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Books, needed by more than one person are held on the reserve list. Books of special value and gift books, when the giver wishes it, are not allowed to circulate. Readers are asked to report all cases of books marked or muti- lated. mrr^Wfm- Do not deface books by marks andiwritlng. Cornell University Library D 103.T36 General. historv !}lt,,|^|ffiSj[|i?||ii||?i™ 1924 027 778 871 W\\ Cornell University WS Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027778871 A GENERAL HISTORY OF EUROPE (350-1900) A GENERAL HISTORY OF EUROPE (350-1900) BY OLIVER J. THATCHER, Ph.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF MEDIiEVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO AND FERDINAND SCHWILL, Ph.D. ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO WITH MAPS AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1900 S 3 fe H ^ ' Copyright, 1900, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS TROW DIRECTORY PRINTING AND BOOKBINDINQ COMPANY NEW YOHK PREFACE The authors of this General History of Europe venture to hope that their book will explain itself. The only mat- ter concerning which they feel obliged to state their po- sition in a prefatory word is the important point of the correlation of text-book and literature. They firmly be- lieve that the use of any single and unaided text — a prac- tice still common in our schools — is a misfortune and a calamity, and for that reason they desire to put themselves on record in the most definite terms against that ancient abuse. Their text consequently is conceived by them as a mere framework which the literature accompanying each chapter is intended to clothe and elaborate. This liter- ature the authors have carefully selected with the needs of the beginner in their minds ; they do not wish to weary and confuse him with a great mass of material ; they desire merely to conduct him a stage or two upon the path of historical studies, but they are eager that, that path should be the right path. The teacher is therefore very earnestly enjoined to encourage in the pupil wide reading, and the habit of comparison and criticism. A glance over the lit- erature of any chapter will show that the more general or accessible books come first in order ; then follow more vi Preface special treatises and occasional original sources. From these various kinds of literature the teacher must make his selection for the class in accordance with his view of the individual pupil's needs and powers. The authors pre- sume to suggest in this connection that the most effective means of applying the method of study which they have outlined is by establishing a small working library in con- junction with every class-room. Jt will be a great day for American education when every high-school and academy is thus equipped with an historical library. The special topics which conclude each chapter are in- tended for the more active and original members of the class. They will be found to cut deeper in at some point of biography or civilization or government, and will afford preliminary practice in the line of investigation, exposi- tion, and criticism. The authors wish also to call particular attention to the numerous maps and chronological and genealogical tables at the end of the book. The constant use of these by the pupils in both the preparation and the recitation of the lesson cannot be too strenuously insisted on. The University of Chicago, May I, igoo. CONTENTS THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD CHAPTER PAGE Introduction i I. The Empire, the Church, and the Inva- sions OF THE Germans 17 II. The Reaction of the Empire against the Germans 35 III. The Franks (481-814) . . , . . . 44 IV. The Dismemberment of the Empire . . 61 V. England and the Norsemen (802-1070) . 69 VI. Political History of France (887-1108). 84 VII. Germany and its Relation to Italy (887-1056) 91 VIII. Feudalism 107 IX." The Growth of the Papacy 123 X. The Struggle between the Papacy and THE Empire (1056-1254) . ... 134 XI. Monasticism 172 XII. Mohammed, Mohammedanism, and the Crusades 182 XIII. The Growth of the Cities .... 209 XIV. Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII. (1494) 217 viii Contents CHAPTER PAGE XV. France (i 108-1494); England (1070- 1485) 223 XVI. Germany (1254-1500) and the Smaller States of Europe 248 XVII. Religious and Intellectual Tenden- cies IN the Renaissance . . . .260 rif£ MODERN PERIOD Introduction 277 XVIII. The Reformation in Germany to the Peace of Augsburg (1555) .... 298 XIX. The Progress of the Reformation in Europe and the Counter - Refor- mation OF THE Catholic Church .311 XX. Spain under Charles I. (1516-56), Known as Emperor Charles V., and Philip II. (1556-98); Her World Eminence and Her Decay . . .319 XXI. England under the Tudors (1485- 1603) ; Final Triumph of the Ref- ormation UNDER Elizabeth (1559- ^^°3) 335 XXII. The Revolt of the Netherlands and the Triumph of the Seven United Provinces (1566-1648) 348 XXIII. The Reformation in France to the Religious Settlements of 1598 (Edict of Nantes) and 1629 • • -361 Contents IX CHAPTER XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. PAGE The Thirty Years' War and the Peace OF Westphalia . 376 England in the Seventeenth Cen- tury — The Stuarts, the Puritan Revolution, and the Establishment OF the Constitutional Monarchy Under William III 392 The Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. (1643-17 15) . . . . 420 The Rise of Russia under Peter the Great (1689-1725) and Catharine THE Great (1762-96); the Decay OF Sweden ... 431 The Rise of Prussia in the Seven- teenth AND Eighteenth Centuries. 443 England and France in the Eigh- teenth Century 457 The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon (1789-1815) 469 The Holy Alliance and the Revolu- tions of 1830 519 The Revolutions of 1848 532 France under Napoleon III. — The Unification of Italy 546 The Unification of Germany . . .552 Great Britain and Russia . . . .561 The General Situation at the Close OF THE Nineteenth Century . . -573 Contents CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES PAGE I. Emperors and Popes 583 II. The Franks 587 1. The Merovingian Kings to Dago- bert 1 587 2. The Dukes of Austrasia (Ancestors OF Karl the Great) 587 III. The Empire 588 1. The Carolingian House (the Kar- lings) 588 2. The Saxon, Franconian, and Hohen- STAUFEN Houses ; the Welfs . .589 3. The Houses of Hapsburg and Haps- burg-Lorraine (Austria and Spain) 590 IV. France eni 1. Later Carolingians and first Capet- lANS (RoBERTINES), SHOWING THEIR Connection and Rivalry . . .591 2. The Capetians and Collateral Branches egz 3. The Houses of Bourbon and Bour- bon-Orleans eg, 4. The House of Bonaparte .... 593 V. Spain. The Spanish Bourbons . . . .594 VI. Prussia. The House of Hohenzollern . 594 VII. Sweden. The Houses of Vasa and Vasa- Pfalz-Zweibrucken 505 Contents xi PAGE VIII. The Dutch Netherlands. The House of Orange-Nassau 595 IX. Russia. The Houses of Romanoff and ROMANOFF-HOLSTEIN-GOTTORP .... 596 X. England 596 1. The Saxon Kings of England . . 596 2. From the Norman Conquest to Henry VII 597 3. The Houses of Tudor, Stuart, and Hanover, Showing their Connec- tion 598 INDEX 599 MAPS [At end of Volume\ 1. Europe, 350 a.d.. Showing the Roman Empire and Barbarians. 2. The Germanic Kingdoms Established on Roman Soil. 3. Kingdom of the Merovingians, Showing Their Conquests. 4. The Empire of Karl the Great, Showing the Division of 843. 5. The Empire in the Time of Otto the Great, 6. England, 878, xii Contents 7. The Crusades. 8. France, 1185. 9. France, 1360. 10. Europe During the Reformation. 11. The Netherlands at the Truce of 1609. 12. Germany at the Commencement of the Thirty Years' War. 13. England and Wales — January i, 1643. 14. Western Europe, Showing the Principal Changes Effected by the Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt, 1 7 13-14. 15. Europe, Illustrating Wars of Charles XII. and Peter the Great. 16. Europe at the Time of the Greatest Expansion of Napoleon's Power, 1812. 17. Europe after the Congress of Vienna. 18. The Balkan Peninsula in the Year i88i. LITERATURE ON THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD Periods of European History. $1.75 per vol. Macmillan. Oman, Europe, pp. 476-918 ; Tout, Europe, pp. 918-1272. Emerton: Introduction to the Middle Ages. $1.20. Mediaval Europe. $1.65. Ginn. G. B. Adams : Civilization during the Middle Ages. $2. 50. Scribner. Bryce: Holy Roman Empire. $1.00. Macmillan. Stille: Studies in Mediaval History. $2.00. Lippincott. Thatcher and Schwill : Europe in the Middle Age. $2.00. Scrib- ner. I.avisse : Political History of Europe. $1.25. Longmans. Hallam: View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. $1.50. Harpers. Somewhat antiquated. Gibbon : Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Edited by J. B. Bury. 7 vols. $2.00 per vol. Macmillan. Guizot : History of Civilization in France. 3 vols. $1.00 per vol. History of Civilization in Europe. $1.00. Epochs OF Modern History. $1.00 per vol. Scribner. Among them : Church : The Beginnings of the Middle Ages. Johnson : The Normans in Europe. Cox ; The Crusades. Stubbs : The Early Plantagenets. Warburton : Edward III. Gairdner : The Houses of Lancaster and York. Ten Epochs of Church History. Edited by John Fulton. $2.00. Scribner. Among them : Waterman ; Post-Apostolic Age, Du Bose : Ecumenical Councils. Wells: Age of Charlemagne. Vincent: Age of Hildebrand. xiv Literature on the Mediceval Period Ludlow : Age of the Crusades. Van Dyke : Age of the Renais- sance. Locke: Age of the Great Western Schism. Lavisse et Rambaud : Histoire GMerale du IVe Siicle separate and independent states and different nations. One suggested asks instinctively : What has become of the empire ? Where *"^''^°y' are the barbarians ? How did these new states arise ? What is the origin of these new nationalities ? The linguistic changes suggested by the maps are quite as striking. Latin and Greek were the only languages in existence in Europe in the earlier time. The rude dialects of the barbarians were not regarded as languages, and were unfit for literary purposes. In the sixteenth century Greek was spoken in a limited territory, and Latin had become the language of the educated only, while the barbarian tongues had developed into literary languages. Religiously, the changes are sweeping. At the beginning of the fourth century Europe was still prevailingly heathen. Christianity was widely spread, but its adherents were largely in the minority. In the sixteenth century, how- ever, heathenism was nominally, at least, almost destroyed in Europe. In its stead there was Christianity in two great types : the Roman Catholic and the Greek, while a third new type, to be known as Protestantism, was about to be produced. Besides Christianity we find a part of Europe under the domination of Mohammedanism. How were ' The changes will become still more apparent if a map of Europe in the nineteenth century be used in the comparison indicated, The Mediceval Period General mention of important topics. Empire. Papacy. the barbarians of Europe Christianized, we ask ? How were the different types of Christianity produced ? What separated the Greek from the Latin Church ? What was the origin of Mohammedanism ? What are its tenets and char- acter ? How did it spread, and what has been its history ? What influence has it had on Europe ? And what have been the relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism? The changes in civilization were also radical. Civili- zation had passed far beyond the Rhine and the Danube, and there were already indications that its centre was soon to be changed from the south to the north. Italy, Spain, and southern France were still in advance in the sixteenth century; but England, northern France, and Germany were showing the characteristics which should eventually enable them to assume the leadership in art, science, litera- ture, manufactures, and in nearly all that goes to make up the highest and best civilization. Here, too, questions arise. What did the rest of Europe receive from Greece and Rome ? How was this inheritance transmitted ? How has it been increased and modified? How were the bar- barians influenced by the art, literature, architecture, law, customs, modes of thought, and life of the Greeks and Romans ? What new ideas and fresh impulses have been given by the various barbarian peoples that have succes- sively been brought in as factors in the progress and devel- opment of Europe? The Middle Age is the birth-period of the modern states of Europe. We shall study the successive periods of decay and revival in the empire; its ineffectual efforts to carry on the work of Rome in destroying the sense of difference in race, and to make all Europe one people ; and its bitter struggle with its new rival, the papacy, which ended practically in the ruin of both. We shall follow the barbarians in their migrations and invasions, and watch Introduction 5 them as they form new states and slowly learn of Rome the Nations and elements of civilization. We shall see them come to na- ^'^^.tes. tional self-consciousness, exhibiting all the signs of a proud national sense, gradually but stubbornly resisting the inter- ference of both emperor and pope in their affairs, and finally, throwing off all allegiance to both, becoming fully independent and acknowledging their responsibility to no power outside of themselves. Along with this national diiferentiation goes the development of the barbarian dia- lects into vigorous languages, each characteristic of the people to which it belongs. We shall study the spread of Christianity, its ideals and its two most important institutions, monasticism and pap- acy. The monks of the west played a most important part in Christianizing and civilizing the peoples of Europe, and the bishops of Rome came to look upon themselves as the successors, not only of Peter, but also of the Caesars, claim- ing all power, both spiritual and temporal. The Church The Church. occupies, therefore, a prominent place in the history of the Middle Age. Mohammedanism was for some time a formidable oppo- nent of Christianity even in Europe. It set for itself the task of conquering the world. It made many determined efforts to establish itself firmly in Europe. The eastern question Mohamme- was an old one, even in the Middle Age, and the invasions "^"'^™' of the Mohammedans into Europe and the counter-inva- sions of the Christians (the crusades) are all so many epi- sodes in its history. By invading and settling in the empire the barbarians came under the schooling of the Romans. They destroyed much, but they also learned much. The elements of the the Graeco-Roman civilization were preserved ; its art. Progress in laws, and ideas were slowly adopted and modified by the "'ihzation. invading peoples. We shall see how this rich legacy was The Medieval Period I. EUROPE. The influ- ence of mountain ranges. preserved and gradually made the property of all the peo- ples of Europe, and we shall study the progress which they have made in civilization. These are some of the problems with which the history of the Middle Age is concerned ; they will be treated in their appropriate places. We shall first take a kind of in- ventory of the factors involved, and these are Europe (the land itself in its physical and climatic features) and its peoples. The general contour of Europe has greatly influenced its history. It is, therefore, necessary to study its mountain sys- tems, its plains, its coast and river systems, and its climate. On the east, and coinciding in general with the boun- dary between Asia and Europe, are the Ural Mountains. They, with the Caucasus range between the Black and Caspian Seas, form a barrier to easy communication be- tween the east and the west, and so have forced travel and commerce, as well as invading peoples and armies, to fol- low certain well-defined routes. The Alps and the Pyre- nees have served much the same purpose in the south. They have prevented the fusion of the peoples to the north with those to the south, and have made futile all the many at- tempts to bring and keep them under one government. They have played important parts in the differentiation, spread, and development of the various nations about them. Their passes being few and difficult, they have hindered intercourse and have prevented interference, and so each people has been left more exclusively to itself to work out its own character and destiny. Even in the small physical divisions of Europe, mountains have done much to isolate and divide those whom everything else has sought to fuse and unite. They have helped perpetuate tribal and racial differences in Scandinavia, in Germany, in Austria, and especially in the Balkan peninsula, Italy, Spain, and For- Introduction tugal. There can be no doubt that the mountains of these countries still make the problems of their respective govern- ments more difficult. They have been constant and efficient barriers to the formation of extensive states and govern- ments in western Europe. On the other hand, the great central plains offer every The plains opportunity for the homogeneous development of their in- ° ^"^P^- habitants and for the formation of governments with exten- sive sway. Being adapted to the occupation of grazing, agriculture, and similar pursuits, they determined the earli- est occupations of the people. So long as the number of their inhabitants was small, the great extent of their areas favored the continued separation of the nomadic tribes that wandered over them ; and with increasing population the peoples were more easily brought together and subjected to the influence of the same ideas, whether political, social, or religious. Turning to the study of its coast we note that Europe it- self is essentially a peninsula, and is besides deeply indented by arms of the sea, so that it has a large extent of coast Coast line line. Its two great inland seas offer, because of their calm- gg^g^ ness, excellent opportunities for the growth of commerce. It is not accidental that European commerce developed first, and had its chief seats, around the Mediterranean and the Baltic. As if to facilitate communication, Europe is traversed from north to south by many rivers, which in the Middle Rivers. Age were the highways of travel and traffic. The Rhine and the rivers of France are connected with each other and with the Rhone and its tributaries by a short portage ; in the same way the Rhine, the Main, the Elbe, and the Oder are connected with the Danube ; likewise the Vis- tula, the Niemen, and the Duna, with the Dniester, the Dnieper, the Don, and the "Volga. In this way nature 8 The MedicBval Period Climate. 