CforttcU Hnioeraitg ffiibrarg 3ti|aca, ISStto $ottt BOUGHT WrTH THE INCOME OF THE JACOB H. SCHIFF ENDOWMENT FOR THE PROMOTION OF STUDIES IN HUMAN CIVILIZATION 1918 Date Due JU L 2 'i 19 57 K D MftR^MasgM? ?^^ia2wi^ (Wy Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027831092 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY HENRY MORGENTHAU American Ambassador at Constantinople from 1913 to 1916 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY BY HENRY MORGENTHAU Formerly American Ambassador to Turkey ILLUSTRATED Gabden City New Yohk DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY 1918 ]j.l) PREFACE BY THIS time the American people have proba- I bly become convinced that the Germans delib- erately planned the conquest of the world. Yet they hesitate to convict on circumstantial evi- dence and for this reason all eye witnesses to this, the greatest crime in modern history, should volunteer their testimony. I have therefore laid aside any scruples I had as to the propriety of disclosing to my fellow countrymen the facts which I learned while representing them in Turkey. I acquired this knowledge as the servant of the American people, and it is their property as much as it is mine. I greatly regret that I have been obliged to omit an account of the splendid activities of the American Missionary and Educational Institutions in Turkey, but to do justice to this subject would require a book by itself. - I have had to omit the story of the Jews in Turkey for the same reasons. My thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Burton J. Hendrick, for the invaluable assistance he has ren- dered in the preparation of the book. Henry Morgenthau. October, 1918. CONTENTS FAQB I. A German superman at Constantinople . 3 n. The "Boss Systeni" in the Ottoman Em- pire and how it proved useful to Ger- many 20 ni. "The personal representative of the Kaiser." Wangenheim opposes the sale of American \^arship@ to Greece . 41 rV. Germany mobilizes the Turkish army . 61 V. Wangenheim smuggles the Goeben and the Breslau through the Dardanelles . 68 VI. Wangenhei u tells the American Ambas- sador how the Kaiser (started the war . 82 Vn. Germany's plans for new territoriesj coal- ing stations, and indemnities ... 90 Vlll. A classic instance of German propaganda 96 IX. Germany closes the Dardanelles and so separates Russia from her Allies . 105 X. Turkey's abrogation of the Ciapitula- tions. Enver living in a palace, with plenty of money and an imperial bride 112 XI. Germany forces Turkey into the war . 123 CONTENTS CHAFTEB Xn. The Turks attempt to treat alien en- emies decently, but the Germans insist on persecuting them . . 130 XIII. The invasion of the Notre Dame de Sion School 147 XIV. Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel Company. A "Holy War" that was made in Germany .... 157 XV. Djemal, a troublesome Mark Antony. The first German attempt to get a German peace 171 XVI. The Turks prepare to flee from Con- stantinople and establish a new cap- ital in Asia Minor. The Allied fleet bombarding the Dardanelles . . 184 XVII. Enver as the man who demonstrated "the vulnerability of the British fleet." Old-fashioned defenses of the Dardanelles 202 XVIII. The AlKed armada sails away, though on the brink of victory .... 217 XIX. A fight for three thousand civilians . XX. More adventures of the foreign resi- dents 253 XXI. Bulgaria on the auction block . . XXn. The Turk reverts to the ancestral type 274 XXni. The "Revolution" at Van ... 293 CHAPTER XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. CONTENTS The murder of a nation XI PAGE 301 Talaat tells why he deports the Arme- nians 326 Enver Pasha discusses the Armenians "I shall do nothing for the Armenians," says the German Ambassador . Enver again moves for peace. Fare- well to the Sultan and to Turkey . Von Jagow, Zimmermann, and German- Americans 385 397 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Henry Morgenthau Frontispiece FACDIQ PAGE Mrs. Henry Morgenthau 8 Constantinople from the American Embassy . . 9 Beylerbey palace on the Bosphorus .... 16 The American Embassy at Constantinople . . 16 Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador to Turkey, 1913-1916 17 Talaat Pasha, ex-Grand Vizier of Turkey. . . 48 Turkish infantry and cavalry 49 Bustany EfFendi 56 Mohammed V, late Sultan of Turkey .... 57 Wangenheim, the German Ambassador ... 68 The Sultan, Mohammed V, going to his regular Friday prayers 72 Talaat and Enver at a military review ... 73 Baron Von Wangenheim, German Ambassador to Turkey 80 Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine 81 The Marquis Garroni, Italian Ambassador to the Sublime Porte in 1914 112 M. TochefiF, Bulgarian Minister at Constantinople 112 The American summer Embassy on the Bosphorus 113 mi xiv ILLUSTRATIONS FACraO FAOB Enver Pasha, Minister of War 120 SaJid Halim, Ex-grand Vizier 121 Sir Louis Mallet 136 Gen. Liman von Sanders 137 German and Turkish officers on board the Goeben 144 Bedri Bey, Prefect of Police at Constantinople . 145 Djavid Bey, Minister of Finance in Turkish Cabinet 145 The British Embassy 176 Robert College at Constantinople 177 The American Embassy Staff 184 The Modem Turkish soldier 185 The Mmistry of War 200 The Mmistry of Marme 200 HamBeymBerlm 201 Talaat and Kiihlmann 201 General Mertens 201 The Red Crescent 208 Enver Pasha 209 Turkish quarters at the Dardanelles .... 240 Looking north to the city of Gallipoli .... 241 The British ship ^Z6io?i 248 The Dardanelles as it was March 16, 1915 . . 249 Tchemenlik and Fort Anadolu Hamidie . . . 264 Fort Dardanos 265 ILLUSTRATIONS xv VACIHQ PAGE The American ward of the Turkish hospital . . 272 Students of the Constantinople College , . . 2,73 Abdul Hamid 304 A characteristic view of the Armenian country . 305 Fishing village on Lake Van 312 Refugees at Van crowding around a public oven, ' hoping to get bread 313 Van in ruins 328 Interior of the Armenian church at Urfa . . . 329 Armenian soldiers 336 Those who fell by the wayside 337 A view of Harpoot 337 View of Urfa 368 A relic of the Armenian massacres at Erzingan . 368 The funeral of Baron von Wangenheim . . 369 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY CHAPTER I A GERMAN SUPERMAN AT CONSTANTINOPIE WHEN I began writing these reminiscences of my ambassadorship, Germany's schemes in the Turkish Empire and the Near East seemed to have achieved a temporary success. The Central Powers had apparently disintegrated Russia, transformed the Baltic and the Black seas into German lakes, and had obtained a new route to the East by way of the Caucasus. For the time being Germany domi- nated Serbia, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Turkey, and re- garded her aspirations for a new Teutonic Empire, ex- tending from the North Sea to the Persian Gulf, as practically realized. The world now knows, though it did not clearly understand this fact in 1914, that Ger- many precipitated the war to destroy Serbia, seize con- trol of the Balkan nations, transform Turkey into a vassal state, and thus obtain a huge oriental empire that would form the basis for unlimited world dominion. Did these German aggressions in the East mean that this extensive programme had succeeded? As I picture to myself a map which would show Germany's military and diplomatic triumphs, my experiences in Constantinople take on a new meaning. I now see the events of those twenty-six months as 4 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY part of a connected, definite story. The several in- dividuals that moved upon the scene now appear as players in a carefully staged, superbly managed drama. I see clearly enough now that Germany had made all her plans for world dominion and that the country to which I had been sent as American Ambassador was one of the foundation stones of the Kaiser's whole politi- cal and military structure. Had Germany not acquu-ed control of Constantinople in the early days of the war, it is not unlikely that hostilities would have ended a few months after the Battle of the Mame. It was certainly an amazing fate that landed me in this great head- quarters of intrigue at the very moment when the plans of the Kaiser for controlling Turkey, which he had care- fully pursued for a quarter of a century, were about to achieve their final success. For this work of subjugating Turkey, and transformr ing its army and its territory into instruments of Ger- many, the Emperor had sent to Constantinople an ambassador who was ideally fitted for the task. The mere fact that the Kaiser had personally chosen Baron Von Wangenheim for this post shows that he had accu- rately gauged the human qualities needed in this great diplomatic enterprise. The Kaiser had early detected in Wangenheim an in- strument ideally qualified for oriental intrigue; he had more than once summoned him to Corfu for his vacations, and here, we may be sure, the two congenial spirits had passed many days discussing German ambitions in the Near East. At the time when I first met him, Wangen- heim was fifty-four years old; he had spent a quarter of a century in the diplomatic corps, he had seen service in such different places as Petrogra^i, Copenhagen, Madrid, AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 5 Athens, and Mexico, and he had been charge at Con- stantinople, several years afterward coining there as am- bassador. He understood completely all counties, including the United States; his first wife had been an American, and Wangenheim, when Minister to Mexico, had intimately studied our country and had then acquired an admiration for our energy and progress. He had a complete technical equipment for a diplomat; he spoke German, English, and French with etjual facility, he knew the East thoroughly, and he had the widest acquaintance with public men. Physically he was one of the most imposing persons I have ever known . "When I was a boy in Germany, the Fatherland was usually symbolized as a beautiful and powerful woman — a kind of dazzling Valkyrie; when I think of modem Germany, however, the massive, burly figure of Wangen- heim naturally presents itself to my mind. He was six feet two inches tall; his huge, soHd frame, his Gibraltar- like shoulders, erect and impregnable, his bold, defiant head, his piercing eyes, his whole physical structure con- stantly pulsating with life and activity — there stands, I would say, not the Germany which I had known, but the Germany whose Hmitless ambitions had transformed the world into a place of horror. And Wangenheim's every act and every word typified this new and dreadful portent among the nationis. Pan-Germany filled all his waking hours and directed his every action. The deification of his emperor was the only religious in- stinct which impelled him. That iaristocratie and auto- cratic organization of German society which represents the Prussian system was, in Wangenheim's eyes, some- thing to be venerated and worshipped; with this as the groundwork, Germany was inevitably destined, / 6 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY he believed, to rule the world. The great land-owning Junker represented the perfection of mankind. "I would despise myself," his closest associate once told me, and this represented Wangenheim's attitude as well, "if I had been bom in a city." Wangenheim divided mankind into two classes, the governing and the governed; and he ridiculed the idea that the upper could ever be recruited from the lower. I recall with what unction and enthusiasm he used to describe the Emperor's caste organization of German estates; how he had made them non-transferable, and had even arranged it so that the possessors, or the prospective possessors, could not marry without the imperial consent. "In this way," Wangenheim would say, " we keep our governing classes pure, unmixed of blood." Like all of his social order, Wangenheim worshipped the Prussian military system; his splendid bearing showed that he had himself served in the army, and, in true German fashion, he regarded practically every situation in life from a military standpoint. I had one curious illustration of this when I asked Wangenheim one day why the Kaiser did not visit the United States. "He would like to immensely," he replied, "but it would be too dangerous. War might break out when he was at sea, and the enemy would capture him." I suggested that that couJd hardly happen as the American Government would escort its guest home with warships, and that no nation would care to run the risk of involving the United States as Germany's ally; but Wangenheim still thought that the military danger would make any such visit impossible. Upon him, more than almost any diplomatic representative of Germany, depended the success of AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 7 the Kaiser's conspiracy for world domination. This German diplomat came to Constantinople with a single pmT)ose. For twenty years the German Government had been cultivating the Turkish Empire. All this time the Kaiser had been preparing for a world war, and in this war it was destined that Turkey should play an almost decisive part. Unless Germany should obtain the Ottoman Empire as its ally, there was little chance that she could succeed in a general European con- flict. When France had made her alliance with Russia, the man power of 170,000,000 people was placed on her side, in the event of a war with Germany. For more than twenty years Germany had striven diplomatically to detachRussiafrom this French alliance, but hadfailed. There was only one way in which Germany could make valueless the Franco-Russian AlUance; this was by obtaining Turkey as an ally. With Turkey on her side, Germany could close the Dardanelles, the only practical line of communication between Russia and her western allies; this simple act would deprive the Czar's army of war munitions, destroy Russia economi- cally by stopping her grain exports, her greatest source of wealth, and thus detach Russia from her partners in the World War. Thus Wangenheim's mission, was to make it absolutely certain that Turkey should join Germany in the great contest that was impending. Wangenheim believed that, should he succeed in accomplishing this task, he would reap the reward which for years had represented his final goal — the chancellor- ship of the Empire. His skill at establishing friendly personal relations with the Turks gave him a great advantage over his rivals. Wangenheim had precisely that combination of force, persuasiveness, geniality, and 8 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY brutality wlieh was needed in dealing with the Turkish character. I have emphasized his Prussian qualities; yet Wangeaheim was a Prussian not by birth but by development; he was a native of Thurmgen, and, to- gether with all the push, ambition, and overbearmg traits of the Prussian, he had some of the softer characteristics which we associate with Southern Germany. He had one conspicuous quaUty which is not Prussian at all —that is, tact; and, as a rule, he succeeded in keep- ing his less-agreeable tendencies under the surface and showing only his more ingratiatmg side. He domi- nated not so much by brute strength as by a mixture of force and amiability; externally he was not a bully; his manner was more insinuating than coercive; he won by persuasiveness, not by the mailed fist, but we who knew him well understood that back of all his gentleness there lurked a terrific, remorsdiess, and definite ambition. Yet the impression left was not one of brutaUty, but of excessive animal spirits and good nature. Indeed, Wangenheim had in combination the jovial enthusiasm of a college student, the rapacity of a Prussian official, and the happy-go-lucky qualities of a man of the world. I still recall the picture of this huge figure of a man, sitting at the piano, improvising on some beautiful classic theme — ^and then suddenly starting to poimd out uproarious German drinking songs or popular melodies. I still see him jumping on his horse at the polo grounds, spurring the splendid animal to its speediest efforts — ^the horse never making sufficient speed, however, to satisfy the ambitious sports- man. Indeed, in all his activities, grave or gay, Wangen- heim displayed this same restless spirit of the chase. Whether he was ffirting with the Greek ladies at Pera, or MRS. HENRY MORGENTHAU Wife of the American Ambassadror at Constantinople from 1913 to 1916 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 9 spMiding hours over the card table at the Cercle d' Orient, or bending the Turkish officials to his will in the interest of Germany, all Hf e was to him a game, which was to be played more or less recklessly, and in which the chances favoured the man who was bold and auda- cious and willing to pin success or failure on a single throw. And this greatest game of all — ^that upon which was staked, a,s Bernhardi has expressed it, "World empire or downfall" — Wangenheim did not play lan- guidly, as though it had been merely a duty to which he had been assigned; to use the German phrase, he was "fire and flame" for it; he had the consciousness that he was a strong man selected to perform a mighty task. As I write of Wangenheim, I still feel myself affected by the force of his personality, yet I know all the time that, like the government which he served so loyally, he was fundamentally ruthless, shameless, and cruel. But he was content to accept all the consequences of his poKcy, however hideous these might be. He saw only a single goal, and, with the reahsm and logic that are so characteristically German, Wangenheim would brush aside all feelings of humanity and decency that might interfere with success. He accepted in full Bismarck's famous dictum that a German must be ready to sacri- fice for Kaiser and Fatherland not only his life but his honour as well. Just as Wangenheim personified Germany, so did his colleague, Pallavicini, personify Austria. Wangen- heim's essential quality was a brutal egotism, while Pallavicini was a quiet, kind-hearted, delightfuDy mannered gentleman, Wangenheim was always look- ing to the future, Pallavicini to the past. Wangenheim represented the mixture of commercialism and medie- 10 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY val lust for conquest which constitute Prussian wdt- politik; Pallavicini was a diplomat left over from the days of Metternich. "Germany wants this!" Wan- genheim would insist, when an important point had to be decided; "I shall consult my foreign office," the cautious Pallavicini would say, on a similar occasion. The Austrian, with little upturned gray moustaches, with a rather stiff, even slightly strutting, walk, looked like the old-fashioned Marquis that was once a stock figure on the stage. I might compare Wangenheim with the representative of a great business firm which was lavish in its expenditures and unscrupulous in its methods, while his Austrian colleague represented a house that prided itself on its past achievements and was entirely content with its position. The same delight that Wangenheim took in Pan-German plans, Pallavicini found in all the niceties and obscurities of diplomatic technique. The Austrian had represented his country in Turkey many years, and was the dean of the corps, a dignity of which he was extremely proud. He found his delight in upholding all the honours, of his position; he was expert in arranging the order of precedence at ceremonial dinners, and there was not a smgle detail of etiquette that he did not have at his fingers' ends. When it came to affairs of state, however, he was merely a tool of Wangenheim. From the first, indeed, he seemed to accept his position as that of a diplomat who was more or less subject to the will of his more powerful ally. In this way Palla- vicini played to his German colleague precisely the same part that his emperor was playing to that of the Kaiser. In the early months of the war the bearing of these two men completely mirrored the respective AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 11 successes and failiires of their countries. As. the Ger- mans boasted of victory after victory Wangenheim's akeady huge and erect figure seemed to become larger and more upstanding, while Pallavicini, as the Austrians lost battle after battle to the Russians, seemed to become smaller and more shrinking. The situation in Turkey, in these critical months, seemed almost to have been purposely created to give the fullest opportunities to a man of Wangenheim's genius. For ten years the Turkish Empire had been undergoing a process of dissolution, and had now reached a state of decrepitude that had left it an easy prey to German diplomacy. In order to understand the situa- tion, We must keep in mind that there was really no orderly, established government in Turkey at that time. For the Young Turks were not a government; they were reaUy an irresponsible party, a kind of secret society, which, by intrigue, intimidation, and assassina- tion, had obtained most of the offices of state. When I describe the Yoimg Turks in these words, per- haps I may be dispelling certain illusions. Before I came to Turkey I had entertained very different ideas of this organization. As far back as 1908 I remember reading news of Turkey that appealed strongly to my democratic sympathies. These reports informed me that a body of young revolutionists had swept from the mountains of Macedonia, had marched upon Con- stantinople, had deposed the bloody Sultan, Abdul Hamid, and had established a constitutional system. Turkey", these glowing newspaper stories told us, had become a democracy, with a parliament, a responsible ministry, universal suffrage, equality of all citizens before the law, freedom of speech and of the press, and 12 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY all the other essentials of a free, liberty-loving common- wealth. That a party of Turks had tap years been struggling for such reforms I well knew, and that their ambitions had become realities seemed to indicate that, after all, there was such a thing as human prog- ress. The long welter of massacre and disorder m the Turkish Empire had apparently ended; "the great assassin", Abdul Hamid, had been removed to soUtary confinement at Saloniki, and his brother, the gentle Mohammed V, had ascended the throne with a pro- gressive democratic programme. Such had been the promise; but, by the time I reached Constantinople, in 1913, many changes had taken place. Austria had annexed two Turkish provinces, Bosnia and Herzego- vina; Italy had wrenched away Tripoli; Turkey had fought a disastrous war with the Balkan states, and had lost all hee territories in Europe except Constantinople and a small hiuterland. The aims for the regeneration of Turkey that had inspired the revolution had evi- dently miscarried, and I soon discovered that four years of so-called democratic rule had ended with the nation more degraded, more impoverished, and more dis- membered than ever before. Indeed, long before I had arrived, this attempt to establish a Turkish democ- racy had failed. The failure was probably the most comf)lete and the most disheartening in the whole history of democratic institutions. I need hardly explam in detail the causes of this collapse. Let us not criticize too harshly the Young Turks, for there is no question that, at the beginnmg, they were sincere. In a speech in Liberty Square, Saloniki, in July, 1908, Enver Pasha, who was popularly regarded as the chival- rous young leader of this insuirection against a century- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 13 old tyranny, had eloquently declared that, "To-day arbiteaay government has disappeared. We are all brothers. There are no longer in Turkey Biilgarians, Greeks, Servians, Rumanians, Mussulmans, Jews. Under the same blue sky we are all proud to be Otto- mans." That statement represented the Yoimg Tiu-k ideal for the new Turkish state, but it was an ideal which it was evidently beyond their ability to translate into a reality. The races which had been maltreated and mas- sacred for centuries by the Turks could not transform themselves overnight into brothers, and the hatreds, jealousies, and religious prejudices of the past still divided Turkey into a medley of warring clans. Above all, the destructive wars and the loss of great sections of the Turkish Empire had destroyed the prestige of the new demooracy. There were plenty of oth&c reasons for the failure, but it is hardly ineeessary to discuss them at this time. Thus the Yoxmg Turks had disappeared as a positive regenerating force, but they still existed as a politick nf^ac^iine. Their leaders, Talaat, Enver, iand DjemaJ, had long isince abandoned any expecta;tion of ref onziing theo: State, but they liad developed an insatiable lust for personal power. Instead of a nation of nearly 20,000,000, dei5€ibping happily along democratic lines, eojei^jdiig suffrage, building up their industry and agriculture, laying the foundations for universal educa- tion, sanitalion, and general progress, I saw that Turkey consisted of merely so many inarticulate, ignorant, and p6ve(rty-ridden slaves, with a small, wicked oligarchy at the top, which was prepared to use them in the way that would best promote its private interests. And these men were praciacaHy the same who, a few years 14 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY before, had made Turkey a constitutional state. A more bewildering fall from the highest idealism to the crassest materiahsm could not be imagined. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal were the ostensible leaders, yet back of them was the Committee, consisting of about forty men. This committee met secretly, manipulated elections, and filled the offices with its own henchmen. It occupied abuildingin Constantinople, and had a supreme chief who gave all his time to its affairs and issued orders to his subordinates. This functionary ruled the party and the country something like an American city boss in our most unregenerate days; and^the whole organization thus furnished a typical illustration of what we sometimes describe as "invisible government." This kind of irresponsible control has at times flourished in American cities, mainly because the citizens have devoted all their time to their private affairs and thus neglected the public good. But in Turkey the masses were altogether too ignorant to imderstand the meaning of democracy, and the bankruptcy and general vicissi- tudes of the country had left the nation with practically no government and an easy prey to a determined band of adventurers. The Committee of Union and Prog- ress, with Talaat Bey as the most powerful leader, constituted such a band. Besides the forty men in Constantinople, sub-committees were organized in all important cities of the empire. The men whom the Committee placed in power "took orders" and made the appointments submitted to them. No man could hold an office, high or low, who was not indorsed by this committee. I must admit, however, that I do our corrupt Ameri- can gangs a great injustice in comparing them with AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 15 the Turkish Committee of Union and Progress. Ta- laat, Enver, and Djemal had added to their system a detail that has not figured extensively in American politics — that of assassination and judicial murder. They had wrested power from the other factions by a deed of violence. This coup d'Stat had taken place on January 26, 1913, not quite a year before my arrival. At that time a political group, headed by the venerable Kiamil Pasha, as Grand Vizier, and Nazim Pasha, as Minister of War, controlled the Government; they repre- sented a faction known as the "Liberal Party," which was chiefly distinguished for its enmity to the Young Turks. These men had fought the disastrous Balkan War, and, in January, they had felt themselves com- pelled to accept the advice of the European powers and surrender Adrianople to Bulgaria. The Young Turks had been outside the breastworks for about six months looking for an opportunity to return to power. The proposed surrender of Adrianople apparently furnished them this opportunity. Adrianople was an important Turkish city, and naturally the Turkish people regarded the contemplated surrender as marking still another milestone toward their national doom. Talaat and Enver hastily collected about two hundred followers and marched to the Sublime Porte, where the ministry was then sitting. Nazim, hearing the uproar, stepped out into the hall. He courageously faced the crowd, a ciga- rette in his mouth and his hands thrust into his pockets. "Come, boys," he said, good humouredly, "what's all this noise about\ Don't you know that it is interfering with our deliberations.''" The words had hardly left his mouth when he fell dead. A bullet had pierced a vital spot. 16 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU^S STORY The mob, led by Talaat and Enver, then forced their way into the council chamber. They forced Kiamili the Grand Vizier, to resign his post by threatening him with the fate that had overtaken Nazim. As assassination had been the means by which these chief tains had obtained the supreme power, so^ssassina^ tion continued to be the instrument upon which they depended for maintaining their control. Djemal, jin addition to his other duties, became Military Gov^soor of Constantinople, and in this capacity he had contnol of the police; in this office he developed all the talents of a Fouche, and did his work so successfully that any man who wished to conspire against the Young Turks usually retired for that puipose to Paris or Athens. The few months that preceded my arrival had beeli a reign of terror. The Young Turks had destroyed Abdul Hamid's regime only to adopt that Sultan's favourite methods of quieting opposition. Instead of having one Abdul Hamid, TuAey now discovered that she had several. Men were arrested and deport^ by the score, and hangings of poKtical offenders — opponents, that is, of the ruling gang — were common occurrences. The weakness of the Sultan particularly facilitated the ascendancy of this committee. We must remember that Mohammed V was not only Sultan but Caliphc- not only the temporal ruler, but also head of the Mohammedan Church. As religious leader he was an object of veneration to milUons of devout Moslem^, a fact which would have given a strong man in his por- tion great influence in freeing Turkey from its Op- pressors. I presume that even those who had the most kindly feelings toward the Sultan would n0t BEYLERBEY PALACE ON THE BOSPHORUS Where Abdul Hamid was confined from the time when he was taken from Salouiki until his recent death — a photograph taken from the launch of the Scorpion, the American guardship at Constantinople THE AMERICAN EMBASSY AT CONSTANTINOPLE Where Ambassador Morgenthau conducted American diplomatic affairs from the fall of 1913 to the spring of 1916. After Turkey came into the war Mr. Morgenthau accepted charge of the affairs of nine other nations AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 17 have described him aa an energetic, masterful man. It is a miracle that the circumstances which fate had forced upon Mohammed had not long since completely destroyed him. He was a brother of Abdul Hamid — Gladstone's "great assassin" — a man who ruled by espionage and bloodshed^ and who had no more con- sideration for his own relatives than for the massacred Armenians. One of Abdul Hamid's first acts, when he ascended the throne, was to shut up his heir apparent in a palace, surrounding him with spies, restricting him for society to his harem and a few palace fxmctionaries, and constantly holding over his head the fear of assassi- nation. Naturally Mohammed's education had been limited; he spoke only Turkish, and his only means of learning about the outside world was an occasional Turkish newspaper. So long as he remained quiescent, the heir apparent was comfortable and fairly secure, but he knew that the first sign of revolt, or even a too curious interest in what was going on, would be the signal for his death. Hard as this ordeal was, it had not destroyed what was fundamentally a benevolent, gentle nature. The Sultan had no characteristics that suggested the "terrible Turk." He was simply a quiet, easy-going, gentlemanly old man. Everybody liked him and I do not think that he harboured ill-feeling against a human soul. He could not rule his empire, for he had had no preparation for such a difficult task; he took a certain satisfaction in his title and in the consciousness that he was a lineal descendant of the great Osman; clearly, however, he could not oppose the schemes of the men who were then struggling for the control of Turkey. In the replacement of Abdul Hamid, as his master, by Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, the Sullen 18 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY had not greatly improved his personal position. The Committee of Union and Progress ruled him precisely as they ruled all the rest of Turkey — by intimidation. Indeed they had aheady given him a sample of their power, for the Sultan had attempted on one occasion to assert his independence, and the conclusion of this episode left no doubt as to who was master. A group of thirteen "conspirators" and other criminals, some real ones, others merely political offenders, had been sen- tenced to be hanged. Among them was an imperial son-in-law. Before the execution could take place the Sultan had to sign the death warrants. He begged that he be permitted to pardon the imperial son-in-law, though he raised no objection to viseing the hangings of the other twelve. The nominal ruler of 20,000,000 people figuratively went down upon his knees before Talaat, but all his pleadings did not affect this deter- mined man. Here, Talaat reasoned, was a chance to decide, once for all, who was master, the Sultan or themselves. A few days afterward the melancholy figure of the imperial son-in-law, dangling at the end of a rope in full view of the Turkish populace, visibly reminded the empire that Talaat and the Committee were the masters of Turkey. After this tragical test of strength, the Sultan never attempted agam to interfere in affairs of state. He knew what had hap- pened to Abdul Hamid, and he feared an even more terrible fate for himself. By the time I reached Constantinople the Young Turks thus completely controlled the Sultan. He was popularly referred to as an "irade-machine," a phrase which means about the same thing as when we refer to a man as a "rubber stamp." His state duties con- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 19 sisted merely in performing certain ceremonies, such as receiving ambassadors, and in affixing his signature to such papers as Talaat and his associates placed be- fore him. This was a profound change in the Turkish system, since in that country for centuries the Sultan had been an unquestioned despot, whose will had been the only law, and who had centred in his own person all the power of sovereignty. Not only the Sultan, but the Parhament, had become the subservient creature of the Committee, which chose practically all the mem- bers, who voted only as the predominant bosses dic- tated. The Committee had already filled several of the most powerful cabinet offices with its followers, and was reaching out for the several important places that, for several reasons, still remained in other hands. CHAPTER n THE "boss system" in THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND HOW IT PROVED USEFUL, TO GERMANY TALAAT, the leading man in this band of usurpers, really had remarkable personal qual- ities. Naturally Talaat's life and character proved interesting to me, for I had for years been familiar with the Boss system in my own coimtry, and in Talaat I saw many resemblances to the crude yet able citizens who have so frequently in the past gained power in local and state politics. Talaat's origin was so obscure that there were plenty of stories in circulation concerning it. One account said that he was a Bulgarian gipsy, while another described him as a Pomak — ^a Pomak being a man of Bulgarian blood whose ancestors, centuries ago, had embraced the Mohammedan faith. According to this latter explanation, which I think was the true one, this real ruler of the Turkish Empire was not a Turk at all. I can personally testify that he cared nothing for Mohammedanism for, like most of the leaders of his party, he scoffed at all religions. "I ^ate3llpnfisls^rabbis,„ai)idhodjas," he once told me — hodja being the nearest equivalent the Mohammedans have for a minister of religion. In American city politics many men from the humblest walks of life have not un- commonly developed great abilities as politicians, and similarly Talaat had started life as a letter carrier. From this occupation he had risen to be a telegraph operator 20 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 21 at Adrianople; and of these humble beginnings he was extremely proud. I visited him once or twice at his house; although Talaat was then the most powerful man in the Turkish Empire, his home was still the modest home of a man of the people. It was cheaply fur- nished; the whole establishment reminded me of a moderately priced apartment in New York. His most cherished possession was the telegraph instrument with which he had once earned his living. Talaat one night told me that he had that day received his salary as Minister of the Interior; after paying his debts, he said, he had just one hundred dollars left in the world. He liked to spend part of his spare time with the rough-shod crew that made up the Committee of Union and Prog- ress; in the interims when he was out of the cabinet he used to occupy the desk daily at party headquarters, personally managing the party machine. Despite these humble beginnings, Talaat had developed some of the qualities of a man of the world. Though his early training had not included instruction in the use of a knife and fork — such implements are wholly unknown among the poorer classes in Turkey — Talaat could attend diplomatic dinners and represent his country with a considerable amount of dignity and personal ease. I have always regarded it as indicating his innate clever- ness that, though he had had little schooling, he had picked up enough French to converse tolerably in that language. Physically, he was a striking figure. His powerful frame, his huge sweeping back, and his rocky biceps emphasized that natural mental strength and forcefulness which had made possible his career. In dis- cussing matters Talaat liked to sit at his desk, with his shoulders drawn up, his head thrown back, and his wrists, ' 22 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY twice the size of an ordinary man's, planted firmly on the table. It always seemed to me that it would take a crowbar to pry these wrists from the board, once Ta- laat's strength and defiant spirit had laid them there. Whenever I thmk of Talaat now I do not primarily recall his rollicking laugh, his uproarious enjoyment of a good story, the mighty stride with which he crossed the room, his fierceness, his determination, his remorse- lessness — the whole life and nature of the man take form in those gigantic wrists. Talaat, like most strong men, had his forbidding, even his ferocious, moods. One day I foimd him sitting at the usual place, his massive shoulders drawn up, his eyes glowering, his wrists planted on the desk. I always anticipated trouble whenever I found him in this attitude. As I made request after request, Talaat, between his puffs at his cigarette, would answer "No!" "No!" "No!" I slipped around to his side of the desk. "I think those wrists are making all the trouble, Your Excellency," I said. "Won't you please take them off the table.?" Talaat's ogre-like face began to crinkle, he threw up his arms, leaned back, and gave a roar of terrific laughter. He enjoyed this method of treating him £0 much that he granted every request that I made. At another time I came into his room when two Arab princes were present. Talaat was solemn and dignified, and refused every demand I made. "No, I shall not do that"; or, "No, I haven't the slightest idea of doing that," he would answer. I saw that he was trying to impress his princely guests; to show them that he had become so great a man that he did not hesitate AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 23 to "turn down" an ambassador. So I came up nearer and spoke quietly. "I see you are trying to make an impression on these princes," I said. "Now if it's necessary for you to pose, do it with the Austrian Ambassador — he's out there waiting to come in. My affairs are too important to be trifled with." Talaat laughed. "Come back in an hour," he said. I returned; the Arab princes had left, and we had no difficulty in arrangmg matters to my satisfaction. "Someone has got to govern Turkey; why not we?" Talaat once said to me. The situation had just about come to that. "I have been greatly disappointed," he would tell me, "at the failure of the Turks to appre- ciate democratic institutions. I hoped for it once, and I worked hard for it — but they were not prepared for it." He saw a government which the first enter- prising man who came along might seize, and he deter- mined to be that man. Of all the Turkish politicians whom I met I regarded Talaat as the only one who really had extraordinary nativeability. He hadgreat force and dominance, the ability to think quickly and accurately, and an almost superhuman insight into men'^ motives. His great geniality and his lively sense of humour also made him a splendid manager of men. He showed his shrewdness in the measures which he took, after the murder of Nazim, to gain the upper hand in this distracted empire. He did not seize the govern- ment all at once; he went at it gradually, feeluig his way. He realized the weaknesses of his position; he had several forces to deal with — ^the envy of his associates on the revolutionary committee which had backed him, the army, the foreign governments. 24 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY and the several factions that made up what then passed for public opinion in Turkey. Any of these elements might destroy him, politically and physically. He understood the dangerous path that he was treading, and he always anticipated a violent death. "I do not expect to die in my bed," he told me. By becoming Minister of the Interior, Talaat gained control of the poUce and the administration of the provinces, or vila- yets; this gave him a great amoimt of patronage, which he used to strengthen the power of the Conamittee. He attempted to gain the support of all influential factions by gradually placing their representatives in the other cabinet posts. Though he afterward be- came the man who was chiefly responsible for the massa- cre of hundreds of thousands of Armenians, at this time Talaat maintained the pretense that the Committee stood for the unionization of all the races in the em- pire, and for this reason his first cabinet contained an Arab-Christian, a Deunme (a Jew by race, but a Mohammedan by religion), a Circassian, an Ar- menian, and an Egyptian. He made the latter Grand Vizier, the highest post in the Government, a position which roughly corres- ponds to that of Chancellor in the German Empire. The man whom he selected for this office, which in ordinary times was the most dignified and important in the empire, belonged to quite a diflferent order of society from Talaat. Not uncommonly bosses in America select high-class figureheads for mayors or even governors, men who will give respectability to their faction, yet whom, at the same time, they think they can control. It was some such motive as this which led Talaat and his associates to elevate Said AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 25 Halim to the Grand Vizierate. Said Halini was an Egyptian prince, the cousin of the Khedive of Egypt, a man of great wealth and great culture. He spoke English and French as fluently as his own tongue and was an ornament to any society in the world. But he was a man of unlimited vanity and ambition. His great desire was to become Khedive of Egypt, and this had led him to trust his political fortunes to the gang that was then ascendant in Turkey. He was the heaviest "campaign contributor," and, in- deed, he had largely financed the Young Turks from their earliest days. In exchange they had given him the highest office in the empire, with the tacit understanding that he should not attempt to exercise the real powers of his office, but content himself with enjoying its dignities. Germany's war preparations had for years included the study of internal conditions in other countries; an indispensable part of the imperial programme had been to take advantage of such disorganizations as existed to push her schemes of penetration and conquest. What her (emissaries have attempted in France, Italy, and even the United States is apparent, and their success in Russia has greatly changed the course of the war. Clearly such a situation as that which prevailed in Turkey in 1913 and 1914 provided an ideal opportunity for manipulations of this kind. And Germany had one great advantage in Turkey which was not so conspicuously an element in other countries. Talaat and his associates needed Germany almost as badly as Germany needed Talaat. They were alto- gether new to the business of managing an empire. Their finances were depleted, their army and navy 26 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY almost in tatters, enemies were constantly attempt- ing to midermine them at home, and the great powers regarded them as seedy adventurers whose career was destined to be brief. Without strong support from an outside source, it was a question how long the new re- gime could survive. Talaat and his Committee needed some foreign power to organize the army and navy, to finance the nation, to help them reconstruct their industrial system, and to protect them against the encroachments of the encircling nations. Ignorant as they were of foreign statecraft, they needed a skilful adviser to pilot them through all the channels of inter- national intrigue. Where was such a protector to be obtained? Evidently only one of the great European powers could perform this office. Which one should it be? Ten years before Turkey would naturally have appealed to England. But now the Turks regarded England as merely the nation that had despoiled them of Egypt and that had failed, to protect Turkey from dismemberment after the Balkan wars. Together with Russia, Great Britain now controlled Persia and thus constituted a constant threat — at least so the Turks believed — against their Asiatic dominions. England was gradually withdrawing her investments from Turkey, English statesmen believed that the task of driving the Turk from Europe was about complete, and the whole Near-Eastern policy of Great Britain hinged on mamtaining the organization of the Balkans as it had been determined by the Treaty of Bucharest — a treaty which Turkey refused to regard as binding and which she was determined to upset. Above all, the Turks feared Russia in 1914, just as they had feared her ever since the days of Peter the Great. Russia AMBASSADpR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 27 was the historic enemy, the nation which had given freedom to Bulgaria and Rumaniaj which had been most active in dismembering the Ottoman Empire, and which regarded herself as the power that was ulti- mately to possess Constantinople. This fear of Russia, I cannot too much insist, was the one factor which, above everything else, was forcing Turkey into the arms of Germany. For more than half a century Turkey had regarded England as her surest safeguard against Russian aggression, and now England had be- come Russia's virtual ally. There was even then a general beHef, which the Turkish chieftains shared, that England was entirely willing that Russia should inherit Constantinople and the Dardanelles. Though Russia, in 1914, was making no such preten- sions, at least openly, the fact that she was crowding Turkey in other directions made it impossible that Talaat and Enver should look for support in that direction. Italy had just seized the last Turkish province ia Africa, Tripoli, at that moment, was holding Rhodes and other Turkish islands, and was known to cherish aggressive plans in Asia Minor. France was the ally of Russia and Great Britain, and was also constantly extending her influence in Syria, in which province, indeed, she had made great plans for "pene- tration" with railroads, colonies, and concessions. The personal equation played an important part in the en- suing drama. The ambassadors of the Triple Entente hardly concealed their contempt for the dominant Turkish politicians and their methods. Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, was a high-minded and cultivated English gentleman; Bompard, the French Ambassador, was a similarly charming, honourable 28 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY Frenchman, and both were personally disqualified from participating in the murderous intrigues which then comprised Turkish politics. GierS, the Russian Ambassador, was a proud and scornful diplomat of the old aristocratic regime. He was exceedingly astute, but he treated the Young Turks contemptuously, mani- fested almost a proprietary interest in the country, and seemed to me already to be wielding the knout over this despised government. It was quite apparent that the three ambassadors of the Entente did not regard the Talaat and Enver regime as permanent, or as particularly _worth their while to cultivate. That several factions had risen and fallen in the last six years they knew, a,nd they likewise believed that this latest usurpation would vanish in a few months. But there was one active man in Turkey then who had no nice scruples about using such agencies as were most available for accomplishing his purpose. Wan- genheim clearly saw, what his colleagues had only faintly perceived, that these men were steadily fasten- ing their hold on Turkey, and that they were looking for some strong power that would recognize their posi- tion and abet them in maintaining it. In order that we may clearly understand the situation, let us trans- port ourselves, for a moment, to a country that is nearer to us than Turkey. In 1913 Victoriano Huerta and his fellow conspirators gained control of Mexico by means not unlike those that had given Talaat and his Committee the supreme power in Turkey. Just as Huerta murdered Madero, so the Young Turks had murdered Nazim, and in both countries assassination had become a regular political weapon. Huerta con- trolled the Mexican Congress and the oflSces just as AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STDRY 29 Talaat controlled the Turkish Parliament and the chief posts of that state. Mexico under Huerta was a poverty- stricken country, with depleted finances, exhausted in- dustries and agriculture, just as was Turkey under Talaat. How did Huerta seek to secure his own posi- tion and rehabilitate his distracted country ? There was only one way, of course — ^that was by enlisting the support of some strong foreign power. He sought repeatedly to gain recognition from the United States for this reason and, when we refused to deal with a murderer, Huerta looked to Germany. Let us suppose that the Kaiser had responded; he could have reorgan- ized Mexican finances, rebuilt her railroads, reestablished her industries, modernized her army, and in this way obtained a grip on the country that would have amounted to virtual possession. Only one thing prevented Germany froni doing this — the Monroe Doctrine. But there was no Monroe Doctrine in Turkey, and what I have described as a possibility in Mexico is in all essentials an accurate pic- ture of what happened in the Ottoman Empire. As I look back upon the situation, the whole thing seems so clear, so simple, so iaevitable. Germany, up to that time, was practically the only. great power in Europe that had not appropriated large slices of Turkish territory, a fact which gave her an initial advantage. Germany's representative at Constantinople was far better qualified than that of any other country, not only by absence of scruples, but also by knowledge and skill, to handle this situation. Wangenheim was not the only capable German then on the groimd. A particularly influential outpost of Pan-Germany was Paul Weitz, who had represented the Frankfurter Zeitung in Turkey for 30 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY thirty years. Weitz had the most intimate acquaint- ance with Turks and Turkish affairs; there was not a hidden recess to which he could not gain admittance. He was constantly at Wangenheim's elbow, promptiag, advising, informing. The German naval attache, Humann, the son of a famous German archaeologist, had been born in Smyrna, and had passed practically his whole life in Turkey; he not only spoke Turkish, but he could also think like a Turk, and the whole psychol- ogy of the people was part of his mental equipment. Moreover, Enver, one of the two main Turkish chief- tains, was on friendly terms with Humann. When I think of this experienced trio, Wangenheim, Weitz, and Humann, and of the charming and honourable gentlemen who were opposed to them, Mallet, Bom- pard, and Giers, the events that now rapidly followed seem as inevitable as the orderly processes of nature. By the spring of 1914 Talaat and Enver, representing the Con^mittee of Union and Progress, practically dominated the Turkish Empire. Wangenheim, al- ways having in mind the approaching war, had one inevitable purpose: that was to control Talaat and Enver. Early in January, 1914, Enver became Minister of War. At that time Enver was thirty-two years old; like all the leading Turkish politicians of the period he came of humble stock and his popiilar title, "Hero of the Revolution," shows why Talaat and the Committee had selected him as Minister of War. Enver enjoyed something of a military reputation, though, so far as I could discover, he had never achieved a great military success. The revolution of which he had been one of the leaders in 1908 had cost very few human lives; he com- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 31 manded an army in Tripoli against the Italians in 1912 — but certainly there was nothing Napoleonic about that campaign. Enver himself once told me how, in the Second Balkan War, he had ridden all night at the head of his troops to the capture of Adrianople, and how, when he arrived there, the Bulgarians had aban- doned it and his victory had thus been a bloodless one. But certainly Enver did have one trait that made for success in such a distracted country as Turkey — and that was audacity. He was quick in making decisions, always ready to stake his future and his very life upon the success of a single adventure; from the beginning, indeed, his career had been one lucky crisis after an- other. His nature had a remorselessness, a lack of pity, a cold-blooded determination, of which his clean- cut handsome face, his small but sturdy figure, and his pleasing manners gave no indication. Nor would the casual spectator have suspected the passionate personal ambition that drove him on. His friends commonly referred to him as "Napoleonlik" — the little Napoleon — and this nickname really represented Enver's abiding conviction. I remember sitting one night with Enver, in his house; on one side hung a picture of Napoleon; on the other one of Frederick the Great; and between them sat Enver himself! This fact gives some notion of his vanity; these two warriors and statesmen were his great heroes and I believe that Enver thought fate had a career in store for him not unlike theirs. The fact that, at twenty-six, he had taken a leading part in the revolution which had deposed Abdul Hamid, naturally caused him to compare himself with Bonaparte; sev- eral times he has told me that he beUeved himself to be "a man of destiny." Enver even affected to be- 32 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY lieve that he had been divinely set apart to reestablish the glory of Turkey and make himself the great dicta- tor. Yet, as I have suggested, there was something al- most dainty and feminine in Enver's appearance. He was the type that in America we sometimes call a mat- inee idol, and the word women frequently used to de- scribe him was "dashing." His face contained not a single line or furrow; it never disclosed his emotions or his thoughts; he was always calm, steely, imperturbable. That Enver certainly lacked Napoleon's penetration is evident from the way he had planned to obtain the supreme power, for he early allied his personal for- tunes with Germany. For years his sympathies had been with the Kaiser. Germany, the German army and navy, the German language, and the German auto- cratic system exercised a fatal charm upon this youthful preacher of Turkish democracy. After Hamid fell, Enver went on a military mission to Berlin, and here the Kaiser immediately detected in him a possible instrument for working out his plans in the Orient, and cultivated him in numerous ways. Afterward Enver spent a considerable time in Berlin as military attache, and this experience still further endeared him to Ger- many. The man who returned to Constantinople was almost more German than Turldsh. He had learned to speak German fluently, he was even wearing a mous- tache slightly curled up at the ends; indeed, he had been completely captivated by Prussianism. As soon as Enver became Minister of War, Wangenheim flattered and cajoled the young man, played upon his ambitions, and probably promised him Germany's complete sup- port in achieving them. In his private conversation Enver made no secret of his admiration for Germany. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY S3 Thus Enver's elevation to the Ministry of War was virtually a German victory. He immediately insti- tuted a drastic reorganization. Enver told me himself that he had accepted the post only on condition that he should have a free hand, and this free hand he now pro- ceeded to exercise. The army still contained a large number of officers, many of whom were partisans of the murdered Nazim and favoured the old regime rather than the Young Turks, Enver promptly cashiered 268 of these, and put in their places Turks who were known as "U. and P." men, and many Germans. The Enver- Talaat group always feared a revolution that would de- pose them as they had thrown out their predecessors. Many times did they tell me that their own success as revolutionists had taught them how easily a few deter- mined men could seize control of the country; they did not propose, they said, to have a little group in their ' army organize such a coup d'Stat against them. The boldness of Enver's move alarmed even Talaat, but Enver showed the determination of his character and re- fused to reconsider his action, though one of the officers removed was Chukri Pasha, who had defended Adrian- ople in the Balkan war. Envei- issued a circular to the Turkish commanders, practically telling them that they must look only to him for preferment and that they could make no headway by playing politics with any group except that dominated by the Young Turks. Thus Enver's first acts were the beginnings in the Prussification of the Turkish army, but Talaat was not an enthusiastic German like his associate. He had no intention of playing Germany's game; he was work- ing chiefly for the Committee and for himself. But he could not succeed unless he had control of the army; 34 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY therefore, he had made Enver, for years his intimate associate in "IJ. and P." poHtics, Minister of War. Again he needed a strong army if he was to have any at all, and therefore he turned to the one source where he could find assistance, to Germany. Wangenheim and Talaat, in the latter part of 1913, had arranged that the Kaiser should send a military mission to reorganize the Turkish forces. Talaat told me that, in calling in this mission, he was using Germany, though Germany thought that it was using him. That there were definite dangers in the move he well understood. A deputy who discussed this situation with Talaat in January, 1914, has given me a memorandum of a conversation which shows well what was going on in Talaat's mind. "Why do you hand the management of the country over to the Germans.?" asked this deputy, referring to the German military mission. "Don't you see that this is part of Germany's plan to make Turkey a Ger- man colony — that we shall become merely another Egypt?" "We understand perfectly," rephed Talaat, "that that is Germany's programme. We also know that we cannot put this country on its feet with our own re- sources. We shall, therefore, take advantage of such technical and material assistance as the Germans can place at our disposal. We shall use Germany to help us reconstruct and defend the country until we are able to govern ourselves with our own strength. When that day comes, we can say good-bye to the Germans within twenty-four hours." Certainly the physical condition of the Turkish army betrayed the need of assistance from some source. The picture it presented, before the Germans arrived, I AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 35 have always regarded as portraying the condition of the whole empire. When I issued invitations for my first reception, a large number of Turkish ofilcials asked to be permitted to come in evening clothes; they said that they had no uniforms and no money with which to pur- chase or to hire them. They had not received their salaries for three and a half months. As the Grand Vizier, who regulates the etiquette of such functions, still insisted ou full uniform, many of these officials had to remain absent. About the same time the new German mission asked the commander of the second army corps to exercise his men, but the commander replied that he could not do so as his men had no shoes! Desperate and wicked as Talaat subsequently showed himself to be, I still think that he at least was not then a willing tool of Germany. An episode that involved myself bears out this view. In describing the relations of the great powers to Turkey I have said nothing about the United States. In fact, we had no important business relations at that time. The Turks regarded us as a country of ideahsts and altruists, and the fact that we spent milHons building wonderful educational insti- tutions in their coimtry purely from philanthropic mo- tives aroused their astonishment and possibly their ad- miration. They liked Americans and regarded us as about the only disinterested friend whom they had among the nations. But our interests in Turkey were small; the Standard Oil Company did a growing busi- ness, the Singer Company sold sewing machines to the Armenians and Greeks; we bought a good deal of their tobacco, figs, and rugs, and gathered their licorice root. In addition to these activities, missionaries and educational experts formed about our only contacts with 36 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the Turkish Empire. The Turks knew that we had no desire to dismember their country or to mingle in Balkan politics. The very fact that my country was so disinterested was perhaps the reason why Talaat discussed Turkish affairs so freely with me. In the course of these conversations I frequently expressed my desire to serve them, and Talaat and some of the other members of the Cabinet got into the habit of consulting me on business matters. Soon after my arrival, I made a speech at the American Chamber of Commerce in Constantinople; Talaat, Djemal, and other import- ant leaders were present. I talked about the backward economic state of Turkey and admonished them not to be discouraged. I described the condition of the United States after the Civil War and made the point that our devastated Southern States presented a spec- tacle not unlike that of Turkey at that present moment. 1 then related how we had gone to work, developed our resources, and built up the present thriving nation. My remarks apparently made a deep impression, especially my statement that after the Civil "VVar the United States had become a large borrower in foreign money markets _and had invited immigration from all parts of the world. This speech apparently gave Talaat a new idea. It was not impossible that the United States might fur- nish him the material support which he had been seeking in Europe. Already I had suggested that an American financial expert shoxild be sent to study Turkish finance and in this coimection I had mentioned Mr. Henry Brufere, of New York — a suggestion which the Turks had received favourably. At that time Turkey's greatest need was money. Prance had financed Tur- key for many years, and French bankers, in the spring AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 37 of 1914, were negotiating for another large loan. Though Germany had made some loans, the condition of the Berlin money market at that time did not encourage the Turks to expect much assistance from that source. In late December, 1913, Bustany Effendi — a Christian Arab, and Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, who spoke English fluently (he had been Turkish commis- sioner to the Chicago World's Fair in 1893) — called and approached me on the question of an American loan. Bustany asked if there were not American financiers who would take entire charge of the reorganization of Turkish finance. His plea was really a cry of despair and it touched me deeply. As I wrote in my diary at the time, "They seem to be scraping the box for money." But I had been in Turkey only six weeks, and obviously I had no infprmation on which I could recommend such a large contract to American bankers. I informed Bustany that my advice would not carry much weight in the United States unless it were based on a complete knowledge of economic conditions in Turkey. Talaat came to me a few days later, suggesting that I make a prolonged tour over the empire and study the situation at first hand. He asked if I could not arrange meanwhile a small temporary loan to tide them over the interim. He said there was no money in the Turkish Treasury; if I could get them only $5,000,000, that would satisfy them. I told Talaat that I would try to raise this amount for them, and that I would adopt his suggestion and inspect his Empire with the possible idea of inter- esting American investors. After obtaining the con- sent of the State Department, I wrote to my nephew and business associate, Mr. Robert E. Simon, asking him to sound certain New York institutions and bankers on 38 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY making a small short-time collateral loan to Turkey. Mr. Simon's investigations soon disclosed that a Turk- ish loan did not seem to be regarded as an attractive business undertaking in New York. Mr. Simon wrote, however, that Mr. C. K. G. Billings had shown much in- terest in the idea, and that, if I desired, Mr. Billings would come out in his yacht and discuss the matter with the Turkish Cabinet and with me. In a few days Mr. Billings had started for Constantinople. The news of Mr. Billings's approach spread with great rapidity all over the Turkish capital; the fact that he was coming in his own private yacht seemed to magnify the importance and the glamour of the everft. That a great American millionaire was prepared to reinforce the depleted Turkish Treasury and that this support was merely the preliminary step in the reor- ganization of Turkish finances by American capitalists, produced a tremendous flutter in the foreign embassies. So rapidly did the information spread, indeed, that I rather suspected that the Turkish Cabinet had taken no particular pains to keep it secret. This suspicion was strengthened by a visit which I received from the Chief Rabbi Nahoum, who informed me that he had come at the request of Talaat. "There is a rumour," said the Chief Rabbi, "that Americans are about to make a loan to Turkey. Talaat would be greatly pleased if you would not contradict it." Wangenheim displayed an almost hysterical interest: the idea of America coming to the financial assistance of Turkey did not fall in with his plans at all, for in his eyes Turkey's poverty was chiefly valuable as a means of forcing the empire into Germany's hands. One day I showed Wangenheim a book containing etchings AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 39 of Mr. Billings's homes, pictures, and horses; he showed a great interest, not only ia the horses — Wangenheim was something of a horseman himself — but in this tan- gible evidence of great wealth. For the next few days several ambassadors and ministers filed into my oflBce, each solenanly asking for a glimpse at this book! As the time approached for Mr. Billiags's arrival, Talaat began making elaborate plans for his entertainment; he consulted me as to whom we should invite to the pro- posed dinners, lunches, and receptions. As usual Wan- genheim got in ahead of the rest. He could not come to the dinner which we had planned and asked me to have him for limch, and in this way he met Mr. Bill- ings several hours before the other diplomats. Mr. Billings frankly told him that he was interested in Turkey and that it was not unlikely that he would make the loan. In the evening we gave the Billings party a dinner, all the important members of the Turkish Cabinet being present. Before this dinner, Talaat, Mr. Billings, and myself had a long talk about the loan. Talaat in- formed us that the French bankers had accepted their terms that very day, and that they would, therefore, heed no American money at that time. He was ex- ceedingly gracious and grateful to Mr. Billings, and pro- fuse in expressing his thanks. Indeed, he might well have been, for Mr. Billmgs's arrival enabled Turkey at last to close negotiations with the French bankers. His attempt to express his appreciation had one curious manifestation. Enver, the second man in the Cabinet, was celebrating his wedding when Mr. Billings arrived. The progress which Enver was making in the Turkish world is evidenced from the fact that, although Enver, 40 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY as I have said, came of the humblest stock, his bride was a daughter of the Turkish Imperial House. Turk- ish weddings are prolonged affairs, lasting two or three days. The day following the Embassy dinner, Talaat gave the Billings party a luncheon at the Cercle d'Ori- ent, and he insisted that Enver should leave his wedding ceremony long enough to attend this function. Enver, therefore, came to the luncheon, sat through all the speeches, and then returned to his bridal party. I am convinced that Talaat did not regard this Billmgs episode as closed. As I look back upon this transac- tion, I see clearly that he was seeking to extricate his country, and that the possibility that the United States would assist him in performing the rescue was ever present ia his mind. He frequently spoke to me of Mr. "Beelings," as he called him, and even after Tur- key had broken with France and England, and was depending on Germany for money, his mind still re- verted to Mr. Billings's visit; perhaps he was thinking of our country as a financial haven of rest after he had carried out his plan of expelling the Germans. I am certain that the possibility af American help led him, in the days of the war, to do many things for me that he would not otherwise have done. " Remember me to Mr. Beelings" were almost the last words he said to me when I left Constantinople. This yachting visit, though it did not lack certain comedy elements at the time, I am sure ultimately saved many lives from star- vation and massacre. CHAPTER III "the personal representative of the kaiser" — wangenheim opposes the sale op american warships to greece BUT even in March, 1914, the Germans had I pretty well tightened their hold on Turkey. Liman von Sanders, who had arrived in Decem- ber, had become the predominant influence in the Turkish army. At first Von Sanders' appointment aroused no particular hostility, for German missions had been called in before to instruct the Turkish army, notably that of Von der Goltz, and an English naval mission, headed by Admiral Limpus, was even then in Turkey attempting the difficult task of reorganizing the Turkish navy. We soon discovered, however, that the Von Sanders, military mission was something quite dififerent from those which I have named. Even before Von Sanders' arrival it had been announced that he was to take command of the first Turkish army corps, and that General Bronssart von Schnellendorf was to become Chief of Staflf. The appointments signified nothing less than that the Kaiser had almost com- pleted his plans to annex the Turkish army to his own. To show the power which Von Sanders' appointment had given him, it is only necessary to say that the first army corps practically controlled Constantinople. These changes clearly showed to what an extent Enver Pasha had become a cog in the Prussian system. 41 42 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY Naturally the representatives of the Entente Powers could not tolerate such a usurpation by Germany. The British, French, and Russian Ambassadors im- mediately called upon the Grand Vizier and protested with more warmth than politeness over Von Sanders' elevation. The Turkish Cabinet hemmed and hawed in the usual way, protested that the change was not important, but finally it withdrew Von Sanders' appointment as head of the first army corps, and made him Inspector General. However, this did not greatly improve the situation, for this post really gave Von Sanders greater power than the one which he had held before. Thus, by January, 1914, seven months before the Great War began, Germany held this position in the Turkish army: a German general was Chief of Staff; another was Inspector General; scores of German officers held commands of the first importance, and the Turkish politician who was even then an outspoken champion of Germany, Enver Pasha, was Minister of War. After securing this diplomatic triumph Wangenheim was granted a vacation — he had certainly earned it — and Giers, the Russian Ambassador, went off on a vaca- tion at the same time. Baroness Wangenheim ex- plained to me — I was ignorant at this time of all these subtleties of diplomacy — ^precisely what these vacations signified. Wangenheim's leave of absence, she said, meant that the German Foreign Office regarded the Von Sanders episode as closed — and closed -with a German victory. Giers's furlough, she explamed, meant that Russia declmed to accept this point of view and that, so far as Russia was concerned, the Von Sanders affair had not ended. I remember writing AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 43 to my family that, in this mysterious Near-Eastem diplomacy, the nations talked to each other with acts, not words, and I instanced Baroness Wangenheim's explanation of these diplomatic vacations as a case in .point. An incident which took place in my own house opened all our eyes to how seriously Von Sanders regarded this military mission. On February 18th, I gave my first diplomatic dinner; General Von Sanders and his two daughters attended, the General sitting next to my daughter Ruth. My daughter, however, did not have a very enjoyable time; this German field marshal, sitting there in his gorgeous 'uniform, his breast all sparkling with medals, hardly said a word throughout the whole meal. He ate his food silently and sulkily, all my daughter's attempts to enter into conversation evoking only an occasional surly mono- syllable. The behaviour of this great miUtary leader was that of a spoiled child. At the end of the dinner Von Mutius, the German charge d'affaires, came up to me in a high state of excite- ment. It was some time before he could sufficiently control his agitation to dehver his message. "You have made a terrible mistake, Mr. Am- bassador," he said. "What is that?" I asked, naturally taken aback. "You have greatly offended Field Marshal Von Sanders. You have placed him at the dinner lower in rank than the foreign ministers. He is the personal representative of the Kaiser and as such is entitled to equal rank with the ambassadors. He should have been placed ahead of the cabinet ministers and the foreign ministers." 41 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY So I had affronted the Emperor himself ! This, then, was the explanation of Von Sanders' boorish behaviour. Fortunately, my position was an impregnable one. I had not arranged the seating precedence at this dinner; I had sent the list of my guests to the Marquis Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador and dean of the diplomatic corps, and the greatest authority in Con- stantinople on such delicate points as this. The Mar- quis had returned the list, marking in red ink against each name the order of precedence — 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. I still possess this document as it came from the Austrian Embassy, and General Von Sanders' name appears with" the numerals " 13 " against it. I must admit, however, that "the 13th chair" did bring him pretty well to the foot of the table. I explained the situation to Von Mutius and asked M. Panfili, conseiller of the Austrian Embassy, who was a guest at the dinner, to come up and make every* thing clear to the outraged German diplomat. As the Austrians and Germans were allies, it was quite ap- parent that the slight, if slight there had been, was unin- tentional. Panfili said that he had been puzzled over the question of Von Sanders's position, and had sub- mitted the question to the Marquis. The outcome was that the Austrian Ambassador had himself fixed Von Sanders' rank at number 13. But the German Embassy did not let the matter rest there, for afterward Wangenheim called on Pallavicini, and discussed the matter with considerable liveliness. "If Liman von Sanders represents the Kaiser, whom do you represent?" Pallavicini asked Wangenheim. The argument was a good one, as the ambassador is always regarded as the alter ego of his sovereign. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 45 "It is not customary," continued the Marquis, "for an emperor to have two representatives at the same court." As the Marquis was unyielding, Wangenheim car- ried the question to the Grand Vizier. But Said Halim refused to assume responsibility for so momen- tous a decision and referred the dispute to the Council of Ministers. This body solemnly sat upon the ques- tion and rendered this verdict: Von Sanders shoifld rank ahead of the ministers of foreign countries, but below the members of the Turldsh Cabinet. Then the foreign ministers lifted up their voices in protest. Von Sanders not only became exceedingly unpopular for raising this question, but the dictatorial and autocratic way in which he had done it aroused general disgust. The ministers declared that, if Von Sanders were ever given precedence at any function of this kind, they would leave the table in a body. The net result was that Von Sanders was never again invited to a diploma- tic dinner. Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, took a sardonic interest in the episode. It was lucky, he said, that it had not happened at his Embassy; if it had, the newspapers would have had columns about the strained relations between England and Germany! After all, this proceeding did have great international importance. Von Sanders's personal vanity had led him to betray a diplomatic secret; he was not merely a drill master who had been sent to instruct the Turkish army; he was precisely what he had claimed to be — the personal representative of the Kaiser. The Kaiser had selected him, just as he had selected Wangenheim, as an instrument for working his will in Turkey. Afterward Von Sanders told me, with all that pride 46 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY which German aristocrats manifest when speaking of their imperial master, how the Kaiser had talked to him a couple of hours the day he had appointed him to this Constantinople mission, and how, the day that he had started, Wilhelm had spent another hour giving him final instructions. I reported this dinner incident to my government as indicating Germany's growing ascendancy in Turkey and I presume the other am- bassadors likewise reported it to their governments. The American military attache, Major John R. M. Taylor, who was present, attributed the utmost signifi- cance to it. A month after the occurrence he and Captain McCauley, commanding the Scorpion, the American stationnaire at Constantinople, had lunch at Cairo with Lord Kitchener. The luncheon was a small one, only the Americans, Lord Kitchener, his sister, and an aide making up the "party. Major Taylor related this incident, and Kitchener displayed much interest. "What do you think it signifies.?" asked Kitchener. "I think it means," Major Taylor said, "that when the big war comes, Turkey will probably be the ally of Germany. If she is not in direct alliance, I think that she at least will mobilize on the line of the Caucasus and thus divert three Russian army corps from the European theatre of operations." Kitchener thought for a moment and then said, "I agree with you." And now for several months we had before our eyes this spectacle of the Turkish army actually under the control of Germany. German oflScers drilled the troops daily — all, I am now convinced, in preparation for the approaching war. Just what results had been accomplished appeared when, in July, there was a AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 47 great military review. The occasion was a splendid and a gala affair. The Sultan attended in state; he sat under a beautifully decorated tent where he held a httle court; and the Khedive of Egypt, the Crown Prince of Turkey, the princes of the imperial blood and the entire Cabinet were also on hand. We now saw that, in the preceding six months, the Turkish army had been completely Prussianized. What in January had been an undisciplined, ragged rabble was now parading with the goose step; the men were clad in German field gray, and they even wore a casque-shaped head cover- ing, which slightly suggested the German pickelhaube. The German officers were immensely proud of the exhi- bition, and the transformation of the wretched Turkish soldiers of January into these neatly dressed, smartly stepping, splendidly manoeuvring troops was really a creditable military achievement. When the Sultan invited me to his tent I natiu-ally congratulated him upon the excellent showing of his men. He did not manifest much enthusiasm; he said that he regretted the possibility of war; he was at heart a pacifist. I noticed certain conspicuous absences from this great German Ute, for the French, British, Russian, and: Itahan ambassadors had kept away. Bompard said that he had received his ten tickets but that he did not regard that as an invitation. Wangenheim told me, with some satisfaction, that the other ambassadors were jealous and that they did not care to see the prog- ress which the Turkish army had made under German instruction. I did not have the sUghtest question that these ambassadors refused to attend because they had no desire to grace this German holiday; nor did I blame them. 48 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY Meanwhile, I had other evidences that Germany was playing her part in Turkish politics. In June the rela- tions between Greece and Turkey approached the break- ing point. The Treaty of London (May 30, 1913) had left Greece in possession of the islands of Chios and Mity- lene. A reference to the map discloses the strategic importance of these islands. They stand there in the Mgean Sea like guardians controlling the bay and the great port of Smyrna, and it is quite apparent that any strong military nation which permanently held these vantage points would ultimately control Smyrna and the whole ^gean coast of Asia Minbr. The racial situation made the continued retention of these islands by Greece a constant mihtary danger to Turkey. Their population was Greek and had been Greek since the days of Homer; the coast of Asia Minor itself was also Greek; more than half the population of Smyrna, Tur- key's greatest Mediterranean seaport, was Greek; in its industries, its commerce, and its culture the city was so predominantly Greek that the Turks usually referred to it as giaour Ismir — "infidel Smyrna." Though this Greek population was nominally Ottoman in nationality it did not conceal its affection for the Greek fatherland, these Asiatic Greeks even making contribu- tions to promote Greek national aims. The ^gean islands and the mainland, in fact, constituted Graecia Irredenta; and that Greece was determined to redeem them, precisely as she had recently redeemed Crete, was no diplomatic secret. Should the Greeks ever land an army on this Asia Minor coast, there was little ques- tion that the native Greek population would welcome it enthusiastically and cooperate with it. Since Germany, however, had her own plans for TALAAT PASHA, EX-GRAND VIZIER OF TURKEY In 1914, when the war broke out, Talaat was Minister of the Interior and the most influential leader in the Committee of Union and Progress, the secret organization which controlled the Turkish Empire. A few years ago Talaat was a letter-carrier, and afterward a telegraph operator in Adrianople. His talents are those of a great pohtical boss. He represented Turkey in the peace negotiations with Russia and his signature appears on the Brest- Litovsk treaty TURKISH INFANTRY AND CAVALRY In January, 1914, the Turkish Army was a ragged, undisciplined force. These troops, drilled by German military instructors, show the result of six months' training AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 49 Asia Minor, inevitably the Greeks in this region formed a barrier to Pan-German aspirations. As long as this region remained Greek, it formed a natural obstacle to Germany's road to the Persian Gulf, precisely as did Serbia. Any one who has read even cursorily the literature of Pan-Germania is familiar with the pecu- liar method which German publicists have advo- cated for dealing with populations that stand in Ger- many's way. That is by deportation. The violent shifting of whole peoples from one part of Europe to another, as though they were so many herds of cattle, has for years been part of the Kaiser's plans for German expansion. This is the treatment which, since the war began, she has applied to Belgium, to Poland, to Serbia; its most hideous manifestation, as I shall show, has been to Armenia. Acting under Germany's prompting, Turkey now began to apply this principle of deportation to her Greek subjects in Asia Minor. Three years afterward the German admiral, Usedom, who had been stationed in the Dardanelles during the bombardment, told me that it was the Germans "who urgently made the suggestion that the Greeks be moved from the seashore." The German motive. Admiral Usedom said, was purely mihtary. Whether Talaat and his associates realized that they were playing the German game I am not sure, but there is no doubt that the Germans were constantly instigating them in this congenial task. The events that followed foreshadowed the policy adopted in the Armenian massacres. The Turkish officials pounced upon the Greeks, herded them in groups and marched them toward the ships. They gave them no time to settle then: private aflFairs, and they 50 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY took no pains to keep families together. The plan was to transport the Greeks to the wholly Greek islands in the Mgean. Naturally the Greeks rebelled against such treatment, and occasional massacres were the result, especially in Phocaea, where more than fifty people were murdered. The Turks demanded that all foreign establishments in Smyrna dismiss their Greek employees and replace them with Moslems. Among other American concerns, the Singer Manufacturing Company received such instructions, and though I interceded and obtained sixty days' delay, ultimately this American concern had to obey the mandate. An official boycott was established against all Christians, not only in Asia Minor, but in Constantinople, but this boycott did not discriminate against the Jews, who have always been more popular with the Turks than have the Christians. The officials particularly requested Jewish merchants to put signs over their doors indicat- ing their nationality and trade — such signs as "Abra- ham the Jew, tailor," "Isaac the Jew, shoemaker," and the like. I looked upon this boycott as illustrating the topsy-turvy national organization of Turkey, for here we had a nation engaging in a commercial boycott against its own subjects. This procedure against the Greeks not improperly aroused my indignation. I did not have the slightest suspicion at that time that the Germans had instigated these deportations, but I looked upon them merely as an outburst of Turkish ferocity and chauvinism. By this time I knew Talaat well; I saw him nearly every day, and he used to discuss practically every phase of international relations with me. I objected vigorously to his treatment of the Greeks; I told him that it would AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 51 make the worst possible impression abroad and that it affected American interests. Talaat explained his national policy: these different blocs in the Turkish Empire, he said, had always conspired against Turkey; because of the hostility of these native populations, Turkey had lost province after province — Greece, Serbia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Egypt, and Tripoli. In this way the Turkish Empire had dwindled almost to the vanishing point. If what was left of Turkey was to survive, added Talaat, he must get rid of these alien peoples. "Turkey for the Turks" was now Talaat's controlling idea. Therefore he proposed to Turkify Smyrna and the adjoining islands. Already 40,000 Greeks had left, and he asked me again to urge American business houses to employ only Turks. He said that the accounts of violence and mur- der had been greatly exaggerated and suggested that a commission be sent to investigate. "They want a commission to whitewash Turkey," Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, told me. True enough, when this commission did bring in its report, it exculpated Turkey. The Greeks in Turkey had one great advantage over the Armenians, for there was such a thing as a Greek government, which naturally has a protecting interest in them. The Turks knew that these deportations would precipitate a war with Greece; in fact, they welcomed such a war and were preparing for it. So enthusiastic were the Turkish people that they had raised money by popular subscription and had pur- chased a Brazilian dreadnaught which was then under construction in England. The government had ordered also a second dreadnaught in England, and several submarines and destroyers in Prance. The purpose 52 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY of these naval preparations was no secret in Constanti- nople. As soon as they obtained these ships, or even the one dreadnaught which was nearing completion, Turkey intended to attack Greece and take back the islands. A single modern battleship lilce the Sultan Osman — this was the name the Turks had given the Brazilian vessel — could easily overpower the whole Greek navy and control the ^gean Sea. As this power- ful vessel would be finished and commissioned in a few months, we all expected the Greco-Turkish war to break out in the fall. What could the Greek navy possibly do against this impending danger? Such was the situation when, early in June, I received a most agitated visitor. This was Djemal Pasha, the Turkish Minister of Marine and one of the three men who then dominated the Turkish Empire. I have hardly