtdie of 
 
 This loBing tempeft of your home-bred hate, 
 Nor neuei by aduifed purpofe mcetc, 
 To plotte,contriuc,or coroplot any ill, 
 Gairift vs.our ftate,our fu bieft s,or our land. 
 Bu/. Ifweare. 
 
 M9W. and I, CO keepe all this. 
 "Bftl. NorfolkeXo (areas to mine enemie, 
 By thistime.had the King permitted vs. 
 One of our foules had wandrcd in tiic ayre, 
 Bani(ht this frailefepulchrc dfourflefli, 
 As now our flcQi is baniHit from this land. 
 Confeffc thy trearoiis crc thou fly therealmc, 
 5ince thou ha (^ far to go, beare not along 
 The cloging burthen of a guiltie foule. 
 
 Ditjr, NoBullmbrooke,ifci!crI were trai tour, 
 My name be blotted from the booke of life, 
 And I from heauen banifht as from hence: 
 But what thou art,God,thou,and I, do know. 
 And all too foone^*] fearc)ihe King (hall rew: 
 Fa|l^^l(my Lcigejnow no way can I ftray, 
 Sm^jdick to England all the world's my way. 
 Kiii£. Vncle,cucn in the glades of thine etcs, 
 I ftc thy gricucd heart : thy fad afpeft 
 Hath from the number of his banifht yeeres 
 Plucktfoureaway, fix frozen winters fpent, 
 Returne with welcome home from banilhmcnt. 
 Bu//. How long a time lies in one little word? 
 Foure lagging wintcrj, and foure wanton ^rings, 
 End in a word,fuch is the breath of Kings. 
 
 Gaunt. I thankc my Lie gc, that in regard of mc* 
 He (hortcns foure yeares ofmy Tonnes exile. 
 But littlevantagc (hall Ireape thereby: 
 For ere the fix yeares that he hath to fpend 
 Can chanp their mooncs,3nd bring their times about. 
 My oilc- dried lampe, and time bewaCled light 
 i'hall be extinct with age and endlcfTe nights: 
 My inch of taper will Sb burnt and done, 
 Aiid blindfoldc Death mt let me fee my ibnae. 
 
K}Hg%juih'4fdthefteond. 
 
 King. Why Vndvk,thoMhafl;Rwny yfeetsstoliue. 
 
 CMtnt. But not a roinutc/King) <bat tbou .canft giifc. 
 Shorten my daics thou canft with futkn forrow. 
 And plucke nights from {iie,bl^tJiotlefld amorrow. 
 Thou cand helpe time to furrow tne with.age. 
 But ftoppe no wrinckle in his pilgrimage: 
 Thy word is currant with him, for my death, 
 But dead, thy kingdome cannot buy my breath. 
 
 K^g, Thy fonnc is banifht with good iduife, 
 Wiiereto thy tonguc,a party, v^did^iC, 
 Why atouriuftice feemfli^ou thcn'tobwrc/ 
 
 Gaunt t Things fwectelo'ljflcpi'oue in digeiHonfowre. 
 You vrgc me as a iu<Ige,l>ui Ihad rather^. 
 
 To'j would haue hiiAxata^Mclikti^^ii, \ 
 
 Oh hadt beenc a ftrangcr,Qot my dfti^d. 
 
 To fmooth his fault I would haue Jbeeoe more milde: 
 
 A pariiall flaunder fought I to ayoyde, 
 
 And in the fcntenceicy owne Jtfc de£h:oyde. 
 
 Alas, I looktwhcn (brae of you flu}Hld%y 
 
 I wa s too drift to make mine o wne away: 
 
 But you gaue Icaue to my vn willing tongue, 
 
 Againft my will to do my felfe this wrong. 
 Kingt Coofin farewell, and Vnckel bid him (b, 
 
 Sixeyeeres we bani(h him and he ^all go. 
 Ah. Coofin farewe]|,what prefencc muftnot know, 
 
 From where you do remaine,fet paper £how. 
 "Mttr. , My Lbrd,no leaue take I, for I wiU eide,' ^ 
 
 A.S 'far as ^and will let rae by yotir lide. 
 G4mL ^Oh tp what purpo^doeftthou faoardlhy y^osdSf 
 
 That thou returned no grecCng to thy fiiends? 
 Buff. I haue too few to rake my leaueefyoq, 
 
 W hen the tongues officeQiould be prodiga]]. 
 
 To breathe the abundant dolour ofihe heart 
 Gaunt. Thy giiefe is butthy abfeiicefora tin^i 
 BuL loy ab(ent,griefe is prefent for that tune* 
 Gaunt, Whatisfuce winters? ihc^ate^aicklygontr 
 Su^ To meninioy,but^n<f<t makes oaehbttte^t 
 Camtt, Callitft nauaittfwartfaoutakniforptea^^' 
 
The'trAgi&iebf 
 
 Sttl, My heart will figh when I mifcall it (oy 
 Which findcs it an inforced pikrimage. 
 
 Gamt. ThefuUef! paffagcof thy wearie (leps, 
 Iftecrnc afoyle wherein thou art to fct, 
 i'he pieciousjewcUofthy home returne. 
 
 "Bui. Nay rather cueric tediom ftridelmakcj- 
 Will but remember me what a deale of wofld 
 , I wander from the jewels that I loucr 
 JvlufUnotferue along apprentifliopd. - 
 To forrcn paflages, and in the end, 
 Hauing my freedomejboail: of nothing clft, 
 I£ut that I was a ioiirneyman to griefe? 
 
 gatittt. All places that the cic of hcauen vifits, 
 Are to a wife man ports apd happy hauens» 
 Teach thy ncccflitic to reafor^thus, 
 Thcreis no ve'rtiiclikc ncceflitici 
 Thinke not the King did baniflithcCj 
 But thou the King.Woe doth the heauierfir^ - 
 Where it perceiues it is but faintly borne: 
 Go.fa^k^nt thee forth topurchafc honour. 
 And i^l^e King exildetheejor fuppofe .. 
 X)cuouringpeftiieHce hangs in our aire, ,?,»:, 
 And thou artflying to a ftcfher clime : 
 Looke what thy foule holds deere, imagine it 
 To ly that way thou goeft,not whence thou comft» 
 Suppofe the finging brids mufitions. 
 The graflc wUeEcon thou trcadft,the prcfcncc ilrowde^ 
 The novvresj faire Ladiesi^and thy fteps, no more 
 Th«n a delightfnll meaiiire or a dance, 
 Forgnarling forrow hathlefle power to bite 
 Theman thairrjocksatit andietsit light 
 
 Bui. O h who can hold a fire in his hand^ 
 By thinking on thefrofly CaucafusJ , 
 Or cloy the hungry edge of appetite, ' 
 By bare imagination of afeaft? 
 Or wallow naked in December (how. 
 By thinlcing on fant^ftick fummers heat? 
 Oh nci, the apprchcoGon of the good 
 
 Giucs 
 
Giues but the greater feeling to the wbtfc : 
 Fellforrowcs tooth doth neucrrancklc more 
 Then whenitbiteSj but iancheih notthefodre. 
 
 Gaunt. Comccomcmyronne,IIebrHigthceonthyway. 
 Had I thy youth and caufe, 1 would not ftay. 
 
 'BhI. Then Englands ground farewell.fwecte foile adiew. 
 My mother and my nurfe that bcares roeyef. 
 Where ere I wander,bo,ift of th'is I can. 
 Though baniflit,yct a true borne Engli&mau, ' Hxemt. 
 
 Inter the King with Bujhie^ ^c.at onedotre/mi the 
 Lord ^umarie at- the. ether,. 
 
 King, We did obferue.Coofin Auinatlc, 
 How farre brought you high Hereford on his way? 
 
 ^um. I brought high Herford, if you call him fo. 
 But to the next high way, and there I left him 
 
 King, And faf, what ftorc of parting tearcs were flied? 
 
 Aum. Faith none for nif,cxcept the-Northeaft winde, 
 Which then blew bitterly againft our face, 
 Awakt the fleepierhewaie,and (b by chance ,-^, 
 Did grace our hoHow parting with a tearc. 
 
 Eing. What faid your coufin when you parted with him? 
 
 Attm. Farewell, & for my heart difdained.that my tongue 
 Should (b prophane the word that taught me crafi^ 
 To countei f^te oppreflion of fuch griefe, 
 That words feemd buried in my forrowes grauc: 
 Marry would the word Farewell haue lengihncd.hourcs. 
 And added yeeres to his (hort baniihment. 
 He (hould haue had avpluraeof farewels-* 
 B u t Hnce it would not^hc had none of me. 
 
 King. He is out Coofens Cofio,but tis doubt. 
 When time (hall call him home from banifliment. 
 Whether our Icinfman comes to fee his friends. 
 Our felfe and Bufliic, . 
 Obferued his courtftiip to the common people. 
 How he did fcemc to diuc into their hearts, 
 With humble and familiar curtefie, , 
 With rcuerence he did throw away on flaues, 
 
 C 2 Wooing; 
 
Wooing poorc crafifmen with the craft of fmilct. 
 
 And patient vnderbearing of his fortune. 
 
 As twere to baniHi their aflFefis with him, 
 
 OfFgoeshis bonnet to an oyftcrwcnch, 
 
 A brace of drayme^bid God fpeede him well. 
 
 And had the tribute of hisfupple knee, 
 
 With thanks ray countrcy men, my lomng friends, 
 
 As were our England in reuerfionfiis, 
 
 And he our fubie^s riext degree in hope. 
 
 Creent. Well, he is gonc,and with him go tbcfc thoughts* 
 Now for the rebels which flahd out in Ireland, 
 Expjdicnt mannage muft be made my liege. 
 Ere further Icyfure yccld them further meanes 
 For their aduant3ge,and your highne (le loffe. 
 
 King. Wc wit! our felfe in perfon to this war, 
 And for our coflFcrs, with too great acourt 
 And liberal! largcs arc grownc fomewh.'.t light, 
 We are inforft to farme our royall Rcalmc, 
 The reuenuc whcicof fhall furnifh vs. 
 For oijrafFaires m hand if that come fliort, 
 X)ur fuBRitutes athome fhall haue blanke charters, 
 Whei^to.when they fliallknow whatmcn arerich, 
 They fhall fubfaibe them for large (ummcs cf goldi 
 And ftnd them after to fupply our wants, 
 For wc will make for Ireland prefctitly. 
 
 Enter Eu/hie with newts, 
 
 Tufh, Old John of Gauntis gricuous ficke, my Lord, 
 Sodainely taken,and hath fentpoft hafle, 
 To intreate your Maieftie to vifithiiD. 
 
 King. Where lies he! 
 
 "Bf^. AtElyhoufer ' 
 
 King. Now put it(God)into the Phifitioils mind. 
 To hcipe him to his graue immediatiyi 
 The linmg of his coffers fhall make coitcs. 
 To decke our Souldiours for thcfe IriQi wars. 
 Come Gentlemen, lets all go vifil him. 
 Pray God we may make haft and come too late. 
 
 Amen. Exemt, 
 
 ' ' Enter 
 
Kj>t£ S^kharithe fecond. 
 
 Enter hhn ofCfautttficke,mth the Duke ofTorke, &c. 
 
 GaHHt. Will the King,come that I may breathe tny la(l, 
 In holfome counfell to his vnflaied youth.*" 
 
 Torke. Vex not yogr fclfc,n6f ftriuc not witji your breath, 
 For all in vainc comes counfell to his care. 
 
 Gaunt. Oh,but tbey!fay, the tongues of dying men 
 Inforccattention liLc dcepe harmony: 
 Where words are fcaree, they are fcldome fpcnt in va'inc, 
 For they breathe truth that breathe their words in painc. 
 He that no more mufl fay, is hflened more 
 Then they whom youth and eafe hath taught to glofc* 
 More arc mens ends markt then their hues before.* 
 Thefetting Sunne,and muHke at the gIofc> 
 As the laft tafte of fweetcs is fweetef^ la(}, 
 Writ in reroembraiice,tnore then things long pad. 
 Though Richard my Hues counfell would not heare> 
 My deaths fad tale may yet vndeafe his care. 
 
 Tarke. No,it is ftopt with other flattering {bunds. 
 As praifes of his (late : then there are found 
 Lafciuious Meeter$,to whofe venom found 
 The open care of youth doth alwaies liften. 
 Report of fafhions in proude Italic, 
 'Wnofe manners ftill our tardie apiH) natidfi 
 Limps after in bafeitqitation. 
 Where doth the world tbruft foorth a vanitie> 
 So it be ncw,tbere's notefpe£t how vile, 
 That is not quickly buzd into his eares? 
 Th en all too late comes counfell to be beard^ 
 Where will doth mutinie with wits regard. 
 Dire£t not him whofe way himfclfe wilicboiele, 
 Tis breath thou lackft,and that bteath wilt thou I06&. 
 ^4mt. Me thinks I am a prophet new in^irde, 
 And thus expiring do foretell of htm, 
 His rafh fierce blaze of riotjcannot lad: 
 For violent fires (bone burne out ihemfdoejs, ' 
 Small (Tio'ircs laft long, but fodaine ftormcs arefiiort: 
 He tires betimes that fours too faft betimes. 
 
 C 3 With 
 
TheTrageiieef 
 
 Witlicageifcedingfbode doth choke the feedct. 
 
 Light vanitiCjUifatiatc cormorant. 
 
 Confuming raeanes foonc praycs vpon itfclfc* 
 
 This royall throne of Kings, this Sceptred lie. 
 
 This earth of JVkicftic, this fcate of Mars, 
 
 This other Eden,demy Paradice, 
 
 This foretrcfTc built by nature for herfelfe, 
 
 AgainO infeftion and the hand of War, 
 
 This happie breede of nicn,this little world. 
 
 This precious ftonc fct in the filucr fea, 
 
 "Which fcrues it in tlic office c\f a wall, 
 
 Or as moatc dcfcnfiuc to a houfc, 
 
 Ag.iinft tlic enuic oflefle happier lands: 
 
 This bleffed plottc, this carth,thi3 realme,this England, 
 
 This nurfe.this teeming wombc of royall Kings, 
 
 Fcard by their brcede.and famous by their birth. 
 
 Renowned in their dccdcs as far from home, 
 
 Forcbrillian feruicc and true chiualrie. 
 
 As is the fepulchrc in nubborne Icwry, 
 
 Of the worlds ranfome, blcflcd Mariesfonne: 
 
 Thisiand of fuch deere foulcs, this dcarc dearcland, 
 
 Dearcfor her reputation through the world, 
 
 Is now leafde out,I die pronouncing it, 
 
 Like to a tenement or peltingfarme. 
 
 England bound in with the triumphant fea, 
 
 Whofe rockie (hoarebeatesbackethe enuious (legc 
 
 Of waterie Neptune,i5 now bound in with fhame. 
 
 With inkieblottes.and rotten parchment bonds. 
 
 That England that was wont to conquerc others, 
 
 Hath made a fliamefnll conquefl of it felfe: 
 
 Ah would thefcandall vanifli with my life, 
 
 How happy then weremycnfuing death; 
 
 Torl^e. The King is come,deale mildly with his youth, 
 For yonghot colts bcingtag*dc,do rage the more. 
 
 STtter the King Md,^eene,&e. 
 ^Metne. How fares our noble Vnclc Lancafter? 
 King, What <o0]fort laanS how ill with 9g^d Gaunt? 
 
 Gaunt 
 
King Richitrdthefiitnd, 
 
 Gtuint, O how that mine befits my compoHtion, r 
 Old Gaunt indeede, and gaunt in being old. 
 Within me griefehath kept a tedious taft. 
 And who abftaines from me.ite that is not gaunt.' 
 For flccping England long time haue 1 vvatcht, 
 Watching breedes leanenedcjeanenene is all gaunt: 
 The plcafure that fomcfathcrsfeedc vpon, 
 Ismyftriftfaft, Imeancmychildrenslookes, 
 And therein fafting haft thou made me gaunt. 
 Gaunt am I for the grauc, gaunt as a grauc, 
 Whofe hollow wombe inherites nought but bones. 
 