3. THE PEOPLES. A. THE IN- HABITANTS OF THE EMPIRE. Rome civil- ized the conquered peoples. has done much to promote intercourse in Europe. A radically different arrangement of the rivers of Europe would have affected its history in a corresponding way. Especially the districts about the mouths of the rivers were likely to be hastened in their development because of their greater opportunities for commerce and the advantages to be derived therefrom. The national existence of Portugal, Holland, and Belgium is due in some measure to the fact that they lie about the mouths of great rivers. The climate of a country influences its people in many ways. Long and cold winters make the conditions of life in the north much more difficult than in the south, where unaided nature does almost everything. In this way the habits of the people, their dress, social life, and architect- ure, public as well as private, are greatly influenced by the widely varying climatic conditions that prevail in the vari- ous parts of Europe. In the third century the Roman empire extended from the Atlantic in the west to the Euphrates in the east ; from the Sahara in the south to the Danube, Main, and Rhine in the north. Britain also (the modern England) had been added to this territory. But since the beginning of the Christian era, the boundaries of the empire had not been greatly enlarged, for the task of defending the frontiers, rapidly becoming more difficult, left successive emperors little time to think of foreign conquests. Within this vast empire was to be found a great variety of peoples, differing in race, language, customs, and relig- ion. The policy of Rome was to give all these peoples her own civilization as fast as they were able to receive it. As soon as the conquest of a province had been made, influ- ences were set to work to Romanize its inhabitants. This great work of Romanization and civilization was practical- ly completed when, in 215 a. d., Caracalla issued an edict Introduction making all the free inhabitants of the empire citizens of Rome. There were still, of course, many differences ex- isting between the peoples of the various provinces, but they had all received the elements of Roman culture, and, since the many agencies for diffusing the Roman civilization were still in operation, they were all approaching the same high level which Rome herself had reached. The inhabitants of the empire were divided into four The people classes : slaves, plebs, curials, and senators ; but within each classes ' of these four divisions there were various grades and shades of difference. The lot of the slaves was gradually growing better. In the country it became customary to enroll them, thus attaching them to the soil, from which they Slaves. could not be separated, and with which they were bought and sold. Further, masters were forbidden to kill their slaves or to separate a slave from his wife and children. To the class of plebs belonged all the free common Plebs. people, whether small freeholders, tradesmen, laborers, or artisans. The freeholders were diminishing in numbers. Their lands were consumed by the increasing taxes and they themselves either became serfs or ran away to the towns. The majority of the inhabitants of the cities and towns classified as plebs were free, but they had no political rights. All who possessed twenty-five acres of land, or its equiv- Curials. alent, were regarded as "curials." On these fell the bur- dens of offite-holding and the taxes, for the collection of which they were made responsible. The ranks of the senatorial class were constantly increas- ing by the addition of all those who for any reason received the title of senator, or who were appointed by the emperor to one of the high offices. The senatorial honor was hered- Senators. itary. The senators, having most of the soil in their pos- session, were the richest people of the empire. Since they lO The MedicEval Period enjoyed exceptional privileges and immunities, the lot of the curials was made more grievous. For the support of his army, his court, and the great number of clerks made necessary by the bureaucratic form of government, the emperor had to have immense sums of money, for the purpose of raising which matiy kinds of raxes. taxes were introduced. Taxes were levied on both lands and persons ; on all sorts of manufacturing industries ; on heirs, when they came into possession of their estates ; on slaves when set free ; and on the amount of the sales made by merchants. Tolls were collected on the highways and at bridges J duties at the city gates and in the harbors. Besides the above taxes, there were many kinds of special taxes, burdens, and services, such as the supplying of food, clothing, and quarters for the army; horses and wagons for the imperial use whenever demanded ; and repairing of the roads, bridges, and temples. Most oppressive of all, per- haps, was the dishonesty of the officials, who, to enrich themselves, often exacted far more than even the very large sums which the emperor required. It was impossible that this should not bankrupt the em- pire. The cities were the first to suffer. As the senatorial class, the army, professors of rhetoric, and the clergy were largely freed from taxation, the whole burden fell on the curials, who became oppressors in order to collect the vast sums required of them. Finally, when the curials were bankrupt and could no longer pay the taxes, they at- tempted in every way to escape from their class. Some of them succeeded in rising into the senatorial ranks ; many of them deserted their lands and became slaves, or entered the army or the Church. The emperors, trying to prevent this, often seized the curial who had run away and com- pelled him to take up his old burden again. The curial was forbidden by law to try to change his position, but in Effects on the curials. Introduction il spite of this many of them surrendered their lands to some rich neighbor and received them back on condition of the pa3mient of certain taxes, and the rendering of certain ser- vices. This was a form of land-tenure and social relation very similar to that common in feudalism of a later day. In the fourth century a.d. the Kelts held Gaul (mod- b. the KELTS. em France) and the islands of Great Britain. Four or five hundred years before Christ, they had extended as far east as the Weser in the north, and occupied much territory in the centre of Europe. Evidence of this is the fact that Bohemia derived its name from its Keltic inhabitants, the Boii. But the Kelts slowly withdrew before the Germans, until the Rhine became the boundary between the two peoples. The Kelts were never all united in one great state, but existed in separate tribes. Each tribe formed a state and was governed by an aristocracy. The people had Tribal gov- no part in the government, but were treated by the ruling *''"'"^" • class as slaves. The nobility was divided into two classes, the religious and the secular. The religious nobility were the Druids, a caste of priests who controlled all sacrifices, both public and private, and who were algo judges and final authorities in all other matters. Their word was law, and whoever refused them obedience was put under their ban, which had almost the same meaning as the papal ban a few centuries later. They had many gods, to whom they of- fered human sacrifices.' The Kelts had large, strong, and beautiful bodies, as may be seen from the famous statue in Rome, " The Dying Gaul" (formerly known as the "Dying Gladiator"). They were brave, dashing warriors, fond of music, espe- Keltic dally of the shrill, martial kind, with which they went into f^t^cg*^*^'"' battle. They were easily moved by eloquent speech and I Caesar, B. G. , vi. , 11-19, gives a good description of the Kelts. 12 The Medicsval Period had a love for poetry. Their language was well-developed and capable of expressing a wide range of thought and emotion. They loved bright and gay colors, and were noted for the liveliness rather than for the persistency of their feelings and emotions. They were restless, sprightly, full of activity, and capable of the greatest enthusiasm for, and devotion to, a popular leader, but they were fickle and unreliable if their ardor was once quenched by disaster. At the beginning of our period the Kelts who occupied Gaul and Britain (the present England) were thoroughly Romanized. To a great extent they had forgotten their language and spoke Latin. Many cities had sprung up among them which were well supplied with temples, baths, and theatres, and were in all respects Roman. But the Kelts of Ireland, Wales, and Scotland were still barbarian, and hostile to Rome. At the beginning of our period the Germans occupied Scandinavia, and nearly all the land between the Rhine and the Vistula, and the Baltic and the Danube. Since the times of Caesar and Tacitus, who were the first Roman authors to devote much attention to the Germans, many changes had taken place among them. Some of them had changed their location ; new groups had been formed, and they were known by new names. The Goths had left the Vistula and were now spread over a great stretch of terri- tory to the north of the Black Sea and the lower Danube. Other tribes were moving or spreading out in the same direction. Great masses of Germans and other peoples were crowded together along the whole northern frontier of the empire, and the danger of a barbarian invasion was rapidly growing greater. Tacitus (" Germania," ii.) says that the Germans were divided into three great branches: the Ingsevones, who lived nearest the ocean ; the Hermiones, who lived in the Introduction 1 3 "middle; " and the Istsevones, who included all the rest. These three names had now been replaced by others, such as Franks, Alamanni, and Saxons. Neither these nations nor those mentioned by Tacitus actually included all the Germans. They formed rather the great division which may be called the West Germans. Besides these there were those of the north, afterward known as the Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes, and those of the east : the Goths, Vandals, and others. In their government the Germans were democratic. They Their gov- had a well-defined system of local self-government. There *" were three political divisions : the whole tribe, or nation; the gau, or county; and the village. All matters that concerned only the village were discussed and settled by all the freemen of the village in a public meeting. Like- wise the affairs of the gau were administered by the free- men of the gau, and matters that concerned the whole nation were decided by an assembly of all the freemen of the tribe. In social rank, there were three classes — nobles, freemen, and slaves. The nobles had certain advantages, but in the assemblies the vote of a freeman equalled that of a nobleman. It was customary among the Germans for the young' men to attach themselves to some man of tried courage and military ability (the comitatus or gefolge), with whom Gefolge. they lived, and whom they accompanied on all his expedi- tions. Such warrior-chiefs were proud of having a large number of young men about them, for it added to their dignity and increased their power in many ways. The re- lation between a leader and a follower was entirely volun- tary, and consequently honorable to both. It might be terminated at the will of either party. The religion of the Germans was a kind of nature- wor- ship. The principal objects of their reverence were groves, 14 The Mediaval Period Religion and occupa- tions. Their quali- ties. D. THE SLAVS. Their loca- tion. Govern- ment. trees, caves, and uncommon natural phenomena. They had no priest-caste. They lived by cattle-raising, agriculture, and hunting, the labor being performed principally by slaves and women. It was characteristic of them that they were unwilling to live in compactly built towns ; their houses being generally some distance apart, formed a strag- gling village. The Romans were impressed with the great size and power of their bodies, the ruddiness of their faces, and the light color of their hair. They had some very prominent faults, such as a too great love of war, of the cup, and of the dice. They became so infatuated with gambling that, after losing all their property, they staked their wives and children, and if these were lost, they risked even their own liberty. The Germans boasted of their faithfulness to every obligation. So true were they to their word that if they lost their freedom in gambling they willingly yielded to their new master, and permitted themselves to be reduced to the position of slaves. The Slavs occupied a large belt of territory east of the Germans, and extended far into Russia. As the Germans withdrew to the west and south, the Slavs followed them and took possession of the land thus vacated. In this way they finally came as far west as the Elbe, and may be said to have held nearly all of the territory from the Elbe to the Dnieper. A large part of what is now Prussia, Saxony, and Bohemia became wholly Slavic. The Slavs, as well as the Kelts and Germans, were broken up into many tribes having no political connection with each other. They seem to have had a patriarchal form of government. At any rate, great reverence was shown the old men of the tribe, who, by virtue of their age, had a controlling voice in the management of affairs. At first the Slavs probably had no nobility. They elected their leaders in war, and so strong was the democratic spirit Introduction 1 5 among them that they were never able to produce a royal line. Their religion was a form of idolatry. They had priests, who were consulted on all matters, political and religious. Though they had powerful frames and impressed the Character. Romans with their size, they were tame and unwarlike, and have never been conquerors. Their location was favorable to the occupations of cattle-raising and agricul- ture. They did not possess a strong national feeling, and were therefore easily assimilated by other peoples. Large numbers' of them were Germanized from the ninth cen- tury on. In the ninth century another branch of the Slavs, called The Letts, the Letts, came into history. We first meet them on the shore of the Baltic, from the Vistula to some distance be- yond the Nieman. They were divided into Lithuanians and Prussians. It is curious to note that the name of this non-German people (the Prussians) has, in the process of time, come to be applied to the leading German state of to-day. Besides these Indo-European peoples which we have just e. the URALf-ALi- discussed there were others, which are usually called Ural- taic PEOPLES. Altaic or Finnic-Turkish tribes. " Turanian " is also ap- plied to them. They were to be found in northern Scan- dinavia and in the northern, northwestern, and eastern parts of Russia. They were the Finns, the Lapps, the Es- thonians, the Livonians, the Ugrians, the Tchuds, the Per- mians, the Magyars, the Huns, and many others. They were related to the Turkish Mongols. During the Middle Age, at least, they in no way advanced the interests of civilization, but rather played the part of a scourge — de- stroyers rather than builders. The division followed above is linguistic. Philologists first discovered the similarity between the languages of the i6 The MedicBval Period Basis of above class- ification philological; not recog- nized by ethnolo- gists. Greeks, the Romans, the Kelts, the Germans, the Slavs, the Letts, the Persians, and the ancient inhabitants of India, and on the basis of these resemblances classed these peoples together as one great race. It was inferred that because their languages were akin, the people themselves must have been of the same original stock. The modern sciences of anthropology and ethnology do not recognize the validity of such an argument, but declare that these peoples do not belong to the same race, although their languages are re- lated. Ethnologists now use other tests to discover the racial relations of peoples. SPECIAL TOPICS J. The Empire and Its Peoples, ^^ry , Laier Roman Empire. Vol. I. pp. 1-58. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan. Adams, Civilization During the Middle Ages, Chafs.\-U. $2.50. Scribner. Gibbon, Roman Em^re, Chaps. I-II. Bury, The Roman Empire. $1.50. Harper. Kings- ley. Capes, The Early Empire. $1.00. Scribner. z. The Germans. Gibbon, Roman Empire, Chap. IX. Tacitus, Germania. .20. Penn. Univ. Translations. Also, .55. Macmillan. Kingsley, The Roman and the Teuton. $1.25. Macmillan. Stabbs, Constitutional History 0/ England,\o\. 1., Chaps. 1-2. 3 vols. $3.60 each. Claren- don. CHAPTER I THE EMPIRE, THE CHURCH, AND THE INVASIONS OF THE GERMANS LITERATURE.— I. For the Empire: Capes, A ^e of ihe A nioni'nes, $i.oo. Scribner. Curteis, History of the Rojna7i Etnpire from tJie Death of Theodosius the Great to the Coronation of Charles the Great. $i.oo. Scribner. Sheppard, Fall of Rome and Rise of New Nationalities. $1.50. Routledge. Hodgkin, The Dynasty of Theodosius, or Seventy Years* Struggle ivith the Barbarians. $1.50. Clarendon. Penn. Univ., Translations, Vols. IV., 1-2; VI., 3-4. Dyer, The City of Rome . . . from lis Foundation to the End of the Middle Ages. $1.50. Macmillan. Hodgkin, The Letters of Cassiodorus ; Condensed Translation. $4.00. Italy and Her Invaders. 8 vols. About $45.00. Clarendon, z. For England: Freeman, Origin of the English Nation. .25. Harper. Powell and Tout, History of England. 3 parts. $1.00 each part, Longmans. S. R. Gardiner, Studenfs History of England. Part I- $1.00. Longmans. Robertson, Making of the English Nation, 35 B.C.-1135 A.D. .50. Scribner. Green, Short History of the English People. $2.25. Harper. Green, Making of EnglaTid. $2.50. Harper. Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English^ with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. By T. A. Giles. $1.50, Macmillan. Green, History of the English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper. $5.00. Caldwell. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, Vol. I., Chaps. 4-8, 3V0ls. $2.60 each. Clarendon. Taswell-Langmead, Constitutional History of England. $6.00. Houghton. 3. For the Church: Fisher, Beginnings of Christianity. $2.50. Scribner. Uhlhorn, Convict of Christianity with Heathenism. $2.50. Scribner. See also General Literature. Augustus brought about a change in the form of gov- ernment of the Roman state, which, for nearly two hun- 17 i8 The Medi(Bval Period The Repub- lic of Rome becomes an empire, 31 B.C. Decline of the empire in the third century. The chang^es of Diocletian, 284-305. dred years, was attended with large benefits. Even under the vicious emperors of the first century the people were probably in a better condition than during the last days of the republic. The emperors cleared the sea of pirates and the land of brigands and robbers ; they built roads con- necting all parts of the empire, thus making commerce easier ; their excellent police made travel safer ; they ad- ministered justice more equitably, and the government, be- ing better centralized, performed its functions with greater efficiency. The wise emperors of the second century, while making progress in nearly every direction, gave the empire an in- creasingly good and beneficent government. But the death of Marcus Aurelius (181 a.d.) put a check to the long period of prosperity, and for about a hundred years the empire was rent with revolts and seditions. The law gov- erning the succession to the crown was often disregarded. Once the army put the crown up for sale to the highest bidder and, at another time, there were at least nineteen persons who, in different parts of the empire, assumed the imperial title. During the third century many of the em- perors met a violent death at the hands of a usurper. The crown was regarded by ambitious men as a legitimate object of prey. Diocletian tried to put an end to this chaos by devising a scheme for fixing the succession and making the persons of the emperors more secure. He arranged that there should be two emperors, each having an assistant, called a Caesar. The two emperors, after ruling twenty years, were to resign in favor of the two Caesars, who would then choose two other Caesars to assist them. To render the lives of the four rulers more secure, they were to be shut off from free intercourse with the people, and each was to be sur- rounded by a court modelled after eastern ideals. The gov- The Invasions of the Germans 19 ernment was to be more centralized, the senate deprived of its little remaining power, and heavy taxes were to be levied to meet the increased expenses of the government. This scheme was successful only in part. The resignation of Diocletian and Maximian (305) was followed by a civil war, which gave Constantine the opportunity to make him- self sole ruler. But Constantine, although he overthrew the essential part of Diocletian's, scheme, did not return to the simplicity of the former emperors; on the contrary, he increased his court, and multiplied the expenses of his government. Of the emperors of the third century, however, many were barbarians who had little or no regard for Rome. Either by preference or necessity, they spent their time in the provinces or on the frontier. When Diocletian and Maximian divided the government the emperor in the east took up his residence at Nicomedia, while the emperor in the west lived in Milan. Constantine, led by various mo- The new tives, chose for his residence Byzantium, which after for- *^*P"^'- tifying and enlarging, he called Constantinople. Rome thus lost her position as capital of the empire, being re- placed by Constantinople, or New Rome, as it was called. Constantine earned the gratitude of his Christian sub- jects by making Christianity a legal religion. The conser- vatism of the emperors had led them to forbid the practice The Empire of all new religions ; their fears caused them to regard the Church harmless meetings of the Christians as dangerous gatherings of conspirators. From the first, therefore, Christianity was proscribed until soon it came to be understood that the mere name of Christian was an offence against the state. To be a Christian was to be worthy of death. While the Christians were generally treated with leniency by the gov- ernment they suffered much at the hands of the mob, who attributed all disasters to them. During the first three 20 The Mediceval Period centuries there were several persecutions, mostly of a local character, but in the year 303, Diocletian, at the instiga- tion of his Caesar, Galerius, began a fierce persecution of the Christians, which was intended utterly to destroy the Schaff, Vol. new religion. " Christian churches were to be destroyed j ■' ^' '■ all copies of the Bible were to be burned ; all Christians were to be deprived of public office and civil rights ; and, at last all, without exception, were to sacrifice to the gods upon pain of death. ' ' After eight bloody years Galerius confessed that the Christians were too strong for him, and published a proclamation granting them toleration. Two years later Constant! ne went a step farther and issued an edict ordering all Church property which had been confiscated to be restored to the Christians. It was Constantine the policy of Constan tine to further Christianity. 