ever seen a man who appeared more utterly worried than was Djemal on this occasion. As he began talking excitedly to my interpreter in French, his whiskers trembling with his emotions and his hands wildly gesticulating, he seemed to be almost beside himself. I knew enough French to understand what he was saying, and the news which he brought — this was the first I had heard of it — sufficiently explained his agitation. The American Government, he said, was negotiating with Greece for the sale of two battle- ships, the Idaho and the Mississippi. He urged that I should immediately move to prevent any such sale. His attitude was that of a suppliant; he begged, he implored that I should mtervene. All along, he said, the Turks regarded the United States as their best friend; I had frequently expressed my desire to help them; well, here was the chance to show our good feel- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 53 ing. The fact that Greece and Turkey were practically on the verge of war, said Djemal, really made the sale of the ships an unneutral act. Still, if the transaction were purely a commercial one, Turkey would like a chance to bid. "We will pay more than Greece," he added. .He ended with a powerful plea that I should at once cable my government about the matter, and this I promised to do. Evidently the clever Greeks had turned the tables on their enemy, Turkey had rather too boldly adver- tised her intention of attacking Greece as soon as she had received her dreadnaughts. Both the ships for which Greece was now negotiating were immediately available for battle! The Idaho and Mississippi were not indispensable ships for the American navy; they could not take their place in the first line of battle; they were powerful enough, however, to drive the whole Turkish navy from the Mgean. Evidently the Greeks did not intend politely to postpone the impend- ing war until the Turkish dreadnaughts had been finished, but to attack as soon as they received these American ships. Djemal's point, of course, had no legal validity. However great the threat of war might be, Turkey and Greece were still actually at peace. Clearly Greece had just as much right to purchase warships in the United States as Turkey had to purchase them in Brazil or England. But Djemal was not the only statesman who at- tempted to prevent the sale; the German Ambassador displayed the keenest interest. Several days after Djemal's visit, Wangenheim and I were riding in the hills north of Constantinople; Wangenheim began to talk about the Greeks, to whom he displayed a violent 54 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY antipathy, about the chances of war, and the projected sale of American warships. He made a long argument about the sale, his reasoning being precisely the same as Djemal's — a fact which aroused my suspicions that he had himself coached Djemal for his interview with me. "Just look at the dangerous precedent you are es- tablishing," said Wangenheim. "It is not unlikely that the United States may sometime find itself in a posi- tion like Turkey's to-day. Suppose that you were on the brink of war with Japan; then England could sell a fleet of dreadnaughts to Japan. How would the United States like that? " And then he made a statement which indicated what really lay back of his protest. I have thought of it many times in the last three years. The scene is indelibly impressed on my mind. There we sat on our horses; the silfent ancierit forest of Belgrade lay around us, while in the distance the Black Sea glistened in the afternoon sun. Wangenheim suddenly became quiet and extremely earnest. He looked in my eyes and said: "I don't think that the United States realizes what a serious matter this is. The sale of these ships might be the cause that would bring on a European war." This conversation took place on June 13th; this was about six weeks before the conflagration broke out. Wangenheim knew perfectly well that Germany was rushing preparations for this great conflict, and he also knew that preparations were not yet entirely complete. Like all the German ambassadors, Wangenheim had received instructions not to let any crisis arise that would precipitate war until all these preparations had been finished. He had no objections to the expulsion AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 55 of the Greeks, for that in itself was part of these prepara- tions; he was much disturbed, however, over the prospect that the Greeks might succeed in arming themselves and disturbing existing conditions in the Balkans. At that moment the Balkans were a smoulder- ing volcano; Europe had gone through two Balkan wars without becoming generally involved, and Wangenheim knew that another would set the whole continent ablaze. He knew that war was coming, but he did not want it just then. He was simply attempting to influence me at that moment to gain a little more time for Germany. He went so far as to ask me to cable personally to the President, explain the seriousness of the situation, and to call his attention to the telegrams that had gone to the State Department on the proposed sale of the ships. I regarded his suggestion as an impertinent one and declined to act upon it. To Djemal and the other Turkish officials who kept pressing me I suggested that their ambassador in Washington should take up the matter directly with the President. They acted on this advice, but the Greeks again got ahead of them. At two o'clock, June 22d, the Greek charge d'affaires at Washington and Commander Tsouklas, of the Greek navy, called upon the President and arranged the sale. As they left the President's office, the Turkish Ambassador entered — ^just fifteen minutes too late! I presume that Mr. Wilson consented to the sale because he knew that Turkey was preparing to attack Greece and believed that the Idaho and Mississippi would prevent such an attack and so preserve peace in the Balkans. Acting imder the authorization of Congress, the 56 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY administration sold these ships on July 8, 1914, to Fred J. Gauntlett, for $12,535,276.98. Congress im- mediately voted the money realized from the sale to the construction of a great modern dreadnaught, the California. Mr. Gauntlett transferred the ships to the Greek Government. Rechristened the Kilkis and the Lemnos, those battleships immediately took their places as the most powerful vessels of the Greek Navy, and the enthusiasm of the Greeks in obtaining them was unbounded. By this time we had moved from the Embassy to our summer home on the Bosphorus. AH the summer embassies were located there, and a more beautiful spot I have never seen. Our house was a three-story building, something in the Venetian style; behind it the cliff rose abruptly, with several terraced gardens towering one above the other; the building stood so near the shore and the waters of the Bosphorus rushed by so rapidly that when we sat outside, especially on a moonlight night, we had almost a complete illusion that we were sitting on the deck of a fast sailing ship. In the daytime the Bosphorus, here little more than a mile wide, was alive with gaily coloured craft; I recall this animated scene with particular vividness because I retain in my mind the contrast it presented a few months afterward, when Turkey's entrance into the war had the immediate result of closing this strait. Day by day the huge Russian steamships, on their way from Black Sea ports to Smyrna, Alexandria, and other cities, made clear the importance of this little strip of water, and explained the bloody contests of the European nations, extending over a thousand years, for its possession. However, these early summer BUSTANY EFFENDI Ex-Minister of Commerce and Agriculture in the Turkish Cabinet. He came to Mr. Morgenthau in January, 1914, seeking American assistance in financially rehabilitating Turkey MOHAMMED V, LATE SIJLTAN OP TURKEY His majesty was a kind-hearted old gentleman, entirely ignorant of the world and lacking in personal force and initiative. The lower picture shows the Sultan's carriage at the American Embassy, waiting to take Mr. Mor- genthau to an imperial audience AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 57 months were peaceful; all the ambassadors and minis- ters and their families were thrown constantly together; here daily gathered the representatives of all the powers that for the last four years have been grappling in history's bloodiest war, all then apparently friends, sitting around the same dining tables, walking arm in arm upon the porches. The ambassador of one power would most graciously escort to dinner the wife of another whose country was perhaps the most antago- nistic to his own. Little groups would form after dinner; the Grand Vizier would hold an impromptu reception in one corner, cabinet ministers would be whispering in another; a group of ambassadors would discuss the Greek situation out on the porch; the Turk- ish officials would glance quizzically upon the animated scene and perhaps comment quietly in their own tongue; the Russian Ambassador would glide about the room, pick out someone whom he wished to talk to, lock arms and push him into a corner for a surrepti- tious tete-d-tete. Meanwhile, our sons and daughters, the junior members of the diplomatic corps, and the officers of the several stationnaires, dancing and flirting, seemed to think that the whole proceeduig had been arranged solely for their amusement. And to realize, while all this was going on, that neither the Grand Vizier, nor any of the other high Turkish officials, would leave the house without outriders and body- guards to protect them from assassination — whatever other emotions such a vibrating atniosphere might arouse, it was certainly alive with interest. I felt also that there was something electric about it all; war was ever the favourite topic of conversation; everyone seemed to reahze that this peaceful, frivolous life was 58 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY transitory, and that at any moment might come the spark that was to set everything aflame. Yet, when the crisis came, it produced no immediate sensation. On Jime 29th we heard of the assassination of the Grand Duke of Austria and his consort. Every- body received the news cahnly; there was, indeed, a stunned feeling that something momentous had hap- pened, but there was practically no excitement. A day or two after this tragedy I had a long talk with Talaat on diplomatic matters; he made no reference at all to this event. I think now that we were all affected by a kind of emotional paralysis — as we were nearer the centre than most people, we certaiuly realized the dangers in the situation. In a day or two our tongues seemed to have been loosened, for we began to talk — and to talk war. When I saw Von Mutius, the German charge, and Weitz, the diplomat-correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung, they also discussed the impending conflict, and again they gave their forecast a character- istically Germanic touch; when war came, they said, of course the United States would take advantage of it to get all the Mexican and South American trade! When I called upon Pallavicini to express my con- dolences over the Grand Duke's death, he received me with the most stately solemnity. He was conscious that he was representing the imperial family, and his grief seemed to be personal; one would think that he had lost his own son. I expressed my abhorrence and that of my nation for the deed, and our sympathy with the aged emperor. "Ja, Ja, es ist sehr schrecklich" (yes, yes, it is very terrible), he answered, almost in a whisper. "Serbia will be condemned for her conduct," AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 59 he added. "She will be compelled to make repara- tion." A few days later, when Pallavicini called upon me, he spoke of the nationalistic societies that Serbia had permitted to exist and of her determination to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina. He said that his government would insist on the abandonment of these societies and these pretentions, and that probably a punitive expedi- tion into Serbia would be necessary to prevent such out- rages as the murder of the Grand Duke. Herein I had my first intimation of the famous ultimatum of July 22d. The entire diplomatic corps attended the requiem mass for the Grand Duke and Duchess, celebrated at the Church of Sainte Marie on July 4th. The church is located in the Grande Rue de Pera, not far from the Austrian Embassy; to reach it we had to descend a flight of forty stone steps. At the top of these stairs representatives of the Austrian Embassy, dressed in full uniform, with crSpe on the left arm, met us, and escorted us to our seats. All the ambassadors sat in the front pew; I recall this with strange emotions now, for it was the last time that we ever sat together. The service was dignified and beautiful; I remember it with especial vividness because of the contrasting scene that immediately followed. When the stately, gorgeously robed priests had finished, we all shook hands with the Austrian Ambassador, returned to our automobiles, and started on our eight-mile ride along the Bosphorus to the American Embassy. For this day was not only the day when we paid our tribute to the murdered heir of this medieval autocracy; it was also the Fourth of July. The very setting of the two scenes symbolized these two national ideals. I 60 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY always think of this ambassadorial group going down those stone steps to the church, to pay their respect to the Grand Duke, and then going up to the gaily deco- rated American Embassy, to pay their respect to the Declaration of Independence. All the station ships of the foreign countries lay out in the stream, decorated and dressed in honour of our national holiday, and the ambassadors and ministers called in full regalia. From the upper gardens we could see the place where Darius crossed from Asia with his Persian hosts 2,500 years before — one of those ancient autocrats the line of which is not yet entirely extinct. There also we could see magnificent Robert College, an institution that represented America's conception of the way to "pene- trate" the Turkish Empire. At night our gardens were illuminated with Chinese lanterns; good old Amer- ican fireworks, lighting up the surrounding hills and the Bosphorus, and the American flag flying at the front of the house, seemed almost to act as a challenge to the plentiful reminders of autocracy and oppression which we had had in the early part of the day. Not more than a mile across the water the dark and gloomy hills of Asia, for ages the birthplace of military despotisms, caught a faint and, I think, a prophetic glow from these illuminations. In glancing at the ambassadorial group at the church and, afterward, at our reception, I was surprised to note that one familiar figure was missing. Wangenheim, Austria's ally, was not present. This somewhat puz- zled me at the time, but afterward I had the explanation from Wangenheim's own lips. He had left some days before for Berlin. The Kaiser had summoned him to an imperial council, which met on July 5th, and which decided to plunge Europe into war. CHAPTER IV GERMANY MOBILIZES THE TURKISH ARMY IN READING the August newspapers, which de- scribed the mobilizations in Europe, I was par- ticularly struck with the emphasis which they laid upon the splendid spirit that was overnight chang- ing the civilian populations into armies. At that time Turkey had not entered the war and her political leaders were loudly protesting their intention of main- taining a strict neutrality. Despite these pacific state- ments, the occurrences in Constantinople were almost as warlike as those that were taking place in the Euro- pean capitals. Though Turkey was at peaice, her army was mobilizing, merely, we were told, as a pre- cautionary measure. Yet the daily scenes which I ■y^tnessed in Constantinople bore few resemblances to those which were agitating every city of Europe. The martial patriotism of men, and the sublime patience and sacrifice of women, may sometimes give war an heroic aspect, but in Turkey the prospect was one of general listlessness and misery. Day by day the mis- cellaneous Ottoman hordes passed through the streets. Arabs, bootless and shoeless, dressed in their most gaily coloured garments, with long linen bags (contain- ing the required five days' rations) thrown over their shoulders, shambling in their gait and bewildered in their manner, touched shoulders with equally dispirited Bedouins, evidently suddenly snatched from the desert. 61 62 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY A motley aggregation of Turks, Circassians, Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, and Jews, showing signs of having been summarily taken from their farms and shops, constantly jostled one another. Most were ragged and many looked half -starved; everything about them suggested hopelessness and a cattle-like submission to a fate which they knew that they could not avoid. There was no joy in approaching battle, no feeling that they were sacrificing themselves for a mighty cause; day by day they passed, the unwilliug children of a tatter- demaUon empire that was making one last despairing attempt to gird itself for action. These wretched marchers little realized what was the power that was dragging them from the four comers of their country. Even we of the diplomatic group had not then clearly grasped the real situation. We learned afterward that the signal for this mobilization had not come origiaally from Enver or Talaat or the Turkish Cabinet, but from the General Staff in Berlin and its rep- resentatives in Constantinople. Liman von Sanders and Bronssart were really directrag the complicated oper- ation. There were unmistakable signs of German activ- ity. As soon as the German armies crossed the Rhine, work was begun on a mammoth wireless station a few miles outside of Constantinople. The materials all came from Germany by way of Rumania, and the skilled me- chanics, industriously working from daybreak to sunset, were unmistakably Germans. Of course, the neutrality laws would have prohibited the construction of a wireless station for a belligerent in a neutral country like Tur- key; it was therefore oflficially announced that a German company was building this heaven-pointing structure for the Turkish Government and on the Sultan's own AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 63 property. But this story deceived no one. Wangen- heim, the German Ambassador, spoke of it freely and constantly as a German enterprise. "Have you seen our wireless yet.''" he would ask me. "Come on, let's ride up there and look it over." He proudly told me that it was the most powerful in the world — ^powerful enough to catch all messages sent from the Eiffel Tower in Paris! He said that it would put him in constant communication with Berlin. So little did he attempt to conceal its German owner- ship that several times, when ordinary telegraphic com- munication was suspended, he offered to let me use it to send my telegrams. This wireless plant was an outward symbol of the close though unacknowledged association which then existed between Turkey and Berlin. It took some time to finish such an extensive station and in the interim Wangenheim was using the apparatus on the Corcovado, a German merchant ship which was lying in the Bos- phorus opposite the German Embassy. For practical purposes, Wangenheim had a constant telephone con- nection with Berlin. German oflBcers were almost as active as the Turks themselves in this mobilization. They enjoyed it all immensely; indeed they gave every sign that they were having the time of their lives. Bronssart, Humann, and Lafferts were constantly at Enver's elbow, advising and directing the operations. German officers were rushing through the streets every day in huge automo- biles, all requisitioned from the civilian population; they filled all the restaurants and amusement places at night, and celebrated their joy in the situation by consuming large quantities of champagne — also requisi- 64 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY tioned. A particularly spectacular and noisy figure was that of Von der Goltz Pasha. He was constantly making a kind of viceregal progress through the streets in a huge and madly dashing automobile, on both sides of which flaring German eagles were painted. A trumpeter on the front seat would blow loud, defiant blasts as the conveyance rushed along, and woe to any one, Turk or non-Turk, who happened to get in the way! The Germans made no attempt to conceal their conviction that they owned this town. Just as Wan- genheim had established a little Wilhelmstrasse in his Embassy, so had the German military men established a sub-station of the Berlin General Staff. They even brought their wives and families from Germany; I heard Baroness Wangenheim remark that she was hold- ing a little court at the German Embassy. The Germans, however, were about the only people who were enjoying this proceeding. The requisitioning that accompanied the mobilization really amounted to a wholesale looting of the civilian population. The Turks took all the horses, mules, camels, sheep, cows, and other beasts that they could lay their hands on; Enver told me that they had gathered in 150,000 animals. They did it most unintelligently, making no provision for the continuance of the species; thus they would leave only two cows or two mares in many of the villages. This system of requisitioning, as I shall describe, had the inevitable result of destroying the nation's agriculture, and ultimately led to the starva- tion of hundreds of thousands of people. But the Turks, like the Germans, thought that the war was destined to be a very short one, and that they would quickly recuperate from the injuries which their meth- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 65 ods of supplying an army were causing their peasant population. The Government showed precisely the same shamelessness and lack of intelligence in the way that they requisitioned materials from merchants and shopmen. These proceedings amounted to httle less than conscious highwaymanship. But practically none of these merchants were Moslems; most of them were Christians, though there were a few Jews; and the Turkish officials therefore not only provided the needs of their army and incidentally lined their own pockets, but they found a religious joy in pillaging the infidel establishments. They would enter a retail shop, take practically all the merchandise on the shelves, and give merely a piece of paper in acknowledgment. As the Government had never paid for the supplies which it had taken in the Italian and Balkan wars, the mer- chants hardly expected that they would ever receive anything for these latest requisitions. Afterward many who understood officialdom, and were politically influential, did recover to the extent of 70 per cent. — what became of the remaining 30 per cent, is not a secret to those who have had experience with Turkish bureaucrats. Thus for most of the population requisitioning sim- ply meant financial ruin. That the process was merely pillaging is shown by many of the materials which the army took, ostensibly for the use of the soldiers. Thus the officers seized all the mohair they could find; on occasion they even carried oflf women's silk stockings, corsets, and baby's slippers, and I heard of one case in which they reinforced the Turkish commissary with caviar and other delicacies. They demanded blankets from one merchant who was a dealer in women's under- 66 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY wear; because he had no such stock, they seized what he had, and he afterward saw his appropriated goods reposing in rival establishments. The Turks did the same thing in many other cases. The prevailing sys- tem was to take movable property wherever available and convert it into cash; where the money ultimately went I do not know, but that many private fortunes were made I have little doubt. I told Enver that this ruthless method of mobilizing and requisitioning was destroying his country. Misery and starvation soon began to afflict the land. Out of a 4,000,000 adult male population more than 1,500,000 were ultimately en- listed and so about a million families were left without breadwinners, all of them in a condition of extreme destitution. The Turkish Government paid its soldiers 25 cents a month, and gave the families a separation allowance of $1.20 a month. As a result thousands were dying from lack of food and many more were en- feebled by mahiutrition; I believe that the empire has lost a quarter of its Turkish population since the war started. I asked Enver why he permitted his people to be destroyed in this way. But sufferings like these did not distress him. He was much impressed by his suc- cess in raising a large army with practically no money — somethmg, he boasted, which no other nation had ever done before. In order to accomplish this, Enver had issued orders which stigmatized the evasion of miUtary service as desertion and therefore punishable with the death penalty. He also adopted a scheme by which any Ottoman could obtain exemption by the payment of about $190. Still Enver regarded his accomplishment as a notable one. It was really his first taste of unlimited power and he enjoyed the experience greatly. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 67 That the Germans directed this mobilization is not a matter of opinion but of proof. I need only mention that the Germans were requisitioning mate- rials in their own name for their own uses. I have a photographic copy of such a requisition made by Hu- mann, the German naval attache, for a shipload of oil cake. This document is dated September 29, 1914. "The lot by the steamship Derindje which you men- tioned in your letter of the 26th," this paper reads, "has been requisitioned by me for the German Govern- ment." This clearly shows that, a month before Turkey had entered the war, Germany was really exer- cising the powers of sovereignty at Constantinople. CHAPTER V WANGENHEIM SMUGGLES THE "gOEBEN" AND THE "bRESLAu" through the DARDANELLES ON AUGUST 10th, I went out on a little launch to meet the Sicilia, a small Italian ship which had just arrived from Venice. I was especially interested in this vessel because she was bringing to Constantinople my son-in-law and daughter, Mr. and Mrs. Maurice Wertheim, and their three little daughters. The greeting proved even more interesting than I had expected. I found the passengers considerably ex- cited, for they had witnessed, the day before, a naval engagement in the Ionian Sea. "We were lunching yesterday on deck," my daugh- ter told me, "when I saw two strange-looking vessels just above the horizon. I ran for the glasses and made out two large battleships, the first one with two queer, exotic-looking towers and the other one quite an or- dinary-looking battleship. We watched and saw an- other ship coming up behind them and going very fast. She came nearer and nearer and then we heard guns booming. Pillars of water sprang up in the air and there were many little puffs of white smoke. It took me some time to realize what it was all about, and then it burst upon me that we were actually witnessing an engagement. The ships continually sliifted their posi- tion but went on and on. The two big ones turned and rushed furiously for the little one, and then appar- 68 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 69 ently they changed their minds and turned back. Then the little one turned around and calmly steamed in our direction. At first I was somewhat alarmed at this, but nothing happened. She circled around us with her tars excited and grinning and somewhat grimy. They sig- THE DARDANELLES AND THE BLACK SEA nailed to our captain many questions, and then turned and finally disappeared. The captain told us that the two big ships were Germans which had been caught in the Mediterranean and which were trying to escape from the British fleet. He said that the British ships are chasing them all over the Mediterranean, and that the German ships are trying to get into Constantinople. Have you seen anything of them? Where do you sup- pose the British fleet is?" A few hours afterward I happened to meet Wangen- heim. When I told him what Mrs. Wertheim had 70 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY seen, he displayed an agitated interest. Immediately after lunch he called at the American Embassy with Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, and asked for an interview with my daughter. The two ambassadors solemnly planted themselves in chairs before Mrs. Wertheim and subjected her to a most minute, though very polite, cross examination. "I never felt so im- portant in my life," she afterward told me. They would not permit her to leave out a single detail; they wished to know how many shots had been fired, what direc- tion the German ships had taken, what everybody on board had said, and so on. The visit seemed to give these allied ambassadors immense relief and satisfac- tion, for they left the house in an almost jubilant mood, behaving as though a great weight had been taken off their minds. And certainly they had good reason for their elation. My daughter had been the means of giving them the news which they had desired to hear above everything else — that the Goeben and the Breslau had escaped the British fleet and were then steaming rapidly in the direction of the Dardanelles. For it was those famous German ships, the Goeben and the Breslau, which my daughter had seen engaged in battle with a British scout ship! The next day ofiicial business called me to the Ger- man Embassy. But Wangenheim's animated manner soon disclosed that he had no interest in routine matters. Never had I seen him so nervous and so excited. He could not rest in his chair more than a few minutes at a time; he was constantly jumping up, rushing to the window and looking anxiously out toward the Bos- phorus, where his private wireless station, the Corcovado, lay about three quarters of a mile away. Wangenheim's AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 71 face was flushed and his eyes were shining; he would stride up and down the room, speaking now of a recent German victory, now giving me a little forecast of Ger- many's plans — and then he would stalk to the window again for another look at the Corcovado. "Something is seriously distracting you," I said, rising. "I will go and come again some other time." "No, no!" the Ambassador almost shouted. "I want you to stay right where you are. This will be a great day for Germany! If you will only remain for a few minutes you will hear a great piece of news — ^some- thing that has the utmost bearing upon Turkey's rela- tion to the war." Then he rushed out on the portico and leaned over the balustrade. At the same moment I saw a little launch put out from the Corcovado toward the Ambas- sador's dock. Wangenheim hurried down, seized an envelope from one of the sailors, and a moment afterward burst into the room again. "We've got them!" he shouted to me. "Got what?" I asked. "The Goeben and the Breslau have passed through the Dardanelles ! " He was waving the wireless message with all the en- thusiasm of a college boy whose football team has won a victory. Then, momentarily checking his enthusiasm, he came up to me solemnly, humorously shook his forefinger, lifted his eyebrows, and said, "Of course, you under- stand that we have sold those ships to Turkey! "And Admiral Souchon," he added with another wink, "will enter the Sultan's service!" Wangenheim had more than patriotic reasons for 72 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY this exultation; the arrival of these ships was the greatest day in his diplomatic career. It was really the first diplomatic victory which Germany had won. For years the chancellorship of the empire had been Wangenheim's laudable ambition, and he behaved now like a man who saw his prize within his grasp. The I voyage of the Goeben and the Breslau was his personal triumph; he had arranged with the Turkish Cabinet for their passage through the Dardanelles, and he had directed their movements by wireless in the Mediterra- nean. By safely getting the Goeben and the Breslau into Constantinople, Wangenheim had definitely clinched Turkey as Germany's ally. All his intrigues and plot- tings for three years had now finally succeeded. I doubt if any two ships have exercised a greater in- fluence upon history than these two German cruisers. Few of us at that time realized their great importance, but subsequent developments have fully justified Wan- genheim's exuberant satisfaction. The Goeben was a powerful battle cruiser of recent construction; the Bres- lau was not so large a ship, but she, like the Goeben, had the excessive speed that made her extremely serviceable in those waters. These ships had spent the few months preceding the war cruising in the Mediterranean, and when the declaration finally came they were taking on supplies at Messina. I have always regarded it as more than a coincidence that these two vessels^ both of them having a greater speed than any French or Eng- lish ships in the Mediterranean, should have been lying not far from Turkey when war broke out. The selec- tion of the Goeben was particularly fortunate, as she had twice before visited Constantinople and her officers and men knew the Dardanelles perfectly. The behav- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 73 iour of these crevorts, he burst into tears. He begged them to de- lay; he was sure that the matter could be adjusted. The Grand Vizier was the only member of the Cabinet whom Enver and Talaat particularly wished to placate. As a prince of the royal house of Egypt and as an ex- tremely rich nobleman, his presence in the Cabinet, as I have already said, gave it a certain, standing. This probably explains the message which I now received. Talaat asked me to call upon the Russian Ambassador and ask what amends Turkey could make that would satisfy the Czar. There is httle likelihood that Talaat sincerely wished me to patch up the difficulty; his purpose was merely to show the Grand Vizier that he was attempting to meet his wishes, and, in this way, to keep him in the Cabmet. I saw M. Giers, but found him in no submissive mood. He said that Turkey could make amends only by dismissing all the German offi- cers in the Turkish army and navy;, he had his instruc- tions to leave at once and he intended to do so. How- ever, he would wait long enough in Bulgaria to receive their reply, and, if they accepted his terms, he would come back. "Russia, herself, will guarantee that the Turkish fleet does not again come into the Black Sea," said M. Giers, grimly. Talaat called on me in the afternoon, saying that he had just had lunch with Wangenheim. The Cabinet had the Russian reply under consideration, he said; the Grand Vizier wished to have M. Giers's terms put in writing; would I attempt to get it? By this time Garroni, the Italian Ambassador, had taken charge of Russian affairs, and I told Talaat that such AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 127 negotiations were out of my hands and that any further negotiations must be conducted through him. "Why don't you drop your mask as messenger boy of the Grand Vizier and talk to me as Talaat? " I asked. He laughed and said: "Well, Wangenheim, Enver, and I prefer that the war shall come now." Bustany, Oskan, Mahmoud, and Djavid at once carried out their threats and resigned from the Cabinet, thus leaving the government in the hands of Moslem Turks. The Grand Vizier, although he had threatened to resign, did not do so; he was exceedingly pompous and vain, and enjoyed the dignities of his office so much that, when it came to the final decision, he could not surrender them. Thus the net result of Turkey's en- trance into the war, so far as internal politics was con- cerned, was to put the nation entirely in the hands of the Committee of Union and Progress, which now controlled the Government in practically all its departments. Thus the idealistic organization which had come into existence to give Turkey the blessings of democracy had ended by becoming a tool of Prussian autocracy. One final picture I have of these exciting days. On the evening of the 30th I called at the British Embassy. British residents were already streaming in large num- bers to my office for protection, and fears of ill treat- ment, even the massacre of foreigners, filled every- body's mind. Amid all this tension I found one im- perturbable figure. Sir Louis was sitting in the chan- cery, before a huge fireplace, with large piles of docu- ments heaped about him in a semi-circle. Secretaries and clerks were constantly entering, their arms full of papers, which they added to the accumulations al- ready surrounding the Ambassador. Sir Louis would 138 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY take up document after document, glance through it and almost invariably drop it into the fire. These papers contained the embassy records for probably a hundred years. In them were written the great achievements of a long line of distinguished ambassa- dors. They contained the story of all the diplomatic triumphs in Turkey of Stratford de Redcliffe, the "Great Elchi," as the Turks called him, who, for the greater part of almost fifty years, from 1810 to 1858, practically ruled the Turkish Empire in the interest of England. The records of other great British am- bassadors at the Sublime Porte now went, one by one, into Sir Louis Mallet's fire. The long story of British ascendency in Turkey had reached its close. The twenty-years' campaign of the Kaiser to destroy Eng- land's influence and to become England's successor had finally triumphed, and the blaze in Sir Louis's chancery was really the funeral pyre of England's van- ished power in Turkey. As I looked upon this dignified and yet somewhat pensive diplomat, sitting there amid all the splendours of the British Embassy, I naturally thought of how once the sultans had bowed with fear and awe before the majesty of England, in the days when Prussia and Germany were little more than names. Yet the British Ambassador, as is usually the case with British diplomatic and military figures, was quiet and self-possessed. We sat there before his fire and dis- cussed the details of his departure. He gave me a list of the EngUsh residents who were to leave and those who were to stay, and I made final arrangements with Sir Louis for taking over British interests. Distressing in many ways as was this collapse of British influence in Turkey, the honour of Great Britain and that of her AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 139 ambassador was still secure. Sir Louis had not pur- chased Turkish officials with money, as had Wangen- heim; he had not corrupted the Turkish press, trampled on every remaining vestige of international law, fra- ternized with a gang of pohtical desperadoes, and con- ducted a ceaseless campaign of misrepresentations and lies against his enemy. The diplomatic game that had ended in England's defeat was one which Enghsh statesmen were not qualified to play. It called for talents such as only a Wangenheim possessed — it needed that German statecraft which, in accordance with Bismarck's maxim, was ready to sacrifice for the Fatherland "not only life but honour." CHAPTER Xn THE TURKS ATTEMPT TO TREAT ALIEN ENEMIES DECENTLY BUT THE GERMANS INSIST ON PERSECUTING THEM SOON after the bombardment of Odessa I was closeted with Enver, discussing the subject which was then uppermost in the minds of all the foreigners in Turkey. How would the Government treat its resident enemies? Would it intern them, es- tabUsh concentration camps, pursue them with Ger- man malignity, and perhaps apply the favourite Turk- ish measure with Christians — torture and massacre? Thousands of enemy subjects were then living in the Ottoman Empire; many of them had spent their whole lives there; others had even been bom on Ottoman soil. All these people, when Turkey entered the war, had every reason to expect the harshest kind of treatment. It is no exaggeration to say that most of them lived in con- stant fear of murder. The Dardanelles had been closed, so that there was little chance that outside help could reach these aliens; the capitulatory rights, under which they had lived for centuries, had been abro- gated. There was really nothing between the foreign residents and destruction except the American flag. The state of war had now made me, as American Am- bassador, the protector of all British, French, Serbian, and Belgian subjects. I realized from the beginning that my task would be a difficult one. On one hand were the Germans, urging their well-known ideas of 130 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 131 repression and brutality, while on the other were the Turks, with their traditional hatred of Christians and their natural instinct to maltreat those who are help- lessly placed in their power. , Yet I had certain strong arguments on my side and I now had called upon Enver for the purpose of laying them before him. Turkey desired the good opinion of the United States, and hoped, after the war, to find support among American financiers. At that time all the embassies in Constantinople took it for granted that the United States would be the peacemaker; if Tur- key expected us to be her friend, I now told Enver, she would have to treat enemy foreigners in a civilized way. "You hope to be reinstated as a world power," I said. "You must remember that the civilized world will carefully watch you; your future status will depend on how you conduct yourself in war." The ruling classes among the Turks, including Enver, realized that the out- side world regarded them as a people who had no respect for the sacredness 6f human life or the finer emotions and they keenly resented this attitude. I now reminded Enver that Turkey had a splendid opportunity to dis- prove all these criticisms. " The world may say you are barbarians," I argued; "show by the way you treat these alien enemies that you are not. Only in this way can you be freed permanently from the ignominy of the capitulations. Prove that you are worthy of being emancipated from foreign tutelage. Be civilized — be modern!" In view of what was happening in Belgium and northern France at that moment, my use of the word "modern," was a little unfortunate. Enver quickly saw the point. Up to this time he had maintained his 132 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY usual attitude of erect and dignified composure, and his face, as always, had been attentive, imperturbable, al- most expressionless. Now in a flash his whole bearing changed. His countenance broke into a cynical smile, he leaned over, brought his fist down on the table, and said: "Modern! No; however Turkey shall wage war, at least we shall not be 'modern.' That is the most bar- baric system of all. We shall simply try to be de- cent!" Naturally I construed this as a promise; I understood the changeableness of the Turkish character well enough, however, to know that more than a promise was necessary. The Germans were constantly prodding the Turkish oflScials, persuading them to adopt the favour- ite German plan against enemy aliens. Germany has revived many of the principles of ancient and medi- eval warfare, one of her most barbaric resurrections from the past being this practice of keeping certain repre- sentatives of the population, preferably people of dis- tinction and influence, as hostages for the "good be- haviour" of others. At this moment the German mili- tary staflF was urging the Turks to keep foreign residents for this purpose. Just as the Germans held non- combatants in Belgium as security for the "friendliness" of the Belgians, and placed Belgian women and children at the head of their advancing armies, so the Germans in Turkey were now planning to use French and British residents as part of their protective system against the Allied fleet. That this sinister influence was constantly at work I well knew; therefore it was necessary that I should meet it immediately, and, if possible, gain the upper hand at the very start. I decided that the de- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 133 parture of the Entente diplomats and residents from Constantinople would really put to the test my ability to protect the foreign residents. If all the French and Enghsh who really wished to leave could safely get out of Tiu:key, I believed that this demonstration would have a restraining influence, not only upon the Ger- mans, but upon the underlings of the Turkish oflficial world. As soon as I arrived at the railroad station, the day following the break, I saw that my task was topie a diffi- cult one. I had arranged with the Turkish authori- ties for two trains; one for the English and French resi- dents, which was to leave at seven o'clock, and one for the diplomats and their staff, which was to go at nine. But the arrangement was not working according to schedule. The station was a surging mass of excited and frightened people; the police were there in full force, pushing the crowds back; the scene was an inde- scribable mixture of soldiers, gendarmes, diplomats, bag- gage, and Turkish functionaries. One of the most conspicuous figures was Bedri Bey, prefect of police, a lawyer politician, who had recently been elevated to this position, and who keenly realized the importance of his new office. Bedri was an inti- mate friend and political subordinate of Talaat and one of his most valuable tools. He ranked high in the Com- mittee of Union and Progress, and aspired ultimately to obtain a cabinet position. Perhaps his most im- pelling motive was his hatred of foreigners and foreign influence. In his eyes Turkey was the land exclusively of the Turks; he despised all the other elements in its popu- lation, and he particularly resented the control which the foreign embassies had for years exerted in the do- , 134 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY mestic concerns of his country. Indeed, there were few men in Turkey with whom the permanent aboli- tion of the capitulations was such a serious matter. Naturally in the next few months I saw much of Bedri; he was constantly crossing my path, taking an almost malicious pleasure in interfering with every move which I made in the interest of the foreigners. His attitude was half provoking, half jocular; we were always trying to outwit each other — I attempting to protect the French and British, Bedri always turning up as an obstacle to my efforts; the fight for the foreigners, indeed, almost degenerated into a personal duel be- tween the Prefect of Police and the American Embassy. Bedri was capable, well educated, very agile, and not particularly ill-natured, but he loved to toy with a helpless foreigner. Naturally, he foimd his occupation this evening a congenial one. "What's all the trouble about?" I asked Bedri. "We have changed our minds," he said, and his manner showed that the change had not been displeas- ing to him. "We shall let the train go that is to take the ambassadors and their staffs. But we have de- cided not to let the unofficial classes leave — the train that was to take them will not go." My staff and I had worked hard to get this safe passage for the enemy nationals. Now apparently some influence had negatived our efforts. This sudden change in plans was producing the utmost confusion and consternation. At the station there were two '■groups of passengers, one of which could go and the other of which could not. The British and French ambassadors did not wish to leave their nationals be- hind, and the latter refused to believe that their train, AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 135 which the Turkish oflScials had definitely promised, would not start sometime that evening, I immedi- ately called up Enver, who substantiated Bedri's state- ment. Turkey had many subjects in Egypt, he said, whose situation was causing great anxiety. Before the French and English residents could leave Turkey, assurances must be given that the rights of Turkish subjects in these countries would be protected. I had no difficulty in arranging this detail, for Sir Louis Mal- let immediately gave the necessary assurances. How- ever, this did not settle the matter; indeed, it had been little more than a pretext. Bedri still refused to let the train start; the order holding it up, he said, could not be rescinded, for that would now disarrange the general schedule and might cause accidents. I recog- nized all this as mere Turkish evasion and I knew that the order had come from a higher source than Bedri; still nothing could be done at that moment. Moreover, Bedri would let no one get on the diplomatic train until I had personally identified him. So I had to stand at a little gate, and pass upon each applicant. Every- one, whether he belonged to the diplomatic corps or not, attempted to force himself through this narrow pas- sageway, and we had an old-fashioned Brooklyn Bridge crush on a small scale. People were running in all directions, checking baggage, purchasing tickets, argu- ing with officials, consohng distracted women and frightened children, while Bedri, calm and collected, watched the whole pandemonium with an imsympa- , thetic smile. Hats were knocked off, clothing was torn, and, to add to the confusion. Mallet, the British Ambassador, became involved in a set-to with an offi- cious Turk — the Englishnian winning first honours 136 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY easily; and I caught a glimpse of Bompard, the French Ambassador, vigorously shaking a Turkish policeman. One lady dropped her baby in my arms, later another handed me a small boy, and still later, when I was standing at the gate, identifying Turkey's departing guests, one of the British secretaries made me the cus- todian of his dog. Meanwhile, Sir Louis Mallet be- came obstreperous and refused to leave. "I shall stay here," he said, "until the last British subject leaves Turkey." But I told him that he was no longer the protector of the British; that I, as American Ambassador, had assumed this responsibility; and that I could hardly assert myself in this capacity if he remained in Con- stantinople. "Certainly," I said, "the Turks would not recognize me as in charge of British interests if you remain here." Moreover, I suggested that he remain at Dedeagatch for a few days, and await the arrival of his fellow Brit- isli. Sir Louis reluctantly accepted my point of view and boarded the train. As the train left the station I caught my final ghmpse of the British Ambassador, sitting in a private car, almost buried in a mass of trunks, satchels, boxes, and diplomatic pouches, sur- rounded by his embassy staff, and sympathetically watched by his secretary's dog. The unoflScial foreigners remained in the station sev- eral hours, hoping that, at the last moment, they would be permitted to go. Bedri, however, was inexorable. Their position was almost desperate. They had given up their quarters in Constantinople, and now found themselves practically stranded. Some were taken in by friends for the night, others found accommodations SIR LOUIS MALLET (On the left.) British Ambassador in Constantinople when the European war began GENERAL LIMAN VON SANDERS This is the head of the military mission sent by the Kaiser to Constan- tinople in the latter part of 1913, to reorganize the Turkish army in prepa- ration for the coming war. He really directed the Turkish mobilization in August, 1914.