 King. Can fick men play fo nicely with their names? 
 
 Gamt. No, mifcric makes fport to mockc it felfe. 
 Since thou doft feeke to kill my name in me, 
 Omocke my name(grcatKing)to flatter thee. 
 
 King. Should dying men flatter thofe that line? 
 
 Cttmt. No,no, men liuing flatter thofc that die. 
 
 King Thou now a dying fay ft thouflattcreft me. 
 
 GdUMt. Oh no, thou dieft though I the fickerbe. 
 
 King, I aminhealth,! breathe,! fee thee ill. 
 
 ijamt. Now he that made me,knowes 1 fee thcC ill, 
 111 in my felfeto fee,and in thee, feeing ill. 
 Thy death-bed is no leffer then the land, 
 V Vhcrein thou lieft in reputation lickc. 
 And thou too carcleffc pacient as thou art, 
 Commitft thy annoynted body to the cure 
 OfthofePhifitions that firft wounded thee; 
 A thoufand flatterers fit within thy Crownc, 
 
 V Vhofc^corapaffc is no bigger then thy head. 
 And yctinragcd in fo fmall a verge. 
 
 The v*afte is no whit lefler then thy land: 
 Oh had thy Grandfirc with a Prophets eye, 
 Seene how his fonnes fonne Ihould dcftroy his fonnes, 
 From forth they reach he would hauelaide thy fliame, 
 Depofing theebijfbre thou wertpoflcft, 
 
 V Vhich art poffeft now to depofc thy felfe. 
 Why Coofin wcrt thou regent of the world, 
 It were a fliame talct this land by leafe: 
 
 IBus 
 
But for thy world tniopngbut this land. 
 Is St not more then Qiarac to 'fliaroe itfe? 
 Landlord of England art thou now aot,U0t King, 
 Thy ftatc of law. is bondflaue to the law, 
 And thou. 
 
 King. Ahlunatickleane^witted fooICf 
 Prcfumingon an agu«s priuiledge, 
 Darcft with thy frozen adtnonition 
 Make pale our cheeke,€hanngtheroyall bloud 
 With furie from his natiuc refidenc*. 
 Now by rsy feate j tight royall tnaieflie 
 Wert thou not brother to great Edwards (bnne. 
 This tongue that riuines fo roucdly in thy head, 
 Should runne thy head from thy vnreuercnt Hioulders. 
 
 gaunt. Oh fpare mc not mybrother Edwards fonnc. 
 For that I was his father Edwards fonne. 
 That bloud alreadic, like the Pcllican, 
 Haft thou tapt and drunkenly carowfts 
 My brother Gloceftcr, plaine well meaning foule, 
 Whom faire befall in heaucn mongft happy fbules, 
 Maybeapreiidentandwitnesgood; 
 That thou rcfpef^ft net fpilling Edwards bloud. 
 loine with the prefent ficknes that 1 haii^ 
 And thy vnkindnes be like crooked age, 
 To crop at once a too long withered flower. 
 Due ira thy fliame,but die not (hame with thee: 
 Thefc words Iiercafter,thy tortncntors be, 
 Conuay me to my bed, then to my graue, 
 Loue they to liue thatloueand honour hau(r. 
 
 King, And let them die that age and fullens hauc. 
 For both haft thou, and both become the graue. 
 
 Torl^f. I do befeech your Maieftie.imputc his words 
 To wayward (icklinesand age in him: 
 He luucs you on my life,and holdes you deere. 
 As Harry Duke ofHctford , were he here. 
 
 King^ Right,you fay <ttuc,as Hcsrfords loue, fo bis. 
 As thcir$,fo n)inc,and be as it is. 
 
 Kerth. 
 
King Richard the feeaneC 
 
 North. My Liegjcbldc Gaant commends bim to yon t Ma - 
 
 iCi»^. Whatfaycshe? . , (icfhc. 
 
 North. Naynothing^llisfaW:. , 
 His tongue is now a (IringiefTe inftrumcnt, 
 Words^ft^ndalliolde Lancader hath rpenc. 
 
 forkf. Be Yorkc the next that miift be bjnkrout fo, 
 Though death be poorc,it ends a mortal! wo. 
 
 King. The ripcft fruit firft fa!le5,and fo doth hr, 
 fl>s time is fpent, our pilgrimage muft bcj 
 So much for that.Now for our Irilli wars: 
 We muft fupplant thofe rough rugheaded kernes, 
 Wliicb liuc kkevenome, where no vcnomc elfe, 
 But onely they haue priuiledge to liue. 
 And for thefe great affaires do aske (bme charge, 
 Towards our a(Ii(lance we do feazc to vs. 
 The plate,coine,reu;nue$iand moueables 
 Whereof Oiir Vnckle Gaum did ftand po(feft. 
 
 Torklt. How long flialll be patient? ah how long. ' - 
 
 Shall fender dutie make me fuffer wrongJ 
 NotQIocefters death.nor Hcrefbrds baniflimenr,, 
 Nor Gaunts rebukes, nor Englands priuate wrongs, 
 Nor the preuention of poore Buliingbrookc 
 About his marriage, nor ray owne difgracc, 
 Hauccuer madcmefower ray patient cbeeke, 
 -Or bende one wrinckleon my foucraignes fice: 
 I am the laft of the nobl£:£dwards G^nnes, 
 Ofwhoro thy father P; ince of Wales was firft. 
 In warre was neuer Lion r^agde rpore fierce, 
 In peace was neuer gentle lainbc moremilde 
 Then was that yong and princely gendeman: 
 H's face thou hafl, for eucn fo lookt he, 
 Accotppli/ht with a number ofthy houres; 
 But when he frowned, it was againft the French, 
 And not again ft his friends: his noble band 
 Did win what he did rpend,and fpent not that 
 Which his triumphant fathers hand had wonne: 
 Hishands<wetegui3ticofn»}kinriBd!b}9i]d^; 
 But bbudy with the eriep»i6«,o£hi3iI#^ .; , i , 
 
 acv-' D Oh 
 
TheTrttgedienf 
 
 Ol) Richard / Yorlce is too farrc gone with gncfe* 
 Or elle he never would compare becwecotf* 
 
 X/»/. Wiiy Viickle, whats the mutter? 
 
 Tor!ee. Oh i»y licgc, pardon nic it you pleafe. 
 If not, I pleafd, not tobepardoncd, am content wtthaii: 
 Scekc yoj (o fcize and gripe into yoiir liaiids. 
 The roi.iUics and rights of baoiflnl Hereford? 
 L not Gdunt Azi&i and dotl> nor Herfordhuc? 
 \V.iS not Gaunt iuft? and is iwt Harry true? 
 Did not the one dcferuc to haue an heyrcJ 
 Js not hii heyrea well deferuing fonnc.' 
 Take Herefords viRhts awav, and takelTom time 
 His charters and liis cuftomarie rights} 
 Let not to morrow th?n enfue to day : 
 Benol tliy fclfe; For bow art thou a King, 
 But by faire fcquenceandfucccffion? 
 New afore G od, God forbid 1 f ly true, 
 ]f" you doc wrongfiilly feizc Herford* right, 
 Call in the Letters patents that he hath 
 By Iiis attournics genera!! tofuc 
 His liuery , and deny his oflfercd homage, 
 Yo'.i pKicke all louf-.nd dangers on your hcsi, 
 You lofe a thouf.,nd well difpofed hearts. 
 And prickc my tender patience tothofe thonglus. 
 Which honovir and alleageance cannot^thiivke. 
 
 Kino. Tliinlce what you will, we feizc into ovir hands. 
 His plate, his goods, his money and his land. 
 
 Yorkf, lie not be by the while, my liege farewell, 
 What will infuc hereof, there's none can tell : 
 But bv bad covirfes mav be vndcrfteod. 
 That their euents can ncuer fall out good. Exit. 
 
 King. Go Bufhie, to the Ha. Ic of Wiltihirc ftraighr, 
 Bidhimri-pavretovstoEIy houfc, 
 To fee this bafioeffe : tcj morrow next 
 Wc will for } reland, and t'is time I trow} 
 A nd wc create in abfence of our fclfe. 
 Our Vnckle Yorkc, Lord Gouernour of Eivglandj 
 Fov he is iuft, and alwaycs loued vJ well : 
 ilO Ccinc 
 
King Richard the jieon^\ 
 
 Come on oiir Quccne, to morrow muft wc par f, 
 Be merry, for our time of flay i$ Hiorr. 
 
 ExeitKt King and J^ueetie. 7,U)tet Ko> th. 
 
 Nvrth, Well Lords, the DulvC of Laticafter is dead. 
 
 B^o(fe. And Iming too, for now hi j fonnc it Duke. 
 
 fV^ugh. Barely in titlc,notin reucncyves. 
 
 North. Richly in both, if iuflicc had her right. 
 
 I{tijfe, My heart i^ great, but it muft breakc with filenc^^ 
 £r't be disburdened with a libcrall tongue* 
 
 North. Nay fpeake thy mind , &: let him nc re fpeake more 
 That fpeaVesthy words againc to doe thccharmc. 
 
 IVilloHgh. Tend's that thou wouldft fpeake to the D.of Hcr- 
 
 If it be fo.out with it bo|dly man, (ford"; 
 
 Q,uicke is mine eare to hcarc of go«d towards him. 
 
 'K»^8. No good at all that I can doc for him: 
 Vnleflc you call it good to pittic him, 
 Bereft and gelded of his patrimony. 
 
 North. Now afore God t is Hiamc, fuch wrongs arc borne. 
 In him a royall Prince,and many mo 
 Of noble blood in this declining land; 
 The king is not himfelfc, but bafcly led 
 By flatterers, and what they will informe, 
 Mcerely in hate againft any of v$ all, 
 That will the King feuercly profecute, 
 Ag.ninft vs, our hues, our children, and our licircs. 
 
 P\j>[ff. The commons hath hepild with gricuous frxci 
 And quite loft their hearts. The Nobles hat!) he find 
 For ancient quarrels, and quite loft their hearts. 
 
 fVtllongh. And dayly new exactions arc deuifJe, 
 As blanckes, benevolences, and I wot notwh.it, 
 But what a Gods n.ime doth become of this? 
 
 Wdlougi). W«rs hath nor wafted it, for warr'd he hath not, 
 But bafely yceldcd vpon comproroife , 
 That which his noble Aunccftors atchiudc withblowcs: 
 JVlore hath he fpcnt in peace then they in wars. 
 \offe. The baric of Wiltftjirc hath the Realmc in fatme. 
 WiUoHgh. The Knig's growne bankrout like a broken man. 
 
 D 2 North. 
 
North. Repioach mSi di{FobtioB;hangcth<>ucTlntBs 
 \o^-e. H^ hath hot mooeyfprilhfifcJoih wars. 
 His biirthenoui taxations notwitliftanding, 
 But by therobbing cȣ|hc baniflit D'U^kc. 
 
 Korih^ . His noblckini^n moft Regenerate King-' 
 B ut Lordj.we hear* this feiarcfuU tefnpfft fimg, 
 Yctrecke no flieW toauoydetbetionnc' 
 Wefecthewiii'deifi* faa-c^ponow^failes, 
 Apd yel we'ftrilcc not; butlcciirely-pen(h> 
 
 Fyj>p. We fee the verie wracke^hat we mull fuflfer, 
 And ;yoiuoy ded^ t'hcdrfnger now, 
 FotfiifFeriiigi© thecaufcs ofrcnir wrack^. 
 . Nprik Notfo, eueoilhrougktbehoUow cics^of dealb, 
 IiC%Jcl*fepecring,butl darcnol fay, ,. ' ,. 
 
 How neate the tidings of our comfort »^ 
 
 W7, Nay lcE8f$(})ajrcXbyihoughftasthoudoft ours^, 
 
 "Rsif"' Be confident to^eakc Nor^ua)berland» 
 We three arc but thy felfcs and ^es^ingfo, 
 " ^hy words are t>jut as thoiightSjthcrcfore be bold. 
 
 North. Then thusjlhauefromlc Port Blan 
 A bay iii Brittanie receiixdcjiH^ligence, , 
 That Harry Puke>flietfo?de,' R^noldtl-. Cobh#jp> 
 That late broke frortr^die Duke jqtf Exeter 
 His brother Archbifliop late of Canterbury, f 
 Sir Thomas ErpingharB, (it lol^'^atsficui. 
 Sir John Norbery^fii Kohm WiHertopj ^ Fratjcis Coines, 
 All thcfc well furnjOjcdby the DHk< of Briftainc 
 AVith eighwall fliipSjthree thoufaiid menof war. 
 Are making hither with all due expedience^ 
 And fhortly meane to touch pur Northern (hore: 
 Perhaps they had ere this;but that tliey jlj^y 
 The firft departing pf the King ^ Ireland, 
 If tfe«n v»ei/Jjall (h?ke,'offour^e6untrJe$ flauiili yoke, 
 Impe our our drowping countries broken wing, 
 |ied'(^fnie frcrtn broken pawne thcblcmiflit Crownc, 
 Wipe oflFche duft tbat hides pur fee pters guilt, 
 Apd inake'hi^:M3>e(Ue lookelikeit felfe,' 
 Avysy wi|br)ne ii) poft to R^ucnfpurgh : 
 
 But 
 
But if you fii'tnt, as fearing to'dofo^ 
 Stay.and be fecrctjafid myieVe will go. . 
 
 l{off. To horfe, fo horfe, vrge doubts to them th;it feare. 
 
 fViSo. Hold out my horfe, and I will firtt be there. 
 
 iExetwt. 
 Enter the J^eeMeyBuJhie^imd Bagot^ 
 "Bnjh, Mudam, your inaicftie is too much (adde. 
 You promift when you parted with the king, 
 To lay afide halfe-harising hcauineffc, 
 And entertaine a chcerefull difpoHtion. 
 
 ^ueene. To plcafe the King I did, to pleafe my felfi: 
 I cannot doo it, yet I know no cau^e 
 Why 1 Hiould welcome fuch a gueft as Griefe, 
 Sauc bidding farewell to fofweeteagucft, 
 A I my fweete Richard : yet againe me thinkes 
 Some vnbornc (brrow ripe in Fortunes worabe 
 Is camming towards me and my inward foule, 
 With nothing trembles, at fbme thing it grieues, 
 More then with parting from niy Lord the King. 
 
 "Bitfif. Each fubfbnceof a griefe hath tweniie lliadowes. 
 Which fliewes like griefe it ftlfc.but is not fo : 
 For Sorrowes eyes glazed with blinding teares, 
 Diuides one thing entire to many obiefts. 
 Like perfpeftiuesjwhich rightly gazde vpon, 
 Shew nothiiig but confufion.eyde awry, 
 Diftinguifh forme : fo your fweete maieflic. 
 Looking awry vpon your Lords deparluic. 
 Find fliapes of griefs more then himfelfe to waile, 
 Which lookt on as it is, is naught but (liadowes 
 Of what it is not, then thrice (gracious Queenc) 
 More then your Lords departure weep not,more is not {cene> 
 Or if It be, tis with falfc (brrowes eyes. 
 Which for things true,wcepes things imaginarie. 
 
 Quee)te. It may be fo, but yet my inward foule 
 Perfwadcs me it is otherwife : how ere it be, 
 I cannot but be fad : (b heauie fad, , 
 As though on thinking on no thought I tbinkc, 
 Makes rae with heauie nothing faint and fhrinke. 
 
 D 5 "Bttihit. 
 
Bujhie Tis nothing but conccitc(niy gratiou J Lady.) 
 ^lueent Tis nothing leflc.conccit is ftjll denude 
 From fome forefather Gricfe, mine is not fo, 
 For nothing hath begot my fomcthing gricfe, '^ 
 
 Or fomcthinghath the nothing thatlgricuc, 
 Tis in reucrfion that I do pofleffc, 
 Eur what it is^thac is not yet knowne,what 
 I cannot name, tis nameleCTe wo I wot, 
 
 Greene God fauc your Maieflic.and well met GcntiemCB, 
 I hope the King is not yet fliipt for Ireland. 
 