10313 Church. ^^ released the Catholic clergy from many burdensome po- litical duties. In 315 he freed the Church from the pay- ment of certain taxes. Probably in 316 he made legal the manumission of .slaves which took place in churches. In 321 churches were granted the privilege of receiving leg- acies. In 323 he forbade the compulsory attendance of Christians at heathen worship and celebrations. Up to 323 the coins which he struck bore the images and inscrip- tions of various gods ; after that time his coins had only allegorical emblems. But though thus favoring Christianity, , Constantine never in any way limited or prohibited heathen- ism. He retained the office and performed the duties of pontifex maximus. In 321 he issued an edict commanding that officials should consult the haruspices (soothsayers). After the year 326 he permitted a temple to be erected to himself, and allowed himself to be worshipped. At his death he was enrolled among the gods and received the title of Divus. It is evident, therefore, that the famed con- version of Constantine was political rather than religious. The Invasions of the Germans 21 His principal interest was centred in the unity of the Church, which he wished to use as a tool in the work of governing the empire. He did not make Christianity the state religion ; he made it merely a legal religion. It re- mained for Gratian (375-383) and Theodosius (379-39S) Christianity to make orthodox Christianity the only legal religion, by made the forbidding heathen worship and persecuting all heresy, religion. They decreed that only orthodox Christians should have the rights of citizenship. Before his death (337), Constantine divided the govern- Julian the ment among his four sons, who covered themselves with •"Postate. shame by waging war on each other, and by murdering their relatives in order to remove all competitors for the throne. One cousin, however, Julian, was spared and in 361 became emperor. The cruel treatment which he had received from his Christian cousins, together with his love, inspired by his pagan tutors, for the heathen religion, had made him hostile to Christianity. When he came to the throne he therefore tried to destroy Christianity and restored heathenism. But failing completely, for his pains he won the hatred of the Christians and the title, Apostate. Although Diocletian's scheme had failed, it was apparent that one man could not satisfactorily fill the office of em- peror. After several ineffectual attempts at division, The- odosius the Great arranged that, at his death, his first son, Arcadius, should succeed to the government in the east. Two Em- with his residence at Constantinople, and his second son, P^rors rule, Honorius, should rule in the west, with Milan for his cap- ital. Practically this had the effect of making two empires, but the people of that time did not think of the matter in that way. They regarded the empire as indivisible ; only the duties of the emperor could be divided. In spite of this division of labor the fifth century was full of reverses and disasters. The emperors were, for the most part, weak 22 The Mediaeval Period Zeno sole Emperor, 476 A.D. and worthless, and often mere puppets in the hands of some ambitious and scheming barbarian. At length, the following circumstances led to the deposition of the em- peror in the west and the nominal reunion of the east and the west under one emperor. The Roman army, was, in the fifth century, largely composed of German mercenaries, who finally began to ask the government for lands on which they might settle. When Romulus Augustulus, a mere boy, became emperor (476) with his father, Orestes, the power behind the throne, the Germans in the army, peremptorily demanded that one-third of the land in Italy be divided among them. This demand Orestes refused. They there- upon put themselves under the leadership of Odovacar, a clever soldier of fortune, to take by force what had been denied them. In the war which followed Orestes was slain, the little emperor made a prisoner, and compelled to come before the senate to resign his office. At the command of Odovacar the senate wrote a letter to Zeno, the emperor at Constantinople, telling him what had taken place and adding that, in their judgment, one emperor was able to rule the whole empire. They further asked him to ap- point Odovacar governor of the province of Italy. After some delay, Zeno granted their request, and thus, in the year 476, the whole empire was again nominally under one emperor whose seat was permanently fixed at Constantino- ple. But as a matter of fact, the authority of the emperor was no longer felt in many parts of the west. Some of the fairest provinces of the empire were occupied by Germans who had invaded the empire and settled on the soil, estab- lishing a rude government of their own over the provincials. The Germans, who had once lived east of the Rhine and along the Baltic, had gradually moved west and south, threatening the Rhine and Danube frontiers. During the second and third centuries they made frequent marauding The Invasions of the Germans 23 excursions into the empire. Asia Minor, the whole Balkan peninsula, and the eastern part of Gaul suffered much at their hands. In 376 the invading army of the Huns at- tacked the West Goths, who, to save themselves, hastily crossed the Danube, a hundred thousand in number, and begged the emperor to give them lands. The emperor set- The West tied them on lands south of the Danube, made \hem feeder- ^,° Enfoir" ati (allies), and promised them yearly a gift of grain. 376. They retained their arms, gave hostages to keep the peace, and agreed to furnish a contingent of troops for the Roman army. The Roman officials, however, soon began to op- press and defraud them, and in 378 they revolted and plundered the country. The emperor, Valens, hastened with his army to meet them, but was slain in battle near Adrianople (378). Theodosius the Great adopted a wise policy of conciliation toward them, and after some years succeeded in persuading them to return to the lands which had formerly been given them. In 395 the spirit of restlesness again took possession of them and under the leadership of their newly elected king, Alaric, they ravaged the Balkan peninsula. After some years of residence in Illyria and Noricum, they made a successful invasion of Italy (408), took and sacked Rome (410), and spread Sack of themselves over the country, carrying desolation wherever '*°™^' 4io- they went. In the expectation of crossing over to Africa the next spring, Alaric pitched his camp near Cosenza, where he soon fell a prey to Italian fever. His brother-in- Death of law, Athaulf, who was elected to succeed him, made peace *'^"^' ^^°' with the emperor and received lands for his people in Gaul and Spain. After some years of fighting, Athaulf was able to establish his people on the lands ceded him. They were The king- eventually driven out of Gaul, but held Spain till 711, when ^^^ **** the Mohammedans conquered them and put an end to their Goths, kingdom. 24 The MedicEval Period Invasion of Ratger, 404, Vandals and Suevi, 406. The king- dom of the Vandals, 429-534- The Bur- gundians, 443-534- This invasion of the empire by the West Goths was soon followed by many others. The defence on the frontier seemed suddenly to fail, thus exposing the empire to the inroads of the barbarians. In the year 404, Ratger, who had become the leader of one division of the East Goths, led about 200,000 of them from Pannonia into Italy. After ravaging the northern provinces he was slain by the emperor's forces and his army completely destroyed. A large army of Vandals and Suevi crossed the middle Rhine during the winter of 406-7, and proceeded slowly through Gaul, devastating the country as they went. En- countering the West Goths in southern Gaul they were driven by them over the Pyrenees. The Suevi were grad- ually forced into northwestern Spain, where they established an obscure kingdom, which was eventually conquered and annexed by the West Goths (585). The Vandals, after having been driven by the West Goths into southern Spain, crossed over into Africa, 80,000 strong, and took possession of the rich provinces there. Their first king, Geiseric, had a large amount of barbarian cunning and shrewdness, but was cruel and treacherous. By oppressing and persecuting the orthodox provincials he made himself feared and hated. He extended his power by conquering the islands of the western Mediterranean and, in 45S> he sacked Rome itself. His people, however, were weakened by the climate and by their excesses, and in the next century were easily overcome by the emperor's troops (533-34)- The Burgundians left their home between the Oder and the Vistula about the middle of the third century, and in a few years we find them on the Rhine and the Main. The territory about Worms was granted them in 413. The scene of many parts of the Nibelungen Lied, which contains theBurgundian traditions of that period, is laid in and about The Invasions of the Germans 25 Worms. After various fortunes the emperor's officer, Aetius, in 443, transferred them to the territory south of Lake Ge- neva, from which they extended their power, till, in 473, they had reached the Mediterranean. But they were not able to resist the encroachments of the Franks, their pow- erful neighbors on the north, by whom they were conquered and absorbed (534). A federation of tribes, known as the Alamanni, took pos- The Ala- session of the Black Forest, southern Germany, and north- ™anni, 496. em Switzerland, but, like the Burgundians, their indepen- dence, also, was cut short by the Franks (496). Although racked by these German invaders, Europe was now called to suffer from a still more barbarous foe, the Huns. After taking possession of southeastern Europe in the last quarter of the fourth century, the course of the Huns to the west was temporarily checked. They seem not to have remained long united, but to have broken up into groups, some of which went into the service of the em- pire. After awhile a new leader appeared in the person of Rugilas, who did much to bring them together again. At his death (435) he was succeeded by two nephews, Bleda and Attila, who ruled jointly till about 444, when Attila caused Bleda to be assassinated. By diplomatic means, as well as by force, Attila united all the peoples, of whatever Attila and race, between the Volga and the Rhine. With an army composed largely of Huns and Germans he more than once ravaged the eastern empire, even crossing into Asia, carry- ing the war into Armenia, Syria, the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates, and threatening Persia. Constantinople was once in danger from him, and was compelled to pay him a heavy ransom. At length, in 450, he turned his at- tention to the west. With an immense army he crossed the Rhine, ravaged northern Gaul, and was moving toward the south when his march was stopped by the defence of Or- the Huns. 26 The MedicBval Period The Cata- launian Fields, 451. Character of Attila. The rule of Odovacar, 476-493- I6ans. Aetius, the commander of the imperial army in the west, gathered together all the forces possible and went to assist the city. Attila withdrew to the " Catalaimian Fields" (the exact location of which is unknown), where he was defeated (451) in a great battle. He retreated to his capital in Pannonia, a village near the modern Tokai, on the Theiss river. The next summer he invaded and ravaged northern Italy, but was compelled to retreat, be- cause of the fever which broke out in his army, and . the approach of the army under Aetius. Luckily for Europe he died in 453. Though a barbarian, Attila was by no means a savage. He practised the arts of diplomacy, often sent and received embassies, and respected the international laws and customs which then existed. His residence presented a strong mixt- ure of barbarism and luxury. His small, wooden houses were filled with the rich plunder carried off in his many in- vasions of Roman territory. He despised Rome and her civilization, and hoped to erect an empire of his own on her ruins. He had among his following several Greeks, through whose written accounts of him, his conquests, and his kingdom, he hoped to become immortal. At his death his empire fell rapidly to pieces. His son, Ella, attempted to quell the revolting tribes, but lost his life in battle (454). All the German and Slavic peoples which had obeyed At- tila and added to his strength now became independent, and were once more able to trouble the empire. Italy, as we have seen, fell, in 476, into the hands of Odo- vacar, who had at his back a large army composed princi- pally of Germans. Theoretically he was subject to the emperor, but practically he was independent. He gave Italy an excellent government, restoring peace and enforc- ing the laws. Under his rule prosperity was rapidly re- turning and Italy was beginning to recover from the long The Invasions of the Germans 27 period of misrule and violence. In 487 Odovacar attacked the Rugians in Pannonia and defeated them, but their The East prince fled to the East Goths and begged for their protec- vadg^taiv tion. The East Goths, under their king, Tlieodoric, were 489. living along the middle Danube. Since the emperor was not able to control them, they kept the peace or ravaged the country as it pleased them. Theodoric embraced the opportunity to invade Italy with his whole people, and the emperor, glad to be rid of so troublesome neighbors, gave his consent. It was immaterial to the emperor which of the two barbarians should rule Italy, since he was not able to rule it himself. In 489 Theodoric entered Italy and, after four years of fighting, made peace with Odovacar, agreeing to rule Italy jointly with him. Nevertheless, dur- ing the celebration of the peace thus concluded, Theodoric had Odovacar basely murdered (493). Theodoric, now without a rival, took possession of the country, assigned land to his people, and established them in fixed residence. He ruled Italy as king of the East Goths, making use of the The reign machinery of government which he found already in exist- j^ 4q-j_c26" ence there, and filling the offices with Romans. He devel- oped an activity of the widest range. He restored the aqueducts and walls of many cities, repaired the roads, drained marshes, reopened mines, cared for public build- ings, promoted agriculture, established markets, preserved the peace, administered justice strictly and enforced the laws. By intermarriages and treaties he tried to maintain peace between all the neighboring German kingdoms, that they might not mutually destroy each other. He knew that if the Germans were weakened by wars among themselves the emperors would easily conquer them. At his death The end of (526) the trouble which arose about the succession led to ^^^ offiie the invasion of Italy by the emperor, Justinian. After East Goths, nearly twenty years of war, the armies of the emperor were ^^^' 28 The MedicEval Period Other Ger- man tribes. Germans settle in Britain, 449. Supremacy of Wessex, 802-39. England re- mains Ger- man. successful, the kingdom of the East Goths was destroyed, and Italy again became a province of the empire. Beyond the frontier there were still several German tribes which were only beginning to come into contact with the empire. Such were the Bavarians, the Lombards, the Thuringians, the Saxons, the Angles, the Jutes, and the va- rious tribes in Scandinavia. The Franks, composed of many tribes, and settled along the lower Rhine, gradually spread through northern Gaul. Their history is reserved for a subsequent chapter. The most remote province in the west, Britannia, was also invaded- by Germans from the main-land, who slowly wrested the country from its inhabi- tants. This invasion began about 449, the Jutes first tak- ing possession of Kent. Other settlements were soon made which grew into little kingdoms, such as Sussex, Wessex, Essex, East Anglia, Northumbria, and Mercia. These king- doms fought first against the Keltic inhabitants, and then against each other. The final struggle, between Northum- bria, Mercia, and Wessex, resulted in favor of Wessex. Ecgberht, king of Wessex (802-39), made himself the over- lord of all England. These Anglo-Saxons established in Britain a pure German state. The Roman civilization was gone; there was noth- ing to prevent their free development along the lines pecul- iar to themselves. Their Anglo-Saxon dialect developed into a literary language almost uninfluenced by Latin. It was spoken everywhere! As early as 680 Csedmon had sung the " Song of Creation " in his mother-tongue, and parts, at least, of the heathen poem ' ' Beowulf ' were already in ex- istence. The laws of the people, written down in Anglo- Saxon, rather than in Latin, as were the laws of all the Germanic kingdoms on the continent, show that the gov- ernment, legal ideas, and customs, which the people had had on the continent were not influenced by Rome and The Invasions of the Germans 29 her civilization. As a result England has now the purest Germanic law of any country in existence — purer than in Germany itself, where, owing to the later connection be- tween that country and the empire, Roman law prevailed over the Germanic. The Anglo-Saxons parcelled out their lands to groups probably of about a hundred warriors. The land which such a group received was then divided among its mem- bers and they settled in villages. Their residences were called after the name of the family, with the addition of "Ham "and "-ham" or "-tun" (English, "home" and "town;" " German, " Heim " and "Zaun"). "Ham" had the meaning of " dwelling," and " tun " signified the wall or fence which enclosed the village or place of defence. The affairs of each township were managed by all the freemen of the village, who met in a "moot" (meeting) to discuss Democratic and decide all public matters. In the same way all the government, freemen of the hundred met and determined all questions that concerned the welfare of the hundred. A still higher court, composed of all the freemen of the whole tribe, was assembled whenever questions that concerned the whole tribe were to be decided or disputes between the hundreds were to be settled. It is probable that it was early found to be impracticable to get all the freemen together as often as was desirable, and this led to the introduction of a kind of representation. A small number of men were sent from each township to the hundredmoot, and the same number sent from each hundred to the folkmoot. The same social distinctions were perpetuated as had existed among them on the continent. There were three classes : the noblemen or ealdormen, the freemen or ceorls, and the slaves. The comitatus was, of course, quickly modified, the followers of a leader being called thanes as soon as they got lands and left the immediate presence of their leaders. 