— three months before Turkey declared war AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 187 in hotels. But their situation caused the utmost anxiety. Evidently,. despite all official promises, Tur- key was determined to keep these foreign residents as hostages. On the one hand were Enver and Talaat, telling me that they intended to conduct their war in a humane manner, and, on the other, were their underlings, such as Bedri, behaving in a fashion that negatived all th^se civiUzed pretensions. The fact was that the officials were quarrelling among themselves about the treatment of foreigners; and the German General Staff was telling the Cabinet that they were making a great mistake in showing any leniency to their enemy aUens. Finally, I succeeded in making ar- rangements for them to leave the following day. Bedri, in more complaisant mood, spent that afternoon at the embassy, viseing passports; we both went to the sta- tion in the evening and started the train safely toward Dedeagatch, I gave a box of candy — "Turkish De- lights, " to each one of the fifty women and children on the train; it altogether was a happy party and they made no attempt to hide their rehef at leaving Turkey. At Dedeagatch they met the diplomatic corps, and the reunion that took place, I afterward learned, was ex- tremely .touching. I was made happy by receiving many testimonials of their gratitude, in particular a letter, signed by more than a hundred, expressing their thanks to Mrs. Morgenthau, the embassy staff, and my- self. There were still many who wished to go and next day I called on Talaat in their behalf. I found him in one of his most gracious moods. The Cabinet, he said, had carefully considered the whole matter of English and French residents in Turkey, and my arguments, he 138 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY added, had greatly influenced them. They had reached the formal decision that enemy aliens coidd leave or remain, as they preferred. There would be no con- centration camps, civilians could pursue their usual business in peace, and, so long as they behaved them- selves, they would not be molested. "We propose to show," said Talaat, "by our treat- ment of aliens, that we are not a race of barbarians." In return for this promise he asked a favour of me: would I not see that Turkey was praised in the Ameri- can and European press for this decision? After returning to the embassy I immediately sent for Mr. Theron Damon, correspondent of the Associ- ated Press, Doctor Lederer, correspondent of the Berliner Tagehlatt, and Doctor Sandler, who repre- sented the Paris Herald, and gave them interviews, praising the attitude of Turkey toward the foreign resi- dents. I also cabled the news to Washington, London, and Paris and to all our consuls. Hardly had I finished with the correspondents when I again received alarming news. I had arranged for another train that evening, and I now heard that the Turks were refusing to vise the passports of those whose departure I had provided for. This news, coming right after Talaat's explicit promise, was naturally dis- turbing. I immediately started for the railroad station, and the sight which I saw there increased my anger at the Minister of the Interior. A mass of distracted peo- ple filled the inclosure; the women were weeping, and the children were screaming, while a platoon of Turkish soldiers, commanded by an undersized popinjay of a major, was driving everybody out of the station with the flat sides of their guns. Bedri, as usual, was there, AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 139 and as usual, he was clearly enjoying the confusion; cer- tain of the passengers, he told me, had not paid their income tax, and, for this reason, they would not be permitted to leave. I announced that I would be per- sonally responsible for this payment. " ' "I can't get ahead of you, Mr. Ambassador, can I?" said Bedri, with a laugh. From this we all thought that my offer had settled the matter and that the train would leave according to schedule. But then suddenly, came another order holding it up again. Since I had just had a promise from Talaat I de- cided to find that functionary and learn what all this meant. I jumped into my automobile and went to the Sublime Porte, where he usually had his headquarters. Finding no one there, I told the chauffeur to drive di- rectly to Talaat's house. Sometime before I had visited Enver in his domestic surroundings and this occasion now gave me the opportunity to compare his manner of Hfe with that of his more powerful associate. The contrast was a startling one. ^I had found Enver living in luxury, in one of the most aristocratic parts of the town, while now I was driving to one of the poorer sec- tions. We came to a narrow street, bordered by little rough, unpainted wooden houses; only one thing dis- tinguished this thoroughfare from all others in Con- stantinople and suggested that it was the abiding place of the most powerful man in the Turkish Empire. At either end stood a policeman, letting no one enter who could not give a satisfactory reason for doing so. Our auto, like all others, was stopped, but we were promptly permitted to pass when we explained who we were. As contrasted with Enver's palace, with its innumerable rooms and gorgeous furniture, Talaat's house was an 140 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY old, rickety, wooden, three-story building. All this, I afterward learned, was part of the setting which Talaat had staged for his career. Like many an American politician, he had found his position as a man of "the people" a valuable poUtical asset, and he knew that a sudden display of prosperity and ostentation would weaken his influence with the Union and Progress Com- mittee, most of whose members, like himself, had risen from the lower walks of life. The contents of the house were quite in keeping with the exterior. There were no suggestions of Oriental magnificence. The furniture was cheap; a few coarse prints hung on the walls, and one or two well-worn rugs were scat- tered on the floor. On one side stood a wooden table, and on this rested a telegraph instrument — once Talaat*3 means of earning a living, and now a means by which he communicated with his associates. In the present troubled conditions in Turkey Talaat sometimes pre- ferred to do his own telegraphing! Amid these surroundings I awaited for a few min'uteg the entrance of the Big Boss of Turkey. In due time a door opened at the other end of the room, and a huge, lumbering, gaily-decorated figure entered. I was startled by the contrast which this Talaat presented to the one who had become such a familiar figure to me at the Sublime Porte. It was no longer the Talaat of the European clothes and the thin veneer of European manners; the man whom I now saw looked like a real Bulgarian gypsy. Talaat wore the usual red Turkish fez; the rest of his bulky form was clothed in thick gray pajamas; and from this combination protruded a ro- tund, smiUng face. His mood was half genial, half deprecating; Talaat well understood what pressing AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 141 business had led me to invade his domestic privacy, and his behaviour now resembled that of the unrepentant bad boy in school. He came and sat down with a good-natured grin, and began to make excuses. Quietly the door opened again, and a hesitating Uttle girl was pushed into the room, bringing a tray of cigarettes and coflfee. Presently I saw that a young woman, appar- ently about twenty-five years old, was standing back of the child, urging her to enter. Here, then, were Talaat's wife and adopted daughter; I had already discovered that, while Turkish women never enter society or act as hostesses, they are extremely inquisitive about their husbands' guests, and like to get surreptitious glimpses of them. Evidently Madame Talaat, on this occa- sion, was not satisfied with her preliminary view, for, a few minutes afterward, she appeared at a window di- rectly opposite me, but entirely unseen by her husband, who was facing in the other direction, and there she remained very quiet and very observant for several minutes. As she was in the house, she was unveiled; her face was handsome and intelhgent; and it was quite apparent that she enjoyed this close-range view of an American ambassador. "Well, Talaat," I said, realizing that the time had come for plain speaking, "don't you know how foolishly you are acting? You told me a few hours ago that you had decided to treat the French and English decently and you asked me to publish this news in the American and foreign press. I at once called in the newspaper men and told them how splendidly you were behaving. And this at your own request! The whole world will be reading about it to-morrow. Now you are doing your best to counteract all my efforts in your behalf; 142 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY here you have repudiated your first promise to be de- cent. Are you going to keep the promises you made me? Will you stick to them, or do you intend to keep changiag your mind all the time? Now let's have a real understanding. The thing we Americans particu- larly pride ourselves on is keeping our word. We do it as individuals and as a nation. We refuse to deal with people as equals who do not do this. You might as well imderstand now that we can do no business with each other unless I can depend on your promises." "Now, this isn't my fault," Talaat answered. "The Germans are to blame for stopping that train. The German Chief of Staff has just returned and is making a big fuss, saying that we are too easy with the French and English and that we must not let them go away. He says that we must keep them for hostages. It was his iuterference that did this." That was precisely what I had suspected. Talaat had given me his promise, then Bronssart, head of the German Staff, had practically coimtermanded his orders. Talaat's admission gave me the opening which I had wished for. By this time my relations with Talaat had become so friendly that I could talk to him with the utmost frankness. "Now, Talaat," I said, "you have got to have some- one to advise you in your relations with foreigners. You must make up your mind whether you want me or the German Staff. Don't you think you will make a mistake if you place yourself entirely in the hands of the Germans? The time may come when you will need me against them." "What do you mean by that?" he asked, watching for my answer with intense curiosity. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 143 "The Germans are sure to ask you to do many things you don't want to do. If you can tell them that the American Ambassador objects, my support may prove useful to you. Besides, you know you all expect peace in a few months. You know that the Germans really care nothing for Turkey, and certainly you have no claims on the Allies for assistance. There is only one nation in the world that you can look to as a disinter- ested friend and that is the United States." This fact was so apparent that I hardly needed to argue it in any great detail. However, I had another argument that struck still nearer home. Already the struggle between the war department and the civil powers had started. I knew that Talaat, although he was Minister of the Interior, and a civilian, was de- termined not to sacrifice a tittle of his authority to Enver, the Germans, and the representatives of the military. "If you let the Germans win this point to-day," I said, "you are practically in their power. You are now the head of aflfairs, but you are still a civilian. Are you going to let the military, represented by Enver and the German staflF, overrule your orders.'* Appar- ently that is what has happened to-day. If you submit to it, you will find that they will be running things from now on. The Germans will put this country imder martial law; then where will you civiUans be?" I could see that this argument was having its effect on Talaat. He remained quiet for a few moments, evidently pondering my remarks. Then he said, with the utmost deliberation, "I am going to help you." He turned aroimd to his table and began working 144 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY his telegraph iastrument. I shall never forget the picture; this huge Turk, sitting there in his gray pajamas and his red fez, working industriously his own telegraph key, his young wife gazing at him through a little window and the late afternoon sun streaming into the room. Evidently the ruler of Tur- key was having his troubles, and, as the argument went on over the telegraph, Talaat would bang his key with increasing irritation. He told me that the pompous major at the station insisted on having En- ver's written orders — since orders over the wire might easily be counterfeited. It took Talaat some time to locate Enver, and then the dispute apparently started all over again. A piece of news which Talaat received at that moment over the wire almost ruined my case. After a prolonged thumping of his instrument, in the course of which Talaat's face lost its geniality and be- came almost savage, he turned to me and said: "The English bombarded the Dardanelles this morn- ing and killed two Turks!" And then he added: "We intend to kill three Christians for every Moslem killed!" For a moment I thought that everything was lost. Talaat's face reflected only one emotion — ^hatred of the English. Afterward, when reading the Cromer report on the Dardanelles, I found that the British Committee stigmatized this early attack as a mistake, since it gave the Turks an early warning of their plans. I can testify that it was a mistake for another reason, for I now found that these few strange shots almost destroyed my plans to get the foreign residents out of Turkey. Talaat was enraged, and I had to go over much of the ) Underwood & Underwood GERMAN AND TURKISH OFFICERS ON BOARD THE ; "GOEBEN" All the men, except the ones at the extreme left and extreme right, are Germans. .Two months before Turkey entered the' European war. Admiral Souchon — ^the central figure in this group — controlled the Turkish navy. All this time the German Gdyernment maintained that it had "sold" the Goeben and the Breslauto Turkey AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 145 ground again, but finally I succeeded in pacifying him once more. I saw that he was vacillating between his desire to pimish the English and his desire to assert his own authority over that of Enver and the Germans. Fortunately the latter motive gained the ascendancy. At all hazard, he was determined to show that he was boss. We remained there more than two hours, my in- voluntary host pausing now and then in his telegraphing to entertain me with the latest political gossip. Djavid, the Minister of Finance, he said, had resigned, but had promised to work for them at home. The Grand Vizier, despite his threats, had been persuaded to retain his oflSce. Foreigners in the interior would not be molested unless Beirut, Alexandretta, or some unfortified port were bombarded, but, if such attacks were made, they would exact reprisals of the French and EngUsh. Ta- laat's conversation showed that he had no particular liking for the Germans. They were overbearing and insolent, he said, constantly interfering in mihtary matters and treating the Turks with disdain. Finally the train was arranged. Talaat had shown several moods in this interview; he had been by turns sulky, good-natured, savage, and complaisant. There is one phase of the Turkish character which Westerners do not comprehend and that is its keen sense of humour. Talaat himself greatly loved a joke and a funny story. Now that he had reestablished friendly relations and redeemed his promise, Talaat became jocular once more. "Your people can go now," he said with a laugh. "It's time to buy your candies, Mr. Ambassador!" This latter, of course, was a reference to the little gifts which I had made to the women and children 146 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the night before. We immediately returned to the station, where we found the disconsolate passengers sitting aroimd waiting for a favourable word. When I told them that the train would leave that evening, their thanks and gratitude were overwhelming. CHAPTER Xm THE INVASION OF NOTRE DAME DE 8ION TALAAT'S statement that the German Chief of Staff, Bronssart, had really held up this train, was a valuable piece of infonnation. I decided to look into the matter further, and, with this idea in my mind, I called next day on Wangenheim. The Turkish authorities, I said, had solemnly promised that they would treat their enemies decently, and certainly I could not tolerate any interference in the matter from the German Chief of Staff. Wangenheim had repeatedly told me that the Germans were looking to President Wilson as the peacemaker and I therefore used the same argument with him that I had urged on Talaat. Proceedings of this sort would not help his country when the day of the final settlement came! Here, I said, we have a strange situation; a so-called barbarous country, like Turkey, attempting to make civilized warfare and treat their Christian enemies with decency and kindness, and, on the other hand, a supposedly cultured and Christian nation, like Ger- many, which is trying to persuade them to revert to barbarism. "What sort of an impression do you think that will make on the American people?" I asked Wangenheim. He expressed a willingness to help and suggested, as my consideration for such help, that I should try to persuade the United States to insist on free commerce with Germany, so that his country could 147 148 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY ' receive plentiful cargoes of copper, wheat, and cotton. This was a subject to which, as I shall relate, Wangen- heim constantly returned. Despite Wangenheim's promise I had practically no support from the German Embassy in my attempt to protect the foreign residents from Turkish ill treatment. I realized that, owing to my religion, there might be a feeling in certain quarters that I was not exerting all my energies in behalf of these Christian peoples and religious organizations — ^hospitals, schools, monasteries, and convents' — ^and I naturally thought that it would strengthen my influence with the Turks if I could have the support of my most powerful Christian colleagues. I had a long discussion on this matter with Pallavicini, himself a Catholic and the representative of the greatest Catholic power. Pallavicini frankly told me that Wangenheim would do nothing that would annoy the Turks. There was then a constant fear that the Eng- lish and French fleets would force the Dardanelles, capture Constantinople, and hand it over to Russia, and only the Turkish forces, said Pallavicini, could pre- vent such a calamity. The Germans, therefore, be- lieved that they were dependent on the good graces of the Turkish Government, and would do nothing to antagonize them. Evidently Pallavicini wished me to believe that Wangenheim and he really desired to help. Yet this plea was hardly frank, for I knew all the time that Turkey, if the Germans had not constantly" interfered, would have behaved decently. I found that the evil spirit was not the Turkish Govern- ment, but Von Bronssart, the German Chief of Staff. The fact that certain members of the Turkish Cabinet, who represented European and Christian culture — ^men AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 149 like Bustany and Oskan — had resigned as a protest against Turkey's action in entering the war, made the situation of foreigners even more dangerous. There was also much conflict of authority; a policy decided on one day would be reversed the next, the result being that we never knew where we stood. The mere fact that the Government promised me that foreigners would not be maltreated by no means settled the matter, for some underling, like Bedri Bey, could frequently find an excuse for disregarding , instructions. The situation, therefore, was one that called for constant vigilance; I had not only to get pledges from men like Talaat and Enver, but I had personally to see that these pledges were carried into action. I awoke one November morning at four o'clock; I had been dreaming, or I had had a "presentiment," that all was not going well with the Sion Soeurs, a French sisterhood which had for many years conducted a school for girls in Constantinople. Madame Bom- pard, the wife of the French Ambassador, and several ladies of the French colony, had particularly requested us to keep a watchful eye on this institution. It was a splendidly conducted school; the daughters of many of the best families of aU nationalities attended it, and when these girls were assembled, the Christians wearing silver crosses and the non-Christians silver stars, the sight was particularly beautiful and impressive. Nat- urally the thought of the brutal Turks breaking into such a community was enough to arouse the wrath of any properly constituted man. Though we had nothing more definite than an uneasy feeling that something might be wrong, Mrs. Morgenthau and I decided to go up immediately after breakfast. As we 150 AMBASSADOK MOEGENTHAU'S STORY approached the building we noted nothing particularly suspicious; the place was quiet and the whole atmos- phere was one of peace and sanctity. Just as we as- cended the steps, however, five Turkish policemen followed on our heels. They crowded after us into the vestibule, much to the consternation of a few of the sisters, who happened to be in the waiting room. The mere fact that the American Ambassador came with the poUce in itself increased their alarm, though our arrival together was purely accidental. "What do you want?" I asked, turning to the men. As they spoke only Turkish, naturally they did not imderstand me, and they started to push me aside. My own knowledge of Turkish was extremely limited, but I knew that the word "Elchi" meant "Ambassa- dor." So, pointing to myself, I said, ; "Elchi American." This scrap of Turkish worked like magic. In Turkey an ambassador is a much-revered object, and these policemen immediately respected my authority. Mean- while the sisters had sent for their superior. Mere Elvira. This lady was one of the most distinguished and influential personages in Constantiaople. That morning, as she came in quietly and faced these Turkish policemen, showing not a sign of fear, and completely overawing them by the splendour and dignity of her bearing, she represented to my eyes almost a super- natural being. Mere Elvira was a daughter of one of the most aristocratic families of Framce; she was a woman of perhaps forty years of age, with black hair and shming black eyes, all accentuated by a pale face^ that radiated culture, character, and intelligence. 1 could not help thinking, as I looked at her that morning. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 151 that there was not a diplomatic circle in the world to which she would not have added grace and dignity. In a few seconds Mere Elvira had this present distract- ing situation completely under control. She sent for a sister who spoke Turkish and questioned the policemen. They said that they were acting under Bedri's orders. All the foreign schools were to be closed that momiag, the Government intending to seize all their buildings. There were about seventy-two teachers and sisters in this convent; the police had orders to shut all these into two rooms, where they were to be held practically as prisoners. There were about two hundred girls; these were to be turned out into the streets, and left to shift for themselves. The fact that it was raining in torrents, and that the weather was extremely cold, accentuated the barbarity of this proceeding. Yet every enemy school and religious institution in Con- stantinople was undergoing a similar exp)erience at this time. Clearly this was a situation which I could not handle alone, and I at once telephoned my Turkish- speaking legal adviser. Herein is another incident which may have an interest for those who believe in providential intervention. When I arrived in Con- stantinople telephones had been imknown, but, in the last few months, an English company had been introducing a system. The night before my experience with the Sion Soeurs, my legal adviser had called me up and proudly told me that his telephone had just been installed. I jotted down his number, and this memorandum I now found in my pocket. Without my interpreter I should have been hard pressed, and with- out this telephone I could not have immediately brought him to the spot. 152 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY While waiting for his arrival I delayed the operations of^the policemen, and my wife, who fortunately speaks French, was obtaining all the details from the sisters. Mrs. Morgenthau understood the Turks well enough to know that they had other plans than the mere expulsion of the sisters and their charges. The Turks regard these institutions as repositories of treasure; the valuables which they contain are greatly exagger- ated in^the popular mind; and it was a safe assumption that, among other thiugs, this expulsion was an indus- trious raiding expedition for tangible evidences of wealth. "Have you any money and other valuables here?" Mrs. Morgenthau asked one of the sisters. Yes, they had quite a large amount; it was kept in a safe upstairs. My wife told me to keep the policemen busy and then she and one of the sisters quietly disap- peared from the scene. Upstairs the sister disclosed about a hundred square pieces of white flannel into each one of which had been sewed twenty gold coins. In all, the Sion Soeurs had in this liquid form about fifty thousand francs. They had been fearing expulsion for some time and had been getting together their money in this form, so that they could carry it away with them when forced to leave Turkey. Besides this, the sisters had several bundles of securities, and many valuable papers, such as the charter of their school. Certainly here was something that would appeal to Turkish cupidity. Mrs. Morgenthau knew that if the police once obtained control of the building there would be little likelihood that the Sion Soeurs would ever see their money again. With the aid of the sisters, my wife promptly concealed as much as she could on AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 153 her person, descended the stairs, and marched through the line of gendarmes out iuto the rain, Mrs. Morgen- thau told me afterward that her blood almost ran cold with fright as she passed by these guardians of the law; from all external signs, however, she was absolutely calm and collected. She stepped into the waiting auto, was driven to the American Embassy, placed the money in our vault, and promptly returned to the school. Again Mrs. Morgenthau solemnly ascended the stairs with the sisters. This time- they took her to the gallery of the Cathedral, which stood behind the convent, but could be entered through it. One of the sisters lifted up a tile from a particular spot in the floor, and again disclosed a heap of gold coins. This was secreted on Mrs. Morgenthau's clothes, and once more she walked past the gendarmes, out into the rain, and was driven rapidly to the Embassy. In these two trips my wife succeeded in getting the money of the sisters to a place where it would be safe from the Turks. Between Mrs. Morgenthau's trips Bedri had arrived. He told me that Talaat had himself given the order for closing all the institutions and that they had in- tended to have the entire job finished before nine o'clock. I have already said that the Turks have a sense of humour; but to this statement I should add that it sometimes manifests itself in a perverted form. Bedri now seemed to think that locking more than seventy Catholic sisters in two rooms and turning two himdred young and carefully niui;ured girls into the streets of Constantinople was a great joke. "We were going at it early in the morning and have it~all over before you heard anything about it," he said with a laugh. "But you seem never to be asleep." 154 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY "You are very foolish to try to play such tricks on us," I said. "Don't you know that I am going to write a book? If you go on behaving this way, I shall put you in as the villain." This remark was an inspiration of the moment; it was then that it first occurred to me that these experi- ences might prove suflSciently interesting for publica- tion. Bedri took the statement seriously, and it seemed to have a sobering effect. "Do you really intend to write a book.''" he asked, almost anxiously. "Why not?" I rejoined. "General Lew Wallace was minister here — didn't he write a book? 'Sunset' Cox was also minister here — didn't he write one? Why shouldn't I? And you are such an important character that I shall have to give you a part. Why do you go on acting in a way that will make me describe you as a very bad man? These sisters here have always been your friends. They have never done you anything but good; they have educated many of your daughters; why do you treat them in this shameful fashion?" This plea produced an effect; Bedri consented to postpone execution of the order until we could get Talaat on the wire. In a few minutes I heard Talaat laughing over the telephone. "I tried to escape you," he said, "but you have caught me again. Why make such a row about this matter? Didn't the French themselves expel all their nuns and monks? Why shouldn't we do it? " After I had remonstrated over this indecent haste Talaat told Bedri to suspend the order until we had had a chance to talk the matter over. Naturally this greatly relieved M^re Elvira and the sisters. Just aa AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 155 we were about to leave, Bedri suddenly had a new idea. There was one detail which he had apparently forgotten. '"We'll leave the Sion sisters alone for the present," he said, "but we must get their money." Reluctantly I acquiesced in his suggestion — ^knowing that all the valuables were safely reposing in the Amer- ican Embassy. So I had the pleasure of standing by and watching Bedri and his associates search the whole establishment. All they turned up was a small tin box containing a few copper coins, a prize which was so trifling that the Turks disdained to take it. They were much puzzled and disappointed, and from that day to this they have never known what became of the money. If my Turkish friends do me the honour of reading these pages, they will find that I have explained here for the first time one of the many mysteries of those exciting days. As some of the windows of the convent opened on the court of the Cathedral, which was Vatican prop- erty, we contended that the Turkish Government could not seize it. Such of the sisters as were neutrals were allowed to remain in possession of the part that faced the Vatican land, while the rest of the bmlding was turned into an Engineers' School. We arranged that the French nuns should have ten days to leave for their own country; they all reached their destination safely, and most are at present engaged in charities and war work in PVance. My jocular statement that I intended to write a book deeply impressed Bedri, and, in the next few weeks, he repeatedly referred to it. I kept banteringly telling him that, unless his behaviour improved, I should be forced to picture him as the villain. One day he. asked 156 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY me, in all seriousness, whether he could not do some- thing that would justify me in portraying him in a more favourable light. This attitude gave me an opportunity I had been seeking for some time. Con- stantinople had for many years been a centre for the white-slave, trade and a particularly vicious gang was ^hen operating under cover of a fake synagogue. A committee, organized to fight this crew, had made me an honorary chairman. I told Bedri that he now had the chance to secure a reputation; because of the war, his powers as Prefect of Police had been greatly in- creased and a little vigorous action on his part would permanently rid the city of this disgrace. The enthu- siasm with which Bedri adopted my suggestion and the thoroughness and ability with which he did the work entitle him to the gratitude of all decent people. In a few days every white-slave trader in Constantinople was scurrying for safety; most were arrested, a few made their escape; such as were foreigners, after serving terms in jail, were expelled from the country. Bedri furnished me photographs of all the culprits and they are now on file in our State Department. I was not writing a book at that time, but I felt obliged to secure some pubKc recognition for Bedri's work. I therefore sent his photograph, with a few words about his achieve- ment, to the New York Times, which published it in a Sunday edition. That a great American newspaper had recognized him in this way delighted Bedri beyond words. For months he carried in his pocket the page of the Times containing his picture, showing it to all his friends. This event ended my troubles with the Prefect of Police; for the rest of my stay we had very few serious clashes. CHAPTER XIV WANGENHEIM AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COMPANY — ^A HOLT WAK THAT WAS MADE IN GERMANY tl LL this time I was increasing my knowledge /•\ of the modem German character, as illustrated ■^ -^ in Wangenheim and his associates. In the early days of the war, the Germans showed their most ingratiating side to Americans; as time went on, how- ever, and it became apparent that public opinion in the United States almost unanimously supported the Allies, and that the Washington Administration would not disregard the neutrality laws in order to promote Ger- many's interest, this friendly attitude changed and be- came almost hostile. The grievance to which the German Ambassador constancy returned with tiresome iteration was the old familiar one — ^the sale of American ammtmition to the Allies. I hardly ever met him that he did not speak about it. He was constantly asking me to write to President Wilson, urging him to declare an embargo; of course, my contention that the commerce in munitions was entirely legitimate made no impression. As the struggle at the Dardanelles became more intense, Wan- genheim's insistence on the subject of American ammu- nition grew. He asserted that most of the shells used at the Dardanelles had been made in America and that the United States was really waging war on Turkey. 