 ^ueene Whyhopcft thou foJtis better hope he is, 
 For his defignes craue haftc,his hafte good hope: 
 Then wherefore doft thou hope he is not fliipt? 
 
 greene That he our hope might haueretirde his power. 
 And driuen into dcfpairc an enemies hope, 
 Who ftrongly hath fet footing in this land, 
 The banilbt Bullingbroolce rcpeales himfeife, 
 And with vpliftcd armes is fafe ariude at Rauenfpurgh, 
 ^ueene Now God m heauen forbid. 
 Cretne Ah Madam tis too triie,and that is worfe; 
 The Lord Northuiibcrland, his yong Tonne H . Picrc'ic, 
 The Lords of Roffe, Beaumond.and Willooghby, 
 With all their powei full friends arc fled to him, 
 
 Bu^te Why haue you not proclaimde Northumberland 
 And the refl of the reuolted faAion, traitours! 
 
 Greene Wehaue,\vhcreuponthc EarlecfWorccftcr 
 Hath broke his (lafFe,relignd his (tewardthrp, 
 And all the houfhold fcruants fled with hifo to BuHingbrook 
 
 ^eene So Grecnc,thou art the midwife of my wo. 
 And Bullingbrooke,my forrowes difmall heire, 
 Now hath ray foulc brought forth her prodigic, 
 Andl agafpingnew diliuerd mother, 
 Haue woe to woe,forrow to forrow iovnd. 
 Btipiie Dirpaire not Madam. 
 S^*"' Who (hall hinder me? 
 I will difpaire and beat enmity. 
 With coufening Hope.he is a flatterer, 
 Aparante,a keeper backcof death^ 
 
 Wio 
 
King I^iehtrdtttftgind. 
 
 Who gently would diflblue the bands of life, 
 
 Which falfe Hope lingers in cxtrcimity. 
 Greene Hcerc comes the D uke of Yorkc, 
 .^ueeise Witlj figncs of war about his aged nccke, 
 
 Oh full of carcfull budneHe are his lookes, 
 
 Vnclc for Gods fake fpeake comfortable words. 
 Torke Should I. do fo, I Hioiild bely my thoughts. 
 
 Comfort's in heauen, and we are on the earth. 
 
 Where nothing liucs but croi7es,care,and gricft. 
 
 Your hu&baud hci^ gone to fauefar off, 
 WhillT others come to make him loofe at home: 
 
 Hcerc am I left to vnderprop his land. 
 Who weake with age cannot fupport mytetfe. 
 Now comes the Hcke houre that his fiirfct made. 
 Now (hall he trie his friends that flnttcrd him. 
 
 SeruingnMH My Lord.your fonne was gone before I came. 
 
 Tork* He was,why fo, go all which way it will: 
 The nobles they are fled, the commons they arc cokJ, 
 And will (1 fcarc) rcuolt on Hcrefords fide. / 
 
 Sirra, get thee to Plaftic to my filler Gloceftcrj 
 Bid her fend me prefently a thoufand pound. 
 Hold take my ring. 
 
 Strti'mgman My Lord, 1 had forgot to tell yout LordOiip^ 
 To day I came by and called there, 
 But 1 Ihall giicuc you to report the rcH. 
 
 Torke Whati'ftknaue? 
 
 Seru'mgmaK An houre before I came theDutchc(ledied< 
 
 Torke God for his mercy Iw hat a tydciof vvoci 
 Comes rulhing on this wofull land at once? 
 I know not what to do: I would to God 
 [^o my vntruth had not prouokt him to it) 
 The King had cut ofmy head with my brothers. 
 What are there two ports difpacht for Ireland? 
 How fhall we do for money for thefe wars? 
 Come fifler.coofin I would fay, pray pardon rtie, 
 Qo fellow.gct thee homcprouidc fome Carts, 
 And bring away the armour that >^ thcrc» 
 Gsntl£incn,will you go muftcr mtn? 
 
 If 
 
' TheTragtelkef ,'v 
 
 If I know how or which, way to order thcfc affaire*, 
 
 Thus diforderlythrufl into my hands, ■> 
 
 Ncucr- bdeeue nie : both are my kinferneB) 
 
 T 'oneis my Soueraigne, whohi both my oath 
 
 Anddutic bids^efc nd : t other agaiiic 
 
 Is my.kinfeman, whom the King hath wrong'd, 
 
 Whom conrcieRceind^mykindredbidstOTJght. 
 
 Well, fomewhat wemtfflidbe^conie Coo(tn, 
 
 lie difpofc of you ! Genileroen, goe raufter vp youe men,. 
 ^AndmeetcmeprcfcntlyaiBarckiy: i 
 
 ' 1 (hould to plaihictoo, bat lime veiUttocpcrmit: 
 
 'A'lisvneuen, andeiicryitfaiilgidif&arfikiefliuKeitefr, .: 
 
 'Bu(i, T !)ewiud i«t$ fiirefor new es to got for Irekndi 
 But none returnej. Forys wleniepower 
 Pfcipevttonsblb t9i the enei^ie, isafl ^poiCye. 
 
 Greene Bc&desdumMiini^el^oi^fi^g'pkbae 
 . Is ncere tHehateof tho&ioiaeiiottllie Kaig.r :io'. i^' 
 
 Bdg- And that is the w'auering Commons, for theidpue: 
 Lies in their purfcs, aodwho to empties tbem^ 
 By fo much fil^ s tbeji- hf^ With ckadly hate. 
 ^'B«fh\ Vvhereibth6King.(landsgeneralLj|roi9ndKnMiklJ. 
 > i^^n^ipdgcmdDttiiin.siKtiii:^ 
 Becaufe weeuer haue beeneneffrethcKiQg'' 
 ' ; Qreent^ Well, I will fee refuge flraight to Brift.lOatlte; 
 K The Eatic of Wiltfiiire is already there. 
 ' ' jSiiijJ; 'f JbiiKei* w^ i withyou^for litifcaiflfice 
 Will (he harefuUcC^oixnisipstfonnciibKTS^ >.}. 
 Except like cuiT$,toic«evsi3JIin:^iece8;; ... 
 , Will you goe along with vS J -;o;, .{:c 
 Bd^^ No, I willitO'Ireland loinciAt^latefiie: 
 Farewell, if hearts prel^es bee ftatsiain^. '■■ .,;ri . 
 / We^hrce here |>art,'thaM»ene'fi«d1 inefetJ-agaiBe.; ' -. 
 
 Bufli. Thars as Yorkeitfariues to beatbadcc'BulIlhgbrook; 
 Of eerie Alai^poorePukBithctaskehe vndeitakes, 
 " Is humbring(an«bi amtdriiilking Oceans dry. 
 Where one oil his fidcfights, thdnjfaDdswillflic, 
 Fatcivcll at once, for onccifijtaliaindcoj^ 
 
King %khard the fee on i. 
 
 "Sufi, Well, we mayracc tc againc. 
 
 Bag, Ifcarcmcncucr. 
 
 Snter Hereford: KerthunthrUnd, 
 BmIL How fane i \i my Lor<l to Caickly now ? 
 North. Beleeue me noble Lord, 
 I am a ftrangcr m Gloccftcrrhirc, 
 Theft high yvjid hils and ro gh vncucn wayes, 
 Drawcsoutour tpiles, and m^kes them wctrifooie, 
 Andyccyourlaiire dircourfetuthbeeneasfugar. 
 Making the hard way rv\'eete and ddtftablc. 
 But I bcthirike mc what a weary waVs 
 From Rauenfpiirgh to Cotrhull will be found, 
 Jn/^«//rand WiUiHghhj wanting your company, 
 Wbch i proteft hjith v^a^y ipuch bcguiid 
 Thciedioufncfle atud proccflTeof ipy traJcH; 
 But theirs is fweercncd with the hope to haue 
 The prcfeni beneBte that I poflelle, 
 And hope toioy is little ielTe in toy, 
 Then hope; inioyed : by chi^ the weary Lords 
 Shall make their way feerae iLort, as mine hath done, 
 By fight of what I h.-uie. your noble companic. 
 
 BuH, Of much IclTe value is my company, 
 Then your good words. But who comies here? 
 Ixter Harry Verfie. 
 
 North. \i is my fonnc, yong Harry Pcrfy, 
 Sent froTi my btothei* Worceftcr whencefocucr: 
 Har y, how fares your Vnckle? (of you. 
 
 H.Per. I had thought my Lord to haue learned his health 
 
 North: Why? is he not with she Qnccn: ? 
 
 H. Ter. No my good Lord, he hath forfooke the Court 
 Broken his (laflFc of office, and difperft 
 T he houfhold of the King. 
 
 North. Whai was his rsafon ? he was not To lefoKidc, 
 When !af? wc [pake together. 
 
 H. Ver. Becaufc your Lord(liip was proclaimed traytour,, 
 But he my Lord i » gone to Raucnfpsargh, 
 To c»(Fcr fcniice to tht Duke of Hereford, 
 And fcnt mc oucrbvBiSfcMy to diifcoucr, 
 
TheTrttgedieef 
 
 What power the duke of Yorkc had leiiicd there, 
 Then with direftions to repaire to Raucnfpurgh. 
 
 Norih. Haue you forgot iHc duke o? Hereford, boy? 
 
 H.fer. No my good Lord, forthatisnotforget 
 Which nc're I did remember,^ my knowledge 
 I neiicr in my life did lookc on him. 
 
 Korth. Thcnif arne to know him now,thi$ is the Dukc; 
 
 I-J.V^^, Mygmtious Lord, Itrnderyoumyfcruicci • 
 Slid) as it is, being tcndcr,raw,and j'ong, 
 W hich elder d.iycs Oia!! ripen ;ind confirmc 
 To more appiooucd fcniicc and dcfert. 
 • Bull. I thankcthecgentI<;'P<!'roV,andbcfIirc, 
 I count my fcifeinHorhingeirefo h.ippy, 
 As in a foiile rcmcmbring rriy good fiicndst 
 And a$ my fortune ripens with thy Ibiic, 
 It Hiali be ftill thy trticloucs recompcnce. 
 My heart thi ; couenant ma'^'es,my hand thus feales it. 
 
 Nprth. riow farre is i! to'Serk/ey^znA what flurrc^ 
 Kccpes good old'Yorke there with his men cfwarre? 
 ^ H.fer. Thi^re'ftandythc Gaftlcby yon tuft of trees, 
 Mann'd with thrire hundred mcn,as I haue heard: 
 And in itare the Eordes of Terl^, Bar ke/f^,?iT\ti Seymory ^ 
 Noneelfe of name and noble cftifnate. 
 
 "Kor. Here come rhe Lords of T^uJ/^ and JVillough^j, 
 Bloiidy with fpurring, fiery red with hafte. 
 - Bwit. Welcome my Lords,] wot youirlouepurfucs. 
 A binillit traitour : all my treafiiry ' 
 Is yetb\»tynfe!t^ha?ik^cs, which morccnricht, 
 Shall b e your lou e andtab^ours rccompen ce . 
 
 t^e^F Yovirprtfence makes vs rrch,moff noble Lord'. 
 
 ir^iil. And fjt]^ furirnounts ourlabour to artaine if. 
 Bu!l._ Eucrmof^anke'siheE.^eheq^^rofiheroore, 
 WhicJ» tiU'Ryy ihfanffortune comes to )'eares, 
 Stands for n^' bounty : but who comes hecrc? 
 
 Hih'k It isiny Lord ofSiirkt^ey, a ; I guefTc. 
 
 Barkfley, My Lordof//(fr('/»r2^;my nufTagtis toyou. 
 
 Bull. -My Lord,my anf X'crt is to lAnccjier, 
 And I am coinc to fc«K? that naniciiiS/g/Wy 
 
 '^^ -^ . And 
 
King 'KichArdthiftCiitii. 
 
 And I muft finde that title in yourtonguCj 
 
 Before I make reply to aught you fay, 
 
 •'' Bar\, M.iftalic rnc not my Jprd, lis not my meaning. 
 
 To race one title of your honour out : 
 
 To you my Lord I eomc, what Lord you will, 
 
 From the nioft gloriou* of this land, 
 
 The duke o(T(irke,to know what prickes you on, 
 
 Totakeaduantagcoftlicabrentiime, 
 
 And frighfournatiue peace withfclfe-borne armes? 
 Buii. 1 fhall not nee<le tranfport my words bv ycu, 
 
 Heere comes his Grace in perfon : My noble v nckl ; I 
 Torks Shew mejhy hu mblc heai t, and not thy knee. 
 
 Whole duety is dccciueable andfalfe. 
 Bu/l. My gratiou^vnckle! 
 
 Torl^e Tut,tut,graccmenograce,norvnclcmcnovnclc, 
 I am no traitors vnclc, and that word Grace 
 In anvngratiou$mouth,isbutprophanc: 
 Why haue thofe banilht and forbidden IcgJ 
 Darde once to (ouch a dud o^EngUnds ground? 
 But more than why? why haue they darde to march 
 So many miles vpon her peacefijil bofomc, 
 Friting her pale facdc villages with warrc. 
 And oftentation of defpiled armesj^ 
 Comft thou becaufeth'annointcd king is hence? 
 Why foolifh bdVjthc king is left behuidc, 
 And inmyloyall bofomelics his power, 
 Were I but now Lord of fuch hote youth, 
 As when braue gaunt thy father,aad iBy felfe, 
 Rcfcued the blacke Prince thatyon^?k/4rj of men, 
 From fsrththeranckes of many thoufands French, 
 O then how quickciy (hould this arme of mine, 
 Now prifoner to the palfcy chaftifc thce^ • 
 And miniftcr corrcAion to thy fault 1 
 
 "BhII. My grations vnclc, let me know my fault, 
 On what condition ftandsit, and wherein? 
 
 Torke Eucn in condition of the worft degree, 
 In groffc r«beHion,and det?fted treafons 
 Thou aru banilhtitiMi, sndfaecre art come, 
 
 £ 2 Before 
 
Before the expiration of thjr time, 
 
 In brauing ^rmnagaiinRtoy SouerjlfgRC. 
 
 ^ull. As I was baniOii, I was baniOit Hereford, 
 But as I come, I come for Lancafter, 
 And uoble Vnckle,! befeech your Grace, 
 Lookc on my wrongs with an fndtifereac eye: 
 You are my father^ or merhinks in yott 
 1 fee old Gaunt aliue. Ob (hen father, 
 "Will you permit fhiit I Aall ftand condemnd 
 . -A wandering vagabond^ my rights and royalties 
 l^luckt from my arm'es^perfof ce, atw! giucn away 
 .ToVpftartvnthiiftj/ wherefore was 1 borne? 
 \3f that my Cocfm King be King of England, 
 It mu(l be graunted I am Duke of LancaHer: 
 You haue a fonne, Aumefle; oiy noble Coofln, 
 Had you firH; died, and lie bcene thus trod downe. 
 He (hould hauefound his Vnckle Gaunt afa her. 
 To rowze his wrongs, and chafe them to the Bay* 
 I am denied to fue my liucrie heerc, 
 And yet ray letter* p'attciits giue roe leaue. 
 My fathers gotKJs sre all difttain d a^nd (bid. 
 And thcfe, and all, are all amide employed. 
 What would you haue me doe? 1 amaiiibie^l', 
 .And I challenge law, Atturniesare demde tnC, 
 , And therefore pei fon.vlly I lay my claij»e ' 
 ' To my inheritanrc of free del cent. 
 
 7<ierth. The nobl« Duke h.ith becne tOo rtitiih abtifde; 
 l{pff^. It ftards your Grace vpon, tedoc biin right, 
 Willcugh. Bafemrn by his ciidowmcncs arc madegreat. 
 Terke My Lords 6f England, let me tell you this: 
 I hjue h^'d feeling of my Coofins wrongs. 
 And laboured all I could to doe him right; 
 But in tlmkinde,io come tn bf auiiig armesj 
 Be his owne tfaf u^r, and cwtsc out his way; ' 
 To find out right with Wrdngi it may nttt bet 
 And you that Aiat abetre hioi m this kinde. 
 Cherish lebfliion, and are rebt Is all, 
 
 Konh . The fiobie Dt>kc hath ^v^orUe, hi^cdi^miojis 
 
 Bue 
 
K3Hg%ich4rdthe fecand. 
 