30 The MedicEval Period Christianity in Ireland. Irish Mis- sionaries. Orthodox mission- aries among the Anglo- Saxons. The Christianization of Ireland is veiled in obscurity, but it seems probable that St. Patrick (died in 465 or 493) was the first missionary who met with very much success there. Under him the whole island became Christian, though it was in a low state of civilization, and in the next centuries won so great a reputation for its piety that it was called " The Isle of Saints." The Church of Ireland was independent of Rome, and differed in some respects from the Church on the continent. The type of Christianity es- tablished there was thoroughly ascetic and monastic. The ascetic zeal of the Irish led them to try to convert the world to their form of Christianity. It was not so much what is now called the " missionary spirit," as the desire to undergo hardships of all kinds. To travel in foreign lands as a missionary {peregrinare pro Christo) was, be- cause of its difficulties, a meritorious work. In accordance with their ascetic ideas, they settled not in the cities but in the wilds. Their first settlements were in Scotland. In 563 St. Columba (or St. Columbcille) sailed with twelve fellow -monks to Scotland, where the island of lona was given them, from which, occasionally reenforced by other monks from Ireland, they carried on their work on the main-land. They labored not only in Scotland, but also among the Anglo-Saxons of Britain and on the continent. Lindisfarne, on the east coast of England, was occupied by them, and for a long time was a centre of missionary activity among the Angles. On his accession Oswald (634-42), king of Northumbria, having once been sheltered in the monastery of lona, sent to its abbot for missionaries. St. Aidan, and after him, St. Cuthbert, met with great success, and it seemed for some time that the Church of Ireland would extend itself over the whole of Great Britain. But there was another stream of missionary activity beginning to move to the west which The Invasions of the Germans 31 had its source in Rome. In 596, Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome, sent a monk, Augustine, with about thirty com- panions, to Kent. Aethelberht, king of Kent, had re- cently married Bertha, an orthodox Prankish princess, who now exerted all her influence in favor of the missionaries, and within a year the king and many of his nobles ac- cepted Christianity and were baptized. From Kent the orthodox form spread slowly to the England north, constantly nearing the boundaries of the Irish faith. Rg^arf ^ Finally they met face to face in Northumbria. A bitter Catholic struggle arose ; the king, who was in doubt, called a ' ''* council at Whitby (664) to listen to the arguments of both parties. Wilfrid, a priest, spoke for the Roman Church, while Colman defended the claims of the Irish missionaries. Colman continually quoted St. Columba, but Wilfrid de- clared that St. Peter was of greater authority because he was the prince of the apostles and because Jesus had said to him, " Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church ; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I wiligive unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven." When Wilfrid spoke these words the king became very much interested ; he had apparently never heard them before. He asked Colman whether they had really been said to St. Peter, and Colman admitted that they had. The king then asked whether similar authority had been given to St. Columba, and Colman confessed that it had not. At this the king replied, "This is a doorkeeper whom I am un- Bede, His- willing to offend, lest, when I come to the gates of heaven, g*^^]" 1^ if he, who is admitted to have the keys, is opposed to me. III,, 25. there may be none to open to me. ' ' Thus the Roman Church won the day and the Irish missionaries were com- pelled to withdraw from England. The decision brought England into close connection with the continent, es- pecially with the bishop of Rome, assured the influence of 32 The Mediceval Period Rome, and so affected all the future of English history. Through the Church, Roman legal, ideas, usages, and modes of thought, in short, the remains of Rome's civilization, were gradually imported, greatly to her advantage, into England. Theodore of Tarsus, a learned Greek, came to England as archbishop of Canterbury (669-90), and by virtue of his high position organized the English Church around Canterbury as the centre and head. He divided all the territory into bishoprics, and introduced the parish system. The whole Church of England was bound to the bishop of Rome. The church organization did not follow the bound- aries of the kingdoms, but all were impressed with the fact One Church, that the Church was one and could recognize no political dom. ' ^' ^^ national lines. The idea of the unity of the Church had great influence on the political ideas, and helped prepare the minds of the people for the idea of the political unity of the whole country. The learning of the monks of England was considerable. While Greek was utterly unknown in the west of Europe, it was mastered by some of the pupils of Theodore. The Monas- monasteries contained many monks who were excellent leaniTng-" scholars. Most famous of all was Bede, known as the Ven- Bede. erable Bede (673-735), a monk of Jarrow. He had for his pupils the six hundred monks of that monastery, besides the many strangers who came to hear him. He gradually mastered all the learning of his dky, and left at his death forty-five volumes of his writings, the most important of which are "The Ecclesiastical History of the English," and his translation of the gospel of John into English. His writings were widely known and used throughout Europe. He reckoned all dates from the birth of Christ, and through his works the use of the Christian era became common in Europe. Owing to the large number of men- The Invasions of the Germans 33 asteries and monks in Northumbria, that part of England was far in advance of the south in civilization. Of all the kingdoms whose beginnings we have thus far traced, only two, those of the Franks and the Anglo-Sax- ons, were to survive the dangers which beset their existence and to become powerful states ; all the others lost their political independence, and were either destroyed or ab- sorbed by the peoples among whom they had settled. From the foregoing account it is apparent that, about 500 A.D., the western part of the empire was held by bar- See Map barians whose rulers were practically independent of the ^' emperor. The Germans always demanded land on which The Ger- they might settle and, in general, it may be said that they mand lands took one-third of the soil of the conquered province, dis- tributing it among themselves. They brought with them their peculiar customs and laws which were eventually re- duced to writing and have been preserved for us. The German demanded to be tried and judged by the laws of his own tribe. He regarded his tribal law as a personal possession which he carried with him wherever he went. This conception of law, known as personal, was opposed to the Roman, which was territorial. All the Germans, except the Franks and the Anglo- Arianism Saxons, had been converted to Christianity before they ?;™°"g ^^^ -' -' Germans. settled in the empire;. But, unfortunately for them, their faith was now regarded as heretical, being known as Arian- ism. This was a form of Unitarianism. The provincials among whom they settled hated them, both as foreign con- querors and as heretics. There could, therefore, be little free intercourse between the two peoples. 34 ^^^ MedicBval Period SPECIAL TOPICS The Reign of the Antonines. Gibbon, Roman Empire ^ Chap. III. Capes, Age of the Antonines, Chaps. IV. and V. The Church and the Empire, Fisher, Beginnings of ChHstianiiy. Uhl- horn, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. Capes, Age of the An- tonines, Chaps. VI. and VII. Schaff, History of the Christian Churchy Vol. II., Chaps. II.-III. Vol. III., Chaps. I.-III. Each $4.00. Scribner. Milman, History of Latin Christianity, Vol. I., Chap. I. Theodoric. Hodgkin, Theodoric the Goth. Milman, History of Latin Christianity f Vol. II., Chap. III. Bury, The Later Roman Empire^ Vol. I., pp. 261-289. The Anglo-Saxons. Green, Making of England^ pp. 1-188. Milman, Vol. IV., Chaps. III.~V. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, Vol. I., Chaps. IV.-VIII. Cutts, Augustine 'of Canterbury. $1.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. G. F. Maclear, The English. 2s. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London. A. J. Mason, The Mission of Si, Augustine. $1.25. Macmillan. CHAPTER II THE REACTION OF THE EMPIRE AGAINST THE GERMANS LITERATURE. — Bviry, Later Roman Empire. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan. Capes, University Life in A ncient A thens, $0.25. H arper. Gibbon, Roman Empire, Chaps. XL.-XLIV. Although there was more or less friendly intercourse be- The Ger- tween the various Germanic kingdoms and the court of l^™Hers'^^ Constantinople, the situation was far from pleasing to the emperor. The barbarians had invaded his territory ; they were unwelcome guests whom he must entertain because he did not have the power to drive them out. Of this weak- ness they took advantage, and ruled with such indepen- dence that their lands were practically cut off from the empire. Such a loss of territory was regarded as a great disgrace, which could be removed only by the reconquest of the lost provinces. In an absolute government every- thing depends on the ability of the monarch. The anarchy and violence of the fourth and fifth centuries were possible because of the weak emperors and the internal feuds and dissensions. The weak rulers of these centuries were fol- lowed by a succession of able men, chief of whom was Jus- tinian. In him the reaction against the Germans reached its highest point. Under Zeno (474-91), Anastasius I. (491-518), and Justin I. (518-27), the empire slowly gathered strength, and the way was prepared for the bril- liant activity of Justinian (527-65). The long period of helplessness and weakness was followed by a great revival of strength, in which the palmy days of the empire seemed 35 36 The Medicsval Period to return. The imperial arms were again victorious, and large parts of the lost territory were reconquered and again united to the empire. Justinian Justinian's claim to the title Great rests on his versatility 527-05. ^jj^ cleverness. His interests were of the widest range. He was interested in building and architecture, in law and theology, in commerce and manufactures, in war, diplomacy, and the aft of governing. He was able to select men of ability to fill the highest positions and to work for him ; he was inflexible in will and persisted with the greatest deter- mination in the policy which he had once adopted. His attention was called to the condition of the laws. They had never yet been collected and codified. There Codification were many inconsistencies and contradictions among them ; lar^"™^" consequently the administration of justice was difficult. Justinian appointed a commission, with Tribonian at its head, to collect, harmonize, and arrange the laws of the empire. This was done in such a way that all earlier col- lections were made useless, and hence, the most of them were soon destroyed. The laws themselves were gathered into one collection which has ever since been called the Codex of Justinian. Tribonian seems to have used the ut- most freedom in treating the text of the laws. Many changes were made in order to reduce them to harmony. Besides the laws, the- opinions, explanations, and decisions of famous judges and lawyers were collected. As in the practice of law to-day, much regard was had for precedent and decisions in similar cases, and these were brought to- gether from all quarters in a collection called the Pandects. For the use of the law-students, a treatise on the general principles of Roman law was prepared, which was called the Institutes. Justinian himself carefully kept the laws which he promulgated, and afterward published them under the title of" Novellffi." Reaction of the Empire against Germans 37 Immense sums of money were necessary to carry on the work which Justinian planned. The churches he built, the most famous of which is St. Sophia ; the walls and nu- merous forts with which he sought to protect the empire ; the fraud practised in the administration of the army and in the collection of the taxes ; Justinian's lavish personal Taxation. expenditures and the extravagance of the court, all so in- creased the taxes that the financial ruin of the people was only a question of time. Under Justinian Byzantine art took on its final form. A Byzantine fixed style of church architecture was developed, the prin- ^''*' cipal characteristics of which are the cupola and the round arch. The churches were decorated with mosaics and paintings. In painting, also, certain types were accepted and forms established which became orthodox, and from which the Church would suffer no variation. These types and forms therefore existed for centuries without any change. In fact they are still observed and practised in the religious art of Russia and Greece. Justinian regarded himself as the final authority in all Justinian ecclesiastical matters, both in doctrine and in polity. He church himself was orthodox, and believed that it was the duty of the state to destroy heresy. Heretics were persecuted and deprived of the rights of citizenship. He treated the bishops of Rome as his officials. When they displeased him, he ordered them to come to Constantinople, and, as it seemed best to him, he reprimanded, imprisoned, and even de- posed and exiled them. What may be called "home mission work ' ' was carried on by the clergy at the com- mand of Justinian. There were still large numbers of pagans in the empire. Nearly all the peasants were pagan, and even in Constantinople there were many heathen to be found. These were sought out and forced to accept Chris- tianity or suffer persecution. 38 The Mediaval Period The univer- sity at Athens. Factions in Constanti- nople. Discussion of theologi- cal ques- tions. The greatest university of the world was, in this period, at Athens. Its professors were wholly pagan. So great was its fame, however, that even the Christian youth were sent there to be educated. Some of the greatest of the Church fathers were trained in that university. In 529 Justinian closed the schools of Athens, and forbade heathen philosophers to teach. They were practically exiled. Many of them fled to Persia, where they hoped to find the fullest liberty. In this they were disappointed, and after enduring persecutions there, they returned to the west. The worst foes of the emperor were the people of Con- stantinople, who, because of their turbulence, kept him constantly in fear of a rebellion and rendered it impossible for him to give his undivided attention to the affairs of state. There were two great factions in the capital, each of which had its partisans throughout the empire. These factions were divided on all questions, both political and religious. Their most common place of meeting was the circus, where each party railed at the other and endeavored to win the favor and the patronage of the emperor. From the colors of the charioteers in the races the factions were known as the "Greens" and the "Blues." The Blues were orthodox and devoted to the house of Justinian, but the Greens were heterodox and secretly attached to the family of Anastasius. Probably religious differences were the cause of the deep- est hatred and at the bottom of all the trouble. During the long period while Christianity was fusing with the philosophy of the Greeks, and while the dogmas of the Church were being developed in accordance therewith (that is, during the first eight centuries, although the high- est activity was reached from the third to the sixth cen- tury), the Greek intellectual world was in a state of the greatest fermentation and discussion. Even the humblest Reaction of the Empire against Germans 39 would have his say about the highest questions, and the green-grocer, the barber, and the cobbler were more inter- ested in discussing metaphysical questions with their cus- tomers than in serving them.' The questions at issue were purely speculative, in regard to the person of Jesus and his relation to God. Arianism declared that Jesus was not God, and had not existed eternally but had been created. He occupied, however, a much higher place than man. Orthodoxy was content with no other form of statement The Ni- than one which would declare that Jesus was " the Son of o^l.^ 9*^?^ J*' -' ocnatt, 111., God, begotten of the Father, Light of Light, very God of 667 ff. very God, begotten, not made, being of one substance with the Father." Furthermore, if Jesus was God, how was he at the same time man ? What kind of body did he have ? Did he have two natures, the divine and the hu- man ? two wills : divine and human ? How were these united ? What was the relation between them ? These and similar questions were discussed, not only in the church councils, but at the court, in the streets, in the places of business, and, indeed, wherever people came to- gether. Their discussion and study absorbed the attention of the best talent of the day. Still worse, they were fused with politics, and every political question was at the same Theology time a religious one. It was inevitable that such a com- f."** P°''" ° tics bination should add to the mutual hatred, intrigue, and treachery. Though Justinian's ambition made it impossi- ble for him to submit tamely to the tyranny of these fac- tions, for some years he found no means of overcoming them, and was compelled to suffer many indignities at their hands. In 532, however, in consequence of a riot, Jus- tinian seized some of the leaders of both factions and or- ' Gibbon, chap, xxvii. , quotes from Jortin a paraphrase of a passage in Gregory of Nyssa's Sermon on the Divinity of the Son and of the Holy Soirit. Spirit. 40 The Medieval Period See Bury, Vol. I., pp. 333 ff- The fac- tions de- stroyed. The Emper- or's anti- German policy. Unsuccess- ful in his plans. dered them to be put to death. But two of them were res- cued by the people, and both parties, choosing Hypatius emperor, united and attacked Justinian. While Justinian was holding council with his advisers and planning to escape, Theodora his wife, broke in upon them and de- clared that, although a woman, she had a right to be heard since her interests were at stake. All must submit to death, but not to exile, dishonor, and the loss of the impe- rial dignity. She did not wish to live if she could not retain her rank as empress. If the emperor wished, he might flee, he had gold which he could take with him, the sea was at hand, and ships were ready. But she preferred to remain and die, since the imperial throne would be a glorious tomb. At her words, Justinian regained his cour- age and sent the imperial guard under Belisarius to attack the rioters, who had taken possession of the circus. The mob were taken off their guard ; BeUsarius put thousands to death, among them all the leaders. The power of the factions was thus broken. The city was now helpless in the emperor's hands, and he was consequently free to turn his attention to the larger policy on which he had already set his heart. This policy was to recover all the lost provinces and re- store the empire in all its extent. This necessitated the destruction of the German kingdoms, and Justinian turned his attention to the west. His conquest of the Vandals in Africa and of the East Goths in Italy has already been mentioned. He also attacked the West Goths in Spain (SSi), but was successful only in gaining a few places on the coast. By his intrigues, the German tribes north of the Danube, such as the Lombards, Gepid^, and Heruli, were kept at war with each other. But Justinian's anti- German policy was destined to fail because he was dis- tracted from it by the wars which he was compelled to Reaction of the Empire against Germans 41 wage with the Persians, the Slavs, the Avars, and the Bul- garians. Persia, under its great king, Chosroes I. (531- Persia. 