157 158 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY One day, more angry than usual, he brought me a piece of shell. On it clearly appeared the inscription "B.S.Co." "Look at that!" he said. "I suppose you know what 'B.S.Co.' means? That is the Bethlehem Steel Com- pany! This will make the Turks furious. And re- member that we are going to hold the United States responsible for it. We are getting more and more proof, and we are going to hold yoi^ to account for every death caused by American shells. If you would only write home and make them stop selling ammuni- tion to our enemies, the war would be over very soon." . I made the usual defense, and called Wangenheim's attention to the fact that Germany had sold munitions to Spain in the Spanish War, but all this was to no purpose. AU that Wangenheim saw was that American supplies formed an asset to his enemy; the legalities of the situation did not interest him. Of course I refused point blank to write to the President about the matter. A few days afterward an article appeared in the Ih- dam discussing Turkish and American relations. This contribution, for the greater jpart, was extremely com- plimentary to America; its real purpose, however, was to contrast the present with the past, and to point out that our action in furnishing ammunition to Turkey's enemies was hardly in accordance with the historic friendship between the two countries. The whole thing was evidently written merely to get before the Turkish people a statement almost parenthetically included in the final paragraph. "According to the report of correspondents at the Dardanelles it appears that most of the shells fired by the British and French during the last bombardment were made in America." AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 159 At this time the German Embassy controlled the Ikdam, and was conducting it entirely in the interest of German propaganda. A statement of this sort, instilled into the minds of impressionable and fanatical Turks, might have the most deplorable consequences. I therefore took the matter up immediately with the man whom I regarded as chiefly responsible for the at- tack — ^the German Ambassador. At first Wangenheim asserted his innocence; he was as bland as a child in protesting his ignorance of the whole affair. I called his attention to the fact that the statements in the Ikdam were almost identically the same as those which he had made to me a few days before; that the language in certain spots, indeed, was almost a repetition of his own conversation. "Either you wrote that article yourself," I said, "or you called in the reporter and gave him the leading ideas." ; Wangenheim saw that there was no use in further denying the authorship. "Well," he said, throwing back his head, "what are you going to do about it.'' " This Tweed-like attitude rather nettled me and I resented it on the spot. "I'll tell you what I am going to do about it," I replied, "and you know that I will be able to carry out my threats. Either you stop stirring up anti- American feeling in Turkey or I shall start a campaign of anti-German sentiment here. "You know, Baron," I added, "that you .Germans are skating on very thin ice in this country. You know that the Turks don't love you any too well. In fact, you know that Americans are more popular here 160 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY than you are. Supposing that I go out, tell the Turks how you are simply using them for your own benefit — that you do not really regard them as your allies, but merely as pawns in the game which you are playing. Now, in stirring up anti-American feeling here you are touching my softest spot. You are exposing our educational and rehgious institutions to the attacks of the Turks. No one knows what they may do if they are persuaded that their relatives are being shot down by American bullets. You stop this at once, or in three weeks I will fill the whole of Turkey with animosity toward the Germans. It will be a battle between us, and*I am ready for it." Wangenheim's attitude changed at once. He turned around, put his arm on my shoulder, and assumed a most conciliatory, almost aflfectionate, manner. "Come, let us be friends," he said. "I see that you are right about this. I see that such attacks might injureAyour friends, the missionaries. I promise you that they will be stopped." From that day the Turkish press never made the slightest unfriendly allusion to the United States. The abruptness with which the attacks ceased showed me that the Germans had evidently extended to Turkey one of the most cherished expedients of the Fatherland — absolute government control of the press. But when I think of the infamous plots which Wangenheim was instigating at that moment, his objection to the use of a few American shells by English battleships— if English battleships used any such shells, which I seriously doubt — seems almost grotesque. In the early days Wangenheim had explained to me one of Germany's main purposes in forcing Turkey into the conflict. He AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 161 made this explanation quietly and nonchalantly, as though it had been quite the most ordinary matter in the world. Sitting in his office, puffing away at his big black German cigar, he unfolded Germany's scheme to arouse the whole fanatical Moslem world against the Christians. Germany had planned a real "holy war" as one means of destroying English and French influ- ence in the world. "Turkey herself is not the really important matter," said Wangenheim. " Her army is a small one, and we do not expect it to do very much. For the most part it will act on the defensive. But the big thing is the Moslem world. If we can stir the Mohammedans up against the English and Russians, we can force them to make peace." What Wangenheim evidently meant by the "Big thing" became apparent on November 13th, when the Sultan issued his declaration of war; this declaration was really an appeal for a Jihad, or a "Holy War" against the infidel. Soon afterward the Sheik-ul- Islam published his jfroclamation, summoning the whole Moslem world to arise and massacre their Christian op- pressors. "Oh, Moslems!" concluded this document, "Ye who are smitten with happiness and are on the verge of sacrificing your life and your goods for the cause of right, and of braving perils, gather now around the Imperial throne, obey the commands of the Al- mighty, who, in the Koran, promises us bliss in this and in the next world; embrace ye the foot of the Caliph's throne and know ye that the state is at war with Russia, England, France, and their Allies, and that these are the enemies of Islam. The Chief of the believers, the Caliph, invites you all as Moslems to join in the Holy War!" 162 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY The reKgious leaders read this proclamation to their assembled congregations in the mosques; all the news- papers printed it conspicuously; it was spread broad- cast in all the countries which had large Mohammedan populations — India, China, Persia, Egypt, Algiers, Tripoli, Morocco, and the like; in all these places it was read to the assembled multitudes and the populace was exhorted to obey the mandate. The Ihdam, the Turk- ish newspaper which had passed into German owner- ship, was constantly inciting the masses. " The deeds of our enemies," wrote this Turco-German editor, "have brought down the wrath of God. A gleam, of hope has appeared. All Mohammedans, young and old, men, women, and children, must fulfil their duty so that the gleam may not fade away, but give light to us forever. How many great things can be accom- plished by the arms of vigorous men, by the aid of others, of women and children! . . . The time for action has come. We shall all have to fight with all our strength, with all our soul, with teeth and nails, with all the sinews of our bodies and of our spirits. K we do it, the deliverance of the subjected Mohammedan kingdoms is assured. Then, if God so wills, we shall march unashamed by the side of our friends who send their greetings to the Crescent. Allah is our aid and the Prophet is our support." The Sultan's proclamation was an oflScial public document, and dealt with the proposed Holy War only in a general way, but about this same time a secret pamphlet appeared which gave instructions to the faith- ful in more specific terms. This paper was not read in the mosques; it was distributed stealthily in all Mo- hammedan countries — ^India, Egypt, Morocco, Syria, AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 163 and many others; and it was significantly printed in Arabic, the language of the Koran. It was a lengthy document — ^the English translation contains 10,000 words — ^f ull of quotations from the Koran, and its style was frenzied in its appeal to racial and rehgious hatred. It described a detailed plan of operations for the assas- sination and extermination of all Christians — except those of German nationality. A few extracts will fairly portray its spirit: "O people of the faith and O beloved Moslems, consider, even though but for a brief moment, the present condition of the Islamic world. For if you consider this but for a Uttle you will weep long.' You will behold a bewUderiag state of affairs which will cause the tear to fall and the fire of grief to blaze. You see the great country of India, which contains 'hundreds of millions of Moslems, fallen, because of re- ligious divisions and weaknesses, into the grasp of the enemies of God, the infidel English. You see forty millions of Moslems in Java shackled by the chains of captivity and of aflBiiction under the rule of the Dutch, although these infidels are much fewer in number than the faithful and do not enjoy a much higher civihza- tion. You see Egypt, Morocco, Timis, Algeria, and the Sudan suffering the extremes of pain and groaning in the grasp of the enemies of God and his apostle. You see the vast country of Siberia and Turkestan and Khiva and Bokhara and the Caucasus and the Crimea and Kazan and Ezferhan and Kosahastan, whose Mos- lem peoples believe in the unity of God, ground under the feet of their oppressors, who are the enemies al- ready of our religion. You behold Persia being pre- pared for partition and you see the city of the Caliphate, which for ages has unceasiagly fought breast to breast 164 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY with the (enemies of our religion, now become the target for oppression and violence. Thus wherever you look you see that the enemies of the true religion, particu- larly the English, the Russian, and the French, have oppressed Islam and invaded its rights in every possible way. We cannot enumerate the insults we have re- ceived at the hands of these nations who desire totally to destroy Islam and drive all Mohammedans off the face of the earth. This tyranny has passed all endur- able limits; the cup of our oppression is full to over- flowing. ... In brief, the Moslems work and the infidels eat; the Moslems are hungry and suffer and the infidels gorge themselves and live ia luxury. The world of Islam sinks down and goes backward, and the Chris- tian, world goes forward and is more and more exalted. The Moslems are enslaved and the infidels are the great rulers. This is all because the Moslems have aban- doned the plan set forth in the Koran and ignored the Holy War which it commands. . . . But the time has now come for the Holy War, and by this the land of Islam shall be forever freed from the power of the infidels who oppress it. This holy war has now become a sacred duty. Know ye that the blood of infidels in the Islamic lands may be shed with impunity — except those to whom the Moslem power has promised security and who are allied with it. [HereiQ we find that Germans and Austrians are ex- cepted from massacre.] The killing of infidels who rule over Islam has become a sacred duty, whether you do it secretly or openly, as the Koran has decreed: 'Take them and kill them whenever you find them. Behold we have delivered them unto your hands and given you supreme power over them.' He who kills even one AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 165 unbeKever of those who rule over us, whether he does it secretly or openly, shall be rewarded by God. And let every Moslem, in whatever part of the world he may be, swear a solemn oath to kill at least three or four of the infidels who rule over him, for they are the ene- mies of God and of the faith. Let every Moslem know that his reward for doing so shaU be doubled by the God who created heaven and earth. A Moslem who does this shall be saved from the terrors of the day of Judgment, of the resurrection of the dead. Who is the man who can refuse such a recompense for such a small deed? . . . Yet the time has come that we should rise up as the rising of one man, ia one hand a sword, in the other a gun, in his pocket balls of fire and death-dealing missiles, and in his heart the light of the faith, and that we should Uft up our voices, saying — India for the Indian Moslems, Java for the Javanese Moslems, Algeria for the Algerian Moslems, Morocco for the Moroccan Moslems, Tunis for the Tunisan Moslems, Egypt for the Egyptian Moslems, Iran for the Iranian ]VIoslems, Turan for the Turanian Moslems, Bokhara for the Bokharan Moslems, Caucasus for the Caucasian Moslems, and the Ottoman Empire for the Ottoman Turks and Arabs." Specific instructions for carrying out this holy pur- pose foUow. There shall be a "heart war"^ — every fol- lower of the Prophet, that is, shall constantly nourish in his spirit a hatred of the infidel; a "speech war" — with tongue and pen every Moslem shall spread this same hatred wherever Mohammedans live; and a war of deed — ^fighting and killing the infidel wherever he shows his head. This latter conflict, says the pamph- let, is the "true war." There is to be a "httle holy 166 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY war" and a "great holy war"; the first describes the battle which every Mohammedan is to wage in his commimity against his Christian neighbours, and the second is the great world struggle which united Islam, in India, Arabia, Turkey, Africa, and other countries is to wage against the infidel oppressors. "The Holy War," says the pamphlet, " will be of three forms. First, the individual war, which consists of the individual personal deed. This may be carried on with cutting, kUling instruments, like the holy war which one of the faithful made against Peter Galy, the infidel English governor, like the slaying of the English chief of police in India, and like the killing of one of the officials arriving in Mecca by Abi Busir (may God be pleased with him)." The document gives several other in- stances of assassination which the faithful are enjoined to imitate. Second, the believers are told to organize "bands," and to go forth and slay Christians. The most useful are those organized and operating in secret. " It is hoped that the Islamic world of to-day will profit very greatly from such secret bands." The third method is by "organized campaigns," that is, by trained armies. In all parts of this incentive to murder and assassina- tion there are indications that a German hand has ex- ercised an editorial supervision. Only those infidels are to be slain, "who rule over us" — that is, those who have Mohammedan subjects. As Germany has no such subjects, this saving clause was expected to pro- tect Germans from assault. The Germans, with their usual interest in their own well-being and their usual disregard of their ally, evidently overlooked the fact that Austria had many Mohammedan subjects in Bos- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 167 nia and Herzegovina. Moslems are instructed that they should form armies, "even though it may be neces- sary to introduce some foreign elements" — that is, bring in German instructors and German oflScers. "You must remember" — this is evidently intended as a blanket protection to Germans every where — "that it is absolutely unlawful to oppose any of the peoples of other rehgions between whom and the Moslems there is a covenant or of those who have not manifested hos- tility to the seat of the Caliphate or those who have entered under the protection of the Moslems." Even though I had not had Wangenheim's personal statement that the Germans intended to arouse the Mohammedans everywhere against England,' France, and Eussia, these interpolations would clearly enough have indicated the real inspiration of this amazing document. At the time Wangenheim discussed the matter with me, his chief idea seemed to be that a "holy war" of this sort would be the quickest means of forcing England to make peace. According to this point of view, it was really a great peace offensive. At that time Wangenheim reflected the conviction, which was prevalent in all official circles, that Germany had made a mistake in bringing England into the conflict, and it was evidently his idea now that if back fires could be started against England in India, Egypt, the Sudan, and other places, the British Empire would withdraw. Even if British Mohammedans refused to rise, Wangenheim believed that the mere threat of such an uprising would induce England to abandon Belgium and France to their fate. The danger of spreading such incendiary literature among a wildly fanatical people is apparent. I was not the only neutral diplomat 168 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY who feared the most serious consequences. M. Tocheff, the Bulgarian Minister, one of the ablest members of the diplomatic corps, was much disturbed. At that time Bulgaria was neutral, and M. Tocheff used to tell me that his coimtry hoped to maintain this neu- trality. Each side, he said, expected that Bulgaria would become its ally, and it was Bulgaria's policy to keep each side in this expectant frame of mind. Should Germany succeed in starting a "Holy War" and should massacres result, Bulgaria, added M. Tocheff, would certainly join forces with the Entente. We arranged that he should call upon Wangenheim and repeat this statement, and that I should bring similar pressure to bear upon Enver. From the first, however, the Holy War proved a failure. The Mohammedans of such countries as India, Egypt, Algiers, and Morocco knew that they were getting far better treatment than they could obtain under any other conceivable conditions. Moreover, the simple- minded Mohammedans could not understand why they should prosecute a holy war against Christians and at the same time have Christian nations, such as Germany and Austria, as their partners. This associa- tion made the whole proposition ridiculous. The Koran, it is true, commands the slaughter of Christians, but that sacred volume makes no exception in favour of the Germans and, in the mind of the fanatical Mo- hammedan, a German rayah is as much Christian dirt as an Englishman or a Frenchman, and his massacre is just as meritorious an act. The fine distinctions necessitated by European diplomacy he understands about as completely as he understands the law of gravi- tation or the nebular hypothesis. The German failure AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 169 to take this into account is only another evidence of the fundamental German clumsiness and real ignorance of racial psychology. The only tangible fact that stands out clearly is the Kaiser's desire to let loose 300,000,000 Mohammedans in a gigantic St. Bartholo- mew massacre of Christians. » Was there theri no "holy war" at aU.? Did Wan- genheim's "Big Thing" really fail? Whenever I thmk of this burlesque Jihad a particular scene in the American Embassy comes to my mind. On one side of the table sits Enver, most peacefully sipping tea and eating qakes, and on the other side is myself, engaged in the same unwarUke occupation. It is November 14th, the day after the Sultan has declared his holy war; there have been meetings at the mosques and other places, at which the declaration has been read and fiery speeches made. Enver now assures me that absolutely no harm will come to Americans; in fact, that there will be no massacres anyway. While he is talking, one of my secretaries comes in and tells me that a Uttle mob is making demonstrations against certain foreign establishments. It has assailed an Austrian shop which has unwisely kept up its sign saying that it has "English clothes" for sale. I ask Enver what this means; he answers that it is all a mistake; there is no intention of attacking anybody. A little while after he leaves I am informed that the mob has attacked 'the Bon Marche, a IVench dry-goods store, and is heading directly for the British Embassy. I at once call Enver on the telephone; it is all right, he says, nothing will happen to the embassy. A minute or two after, the mob immediately wheels about and starts for Tokat- lian's, the most important restaurant in Constantinople. 170 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY The fact that this is conducted by an Armenian makes it fair game. Six men who have poles, with hooks at the end, break all the mirrors and windows, others take the ma,rble tops of the tables and smash them to bits. In a few minutes the place has been completely gutted. , This demonstration comprised the "Holy War," so far as Constantinople understood it. Such was the inglorious end of Germany's attempt to arouse 300,000,000 Mohammedans against the Christian world ! Only one definite result did the Kaiser accomplish by spreading this inciting literature. It aroused in the Mohammedan soul all that intense animosity to- ward the Christian which is the fundamental fact in his strange emotional nature, and thus started passions aflame that afterward spent themselves in the mas- sacres of the Armenians and other subject peoples. CHAPTER XV DJEMAL, A TROUBLESOME MARK ANTONY — THE FIRST GERMAN ATTEMPT TO GET A GERMAN PEACE IN EARLY November, 1914, the railroad station at Haidar Pasha was the scene of a great demonstra- tion. Djemal, the Minister of Marine, one of the three men who were then most powerful in the Turkish Empire, was leaving to take command of the Fourth Turkish Army, which had its headquarters in Syria. All the members of the Cabinet and other influential people in Constantinople assembled to give this depart- ing satrap an enthusiastic farewell. They hailed him as the "Saviour of Egypt," and Djemal himself, just before his train started, made this public declaration: "I shall not return to Constantinople until I have conquered Egypt!" The whole performance seemed to me to be some- what bombastic. Inevitably it called to mind the third member of another bloody triumvirate who, nearly two thousand years before, had left his native land to be- come the supreme dictator of the East. And Djemal had many characteristics in common with Mark An- tony. Like his Roman predecessor, his private life was profligate; like Antony, he was an insatiate gambler, spending much of his leisure over the card table at the Cercle d'Orient. Another trait which he had in common with the great Roman orator was his enormous vanity. The Turkish world seemed to be disintegrating 171 172 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STCJfRY in Djemal's time, just as the Roman Republic was dissolving in the days of Antony; Djemal believed that he might himself become the heir of one or more of its provinces and possibly establish a dynasty. He ex- pected that the mihtary expedition on which he was now starting would make him not only the conqueror of Turkey's fairest province, but also one of the powerful figures of the world. Afterward, in Syria, he ruled as independently as a medieval robber baron-r whom in other details he resembled; he became a kind of sub-sultan, holding his own court,;,having his own selamlik, issuing his own orders, dispensiag freely his own kind of justice, and often disregarding the authori- ties at Constantinople. The applause with which Djemal's associates were speeding his departure was not entirely disinterested. The fact was that most of them were exceedingly glad to see him go. He had been a thorn in the side of Talaat and Enver for some time, and they were per- fectly content that he should exercise his imperious and stubborn nature against the Syrians, Armenians, and other non-Moslem elements in the Mediterranean provinces. Djemal was not a popular man in Constan- tinople. The other members of the triumvirate, in addition to their less desirable qualities, had certain attractive traits — Talaat, his rough virility and spon- taneous good nature, Enver, his courage and personal graciousness — ^but there was little about Djemal that was pleasing. An American physician who had special- ized in the study of physiognomy had found Djemal a fascinating subject. He told me that he had never seen a face that so combined ferocity with great power' and penetration. Enver, as his history showed, could AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 173 be cruel and bloodthirsty, but he hid his more insidious qualities under a face that was bland, unruffled, and even agreeable. Djemal, however, did not disguise his tendencies, for his face clearly pictured the inner soul. His eyes were black and piercing; their shstrp- ness, the rapidity and keenness with which they darted from one object to another, taking in apparently every- thing with a few lightning-like glances, signahzed cun- ning, remorselessness, and selfishness to an extreme degree. Even his laugh, which disclosed all his white teeth, was unpleasant and animal-Uke. His black hair and black beard, contrasting with his pale face, only heightened this impression. At first Djemal's figure seemed somewhat insignificant — ^he was undersized, almost stumpy, and somewhat stoop-shouldered; as soon as he began to move, however, it was evident that his body was full of energy. Whenever he shook your hand, gripping you with a vise-like grasp and look- lag at you with those roving, penetrating eyes, the man's personal force became impressive. Yet, after a momentary meeting, I was not surprised to hear that Djemal was a man with whom assassina- tion and judicial murder were all part of the day's work. Like all the Young Turks his origin had been extremely humble. He had joined the Committee of Union and Progress in the early days, and his personal power, as well as his relentlessness, had rapidly made hiTn one of the leaders. After the murder of Nazim, Djemal had become Military Governor of Constanti- nople, his chief duty in this post being to remove from the scene the opponents of the ruling powers. This -congenial task he performed with great skill, and the reign of terror that resulted was largely Djemal's 174 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY handiwork. Subsequently Djemal became a member of the Cabmet, but he could not work harmoniously with his associates; he was always a troublesome partner. In the days preceding the break with the Entente he was popularly regarded as a Francophile. Whatever feeling Djemal may have entertained toward the En- tente, he made little attempt to conceal his detestation of the Germans. It is said that he would swear at them in their presence — in Turkish, of course; and he was one of the few important Turkish officials who never came under their influence. The fact was that Djemal represented that tendency which was rapidly gaining the ascendancy in Turkish policy — ^Pan-Turkism. He despised the subject peoples of the Ottoman country — Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, Circassians, Jews; it was his determination to Turkify the whole empire. His personal ambition brought him into frequent conflict with Enver and Talaat, who told me many times that they could not control him. It was for this reason that, as I have said, they were glad to see him go — ^not that they really expected him to capture the Suez Canal and drive the EngUsh out of Egypt. Incidentally, this appointment fairly indicated the incongruous organiza- tion that then existed in Turkey. As Minister of Marine, Djemal's real place was at the Navy Depart- ment; instead of working in his official field the head of the navy was sent to lead an army over the burning sands of Syria and Sinai. Yet Djemal's expedition represented Turkey's most spectacular attempt to assert its military power against the Allies. As Djemal moved out of the station, the whole Turkish populace felt that an historic moment had arrived. iTurkey in less than a century had lost AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 175 the greater part of her dominions, and nothing had more pained the national pride than the English occu- pation of Egypt. All during this occupation, Turkish suzerainty had been recognized; as soon as Turkey declared war on Great Britain, however, the British had ended this fiction and had formally taken over this great province. Djemal's expedition was Turkey's reply to this act of England. The real purpose of the war, the Turkish people had been told, was to restore the vanishing empire of the Osmans, and to this great undertaking the recovery of Egypt was merely the first step. The Turks also knew that, imder English administration, Egypt had become a prosperous country and that it would, therefore, yield great treasure to the conqueror. It is no wonder that the huzzahs of the Turkish people followed the departing Djemal. About the same time Enver left to take command of Turkey's other great military enterprise — ^the attack on Russia through the Caucasus. Here also were Turkish provinces to be "redeemed." After the war of 1878, Turkey had been compelled to cede to Russia certain rich territories between the Caspian and the Black seas, inhabited chiefly by Armenians, and it was this country which Enver now proposed to reconquer. But Enver had no ovation on his leaving. He went away quietly and unobserved. With the departure of these two men the war was now fairly on. Despite these martial enterprises, other than warlike preparations were now under way in Constantinople. At that time — in the latter part of 1914 — ^its external characteristics suggested nothing but war, yet now it suddenly became the great headquarters of peace. The English fleet was * constantly threatening the 176 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY Dardanelles and every day Turkish troops were passing through the streets. Yet these activities did not chiefly engage the attention of the German Embassy. Wan- genheim was thinking of one thing and of one thing only; this fire-eating German had suddenly become a man of peace. For he now learned that the greatest service which a German ambassador could render his emperor would be to end the war on terms that would save Germany from exhaustion and even from ruin; to ob- tain a settlement that would reinstate his fatherland in the society of nations. In November, Wangenheim began discussing this subject. It was part of Germany's system, he told me, not only to be completely prepared for war but also for peace. "A wise general, when he begins his campaign, always has at hand his plans for a retreat, in case he is defeated," said the German Ambassador. "This principle applies just the same to a nation be- ginning war. There is only one certainty about war — and that is that it must end some time. So, when we plan war, we must consider also a campaign for peace." But Wangenheim was interested then in something more tangible than this philosophic principle. Ger- many had immediate reasons for desiring the end of hostilities, and Wangenheim discussed them frankly and cynically. He said that Germany had prepared for only a short war, because she had expected to crush France and Russia in two brief campaigns, lasting not longer than six months. Clearly this plan had failed and there was little likelihood that Germany would win the war; Wangenheim told me this in so many words. Germany, he added, would make a great mistake if she persisted in fighting to the point of (U V n .2 »> ■S a o o M 8 W^3 w " s CQ CO a: g AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 177 exhaustion, for such a fight would mean the permanent loss of her colonies, her mercantile marine, and her whole economic and commercial status. "K we don't get Paris in thirty days, we are beaten," Wangenheim had told me in August, and though his attitude changed somewhat after the battle of the Mame, he made no attempt to conceal the fact that the great rush cam- paign had collapsed, that all the Germans could now look forward to was a tedious, exhausting war, and that all they could obtain from the existing situation would be a drawn battle. "We have made a mistake this time," Wangenheim said, "in not laying in supplies for a protracted struggle; it was an error, however, that we shall not repeat; next time we shall store up enough copper and cotton to last for five years." Wangenheim had another reason for wishing an immediate peace, and it was a reason which shed much hght upon the shamelessness of German diplomacy. The preparation which Turkey was making for the conquest of Egypt caused this German ambassador much annoyance and anxiety. The interest and energy which the Turks had manifested in this enterprise were particularly giving him concern. Naturally I thought at first that Wangenheim was worried that Turkey would lose; yet he confided to me that his real fear was that his ally might succeed. A victorious Turkish campaign in Egypt, Wangenheim explained, might seriously interfere with Germany's plans. Should Tur- key conquer Egypt, naturally Turkey would insist at the peace table on retaining this great province and wouM expect Germany to support her in this claim. But Germany had no intention then of promoting the reSstablishment of the Turkish Empire. At that time 178 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY she hoped to reach an understaQding with England, the basis of which was to be something in the nature of a division of interests in the East. Germany desired above all to obtain Mesopotamia as an indispensable part of her Hamburg-Bagdad scheme. In return for this, she was prepared to give her endorsement to Eng- land's annexation of Egypt. Thus it was Germany's plan at that time that she and England should divide Turkey's two fairest dominions. Th|is was one of the proposals which Germany intended to bring forth ia the peace conference which Wangenheim was now scheming for, and clearly Turkey's conquest of Egypt would have presented compKcations in the way of car- rying out this plan. On the moraUty of Germany's attitude to her ally, Turkey, it is hardly necessary to comment. The whole thing was all of a piece with Germany's policy of "realism" in foreign relations. Nearly all German classes, in the latter part of 1914 and the early part of 1915, were anxiously looking for peace and they turned to Constantinople as the most promising spot where peace negotiations might most favourably be started. The Germans took it for granted that President Wilson would be the peace- maker; indeed, they never for a moment thought of any one else in this capacity. The only point that remained for consideration was the best way to approach the President. Such negotiations would most likely be conducted through one of the American ambassadors in Europe. Obviously, Germany had no means of ac- cess to the American ambassadors in the great enemy capitals, and other circumstances induced the German statesmen to turn' to the American Ambassador in Turkey. At this time a German diplomat appeared in Con- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 179 stantinople who has figured much in recent history — Dr. Richard von Kuhlmann, afterward Minister for For- eign Affairs. In the last five years Dr. Von Ktihlmann has seemed to appear in that particular part of the world where important confidential diplomatic nego- tiations are being conducted by the German Empire. Prince Lichnowsky has described his activities in London in 1913 and 1914, and he figured even more conspicuously in the infamous peace treaty of Brest- Litovsk. Soon after the war started Dr. Von Ktihlmann 'came to Constantinople as Conseiller of the German Embassy, succeeding Von Mutius, who had been called to the colours. For one reason his appointment was appropriate, for Ktihlmann had been bom in Constan- tinople, and had spent his early life there, his father having been president of the Anatolian railway. He therefore understood the Turks as only one can who has lived with them for many years. Personally, he proved to be an interesting addition to the diplomatic colony. He impressed me as not a particularly ag- gressive, but a very entertaining, man; he apparently wished to become friendly with the American Embassy and he possessed a certain attraction for us all as he had just come from the trenches and gave us many vivid pictures of life at the front. At that time we were all keenly interested in modem warfare, and Kuhlmann's details of trench fighting held us spellbound many an afternoon and evening. His other favourite topic of conversation was WeU-Politik, and on all foreign matters he struck me as remarkably well informed. At that time we did not regard Von Ktihlmann as an important man, yet the industry with which he at- tended to his business attracted everyone's attention 180 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY even then. Soon, however, I began to have a, feeling that he was exerting a powerful influence in a quiet, velvety kind of way. He said little, but I reaUzed that he was listening to everything and storing all kinds of information away in his naind; he was apparently Wangenheim's closest confidant, and the man upon whom the Ambassador was depending for his contact with the German Foreign Office. About the middle of December, Von Kiihlmann left for Berlin, where he stayed about two weeks. On his return, in the early part of January, 1915, there was a noticeable change in the atmosphere of the German Embassy. Up to that time Wangenheim had discussed peace negotia- tions more or less informally, but now he took up the matter specifically. I gathered that Kiihlmann had been called to Berlin to receive all the latest details on this subject, and that he had come back with the definite instructions that Wangenheim should move at once. In all my talks with the German Ambassador on peace, Kiihlmann was always hovering in the back- ground; at one most important conferenpe he was pres- ent, though he participated hardly at all in the conver- sation, but his r61e, as usual, was that of a subordinate and quietly eager listener. Wangenheim now informed me that January, 1915, would be an excellent time to end the war. Italy had not yet entered, though there was every reason to believe that she would do so by spring. Bulgaria and Rumania were still holding aloof, though no one ex- pected that their waiting attitude would last forever. France and England were preparing for the first of the "spring offensives," and the Germans had no assurance that it would not succeed; indeed, they much feared AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 181 that the German armies would meet disaster. The British and French warships were gathering at the Dardanelles; and the German General Staff and prac- tically all military and naval experts in Constantinople believed that the Allied fleets could force their way through and capture the city. Most Turks by this time were sick of the war, and Germany always had in mind that Turkey might make a separate peace. Af- terward I discovered that whenever the military situa- ation looked ominous to Germany, she was always thinking about peace, but that if the situation im- proved she would immediately become warlike agadn; it was a case of sick-devil, well-devil. Yet, badly as Wangenheim wanted peace in January, 1915, it was quite apparent that he was not thinking of a permanent peace. The greatest obstacle to peace at that time was the fact that Germany showed no signs that she regretted her crimes, and there was not the slightest evidence of the sackcloth in Wangenheim's attitude now. Germany had made a bad guess, that was all; what Wangenheim and the other Germans saw in the situation was that their stock of wheat, cotton, and copper was inadequate for a protracted struggle. In my notes of my conversations with Wangenheim I find him frequently using such phrases as the "next war," "next time," and, in confidently looking forward to another greater world cataclysm than the present, he merely reflected the attitude of the dominant junker- miUtary class. The Germans apparently wanted a reconciliation — a kind of an armistice — that would give their'generals and industrial leaders time to prepare for the next conflict. At that time, nearly foiu" years ago, Germany was moving for practically the same kmd 182 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY of peace negotiations which she has suggested many times since and is suggesting now; Wangenheim's plan was that representatives of the warring powers should gather around a table and settle things on the principle of "give and take." He said that there was no sense in demanding that each side state its terms in advance. "For both sides to state their terms in advance would ruin the whole thing," he said. "What would we do? Germany, of course, would make claims which the other side would regard as ridiculously extravagant. The Entente would state terms which would put all Germany in a rage. As a result, both sides would get so angry that there would be no conference. No — if we really want to end this war we must have an armistice. Once we stop fighting, we shall not go at it again. History presents no instance in a great war where an armistice has not resulted in peace. It will be so in this case." Yet, from Wangenheim's conversation I did obtain a sHght inkling of Germany's terms. The matter of Egypt and Mesopotamia, set forth above, was one of them. Wangenheim was quite insistent that Germany must have permanent naval bases in Belgium, with which her navy could at all times threaten England with blockade and so make sure "the freedom of the seas." Germany wanted coaling rights everywhere; this demand looks absurd because Germany has always possessed such rights in peace times. She might give France a piece of Lorraine and a part of Belgium — ^per- haps Brussels — in return for the payment of an in- demnity. Wangenheim requested that I should place Ger- many's case before the American Government. My letter to Washington is dated January 11, 1915. It AMBASSADOR M6RGENTHAU'S STORY 183 went fully into the internal situation which then iwe- vailed and gave the reasons why Gennany and Turkey desired peace. A particidarly interesting part of this incident was that Germany was apparently ignoring Austria. Pal- lavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, knew nothing of the pending negotiations until I myself informed him of them. In thus ignoring his ally, the German Ambas- sador meant no personal disrespect; he was merely treating him precisely as his Foreign OflBce was treating Vienna — ^not as an equal, but practically as a retainer. The world is familiar enough with Germany's miUtary and diplomatic absorption of Austria-Hungary, but that Wangenheim should have made so important a move as to attempt peace negotiations and have left it to Pallavi- cini to learn about it through a third party shows that, as far back as January, 1915, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had ceased to be an independent nation. Nothing came of this proposal, of course. Our Gov- ernment declined to take action, evidently not regard- iag the time as opportune. Both Germany and Tur- key, as I shall tell, recurred to this subject afterward. This particular negotiation ended in the latter part of March, when Kuhlmann left Constantinople to become Minister at The Hague. He came and paid his farewell call at the American Embassy, as charming, as entertain- ing, and as debonair as ever. His last words, as he shook my hand and left the building, were — subsequent events have naturally caused me to remember them : "We shall have peace within three months. Ex- cellency!" This little scene took place, and this happy forecast was made, in March, 1915! CHAPTER XVI THE TURKS PEEPARE TO FLEE PROM CONSTANTINOPLE AND ESTABLISH A NEW CAPITAL IN ASIA MINOR — THE ALLIED FLEET BOMBARDING THE DARDANELLES PROBABLY one thing that stimulated this Ger- man desire for peace was the situation at the Dardanelles. In early January, when Wan- genheim persuaded me to write my letter to Washing- ton, Constantinople was in a state of the utmost excite- ment. It was reported that the Allies had assembled a fleet of forty warships at the mouth of the Darda- nelles and that they intended to attempt the forcing of the straits. What made the situation particularly tense was the belief, which then generally prevailed in Constantinople, that such an attempt would suc- ceed. Wangehheim shared this belief, and so in a modified form, did Von der Goltz, who probably knew as much about the Dardanelles defenses as any other man, as he had for years been Turkey's military in- structor. I find in my diary Von der Goltz's precise opinion on this point, as reported to me by Wangen- heim, and I quote it exactly as written at that time: "Although he thought it was almost impossible to force the Dardanelles, still, if England thought it an important move of the general war, they could, by sacrificing ten ships, force the entrance, and do it very fast, and be up in the Marmora within ten hours from the time they forced it." 184 THE AMERICAN EMBASSY STAFF under the Ambassadorship of Mr. Morgenthau THE MODERN TURKISH SOLDIER In the uniform and equipment introduced by the Germans. The fez — ^the immemorial symbol of the Ottoman — is replaced by a modern helmet AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 185 The very day that Wangenheim gave me this expert opinion of Von der Goltz, he asked me to store'several cases of his valuables in the American Embassy. Evi- dently he was making preparations for his own de- parture. Be9.ding the Cromer report on the Dardanelles bombardment, I find that Admiral Sir John Fisher, then First Sea Lord, placed the price of success at twelve ships. Evidently Von der Goltz and Fisher did not differ materially in their estimates. The situation of Turkey, when these first rumours of an alUed bombardment reached us, was fairly desper- ate. On all sides there were evidences of the fear and panic that had stricken not only the populace, but the official classes. Calamities from all sides were ap- parently closing in on the country. Up to January 1, 1915, Turkey had done nothing to justify her par- ticipation in the war; on the contrary, she had met defeat practically everywhere. Djemal, as already recorded, had left Constantinople as the prospective "Conqueror of Egypt," but his expedition had proved to be a bloody and humiliating failure. Enver's at- tempt to redeem the Caucasus from Russian rule had resulted in an even more frightful military disaster. He had ignored the advice of the Germans, which was to let the Russians advance to Sivas and make his stand there, and, instead, he had boldly attempted to gain Russian territory in the Caucasus. This army had been defeated at every point, but the military reverses did not end its sufferings. The Turks had a most in- adequate medical and sanitary service; typhus and dysentery broke out in aMhe camps, the deaths from these diseases reaching 100,000 men. Dreadful stories 186 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY were constantly coming in, telling of the sufferings of these soldiers. That England was preparing for an in- vasion of Mesopotamia was well known, and no one at that time had any reason to believe that it would not succeed. Every day the Turks expected the news that the Bulgarians had declared war and were marching on Constantinople, and they knew that such an attack would necessarily bring in Rumania and Greece. It was no diplomatic secret that Italy was waiting only for the arrival of warm weather to join the Allies. At this moment the Russian fleet was bombarding Trebizond, on the Black Sea, and was daily expected at the entrance to the Bosphorus. Meanwhile, the do- mestic situation was deplorable: all over Turkey thou- sands of the populace were daily dying of starvation; practically all able-bodied men had been taken into the army, so that only a few were left to tiU the fields; the criminal requisitions had almost destroyed all busi- ness; the treasury was in a more exhausted state than normally, for the closing of the Dardanelles and the blockading of the Mediterranean ports had stopped all imports and customs dues; and the increasing wrath of the people seemed likely any day to break out against Taalat and his associates. And now, surroimded by increasing troubles on every hand, the Turks learned that this mighty armada of England and her allies was approaching, determined to destroy the defenses and capture the city. At that time there was no force which the Turks feared so greatly as they feared the British fleet. Its tradition of several centuries of uninterrupted victories had completely seized their imagination. It seemed to them superhuman — the one overwhelming power which it was hopeless to contest. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 187 Waiigenheim and also nearly all of the German military and naval forces not oi>ly regarded the forcing of the Dardanelles as possible, but they believed it to be inevitable. The possibility of British success was one of the most familiar topics of discussion, and the weight of opinion, both lay and professional, inclined in favour of the Allied fleets. Talaat told me that an attempt to force the straits would succeed — it only depended on England's willingness to sacrifice a few ship§. The real reason why Turkey had sent a force against Egypt, Talaat added, was to divert England from making an attack on the Gallipoli peninsula. The state of mind that existed is shown by the fact that, on January 1st, the Turkish Government had made preparations for two trains, one of which was to take the Sultan and his suite to Asia Minor, while the other was intended for Wangenheim, Pallavicini, and the rest of the diplomatic corps. On January 2d, I had an illuminating talk with Pallavicini. He showed me a certificate given him by Bedri, the Prefect of Police, passing him and his secretaries and servants on one of these emergency trains. He also had seat tickets for himseK and all of his suite. He said that each train would have only three cars, so that it could make great speed; he had been told to have everything ready to start at an hour's notice. Wangenheim madis little attempt to conceal his apprehensions. He told me that he had made all preparations to send his wife to Berlin, and he invited Mrs. Morgenthau to accompany hffir, so that she, too, could be removed from the danger zone. Wangenheim showed the fear, which was thai the prevailing one, that a successful bombardment would lead to fires and massacres in Constantinople 188 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY as well as in the rest of Turkey. In anticipation of such disturbances he made a characteristic suggestion. Should the fleet pass the Dardanelles, he said, the life of no Englishman in Turkey would be safe — they would all be massacred. As it was so diflScuit to tell an Englishman from an American, he proposed that I should give the Americans a distinctive button to wear, which would protect them from Turkish violence. As I was convinced that Wangenheim's real purpose was to arrange some sure means of identifying the Eng- lish and of so subjecting them to Turkish ill-treat- ment, I refused to act on this amiable suggestion. Another incident illustrates the nervous tension which prevailed in those January days. I noticed that some shutters at the British Embassy were open, so Mrs. Morgenthau and I went up to investigate. In the early days we had sealed this building, which had been left in my charge, and this was the first time we had broken the seals to enter. About two hours after we returned from this tour of inspection, Wangenheim came into my office in one of his now familiar agitated moods. It had been reported, he said, that Mrs. Morgenthau and I had been up to the Embassy getting it ready for the British Admiral, who expected soon to take possession ! All this seems a little absurd now, for, in fact, the Allied fleets made no attack at that time. At the very moment when the whole of Constantinople was fever- ishly awaiting the British dreadnaughts, the British Cabinet in London was merely considering the ad- visability of such an enterprise. The record shows that Petrograd, on January 2d, telegraphed the British Government, asking that some kmd of a demonstration AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 189 be made against the Turks, who were pressing the Russians in the Caucasus. Though an encouraging reply was immediately sent to this request, it was not until January 28th that the British Cabmet definitely issued orders for an attack on the Dardanelles. It is no longer a secret that there was no unanimous confi- dence in the success of such an undertaking. Admiral Garden recorded his belief that the strait "could not be rushed, but that extended operations with a large number of ships might succeed." The penalty of failure, he added, would be the great loss that England would suffer in prestige and influence in the East; how true this prophecy proved I shall have occasion to show. Up to this tiine one of the fundamental and generally accepted axioms of naval operations had been that warships should not attempt to attack fixed land fortifications. But the Germans had demonstrated the power of mobile guns against fortresses in their destruction of the emplacements at Liege and Namur, and there was a belief in some quarters of England that these events had modified this naval principle. Mr. Churchill, at that time the head of the Admiralty, placed great confidence in the destructive power of a new superdreadnaught which had just been finished — the Queen Elizabeth — and which was then on its way to join the Mediterranean fleet. We in Constantinople knew nothing about these de- liberations then, but the result became apparent in the latter part of February. On the afternoon of the nineteenth, Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, came to me with important news. The Marquis was a man of great personall dignity, yet it was apparent that he was this day exceedingly nervous, and, iudeed. 190 AMBASSADOK MORGENTHAU'S STORY he made no attempt to conceal his apprehension. The Allied fleets, he said, had reopened their attack on the Dardanelles, and this time their bombardment had been extremely ferocious. At that hour things were going badly for the Austtians; the Russian armies were advancing victoriously; Serbia had hurled the Austrians over the frontier, and the European press was filled with prognostications of the break up of the Austrian Empire. 'Pallavicini's attitude this afternoon was a perfect reflection of the dangers that were then encompassing his country. He was a sensitive and proud man; proud of his emperor and proud of what he regarded as the great Austro-Hungarian Empire; and he now appeared to be overburdened by the fear that this extensive Hapsburg fabric, which had with- stood the assaults of so many centuries, was rapidly being overwhelmed with ruin. Like most human beings, Pallavicini yearned for sympathy; he could obtain none from Wangenheim, who seldom* took him into his confidence and consistently treated him as the representative of a nation that was compelled to silb- mit to the overlordship of Germany, Perhaps that was the reason why the Austrian Ambassador used to pour out his heart to me. And now this Allied bom- bardment of the Dardanelles came as the culmination of all his troubles. At this time the Central Powers belieVed that they had Russia bottled up; that they had sealed the Dardanelles, andj that she could neither get her wheat to market nor import the munitions needed for carrying on the war. Germany and Austria thus had a stranglehold on their gigantic foe, and, if this condition could be maintained indefinitely, the collapse of Russia would be inevitable. At present, it is true, AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 191 tile Czar's forces were making a victorious campaign, and this in itself was sufficiaitly alarming to Austria; but their present supplies of war materials would ulti- mately be exhausted and then their great superiority in men would help them little and they would inevitably go to pieces. But should Russia get Constantinople, with the control of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, she could obtain all the munitions needed for warfare on the largest scale, and the defeat of the Central Powers might immediately follow; and such a defeat, Pallavicini well understood, would be far more serious for Austria than for Germany. Wangenheim had told me that it was Grermany's plan, in case the Austro- Hungarian Empire disintegrated, to incorporate her 12,000,000 Germans in the HohenzoUem domain, and Pallavicini, of course, was familiar with this danger. The Allied attack on the Dardanelles thus meant to Pallavicini the extraction of his country, for if we are properly to understand his state of mind we must re- member that he firmly believed, as did almost all the other important men in Constantinople, that such an attack would succeed. Wangenheim's existence was made miserable by this same haunting conviction. As I have already shown, the bottling up of Russia was almost exclusively the German Ambassador's performance. He had brought; the Goeben and the Breslau into Constantinople, and by this manoeuvre had precipitated Turkey into the war. The forcing of the strait would mean more than the transformation of Russia into a permanent and powerful participant in the war; it meant — and this was by no means an unimportant consideration with Wangenheim — ^the undoing of his great personal 198 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY achievement. Yet Wangenheim showed his apprehen- sions quite differently from Pallavicini. In true Ger- man fashion, he resorted to threats and bravado. He gave no external signs of depression, but his whole body tiDgled with rage. He was not deploring his fate; he was looking for ways of striking back. He would sit in my oflBce, smoking with his usual energy, and tell me all the terrible things which he proposed to do to his enemy. The thing that particularly preyed upon Wangenheim's mind was the exposed position of the German Embassy. It stood on a high hill, one of the most conspicuous buildings in the town, a perfect target for an enterprising English admiral. Almost the first object the British fleet would sight, as it entered the harbour, would be this yellow monu- ment of the HohenzoUems, and the temptation to shell it might prove irresistible. "Let them dare destroy my Embassy!" Wangen- heim said. "I'll get even with them! If they fire a single shot at it, we'll blow up the French and the English embassies! Go tell the Admiral that, won't you? Tell him also that we have the dynamite all ready to do it!" Wangenheim also showed great anxiety over the proposed removal of the Government to Eski-Shehr. In early January, when everyone was -expecting the arrival of the Allied fleet, preparations had been made for moving the Government to Asia Minor; and now, at the first rumbling of the British and French guns, the special trains were prepared once more, Wangenheim and Pallavicini both told me of their unwillingness to accompany the Sultan and the Govern- ment to Asia Minor. Should the Allies capture Con- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 193 ■tantinople, the ambassadors of the Central Powers would find themselves cut off from their home countries and completely in the hands of the Turks. "The Turks could then hold us as hostages," said Wangen- heim. They urged Talaat to establish the emergency government at Adrianople, from which town they could motor in and out of Constantinople, and then, in case the city were captured, they could make their escape home. The Turks, on the other hand, refused to adopt this suggestion because they feared an attack from Bul- garia. Wangenheim and PaUavicini now found them- selves between two fires. If they stayed in Con- stantinople, they might become prisoners : of the English and French; on the other hand, if they went to Eski-Shehr, it was not unlikely that they would become prisoners of the Turks. Many evidences of the flimsy basis on which rested the Germano-Turkish alliance had come to my attention, but this was about the most illuminating. Wangenheim knew, as did everybody else, that, in case the French and English captured Constantinople, the Turks would vent their rage not mainly against the Entente, but against the Germans who had enticed them into the war. It all seems so strange now, this conviction that was uppermost in the minds of everybody then — that the success of the Allied fleets against the Dardanelles was inevitable and that the captiu^e of Constantinople was a matter of only a few days. I recall an animated dis- cussion that took place at the American Embassy on the afternoon of February 24th. The occasion was Mrs. Morgenthau's weekly reception — ^meetings which fur- nished almost the only opportunity in those days for the foregathering of the diplomats. Practically all 194 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY were on hand this afternoon. The first great bombard- ment of the Dardanelles had taken place five days before; this had practically destroyed the fortifications at the mouth of the strait. There was naturally only one subject of discussion: Would the Allied fleets get through? What would happen if they did? Every- body expressed an opinion, Wangenheim, Pallavicini, Garroni, the Italian Ambassador; D'Anckarsvard, the Swedish Minister; Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister; KiLhlmann; and Scharfenberg, First Secretary of the German Embassy, and it was the unanimous opinion that the Allied attack would succeed, I particularly remember Kiihlmann's attitude. He discussed the capture of Constantinople almost as though it was some- thing which had taken place already. The Persian Ambassador showed great anxiety; his embassy stood not far from the Sublime Porte; he told me that he feared that the latter building would be bombarded and that a few stray shots might easily set afire his own residence, and he asked if he might move his archives to the American Embassy. The wildest rumours were afloat; we were told that the Standard Oil agent at the Dardanelles had counted seventeen transports loaded with troops; that the warships had already fired 800 shots and had levelled all the hills at the entrance; and that Talaat's bodyguard had been shot — the implication being that the bullet had missed its intended victim. It was said that the whole Turkish populace was aflame with the fear that the English and the French, when they reached the city, would celebrate the event by a wholesale attack on Turkish women. The latter reports were, of course, absurd; they were merely characteristic rumours set AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 195 afloat by the Germans and their Turkish associates. The fact is that the great mass of the people in Con- stantinople were probably praying that the AlUed attack would succeed and so release the^ from the control of the political gang that then ruled the coimtry. And in all this excitement there was one lonely and despondent figure — ^this was Talaat. Whenever I saw him in those critical days, he was the picture of desolation and defeat. The Turks, like most primitive peoples, wear their emotions on the surface, and with them the transition from exultation to despair is a rapid one. The thunder of the British guns at the straits apparently spelled doom to Talaat. The letter carrier of Adrianople seemed to have reached the end of his career. He again confided to me his expectation that the English would capture the Turkish capital, and once more he said that he was sorry that Turkey had entered the war. Talaat well knew what would happen as soon as the Allied fleet entered the Sea of Marmora. According to the report of the Cromer Commission/ Lord Kitchener, in giving his assent to a purely naval expedition, had relied upon a revolution in Turkey to make the enterprise successful. Lord Kitchener has been much criticized for his part in the Dardanelles attack; I owe it to his memory, however, to say that on this point he was absolutely right. Had the Alhed fleets once passed the defenses at the straits, the ad- ministration of the Young Turks would have come to a bloody end. As soon as the gims began to fire, placards appeared on the hoardings, denouncing Talaat and his associates as responsible for all the woes that had come to Turkey. Bedri, the Prefect of Police, was busy collecting all the unemployed young men and sending 196 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S.^ STORY them out of the city; his purpose was to free Con- stantinople of all who might start a revolution against the Young Turks. It was a common report that Bedri feared this revolution much more than he feared the British fleet. And this was the same Nemesis that was every moment now pursuing Talaat. A single episode illustrates the nervous excitement that prevailed. Dr. Lederer, the correspondent of the Berliner Tageblatt, made a short visit to the Dardanelles, and, on his return, reported to certain ladies of the diplomatic circle that the German oflBcers had told him that they were wearing their shrouds, as they expected any minute to be buried there. This statement went around the city like wild fire, and Dr. Lederer was threatened with arrest for making it. He appealed to me for help; I took him to Wangenheim, who refused to have anything to do with him; Lederer, he said, was an Austrian subject, although he represented a German newspaper. His anger at Lederer for this indiscretion was extreme. But I finally succeeded in getting the unpopular journalist into the Austrian Embassy, where he was harboured for the night. In a few days, Lederer had to leave town. In the midst of all this excitement, there was one person who was apparently not at all disturbed. Though ambassadors, generals, and politicians might anticipate the worst calamities, Enver's voice was reassuring and quiet. The man's coolness and really courageous spirit never shone to better advantage. In late December and January, when the city had its first fright over the bombardment, Enver was fighting the Russians in the Caucasus. His experiences in this campaign, as already described, had been far from AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 197 glorious. Enver had left Constantinople in November to join his army, an expectant conqueror; he returned, in the latter part of January, the commander of a thoroughly beaten and demoralized force. Such a disastrous experience would have utterly ruined almost any other military leader, and that Enver felt his reverses keenly was evident from the way in which he kept himself from public view. I had my first ghmpse of him, after his return, at a concert, given for the bene- fit of the Red Crescent. At this aflFair Enver sat far back in a box, as though he intended to keep as much as possible out of sight; it was quite apparent that he was imcertain as to the cordiality of his reception by the public. All the important people in Constanti- nople, the Crown Prince, the members of the Cabinet, and the ambassadors attended this function, and, in accordance with the usual custom, the Crown Prince sent for these dignitaries, one after another, for a few words of greeting and congratulation. After that the visiting from box to box became general. The heir to the throne sent for Enver as well as the rest, and this recognition evidently gave him a new courage, for he began to mingle with the diplomats, who also treated him with the utmost cordiality and courtesy. Enver apparently regarded this favourable notice as having reestablished his standing, and now once more he as- sumed a leading part in the crisis. A few days after- ward he discussed the situation with me. He was much astonished, he said, at the fear that so generally prevailed, and he was disgusted a,t the preparations that had been made to send away the Sultan and the Government and practically leave the city a prey to the English. He did not believe that the Allied fleets 198 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY could force the Dardanelles; lie had recently inspected all the fortifications and he had every confidence ia their ability to resist successfully. Even though the ships did get through, he insisted that Constantinople should be defended to the last man. Yet Enver's assurance did not satisfy his associates. They had made all their arrangements for the British fleet. If, in spite of the most heroic resistance the Turk- ish armies could make, it still seemed likely that the Allies were about to capture the city, the ruling powers had their final plans all prepared. They proposed to do to this great capital precisely what the Russians had done to Moscow, when Napoleon appeared before it. "They will never capture an existing city," they told me, "only a heap of ashes." As a matter of fact, this was no idle threat. I was told that cans of petroleum had been already stored in all the police stations and other places, ready to fire the town at a moment's notice. As Constantinople is largely built of wood, this would have been no very difiBcult task. But they were determined to destroy more than these tempo- rary structures; the plans aimed at the beautiful archi- tectural monuments built by the Christians long before the Turkish occupation. The Turks had particularly marked for dynamiting the Mosque of Saint Sophia. This building, which had been a Christian church cen- turies before it became a Mohammedan mosque, is one of the most magnificent structures of the vanished Byzantine Empire. Naturally the suggestion of such an act of vandalism aroused us all, and I made a plea to Talaat that Saint Sophia should be spared. He treated tbe proposed destruction lightly. "There are not six men in the Committee of Union AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 199 and Progress," he told me, "who care for anything that is old. We all like new things!" That was all the satisfaction I obtained in this matter at that time. Enver's insistence that the Dardanelles could resist caused his associates to lose confidence in his judgment. About a year afterward, Bedri Bey, the Prefect of PoKce, gave me additional details. While Enver was stiU in the Caucasus, Bedri said, Talaat had called a conference, a kind of coimcil of war, on the Dardanelles. This had been attended by Liman von Sanders, the German general who had reorganized the Turkish army; Usedom, the German admiral who was the in- spector-general of the Ottoman coast defenses, Brons- sart, the German Chief of Staff of the Turkish army, and several others. Every man present gave it as his opinion that the British and French fleets could force the straits; the only subject of dispute, said Bedri, was whether it would take the ships eight or twenty hours to reach Constantinople after they had destroyed the defenses. Enver's position was well understood, but this council decided to ignore him and to make the preparations without his knowledge — ^to eUminate the Minister of War, at least temporarily, from their de- liberations. In early March, Bedri and Djambolat, who was Di- rector of Public Safety, came to see me. At that time the exodus from the capital had begun; Turkish women and children were being moved into the interior; all the banks had been compelled to send their gold into Asia Minor; the archives of the Sublime Porte had already been carried to Eski-Shehr; and practically all the ambassadors and their suites, as well as most of 200 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the government officials, had made their preparations to leave. The Director of the Museum, who was one of the six Turks to whom Talaat had referred as "likiag old things" had buried many of Constantinople's finest works of art in cellars or covered them for protection. Bedri came to arrange the details of my departure. As ambassador I was personally accredited to the Sultan, and it would obviously be my duty, said Bedri, to go wherever the Sultan went. The train was all ready, he added; he wished to know how many people I intended to take, so that sufficient space could be reserved. To this proposal I entered a flat refusal. I informed Bedri that I thought that my responsibilities made it neces- sary for me to remain in Constantinople. Only a neu- tral ambassador, I said, could forestall massacres and the destruction of the city, and certainly I owed it to the civilized world to prevent, if I could, such calamities as these. If my position as ambassador made it inevit- able that I should follow the Sultan, I would resign and become honorary Consul-General. Both Bedri and Djambolat were much yoimger and less experienced men than I, and I therefore told them that they needed a man of maturer years to advise them in an international crisis of this kind. I was not only interested in protecting foreigners and American insti- tutions, but I was also interested, on general humani- tariaU'groxmds, in safeguarding the Turkish population from the excesses that were generally expected. The several nationalities, many of them containing ele- ments which were given to pillage and massacre, were causing great anxiety. I therefore proposed to Bedri and Djambolat that the three of us form a kind of a committee to take control in the approaching crisis. THE MINISTRY OP WAR This was the headquarters of Enver Pasha. It was in this building that Enver gave Mr. Morgenthau his promise not to ill-treat enemy aliens. "Will you be modern?" asked the American Ambassador. "No — ^not modem," said Enver, probably thinking of Belgium, "that is the most barbaric system of all — ^Turkey will simply try to be decent!" THE MINISTRY OF MARINE Headquarters of Djemal, who, soon after war started, went to Syria as commander of the Fourth Army Corps. Later Enver occupied this office m addition to that of Minister of War. The position was not an onerous one, as the Turkish navy played little part in the war HALIL BEY IN BERLIN President of the Turkish Parlia- ment and a leader of the Young Turks — afterward Minister for For- eign Affairs TALAAT AND KUHLMANN Kiihlmann, now Foreign Minister, was in 1915 in Constantinople, acting as go-between in peace ne- gotiations J Underwood & Underwood GENERAL MERTENS The German chief technical officer at the Dardanelles and Admiral Von Usedom, inspector general of Ottoman coast defenses AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 301 They consented and the three of us sat down and d«- cided on a course of action. We took a map of Con- stantinople and marked the districts which, under the existing rules of warfare, we agreed that the Allied fleet would have the right to bombard. Thus, we decided that the War Oflace, Marine Office, telegraph offices,^ railroad stations, and all public buildings could quite legitimately be made the targets for their guns. Then we marked out certain zones which we should insist on regarding as immune. The main residential section, and the part where all the embassies are located, is Pera, the district on the north shore of the Golden Horn. This we marked as not subject to attack. We also delimited certain residential areas of Stamboul and Galata, the Turkish sections. I telegraphed to Waah- ingtcm, asking the State Department to obtaia a rati- fication of these plans and an agreement to respect these zones of safety from the British and French govern- ments. I received a reply ludorsing my action. All preparations had thus been made. At the sta- tion «tood the trains which were to take the Sultan and the Government and the ambassadors to Asia Minor. They had steam up, ready to move at a minute's no- tice. We were all awaiting the triumphant arrival of the Allied fleet.- CHAPTER XVII \ ENVER AS THE MAN WHO DEMONSTEATED "thE VUL- NERABILITY OP THE BRITISH FLEET*' — OLD-FASHIONED DEFENSES OF THE DARDANELLES WHEN the situation had reached this exciting stage, Enver asked me to visit the Darda- nelles. He still insisted that the fortifications were impregnable and he could not understand, he said, the panic which was then raging in Constantinople. He had visited the Dardanelles himself, had inspected every gun and every emplacement, and he was entirely confident that his soldiers could hold off the Allied fleet indefinitely. He had taken Talaat down, and by doing so he had considerably eased that statesman's fears. It was Enver's conviction that, if I should visit the forti- fications, I would be persuaded that the fleets could never get through, and that I would thus be able to give such assurances to the people that the prevailing excitement would subside. I disregarded certain nat- ural doubts as to whether an ambassador should ex- pose himself to the dangers of such a situation — ^the ships were bombarding nearly every day — and promptly accepted Enver's invitation. On the morning of the 15th, we left Constantinople on the Yuruk. Enver himself accompanied us as far as Panderma, an Asiatic town on the Sea of Marmora. The party included several other notables: Ibrahim Bey, the Minister of Justice; Husni Pasha, the general ao2 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 203 ■^ho had commanded the army which had deposed Ab- dul Hamid in the Yoimg Turk revolution; and Senator Cheriflf Djafer Pasha, an Arab and a direct descend- ant of the Prophet. A particularly congenial compan- ion waa Fuad Pasha, an old field marshal, who had led an adventurous career; despite his age, he had an immense capacity for enjoyment, was ^, huge feeder and a capacious drinker, and had as many stories to tell of exile, battle, and hair breadth escapes as Othello. AU of these men were much older than Enver, and all of them were descended from far more .distinguished an- cestors, yet they treated this stripling with the utmost deference. Enver seemed particularly glad of this opportunity to discuss the situation. Immediately after breakfast, he took me aside, and together we went up to the deck. The day was a beautiful sunny one, and the sky in the Marmora was that deep blue which we find only in this part of the world. What most impressed me was the intense quiet, the almost desolate inactivity of these silent waters. Our ship was almost the only one in sight, and this inland sea, which in ordinary times was one of the world's greatest commercial highways, was now practically a primeval waste. The whole scene was merely a reflection of the great triumph which German diplomacy had accomplished in the Near East. For nearly six months not a Russian merchant ship had passed through the straits. All the commerce of Rumania and Bulgaria, which had nor- mally found its way to Europe across this inland sea, had long since disappeared. The ultimate significance of all this desolation was that Russia was blockaded and completely isolated from her allies. How much 204 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY that one fact has meant in the history of the world for the last three years ! And now England and France were seeking to overcome this disadvantage; to link up their own miUtary resources with those of their great eastern ally, and to restore to the Dardanelles and the Marmora the thousands of ships that meant Russia's existence as a military and economic, and even, as subsequent events have shown, as a political power. We were ap- proaching the scene of one of the great crises of the war. Would England and her allies succeed in this enter- prise? Would their ships at the Dardanelles smash the fortifications, break through, and again make Russia a permanent force in the war? That was the main subject which Enver and I discussed, as for nearly three hours we walked up and down the deck. Enver again referred to the " silly panic" that had seized nearly all classes in the capital. "Even though Bul- garia and Greece both turn against us," he said, "we shall defend Constantinople to the end. We have plenty of guns, plenty of ammunition, and we have these on terra firma, whereas the English and French bat- teries are floating ones. And the natural advantages of the straits are so great that the warships can make little progress against them. I do not care what other people may think. I have studied this problem more thoroughly than any of them, and I feel that I am right. As long as I am at the head of the War De- partment, we shall not give up. Indeed, I do not know just what these English and French battleships are driving at. Suppose that they rush the Darda- nelles, get into the Marmora and reach Constantinople; what good will that do them? They can bombard and destroy the city, I admit; but they cannot capture it, AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAITS STORY 205 as they have only a few troops to land. Unless they do bring a large army, they will really be caught in a trap. They can perhaps stay here for two or three weeks until their food and supphes are all exhausted and then they will have to go back — ^rush the straits again, and again run the risk of annihilation. In the meantime, we would have repaired the forts, brought in troops, and made ourselves ready for them. It seems to me to be a very foolish enterprise." I have already told how Enver had taken Napoleon as his model, and in this Dardanelles expedition he now apparently saw a Napoleonic opportunity. As we were pacing the deck he stopped a moment, looked at me earnestly, and said: "I shall go down in history as the man who denjon- strated the vulnerability of England and her fleet. I shall show that her navy is not invincible. I was in England a few years before the war and discussed England's position with many of her leading men, such as Asquith, Churchill, Haldane. I told them that their course was wrong. Winston Churchill declared that England could defend herself with her navy alone, and that she needed no large army. I told Churchill that no great empire could last that did not have both an army and a navy. I found that Churchill's opinion was the one that prevailed everywhere in England. There was only one man I met who agreed with me, that was Lord Roberts, Well, Churchill has now sent his fleet down here — ^perhaps to show me that his navy can do all that he said it could do. Now we'll see." Enver seemed to regard his naval expedition as a personal challenge from Mr. Churchill to himself — almost like a continuation of their argument in London. 206 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY "You, too, should have a large army," said Enver, Eefening to the United States. !■ "I do not believe," he went on, "that England is trying to force the Dardanelles because Russia has asked her to. When I was in England I discussed with"^Churcliill the possibility of a general war. He asked me what Turkey would do in such a case, and said that, if we took Germany's side, the British fleet would force the Dardanelles and capture Constanti- nople. Churchill is not trying to help Russia — ^he is carrying out the threat made to me at that time." Enver spoke with the utmost determination and con- viction; he said that nearly all the damage inflicted on the outside forts had been repaired, and that the Turks had methods of defense the existence of which^the en- emy little suspected. He showed great bitterness against the English; he accused them of attempting to bribe Turkish officials and even said that they had in- stigated attempts upon his own life. On the other hand, he displayed no particular friendliness toward the Germans. Wangenheim's overbearing manners had caused him much irritation, and the Turks, he said, got on none too well with the German officers. - "The Turks and Germans," he added, "care nothing for each other. We are with them because it is our interest to be with them; they are with us because that is their interest. Germany will back Turkey just so long as that helps Germany; Turkey will back Germany just so long as that helps Turkey." Enver seemed much impressed at the close of ova in- terview with the intimate personal rektions which we had established with each other. He apparently be- lieved that he, the great Enver, the Napoleon of the AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 207 Turkish Revolution, had unbended in discussing his nation's affairs with a mere ambassador. "You know," he said, "that there is no one in Ger- many with whom the Emperor talks as intimately as I have talked with you to-day." We reached Panderma about two o'clock. Here Enver and his auto were put ashore and our party started again, our boat arriving at GallipoH late in the afternoon. We anchored in the harbour and spent the night on board. All the evening we could hear the guns bombarding the fortifications, but these reminders of war and death did not affect the spirits of my Turkish hosts. The occasion was for them a great lark; they had spent several months in hard, exacting work, and now they behaved like boys suddenly let out for a vacation. They cracked jokes, told stories, sang the queerest kinds of songs, and played childish pranks upon one another, The venerable Fuad, despite his nearly ninety years, developed great qualities as an enter- tainer, and the fact that his associates made him the butt of most of their horse-play apparently only added to his enjoynaent of the occasion. The amusement reached its height when one of his friends surrepti- tiously poured him a glass of eau-de-cologne. The old gentleman looked at the new drink a moment and then diluted it with water. I was told that the proper way of testing raki, the popular Turkish tipple, is by mixing it with water; if it turns white under this treat- ment, it is the real thing and may be safely drunk. Apparently water has the same effect upon eau-de- cologne, for the contents of Fuad's glass, after this test, turned white. The old gentleman, therefore, poured the whole thing down his throat without a grimace 208 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY — much to the hilarious entertainment of his tor- mentors. la the morning we started again. We now had fairly arrived in the Dardanelles, and from GaUipoli we had a sail of nearly twenty-five miles to Tchanak Kale. For the most part this section of the strait is uninter- estiQg and, from a military point of view, it is unim- portant. The stream is about two miles wide, both sides are low-lying and marshy, and only a few scram- bling villages show any signs of life. I was told that there were a few ancient fortifications, their rusty guns pointing toward the Marmora, the emplacemoats having been erected there in the early part of the nineteenth century for the purpose of preventing hos- tile ships entering from the north. These fortifications, however, were so inconspicuous thati could notsee them; my hosts informed me that they had no fighting power, and that, indeed, there was nothing in the northern part of the straits, from Point Nagara to the Marmora, that could otfer resistance to any modern fleet. The chief interest which I found in this part of the Darda- nelles was purely historic and legendary. The ancient town of Lampsacus appeared in the modem Lapsaki, just across from GallipoU, and Nagara Point is the site of the ancient Abydos, from which village Leander used to swim nightly across the Hellespont to Hero — a feat which was repeated about one himdred years ago by Lord Byron. Here also Xerxes crossed from Asia to Greece on a bridge of boats, embarking on that famous expedition which was to make him'master of mankind. The spirit of Xerxes, I thought, as I passed the scene of his exploit, is still quite active in the world ! The Ger- mans and Turks had found a less romantic use for this, H .S !z; a ENVER PASHA "I shall go down in history," this Turkish leader told Mr. Morgenthau, "as the man Who demonstrated the vulnerability of England and her fleet. I shall show that her navy is not invincible" AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 209 the narrowest part of the Dardanelles, for here they had stretched a cable and anti-submarine barrage of mines and nets — ^a device, which, as I shall describe, did not keep the English and French imderwater boats out of the Marmora and the Bosphorus. It was not imtil we rounded this historic point of Nagara that the dull monotony of flat shores gave place to a more diversified landscape. On the European side the cliflfs now began to descend precipitously to the water, reminding me of our own Palisades along the Hudson, and I obtained glimpses of the hills and mountain ridges that afterward proved such tragical stumbling blocks to the valiant Allied armies. The configuration of the land south of Nagara, with its many hills and ridges, made it plain why the military engineers had selected this stretch of the Dardanelles as the section best adapted to defense. Our boat was now approaching what was perhaps the most commanding point in the whole strait — the city Tchanak, or, to give it its modem European name, Dardanelles. In normal times this was a thriving port of 16,000 people, its houses built of wood, the head- quarters of a considerable trade in wool and other prod- ucts, and for centuries it had been an important mili- tary station. Now, excepting for the soldiers, it was deserted, the large civilian population haviag been moved into Anatolia. The British fleet, we were told, had bombarded this city; yet this statement seemed hardly probable, for I saw only a single house that had been hit, evidently by a stray shell which had been aimed at the near-by fortifications. Djevad Pasha, the Turkish Commander-in-Chief at the Dardanelles, met us and escorted our party to headquarters. Djevad was a man of culture and of 210 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY; pleasing and cordial manners; as he spoke excellent German I had no need of an interpreter. I was much impressed by the deference with which the German officers treated him; that he was the Commander-in- Chief in this theatre of war, and that the generals of the Kaiser were his subordinates, was made plainly appar- ent. As we passed into his office, Djevad stopped in front of a piece of a torpedo, mounted in the middle of the hall, evidently as a souvenir. "There is the great criminal!" he said, calling my attention to the relic. About this time the newspapers were hailing the exploit of an English submarine, which had sailed from England to the Dardanelles, passed under the mine field, and torpedoed the Turkish warship MesudU. "That's the torpedo that did it!" said Djevad. "You'll see the wreck of the ship when you go down." The first fortification I visited was that of Anadolu Hamidie (that is, Asiatic Hamidie) located on the water's edge just outside of Tchanak. My first impres- sion was that I was in Germany. The officers were practically all Germans and everywhere Germans were building buttresses with sacks of sand and in other ways strengthening the emplacements. Here German* not Turkish, was the language heard on every side. Colonel Wehrle, who conducted me over these batteries, took the greatest delight in showing them. He had the simple pride of the artist in his work, and told me of the happiness that had come into his days when Germany had at last found herself at war. All his life, he said, he had spent in military practices, and, like most Germans, he had become tired of manoeuvres, sham battles, and other forms of mimic hostilities. Yet he AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 211 Plon ./ flNMOOLU HflMIDIEH BATTERY . Morehlglj. was approaching fifty, he had become a colonel, and he was fearful that his career would close without actual military experience — and then the splendid thing had happened and here he was, fighting a real English enemy, fifing real guns and shells ! There was nothing brutal about Wehrle's manners; he was a " gemiltlich" gentleman from Baden, and thoroughly likable; yet he was all aglow with the spirit of "Der Tag." His atti- tude was simply that of a man who had spent his life- time learning a trade and who now rejoiced at the chance of exercising it. But he furnished an illumuiating light on the German military character and the forces that had really caused the war. Feeling myself so completely in German country, I asked Colonel Wehrle why there were so few Turks on this side of the strait. "You won't ask me that ques- tion this afternoon," he said, smiling, "when you go over to the other side." 212 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY The location of Anadolu Hamidi6 seemed ideal. It stands right at the water's edge, and consists — or it did then — of ten guns, every one completely sweeping the Dardanelles. Walking upon the parapet, I had a clear view of the strait, and Kum Kal6, at the entrance, about fifteen miles away, stood out conspicuously. No warship could enter these waters without immedi- ately coming within coinplete sight of her gunners. Yet the fortress itself, to an unprofessional eye like my own, was not particularly impressive. The parapet and traverses were merely mounds of earth, and stand to-day practically as they were finished by their French constructors in 1837. There is a general belief that the Germans had completely modernized the Dardanelles defenses, but this was not true at that time. The guns defending Fort Anadolu Hamidie were more than thirty years old, all being the Krupp model of 1885, and the rusted exteriors of some of them gave evidences of their age. Their extreme range was only about nine miles, while the range of the battleships opposing them was about ten miles, and that of the Queen Elizabeth was not far from eleven. The figures which I have given for Anadolu Hamidie apply also to practically all the guns at the other eflFective fortifications. So far as the advantage of range was concerned, therefore, the Allied fleet had a decided superiority, the Qiteen Eliza- beth alone having them all practically at her mercy. Nor did the fortifications contain very considerable supplies of ammunition. At that time the European and American papers were printing stories that train loads of shells and guns were coming by way of Rumania from Germany to the Dardanelles. From facts which I learned on this trip and subsequently I am convinced AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 213 that these reports were pure fiction. A small number of "red heads" — ^that is, non-armour-piercing projectiles useful only for fighting landing parties— had been brought from Adrianople and were reposing in Ha- midie at the time of my visit, but these were small in quantity and of no value in fighting ships. I lay this stress upon Hamidie because this was the most import- ant fortification in the Dardanelles. Throughout the whole bombardment it attracted more of the AUied fire than any other position, and it inflicted at least 60 per cent, of all the damage that was done to the attacking ships. It was Anadolu Hamidie which, in the great bombardment of March 18th, sank the Bouvet, the French battleship, and which in the course of the whole attack disabled several other units. All its oflScers were Germans and eighty-five per cent, of the men on duty came from the crews of the Goeben and the Breslau. Getting into the automobile, we sped along the military road to Dardanos, passing on the way the wreck of the MesudiS. The Dardanos battery was as completely Turkish as the Hamidie was German. The guns at Dardanos were somewhat more modem than those at Hamidie — they were the Krupp model of 1905. Here also was stationed the only new battery which]the Germans had established up to the time of my visit; it consisted of several guns which they had taken from the German and Turkish warships then lying in the Bosphorus. A few days before our inspection the Allied fleet had entered the Bay of Erenkeui and had submitted Dardanos to a terrific bombardment, the evidences of which I saw on every hand. The land for nearly half a mile about seemed to have been com- pletely churned up; it looked like photographs I had 214 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY seen of the battlefields in France. The strange thing was that, despite all this punishment, the batteries themselves remained intact; not a single gun, my guides told me, had been destroyed. "After the war is over," said General Mertens, "we are going to establish a big tourist resort here, build a hotel, and sell relics to you Americans. We shall not have to do much excavating to find them — the British fleet is doing that for us now." This sounded like a passing joke, yet the statement was literally true. Dardanos, where this emplacement is located, was one of the famous cities of the ancient world; in Homeric times it was part of the principality of Priam. Fragments of capitals and columns are still visible. And the shells from the Allied fleet were now ploughing up many relics which had been buried for thousands of years. One of my friends picked up a water jug which had perhaps been used in the days of Troy. The effectiveness of modern gunfire in ex- cavating these evidences of a long lost civilization was striking — though unfortunately the relics did not al- ways come to the surface intact. The Turkish generals were extremely proud of the fight which this Dardanos battery had made