 ^But fox his own:, and for the right of thai; 
 We all haue ftrongly fwortte fo giue him iyde 
 And let him nc re fee ioy that brcakes that oath. 
 
 Torl^e Well, w cU, 1 fee the iffue of thcfe armes, 
 I cannot mend it,I muflneedes confctTe, 
 Brcaufc my power is wcake and ail ill left: 
 But if I could, by him that gau< melifc, 
 I woul J attach you all, and make you (lo«pe 
 Vnto the (bucrnigne mercy of the King. 
 But Hnce I cannot, be it knowne to you, 
 I doe remaineas newter; fo &re you well, 
 Vnlcffc you pWafe to enter in the Caflle, 
 And th :re repofe you for this night. 
 
 BhL An ofFer vnckle that wc will accept. 
 But we muft winnc your Grace to goe with vs 
 To BriBew Caftle,whicKtheyfayi$ held 
 By Btilhy^aget,vaA their complices. 
 The caterpillers of rhe common, wealth, 
 Which I hauefworneto weede and pllicke away. 
 
 T*rke It may be I will goe with you , but yet He pawf<^» 
 For lam loath to breake our Countries lawest 
 Nor friends, nor foes, to me welcome you are. 
 Things paft redrcffe, are new with me |>afl: care. 
 
 Snter 6iirUefS(th'^bnrj,4Uid* Wtkh Captaiw. 
 
 Welch My Lord of Salubmry^ wc hauc ftaidc tenne dayes> 
 Aud hardly kept our counnrymen together. 
 And yet we Rrareno tidings from the King, 
 Therefore we will difperfe our felucs, fafcweH. 
 
 Salif. Stay ycl another day, thou trufly Welchtnan, 
 The King repofeth all hss confidence in thee. 
 
 Welch Tis thought the Kmg is dead, wee will not flay. 
 The Bay trees in our Countrey all arc witherd. 
 And Meteors fri,:;ht the fixed ftarresof hcauen, 
 Thepale facde Moone lookes bloudy on the earth. 
 And leane look't prophets whifper fearefull change. 
 Rich menlookefadde,andruffiansdaunceandlcape. 
 The one in feare to loofe what ibey enioy, 
 
 £ 3 The 
 
72» "tr^timf 
 
 The other to enioy by rage and war^ 
 Thefe figoes fote-runtbe death of Kings. 
 Fatcwell, our Countrymen are gone and fled. 
 As well afluredRichard their Km^is d?ad, 
 
 Sal: Ah Richard ! with eyes of he'auy mind, 
 I fee thy glory like a fliooting ftar, 
 Fan to' the bafe earth from the firmament. 
 Thy funnc fets, weeping in the lowly Weft, 
 Witnefling ftormesto come, woc,andvnreft; 
 Thy friendcs arc fled to waitc vpon thy foes, 
 And croflcly to thy good all fortune goes. 
 
 iMttr Buke. ef Hereftrd, ferke, Konhumberl^, 
 Bttfijieand GretnefrijoKen^ 
 Tuil, Bring forththcfe men, 
 Bufliic and Greaie, I will not vexe yourCuileJ, 
 Since prefcntly your foiiles muft part your bodies> 
 With too much vrging your pernicious Ijues, 
 For t'were no charity ; yet to wafli your blood 
 From off my hands, here in the view of men, 
 I will vnfold feme caufesof your death. 
 You haue mif- led a. Prince, a royall King, 
 A happy Gentleman in blood and lineaments,. 
 Byyou vnhappicd and disfigured cleane, 
 You haue in manner with yourfinfull houres, 
 Made a diuorcebetwixt Jus Q^i^^cand him,. 
 Broke the polTeflion of a royallbccl. 
 And ffaynde thebeutie of a&yreiQneenes cheekes^ 
 With tearcs drawnc from her eyes with yom fouic wrongs. 
 My felfc a PrinccBy forfuneel my birth, 
 Nccre tojhe Kipg in blood, and neere inloue, 
 Till they did make him mif-intaprct me, 
 Haue ftoopt my necke vndcr your i|iiuri<Sj . 
 And figh'd my EndiH breath irifpiretrQlouydcs, 
 Eating the bitter Jbrcg^d of banii1i;rent, 
 While you haue fedde vpon my fcgnioijes, 
 Difparkt my parks, andfelld my forreft woodst 
 From mine owne windovyes tornc my houOiold coate, 
 Rac t out my impreefc, leauing me no lignc, 
 
 Saue 
 
King "Xick^i^thr/iiecnd. 
 Saue mens opinions, dad my -tiuifig blbodf, 
 To Htewtheworid I aftva Gentleman. 
 This and much more, much more then twice all this 
 Condemns yoii to the death: fee them deliiiercd ouer 
 To execation and the hand of denth, 
 
 BHjhU More Wekomc is the ftroke of death to me, 
 TJien BullmgbtoOlce^o Endand^ Lords farewell. 
 
 ^retne My comfort is, tnatheauen will take our fbdcs> 
 And plague iniuflrce with the paines of hell. 
 
 'BuU. My Lord Northumberland fee them difpatcht; 
 Vnckic, you fay, the Qjicene is at your houfe, 
 For Gods (ike fairely let her be intrcatcd. 
 Tell her, I fend to her my kiddc commends^ 
 Take^peciaH caremy greetings bedcliuered, 
 
 Tfrkf A gentleman of mine 1 haue difpatcht, 
 With letters of your louc to her at large. 
 
 BhU. Thanks (gentle Vnckle.-)comc Lords, away, 
 To fight with Gien^or and his complices, 
 A white to worke, and after, holiday. 'Exeunt. 
 
 EtiUr the King, Aumerlf, C^rUil^&c, 
 King B^^loughly Caftle call you this at hand? 
 Aum, Yea ray Lord, how brook's your Grace the ayrc^ 
 
 After your late toflingon thebreaking Seas? 
 
 '^ Hjng Ncedes mufti like it'Well,rweepe for ioyv 
 
 To ftand vpon my kingdomc onceagaine. 
 
 Deare earth, I doc falufe thee Vvith my hand. 
 
 Though MbcTs wound thee with their borfes Iioofes t 
 
 As a long parted mother with her child, 
 
 Playcs fondly with hit teares, and fmiles in meetingv 
 
 So weeping, fmiring, greete 1 theemy earth, ' 
 
 And*do thee fauour with my royall hands? 
 
 FeoJt not thy foueraignes foe, my gentle earth, 
 
 Noir with thy fweclcs comfort his raucnous fence^ 
 
 But Ic nhy fpiders, thatfucke vp thy vcnome. 
 
 And hcauy gated toadiliein their way. 
 
 Doing annoyance to the ttedieroirs fcete, 
 
 Which wic^yfu^nll'^eps ^^ ttatnpkthcei 
 
 Yeclde 
 
Thfraifdteof 
 
 Yceldc flinging nettles tcymine cncfnscss 
 And when they from thy bofome plucked flower, 
 Guarde itJ pray thcc wilhalurking Adder, 
 Whofc double tongue may w«h a moitall touch, 
 Throw death vpon thy Soueraignes enemies;^ 
 Mocke not ray fcnflcirc toniuration Lordss 
 This earth (hall hauc a feeling,and thcfc ftonej 
 Prooue armed fouldiers ere her natiue King 
 ShaSlfalfervnderfbuIe rebellious aimcs. 
 
 C<«r/i Fcare not my I,otd,that ppwr< that made youKing, 
 Hath powrc to k^cp* yD« king >n 'pjte of all, 
 Themeanes that heauen$yceld mun be unbrac'r^ 
 
 And not ncglefteid- Eifebeauen would, 
 And wc would not } heaucns offer, we tefuft 
 
 The proffred meanc^jof^iccours and redrede. 
 
 Aum. He mearies.my Lord,that we arc toe rcmiffe, 
 
 Whilft Euihngbrotke, throughourfecurity, 
 
 Growes ilrong and great in fubQance an^ in power. 
 X;«j DircomforrablecooGn.knowR thou not. 
 
 That when the fearchingeieofhcauenis hid 
 
 Behinde the gbbe that lights the lower world. 
 
 Then theeues and robbers range abroiide Viifirenr, 
 
 In i;>iyrtherj,jpd in outrage blotidy hcer«. 
 
 But when from vnder his terrefltiaillbaH, 
 
 He fires the prowde tops of cbceaflernepines. 
 
 And dartes his light through cuery guiUy hole; 
 
 Thenmurihers, trea{bns,2hd deteflcd iinnes, 
 
 The cloake of night being flackt from off their baciccs. 
 
 Stand hare and naked trcmb'ingat themfelues? 
 
 So when this thief e, this W^xoxxx BnUmgkrookst 
 
 Who all this whilfhath rcueldiptbc.ni»ht 
 
 W hilft we were wandiing with the Antipodes, 
 
 Shall fee vs rifingm our ihroajie the Eaft, 
 
 His trearonswilJ (it blufliing in hjsfacc. 
 
 Notable tocndurcthcfightofday, . " 
 
 But fclfc affrightedjlreipblcd at hjsiinne. 
 
 Not all the water in the rough. \ ud : Sea, 
 
 Cant^anithcbakneoSfrQmjtQaonQyntetiKit^ . . 
 
 ^ ■ The 
 
Xitig Riehard thi feeoni. 
 
 The breatli of worldly men cannot depofe 
 
 The deputy elcdcd by the Lord, 
 
 For euery man that i7«i!iin|Aro0i^ hath preA, 
 
 To lift (hrewd (leeieagairiu our golden crowne, 
 
 God for his B^t^ hath in heauenly pay, 
 
 A glorious Angel »then if Angels.fight, 
 
 Weakc nicnmuft^l,for heauen flill guardcs the right. 
 
 ^ Enttr Salifi, 
 
 ■*King welcome my Lo:hpw farre efFlies your power? 
 
 Sii^i Nor neere nor farther o(F,my gratious Lo: 
 Than this weake arme'> dilcomfort guides my tongue, 
 And bids me fpeake of nothing but Defpaire, 
 One day too late, I feare, my noble Lo: 
 Hath clouded all thy happy dayes on earth, 
 O call backe ycRcrday, bid Time returne, 
 And thou (halt hauetweluethouiand fighting men: 
 To day,to day, vnhappy day, too late, 
 Ouerthrowes thy ioycs. friends, fottHne and thy ftate: 
 For all the Welchmen hearing thou wert dead, 
 Are gone to BttUmgkooke, di(per(l,and fled. 
 
 jimm. Comforc, my liegd why lookes your Grace fb palei 
 
 King .But now the bloud of tvyenty thoufand men 
 Did triumph in my face, and they are fled: 
 And till fo much bloud thither coiae againe, 
 Haue I not rcafbn to looke pale and dead? 
 All ibules that will be fafe, flic from my fide. 
 For Timehath fet a blot vpon my pride^ 
 
 ulum. Comfori,my Liege,reii}ember who you are. 
 
 King I had forgot myielfe, Am I not King? 
 Awake thou coward,Maieftie thou flcepeft. 
 Is not the Kings name twentiethoufand names? . 
 Arroe,armc, my namca puny fubicAfttikes 
 At thy great glory, looke not tothe ereuad, 
 Yce fauourites of a King, are wc not nigh? 
 High be ourthoughts, I know my vncle Terke 
 Hath power enough to ferae our turne:but who comes heerc? 
 Inter Sentpe. 
 
 Scrofft More health andhafiipinefle betide my Lw^i 
 
Then can my caretuhdc to'ngutideliucrliim. 
 
 Y.ing Mine eare is op(-n,and my hurt prepare). 
 The worftis worldly toffechou canft-Y'^fold. 
 Say, is my kingdomc lort? why twas my care^ 
 And what loflc is it to be rid of care? -f 
 
 Striues Buliin<;broolc« to<bc asgreat as wc.' 
 Greater he fhall not be:if he feruc God, 
 Wecle Icruc him roo.and be his fellow (o, 
 Rcuokoiirfubiefts? that we caniiotmend, 
 They brealce their faith to God as well as vs: 
 Cry wo,dcrtruftion,ruii>c, and'dccay, 
 The vvorft is dcath.and death wfll haiie his day. 
 
 Scroe. Glad am I, that your highncfle is fo armde. 
 To bcarc the tidings ofcaiamitic, 
 Li'<ean Vnfeafonable ftorroie day, 
 Which tnake the filucr Riuer s dro wnc their fiioics. 
 As if the world were all dilToludc to tcarcs, 
 So high aboue his limits fwels the rage 
 Of Bullingbroolce,coueringyourfcarefull land 
 With hard bright' fteelt, and hearts harder then fleclc: 
 White beards haiie armd their thiniic and hairclede fcalps 
 Againft thy Maieftie:and boyes with womens voycci 
 Striiic to fpeakc bigge,and clap their female ioynts. 
 in nifFevnwildicarmes; againft thy Crowne, 
 Thy rery beadfmcn karne to bend their browci. 
 Of double fat.ilc wo againft thy ftatc. 
 YeadiftafFcwoiVienmannageruftiebillcsr 
 Againft thy feate both yong and old rebcH. 
 And all £;oes i-vorfe then I haue power to tell. 
 
 King Too vvell,too well thou telft a tale fb ill. 
 Whcic is the Earleof Wiltfhirc?whcreis Bagotf 
 What IS becomcof Bulliie? where is Greene? 
 That ihey h.iue let the dangerous encmic 
 Meafuie our confines withfiich peaccfull fteps^i 
 Ifwepreuailc, their heads ftiallpayforit: 
 I warrant they hauc made peace with Bulltngbrooke. 
 
 Scro. Peace haue they rnadc with him indcede my Lord. 
 
 . "K-in^ Ohvi||j8nes,vipers,d^^(lwitbout redemption, ^ 
 
 *^ ' Dogs 
 
'^ Khtg Richard the^Jiceni. 
 
 Dogs cafily wonnt to fawnc on any man. 
 Snakes in my heart blond warrad,that (ling my licair, 
 Three ludaffcs, each o»e thrice wotfe then ludaSj 
 Would they maUe peace? terrible hell 
 Make wjrrc vpon their fpotccd foules for this. 
 
 Scro. Swcete lov.e's(Hcc)changin*:his property 
 Turncs tothefowrcft andmofl: deadly hate. 
 Againe vncurfc their foules.their peace is made. 
 With headland not with handsjtliofe whom you curfc 
 Haiiefelt the worft of deaths dcflroying wound, 
 And lie full low grau'd in the hollow ground. 
 
 ^um. Is Bu{}iic,Grccne,and the Earic of Wiltfhirc dead/ 
 
 Scro. Yea, allof thematBriftow loft their heads. 
 
 ^«w. Where is the Diike my father with his po we; ? 
 
 Kmg No matter whcre.of comfort no man fpeake. 
 Lets tallce ofgraucs,of vvormes.and Epitaphs, 
 Make duft our paper,and with rainie eyes 
 Write forrow on the bofome of the earth. 
 Lctschoofeexecutorsand talkeofwils: 
 And yet not fo.jfor what can we bequeath. 
 Sane our d'epofed bodies to the ground? 
 Our iandsjOtir liues, and all arc BullingbrooLes, 
 And nothing can wecallourowne, but death. 
 And thatfmall model! of the barren earth, 
 which ferucs as parte and couer to our bones. 
 For Gods fake let v$ fit vpon the ground, 
 And tell fadfloties of the death of Kings, 
 How fbmc hauc bene depofde , feme flaine in war, 
 Some liauntcd by the ghofts they liaue dcpofed, 
 Somepoyfbned by their wiues,{bniefltepingkild,- 
 All mtirthercdrfor within the hollow Crowne 
 That rounds the mortal! temples of a King,' 
 Kccpes death hiicourt.and there (he antique fits, 
 Scoffing his ([it^, and grinning at his pomp*. 
 Allowing him a brrathjalittlefceane, 
 To Monarchifcjbcfcardjand kill with lookes, 
 Infofing him with fclfe and vaiiie conceit, 
 As if this fleOi which walles about our life, 
 
 F a Wc?€ 
 
The'trditdleef 
 
 Were bra(re impregnable i and huniordthut, 
 Comes at the laft,and with a little'pin, 
 Bores through his caftlewaUc5,and farewell king- 
 Couer your heades, and tnockc not fleOi and blou<I> 
 With folcmnc reuerencc ihro w away rcfpcA, 
 Traditi6n,forme,and ceHinionious dutie, 
 For you haue but miftooke me all this while, 
 I liue with bread like you, feclc want, 
 Tarte griefe, neede friends:fubie£led thus. 
 How can you fay ro mee I am a King? 
 