79), was at the height of its power, and Justinian was not able to cope successfully with this hereditary foe. His victory over the East Goths was delayed more than once, because he was compelled to use all his forces in the east ; but in spite of his exertions he was defeated by the Per- sians, compelled to pay tribute, and to surrender some of his territory in the east. The Slavs also interfered with The Slavs. Justinian's plans. As the Germans deserted the territory south of the Baltic, the Slavs followed them and took pos- session of all the land as far west as the Elbe. They fol- lowed hard upon the heels of the withdrawing Bavarians, occupying Bohemia, Moravia, and many parts of modern Austria. More than once they crossed the Danube, rav- aged the provinces, and even threatened Constantinople. They pressed into the Balkan peninsula and made settle- ments, which have grown into the modern Bosnia, Dal- matia, Servia, and other Slavic principalities, now subject either to Turkey or Austria. A little later they colonized Greece. The Peloponnesus was so completely occupied by them that it came to be called Slavonia. The Bulgarians were originally a Ural-Altaic people, TheBulgar- but they came into Europe, settled among some Slavic '^"^* tribes, and were absorbed by them. Nothing was left but their name, which came to be applied to the Slavs with whom they had fused. They lost their language, customs, and nationality, and became thoroughly Slavic. Year after year this mixed people invaded the empire and de- vastated many of its fairest districts. It was not till about 680 that they settled in the territory which they now oc- cupy. In 558 the Avars (the Cotrigur Huns) invaded the em- The Avars, pire from the east. After doing much damage they finally 42 The Medieval Period established, on the middle Danube, the kingdom of the Avars, which later was destroyed by Karl the Great. Luckily at the very time of Justinian's opposition to the Germans, the Germanic element in the empire was strength- New Ger- ened by the formation of the great tribe of the Bavarians, man tribes, jj^g settlement of the Lombards in Italy, and the growth of the Franks (which latter will be described in the succeed- ing chapter). Some German tribes known as the Marcomanni had at one time occupied Bohemia (Bajahemum), from which they received the name Bavarians (Bajavarii, men of Bohemia), Shortly after 487 they left Bohemia and took possession of the territory which now bears their name and from which they Were never afterward removed. After various wanderings, the Lombards had settled in Pannonia. They had become allies of the empire, and, at the instigation of Justinian, had made war on the Heruli, and then on the Gepidse. Justinian had feared them, but did not live to see their invasion. After his successful completion of the war with the East Goths, Narses had been made exarch of Italy, with his residence at Ravenna. To avenge his ill-treatment at the hands of Justin II., the The Lom- successor of Justinian, he is said to have invited the Lom- \tl\y, "* bards to invade Italy, promising not to interfere with them. 568-774. They came under their king Alboin (568), bringing frag- ments of other tribes with them. They occupied northern Italy, and Pavia became their capital. They then moved to the south, and, after overrunning a large part of Italy, es- tablished the duchies of Benevento and Spoleto. Alboin was soon murdered, and a leader named Cleph was made king. Cleph ruled less than a year, meeting with the same fate as his predecessor. For about ten years the Lombards, broken up into bands and groups, each under a duke or herzog, existed without a king. The idea of kingship was Reaction of the Empire against Germans 43 not yet thoroughly developed among them, and they felt that a king was not necessary to their existence. They con- sequently reverted to the forms of government which they had had before entering the empire. It is said that there were thirty-five such dukes reigning among them at one time. They were surrounded by enemies, and their divided condition was a cause of great weakness. About 580 they became convinced that they needed a king and elected Authari ; but the dukes had already become too powerful and Authari was never completely master. Th6 duchies of Benevento and Spoleto were only nominally subject to him. The territory thus wrested from the empire was firmly held, but the Lombards could not conquer all Italy. Ravenna, the extreme southern part, and the duchy of Rome still re- mained in the hands of the emperor. Unlike all the other Germans, many of the Lombards settled in the cities and towns. Their urban residence undoubtedly had much to do with the early development of the Italian cities, the mediseval grandeur of which was due, in part at least, to the German blood of their citizens. SPECIAL TOPICS The Justinian Code. Adams, Civilization During the Middle Ages, pp. 31- 37- $2.50. Scribner. Milman, Bk. III., Chap. V. Gibhon^ Roman Empire, Chap. XLIV. The Lombards. Bury, The Later Roman Empire, II., pp. 145-158 and 499- 509. $6.00. Macmillan. Oman, £»r0/f, 476-91S. Chaps, XI., XVI., and XX. $1.75. Macmillan. CHAPTER III Consolida- tion of the Franks by Chlodiwig. 486 A.D. Conquest of the Alaman- ni, 496. THE FRANKS, 481-814 LITERATURE.— Henderson, History 0/ Germany in the Middle Ages. $2.60. Macmillan. yL\1.z\im, History 0/ France, Vo\.\. 3 Vols. $2.60 each. Clarendon. Menzel, History 0/ Germany, Vol. I. 3 Vols. $1.00 per vol. Mac- millan. l^avfis. History o/'Germany, $1.50. Harper. Bryce, Holy Raman Empire. $1.00. Macmillan. Church, The Beginnings 0/ the Middle Ages. $1.00. Scribner. Emer- ton. Introduction to Study o/the Middle Ages. $1.25. Ginn. Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Ages. $2.00. Scribner. Guizot, The History of Civilization. $1.50. Appleton. Yioi.z''-\'a, Charles the Great. $0.75. Macmillan. Cutts, Charlemagne. 2s. 6s. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Mombert, Charles the Great. $5.00. Appleton. Wells, Age of Charlemagne. $2.00. Scribner. Y\&\i&x,MedieEval Empire. 2 Vols. $7.00. Macmillan. In 481 Chlodwig became king of a small tribe of Salian Franks. By force or fraud he overcame, one after an- other, all the petty kings about him, and slowly gathered the many Frankish tribes under his sceptre. His first im- portant victory was gained over Syagrius, a Roman official, who was then governing a large district between the Loire and the Seine. Chlodwig took possession of the territory thus conquered and so extended his power to the Loire (486). In 496 he conquered the Alamanni, and in con- sequence of his victory accepted the orthodox form of Christianity and was baptized with a large number of his people. The bishop of Rheims, who performed the rite, addressed him as a second Constantine, and told him it was his duty to protect, defend, and extend the Church. 44 The Franks 45 This conversion of Chlodwig and the Franks to the or- thodox faith was the foundation and beginning of the famous alliance between the bishops of Rome and the Frankish kings, which, with interruptions, lasted for cen- turies, and profoundly modified the course of events. Chlodwig continued his conquests by depriving the The Frank- West Goths of nearly all their territory north of the Pyre- dlvided^^"™ nees. When he died, in 511, he divided his kingdom among his four sons, who, in spite of frequent civil wars, Frankish were able to extend their boundaries. In 531 Thuringia conquests, was acquired; in 534 Burgundy was added to their pos- sessions; and in 555 Bavaria was reduced to subjection. All this territory was united under Chlothar (558-61), only to be again divided among his four sons at his death ; but neither was this division permanent. The Franks in the west were slowly yielding to Roman influences, and were becoming separated from the Franks in the east, who still remained more thoroughly German and warlike. The fact that the two districts were under different kings, who were for many years hostile to each other, helped increase and perpetuate the differences between them, so that they received different names and were regarded as different kingdoms. The eastern part was called Austrasia, and the Austrasia western Neustria. During the last half of the sixth century ^.j-j^^ these two kingdoms were disturbed by civil wars, the lead- ing spirits in which were the rival queens Fredegonda and Brunhilda. Since the days of Chlodwig an important office had been developed at the court of the Frankish kings. As the king grew in power and importance, his household increased accordingly. Over this household he placed a chief ser- vant, called major domus, or mayor of the palace, who was responsible for its management. This office, at first servile. The major soon took on a political character. The major domus al- "°""^s- 46 The Medieval Period •ways had the ear of the king ; all access to the king was through him ; his influence therefore became great. Grad- ually he became the king's intimate adviser, and the orig- inal character of his office disappeared. It must be noted, The nobility too, that there was a major domus in each kingdom. The trorof the*"' ^°^^^ ^^^^Y ^^'^^'^ *° control the appointment of the major office. domus, unsuccessfully, however, till a mere child succeeded to the throne of Austrasia, when the nobles got possession of the boy and appointed one of their own number major domus and regent. Since the king was a child, the major domus had every opportunity to increase his own power, and the king was never again his own master. Dagobert. Dagobert, who was king over all the Franks (628-38), was the last to enjoy any great amount of independent au- thority. After him there came the "do-nothing kings," who had no share in the government and were kept only as figure-heads. The major domus exercised royal authority without having the royal name. At the death of Dagobert the office of major domus in Austrasia became hereditary in the family of Pippin the Elder. This Pippin was the lord of two estates, known as Landen and Heristhal. Arnulf, Union of the bishop of Metz, was married, as were many of the clergy P^pi "and °^ *^' ^^Y' ^^^ ^'^ ^°" Ansegisil married the daughter of Arnulf. Pippin. From this union sprang the line known (from their most splendid representative, Karl the Great) as the Karlings. Pippin passed his office of major domus on to his son Grimoald, who lost his life in an attempt to usurp the title of king for his son. The people were still too much attached to their royal house, and the nobles were too jealous of Grimoald, to permit this change. He^r?ithl^l ^'PP^° *^ Younger, or Pippin of Heristhal, as he is majordomus called, seized the office of major domus and practically (687-714). ruled Austrasia. After a long war he made himself master of Neustria also (687-714), thus ruUng over the whole The Franks 47 Frankland. He began a policy which was to be followed by his successors and to bear its legitimate fruit in the kingdom of Karl the Great. He strove to consolidate his vast territories ; to bring them under one central govern- ment ; to render this government as nearly absolute as possible, and to make the people of his kingdom homo- geneous. His son, Karl Martel, who succeeded him (714— Karl Martel 41), continued this work. His reign was full of wars, '•''4"4Ia because, whenever an opportunity was given, some part of the kingdom revolted. One after another, the Frisians, the Neustrians, the Thuringians, the Bavarians, the Ala- manni, and the people of Aquitaine rebelled, only to be put down by arms. The Mohammedans invaded Frank- land from Spain (720), but Karl Martel met them at The battle Tours and broke their powers so completely (732) that %o2)^^^ they were never able to establish themselves north of the Pyrenees. Before Karl Martel died he divided the power between his two sons, Karlman and Pippin. The brothers ruled together harmoniously till Karlman resigned and went into a monastery, leaving Pippin sole major domus. Deeming that the time was now ripe. Pippin laid his plans for ob- Pippin be- taining the royal title. He sent an embassy to Rome to f,?^?^ ^°^ ask pope Zacharias who should be king : the one who had the title without the power, or the one who had the power without the title. The pope, who was looking abroad for an ally, replied that it seemed to him that the one who had the power should also be king ; and acting on this. Pippin called an assembly of his nobles at Soissons (751), deposed the last phantom king of the Merovingian line, and was himself elected, and anointed king. Pippin's invasions of Lombardy and his service to the Karl the oppressed papacy will be described later. Before his death ^l^?' ^' (768) he divided his kingdom between his two sons, Karl- 48 The Mediceval Period Karl con- quers the Lombards. The Saxon wars. Karl's other conquests. man and Karl — bitter enemies — and civil war was averted only by the death of Kariman (771). The quarrel between the pope and the Lombards broke out again, and as Karl had a private grudge against the latter, he was easily persuaded to interfere on behalf of the pope. He invaded Lombardy, conquered its king, Desi- derius, and made himself king of the Lombards. He then renewed the gift of his father. Pippin, to the pope. The conquest of the Lombards was of great importance because it brought Karl into close relations with Italy and the papacy. Equally important for other reasons was the subjugation' of the Saxons. For more than thirty years (772-804) Karl was engaged in fighting them. Year after year he overran their territory and received their submission and their promise to accept Christianity; but as soon as he with- drew his army they would revolt, destroy the churches, slay the Christian priests, and revert to heathenism. But Karl eventually wore them out and they submitted to his rule. He divided the land into bishoprics and established bishops at Minden, Paderborn, Verden, Bremen, Osna- brueck, and Halberstadt. These places quickly grew into towns and became centres of life and civilization, and roads were built to connect them, to facilitate travel and trade. Karl's reign was one long campaign. Revolts in Bavaria called him into that duchy, and in 787 he removed its duke and placed it under counts of his own appointment. It required several campaigns to destroy the kingdom of the Avars on the middle Danube. The Slavs bfetween the Elbe and the Oder were subjugated by Karl, and Bohemia was compelled to pay him tribute. Toward the end of his reign the Norsemen troubled the northern frontier. The Mohammedans in Spain Karl drove beyond the Ebro, and The Franks 49 his fleets contended with the naval forces of the Mohamme- dans on the Mediterranean Sea for the possession of Sardinia, Corsica, and other islands. In the south of Italy his troops even came into conflict with the army of the Greek emperor, but there was little fighting between them. Fortunate in all his wars, Karl succeeded in extending his boundaries in all directions. It was this series of splendid conquests which laid the foundations for the renewal of the empire and the imperial title in the west. The west, as we have seen, had for a long time been The idea of practically separated from the empire. Yet the idea still pj^"*^'^ ^""^ prevailed that there must be an empire ; that it was neces- sary to the existing order of things ; that without an em- pire the world could not stand, and that, in fact, the west was still a part of the empire. The Church had striven to become universal, and by insisting on ecclesiastical unity had helped keep alive the idea of political unity. The bishops of Rome had recognized the emperor at Constan- tinople as their lord ; but during the eighth century a quar- rel had arisen and the popes had thrown off their allegiance and were looking for a protector elsewhere. The great power of the Frankish kingdom and its close alliance with the bishops of Rome were the conditions without which the revival of the empire in the west would have been im- possible. There was in Rome a party which was laboring for The republi- the independence of Rome and the revival of her ancient ^"^e**^ ^ '" power. They were beginning to dream the dreams which troubled the Middle Age so much, dreams about restoring the Rome of the ancient republic, and making her once more the head of the world. In their way, however, was the pope, who was trying to govern Rome in a more or less autocratic manner. In 798 this party organized a re- volt, maltreated Leo III., preferred charges of perjury and 50 The MedicBval Period adultery against him, and drove him from Rome. He fled to Karl the Great and begged to be restored. Karl sent him back to Rome under the protection of his officials, and himself followed later. After Leo took an oath that he was innocent of the crimes with which he was charged Karl reinstated him in his office. Then, on Christmas day, 800, while Karl was kneeling in the church of St. Peter at Rome, the pope, without a word of warning, Coronation placed the imperial crown on his head and did him rev- (800). erence ; and all the people present shouted and hailed him emperor. Karl was taken by surprise. He was indeed striving to obtain the crown, but he wished to get it in a legitimate way, either by marrying Irene, empress in the east, or by getting her to recognize him as her colleague and emperor in the west. He was, in fact, turning both plans over in his mind when his coronation by the pope forestalled him and cut across his plans and, worst of all, made him in his own eyes a usurper. He knew that the pope had no legal right to give him the crown. It was an act of open rebellion against the emperor at Constantino- Grounds for pie, although one for which the pope thought he had good the revolt. j en ■ , , ° and sufficient grounds. The emperors had for many yeais not done their duty to the western Church and especially to the popes. By force of circumstances the emperor was limited in his activities almost wholly to the east, while the pope's interests and authority were limited to the west. Whenever the emperor had interfered in the west, it had generally been to the disadvantage of the pope ; small won- der, then, that he was ready to revolt and transfer his alle- giance to another. Added to this was the fact that the east was smirched with the heresy of hostility to the use of images. The west was shocked, too, that for the first time in its history the throne was held by a woman ; and not only was the sovereign a woman, she was also guilty of The Franks 51 inhuman cruelty, for she had deposed, imprisoned, and blinded her son, Constantine VI. This action of the pope also fell in with the prevailing desire of the people of Rome to restore their city to the place of honor which she had once had, but which was now held by Constanti- nople. There were good reasons why Karl should be elevated to this high position. By conquest he had built up an em- pire which included all the west of Europe ; he had in cer- tain directions even extended the boundary of the empire, and had everywhere established, protected, and promoted the Church, and preserved order and peace ; he was, there- fore, the only possible candidate the west had to offer. Karl the The pope had also a selfish motive. His position in Rome 5"^ inlhe was no longer sure. The republican party in the city had west, driven him out once, and would do so again if the oppor- tunity were offered. The pope knew that he could hold his place in Rome only with the aid of Karl. By being crowned emperor, Karl was made responsible for the pres- ervation of peace and order in Rome. The pope could therefore hope for Karl's support and protection, since the emperor would not tolerate the independence of Rome nor allow the principal bishop in the west to be driven from his place. Kail's surprise and displeasure were great, but he did not refuse the crown. He assumed the title, but at the same time began negotiations with Constantinople, looking tow- ard the confirmation of his newly acquired honor. But the emperors in the east were for a long time inexorable ; they refused him all recognition and heaped insults upon him. Karl, however, preserved a conciliatory attitude, y-. °°" and finally obtained what he so earnestly desired. In 812 recognition he was greeted as " Imperator " and " Basileus " by the of 'he east- ambassadors of the eastern court. The defect in his title (812). 