against the British ships. They would lead me to the guns that had done particularly good service and pat them affectionately. For my benefit Djevad called out Lieutenant Hassan, the Turkish oflScer who had de- fended this position. He was a little fellow, with jet- black hair, black eyes, extremely modest and almost shrinking in the presence of these great generals. Djevad patted Hassan on both cheeks, while another high Turkish oflScer stroked his hair; one would have AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 215 thought that he was a faithful dog who had just per- formed some meritorious service. "It is men like you of whom great heroes are made," said General Djevad. He asked Hassan to describe the attack and the way it had been met. The em- barrassed lieutenant quietly told his story, though he was moved almost to tears by the appreciation of his exalted chiefs. "There is a great future for you in the army," said General Djevad, as we parted from this hero. Poor Hassan's "future" came two days afterward when the Allied fleet made its greatest attack. One of the shells struck his dugout, which caved in, killiQg the young man. Yet his behaviour on the day I visited his battery showed that he regarded the praise of his gen- eral as sufficient compensation for all that he had suffered or all that he might suffer. I was much puzzled by the fact that the Allied fleet, despite its large expenditures of ammunition, had not been able to hit this Dardanos emplacement. I nat- urally thought at first that such a failure indicated poor marksmanship, but my German guides said that this was not the case. All this misfire merely illus- trated once more the familiar fact that a rapidly ma- noeuvring battleship is under a great disadvantage in shooting at a fixed fortification. But there was an- other point involved in the Dardanos battery. My hosts called my attention to its location; it was perched on the top of the hill, in full view of the ships, forming itself a part of the skyline. Dardanos was merely five steel turrets, each armed with a gun, approached by a winding trench. "That," they said, "is the most diflGlcult thing in 216 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the world to hit. It is so distinct that it looks easy, but the whole thing is an illusion." I do not understand completely the optics of the situation; but it seems that the skyline creates a kind of mirage, so that it is practically impossible to hit any- thing at that point, except by accident. The gunner might get what was apparently a perfect sight, yet his shell would go wild. The record of Dardanos had been little short of marvellous. Up to March 18th, the ships had fired at it about 4,000 shells. One turret had been hit by a splinter, which had also scratched the paint, another had been hit and slightly bent in, and another had been hit near the base and a piece about the size of a man's hand had been knocked out. But not a single gun had been even slightly damaged. Eight men had been killed, including Lieutenant Has- san, and about forty had been wounded. That was the extent of the destruction. "It was the optical illusion that saved Dardanos," one of the Germans remarked. CHAPTER XVm THE ALLIED AKMADA SAILS AWAY, THOUGH ON THE BRINK OF VICTORY j4 GAIN getting into the' automobile, we rode /-m along the shore, my host calling my attention to -*- -^ the mine fields, which stretched from Tchanak southward about seven miles. In this area the Ger- mans and Turks had scattered nearly 400 mines. They told me with a good deal of gusto that the Russians had •furnished a. considerable number of these destructive engines. Day after day Russian destroyers sowed mines at the Black Sea entrance to the Bosphorus, hoping that they would float down stream and fulfil their appointed task. Every morning Turkish and German mine sweepers would go up, fish out these mines, and place them in the Dardanelles. The battery at Erenkeui had also been subjected to a heavy bombardment, but it had suflFered little. Unlike Dardanos, it was situated back of a hill, completely shut out from view. In order to fortify this spot, I was told, the Turks had been compelled practically to dismantle the fortifications of the inner straits — that section of the stream which extends from Tchanak to Point Nagara. This was the reason why this latter part of the Dardanelles was now practically unforti- fied. The gims that had been moved for this purpose were old-style Krupp pieces of the model of 1885. South of Erenkeui, on the hills bordering the road, 217 S18 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the Germans had Introduced an innovation. They had found several Krupp howitzers left over from the Bul- garian war and had installed them on concrete founda- tions. Each battery had four or five of these emplace- ments so that, as I approached them, I found several substantial bases that apparently had no guns. I was mystified further at the sight of a herd of buffaloes — I think I counted sixteen engaged in the operation — hauling one of these howitzers from one emplacement to another. This, it seems, was part of the plan of defense. As soon as the dropping shells indicated that the fleet had obtaiaed the range, the howitzer would be moved, with the aid of buffalo teams, to another concrete emplacement. "We have even a better trick than that," remarked one of the oflScers. They called out a sergeant, and recounted his achievement. This soldier was the custodian of a contraption which, at a distance, looked like a real gun, but which, when I examined it near at hand, was apparently an elongated section of sewer pipe. Back of a hUl, entirely hidden from the fleet, was placed the gun with which this sergeant had co- operated. The two were connected by telephone. When the command came to fire, the gunner m charge of the howitzer would discharge his shell, while the man in charge of the sewer pipe would bum several pounds of black powder and send forth a conspicuous cloud of inky smoke. Not unnaturally the Englishmen and Frenchmen on the ships would assimie that the shells speeding in their direction came from the visible smoke cloud and would proceed to centre all their attention upon that spot. The space aroimd this burlesque gun was pock-marked with shell holes; the AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 219 sergeant in charge, I was told, had attracted more than 500 shots, while the real artillery piece still remained intact and undetected. From Erenkeui we motored back to General Djevad's headquarters, where we had lunch. Djevad took me up to an observation post, and there before my eyes I had the beautiful blue expanse of the ^Egean. I could see the entrances to the Dardanelles, Sedd-ul-Bahr and Kum Kale standing like the guardians of a gateway, with the rippling sunny waters stretching between. Far out I saw the majestic ships of England and France sailing across the entrance, and still farther away, I caught a glimpse of the island of Tenedos, behind which we knew that a still larger fleet lay concealed. Natur- ally this prospect brought to mind a thousand historic and legendary associations, for there is probably no single spot in the world more crowded with poetry and romance. Evidently my Turkish escort. Gen- eral Djevad, felt the spell, for he took a telescope and pointed at a bleak expanse, perhaps six miles away. "Look at that spot," he said, handing me the glass. "Do you know what that is?" I looked but could not identify this sandy beach. "Those are the Plains of Troy," he said. "And the river that you see winding in and out," he added, "we Turks call it the Mendere, but Homer knew it as the Scamander. Back of us, only a few miles distant, is Mount Ida." Then he turned his glass out to sea, swept the field where the British ships lay, and again asked me to look at an indicated spot. I inimediately brought within view a magnificent English warship, all stripped 220 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY for battle, quietly steaming along like a man walking on patrol duty. "That," said General Djevad, "is the Agamemnon "/ "Shall I fire a shot at her?" he asked me. "Yes, if you'll promise me not to hit her," I answered. We lunched at headquarters, where we were joined by Admiral Usedom, General Mertens, and General Pomiankowsky, the Austrian Military Attache at Constantinople. The chief note in the conversation was one of absolute confidence in the future. Whatever the diplomats and politicians in Constantinople may have thought, these men, Turks and Germans, had no expectation — at least their conversation betrayed none — ^that the Allied fleets would pass their defenses. What they seemed to hope for above everything was that their enemies would make another attack. "If we could only get a chance at the Queen Eliza- beth! " said one eager German, referring to the greatest ship in the British navy, then lying oflf the entrance. As the Rhein wine began to disappear, their eagerness for the combat increased. "K the damn fools would only make a landing!" ex- claimed one — I quote his exact words. The Turkish and German officers, indeed, seemed to vie with each other in expressing their readiness for the fray. Probably a good deal of this was bravado, intended for my consumption — indeed, I had private information that their exact estimate of the situation was much less reassuring. Now, however, they de- clared that the war had presented no real opportunity for the German and English navies to measure swords, and for this reason the Germans at the Dardanelles welcomed this chance to try the issue. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 221 ' Having visited all the important places on the Anato- lian side, we took a launch and sailed over to the Galli- poli peninsula. We almost had a disastrous experience on this trip. As we approached the Gallipoli shore, our helmsman was asked if he knew the location of the minefield, and if he could steer through the channel. He said "yes" and then steered directly for the mines! Fortunately the other men noticed the mistake in time, and so we arrived safely at Kilid-ul-Bahr. The batteries here were of about the same character as those on the other side; they formed one of the main defenses of the straits. Here everything, so far as a layman could judge, was in excellent condition, barring the fact that the artillery pieces were of old design and the ammunition not at all plentiful. The batteries showed signs of a heavy bombardment. None had been destroyed, but shell holes surrounded the fortifications. My Turkish and German escorts looked at these evidences of destruction rather seriously and they were outspoken in their admiration for the accuracy of the allied fire. "How do they ever get the range?" This was the question they were asking each other. What made the shooting so remarkable was the fact that it came, not from Allied ships in the straits, but from ships stationed in the JEgean Sea, on the other side of the Gallipoli peninsula. The gunners had never seen their target, but had had to fire at a distance of nearly ten miles, over high hills, and yet many of their shells had barely missed the batteries at Kilid-ul-Bahr. When I was there, however, the place was quiet, for no fighting was going on that day. For my particu- lar Ibenefit the oflBcers put one of their gun crews 222 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY through a drill, so that I could obtain a perfect picture of the behaviour of the Turks in action. In their mind's eye these artillerists now saw the English ships advancing within range, all their guns pointed to destroy the followers of the Prophet. The bugleman blew his horn, and the whole company rushed to their appointed places. Some were bringing shells, others were opening the breeches, others were taking the ranges, others were straining at pulleys, and others were putting the charges into place. Everything was eager- ness and activity; evidently the Germans had been excellent instructors, but there was more to it than German military precision, for the men's faces lighted up with all that fanaticism which supplies the morale of Turkish soldiers. These gunners momentarily im- agined that they were shooting once more at the infidel English, and the exercise was a congenial one. Above the shouts of all I could hear the singsong chant of the leader, intoning the prayer with which the Moslem has rushed to battle for thirteen centuries. "Allah is great, there is but one God, and Mohammed is his Prophet!" When I looked upon these frenzied men, and saw so plainly written in their faces their uncontrollable hatred of the imbeliever, I called to mind what the Germans had said in the morning about the wisdom of not putting Turkish and German soldiers together. I am quite sure that, had this been done, here at least the "Holy War" would have proved a success, and that the Turks would have vented their hatred of Christians on those who happened to be nearest at hand, for the moment overlookiag the fact that they were allies. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 223 I returned to Constantinople that evening, and two days afterward, on March 18th, the AUied fleet made its greatest attack. As all the world knows, that attack proved disastrous to the Allies. The outcome was the sinking of the Bouvet, the Ocean, and the Irresistible and the serious crippling of four other vessels. Of the sixteen ships engaged in this battle of the 18th, seven were thus put temporarily or permanently out of action. Naturally the Germans and Turks rejoiced over this victory. The police went around, and ordered each householder to display a prescribed number of flags in honour of the event. The Turkish people have so little spontaneous patriotism or enthusiasm of any kind that they would never decorate their establishments without such definite orders. As a matter of fact, neither Germans nor Turks regarded this celebration too seriously, for they were not yet persuaded that they had really won a victory. Most still believed that the Allied fleets would succeed in forcing their way through. The only question, they said, was whether the Entente was ready to sacrifice the necessary number of ships. Neither Wangenheim nor Pallavicirii be- lieved that the disastrous experience of the 18th would end the naval attack, and for days they anxiously w'aited for the fleet to return. The high tension lasted for days and. weeks after the repulse of the 18th. We were still momentarily expectiag the renewal of the attack. But the great armada never returned. « Should it have come back? Could the AUied ships really have captured Constantinople? I am constantly asked this question. As a layman my own opinion can have little value, but I have quoted the opinions of the German generals and admirals, and of the Turks — 224 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY practically, all of whom, except Enver, believed that the enterprise would succeed, and I am half inclined to believe that Enver's attitude was merely a case of graveyard whistling. In what I now have to say on this point, therefore, I wish it understood that I am giving not my own views, but merely those of the officials then in Turkey who were best qualified to judge. Enver had told me, in our talk on the deck of the Yuruk, that he had "plenty of guns — ^plenty of ammu- nition." But this statement was not true. A gHmpse at the map will show why Turkey was not receiving munitions from Germany or Austria at that time. The fact was that Turkey was just as completely iso- lated from her allies then as was Russia. There were two railroad lines leading from Constantinople to Germany. One went by way of Bulgaria and Serbia. Bulgaria was then not an ally; even though she had winked at the passage of guns and shells, this line could not have been used, since Serbia, which controlled the vital link extending from Nish to Belgrade, was still intact. The other railroad line went through Rumania, by way of Bucharest. This route was independent of Serbia, and, had the Rumanian Govern- ment consented, it would have formed a clear route from the Krupps to the Dardanelles. The fact that munitions could be sent with the connivance of the Rumanian Government perhaps accounts for the sus- picion that gmis and shells were going by that route. Day after day the French and British ministers pro- tested at Bucharest against this alleged violation of neutrality, only to be met with angry denials that the Germans were using this line. There is no doubt now AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 225 that the Rumanian Government was perfectly honour- able in making these denials. It is not unlikely that the Germans themselves started all these stories, merely to fool the Allied fleet into the belief that their supplies were inexhaustible. Let us suppose that the Allies had returned, say on the morning of the nineteenth, what would have hap- pened? The one overwhelming fact is that the forti- fications were very short of ammunition. They had almost reached the limit of their resisting power when the British fleet passed out on the afternoon of the 18th. I had secured permission for Mr. George A. Schreiner, the well-known American correspondent of the Associ- ated Press, to visit the Dardanelles on this occasion. On the night of the 18th, this correspondent discussed the situation with General Mertens, who was the chief technical officer at the straits. General Mertens ad- mitted that the outlook was very discouraging for the defense. "We expect that the British will come back early to- morrow morning," he said, "and if they do, we may be able to hold out for a few hours." General Mertens did not declare in so many words that the ammunition was practically exhausted, but Mr. Schreiner discovered that such was the case. The fact was that Fort Hamidie, the most powerful defense on the Asiatic side, had just seventeen armour-piercing shells left, while at Kilid-ul-Bahr, which was the main defense on the European side, there were precisely ten. "I should advise you to get up at dx o'clock to- morrow morning," said General Mertens, "and take to the Anatolian hills. That's what we are going to do." 226 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY The troops at all the fortifications had their orders to man the guns until the last shell had been fired and then to abandon the forts. Once these defenses became helpless, the problem of the Allied fleet would have been a simple one. The only bar to their progress would have been the mine- field, which stretched from a point about two miles north of Erenkeui to Kilid-ul-Bahr. But the Allied fleet had plenty of mine-sweepers, which could have made a channel in a few hours. North of Tchanak, as I have already explained, there were a few guns, but they were of the 1878 model, and could not discharge projectiles that could pierce! modern armour plate. North of Point Nagara there were only two batteries, and both dated from 1835 ! Thus, once having silenced the outer straits, there was nothing to bar the passage to Constantinople except the German and Turkish war- ships; The Goeben was the only first-class fighting ship in either fleet, and it would not have lasted long against the Queen Elisabeth. The disproportion in the strength, of the opposing fleets, indeed, was so enormous that it is doubtful whether there would ever have been an en- gagement. Thus the Allied fleet would have appeared before Constantinople on the morning of the twentieth. What would have happened then? We have heard much discussion as to whether this purely naval attack was justified. Enver, in his conversation with me, had laid much stress on the absurdity of sending a fleet to Constantinople, supported by no adequate landing force, and much of the criticism since passed upon the Dardanelles expedition has centred on that point. Yet it is my opinion that this exclusively naval attack AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 227 was justified. I base this judgment purely upon the po- htical situation which then existed in Turkey. Under ordinary circumstances such an enterprise would probably have been a fooHsh one, but the political conditions in Constantinople then were not ordinary. There was no solidly established government in Tur- key at that time. A poHtical committee, not exceeding forty members, headed by Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, controlled the Central Government, but their authority throughout the empire was exceedingly tenuous. As a matter of fact, the whole Ottoman state, on that eigh- teenth day of March, 1915, when the Alhed fleet abandoned the attack, was on the brink of dissolution. All over Tm-key ambitious chieftains had arisen, who were momentarily expecting its fall, and who were look- ing for the opportunity to seize their parts of the inheri- tance. As previously described, Djemal had already organized practically an independent government in Syria. In Smyrna Rahmi Bey, the Governor-Gen- eral, had often disregarded the authorities at the capital. In Adrianople Hadji Adil, one of the most courageous Turks of the time, was believed to be plotting to set up his own government. Arabia had already become practically an independent nation. Among the subject races the spirit of revolt was rapidly spreading. The Greeks and the Armenians would also have welcomed an opportun- ity to strengthen the hands of the Allies. The existing financial and industrial conditions seemed to make revolution inevitable. Many farmers went on strike; they had no seeds and would not accept them as a free gift from the Government because, they said, as soon as their crops should be garnered the armies would immediately requisition them. As for Constantinople, 228 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the populace there and the best elements among the Turks, far from opposing the arrival of the Allied fleet, would have welcomed it with joy. The Turks themselves were praying that the British and French would take their city, for this would relieve them of the controlling gang, emancipate them from the hated Ger- mans, bring about peace, and end their miseries. No one understood this better than Talaat. He was taking no chances on making an expeditious retreat, in case the Allied fleet ^.ppeared before the city. For several months the Turkish leaders had been casting envious glances at a Minerva automobile that had befin reposing in the Belgian legation ever since Turkey's declaration of war. Talaat finally obtained possession of the coveted prize. He had obtained somewhere another automobile, which he had loaded with extra tires, gasolene, and all the other essentials of a pro- tracted journey. This was evidently intended to accompany the more pretentious machine as a kind of "mother ship." Talaat stationed these automobiles on the Asiatic side of the city with chauffeurs con- stantly at hand. Everything was prepared to leave for the interior of Asia Minor at a moment's notice. But the great Allied armada never returned to the attack. About a week after this momentous defeat, I hap- pened to drop in at the German Embassy. Wangen- heim had a distinguished visitor whom he asked me to meet. I went into his private office and there was Von der Goltz Pasha, recently returned from Bel- gium, where he had served as governor. I must admit that, meeting Goltz thus informally, I had difficulty in reconciling his personality with all the stories that AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 229 were then coming out of Belgium. That morning this mild-mannered, spectacled gentleman seemed suf- ficiently quiet and harmless. Nor did he look his age — he was then about seventy-four; his hair was only streaked with gray, and his face was almost imwrinkled; I should not have taken him for more than sixty-five. The austerity and brusqueness and ponderous dignity which are assumed by most highly-placed Germans were not apparent. His voice was deep, musical, and pleasing, and his manners were altogether friendly and ingratiating. The only evidence of pomp in his bear- ing was his uniform; he was dressed as a field marshal, his chest blazing with decorations and gold braid. Von der Goltz explained and half apologized for his regalia by saying that he had just returned from an audience with the Sultan. He had come to Constantinople to present his majesty a medal from the Kaiser, and was taking back to Berlin a similar mark of consideration from the Sultan to the Kaiser, besides an imperial present of 10,000 cigarettes. The three of us sat there for some time, drinking coffee, eating German cakes, and smoking German cigars. I did not do much of the talking, but the conversation of Von der Goltz and Wangenheim seemed to me to shed much light upon the German mind, and espedally on the trustworthiness of German military reports. The aspect of the Dardanelles fight that in- terested them most at that time was England's com- plete frankness in pubUshing her losses. That the British Government should issue an official statement, saying that three ships had been sunt and that four others had been badly damaged, struck them as most remarkable. In this annoimcement I merely saw a 230 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY manifestation of the usual British desire to make public the worst — ^the policy which we Americans also believe to be the best in war times. But no such obvious ex- planation could satisfy these wise and solemn Teutons. No, England had some deep purpose in telling the truth so unblushingly; what could it he? "Es ist ausserordentlich I" (It is extraordinary) said Von der Goltz, referring to England's public acknowledgment of defeat. "Es ist unerhortl" (It is unheard of) declared the equally astonished Wangenheim. These master diplomatists canvassed one explanation after another, and finally reached a conclusion that satisfied the higher strategy. England, they agreed, really had had no enthusiasm for this attack, because, in the event of success, she would have had to hand Constantinople over to Russia — something which Eng- land really did not intend to do. By publishing the losses, England showed Russia the enormous difificulties of the task; she had demonstrated, indeed, that the enterprise was impossible. After such losses, England intended Russia to understand that she had made a sincere attempt to gain this great prize of war and expected her not to insist on further sacrifices. The sequel to this great episode in the war came in the winter of 1915-16. By this time Bulgaria had joined the Central Powers, Serbia had been over- whelmed, and the Germans had obtained a' complete, unobstructed raiboad line from Constantinople to Austria and Germany. Huge Krupp guns now began to come over this line — ^all destined for the Dardanelles. Sixteen great batteries, of the latest model, were em- placed near the entrance, completely controlling Sedd- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 231 ul-Bahr. The Germans lent the Turks 500,000,000 marks, much of which was spent defending this indis- pensable highway. The thinly fortified straits through which I passed in March, 1915, is now as impregnably fortified as Heligoland. It is doubtful if all the fleets in the world could force the Dardanelles to-day. CHAPTER XIX A FIGHT FOB THREE THOUSAND CIVILIANS ON THE second of May, 1915, Enver sent his aide to the American Embassy, bringing a message which he requested me to transmit to the French and British governments. About a week before this visit the Allies had landed on the Galli- poli peninsula. They had evidently concluded that a naval attack by itself could not destroy the defenses and open the road to Constantinople, and they had now adopted the alternative plan of despatching large bodies of troops, to be supported by the guns of their warships. Already many thousands of Australians and New Zealanders had entrenched themselves at the tip of the peninsula, and the excitement that prevailed in Constantinople was almost as great as that which had been caused by the appearance of the fleet two months before. Enver now informed me that the Allied ships were bombarding in reckless fashion, and ignoring the well- established international rule that such bombardments should be directed only against fortified places; British and French shells, he saidy were falling everywhere, destroying unprotected Moslem villages and kiUing hundreds of innocent non-combatants. Enver asked me to inform the Allied governments that such activi- ties must immediately cease. He had decided to collect all the British and French citizens who were then 232 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 233 living in Constantinople, take them down to the Galli- poli peninsula and scatter them in Moslem villages and towns. The Allied fleets would then be throwing their projectiles not only against peaceful and unpro- tected Moslems, but against their own countrymen. It was Enver's idea that this threat, communicated by the American Ambassador to the British and French governments, would soon put an end to "atrocities" of this kind. I was given a few days' respite to get the information to London and Paris. At that time about 3,000 British and French citizens were living in Constantinople. The great majority belonged to the class known as Levantines; nearly all had been born in Turkey and in many cases their families had been domiciled in that country for two or more generations. The retention of their European citizenship is almost their only contact with the nation from which they have sprung. Not uncommonly we meet in the larger cities of Turkey men and women who are English by race and nationality, but who speak no Enghsh, French being the usual language of the Levan- tine. The great majority have never set foot in Eng- land, or any other European country; they have only one home, and that is Turkey. The fact that the Levantine usually retains citizenship in the nation of his origin was now apparently making him a fitting bbject for Turkish vengeance. Besides these Levan- tines, a large number of English and French were then living in Constantinople, as teachers in the schools, as missionaries, and as important business men and merchants. The Ottoman Government now proposed to assemble all these residents, both those who were immediately and those who were remotely connected 234 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY with Great Britain and France, and to place them in exposed positions on the Gallipoli peninsula as targets for the Allied fleet. Naturally my first question when I received this startling information was whether the warships were really bombarding defenseless towns. If they were murdering non-combatant men, women, and children in this reckless fashion, such an act of reprisal as Enver now proposed would probably have had some justi- fication. It seemed to me incredible, however, that the English and French could commit such barbarities. I had already received many complaints of this kind from Turkish officials which, on investigation, had turned out to be untrue. Only a little while before Dr. Meyer, the first assistant to Suleyman Nouman, the Chief of the Medical Staff, had notified me that the British fleet had bombarded a Turkish hospital and killed 1,000 invalids. When I looked into the matter, I found that the building had been but slightly dam- aged, and only one man killed. I now naturally sus- pected that this latest tale of Allied barbarity rested on a similarly flimsy foundation. I soon discovered, indeed, that this was the case. The Allied fleet was not bombarding Moslem villages at all. A number of British warships had been stationed in the Gulf of Saros, an indentation of the Mgean Sea, on the western side of the peninsula, and from this vantage point they were throwing shells into the city of Gallipoli. All the "bombarding" of towns in which they were now engaging was limited to this one city. In doing this the British navy was not violating the rules of civilized warfare, for Gallipoli had long since been evacuated of its civilian population, and the Turks had AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 235 established military headquarters in several of the houses, which had properly become the object of the Allied attack. I certainly knew of no rule of warfare which prohibited an attack upon a military headquar- ters. As to the stories of murdered civilians, men, women, and children, these proved to be gross exag- gerations; as almost the entire civilian population had long since left, any casualties resulting from the bom- bardment must have been confined to the armed forces of the empire. I now discussed the situation for some time with Mr. Ernest Weyl, who was generally recognized as" the leading French citizen in Constantinople, and with Mr. Hoffman Philip, the Conseiller of the Embassy, and then decided that I would go immediately to the Sub- lime Porte and protest to Enver. The Council of Ministers was sitting at the time, but Enver came out. His manner was more demonstrative than usual. As he described the attack of the British fleet, he became extremely angry; it was not the imper- turbable Enver with whom I had become so familiar. •■■ "These cowardly English!" he exclaimed. "They tried for a long time to get through the Dardanelles, and we were too much for them! And see what kind of a revenge they are taking. Their ships sneak up into the outer bay, whet:e our guns cannot reach them, and shoot over the hills at our little villages, killing harmless old men^ women, and children, and bombard- ing our hospitals. Do you think we are going to let them do that? And what can we do? Our guns don't reach over the hills, so that we cannot meet them in battle. If we could, ,we would drive them off, just as we did at the straits a month ago. We have no fleet to 236 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY send to England to bombard their unfortified towns as they are bombarding ours. So we have decided to move all the English and French we can find to Galli- poli. Let them kill their own people as well as ours ." I told him that, granted that the circumstances were as he had stated them, he had grounds for indignation. But I called his attention to the fact that he was wrong; that he was accusing the Allies of crimes which they were not committing. "This is about the most barbarous thing that you have ever contemplated," I said. " The British have a perfect right to attack a military headquarters like Gallipoli." But my argument did not move Enver. I became convinced that he had not decided on this step as a reprisal to protect his own countrymen, but that he and his associates were blindly venting their rage. The fact that the Australians and New Zealanders had suc- cessfully effected a landing had aroused their most barbarous instincts. Enver referred to this landing in our talk; though he professed to regard it lightly, and said that he would soon push the French and English into the sea, I saw that it was causing him much concern. The Turk, as I have said before, is psychologically primitive; to answer the British landing at Gallipoli by murdering hundreds of helpless British who were in his power would strike him as perfectly logical. As a result of this talk I gained only a few concessions. Enver agreed to postpone the deportation until Thurs- day — it was then Sunday; to exclude women and chil- dren from the order, and to take none of the British and French who were then connected with American insti- tutions. AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 237 "All the rest will have to go," was his final word. "Moreover," he added, "we don't purpose to have the enemy submarines in the Marmora torpedo the trans- ports we are sending to the Dardanelles. In the future we shall put a few Englishmen and Frenchmen on every ship we [send down there as a protection to our own soldiers." When I retutned to our embassy I found that the news of the proposed deportation had been published. The amazement and despair that immediately resulted were unparalleled, even in that city of constant sensa- tions. Europeans, by living for many years in the Levant, seem to acquire its emotions, particularly its susceptibility to fear and horror, and now, no longer hav- ing the protection of their embassies, these fears were in- tensified. A stream of frenzied people began to pour into the Embassy. From their tears and cries one would have thought that they were immediately to be taken out and shot, and that there was any possibility of being saved seemed hardly to occur to them. Yet all the time they insisted that I should get individual exemptions. One could not go because he had a depen- dent family; another had a sick child; another was ill himself. My ante-room was full of frantic mothers, asking me to secure exemption for their sons, and of wives, who sought special treatment for their hus- bands. They made all kinds of impossible suggestions: I should resign my ambassadorship as a protest; I should even threaten Turkey with war by the United States! They constantly besieged my wife, who spent hours listening to their stories and comforting them. In all this exciting mass there were many who faced the situation with more courage. 238 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY The day after my talk with Enver, Bedri, the Prefect of Police, began to arrest some of the victims. The next morning one of my callers made what would ordinarily have seemed to be an obvious suggestion. This visitor was a German. He told me that Germany would suffer greatly in reputation if the Turks carried out their plan; the world would not possibly be convinced that Germans had not devised the whole scheme. He said that I should call upon the German and Austrian ambassadors; he was sure that they would support me in my pleas for decent treatment. As I had made ap- peals to Wangenheim several times before in behalf of foreigners, without success, I had hardly thought it worth while to ask his cooperation in this instance. Moreover, the plan of using non-combatants as a pro- tective screen in warfare was such a familiar German device that I was not at all sure that the German Staff had not instigated the Turks. I decided, however, to adopt the advice of my German visitor and seek Wan- genheim's assistance. I must admit that I did this as a forlorn hope, but at least I thought it only fair to Wangenheim to give him a chance to help. I called upon him in the evening at ten o'clock and stayed with him until eleven. I spent the larger part of this hour in a fruitless attempt to interest him in the plight of these non-combatants. Wangenheim said point blank that he would not assist me. "It is per- fectly proper," he maintained, "for the Turks to estab- lish a concentration camp at Gallipoli. It is also proper for them to put non-combatant English and French on their transports and thus insure them against attack. As I made repeated attempts to argue the matter, Wan- genheim would deftly shift the conversation to other AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 239 topics. According to my record of this talk, written out at the time, the German Ambassador discussed almost every subject except the one upon which I had called. "This act of the Turks will greatly injure Ger-- many " I would begin. "Do you know that the English soldiers at Gaba Tepe are without food and drink?" he would reply. "They made an attack to capture a well and were repulsed. The Enghsh have taken their ships away so as to prevent their soldiers from retreating " "But about this Gallipoli business," I interrupted. "Germans themselves here in Constantinople have said that Germany should stop it " "The Allies landed 45,000 men on the peninsula,", Wangenheim answered, "and of these 10,000 were killed. In a few days we shall attack the rest and destroy them." When I attempted to approach the subject from an- other angle, this master diplomatist would begin dis- cussing Rumania and the possibility of obtaining ammu- nition by way of that country. "Your Secretary Bryan," he said, "has just issued a statement showing that it would be unneutral for the United States to refuse to sell ammunition to the Allies. So we have used this same argument with the Ruman- ians; if it is unneutral not to sell ammunition, it is certainly unneutral to refuse to*transport it ! " The humorous aspects of this argument appealed to Wangenheim, but I reminded him that I was there to discuss the lives of between 2,000 and 3,000 non-com- batants. As I touched upon this subject again, Wan- genheim replied that the United States would not be acceptable to Germany as a peacemaker now, because 240 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY we were so friendly to the Entente. He insisted on giving me all the details of recent German successes in the Carpathians and the latest news on the Italian situation. "We would rather fight Italy than have her for our ally," he said. At another time all this would have greatly enter- tained me, but not then. It was quite apparent that Wangenheim would not discuss the proposed deporta- tion, further than to say that the Turks were justified. His statement that it was planned to establish a "con- centration camp" at Gallipoli unfolded his whole atti- tude. Up to this time the Turks had not established concentration camps for enemy aliens anywhere. I had earnestly advised them not to establish such camps, thus far with success. On the other hand, the Germans were protesting that Turkey was "too lenient" and urging the establishment of such camps in the interior. Wangenheim's use of the words "concentration camps in Galhpoli" showed that the German view was at last prevailing and that I was losing my battle for the foreigners. An internment camp is a distressing place under the most favourable circumstances, but who, ex- cept a German or a Turk, ever conceived of establishing one right in the field of battle? Let us suppose that the English and the French should assemble all tiieir enemy aliens, march them to the front, and place them in a camp in No Man's Land, directly in the fire of both armies. That was precisely the kind of a "con- centration camp" which the Turks and Germans now intended to establish for the resident aliens of Constanti- nople — ^for my talk with Wangenheim left no doubt in my mind that the Germans were parties to the plot. TURKISH QUARTERS AT THE DARDANELLES These dugouts, for the most part, were well protected. The Turks defended their batteries with great heroism and skill 2 Ph ' o o H I— < I Si b 4) o *^ AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 241 They feared that the land attack on the Dardanelles would succeed, just as they had feared that the naval attack would succeed, and they were prepared to use any weapon, even the lives of several thousand non- combatants, in their efforts to make it a failure. My talk with Wangenheim produced no results, so far as enlisting his support was concerned, but it stif- fened my determination to defeat this enterprise. I also called upon Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador. He at once declared that the proposed deportation was "inhuman." "I will take up the matter with the Grand Vizier," he said, " and see if I can't stop it." "But you know that is perfectly useless," I answered. "The Grand Vizier has no power— he is only a figure- head. Only one man can stop this, that is Enver." Pallavicini had far finer sensibilities and a tenderer conscience than Wangenheim, and I had no doubt that he was entirely sincere in his desire to prevent this crime. But he was a diplomat of the old Austrian school. Nothing in his eyes was so important as diplomatic etiquette. As the representative of his emperor, propriety demanded that he should con- duct all his negotiations with the Grand Vizier, who was also at that time Minister for Foreign Affairs. He never discussed state matters with Talaat and Enver — indeed, he had only limited official relations with these men, the real rulers of Turkey. And now the saving of 3,000 lives was not, in Pallavicini's eyes, any reason why he should disregard the traditional routine of diplo- matic intercourse. "I must go strictly according to rules in this matter," he said. And, in the goodness of his heart, he did 242 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY speak to Said Halim. Following this example Wangen- heim also spoke to the Grand Vizier. In Wangenheim's case, however, the protest was merely intended for the official record. "You may fool some people," I told the German Am- bassador, "but you know that speaking to the Grand "Vizier in this matter is of about as much use as shouting in the air." However, there was one member of the diplomatic corps who worked wholeheartedly in behalf of the threatened foreigners. This was M. Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister. As soon as he heard of this latest Turco-German outrage, he immediately came to me with offers of assistance. He did not propose to waste his time by a protest to the Grand Vizier, but an- nounced his intention of going immediately to the source of authority, Enver himseM. Koloucheff was an ex- tremely important man at that particular time, for Bulgaria was then neutral and both sides were angling for her support. Meanwhile, Bedri and his minions were busy arrestmg some of the doomed English and French. The depor- tation was arranged to take place Thursday morning. On Wednesday, the excitement reached the hysterical stage. It seemed as if the whole foreign population of Constantinople had gathered at the American Em- bassy. Scores of weeping women and haggard men assembled in front and at the side of the building; more than three hundred gained personal access to my office, hanging desperately upon the Ambassador and his staff. Many almost seemed to think that I person- ally held their fates in my hand; in their agony of spirit some even denounced me, insisting that I was AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 243 not exerting all my powers in their behalf. When- ever I left my oflBce and passed into the hall I was almost mobbed by scores of terror-stricken and dishevelled mothers and wives. The nervous tension was fright- ful; I seized the telephone, called up Enver, and de- manded an interview. He replied that he would be happy to receive me on Thursday. By this time, however, the prisoners would already have been on their way to Gallipolii. "No," I replied, "I must see you this afternoon." ' Enver made aU kinds of excuses; he was busy, he had appointments scheduled for the whole day. "I presume you want to see me about the English and French," he said. "If that is so, I can tell you now that it will be useless. Our minds are made up. Orders have been issued to the police to gather them all by to-night and to ship them down to-morrow morning." I still insisted that I must see him that afternoon and he still attempted to dodge the interview. "My time is all taken," he said. "The Council of Ministers sits at four o'clock and the meeting is to be a very important one. I can't absent myself." Emboldened by the thought of the crowds of women that were flooding the whole Embassy I decided on an altogether unprecedented move. "I shall not be denied an interview," I replied. "I shall come up to the cabinet room at four o'clock. If you refuse to receive me then, I shall insist on oing into the council room and discussing the matter with the whole Cabinet. I shall be interested to learn whether the Turkish Cabinet will refuse to receive the American Ambassador." 244 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY It seemed to me that I could almost hear Enver gasp over the telephone. I presume few responsible minis* ters of any country have ever had such an astounding proposition made to them. "If you will meet me at the Sublime Porte at 3:30," he answered, after a considerable pause, "I shall arrange to see you." When I reached the Sublime Porte I was told that the Bulgarian Minister was having a protracted con- ference with Enver. Naturally I was wUling to wait, for I knew what the two men were discussing. Pres- ently M. Koloucheff came out; his face was tense and anxious, clearly revealing the ordeal through which he had just passed. "It is perfectly hopeless," he said to me. "Nothing will move Enver: he is absolutely determined that this thing shall go through. I cannot wish you good luck, for you will have none." The meeting which followed between Enver and my- self was the most momentous I had had up to that time. We discussed the fate of the foreigners for nearly an hour. I found Enver in one of his most polite but most unyielding moods. He told me before I began that it was useless to talk — that the matter was a closed issue. But I insisted on telling him what a splendid impression Turkey's treatment of her enemies had made on the outside world. "Your record in this matter is better than that of any other belligerent country," I said. "You have not put them into con- centration camps, you have let them stay here and continue their ordinary business, just as before. You have done this in spite of strong pressure to act other- wise. Why do you destroy all the good eflFect this has AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 245 produced by now maldng such a fatal mistake as you propose?" But Enver insisted that the Allied fleets were bom- barding unfortified towns, killing women, children, and wounded men. "We have warned them through you that they must not do this," he said, "but they don't stop." This statement, of course, was not true, but I could not persuade Enver that he was wrong. He expressed great appreciation for all that I had done, and regretted for my sake that he could not accept my advice. I told him that the foreigners had suggested that I threaten to give up the care of British and French in- terests. "Nothing would suit us better," he quickly replied. "The only diflSculty we have with you is when you come around and bother us with English and French affairs." I asked him if I had ever given him any advice that had led them into trouble. He graciously replied that they had never yet made a mistake by following my suggestions. "Very well, take my advice in this case, too," I replied. "You will find later that you have made no mistake by doing so. I tell you that it is my positive opinion that your cabinet is committing a terrible error by taking this step." "But I have given orders to this effect," Enver an- swered. "I cannot countermand them. If I did, my whole influence with the army would go. Once having given an order I never change it. My own wife asked me to have her servants exempted from military ser- vice and I refused. The Grand Vizier asked exemption for his secretary, and I refused him, because I had given 246 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY orders. I never revoke orders and I shall not do it in this case. If you can show me some way in which this order can be carried out and your proteges still saved, I shall be glad to listen." I had already discovered one of the most conspicuous traits in the Turkish character: its tendency to com- promise and to bargain. Enver's request for a sug- gestion now gave me an opportunity to play on this characteristic. "All right," I said. "I think I can. I should think you could still carry out your orders without sending all the French and English residents down. K you would send only a few, you would still win your point. You could still maintain discipline in the army, and these few would be as strong a deterrent to the Allied fleet as sending all." It seemed to me that Enver almost eagerly seized upon this suggestion as a way out of his dilemma. "How many will you let me send? " he asked quickly. The moment he put this question I knew that I had carried my point. "I would suggest that you take twenty English and twenty French — forty in all." "Let me have fifty," he said. "All right— we won't haggle over ten," I answered. "But you must make another concession. Let me pick out the fifty who are to go." This agreement had relieved the tension, and now the gracious side of Enver's nature began to show itself again. "No, Mr. Ambassador," he replied. "You have prevented me from making a mistake this afternoon; now let me prevent you from making one. If you se- AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 247 lect the fifty men who are to go, you will simply make fifty enemies. I think too much of you to let you do that. I will prove to you that I am your real friend. Can't you make some other suggestion?" "Why not take the youngest? They can stand the fatigue best." "That is fair," answered Enver. He said that Bedri, who was in the building at that moment, would select the "victims." This caused me some uneasiness; I knew that Enver's modification of his order would dis- please Bedri, whose hatred of the foreigners had shown itself on many occasions, and that the head of the police would do his best to find some way of evading it. So I asked Enver to send for Bedri and give him his new orders in my presence. Bedri came in, and, as I had suspected, he did not like the new arrangement at all. As soon as he heard that he was to take only fifty and the yoimgest he threw up his hands and began to walk up and down the room. "No, no, this will never do ! " he said. " I don't want the youngest, I must have notables ! " But Enver stuck to the arrangement and gave Bedri orders to take only the youngest men. It was quite apparent that Bedri needed humouring, so I asked hini to ride with me to the American Embassy, where we would have tea and arrange all the details. This invitation had an instantaneous effect which the American mind will have difficulty in comprehending. An American would regard it as nothing wonderful to be seen publicly riding with an ambassador, or to take tea at an embassy. But this is a distinction which never comes to a minor functionary, such as a Prefect of Police, in the Turkish capital. Possibly I lowered 248 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY the dignity of my ofBce in extending this invitation to Bedri; Pallavicini would probably have thought so; but it certainly paid, for it made Bedri more pliable than he would otherwise have been. "When we reached the Embassy, we found the crowds still there, awaiting the results of my intercession. When I told the besiegers that only fifty had to go and these the youngest, they seemed momentarily stupefied. They could not understand it at first; they believed that I might obtain some modification of the order, but nothing like this. Then, as the truth dawned upon them, I found myself in the centre of a crowd that had apparently gone momentarily insane, this time not from grief, but from joy. Women, the tears streaming down their faces, insisted on throwing themselves on their knees, seizing both my hands, and covering them with kisses. Mature men, despite my violent protesta- tions, persisted in hugging me and kissing me on both cheeks. For several minutes I struggled with this crowd, embarrassed by its demonstrations of gratitude, but finally I succeeded in breaking away and secreting myself and Bedri in an inner room. ^ " Can't I have a few notables.^ " he asked. "I'll give you just one," I replied. " Can't I have three? " he asked again. "You can have all who are under fifty," I answered. But that did not satisfy him, as there was not a solitary person of distinction under that age hmit. Bedri really had his eye on Messieurs Weyl, Rey, and Dr. Frew. But I had one "notable" up my sleeve whom I was willing to concede. Dr. Wigram, an Anglican clergyman, one of the most prominent men in the foreign colony, had pleaded with me, asking THE BRITISH SHIP "ALBION" Shelling the fortifications at the Inner Strait. The splashes near the ship show that the Turks are replying vigorously THE DARDANELLES AS IT WAS MARCH 16, 1915 When Ambassador Morgenthau, at the invitation of the Turkish Gov- ernment, visited all the batteries. He found the batteries well defended, but short of ammunition and completely outranged by the guns of the Allied fleets. On March 19th the Germans and Turks were prepared to retreat to Anatolia and leave Constantinople at the mercy of the British. The Allies abandoned the attack at the precise moment when complete victory was in their grasp AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 249 that he might be permitted to go with the hostages and furnish them such consolation as religion could give them. I knew that nothing would delight Dr. Wigram more than to be thrown as a sop to Bedri's passion foe "notables." "Dr. Wigram is the only notable you can have," I said to Bedri. So he accepted him as the best thai he could do in that line; Mr. Hoffman Philip, the Conseiller of the American Embassy — now American Minister to Colombia — had already expressed a desire to accompany the hostages, so that he might minister to their comfort. This manifestation of a fine humanitarian spirit was nothing new in Mr. Philip. Although not in good health, he had returned to Constantiijople after Turkey had entered the war, in order that he might assist me in the work of caring for the foreign residents. Through all that arduous period he constantly displayed that sym- pathy for the unfortunate, the sick, and the poori which is innate in his character. Though it was somewhat irregular for a representative of the Embassy to engage in such a hazardous enterprise as this one, Mr. Philip pleaded so earnestly that finally I reluctantly gave my consent. I also obtained permission for Mr. Arthur Ruhl of Collier's and Mr. Henry West Suydam, of the Brooklyn Eagle, to accompany the party. i At the end Bedri had to have his little joke. Though the fifty were informed that the boat for GalUpoli would leave the next morning at six o'clock, he, with his police, visited their houses at midnight, and routed them all out of bed. The crowd that assembled at the dock the next morning looked somewhat weather- beaten and worse for wear. Bedri was there, superin- 250 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY tending the whole proceeding, and when he came up to me, he good-naturedly reproached me again for letting him have only one "notable." In the main, he be- haved very decently, though he could not refrain from telling the hostages that the British airplanes were dropping bombs on Gallipoli! Of the twenty-five "Englishmen" assembled there were only two who had been born in England, and of the twenty-five "French- men" only two who had been bom in France. They carried satchels containing food and other essentials, their assembled relatives had additional bundles, and Mrs. Morgenthau sent several large cases of food to the ship. The parting of these young men with their families was affecting, but they all stood it bravely. I returned to the Embassy, somewhat wearied by the excitement of the last few days and in no particij- larly gracious humour for the honour which now awaited me. For I had been there only a few minutes when His Excellency, the German Ambassador, was an- nounced. Wangenheim discussed commonplaces for a few minutes and then approached the real object^of his call. He asked me to telegraph to Washington that he had been "helpful" in getting the number of the Galli- poli hostages reduced to fifty! In view of the actual happenings this request was so preposterous that I could scarcely maintain my composure. I had known that, in going through the form of speaking to the Grand Vizier, Wangenheim had been manufacturing his protest for future use, but I had not expected him to fall back upon it so soon. "Well," said Wangenheim, "at least telegraph your government that I didn't 'hetz' the Turks in this matter." AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 251 The German verb "hetzen" means about the same as the English "sic," in the sense of inciting a dog, I was in no mood to give Wangenheim a clean bill of health, and told him so. In fact, I specifically reported to Washington that he had refused to help me. A day or two afterward Wangenheim called me on the telephone and began to talk in an excited and angry tone. His government had wired him about my tele- gram to Washington. I told him that if he desired credit for assistance in matters of this kind, he should really exert himself and do something. The hostages had an uncomfortable time at Galli- poli; they were put into two wooden houses with no beds and no food except that which they had brought themselves. The days and nights were made wretched by the abundant vermin that is a commonplace in Turkey. Had Mr. Philip not gone with theni, they would have suEFered seriously. After the unfortunates had been there for a few days I began work with Enver again to get them back. Sir Edward Grey, then British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had requested our State Department to send me a message with the re- quest that I present it to Enver and his fellow ministers; its purport was that the British Government would hold them personally responsible for any in]iu"y to the hostages. I presented this message to Enver on May 9th. I had seen Enver in many moods, but the unbrid- led rage which Sir Edward's admonition now caused was something entirely new. As I read the telegram his face became livid, and he absolutely lost control of himself. The European polish which Enver had sedu- lously acquired dropped like a mask; I now saw him for what he really was — a savage, bloodthirsty Turk. 252 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY "They will not come back!" he shouted. "I shall let them stay there until they rot ! " "I would like to see those English touch me!" he continued. I saw that the method which I had always used with Enver, that of persuasion, was the only possible way of handUng him. I tried to soothe the Minister now, and, after a while, he quieted down. "But don't ever threaten me again!" he said. After spending a week at GallipoH, the party re- turned. The Turks had moved their military head- quarters from Gallipoli and the English fleet, therefore, ceased to bombard it. All came back in good condi- tion and were welcomed home with great enthusiasm. CHAPTER XX MOBE ADVENTURES OP THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS THE Gallipoli deportation gives some idea of my difficulties in attempting to fulfil my duty as the representative of AUied interests in the Ottoman Empire. Yet, despite these occasional out- bursts of hatred, in the main the Turkish officials them- selves behaved very well. They had promised me at the beginning that they would treat their alien enemies decently, and would permit them either to remain in Turkey, and follow their accustomed occupations, or to leave the empire. They apparently believed that the world would judge them, after the war was over, not by the way they treated their own subject peoples but by the way they treated the subjects of the enemy powers. The result was that a Frenchman, an English- man, or an Italian enjoyed far greater security in Turkey than an Armenian, a Greek, or a Jew. Yet against this disposition to be decent a persistent malevo- lent force was constantly manifesting itself. In a letter to the State Department, I described the influence that was working against foreigners in Turkey. "The Ger- man Ambassador," I wrote on May 14, 1915, "keepspress- ing on the Turks the advisability both of repressive measures and of detaining as hostages the subjects of the belligerent powers. I have had to encounter the persistent opposition of my German colleague in en- ess 254 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY deavouring to obtJain permission for the departure of the subjects of the nationalities under our protection." Now and then the Turkish oflBcials would retaliate upon one of their enemy aliens, usually in reprisal for some injury, or fancied injury, inflicted on their own subjects in enemy countries. Such acts gave rise to many exciting episodes, some tragical, some farcical, all illuminating in the light they shed upon Turkish character and upon Teutonic methods. One afternoon I was sitting with Talaat, discussing routine matters, when his telephone rang. " Pour vous," said the Minister, handing me the re- ceiver. It was one of my secretaries. He told me that Bedri had arrested Sir Edwin Pears, had thrown him into prison, and had seized all his papers. Sir Edwin was one of the best-known British residents of Constanti- nople. For forty years he had practised law in the Ottoman capital; he had also written vouch for the press during that period, and had published several books which had given him fame as an authority on Oriental history and politics. He was about eighty years old and of venerable and distinguished appear- ance. When the war started I had exacted a special promise from Talaat and Bedri that, in no event, should Sir Edwin Pears and Prof. Van Millingen of Robert College be disturbed. This telephone message which I now received — curiously enough, in Talaat's presence — seemed to indicate that this promise had been broken. I now turned to Talaat and spoke in a manner that made no attempt to conceal my displeasure. "Is this all your promises are worth?" I asked. "Can't you find anything better to do than to molest AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 255 such a respectable old man as Sir Edwin Pears? What has he ever done to you? " "Come, come, don't get excited," rejoined Talaat. "He's only been in prison for a few hours, and I will see that he is released." He tried to get Bedri on the wire, but failed. By this time I knew Bedri well enough to understand his methods of operation. When Bedri really wished to be reached on the telephone, he was the most acces- sible man in the world; when his presence at the other end of the wire might prove embarrassing, the most painstaking search could not reveal his whereabouts. As Bedri had given me his solemn promise that Sir Edwin should not be disturbed, this was an occasion when"the Prefect of Police preferred to keep himself inaccessible. "I shall stay in this room until you get Bedri," I now told Talaat. The big Turk took the situation good- humouredly. We waited a considerable period, but Bedri succeeded in avoiding an encounter. Finally I called up one of my secretaries and told him to go out and hunt for the inissing prefect. "Tell Bedri," I said, "that I have Talaat under arrest in his own office and that I shall not let him leave it until he has been able to instruct Bedri to release Sir Edwin Pears." Talaat was greatly enjoying the comedy of the situa- tion; he knew Bedri's ways even better than I did and he was much interested in seeing whether I should succeed in finding him. But in a few moments the telephone rang. It was Bedri. I told Talaat to tell him that I was going to the prison in my own automo- bile to get Sir Edwin Pears. 256 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY " Please don't let him do that," replied Bedri. " Such an occurrence would make me personally ridiculous and destroy my influence." "Very well," I replied, "I shall wait until 6.15. If Sir Edwin is not restored to his family by that time, I shall go to the Police Headquarters and get him." As I returned to the Embassy I stopped at the Pears residence and attempted to soothe Lady Pears and her daughter. "If your father is not here at 6.15," I told Miss Pears, "please let me know immediately." Promptly at that time my telephone rang. It was Miss Pears, who informed me that Sir Edwin had just reached home. The next day Sir Edwin called at the Embassy to thank me for my efforts in his behalf. He told me that the German Ambassador had also worked for his release. This latter statement somewhat surprised me, as I knew no one else had had a chance to make'a move, since everything transpired while I had been in Talaat's office. Half an hour afterward I met Wangen- heim himself ; he dropped in at Mrs. Morgenthau's recep- tion. I referred to the Pears case and asked him whether he had used any influence in obtaining his free- dom. My question astonished him greatly. " What? " he said. " I helped you to secure that'man's release! Der alte Gaunert (The old rascal.) Why, I was the man who had him arrested ! " "What have you got against him? " I asked. "In 1876," Wangenheim replied, "that man was pro-Russian and against Turkey!" Such are the long memories of the Germans! In 1876, Sir Edwin wrote several articles for the London AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 257 Daily News, describing the Bulgarian massacres. At that time the reports of these fiendish atrocities were generally disbelieved and Sir Edwin's letters placed all the incontrovertible facts before the English-speak- ing peoples, and had much to do with the emancipation of Bulgaria from Turkish rule. This act of humanity and journalistic statesmanship had brought Sir. Edwin much fame and now, after forty years, Germany pro- posed to punish him by casting him into a Turkish prison! Again the Turks proved more considerate than their German allies, for they not only gave Sir Edwin his liberty and his papers, but permitted him to return to London. Bedri, however, was a little mortified at my successful intervention in this instance and decided to even up the score. Next to Sir Edwin Pears, the most promi- nent English-speaking barrister in Constantinople was Dr. Mizzi, a Maltese, 70 years old. The ruling powers had a grudge against him, for he was the proprietor of the Levant Herald, a paper which had published articles criticizing the Union and Progress Committee. On the very night of the Pears episode, Bedri went to Dr. Miz- zi's house at eleven o'clock, routed the old gentleman out of bed, arrested him, and placed him on a train for Angora, in Asia Minor. As a terrible epidemic of typhus was raging in Angora, this was not a desirable place of residence for a man of Dr. Mizzi's years. The next morning, when I heard of it for the first time, Dr. Mizzi was well on the way to his place of exile. "This time I got ahead of you!" said Bedri, with a triumphant laugh. He was as good-natured about it and as pleased as a boy. At last he had "put one over'' on the American Ambassador, who had been un- 258 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY guardedly asleep in his bed when this old man had been railroaded to a fever camp in Asia Minor. But Bedri's success was not so complete, after all. At my request Talaat had Dr. Mizzi sent to Konia, instead of to Angora. There one of the American missionaries. Dr. Dodd, had a splendid hospital; I arranged that Dr. Mizzi could have a nice room in this building, and here he lived for several months, with congenial associates, good food, a healthy atmosphere, all the books he wanted, and one thing without which he would have been utterly miserable — a piano. So I still thought that the honours between Bedri and my- self were a Uttle better than even. Early in January, 1916, word was received that the EngUsh were maltreating Turkish war prisoners in Egypt. Soon afterward I received letters from two Australians, Commander Stoker and Lieutenant Fitz- gerald, telling me that they had been confined for eleven days in a miserable, damp dungeon at the War Office, with no companions except a monstrous swarm of vermin. These two naval officers had come to Constantinople on one of that famous fleet of Ameri- can-built submarines which had made the daring trip from England, dived under the mines in the Darda- nelles, and arrived in the Marmora, where for several weeks they terrorized and dominated this inland sea, practically putting an end to all shipping. The par- ticular submarine on which my correspondents arrived, the E 15, had been caught in the Dardanelles, and its crew and officers had been sent to the Turkish military prison at Afium Kara Hissar in Asia Minor. When news of the alleged maltreatnient of Turkish prisoners in Egypt was received, lots were drawn among these AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 259 prisoners to see which two should be taken to Con- stantinople and imprisoned in reprisal. Stoker and Fitzgerald drew the unlucky numbers, and had been ly- ing in this terrible underground cell for eleven days. I immediately took the matter up with Enver and sug* gested that a neutral doctor and officer examine the Tiu-ks in Egypt and report on the truth of the stories. We promptly received word that the report was false, and that, as a matter of fact, the Turkish prisoners in English hands were receiving excellent treatment. About this time I called on Monsignor Dolci, the Apostolic Delegate to Turkey. He happened to refer to a Lieutenant Fitzgerald, who, he said, was then a prisoner of war at Afium Kara Hissar. "I am much interested in him," said Monsignor Dolci, "because he is engaged to the daughter of the British Minister to the Vatican. I spoke to Enver about him and he promised that he would receive special treatment." " What is his first name? " I asked. "Jeffrey." "He's receiving 'special treatment' indeed," I answered. "Do you know that he is in a dungeon in Constantinople this very moment? " Naturally M. Dolci was much disturbed but I reassured him, saying that his protege would be re- leased in a few days. "You see how shamefully you treated these young men," I now said to Enver, "you should do some- thing to make amends." "All right, what would you suggest? " Stoker and Fitzgerald were prisoners of war, and, according to the usual rule, would have be^n sent back 260 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY to the prison camp after being released from their dun- geon. I now proposed that Enver should give them a vacation of eight days in Constantinoplie. He entered into the spirit of the occasion and the men were re- leased. They certainly presented a sorry sight; they had spent twenty-five days in the dungeon, with no chance to bathe or to shave, with no change of linen or any of the decencies of life. But Mr. Philip took charge, furnished them the necessaries, and in a brief period we had before us two young and handsome British naval officers. Their eight days' freedom turned out to be a triumphal procession, notwithstand- ing that they were always accompanied by an English- speaking Turkish officer. Monsignor Dolci and the American Embassy entertained them at dinner and they had a pleasant visit at the Girls' College. When the time came to return to their prison camp, the young men declared that they would be glad to spend another month in dungeons if they could have a corresponding period of freedom in the city when liberated. In spite of all that has happened I shall always have one kindly recollection of Enver for his treatment of Fitzgerald. I told the Minister of War about the Lieutenant's engagement. "Don't you think he's been punished enough?" I asked. " Why don't you let the boy go home and marry \ his sweetheart? " The proposition immediately appealed to Enver's sentimental side. "I'll do it," he replied, "if he will give me his word of honour not to fight against Turkey any more." Fitzgerald naturally gave this promise, and so his comparatively brief stay in the dungeon had the result AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 261 of freeing him from imprisonment and restoring him to happiness. As poor Stoker had formed no romantic attachments that would have justified a similar plea in his case, he had to go back to the prison in Asia Minor. He did this, however, in a genuinely sporting spirit that was worthy of the best traditions of the British navy. CHAPTER XXI BULGARIA ON THE AUCTION BLOCK THE failure of the Allied fleet at the Dardanelles did not definitely settle the fate of Constanti- nople. Naturally the Turks and the Germans felt immensely relieved when the fleet sailed away. But they were by no; means entirely easy in their minds. The most direct road to the ancient capital still remained available to their enemies. In early September, 1915, one of the most influential Germans in the city gave me a detailed explanation of the prevailing military situation. He summed up the whole matter in the single phrase: "We cannot hold the Dardanelles without the mili- tary support of Bulgaria." This meant, of course, that unless Bulgaria aligned herself with Turkey and the Central Empires, the Gal- lipoli expedition would succeed, Constantinople would fall, the Turkish Empire would collapse, Russia would be reestablished as an economic and miUtary power, and the war, in a comparatively brief period, would terminate in a victory for the Entente. Not improbably the real neutrality of Bulgaria would have had the same result. It is thus pel-haps not too much to say that, in September and October of 1915, the Bulgarian Government held the duration of the war in its hands. This fact is of such preeminent importance that I can hardly emphasize it too strongly. I suggest that 262 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 263 my readers take down the map of a part of the world with which they are not very familiar— that of the Balkan States, as determined by the Treaty of Bucha- rest. All that remains of European Turkey is a small irregular area stretching about one hundred miles west of Constantinople. The nation whose land is contiguous to European Turkey is Bulgaria. The main railroad Kne to Western Europe starts at Con- stantinople and runs through Bulgaria, by way of Adrianople, Philippopolis, and Sofia. At that time Bulgaria could muster an army of 500,000 well-trained, completely organized troops. Should these once start marching toward Constantinople, there was practically nothing to bar their way. Turkey had a considerable army, it is true, but it was then finding plenty of employment repelling the Allied forces at the Dar- danelles and the Russians in the Caucasus. With Bulgaria hostile, Turkey could obtain neither troops nor munitions from Germany. Turkey would have been completely isolated, and, under the pounding of Bulgaria, would have disappeared as a military force, and as a European state, in one very brief campaign. I wish to direct particular attention to this railroad, for it was, after all, the main strategic prize for which Germany was contending. After leaving Sofia it crosses northeastern Serbia, the most important sta- tions being at Nish and Belgrade. From the latter point it crosses the River Save and later the River Danube, and thence pursues its course to Budapest and Vienna and thence to Berlin. Practically all the mihtary operations that took place in the Balkans in 1915-16 had for their tiltimate object the possession of this road. Once holding this line Turkey and Ger- 264 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY many would no longer be separated; economically and militarily they would become a unit. The Dardanelles, as I have described, was the link that connected Russia with her allies; with this passage closed Russia's col- lapse rapidly followed. The valleys of the Morava and the Maritza, in which this railroad is laid, constituted for Turkey a kind of waterless Dardanelles. In her posses- sion it gave her access to her allies; in the possession of her enemies, the Ottoman Empire would go to pieces. Only the accession of Bulgaria to the Teutonic cause could give the Turks and Germans this advantage. As soon as Bulgaria entered, that section of the railroad extending to the Serbian frontier would at once be- come available. If Bulgaria joined the Central Powers as an active participant, \,he conquest of Serbia would Sal ■wo" •^ ? S •So M >' ■S.ii W h 0} O 12; § ft 2 w ga 51 a 5 6 Si V Pi' 2 'S^ 2 S « g «*« »HI-Q •<-) "•-'■•-' -O So " P "S i l_s PI'S 0*3 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 265 inevitably follow, and this would give the link ex- tending from Nish to Belgrade to the Teutonic powers. Thus^the Bulgarian alliance would make Constanti- nople a suburb of Berlin, place all the resources of the Krupps at the disposal of the Turkish army, make in- evitable the failure of the Allied attack on Gallipoli, and lay the foundation of that Oriental Empire which had been for thirty years the maiuspring of German policy. It is thus apparent what my German friend meant when, in early September, he said that, "without Bul- garia we cannot hold the Dardanelles." Everybody sees this so clearly now that there is a prevalent belief that Germany had arranged this Bulgarian alliance before the outbreak of the war. On this point I have no definite knowledge. That the Bulgarian king and the Kaiser may have arranged this cooperation in ad- vance is not unlikely. But we must not make the mistake of believing that this settled the niatter, for the experience of the last few years shows us that trea- ties are not to be taken too seriously. Whether there was an understanding or not, I know that the Turkish officials and the Germans by no means regarded it as settled that Bulgaria would take their side. In their talks with me they constantly showed the utmost ap- prehension over the outcome; and at one time the fear was general that Bulgaria would take the side of the Entente. I had my first personal contact with the Bulgarian negotiations in the latter part q^ May, when I was in- formed that M. KoloucheflF, the Bulgarian Minister, had notified Robert College that the Bulgarian students could not remain until the end of the college year, but 266 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY would have to return home by June 5th. The Con- stantinople College for Women had also received word that all the Bulgarian girls must return at the same time. Both these American institutions had many Bulgarian students, in most cases splendid representa- tives of their country; it is through these colleges, in- deed, that the distant United States and Bulgaria had established such friendly relations. But they had never had such an experience before. Everybody was discussing the meaning of this move. It seemed quite apparent. The chief topic of conversation at that time was Bulgaria. Would she enter the war? If so, on which side would she cast her fortunes? One day it was reported that she would join the Entente; the next day that she had decided to ally herself with the Central Powers. The prevailing behef was that she was actively bargaining with both sides and looking for the highest terms. Should Bul- garia go with the Entente, however, it would be un- desirable to have any Bulgarian subjects marooned in Turkey. As the boys and girls in the American colleges usually came from important Bulgarian fam- ilies — one of them was the daughter of General IvanoflF, who led the Bulgarian armies in the Balkan wars — the Bidgarian Government might naturally have a particular interest in their safety. The conclusion reached by most people was tha,t Bulgaria had decided to take the side of the Entente. The news rapidly spread throughout Constantinople. The Turks were particularly impressed. Dr. Patrick, President of Constantinople College for Women, ar- ranged a hurried commencement for her Bulgarian students, which I attended. It was a sad occasion, more AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 267 like a funeral than the festivity that usually took place. I found the Bulgarian girls almost in a hysterical state; they all believed that war was coming immediately, and that they were being bundled home merely to prevent them from falling into the clutches of the Turks, My sympathies were so aroused that we brought them down to the American Embassy, where we all spent a delightful evening. After dinner the girls dried their eyes and entertained us by singing many of their beaiitiful Bulgarian songs, and what had started as a mournful day thus had a happy ending. Next morning the girls all left for Bulgaria. A few weeks afterward the Bulgarian Minister told me that the Government had summoned the students home merely for political effect. There was no im- mediate likelihood of war, he said. But Bulgaria wished Germany and Turkey to understand that there was still a chance that she might join the Entente. Bulgaria, as all of us suspected, was apparently on the auction block. The one fixed fact in the Bulgarian position was the determination to have Macedonia. Everything,, said Koloucheff, depended upon that. His conversations reflected the general Bulgarian view that Bulgaria had fairly won this territory in the first Balkan war, that the Powers had unjustly permitted her to be deprived of it, that it was Bulgarian by race, language, and tradition, and that there could be no permanent peace in the Balkans until it was returned to its rightful possessors. But Bulgaria insisted on more than a promise, to be redeemed after the war was over; she demanded immediate occupation. Once Macedonia were turned over to Bulgaria, she would join her forces to those of the Entente. There were 268 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY Ml two great prizes in the game then being played in the Balkans: one was Macedonia, which Bulgariu must have; and the other Constantinople, which Russia was determined to get. Bulgaria was entirely wiUing that Russia should have Constantinople if she herself could obtain Macedonia. I was given to imderstand that the Bulgarian General Staff had plans all completed for the capture of Con- stantinople, and that they had shown these plans to the Entente. Their programme called for a Bulgarian army of about 300,000 men who would besiege Con- stantinople twenty-three days from the time the sig- nal to start should be given. But promises of Macedonia would not suflfice; the Bulgarian must have possession. Bulgaria recognized the difficulties of the AlUed position. She did not believe that Serbia and Greece would voluntarily surrender Macedonia, nor did she believe that the Allies would dare to take this country away from them by force. In that event, she thought that there was a danger that Serbia might make a separate peace with the Central Powers. On the other hand, Bulgaria would object if Serbia received Bosnia and Herzegovina as compensation for the loss of Macedonia — she felt that an enlarged Serbia would be a constant menace to her, and hence a future menace to peace in the Balkans. Thus the situation was extremely difficult and complicated. One of the best-informed men in Turkey was Paul Weitz, the correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung. Weitz was more than a journalist; he had spent thirty years in Constantinople; he had the most intimate personal knowledge of Turkish affairs, and he was the confidant and adviser of the German Embassy. His AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 269 duties there were actually semi-diplomatic. Weitz had really been one of the most successful agencies in the German penetration of Turkey; it was common talk that he knew every important man in the Turkish Empire, the best way to approach him, and his price. I had several talks with Weitz about Bulgaria during those critical August and early September days. He said many times that it was not at all certain that she would join her forces with Germany. Yet on Sep- tember 7th Weitz came to me 'with important news. The situation had changed over night. Baron Neu- rath, the ConseiUer of the German Embassy at Constantinople, had gone to Sofia, and, as a result of his visit, an agreement had been signed that would make Bulgaria Germany's ally. Germany, said Weitz, had won over Bulgaria by doing something which the Entente had not been able and wilUng to do. It had secured her the possession at once of a piece of coveted territory. Serbia had refused to give Bulgaria immediate possession of Macedonia; Turkey, on the. other hand, had^now sur- rendered a piece of the Ottoman Empire. The amount of land in question, it is true, was apparently insig- nificant, yet it had great strategic advantages and represented a genuine sacrifice by Turkey. The Maritza River, a few miles north of Enos, bends to ike east, to the north, and then to the west again, creat- ing a block of territory, with an area of nearly 1,000 square miles, including the important cities of Demo- tica, Kara Agatch, and half of Adrianople. What makes this land particularly important is that it con- tains about fifty miles of the railroad which runs from Dedeagatch to Sofia. All this raihoad, that is, except 270 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY . lebibrchevo DRIANOPLE •agatch ^AEGEAN this fifty miles, is laid in Bulgarian territory; this short strip, extending through Turkey, cuts Bulgaria's communications with the Mediterranean. Naturally Bulgaria yearned for this piece of land; and Turkey now handed it over to her. This cession changed AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY 271 the whole Balkan situation and it made Bulgaria an ally of Turkey and the Central Powers. Besides the railroad, Bulgaria obtained that part of Adrianople which lay west of the Maritza River. In addition, of course, Bulgaria was to receive Macedonia, as soon as that province could be occupied by Bulgaria and her allies. I vividly remember the exultation of Weitz when this agreement was signed. "It's all settled," he told me. " Bulgaria has decided to join us. It was all arranged last night at Sofia." The Turks also were greatly relieved. For the first time they saw the way out of their troubles. The Bulgarian arrangement, Enver told me, had taken a tremendous weight oflE their minds. "We Turks are entitled to the credit," he said, "of bringing Bulgaria in on the side of the Central Powers. She would never have come to our assistance if we hadn't given her that slice of land. By surrendering it immediately and not waiting till the end of the war, we showed our good faith. It was very hard for us to do it, of course, especially to give up part of the city of Adrianople, but it was worth the price. We really surrendered this territory in exchange for Constanti- nople, for if Bulgaria had not come in on our side, we would have lost this city. Just think how enormously we have improved our position. We have had to keep more than 200,000 men at the Bulgarian frontier, to protect us against any possible attack from that quar- ter. We can now transfer all these troops to the Gal- lipoli peninsula, and thus make it absolutely impos- sible that the Allies' expedition can succeed. We are also greatly hampered at the Dardanelles by the 272 AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY lack of ammunition. But Bulgaria, Austria, and Germany are to make a joint attack on Serbia and will completely control that country in a few weeks. So Tfre shall have a direct railroad line from Constanti- nople into Austria and Germany and can get all the war supplies which we need. With Bulgaria on our side no attack can be made on Constantinople from the north— we have created an impregnable bulwark against Russia. I do not deny that the situation had caused us great anxiety. We were afraid that Greece and Bul- garia would join hands, and that would also bring in Rumania. Then Turkey would have been lost; they would have had us between a pair of pincers. But now we have only one task before us, that is to drive the English and French at the Dardanelles into the sea. With all the soldiers &nd all the ammunition which we need, we shall do this in a very short time. We gave up a small area because we saw that that was the way to win the war." The outcome justified Enver's prophecies in almost every detail. Three months after Bulgaria accepted the Adrianople bribe, the Entente admitted defeat and withdrew its forces from the Dardanelles; and, with this withdrawal, Russia, which was the greatest potential source of strength to the AUied cause and the country which, properly organized and supplied, might have brought the Allies a speedy triumph, disappeared as a vital factor in the war. When the British and French withdrew from GaJlipoli that action turned adrift this huge hulk of a country to flounder to anarchy, dissolu- tion, and ruin. The Germans celebrated this great triumph in a way that was characteristically Teutonic. In their