 Cart. My Lord,wifemen nc're fit and wailc their woes. 
 But prefently preuent the waieitowaile, 
 To tcare the foe.fince feare opprelTetb firength. 
 Giues in your weakcnefTe ftrength vnto your foe. 
 And fo your follies fight againftyourfcWe: 
 Fcarc,and be flaine,no worfccan come to fight: 
 And fight and die, is death dcftroying death, 
 Where fearing dying, paycs death feruile brtatb. 
 
 Attm. My father hath a pewer,inquirc of him. 
 And leame to make a bodie of a Timine. 
 
 Xi. Thou chidfl me wel.prowd BuUingbr»eke\ com* 
 To change blowes with thee for our day of doomc: 
 This agew fit of (vare is ouerblowne. 
 An eaiie taske it is to vvinne our owne. 
 Say Screofe, where lies our vncle with his power? 
 Speake (Weetely man, although thy lookes be (bwer> 
 
 Screope Men iudge by the complexion of the Skie, 
 The ftate and incliitalion ofthe day* 
 So may you by my d\ill and beauie eie: 
 My tongHC hath but a heauier fale to fay, 
 I play the torturer by fmall and fmall; 
 To lengthen ou t the worft thai muft be fpoken* 
 YourvnckT^eh'wyndwifh BmBotgirooke, 
 And all your nottherne Caftlesycelded vp. 
 And all your Southernc Genittmcnin amies 
 Vpon his panic. 
 
 Kinj^ Thou haft faidendugh: 
 JBeOircw thee coofin whkh<lidftlcadeincfoorth 
 
 Of 
 
KiM£ HJebardtheJeceiiJ. 
 
 Ofrhatrweeteway I wasin todi^airc. 
 What fay you now;what comfort haue v»e now? 
 By hcauen He hate him euerlafttngly. 
 That bids me be of comfort any more, 
 Go to Flint CaRle,thcic lie pine away, 
 A King woes flaue rtiall kingly wo obey: 
 That power I haue,dircharge,and let them go 
 To eare the land that hath Tome hope to growi 
 For I haue nonejet no man fpeake againe 
 To alter this,for counfell is but vainc. 
 
 ty^Htn. MyLtcgeoneword- 
 
 King He docs me double wrong, 
 That wounds me with the flatteries ofhi> tongues 
 Difcharge my folIowers,let them hence away,. 
 From Richards night, to Bullingbrookcs fairc day. 
 Enter "SmK. Terkf, Korth. 
 
 "Bui. So that by this intelligence we learne^ 
 The Welchraen are difpearll, and Sabsbury 
 Is gone to meete the King, who lately landed 
 With fome few priuatc friends vpon this coaR, 
 
 North. The newes is very faire and good my Lorc^ 
 Richard not far from hence hath hid his head. 
 
 Torkf It would befeeme the Lord Northumberland 
 To fay King Richardjalacke the heauie day, 
 When fuch a faaed King (hould hide his head. 
 
 Tlorth. Your Grace roi(lakes:onely to be bricfe 
 Left I hit title out. 
 
 Torke The time hath bin, would you haue bifffo bricfe witk 
 He would Iiaue bene fo briefe to (horten you, (him, 
 
 For taking fo the head.your whole heads length. 
 
 But. Miftake not( Vnckle)fiirther then you (hould. 
 
 rorl{e Take not fgood Coofinjfurthcr then you fliould, 
 Leaft you miftake the heaucns are oucr your heads, 
 
 "Ball. I knowitVnckle, andoppofenot myfelfe 
 Againft their will.But.who comes heere? Snttr ftnie. 
 
 Welcome Harry: what.will not this Cattle yeeld? 
 
 H. Percit The Caftlc U royally mandt my Lord» 
 Aeainft thy entrance. 
 
 * ' F 5 SitS* 
 
B41II, Royally, why it containcs no King. 
 
 H.fer. ye$(my good Lord) 
 It doth containcaKingiKing Richard lies 
 Within the limits of yon hmc and flooe, 
 And with him the Lord Aumcrle, Lord Sali$buric, 
 Sir Steephen Scroope, befides a Clergic man 
 Of holyrcuernue, who I caniiot Icarne, 
 
 Kortb. Oh bclikeitisthcBifliopof Carlcil. 
 
 Bull. Noble Lords, 
 Go to the ludcribbcs of tbatSncient Caflif, 
 Through brafen trumpet fend the breath of parlee 
 Into his luinde cares, and thus dcliuer. 
 H Bull.on both his knees, doth kideking Richards hand* 
 And fends alleac;eancc and ti ue faith of heart 
 To his royal! perfon.hithcr come 
 Eucn at his fcetc, to Ly my annes and power : 
 Prouidcd, that my banidinient rcpeald, 
 And lands rcftorcd againe bcfreely graunted. 
 If not, lie vfc the aduantagc of iny power, 
 And Iny the fummers dud with fliowres of blood, 
 Raindefrom the woundes of flaughtered EnglithmcDt 
 The which, how far off from the mind of Buliingbrooke 
 1 1 is, fuch ci imfon temped (hotdd be drench 
 Thefrelhgreenelapof faireking Richards land. 
 My (looping dutic tenderly Oiall ihew. 
 Go (ignifie as much, while here wc march 
 Vponthe graffic carpet of this plaine; 
 Lets march without the noyfe of threatningdtumine. 
 That from this Caftles tattered battlements^ 
 Our fiyre appointments may be well perufde. 
 Me thinkes king Richard and my fclfc ftiould mcete 
 With no IclTc terror then the Elements 
 Of Breand water, when their thundring fmokc, 
 Atmcetingfeares the cloudy chcekes of hcaucn. 
 Be he the fire, lie be theyeciding'water. 
 The rage be his, whilft on the earth I raigne 
 My water's on the earth, and not on him, 
 Mvch on, and oi vke king Richard how bclookes. 
 
Tht tnmpets ftmi^ B^churd Mpfettttth en thtva&i. 
 Snh See (ce, king Rrchjrd doth hirafclfe »ppearc. 
 
 As doth the blufhing difcontentcd Sunne, 
 
 t^rom out the fiery portall of the Eaft, 
 
 When he pcrceiuesthe cnuious dowdcs are bent 
 
 1p dimmc hisgloric, and to ftainc the trackc 
 
 Of hij bricht pafTagc to the Occident. 
 
 Torke Yet lookes he like » king, bcliold his eyCj 
 
 As bright as is tlie Eagles, lightens forth 
 
 ControHing MaicQtC; alacke alacke for woe, 
 
 That any harmc (hould ftainc fo faire a Hiew* 
 
 King We are atnazd, and thus long haue we (lood^ 
 
 To watch the fearefuli bending of thy knee, 
 
 Becaiife we thought our lelfe thy iawfult king: 
 And if we be, how dare thy ioyntt forget 
 To pay their awefuU dutie to our pretence ? 
 If we be not, (hew vs the hand of God 
 That hath difm'ift vs from our ftewardOiip; 
 For well we know, no hand of blood and bone 
 Caa gripe the facred handle of our Scepter. 
 VnlcfTe he doe prophanc, fteale, or vfu rpc : 
 And though you thinke that all as you haue done, 
 Haue toroe their foules, by turning them fromvs. 
 And we are barren and bereft of friendsr 
 Yet knowj my mnifter God omnipotent, 
 Is muftering in his clowdes on our behalfe, 
 Armies of pcftilencc, and they fliall ftrikc 
 Your children yet vnborne, and vnbegot. 
 That lift your vaffaile hands againft my hai. 
 And threat the glory of my precious Crowne, 
 Tell Bullingbrooke, for yon inc thinkcshc ftands, 
 Tbateucry ftride he makes vpon myland^ 
 Is dangerous treafon : he is come to open 
 The purple teftamcnt of bleeding war: 
 But ere the crowne he lookcs for,lmc in peace, 
 Xen thoufand bloody crowncs oif mothers fonncs, 
 Shall ill become the flower of Englands face. 
 Change the compkxion of her maid-palepeace, 
 
 ,.-■. ^ To- 
 
TbfTrsgiulie^ 
 
 To ftaifet indignation, and bedew 
 
 Her paft^n gcalTc with fakhfiill EnglUh btoud. 
 
 Narth. The King of heauen forbid:our Lord tke Kiog, 
 Should To with ciutll and rnckiill armcat 
 Beru(htTpon.Thythrifenobleco0fin. 
 Harry Buliiogbraoke doth humbly kilTc tby band. 
 And by the honourable tombe he fweares. 
 That (lands vpon your royallgrandfires bones, . 
 And by the royalties of both your blouds . 
 Currents that fpring from one moft gratieus bead. 
 And by the buried hand of warlileeGaunt, 
 And by the worth and honor df himfclie, 
 CompriGng all that may be fworneorfaide, 
 Hiscomraing hither hath no further (cope. 
 Then for his lineall royalties^and to bfgge 
 Infranchifemcnt immediatcon his knees. 
 Which on thy royall partie granted once. 
 His glittering armes he will commend-to ruft. 
 His barbed (teeds to ftab)es,and his heart 
 To faithfull feruice of your MaieHic 
 This fweares he,as he is a Prince kiftj 
 And as I am a Gentleman I credit him. 
 
 KtHi Northumbcrlaiad,fay thus: the King rcturnes. 
 His noble coo(inis right welcome hither. 
 And all the number of his faire demaundes 
 jShall be.accompliOit without contradiction. 
 With all the gracious vtterance thou haft, 
 Speake to his gentle bearing kinde conimend& 
 
 King. Wedodeba(eour^luesCoo(in,dowenot} 
 To looke Co poorely and to (peake fo fake? ^ 
 Shall we call backe Notthumberland,iartd fend 
 Defiance to the traitQur,aiid Ca &ei 
 
 Jmu. No good my Lord,lets (ight with gentle words. 
 Till time lend friends, and friends their helpftiH (words, 
 
 Ktfig Oh God,oh God that ere (his tongue of oiine. 
 That laid the fentenceof dread baniihment 
 Onyonproud maniheuld takeitoflFagaine, 
 With words offoothlOh that I wercasrgreaf, 
 
 As 
 
JW«^ %iehitrdthefee§Hi: 
 
 As i J iry gricfc, or leffer thep my name.' 
 
 Or that I could forget what I hauc b;cne/ 
 
 Or not reraember what I muft be now/ 
 
 Swell ft chou (prowdc heart) Ilegiue theefcope to beatc, 
 
 Since foes hauc fcopc to beate both thee and me. 
 
 Awn, Northumberland comes bacIcefromBulIin:^^biook, 
 Ktnf_ WhatmufttheKingdoenow.'mufthcfubmu? 
 
 The King fhall doe it: muft be be d:pofde/ 
 
 The King Q\a\\ be contented : rauft he loofe 
 
 The name of a King! a Gods name let it goe: 
 
 He giuc my jewels for a fct of Beadcs; 
 
 My gorgeous PaUace for a hermitage: 
 
 My |;ayapparcllforan almef mansgowne: 
 
 My (igurdc goblets for a di(h of wood; 
 
 MyScepterfora PJmcrs walking ft.ifFc.' 
 
 My fubiefts for a payr? of carued Saints, 
 
 And my large kingdome for a Iitde graue, 
 A little little graup, an obfcurc graue. 
 Or ile be buried in the kings hie way, 
 Some way of common trade, where fubie£ts feete 
 May hourely trample on their Soucraigncs head} 
 for on my heart they treade now whilft I liue: 
 And buried-once, why not vpon rry head? 
 Aumerle, thou wccpft(my tender- heai led coofin) 
 Wceic make foil 'c weather with defpifed tearcs; 
 Our (ighs and they fhali lodge the Summer corne. 
 And make a deai th in this reuolting land.- 
 Orfhall wrplay th? wantons with our woes. 
 And make fome pretty match with Sheading teares, 
 And thus to drop them ftill vpon one place, 
 Ti'I they haue fretted vs a payij: of graucs 
 Within the earth : :ind therein laydc; there lies 
 Two ktnfemen digd their graiies with weeping eyes? 
 Would not this ill doe well ? well well 1 (ee, 
 I talke but idlcly, and you laugh at me. 
 Moft mighty Prince, n^v Lord Northumberland, 
 Whatlaies king Rullingbrooke, will his Maieftic 
 due Richard leaue to hue till Richard die 
 
 G Yoti 
 
ThiTr4£edie^' 
 
 You make a leg, anci Bullingbrookc faics I. 
 
 North. My Lord, in the bafe court he doth attend. 
 To (peakc with you,raay it pleafe you to come downr. 
 
 King. Downc,downe I comejtkegliflcring Phaeton, 
 Wanting the manage of vnrulie ladci, 
 In the bafe court, bafe court where Kings growe baGr, 
 To come at traitors calls,and do them grace. 
 In the bafe court come downc : downe court,downc King, 
 For night-owlcs Hirccke where mounting larkes (hould Hng. 
 
 Ball. What faies his maicftie? 
 
 Korth. Sorrow and gricfe of hart, 
 JMakes iiim fpeake fondly like a frantike man: 
 Yet he is come. 
 
 B»ll. Stiind all apart, 
 A nd Oicw fiire duety to his Maieftie ; (he kneeles dtvne. 
 My gracious Lord. 
 
 King. Faiie coofen, you debafe your princely knee. 
 To make the bafe earth proud with ki/iingit: 
 Me rather had my hart might fecle your louc, 
 Then my vnpleafcd eic fee your curteOe : 
 Vp coofen vp,your hart is vp I knowc, 
 Thus high at leaft, although your knee be lowe. 
 
 "Bull. My gracious Lord,I Come but for mine ownc;. 
 
 King. Your ownc is yourj,and I am yours and alL 
 
 TuB. So far be mine, my moft redoubted Lord, 
 As my true fcruicc <hall dcfeme your loue. 
 
 Ki)ig. Well you deferue : they well dcfcruc to haue, 
 Thatknow the flrong'ft and furcft way to get: 
 Vncle giue me your handcs, nay dric your eiirs, 
 Teares flicw their loue,but want their remedies. 
 Coofen, I am too young to be your Father, 
 Though you are old enough to be hcyre. 
 What you will haue,ilc gi\ie,and willing to : 
 For doe we mud, what force will haue v$ doc ; 
 Set on towards London, Cofcn is it fo ? 
 tnttr the Tu/L Yea my good Lord : 
 
 Ojteinemth Kt»g. Then I moft not {ay no. 
 IfT 4;if». ^ef. What fport fliall wc dcuifc here in this garden, 
 
Kng %ich4rdtht/ee9nl 
 To drluc away che heauic thought of care i 
 Lady Madam wecic play at bowles. 
 ^MW Twill make me tliinke the world is full of lubj, 
 And that my fortune runs againft the bias. 
 L*Jy Madam wecle daunce. 
 ^tine My legi can kccpe no mcafure in delight, 
 When my poore heart no raeafure keepes in gricfe : 
 Therefore no dauncing girlcfomc other /port. 
 Lady Madam weelc tel tales, 
 ^fiee. Offorrow orofgriefe? 
 L*dy Of cither Madame. 
 Sluee. Ofneithet gitlc, 
 For if of ioy,being altogithcr wanting, 
 It doth remember me the more of forrow : 
 Orifofgricfc,beingaItogitherhad, 
 It addes more forrow to my wantof ioy : 
 For what I haue I neede not to repcatc. 
 And what I want it bootes net to coni^laicCi 
 lidy Madam ile(ing. 
 ^tee. Tis well that thou haft caufe, 
 Butthouniouldftpleafemebetterwouldft thou weepc. 
 Lmdy I could weepe Madame, would it do you good. 
 ^tife. And I could fingwould weeping do me good i 
 And ncuer borrow any tcarcof thee. 
 But ftay,here corameth the gardincrs, 
 -Lets ftep into the fliadow of thcfe tree J, Enter Cttrdiners, 
 'My wretchednefle vnto a row of pines. 
 They will talke of ftate, for euerie one doth fb, 
 Againft a change woe itfore-runne with woe. 
 