52 The Mediceval Period Three theo- ries. Effects of the restora- tion. was thereby removed, and Karl troubled himself no fur- ther about Constantinople. The coronation of Karl was, as has been said, a rebel- lious, and therefore an illegal, act. Although Karl contin- ued to recognize the existence of the emperors at Con- stantinople, the people in the west believed that they were deposing the eastern line and restoring the supremacy of the west. In their lists of emperors the name of Karl directly follows that of Constantine VI. It was, and they meant that it should be, a revolt. At the time there was no attempt made to give a legal explanation of it or to make any theory about it; but later three legal theories were advanced by different parties, each of which wished to make capital out of the event. The imperial party declared that Karl had won the crown by his conquests, and was indebted to no one for it but himself. This the- ory was based on truth, for Karl had conquered great ter- ritories, and but for this would not have been even thought of for emperor. The papal party said that the pope, by virtue of his power as successor of the Apostle Peter, had deposed the emperor at Constantinople and conferred the crown on Karl. This was based on the fact that the pope actually crowned Karl ; but at that time no one supposed for a moment that the pope was crowning him by virtue of any such power. Such an interpretation was not thought of till long after. The people of Rome also ad- vanced a theory to the effect that they had elected Karl, and that they had revived their ancient right of electing the emperor. This theory had in its favor little more than the fact that the people had sanctioned the action of their leader by their shouts and acclamations. Such was the famous restoration of the empire in the west, a most important act, because of the great influence it had on the later history. It bound Italy and Germany The Franks 53 together in a union which, while it had its compensations, was, on the whole, ruinous to both, at least politically. In consequence of this coronation of Karl, for seven hun- dred years the German emperors were unable to free them- selves from the idea that they must rule Italy, and they continually wasted their strength in useless campaigns in Italy, instead of extending Germany to the east, the only direction in which there was possibility of success. They wore themselves out in Italy, but were never able to unite Germany. The best days of her best emperors were spent on Italian soil, and the political unification of Germany was made impossible until our own times. The coronation of Karl greatly increased his prestige, and, indirectly, his power. "Emperor" was far more than " king," and brought with it many more duties and obligations. Karl regarded himself as much exalted by Karl's con- the new office. The emperor was supposed to hold his his office office directly from God, to whom alone he was responsi- ble for everything he did. This is apparent from some of Karl's measures for governing. Shortly after his corona- tion he compelled all his subjects to take a special oath to himself as emperor, the peculiarity of which was that all were required to swear that they would live not only as good citizens, but also as good Christians. The emperor assumed responsibility for the Christian living of his sub- jects. For carrying on the government of his vast territory Karl's gov- Karl had to invent new forms and adapt old ones. He held " mayfields " according to the old German custom, but it was impossible for all his subjects to attend them. Large numbers of them came, however, especially because the campaigns were planned in these meetings, and it was expected that the armies would proceed at once to the war. He divided his territory into counties and placed over each ernment. 54 The Medieval Period Dukes dis- appear. Missi inici. Counts. a. count (Graf). In the west the cities with the surround- ing country formed these counties ; in the east they were formed by the old tribal boundaries, while on the frontiers new districts were organized (marches or Markgrafschafteri) and placed under border counts. The counts were held responsible for the administration of the government in their counties. The dukes and duchies of Aquitaine, Alamannia, Sax- ony, and Bavaria disappeared, because they were too strong a menace to the unity of the empire. Only the dukes of Benevento, Brittany, and Gascony remained, and they were simply Karl's officers and not independent. In order to put a check on all the officers of his realm, and to control them, Karl sent out special commissioners, Dom- called " Missi Domintd," or royal messengers, whose duty it was to oversee all that was done by the local officers. They were to inquire into the conduct of all officials, and of the clergy as well. Appeals were made to them, and any misconduct on the part of any officer was reported to them. They were generally sent out in twos, one of them being a clergyman. They looked after the condition of the army, the collection of the taxes, the state of the churches and schools, the morals of the clergy, and the administration of justice as well as of things in general. In this way Karl was kept fully conversant with the affairs of both Church and state throughout his kingdom. The clergy were also regarded as officers of the state, and they had certain civil duties. They and the counts were sup- posed to work together in harmony, and mutually to assist each other ; but there were at bottom the same unsettled relations between the clergy and the counts as between the emperor and the pope ; the authority, rights, and duties of each were not clearly defined. Karl himself by his own personal efforts gave unity to the The Franks 55 government and did much of the actual work of governing. Karl's per- He was busy moving from one part of the realm to another, 1™™=??^" fighting, administering justice, conducting trials, settling difficulties, and, in general, keeping the machinery of gov- ernment in motion. His military system did not differ from that of his prede- His military cessors. At his summons all his free subjects were supposed ^y^'^""- to come prepared to begin a campaign. But the frequency of his wars and their great distance from home made them very burdensome, and many began to try to escape military service. A compromise was effected by which a certain number of men were allowed to equip one man and send him as their representative. Karl also built a fleet to guard the coast, and especially the mouths of rivers, which latter he often fortified. As a lawgiver he was also active, although there is little Karl as law- that is remarkable in his legislation. He tried to preserve E'^^''' the old German laws and customs, which he caused to be reduced to writing. His own laws are a curious mixture of German, Roman, and biblical elements. Since his em- pire was Christian, the Bible was the very highest author- ity, and all laws were to be in harmony with it. It did indeed color much of his legislation. As a builder Karl achieved a great reputation. He built As builder. many churches, the principal one of which was the church of St. Mary at Aachen. He built a great palace for him- self at Aachen, another at Ingelheim, near Mainz, and an- other at Nijmegen. He also built a bridge over the Rhine at Mainz, but it was destroyed by fire before his death. His architects were mostly Italians. Many pillars and other building materials were brought from Italy at incred- ible expense and labor. The style of his architecture was undoubtedly a derived Byzantine, for the buildings of Ra- venna were his models. 56 The Mediceval Period His attitude toward learning. Karl's in- terest in his schools. Monk of St. Gall, The Deeds of Karl the Great, I., 3. Probably the most remarkable of all Karl's activities was his educational work. He drew to his court some of the most learned men of his day, among them Alcuin, Paulus Diaconus, and Peter of Pisa. He formed his court into a palace school {scola palatina), ajl the members of which assumed either classical or biblical names. Karl called himself David. The sessions of this school were held mostly in the winter, because in the summer Karl was en- gaged in his wars. His learned men gave lectures, and there were many discussions of the subjects broached. The clergy of the empire were, on the whole, very ignorant, many of them too ignorant to preach, and Karl caused a volume of sermons to be prepared for their use. He estab- lished cathedral schools, the most prominent of which were at Rheims and Orleans, and monastery schools, such as those of St. Gall, Tours, Reichenau, Fulda, Hersfefd, and Corvey. These were especially for the education of the clergy, but they were open to laymen as well. In fact, Karl had thoughts of a state system of public instruction. He established two schools of music, one at Metz, the other at Soissons, and asked the pope to send him priests who could give instruction in the style of singing practised in Italy. Among the many stories about Karl, which the monk of St. Gall collected, is one that shows the interest which Karl took in the work of the schools. Returning to Aachen after a long absence, Karl ordered all the scholars to show him the results of their studies. The sons of the high no- bility were unable to produce any proofs of their industry, while those of common birth laid before him many of their compositions in the form of letters, poems, and other docu- ments, all well composed according to the models then in vogue. Karl thundered out his displeasure at the idle ones, rebuking them for their trust in their high birth, and for The Franks 57 spending their time in sports and in idleness. He warned them that if they continued in this course they need never expect any gifts or preferment from him. The others he commended for their industry and obedience, and urged them to labor to perfect their education, promising to hold all such in high honor and to reward them with good bish- oprics and abbeys. This manifold activity amounted to a real revival of learn- Effects of this ** Re ing, which bore fruit in the ninth century in the great dis- ^j^° j (,f putations about foreordination and transubstantiation, as Learning." well as in the literature of that period. The great emphasis placed on classical Latin had some very important effects. In the first place, it purified the Latin of the Church, but at the same time widened the chasm between the spoken and the written Latin. The spoken Latin had now become a dialect, very different from the written language. This vulgar speech was the beginning of the French language, and its development and use as a literary language were hastened by the revival of classical Latin. The interest in the classics led to the multiplication of manuscripts and the preservation of the works of Latin authors which would otherwise have perished, and it also determined that the Latin should be the language of education during the Mid- dle Age. Karl also loved his own tongue, the German. He caused Karl a Ger- a grammar of it to be made, attempting thus to make of it '"*"• a literary language by reducing it to regular forms. He made a collection of the German songs and legends which were probably the earliest forms of some of the stories in the " Nibelungen Lied," but his son Ludwig, to our great loss, had this destroyed because of its heathenism. The attitude of Karl to the Church has already been Karl and the shown. He regarded it as his special duty to defend the Church. Church and to extend it by converting the heathen. The 58 The Medieval Period motive of many of his wars was quite as much religious as political. He took care that the conquered lands should be supplied with churches and clergy. He regarded him- self as the master of the Church by virtue of the office which he held. He controlled the election of bishops and arch- bishops, and sometimes even appointed them. The organ- ization of the Church, begun in a systematic way by Boni- face, was completed by him. He exercised the right of calling ecclesiastical councils, presided over them, and signed the decrees, which would otherwise have been in- valid. Under him the Church had no independent power of legislation. The clergy, as well as the laymen, were subject to the laws of the empire. Karl was the first to make the payment of tithes obligatory. During the first seven centuries of the Church, the tithe was practically un- known, being at that time only the traditional and custo- mary rent paid for the use of lands. Karl tried to make this payment binding on the lands which he conquered, especially on the Saxons. This tenth, being paid for the support of the Church, brought about a change in the con- ception of tithing. It was then identified with the tithe of the Old Testament, and in time made compulsory through- out all Christian countries. But Karl's authority over the Church extended still further. He claimed the right to determine the poKty, ritual, and even the doctrines of the Church. In 787 the empress Irene called a council to meet at Nicsa which should settle the question of the use of images in the churches. This council, under the protection of Irene, de- clared in favor of their use and sent its decrees or decisions th"p^"» '° P°P^ Hadrian (772-95)- Hadrian, however, who had all the time favored the use of images, was pleased with the decisions, sanctioned them, and sent them to Karl asking that they be published. But Karl was of a different opinion, the Pope. The Franks 59 and calling a council of his bishops, in 794, caused the ac- tion of the council at Niceea to be refuted. The refuta- tion (the Libri Carolini) was sent to pope Hadrian with a reprimand, and a command that in the future he should wait in all such matters until Karl had given his consent. In another letter he reminded the pope that it was his special duty to pray, and not to interfere in the affairs of state, which belonged to the emperor alone. Karl un- doubtedly was, and was regarded, as the highest authority in the west ; distinctly superior to the pope in all political matters, and practically so in ecclesiastical affairs. There was no legal determination of the mutual relations and pow- ers of the emperor and the pope, for the theoretical ques- tion was not yet broached. Both emperor and pope made claims which were mutually opposed and conflicting, but there was no theoretical treatment of the question of their respective rights and authorities. The pope claimed to be the successor of St. Peter, the bishop of the whole Church, and therefore he must have authority over the whole Church ; but Karl was the Christian emperor, the ruler of the world with absolute authority. The adjustment of these claims was not to be reached till after centuries of struggle for supremacy. In Karl is found that peculiar fusion of German, Roman, and biblical elements which characterizes the Middle Age. In his dress, speech, manners, and sympathies he was a German, but judging him by his notions and practice of government he was a Roman, largely affected by biblical conceptions and ideas. He was a Roman emperor who attempted to establish a theocracy. He was absolute mas- ter of the west, and his reputation was so great that his friendship was sought even by the great khalif, Haroun-ar- Raschid, of Bagdad, who wished to see his rebellious Sara- cen subjects of Spain punished. oo The MedicBval Period Einhard's His counsellor and private secretary, Einhard, has left Biography. ^ ^ j^^^j^ pj^ture of Karl. Without doubt he was one of the greatest men of all time. No one has ever more thor- oughly taken hold of the imagination of the people. For centuries after his death the popular imagination was busy with his name and deeds, and the impression which he made on the world found expression in a vast cycle of le- gends, all of which were confidently believed during the Middle Age. He died January 28, 814, at Aachen, from pleurisy, and was buried the same day in the great church which he had built. "A gilded arch was erected above his tomb, with his image and an inscription. The words of the inscription were as follows : ' In this tomb, lies the body pi Karl the Great and Orthodox Emperor, who gloriously extended the kingdom of the Franks and reigned prosperously for forty- seven years. He died at the age of seventy, in the year 01 our Lord 814, the seventh indiction, on the 28th day of January. ' " ' SPECIAL TOPICS I. Alcuin AND Education. MuUing&r, T!ie Schools of Charles the Great, ^s., 6d. Longmans. West, Alcuin. $i.oo. Scribner. a. Karl THE Great. Hodgkin, Mombert, Cutts, Einhard, Zj* ^^ar/cies. by unifying the government, and repressing all violence and oppression. As emperor, his one ideal was to restore the ancient Roman empire. The great Roman emperors were his models. In the eleventh century there had be- gun a revival in the study of Roman law, and Frederick now pressed it into his service. He surrounded himself with men who were versed in the codex of Justinian, and from these he received the imperial ideas which he tried to realize in his empire. These lawyers were impressed with the spirit of absolutism in the Roman laws, and chose such maxims to lay before Frederick as would increase his feel- ing of sovereignty. They told him that the will of the prince was law, and that the emperor was absolute sover- eign of the world. The absolutism of Frederick was not the outcome of a lust for personal power, but the logical product of his conception of his office. In 1 154 Frederick crossed the Alps into Lombardy, and pitched his camp on the famous Roncaglian plain. A diet was announced, and the cities of Lombardy were ordered 146 The Medieval Period to send their consuls to meet him. Most of the cities did so, but Milan and some of her allies refused to obey. There, was at that time a struggle going on between the smaller cities and Milan, who had been acting very tyran- nically. Pavia appealed to Frederick against Milan and Tortona; and when Tortona disregarded his commands, he besieged and destroyed it. Milan itself was, for the time being, spared, since Frederick's attention was called to Rome. The people of Rome had not forgotten that their city had once been the mistress of the world. They were rest- less under all control, whether imperial or papal. They longed for the ancient power and independence of the city, and had dreams of restoring her to her former proud posi- tion. This was the cause of their frequent opposition to the popes. The papal supremacy was incompatible with their political ideas and aspirations. In 1143 the com- mon people and the inferior nobility revolted, drove out the pope, and restored what was considered the ancient government of the city. Arnold of Two years later the priest Arnold of Brescia came to Rome, and soon became the most influential person in the city. He had been in France and having heard the theories of the great heretic Abelard, had adopted them, and wished to put them into practice. The revolution in Rome (11 43) seemed to offer him the coveted ojpportunity, so filled with burning zeal he hastened thither. His pro- gramme was somewhat extensive. His sympathies were with the common