 Cfdrd. Go bind thou vp yon dangling Apricocks, 
 Which likevnrulie children make their nre 
 Stoope with opprcflion of their prodigall weight : 
 Giue fome (upportance to the bending twigs. 
 Go thou, and like an executioner 
 Cut ofFthe heads of two faft growing fprayes. 
 That looke too loftie in our common- wealth : 
 AH muft be euen in our goucrnement. 
 You tliusituployd, I will go roots away 
 
 G 2 The 
 
The noyfome wee^s fhatiitrithoot profit fucke 
 The foiles fertility from vvholerome flowers. 
 
 Mm. Why Hiould we in the cotnpade of a pale, 
 J^eepebw and forme, and due proportion, 
 Shewing in a model our firme cftal?. 
 When our fea- walled g.-vrden, the whole land 
 li full of wcedesjher fairclt flowers chojkt vp, 
 Her fruit trees all vnpruind, her hed'e? ruind, 
 Her knots difordered, and her holcfome hcai bcs 
 Swarming with catcrpillers. 
 
 Card. Hold thy peace, 
 He th.it haih (uff^ercd tliis difordered <]>ring. 
 Hath now himfdfe met with the fall of leafe: 
 The wecdcs that his broadc fprcadinglcaues did (hcher^ 
 T hat f. cmdc in earing him, to hold him vp, 
 Are puld vp, lootc and all, by Bullingbrookc: 
 I meanethe Earlcof WiItfhirc,Buflaic, Greene. 
 2W<?», What arc ihcy deadJ 
 Card. They are, 
 And Bulhngbro okc h.ith fcizd the waflefull King. 
 Oh what picie it is, that he had not (b tnmde 
 And dreft his land', as we this garden, at time of ycere 
 I>o wound the batkc, the skinne of our f uite trees, 
 left bcingouerprowd with ftp and blood, 
 "With too much riches it confound it fclfe. 
 Had he done fo, to great and growing men, 
 They might h.iue hiidc to beare, and he to taftc 
 Their fruites of dutie: fuperfluous branches 
 We lop away, thr.t bearing boughes may liuc : 
 Had he done (o, himfelfe had home the Crowne, 
 Which wade oi idle houres h:Uh quite tbrovvne downt 
 A^av, Wiiar, tliinke you the king (hall be d; pofed? 
 ^ard, Depreft heis already, and depofdc 
 T'isdoubrhe will be. Letters came Ijft night 
 To a drarc friend of the Dukc of Yoiks, 
 That tcllb'acke tidings. 
 
 £li*rtn Oh ! 1 am preft to death through want of fpeaking 
 Thou old A dams hkcncflc fet to dreffc this garden. 
 
 How 
 
King % isbari the/nnuH. 
 
 How dares ihy harfti rude ten<;ue (bund chis YOpIcafine news? 
 
 What Eue.' what ferpent hath fuggeftcd thce» 
 
 To makcafccond fall of curfcd man' 
 
 Why doft thou fay King Richard j$ depofHc! 
 
 D«irft thou thou little better thing then earth 
 
 Diuine his downcfall?Say,where,whenand how 
 
 Camfl thou by thi, ill tidingsffpeakcthou wretch. 
 <7<»rd. Pardon me Madamjittlc ioy haue I 
 
 To breathe thcfc ncwcs,yct what I fay is true; 
 
 King Richard, he is in the mighty hold 
 
 Of Bullingbrookc.-their fortunes both are wcydc. 
 
 In your Lo. Tcale is nothing but hJmfclFe, 
 
 And fome few vanities that make him light; 
 
 But in the ballance of great Bullingbrooke, 
 
 Befidcs hira'clfe,arc all the Engli^ Pceres, 
 
 And with that oddcs he weighes King Richard downc. 
 
 PoH jou to London, andyouwtlifindcitfo, 
 
 I ^eake ne riTorc then cueric one doth know. 
 
 ^eene Nimble A] ifchance,that art fo light of foote. 
 Doth not thy cmbaflage bebo* to me. 
 And am I laft that knowcs it»Oh th&u tbink«ft 
 To ferue mc lafl,that I may longed kcepc 
 Thy forrow in my breft : come Ladies,go 
 To mcetc ;it London London* King ui wo. 
 WhatjWa.s I borne to this.that my (ad looke, 
 Should grace the triumph of great Bullingbrooke/ 
 Gardner for telling me thcfc ncwesof woe. 
 Pray God the plants thou graftft may neuer grow. Exit, 
 
 Gard. PooreQacenc.fo that thy Rate mightbcnowoife, 
 I would my skill were fubieft to thy curfc: 
 Hcerc did (he drop a tearc,hrere in this place 
 ]Ie fet a banke of Rew fowi e hearbe ofgrace, 
 Rcw euen for ruth heerc (hoi tly (hall be fcene, 
 Inremembr.nnceofa weeping Queenc, Ixemitt 
 
 Bull, Call forth Bagot, Biter "Bagcu 
 
 Now Bagot,(re€lyfpcaketby mindc. 
 What thou do{\ know of noble Glocefters death, 
 Who wrought it with the King, and wijo pciforoade 
 
 G 3 The 
 
Th*Trtlgeiitef 
 
 Tke bloiidie ofHce of bis timelefle end. 
 
 S<fjo/ Thenfctbcfore try face the Lord Aumerle. 
 
 Bull. Coofin,{land forch,and looke vpon thac man. 
 
 Baget My Lord Aumerle,! know your daring tongue 
 Scornes to vnfay what once it hath deliuercd: 
 In that dead time when Gloceftcrt death was plotted* 
 ] heard youfay^isnotmy arme of length, 
 That reachech from the reftfull EngUfli court 
 As far as Calhcc to mine Vnckles head? 
 Aroongft much other tallce, that vetie time 
 I heard you (ay, that you had rather refufe 
 The offer of an hundred tbou&nd Croyvnei, 
 Then Bullingbrookes returneto Eng1and,adding withall, 
 How bled this land would be in this your CooHns deatht 
 
 AMtn. Princes and noble Lords, 
 What anfwer idiall I make to this bafe man! 
 Shall I fo much dinionour my faireffars, 
 On cquall tcrmcs to giue him chafticement? 
 Either I muft, or haue mine honour fbild 
 With the attainder of his flaunderous lips: 
 There is my gage, the rr.anuall feale of death. 
 That markes thie out for hell: thou heft, 
 Andlwillfflaintaine what thou haft faid is falfe. 
 In thy heart bloud, though beingall too bale 
 To ftaine the tcirper of my knightly fword. 
 BiiS. Bagot,forbcare, thou (halt not take it vp. 
 Anm. Excepting one, 1 would he were the beft 
 
 In all this prcfence that hath mooud me Co. 
 Fii^ If that thy valure ftand on limpatfaie, 
 
 There is my gage Aumerle,in gage to thine; 
 
 By that faire Kinne that fhewes me wliere thou ftandft, 
 
 I heard thee riy,and vantingly thou fpakft it, 
 
 That thou wen caufeofnoble Glocefters death.* "■ 
 
 If thou denteft it twentic times, thou lieft. 
 
 And I will turnc thy falfliood to thy heart, 
 
 Whereit was forged with my rapiers point. 
 ty^»m. Thou darft oot(coward)liue I to fee the day. 
 /'tf *. Now by my f«ulc,I would it w««thii houre. 
 
 Aug/. 
 
Kiȣ XUhM-dtieJfeoml. 
 •^mn. Fitzv»atcrs,tbou arr damnd to hellferthii. 
 L.Ttr. ^Aumer]e,lhouIicft,Iiis henouris as true, 
 In this appeale^as thou art ail vniufl, 
 And that thou arl fo, there I throw ray gage, 
 To prouc it on thee to the extreameft poynt 
 Ofmortall breathing, feize it if thou dar'ft, 
 
 Aum And if I do not.may my hands rot oflF, 
 And neuer brandiHi more reuengefiili flecle 
 Otter the glittering helmet of my foe. 
 
 Anther L. I talce the earth to the like(forrworne Aumerk;) 
 And fpur thee on with full as raany hes, 
 As it may be hollowed in tliy trcchcraus eare 
 Fromfinne to finne: there is my honors pa wne, 
 Ingage it to the tryall if tliou darfl. 
 
 Aum. Who fets me elfe^by heauen He throw at alL 
 I haue a theufand fpirits in one bread. 
 To anfwcr twentie thoufand fuch as you. 
 
 Sitr. My Lord Fitz water,l do remember well 
 The verie time Aumerle and you did talke. 
 
 Frt«. Tis very true, your were in prefcncc then. 
 And you can witnefTc with me this is true- 
 Smr. As falfe by heavien,as heauen it felfe is true* 
 FitK. Surriethoulieft. 
 Sm-t DiQionourable boy,that ly Hial ly fo heauic on my fw ord 
 That it (hall render vengance and reuenge, 
 Tillthou thebe-giuer, and that lie do he 
 In earth as quiet as thy fathers fculL 
 In proofc wnereof there is mine honours pawne, 
 Ingage it to the tryall if thou darfi 
 F»«. How fondly dofl thou fpur aforward hoirr, 
 If I dare cate,or drinke,or breatne,or hue, 
 I dare mecte Surry in a wildernefTe, 
 And fpit vpen him whilfl I fay he lies. 
 And ]ies,andlies: there is my bond of faith, 
 To lie thee to my ftroog corre Aion: 
 As -I intend to thriue in this new world, 
 Aumerleis guilty of my trueappeale. 
 Befides, I heard the baniHicd Norfolke fay. 
 
 Thai 
 
That thou AiimvU didftfl fcnd^wo oftby nen« 
 To execute thcfioble Duke of dUiee. 
 
 Awn. Somehoncftchriftiahtruftmc'wiiba gjig<e, 
 That NoifFolkelicSj hcerecioe I thtowedowaettus. 
 If he may be repeald to trie hit honour. 
 
 BmA. Thefe diflFerences (h;dl all reft vnder gage; 
 Till NforflFolke be repeald, repeald heftiall be. 
 And (hough mine enemy, reftot'd againe 
 To all his lands and H^niories ; when heis return 'd, 
 Againfl Aumerlt we will infbrce his triall. 
 
 Curl. T hat honorable day fliall neuer be (eenei 
 Many a time h;ith baniilu NorfFolkefought, 
 For Icfu Chiift in glorious chriftian field. 
 Streaming the enfigne of the chriftian Crofle, 
 AgainH blacke Pagani, Turkes and Saracens, 
 ^d toild with workcs of warFe.retir'dhimielfc 
 To Italy, and there at Venut gauc 
 His body to a plcafant countries earth, 
 And his pure foule vnro his captainc Chrift, 
 Vnvier whofe colours he had fought fo long. 
 
 'Buil. Why Biniop,isNorffolke dead.' 
 
 CaH. As fure as I hue, tny Lord. 
 
 Bui. S weetc peace, conduA his fwcete foule to the bo^bmc 
 Of good olde Abrahum : Lords Appellants, 
 Your diiFeiences (hall all reH vnder gage. 
 Till we afligne you to your daycs of triall. Enter Torkf. 
 
 Torke Great Duke of LancaAer 1 come to thee, 
 FrompIume-pIuckl^^jcAW, who with willing foulc 
 Adopts thee heirc, and his high SceprcryceldcSj 
 To the pofTeflioo jofthy royall hand: 
 Afccnd his throne, dcfccnding now from hio). 
 And long Hue Henry fourth of chat name. 
 
 Buil, 1 njGodi nanjcjlle afcend thcregall throne. 
 
 C«rU Mary God forbid. 
 Worft in this royall prcfence I may fpcake: 
 Yet bcft befeeming me to fpeakc the truth: 
 Would God any m this noble prefence, 
 WcJX enough noble to be vprigbt Iwdgc 
 
Xfflg Rich4)^thitficenfi. 
 
 Of noble Richard : Then true tioblcncire Woiild" 
 
 Learne him forbcarancie from {p foulc a wrong. 
 
 What fubieft can giue fentcnce-on his King? 
 
 And who fits not here that is not Richards fubicft? 
 
 Theeues arc not iudged, but they are by to hcare, 
 
 Ahhough apparant guilt be feene in them: 
 
 And fliall the figure of Gods Maicftie, 
 
 His Captciinc, fteward, deputy, elcift, 
 
 Annointed, crowned, planted many yccres, 
 
 Beiudg'd by fubied and inferior breath. 
 
 And he himfclfe not prefenU Oh forfend it God, 
 
 That in a Chriftian Climate foviles rcfinde 
 
 Should Hiew fo hainous blacice obfcene a deed. 
 
 1 fpeake'to fubiefts, and s fubicft fpeakes, 
 
 Stird vp by God thus boldly for his King. 
 
 My Lord of Hereford here whom you call King, 
 
 Is a foule traitour to prowd Herefords King, 
 
 And if you crownehim, let me prophefie. 
 
 The blood of EngliHi lliall manure the ground, 
 
 And future ages groane for his foule afl^, 
 
 Peace fhall goe fleepe with Tui kcs and infidels. 
 
 And in this feate of peace, tumultuous wars 
 
 Shall kin with kin, andkinde with kinde confound : 
 
 Diforder, horror, fcare and mutiny. 
 
 Shall here inhabit, and this land becald. 
 
 The field of Golgotha and dead mens skuls. 
 
 Oh if you rayle this houfe againd his houfe> 
 
 It will the wofullcft diuifion proue, 
 
 That euer fell vpon this curfcd earth : 
 
 Prcuent it,refilf it, and let it not be fo, 
 
 Led child, childs children crie againft you woe. 
 
 North. Well haue you argued Or, and for your paynes, 
 Of Capitall treafon, wc arreft you here? 
 My Lord of Weftminfter, be it your charge, 
 To kecpchim fafely till hisdayof tri^U. 
 
 Bal. Let it be fo, and loc on wednefday next, 
 We folcmncly prodaimc our Coronation, 
 Lords be-rcady all., Ixema, 
 
 H Abbot. 
 
MatutWcd. yfiict A wofuU Pageant haucweheerebelielil. 
 CarleiljAu-; * ^ar/. The woe's to Come, the children yet vnboroc 
 ^"^' Shall feele this day as (harpe to them as thbrne. 
 
 Aum. You holy Clergy men, is there no plof. 
 To rid the r^alme of this pernitious blott 
 
 Al>^ot Before I freely fpeeake my minde hecrdb^ 
 Yon fliall not onely take the Sacrament^ 
 To bury mme inr ents.but alfo to eficA, 
 What euer 1 (hall happen to deuife: 
 1 fee your browcs arc full of difcontent, 
 Your heart of forrow, and you r eyes of teares: 
 Come home with me to rupper,llc Jay a plot, 
 Shainhcwvsallamenyday. Exeunf. 
 
 p £) n J^^eene This way the King will cooie/hisis the waf 
 x'/th her at- '^° ^^^^^"^ f""*'^" >'' ercftcd tower, 
 tendants. To whofc Bint bofomc my condemned Lord 
 
 Is doomde a priFoner by prowde Bullingbrookc 
 
 Hcere let v$ reft, if this rebellious earth 
 
 Haue any refting for her trueK«ig«Queene. tnttr J{ick^ 
 
 Butfoft,butfce;Orraihcr,doenotfee, 
 
 My faire Rofe wither:yet looke vp,bchorcF, 
 
 Thatyou in piny may diflolue to deaw, 
 
 And wafh him freih .igaine with true louc teares. 
 
 Ah thou the modell Vvhere oldc Trey did ftand! 
 