people as against the nobility. He was filled with the idea which had cropped out at various times in the Church, and was soon to become a central reforming principle of St. Francis, i.e., the sinfulness of property. He declared that the land should not be held by the rich, but should be common property. Everyone had the right Brescia. struggle between Papacy and Empire 147 to the use of a certain amount of land. Since individual possession is sinful, the Church, of course, should be with- out property. But he went a step farther, and declared that the individual also should live in poverty. He at- tacked the clergy for their crimes and worldliness. It was to him a mark of the deepest corruption of the clergy that they had so great a share in the administration of civil affairs. " Clergymen with property, bishops with regalia, and monks with possessions could not be saved." The Church needed a thorough reform, and the beginning should be made with the pope. Arnold demanded that the Church give up all her possessions and live in pover- ty, which, he said, was the law of Christ. Fired by his preaching the mob began to sack the monasteries. If it was wrong for the clergy to have property, they ought to be deprived of it at once ! In 1154 Nicholas Breakspeare, the only Englishman Hadrian who has ever occupied the chair of St. Peter, was elected '^•> "S4-S9' pope and took the name of Hadrian IV. He boldly took up the struggle with the republican party in the city. He got possession of the Vatican quarter, and intrenched him- self there. He put the city under the interdict, and re- moved it only when Arnold was exiled. By losing Ar- nold, the city lost its best leader. It was at this juncture that Frederick Barbarossa came into Italy. The pope went to meet him, made charges against Arnold, and demanded his death. The republican party also sent an embassy to Frederick to tell him that the people of Rome were the source of the imperial power Frederick I. and were willing to make him emperor if he would take '" Rome, an oath to respect the rights of the city and her officials, and pay them a large sum of money. Frederick was en- raged at their insolence, and told them that Karl the Great and Otto I. had acquired the imperial title by conquest ; 148 The MedicEval Period Rome's power was a thing of the past ; her glory and au- thority had passed to the Germans ; it was not for a con- quered people to dictate terms to their master. Hadrian IV., however, was willing to make better terms with Frederick. He agreed to crown him emperor on condi- tion that Frederick restore him to his place in Rome and deliver Arnold into his power. Frederick was thereupon crowned, and the city was reduced to subjection. Arnold having been taken prisoner, was at the command of Ha- drian, burned at the stake rs a heretic. The relations between Frederick and Hadrian had not been altogether satisfactory. At their first meeting Fred- erick had refused to hold the stirrup of the pope because, as he said, it was not the custom for the king to do so. Hadrian was enraged at this, and would not give Frederick the kiss of peace. The quarrel was finally patched up, but only temporarily. The claims of pope and emperor were so conflicting that there could be no lasting peace between them. The Besan- The Besanq:on episode showed the temper of the two 9on episode, pj^,.(.jgg ^^^ indicated the speedy outburst of the storm. Archbishop Eskil of Lund had been in Rome, and while on his return homeward through Burgundy was seized, robbed, beaten, and imprisoned. Although Frederick was informed of this, he made no attempt to set him free or to punish those who had committed the outrage. One reason for this indifference on Frederick's part was to be found in the fact that Frederick was angry at Eskil because he was supporting the ambition of the Scandinavian Church to become independent — an ambition at the bottom of whi'ch was, of course, national feeling. For, up to this time, the Church of Scandinavia had been subject to the archbishop of Hamburg, being regarded as a part, of his diocese. Through this ecclesiastical influence, Frederick hoped to Struggle between- Papacy and Empire 149 gain political authority in Scandinavia, and so enlarge his empire. Eskil being thus in the way of Frederick's am- bitious plans could not count on his protection. Freder- ick also wished to show his displeasure with the treaty which had just been made between the pope and William of Sicily, in which the emperor's rights had been entirely disregarded. While Frederick was at Besan9on (October 24-28, 1 1 57) two legates appeared from the pope bearing a letter in which the emperor was roundly rebuked for his neglect to set Eskil free and punish his captors. When they first presented themselves before Frederick they de- livered the greetings of the pope and the cardinals, adding that the pope greeted him as a father, the cardinals, as brothers. This form of salutation was regarded as strange, but was not resented by Frederick. On the following day they were formally received by the emperor, and laid before him Hadrian's letter. After rebuking Frederick for his indifference, the pope confesses that he does not know the cause of it. Hadrian feels that he has not of- fended in any respect against Frederick ; on the contrary, he has always treated him as a dear son. Frederick should recall how, two years before, his mother, the Holy Roman Church, had received him and had treated him with the greatest affection, and, by gladly conferring upon him the imperial crown, had given him the highest dignity and honor. "Nor are we sorry," he continued, "that we fulfilled your desires in all things ; but even if your Excel- lence had received greater fiefs {beneficid) from our hands, if that were possible, in consideration of the great services which you may render to the Church and to us, we should still have good grounds for rejoicing." The reading of the letter produced the wildest sort of scene. Never be- fore had the empire been thus openly called a fief of the papacy. The princes about Frederick angrily remonstrat- ISO The MedicBval Period The emperor's manifesto. Hadrian's explana- tion. ed with the legates for making such claims. To this one of them replied by asking, "From whom then did the emperor receive the empire, if not from the pope ? ' ' The question almost cost him his life, for the hot-blooded Otto von Wittelsbach rushed upon him and would have slain him but for the interference of the emperor. The legates were ordered to return at once to Italy, and were not per- mitted to proceed farther on the business of the pope. Whether Hadrian meant that beneficitim should be un- derstood as fief or not, is really of small consequence. The important thing was that he plainly treated the imperial crown as if it were something entirely within his power to give or to withhold. This was little less offensive to Freder- ick than the word fief, because it was his belief that the imperial crown was attached to the German crown. The king of Germany had a right to the imperial crown ; the pope merely had the right to crown him. Frederick then published a manifesto to his people, re- counting the claims of the pope as contained in the letter, and in opposition to these declared that he had received the imperial crown from God alone through the election by the princes. Jesus had taught that the world was to he ruled by two swords, the spiritual and the temporal. Peter had commanded that all men should fear God and honor the king ; therefore, whoever said that the empire was a fief of the papacy was opposed to St. Peter and guilty of lying. Hadrian IV. then wrote an open letter to the clergy of Germany, expressing surprise and indignation at the turn affairs had taken. It was a most diplomatic letter, written for the purpose of winning the German clergy to his side. Some of them, however, were true to their emperor, and wrote Hadrian a letter in which they embodied the answer of Frederick. It was of the same tenor as his manifesto, and claimed that the empire was not a beneficium (fief) of Struggle between Papacy and Empire 151 the pope, but that Frederick owed it to the favor (iene- ficiwii) of God. Frederick was also still angry about the picture which the pope had had made representing Lothar on his knees receiving the crown from the pope. The pope, he said, was trying to make an authoritative princi- ple, basing it simply upon a picture. Hadrian now wrote a letter to Frederick in which he explained that " bene- ficium'^ was composed of " bono " and " facio," meaning not "fief," but a "kind deed" or "favor." By " con- tulimus," " we have conferred," he had meant only " im- posuimus," " we have placed," that is, the crown on Frederick's head. Hadrian succeeded in quieting Freder- ick, but the battle was not ended ; it had been merely put off. Frederick next turned his attention to the cities of Lom- bardy, which for a hundred years or more had been left to take care of themselves. They had improved the time by developing an independent municipal government. Milan was first reduced. It was agreed, however, that the city should continue to elect its officials, but that the emperor should have the right to confirm them. Another diet was The second announced to be held in the Roncaglian plain, and the Rpncaglian cities were ordered to send their officials to it. It was Frederick's wish to break down the independent spirit of the cities. It was during his stay in Italy that Frederick had come into contact with the lawyers of Bologna, and learned from them the leading ideas of Roman law. An- cient customs were revived, and Frederick renewed his claims to the regalia (that is, to the duchies, counties, marches, the office of consul, the right to coin money, col- lect taxes, customs, duties, etc.). He declared that in the future all the important officers of the city would be ap- pointed by him and the people should approve thera. Representatives of all the cities helped frame the rights of 152 The Medieval Period Milan destroyed, 1 162, Hadrian makes fundamental claims. Alexander III. the emperor and agreed to observe them. He then pro- ceeded to put this agreement into force. He sent his representatives throughout the country to establish in every city his officials. The people of Milan asserted that, by virtue of a former compact with the emperor, the Ron- caglian agreement did not include them. They therefore resisted the emperor's messengers and closed the gates of the city against them. Refusing to recognize their claims, Frederick laid siege to the city (April, 1159), which held out nearly three years. In February, 11 62, it could resist no longer. The people tried in every way to appease Frederick, but he remained deaf to their entreaties. The walls of the city were razed, the inhabitants driven out, and many of the nobility kept as hostages. In the meanwhile the quarrel had broken out afresh be- tween the pope and emperor. In 11 59 Hadrian made sweeping demands of Frederick in regard to the possession of the lands of Matilda, the collection of feudal dues by Frederick from the papal estates, and the full sovereignty in Rome. The emperor, of course, refused these demands, and the pope prepared for the struggle. Seeking help from Roger of Sicily, and from the Greek emperor, he in- trigued with the cities of Lombardy. In 1 159 Hadrian died, and the cardinals thereupon elected the man who had acted as spokesman of Hadrian at Besangon, Roland Bandinelli, who assumed the name of Alexander III. He now took up the quarrel and spent his time endeavoring to find allies. Frederick, however, set up an anti-pope, and was so successful in his opposition to Alexander III. that the pope was compelled to leave Rome and seek a refuge in France (i 161). Frederick .seemed to have won the day. His officials were in all the cities ; Milan was destroyed and the pope an exile. But his very success was the cause gf his defeat j he had borne himself as an emperor of the Struggle between Papacy and Empire 153 old school. His absolutism was tyranny to the cities, and hence they were eager to find some way of avenging them- selves. Alexander III. put himself at the head of the op- position. In 1165 he returned to Rome, excommunicated the emperor, and released his subjects from their oath of allegiance to him. Alexander was a diplomat ; he was hostile to the independence of the Lombard cities, but be- cause they could help him he sought their alliance. For nearly fifteen years this able man led the opposition to Frederick, and the final victory over the emperor was due in a large measure to his ability and efforts. The next year (i 166) Frederick went again into Italy with a large force to punish the rebels and to put the new anti-pope, Paschalis, in the chair of St. Peter. After a siege he took Rome. Paschalis was established as pope and a few days later recrowned Frederick and his wife in St. Peter's. A pest broke out shortly afterward and Frederick, alarmed at the great mortality among his troops, hastened back to Germany. As fast as he retreated the cities behind him revolted ; he barely escaped with his life. The cities now entered into the famous Lombard League (1167). Milan, The rebuilt by the aid of them all, assumed the leading position l"" ^"^ in the league. Pavia still remained true to the emperor, 1167. and to keep it in check, the league founded a new city on the border of its territory and named it Alexandria in honor of the pope. It was not till 11 74 that Frederick was in a position to reenter Italy. Then the emperor himself laid siege to Alexandria while some of his troops overran Tus- cany and Umbria. Alexandria was very strong and the siege lasted for months. Overtures of peace were made, and, as winter was approaching, Frederick withdrew to Pavia. Again and again he called on the German princes to come to his assistance, but Henry the Lion thought it an excellent opportunity to humble the emperor and re- 154 The MedicEval Period Legnano, fused to assist him. In May, 1176, the troops of the ^^^°• league attacked Frederick at Legnano, and won a decisive victory. It was even thought for awhile that the emperor had lost his life in the battle. Frederick realized the situa- tion ; he had been beaten ; he was therefore ready to make peace on the cities' terms. He met Alexander III. in St. Mark's at Venice (1177), fell at his feet, confessed his wrong deeds and begged the pope to remove the ban from him. The pope yielded, and a truce was declared. Six years later, at Constance, the treaty of peace was The Treaty signed which granted the cities substantially all that they of Con- jjgjj demanded. The over-lordship of the emperor was stance, 1 103. recognized, but it was merely nominal, and the indepen- dence of the cities was practically admitted. It was a bitter humiliation for Frederick, but he could not escape it. Being pressed in Germany by the Guelf family he needed the support of the pope, and there was nothing for him to do except to abide by the decision dictated by the outcome of the war. A crisis was reached in the struggle between the Ghibel- line and the Guelf families in 1176, when Henry the Lion refused to help Frederick in his war against the Lombard League. After returning to Germany, Frederick proceeded to punish him. He cited Henry to appear before him, and on Henry's refusal, deposed and banished him. Henry resisted, but was defeated in battle and begged for mercy. Frederick stripped him of his power, but generously per- mitted him to retain his private estates. Although Frederick had not been able to conquer Sicily, he provided for its annexation by marrying his son, Henry VI. , to Constance, heiress to the crown of that country. The pope foresaw that this marriage would greatly strengthen the empire, and that the emperor, by holding Sicily and southern Italy, could easily attack the papal lands when- Struggle between Papacy and Empire 155 ever he chose. Unwilling that the emperor should gain so great an advantage over him, the pope determined to prevent the proposed union of the Sicilian kingdom with the Empire. He accordingly renewed hostihties and en- gaged the archbishop of Cologne and other discontented German nobles in a conspiracy against Frederick. In the meantime the news reached the west that Jerusalem had fallen into the hands of the Saracens, and, according to the ideas of the times, its recovery was regarded as the most pressing business of the hour. Clement III. was willing to make almost any concessions if he could enlist Frederick The Cru- for a crusade. An agreement was made in which Freder- f^ederick I ick seemed to have won the victory. He w^ now ready to go on the crusade. He placed the management of af- fairs in Germany in the hands of Henry VI., who took the title of king of the Germans. Frederick set out in the spring of 1189, but did not reach Palestine. He died by drowning in one of the mountain streams of Cilicia, June 10, 1190. In Italy Alexander III. found that, although he had In Italy the overcome Frederick, he had not won the whole victory for jjl^j'^^^ himself. He was unable to unite all Italy under his own authority. The cities of Lombardy and the kingdom of Sicily secured their own advantages and went on their way of independence. During the struggle with Frederick there had been several anti -popes established by the emperor. The schism thus caused was ended in 1178 by the surren- der of Calixtus III., who found it impossible to sustain himself after the emperor had made peace with Alexander. To guard against disputed elections in the future, it was decreed in the Lateran synod of 11 79, that whoever should receive the votes of two-thirds of the cardinals should be regarded as the duly elected pope. There was nothing said about the emperor's right to confirm the election, nor 156 The Medieval Period was any part accorded the people and clergy of Rome. From this time the whole matter is in the hands of the cardinals. The high Alexander III. deserves great credit from the papal point ^lexan'der °^ "vitw for the work of his pontificate. His power was III. recognized all over the west as that of no pope before him had been. His immediate successors were unable to main- tain all the advantages he had won. Before the end of the century Innocent III., the most imperial of all the popes, was to appear, and realize all that previous pontiffs had dreamed of ; but before him there was to be another strug- gle in Rome. The independent spirit of the people of the city reasserted itself, and Lucius III. (i 181-85) ^nd Ur- ban III. (1185-87) spent most of their pontificates in exile. Clement III. (i 187-91) succeeded in regaining the mastery in Rome, and all power was made over to him. The pope had seldom been so secure in the city before. But a new danger was threatening. The marriage of Henry VI. with Constance of Sicily might, at any mo- ment, lead to the establishment of the imperial power in the south, and the addition of Sicily and all the southern part of Italy to the empire. The pope would then be between two fires. Henry VI., The first days of the reign of Henry VI. were filled with 1190-97. anxiety. Henry the Lion broke his royal word and at- tacked Henry VI. as soon as Frederick had set out for the east. The news of the death of William, king of Sicily, soon reached Germany, and a few days later the sad news of the death of Frederick was received. Henry VI. made peace with Henry the Lion, made provision for the gov- ernment in Germany during his absence, and hastened into Italy. He was crowned at Rome and went on to Sicily to secure the possession of that kingdom ; but the people of Sicily had elected a certain Tancred to be king, Struggle between Papacy and Empire 157 and Henry was unable to accomplish anything there. The outlook was indeed dark, for there were powerful ene- mies allied against him. The combination of Richard the Lion-Heart of England, the Guelf family in Germany with Henry the Lion at its head, and Tancred in Sicily would probably be able to break the power of the Hohenstaufen. This danger was averted by a series of fortunate occur- rences. Richard was taken prisoner on his