 Thou roappc of Honour,tliou Um^Rjchtrds toombe. 
 
 And not king l\ichard: thou moft beauteous Innc,. 
 
 Why fliould hard fauourd griefi: be lodged in thee. 
 
 When triumph is become an Alchoufegueft ? 
 
 Rich. loyne not with griefe.fairc wooian,do not (6, 
 To make my end toofudden^learne goodfoulc. 
 To thinke our former ftate a happy dreanie, 
 From which awakt, the trueth of what wc are 
 Shews vs but this : 1 am fwoTne(brotherfwec te) 
 TogrimNeceflitic, and he and I 
 Will keepc a league ti:l death. Hie thee to Trance, 
 Andcloifterihceinfomcrcligioushoufi: : 
 Our holy hues muft winne a new worlds crownc, 
 Which our prpphane hourcs hccrc haue tluownc downc. 
 
^etie What is my Bjehardboth in (htpe and uiind 
 Transformd and wcakncdJ hath B ull ingbrooke 
 Depofde thine intclle£t?ha?h he beene in thy heart?. 
 The Lyon dying thrufteth forth his pawe. 
 And wounds the earth, if nothing elfe,with rage, 
 To be o*re-power<J, and wilt thou Popill-likc 
 Take thy correftion, miWely kiffc the rod, 
 And fawneon Rage with bafe humihtie, 
 Which art a Lion and a king ofbcafts. 
 
 Kinff A king of beads indeede,if aught but bcaft, 
 I had beene ftitl a happy king of men. 
 Good(fomctirae QHeenc)prepare thee hcncefor Franct, 
 Thinke I am dead, and that cuen hcere thou takcQ 
 As from my death-bed my lad liuingkaue. 
 In winters tedious nights fitte by the fire 
 With good oldefol'xes.andlet tficm tell thee tales, 
 Of woefuil ages long agoe betide, 
 And ere thou bid good night, to quite their griefc, 
 Tell thou the lamentable talc of me, 
 And fend the hearers weeping to their b-'ds: 
 For whyjthcfcnflcffebrandcswiH fimpathy 
 The heauy accent of thy mouitigtongue, 
 And in compaHion wcepe the fire out. 
 And fbme will mourneina(})es,(bmeculeblacke, 
 For the df pofing of a rightful! king. Smey Nertkumk 
 
 North. My Lordjthe mind of BuUingbrookt is ch^tngde, 
 You muf} to Pomfiety not vnto the Tower: 
 And Madam, there is order tane for you. 
 With all fwjft fpecde you muft away to France. 
 
 KtMg KorihHmieriitni, thou ladder whercwithall 
 The mounting BH&^ghoolfe afcendes my throne. 
 The time (hall not be many hourei of age 
 More then it is, ere foulefinne gathering head 
 Shall breake into corruption, thou /halt thinke. 
 Though he diuide the Realme, and giue theehaifc, 
 It is too little,helping him to all: 
 He fhali thinke, that thoH which knowft the way 
 To plant vnrightfuUkings, wilt know againe, 
 
 H a Being 
 
ThfTr4gedieof 
 
 B cing nerc (o little vrgd another way, 
 To pluclcc hini headlong from the vfurped throne. 
 The louc of wicked men conuerts to fcare, 
 That fcare to hate, and hatcturnes one or both 
 To worthy danger and dcferued death. 
 
 North, My guilt he on my head, and there an end: 
 Take leauc and part, for you muft part foi thwith. 
 
 King Doubly diiiorc c,(baddc men) you violate 
 A twofold iriariagc , betwixt my Crowneand mc. 
 And then betwixt mc and my maried wife. 
 Let me vnkiffc the oath betwixt thee and mc ; 
 AndyctnotfOjforwithakiiTe t'wasmnde, 
 Partvs Northumberland, Itowardstlie North, 
 W here Qiiuering cold and fickncffc pines the clime: 
 Pvly wife to France, from whenccfetfoorth inpompe, 
 She came adorned hither like fweete May, 
 Sen t backc like Hollowmas, or fliortft of day. 
 
 £)ueerte And mufl we be diuidcd? muft wc part? 
 
 limg Ijhand from hand(my loue)and heart from heart. 
 
 ^Ittetne Banifli vs both, and fend the King with mc. 
 
 King That were fome louc, but little policie. 
 
 ^etitt Then whither he goes, thither let me goe. 
 
 King So two togither weeping make one woe, 
 
 Weepc for me in France, 1 for thee here, 
 Better farrc oflF then ncerc be nerclheneerc: 
 Goe count thy way with fighes, I mine with groanes. 
 
 ^Hcine So longeft way (hall hane the longeft moancs, 
 
 King Twifeforoneftepllegroane.thcway being fhort, 
 And piece the way out with a heauie heart. 
 Come, come, in wooing forrow lets be briefc. 
 Since wcddmg it, (here is fuch length in griefe: 
 One kilTc fhali ftoppc our moutlies, and doubly part. 
 Thus giuc I mine, and thus take I thy heart: 
 
 ^itne Giuc mc mine ®wne againc, twerc no good part, 
 To take on me to kecpe, nnd kill iby heart: 
 So now I hauemincowneagajne, begone. 
 That I may ftriuc to kill it with a groane, 
 
 K%ng We make woe waoron vvith this fond delay, 
 
 Once 
 
A';«5 1{ichArdtheffe»n4. 
 
 Once more adew, the reft let forrow fay. exeuitt. 
 
 Du. My Lord.you told mc you would tell the reft, _ p. , 
 
 When weeping made you breakc the ftory of Yoike'and 
 
 Of our two Coofins comining into Lcndon. the Dutchefle 
 
 Torke. Whcredidlleauc? 
 
 Dm. At that fad flop roy Lord, 
 Where rude mifgoucrnd handesfroni windowcstops, 
 Threw dull and rubbifli on King Richards head. 
 
 Torke Then (as Ifayd) the Duke great Bullingbrookcj 
 Mounted ypon a bote and fieric ftecdc. 
 Which his afpiring rider fcemde to know. 
 With flow, but Ibtely pace kept on his courfe, 
 While all tongues cridc, God (aee the Bullingbrooke, 
 You would hatie thought the vcric windowcs (pake : 
 So many greedie lookes of yong and old, 
 Through cafemcnts darted their defiring eyes 
 Vpon his vifage, and that all the wais, 
 With painted imagery hadfayd at once, 
 lefu preferucthc welcome Bullingbrooke, 
 Whilft he from the one fide to the other turning 
 Bare-headed, k>wer then his prowd fieeds nccke 
 Befpake them thus,I tbankc you countrymen : 
 And thus ftill doing, thus he paflTt along. 
 
 "Dh. Alacke poore Richard.where rides tc the 'Abilfl ? 
 
 Tork* As in a Theater the eyes of men. 
 After a wel graced Aftor Icaues the ftage, 
 Are idly bent on him that enters next, 
 Thinking his prattle to be tedious : 
 Euen fo,or with much more contempt mens eyes 
 Did fcoulc on gcnrie Richard,no man cried, God faue hiiU; 
 No ioyfulltonguegauc him his welcome home. 
 But dtsft was throwne vpon his facred head, 
 Whuh with fuch gentle forrow he fliooke off. 
 His face Rill combating with teares and f miles, 
 The badges of his griefe and patience. 
 That had not God for fome ftrong purpofe fteeld 
 The hearts of men, they muft perforce haue melted^ 
 And Barbanfme it fclfe haue pittied him: 
 
 H 3 But 
 
But heauen hath a haii<l in thc(c events. 
 To whofe hie will wee bound our calme contents. 
 To Bii'ljiigbrookeare we fwornerubicAsnow, 
 VVhofe Hacc and honour 1 foray allow. 
 
 Du. Here comes my fonne Aumerlc. 
 Terke Aumcric that was. 
 But that is loft/or being Ricliards friend : 
 And Madnni,you mud call him Rutland now : 
 I am in pavliamcnt pledge for his truth 
 And laftiiig fealrie to the newc made King. 
 
 ' Di4. Wdcomemy fonne, whoarcthcvioktsnow 
 That flrcw the grecnc lappe ofthe new come fpring, 
 
 y^um. Madam I know not, nor I greatly care not, 
 God Isnowes I had as Ixfe be none as one. 
 
 Torkf Well, bearc you well in this new ^nng of time, 
 Lcaft you be cropt before you come to prime. 
 What ncwes From Oxford, do thefe iufts and triumphs hoM ? 
 
 y4um. For aught I know (my Lord) they do. 
 
 Torkf You will be there I know. 
 
 yium. If God preucnt not 1 purfefc Co. 
 
 Torke What feale it that that hangs without thy bofotne ? 
 Yea,lookfl; thou pale I let nic fee the writing. 
 
 ^ttm. JMy Lord, t'ls nothing. 
 
 7V>r% No matter then who fee it, 
 I will be fatifBed, let me fee the writing. 
 
 ^um. I do befeech your grace to pardoo me, 
 It is a matter of fmall con(equcnce, 
 W hich for feme rcafons I would not haue fccnc. 
 
 Ter^f W hLch for fome reafons,Gr I meane to Cec, 
 Ifeare,Ifeare, 
 
 Du. What iliould you fearc ? 
 Tis nothing but feme band that he is entrcd into 
 For gay apparrcll againd the triumph. 
 
 Terke Bound to himfelfc,what dorh hec with a bond 
 That he is bound to. Wife,thou art a fbole, 
 Boy,let toe fee the writing. 
 
 yfum. I do befeech you pardon nac, 1 may not Hiew 't. 
 
 T>rki I will be fatisfied, let nic fee it I fav : 
 
 Torkf 
 
Ttrke Treafon/otilctreaibnjvitlatnejtraitorjilaue. lie plucks it 
 
 D«. What is the matter my Lord* out of hi» 
 
 Torke Ho,who is within there ffaddlcmjrfaorfe, bofomeand 
 
 God for his mercy! what trcchery is heiei "" *^' 
 
 Dm, Why, what is it my Lord? 
 
 Ttrks Giue mc my Bootes I (ay .(addle my horfe, 
 Now by mine honoUr,my h&,tt.y troth, 
 I will appeach the vtilaine. 
 
 Dm. What is the matter ? 
 
 Torkf Peace fooliih woman. 
 
 'V*. I will not peace, what is the matter Aumcrlc? 
 
 Aum. Good mother be content, it is no more 
 Then my poore life muft aoiwere. 
 
 Dtr. Thy life anfwere ? 
 
 Torke Bring me my bootes, I will vnfo the King. His mm en-, 
 
 Dtt. Strike him Aumerlc.poore boy thou art amazd, ters wuli 
 
 Hence villame, neuer more come m my fight. 
 
 Torke Giue me my bootes I fay. 
 
 Dm. Why Yorke what wilt thou do? 
 Wilt not thou hide the trefpafle of thine ownc ? 
 Haue we more fonnes ? or are we like to haue ? 
 Is not my teeming date drunke vp with time ? 
 And wilt thou plucke my fairc fonnefrom mine age % 
 And robbe mee of a happie mothers name. 
 Is he not like thee ! is he not thine o wne f 
 
 Ttrkf Thou fond mad woman, 
 Wilt thou conceale this darke con(fnracie f 
 A doozen of them here haue tane the facranent) 
 And interchangeably fctdowne their hands, 
 To kill the King at Oxford. 
 
 Dm. He fhall be none,weele keepe him here, 
 Then what is ihDt to him/ 
 
 Torke Kviv) fond womaniWere he twentic times my fonnr, 
 I would appeach him. 
 
 Dm. Hadft thou groand for him as I haue don?, 
 Thou wouldfl be more pittifull : 
 But now I know thy ir inde, thou doft fufpeft 
 That 1 haue bcenc difloyall to thy bed, 
 
 And 
 
And that be is aluftard, not thy ibune : 
 
 S weete Yorke, iweete husband be not of that mndc 
 
 He is as like thee as a man may be. 
 
 Not hke mc or any«f my kinuc, 
 
 Andyet Ilouchira. 
 
 Torl^ Make way vnruly woman. £xit. 
 
 D«. After Auincrlc : mount thee vpon his horfc, 
 Spur,pofl,and get before him to the King, 
 And beg thy pardon,cre he do aeoJe thee, 
 lie not be long behind, though 1 be old, 
 ] doubt not but to lide as faUas Yorke, 
 And neucr will I rife vp from the ground, 
 Til! BuUingbrooke haue pardoned thee, away ,bc gone. 
 E'itcr tic kiiirr KiiigH. Cannomantcllmeofmyvnthnftjjcfonnc?^ 
 with his nobis Tis full three moncths fince I did fee hiro laft ; 
 Ifaiiyplaguehangoucrvs tishee, ' 
 1 would to God iny Lords,hc might befound : 
 Inquire at London,inongft the Taucmcs there. 
 For there they fay ,be daily doth frequent, 
 With vnreftrained loofe companions, 
 £ucn fuch (they fay) as fiand in narrow lanes. 
 And beate our watch,and robbeour paflcngers. 
 Which he yong wanton and effeminate boy, 
 , Takes on the point of lienor to fupport fo diHolute a crew. 
 H Percie My Lord,fome two daies fincc I faw the PriiKe, 
 And told him of thofe triumphs held at Oxford. 
 King And what faid the gallant ? 
 Terete His anfwerc was.he would to theAewes, 
 And from the coinmoneft creature plucke a gloue, 
 And weare it as a fauour, and with that 
 He would vnhorfe theluftiefl ChaUcngcr. 
 
 Kmg H. As diflblutc as dcfpcratc.yct through both 
 I fecfome fprklcs of better hope, which elder ycares 
 May happily bring forth. But who conies here? 
 Enter Au- Auvi. Whcieis the King? (Ibwildly. 
 
 merleamazcd KmgH. WhatmeancsourcooGn thatheftarcsandlookts 
 Aum, God faue your grace, Idobefeechyourmaicftic, 
 To baue fome conference with your grace alone. 
 
King Withdrawe your felues, and leatK v» hecrea!tMer 
 What is the matter with our coolin Aow? 
 
 Jam. Foreuer may ray kn«et growe f o (be earth, 
 My tongue cleauc to my roofc within my itiouth, 
 Vnleflc a pardon ere I rifeorfpeake. 
 
 King Intended, or coinnMtCed,wM thisfauttf 
 If on the fill), how hcynout ere it be, 
 To winnc thy after loue, I pardon thee, 
 
 Aiim. Then»iuemeleaue that I may tume the key, 
 That no man enter till my talc be done. ' 
 Kivg Hauelhydefirc. 
 Torkt My liege beware, looke to thy felf^ 
 Thou haft a traitor in thy prefence there. 
 King Villainc, He make thee fafe. 
 
 Ah. S tay thy reuengcfuli haod,thou hafl: no caufe to fcare. The Duke of 
 Torke Open the doore, fecMre foote,hardy King. Yotke knocks 
 
 Shall I for loue fpeake treaflin to thy face? •' ** ioott^ 
 
 Open the doore. or I wil breakc it open. "* cryeth. 
 
 King What is the matter vncle,ipeake,recouer breath, 
 Tel vs, how ncere is danger. 
 That we may armc vs to encounter if? 
 
 Torkf Pcrufc this writing here, and thou (halt know. 
 The treafon that my hafte forbids me fhew. 
 
 jium. Remember as thou rcad'ft, thy promife paft, 
 I doe repent me, reade not my name there. 
 My heart is not confederate with my hand. 
 
 Torkf It was(Tillaine)erethy hand did (etitdownc: 
 I tore it from the traitors bofome (King) 
 Feare,and not loue, begets his penitence: 
 Forget to pitty him, left thy pitty proue 
 A ferpent, that wil fting thee to the heart. 
 
 King O heynous, ftrong,and bolde c^j^ifpiracy! 
 O loyall father of a treacherous (bnne! 
 Thoa fheere immaculate and filucr Fountaine, 
 From whence this ftreamc through muddy paflage; 
 Hath hald his current, and deHlde himfelfe: 
 Thy oucrflow of good conucrts to bad. 
 And thy aboundant goodncs (hali excufe 
 
 1 Thif 
 
This deadly blot in fKy digrefling fonne. 
 
 Tor. Soflidll my vcttiie, be his vices baude> 
 And he fliali ipend mine honour, with his (haxDt, 
 As thriftles fonnes,thcir fcraping Fathers gold : 
 Mine hojiour hues when hi> dillionour dies, 
 Or my fhamdc life in his dishonour lies : 
 Thou kilft me in his life giuing him breaih, 
 The traitor liues,the true man's pat to death. 
 
 Du. Whr.t ho,my L»<ge, for Gods fake let mc in. 
 King H. What rtirill voicd fupplianr makes tlKs egct crie ? 
 Du. A woman^and thy aunt (great king) tis I, 
 Speake with mc, pitie me, open the uoore, 
 A beggar begs th.t neuer begd before. 
 
 Ki»g Our fcenc is altred from a ierious thing. 
 And now changde to the Be^igar and the King : 
 ^ly dangerous coufin, let your mother in, 
 ] know iiic is come to pr.ny for your fonie finnc. 
 
 Tcrke If thou do pardon wbofoeucr pi ay, 
 More Gnncs for this for ^.iuenes pro/pcr may : 
 This fedred ioynt cut ofF,the reft reft found, 
 This let alone will all the reft confound. 
 
 Dh. Q h king, belecue iloi this hard-hearted man : 
 Loue louingnot icfeHe,none other can. 
 
 Torke Thou frantike woman.whaidoft thou make here? 
 Shal! thy old di'gs once more a traitor reare i 
 
 Du. Swccte Yorke be patient, beare me gentle Liege 
 KirigH. Rtfevp good aunt. 
 Du, Nptyetl thcc befcech. 
 For euer will I walke vpon my kncc^r 
 And neiicrfecdaythjt the happy fees. 
 Till thougiucioy.vntill tlrou bid me ioy, 
 By pardoning Rutland my tranfgreffing boy. 
 
 .Aftm. Vnto my mothers prayers I bend my knee,, 
 Torke Agair.ft them both my trueioynts bcndtd be, 
 111 inayft thou ibriueif thou gr^unc any grace. 
 
 Dh. Pleades he in earncft tlooke ypori his face. 
 His eies do drop no teares, his prayers are in ieft, 
 His words do come from Iws inoutb, ours from our bicaft, 
 
 He 
 
He prayes but faintly, and would be denide. 
 
 We pray with heart and foulc, and all b'efidc: 
 
 His weary bynts would glndly rifejl know, 
 
 Our knees flill kncele til) to the ground they grow: 
 
 His prayers are fiill of falfe hypocrifie, 
 
 Ours of true zcale and dcepe integritie; 
 
 Our prayers do out- pray his, then let ihftnhauc 
 
 That mercy which true prayer ought to haue. 
 
 Kin^ Good Aunt (land vp. 
 
 7)«. Nay, do not fay, ftand vp? 
 Say pardon firfl-, and afterwards ftand vp. 
 And if I were thy nurfe thy tongue to teath, 
 Pardon fhould be the firft word of thy Ipecch: 
 I neuer iongd to heare a word till now, 
 Say pardon king, let piticteach'thce how; 
 The word is fliort, but not fo fliort as fweete, 
 No word hkc pardon for kings moiithes (o meete. 
 
 Torke Speake it in French, King fay, P/irdonne moj. 
 
 Dh, Doft thou reach pardon? pardon to deftroy: 
 Ah roy fowrc husband, my hard hearted Lord! 
 That (ets the word it felfc againft the word; 
 Speake pardon as tis currant in our land, 
 The chopping French we do not vnderftand: 
 Thine cie begins to rpeake,fct thy tongue there. 
 Or in thy piteous heart, plant thou thine eare, 
 That hearing how our plaints and prayers doe pierce, 
 Pilie may raoouc thee pardon to rehcarfc. 
 
 Ki»gH. Good aunt ftand vp. 
 
 Du. I doe not Hie to ftand. 
 Pardon is all the futc I haue in hand. 
 
 King I pardon bim as God fhall pardon me. 
 
 Bu, O happy vantage of a kneeling knee. 
 Yet am I fickc for feare, fpeakc it agaiac, 
 Twice faying pardon, doth not pardon twalne, 
 But makes one pardon ftrong. 
 
 King M, I pardon him with all nsy hearU 
 
 Dtt. A god on earth thou art. 
 
 Kiaff H, But for our trufty brother in lavf aa^lhc Abbofc 
 
 I 2 With 
 
With all tlie rpft of that conforte J cr«w, 
 Dcftniftion ftrait fliall dog them at thehecles. 
 Good vncle,help to order fcuerall powers 
 To Oxford.or where ere thefe traitours are. 
 They ili.ili not Imc within this world I fweare. 
 But 1 will haiic them,if I once know where. 
 Vnde f-irevvell,and coofin adu<i 
 Your mother well hath prayed, and prooue you true. 
 
 'Du. Come my oldc Tonne, I pray God make thee iKW. 
 
 Exton Didit thou not marke the K. what words he fpakc'^ 
 Haue I nofnendwilridmeof clusiiuingfeare? 
 Was it not (6i 
 
 lMm. Thefcwcrehisvcrywordcs. 
 
 RxiuHt. Exitu HaucTnoiriendquothhe^hefpakeittwictj, 
 
 ^'""' l''.„« And vrgde it twice together, did he not? 
 Pierce Eston ,>• ■»» j i * 
 gjj AYan. Media. 
 
 ExtfH Andrpeakingir,hewiniylooktoti)ne, 
 
 As who (hould fay, I would thou wert the man. 
 
 That would diuorce this terror from my heart, 
 
 Meaning the King at Ttrnfiet. Come, lets go, 
 
 I am the Kings friend,and will rid his foe. 
 
 Enter Pj > \ich. I haue beene fludying how to compare 
 
 cbard alone. This prifon where I liue,vi)to the world: 
 And rotbecaufe-the world is populous. 
 And heere is nota creature but my felfe, 
 1 cannot doe it .■ yet He hammer it out: 
 My braine He prooue the female to my (bule. 
 My foule the father, and thefe two beget 
 A generation of Oill- breeding thoughts: 
 And thefe fame thoughts people this little world. 
 In humours like the people of this world: 
 For no rhoughr is contented : the better fort, 
 As thoughts of things diuine are intermixt 
 With fcruples, v4 do fet the word it felfe 
 Againfl thy word.as ihustCome little ones, aod then againe, 
 It is atiiard to rorae as (or a Catpmcll 
 To thrced the fmall pofterne ofa fmall needles eye: 
 Tlwii^ts lihding to ambition tliey doe plot 
 
 Vn- 
 
King 'K.iebardibefieaid. 
 VnWcely wonders ; how ihefc vainc weake naylc« 
 May tearc a paflagethorow the flinty ;ribs 
 Of this hard world, roy ragzcd prifon walles; 
 And for they cannot die in theirowne pride^ 
 Thoughts tending to content , flatter ibemreluei. 
 That they are not the firft of fortunes flaucj. 
 Nor /hall not be the lad, like ffeiy beggar^) 
 Who fitting in the ftockcj, refuge their /hamc, 
 That many haue^ and others mu(t lit there. 
 And in this thought they Hnde a kindeof eafc-. 
 Bearing their owne misfortunes on the backe 
 Of fucTi as hauc before indurde the like. 
 Thus play I in one prifon many people. 
 And none contented ; (bmetimes am la King, 
 Then treafbns make me wiQi my (clfc a beggar, 
 And fo I amithen crudiing pcnurie 
 Perfwades me I was better when a King, 
 Then am I a king againe, and by and by, 
 Thinke that I am vnkingde by Biillingbrooke, 
 And ftrait am nothing. But what ere 1 be, 
 Nor I, nor any man, that but man is, 
 With nothing Ihall be pleafde, till he be eafde, 
 With beingnothing. MuHcke do I heare, t^ mitfickt ^inirs. 
 Ha ha, keepe time, how fowre fweete oiuficke isi 
 When time is broke, and no proportion kcpt3 
 So is it in the mulicke of mens hues : 
 And here haue I the daintintfle of eare 
 To checke time broke in difordercd ftring: 
 But for the concord o( ray (late and time. 
 Hud tiot an eare to heare my true time broke, 
 I wafted time, and now doth time wade me: 
 For now hath time made his nambring clocke; 
 My thoughts arc minutes,. and with flghf s they iarre, 
 Tbeir watches on vnro mme eyes the outward watch 
 Whf f cto my finger like a dialles poyrt 
 ii f)oVnting ftillj in dcanfingthem from teares. 
 Now fir, the found that tells what omire it is 
 Arc clamorous groancs, which ftnkc vpon my heart. 
 Which is the bell: fo fighes, and (e9rcs,and groancs, 
 
 1 J Shew 
 
ThtTrngeiieof 
 
 Shew minates, times, and houres : but my time 
 Riinnes poding on in Butlingbrookes provtrd idy. 
 While 1 (land fooling hrere his iacke oftheiciocke: 
 This muficke maddes tne, let it found no more, 
 For though it ha«ic holpc mad men to their witts, 
 In me it fcemes it will make wife men niadj 
 Yet bleffiiig on his heart that giues it me, 
 For t'is a figne of loue : and lone to Richard, 
 lia ftr,in?.c brooch in thi? al- hating world. 
 
 nHtimGroom Grooms. HpileroyailPrince. 
 
 oftbeftMiit. %tcl3. Thanks noble pearc 
 
 The che^pci't of vs is ten groats too deare. 
 What ait rhoU, nr.d howcomeft thou hither, 
 Where no munocticrcomcsbutthat (ad dog, 
 That brings me food to make mi jfertuiie lure^ 
 
 Graeme. I was a pooi c groome of tliy ftable King, 
 When thou wcrt King : who irauclling towards Yoike, 
 With much adoe (at length) haue gotten leaue, 
 To lookc vpon my fometimes royall tnafteufacc: 
 Oh how it ernd my heact, wh«n I beheld 
 In Lonc^on (Ireetes that Corona (ion day, 
 When BuHingbrooke rode on Ro:ineBaii>ar)e, 
 Ttiat hor(c,chat thou fo often ha(i bedride. 
 That horfe, that I f» carcfiilly haue drcft. 
 
 ^irh. Rode be on Barbaric , tell me gentle friend, 
 How went hevnderhim? 
 Groome, So prowdly, as if he difdainde the ground. 
 %ich. So prowdjhdt Bullingbrool^e was on his backc: 
 T hat lade hath cate bread from my royall hand; 
 This hand hath made him prowd with clapping him: 
 Would he not flumblc} wodd he not fall downc.' 
 Since pride muft haue a fall, and breakc the necke 
 Of that prowd man, that did vfurpc his backc? 
 Foigiuencs horfe, whv doe 1 rayle on thee? 
 Since thou created to be awde by man, 
 Waft borne to brare, I was not made a hotfe, 
 Andyetlbeareaijurthcn likeanalTe, 
 Spurrde, galld, and tyrdc by iaunang Bullingbrookc, 
 Kfcfcr Fellow giue place, here is no bngei ftay. 
 
 T\ichr, 
 
Meat. 
 
 Exitvrotntt. 
 
 The murdtrer$ 
 rujhin. 
 
 Mere ZxUit 
 JinJ^himdtwn, 
 
 KiKg %iehard the/iccnd. 
 'J{icb, If thou lone roe, lis lime thou werJ away 
 Gretme What my tongue dares not , that my heart (hi\ dy, '*'"' "" " 
 Kefper MyLord,wilrplcarcyoueofaHto? p.vi...j~../ 
 
 Rich. Tafte of it firft, as thou art wont to do. 
 Keeper My Lord I darenof, fit Pierce of Exton, 
 Who lately came from the King, coniroands the contrary, 
 I{ich. The diuell lake Henry of Lancaftcr, and ehec, 
 Patience is ftale, and I am weary of it, 
 Kttper Helpe,helpc,helpe. 
 
 ^ck How now.wbatmeanes Death in this rudeaffauk? 
 Villaine thy owne hand yeelds tliy deaths innrument, 
 Goe thou and fill inother roomc in heH. 
 
 B^ich. That hand ftiall burnein neuer-qMenching fire, 
 Tbatflasgers-thus my perfon : Exion, rhy fierce hand 
 Hath witn the kings blood ftainci the kings owne land,, 
 Mount,mount my fovile, thy fcate is vp oahie, 
 Whilft my groffc flefh finkes downcward here to die. 
 
 Extort Asfiillofvalure a<of royall blood: 
 Both haue I fpilld,Oh would the deed were g«od! 
 For now the diueil that tpld me I did well, 
 Saies!rhat this deed is chronicled in bell: 
 This deid kino tathe hum;; king lie bearc, 
 Take hence the reft, arnl giue them buriall here. 
 
 Kiig Kind vncklc Yorke.thc lateft newes we hcate, 
 Is, th.it the rebels haue confumed with fire 
 Our tcwne of Cicctcr in Glocefterfliire; 
 Rut whether they b" taneorflaine, wehearenofi 
 Welcome my LorJi what is. thcnewcs? 
 
 North. Fuft to thy facred ftate wkfli I all happinellc, 
 The n.xt newes iSi I haueto London fent, 
 The heads of Oxford, Salisburie, and Kent: 
 The manner of their taking may appears 
 At large difcoiirfed in this paper here. 
 
 King We thankc thee gencle Percie for thy paynes, 
 And to thy worth will adde right woithic gaines. » 
 
 Titz.. My f-ord, I hauo frora O xford fent to London) 
 The heads of Broccas, and fir Bcnct Seeiy, 
 Two of the dangerous con&rte4.trai:ours, 
 Tbac fought at Oxford thy dire oucnhrow, 
 
 Hnter SitUin^- 
 knokf tuith iht 
 
 'Enter J^r- 
 ^wmbtrUni. 
 
 ■.Enter Lerde 
 TitT^Hters. 
 
 Kftfr. 
 
!_. Iter Henry 
 ji'ercie. 
 
 Enter Exton 
 with the cot- 
 
 Klri^ Thy paincs Fitz. fhall not be forgot, 
 Right noble » thy merit well 1 wot. 
 
 'Ptrcit The grand confpirator Abbot of tVeiim'msier, 
 W Jtii dogjc of confcicnce and fowre uiclancholie, 
 Hath yeelded vp his body to ihegraue: 
 But here is C^Wf^/liumg, to abide 
 Thy kingly doomc,and Icntcnce ofhis pride. 
 
 King Cdrltii, this is your doom«, 
 Chufc out forec fecrct place,fomc rccerend rooDie 
 h\ ore then thou haft, and with it ioy thy life. 
 So as thou li ift in pcacf , die free from ftrifi:: 
 For though mine enemy thou hafl eucr beene. 
 High fparkes of honour in jhcc haue I feene. 
 
 Eicton Great King, within this coffin 1 prefent 
 Thy buried feare : hccrrin ai! breathlcffclies 
 The mighticrtoftiiy ereatefi enemies, 
 I{fchiirdof'BHrdejiMX,by me hither brought. 
 
 King Extrn, I tbanlce thee not,for thou haft wrought 
 A dccde of Haught r with thy fatall hand, 
 Ypon my hS^d, and all this famous land. 
 
 Exton From your owne raouth,my Lo: did I thiis dccdc. 
 King They loue not poifo'n rhat do poifon necdc, 
 Nor doe I thee, though I did wifli himdcad, 
 I hare the murthcrer,iouc him murthercd: 
 The guilt of confcicnce take thou for thy labour, 
 But neither my good word, nor princely fauour: 
 With Catue goe wander through the fliadc of nighc, 
 And neuer /hew thy head by day nor light. 
 Loids.I proteftmyfouleisfuJlof woe, 
 That bloud fhould fprinclcle me to make me growr 
 Come mourne with me, for what I doe lament, 
 And put on fullcn blaclce incontinent: 
 1 le make a voyage to the Holy land. 
 To wa(h this bloud ofFfroro Biy guilty hand 
 March fadly after, grace my mournings hcere. 
 In weeping after this vtitimcly Bcertf. 
 
 Frftrs.