way home from his crusade and delivered into Henry's hands. The son of Henry the Lion fell in love with a cousin of the emperor, and in order to obtain her hand, made peace with him. Henry the Lion, now an old man, discour- aged by the submission of his son to the emperor, gave up the struggle and retired to his estates, and Henry VI. was able in a second campaign to get complete possession of Sicily. The fears of the pope proved to be well-founded. In Bold plan fact but little sagacity was necessary to see that the impe- ™ "^"T rial and papal claims were so mutually conflicting that force alone could settle them. The emperor's opportu- nity seemed to have come. Relying on his strength, Henry VI. determined to enforce his claims without any re- gard for the pope. He seized the lands of Matilda (Tus- cany), for which the pope put him under the ban ; but not in the least frightened by this, Henry continued his efforts to get possession of all Italy. He is said at this time to have planned the complete destruction of the papal state by adding it to his own territory. He also turned now to try his fortune in the east. He planned a crusade, the real object of which was first of all the conquest of Con- stantinople. The Greek empire was, indeed, in a chaotic condition, and he hoped to win its crown and establish himself in Constantinople, from which vantage-point he might easily carry on the war against the Saracens. He 158 The MedicEval Period Innocent III., 1198- 1216, and his pro- gramme. went first to Sicily in order to put down a revolt and punish those who were hostile to him, intending then to proceed against Constantinople, but died in Messina after a very brief illness (1197), leaving a son, Frederick II,, only three years old. His great plans and hopes were de- stroyed, and the empire was thrown back into the anarchy caused by a contested imperial election. At the same time Innocent III. became pope, a man of strong will and great ability, full of theocratic ideas and the desire to realize them. Innocent III. (1198-1216) was probably the ablest pope of the Middle Age. He was a jurist, trained in the schools of Paris and Bologna. He looked at everything from the jurist's point of view, and endeavored to reduce to a legal form and basis all the claims of the papacy. Not personally ambitious, he was fully persuaded that in every- thing he did he acted in accordance with the best in- terests of the Church, and even with the plans of God. He was ambitious merely to make of the papacy that which he believed God had appointed it to be. He believed that the government of the world was a theocracy, and that he himself was the vicar of God on earth. He pushed to the extreme the ideas of the supremacy of the papacy over all rulers, and actually realized them in many respects. His programme may be summed up under the following heads : 1. The pope must be absolute master in Italy, which must therefore be freed from the control of all foreigners ; hence the empire must not be allowed to unite any part of the peninsula to itself ; the papal state must be strengthened ; the political factions in the city must be kept in subjection. 2. All the states of the west must be put under the control of the papacy ; neither king nor emperor may be inde- pendent of the pope, but must submit to him in all things. 3. The Church in the east, and the Holy Land must be re- and his ^ard. Struggle between Papacy and Empire 159 covered from the Moslems, and the Greek Church purified of its heresy and reunited to the Church of the west ; all heretics must be destroyed ; the law and worship of the Church must be made to conform to papal ideas. The imperial claims of Henry VI. are here answered by the papal programme of Innocent III. It is apparent that their radical contradiction could permit no reconciliation. Neither party could get all that it demanded without the practical destruction of the other. For the present the con- flict could be postponed because of the disputed imperial election. But the situation was wholly in favor of Inno- cent and he determined to make good use of his opportu- nities. In Sicily the young king, Frederick II. , was among ene- Innocent mies, and when his mother died, Innocent was made his guardian. He performed his duties toward the boy with great conscientiousness, supplying him with the ablest teachers, giving him the best education possible, caring for his interests in Sicily, and protecting him against his re- bellious subjects. In Germany there was a contested election, which Inno- Philip of cent was asked to settle. Philip of Suabia, after trying in ^^^^^120% vain to secure the election of his nephew, Frederick II. , and Otto was himself made king by a large number of princes. The izi'i:^'' Guelf family, however, elected one of their number, Otto IV. Innocent III. decided in favor of Otto, because, as he said. Otto was the proper person for the office and was devoted to the Church, while Philip was a persecutor of the Church. Phihp had declared that he would defend his claim to all the possessions of the empire, while Otto IV. had taken an oath that he would not interfere with the papal claims, but would defend all the possessions of the papacy. Civil war ensued. After defeating Otto and mak- ing himself master of Germany, Philip was murdered i6o The Medieval Period Frederick II., 1215-50. Success of Innocent III. The east. (1208), and Otto, being now without a rival, was recog- nized throughout Germany. Otto IV. , however, now that he had secured the crown, changed his policy toward the pope, broke his oath, and demanded Sicily and Tuscany, on the ground that they were parts of the empire. He was successful in arms in southern Italy, but before the conquest was completed the pope had raised a revolt among the German princes and put forth Frederick II. as a candidate for the German crown. At the invitation of some of the German nobles, Frederick, although a boy, went to Germany, made an al- liance with Philip, king of France, and in three years made himself undisputed master of Germany. Innocent III. followed out his policy with great vigor. Frederick held Sicily as a fief of the papacy. In central Italy Innocent made a league with the cities, drove out the emperor's officials, and established his own in their place. The king of Portugal acknowledged his authority and paid him tribute ; the king of Aragon became his feudal sub- ject, and the king of Leon was compelled to yield obedi- ence to him. In Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Servia, and in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, Innocent was able to make good his claims, at least in part. In France, Inno- cent interfered in the family affairs of the king, compel- ling him to take back his wife, whom he had divorced on insufficient grounds. In political matters, however, Philip II. resisted the demands of the pope with more or less success. In England Innocent compelled John to accept Stephen Langton as archbishop of Canterbury, and then lided the king in his struggle against the barons. It seemed for awhile that the papacy would get posses- sion of all the Christian east. Innocent III. forbade the fourth crusade to proceed against Constantinople, but when the city was taken and the Latin Church established Struggle between Papacy and Empire i6i there he accepted its work. From Constantinople as a vantage-ground, he hoped to extend the papal authority over all the east, but the rapid disintegration of the Latin empire of Constantinople was destined to blast his hopes. During the pontificate of Innocent many heresies ap- peared in the west, the most widely spread of which was that of the Albigenses. Innocent and his successor were responsible for the crusade which was preached against them, and carried out by Simon de Montfort. In 1215, at the Lateran council, the inquisition was established, and The Lat- it was declared that heresy was a crime which should be ciT'iait:'"'" punished with death. At the same council the doctrines of transubstantiation and auricular confession were reaf- firmed. The twenty-first canon of that council declared that every Christian must confess his sins to the priest at least once a year, and might receive the sacrament of the eucharist after doing so. If he did not confess, the church was to be closed to him, and if he should die, he should not receive Christian burial. The doctrine of transubstantiation, after having been fully and clearly defined, was promulgated as the universal belief of the Church, and it was decreed that no one except a prop- erly ordained priest could administer the sacrament. In- nocent had announced that the council would deal with two questions, the recovery of the Holy Land and the reform of the Church. Many of the canons were really reformatory in their character, and the work of the council dealing with all sorts of questions shows the deep insight and sincerity of Innocent. The character and work of the council, as well as its influence on the Church, are an eloquent testimonial to his ability. A great crusade was announced for the year 12 17, and im- mense preparations made for it, but Innocent did not live t62 The Mediaeval Period to see it. He died at Perugia while busily engaged in pre- paring for tiie crusade. The charac- On the surface his pontificate seems to have been a suc- pa^pacy ^ ^^^^- ^^ ^^'^ apparently won a victory in every case over changed. the temporal powers. But he had alienated the affections of the people. The cruelty of the crusade against the Al- bigenses turned the whole of southern France against him. His victory over John of England, and the support he gave him in his struggle against his people, filled the English with hatred of him. In Germany the same results were reached. The troubadours charged their songs with fear- ful arraignments, and Walther von der Vogelweide lashed the papacy for its worldliness, its greed of money, and its ambitions. Innocent gave the fullest expression to the po- litical claims of the papacy, and did much to realize them. Under his guidance some of the most important doctrines, rites, and practices of the Church were established. The formation of the code of canon law, while not begun by him, was thoroughly in accordance with his ideas, and it gave a legal form and basis to what he had claimed. It would not be too much to say that he was the last great maker of the papacy. His programme was carried through with the appearance of remarkable success, but his best weapon, the interdict, was almost worn out by its too fre- quent use. The forces were at work which were soon to undo all that he had done. The papacy lost in spiritual power under him because he made politics the principal matter. Earnest Christian pilgrims and visitors at Rome were shocked to hear nothing about spiritual matters, but to find the mouths of all the clergy incessantly filled with talk about temporal affairs. The greatest of the popes was followed by the greatest of the emperors. In 1 2 1 2 Frederick had set bravely out to take Germany from Otto IV. He renewed the alliance with Struggle between Papacy and Empire 163 Philip of France, and the German princes of the Rhine valley received him with favor. Seeing the danger. Otto IV. called on his allies for help. John of England sent an army to the continent to unite with the count of Flanders, the duke of Brabant, and other nobles in the north of France against the French king. The decisive battle was fought near Bouvines, in July, 12 14, and resulted in the Bouvines, complete victory of Philip II. Since his allies were thus ^^'4- disposed of, Otto IV. was compelled to yield to Frederick. He withdrew to his lands, and died at Harzburg (12 18). Frederick was crowned at Aachen in 1215, proclaimed a universal peace in Germany, and took a vow to go on the crusade which Innocent III. was planning. His next step was to secure the imperial crown. But Inno.cent was afraid Frederick of his growing power, although Frederick had been most nintcv respectful to him in all things. He feared that if Freder- ick should hold both Germany and Sicily, the two would be joined together and Frederick would try to control all Italy. He therefore persuaded Frederick to promise that as soon as he should receive the imperial crown he would resign the crown of Sicily to his young son, Henry, who should hold it as a fief from the pope. Death prevented Innocent from crowning Frederick, but Innocent's succes- sor, Honorius III., performed the act. Frederick, however, in spite of his promise, retained the title of king of Sicily, a breach of faith to which Honorius III. paid no attention, because he was desirous that the crusade should be made, and he wished Frederick to join it. Frederick, however, always found excuses, and put off his departure. He married lolanthe, the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, and without any regard for the rights of her father assumed that title himself. Gregory IX. (1227-41) demanded his immediate departure for Palestine. Frederick finally sailed (1227) from Brindisi, but returned three days later, and 164 The Medieval Period excommuni- cated. excused himself on the ground that he was ill. Gregory would not listen to the excuse and put him under the han. Frederick then made fresh preparations for the crusade, but the pope forbade his going until he had obtained the re- moval of the ban. Frederick, however, sailed again from Brindisi, June, 1228. Arriving in Palestine, he saw that by force it would be impossible to conquer the east, yet by diplomacy he gained possession of Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and other places for the Christians. He crowned Three times himself in Jerusalem and returned home, having been three times excommunicated for his disobedience to the pope. During his absence the pope had tried to stir up the Ger- mans against Frederick II. and, raising an army at his own expense, had attacked the emperor's territories in the south, achieving some success. But when Frederick returned (1229), the pope, taken by surprise, was unable to continue the war and offered to make peace. The two came together at San Germano (1230), and by mutual concessions peace was restored. Frederick then turned his attention to Sicily. In 1231 he published the famous " constitutions of the kingdom of Sicily," by which feudalism was destroyed there, and a real kingship established in its stead. Royal judges and courts took the place of the barons and their courts; feudal dues were replaced by direct taxes, and other changes were made which resulted in the formation of a really modem state in all that concerns the machinery of government. During his long absence from Germany great disorder had arisen. He had caused his son Henry to be made king in Aachen (1222), and much power had been granted him. In 1233 Henry revolted against his father, but was seized and carried to Italy, where he died as a prisoner (1242). In a great diet at Mainz (1235) Frederick forbade private war- fare, proclaimed the peace of the land, and ended all the San Germa' no, 1230. A new gov- ernment in Sicily. Struggle between Papacy and Empire 165 quarrels between him and the Guelf family by making its last representative a duke and investing him with a large duchy, created lespecially for him. He was now at the height of his power, having Germany and Sicily wholly in his hands. The struggle between the papacy and the empire which, Frederick with more or less acuteness, had now been in progress for the^stru?-^ more than one hundred and fifty years, had accumulated a gle. great deal of bitterness on both sides. A peace had often been patched up between them, but the real question at issue had never been decided. There could not be two absolute rulers of the world. So long as each claimed su- premacy and tried to rule the other, there could be no lasting peace. Frederick felt that he was now strong enough to settle the question by force. The possession of Sardinia, which had lately been declared to be a fief of the Church, furnished a convenient pretext for renewing the contest. In 1238 Frederick laid claim to Sardinia as a part of the empire, and began to take possession of it. The pope protested, but in vain. Frederick persisted in his course, and the pope, from this time on, was implacable in his hatred of Frederick. The final struggle had begun. Gregory IX. and his successors freed the German princes from their oath of allegiance to Frederick, and tried to turn the people against him. The cities of Italy were arrayed against him, and help was sought from France. At the same time, in order that all Christians might turn from him with horror, Frederick was charged with all kinds of heresy. He was reported to have said that there had been three great religious impostors who had deceived the world — Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed; he had reviled the clergy and the creed of the Church; he had said that nothing is to be believed which is not acceptable to the reason. Heresy was proved by the fact that he associated i66 The Mediaeval Period with both Jews and Mohammedans, and allowed the free exercise of all religions in his kingdom. The emperor defended himself with great vigor. He had recourse to the Apocalypse of St. John for his figures of speech, and called the pope the anti-Christ, the angel that came up from the bottomless pit, and the rider on the red horse with power to destroy peace in the world. Gregory called a council, but Frederick captured the clergy who were on their way to attend it, and thus prevented its meeting. He overran Italy, and got possession of the territory even to the gates of Rome. After the death of Gregory IX. the cardinals were unable to elect a pope, and for nearly two years the chair of St. Peter was vacant. Frederick tried in every way to compel them to elect his candidate, but they resisted him successfully. At last, in 1243, one of Frederick's friends was elected and took the title Inno- cent IV. (1243-54). Frederick, however, felt that the war must go on, because, as he said, no pope could be a Ghibelline. Innocent escaped to France and called a council at Lyon, at which the emperor was again deposed and put under the ban. All were forbidden to regard him as their king, or emperor: the princes of Germany were ordered to proceed to the election of another king ; Inno- cent said that he himself would take care of Sicily. To this Frederick replied, asserting that he was a good Chris- tian, and that he had been laboring all his life only to bring the clergy to live in the proper way and to lead an apostolic life in poverty and humility. Victory seemed to be almost within Frederick's grasp, but Innocent IV. did not think of surrendering. In the hope of retrieving his lost fortunes, the pope redoubled his energies. He appealed to France, to the cities of Italy, and to the Germans, and by the greatest exertions kept the war going. He turned it into a crusade, and offered to all Struggle between Papacy and Empire 167 who would join in it the same indulgences and spiritual A Crusade rewards as against the Saracens. In 1246 he succeeded in g^'^oj. having Count Henry Raspe of Thuringia elected king in place of Frederick. Civil war spread all over "Germany. The Begging Friars supported the pope by stirring up the people against Frederick, and by collecting large sums of money from all quarters to be used in carrying on the opposition. The pope persuaded the electors to make William of Holland king (1247). Frederick's son, Con- rad IV., who, as king of the Germans, had charge of affairs in Germany, was unable to resist the progress of William, who was crowned at Aachen in 1248. Mis- fortunes thickened around the aging emperor. Among the courtiers of Frederick a conspiracy was formed, and an attempt was made to poison him. His son Enzio was taken prisoner and confined in Bologna. One by one his friends and supporters fell in battle. He himself was very ill, but he kept up his courage. His troops were victori- ous in Italy, and Rome was about to fall into his hands. Death of The struggle was far from being decided when the emperor j/^j^co died (December 13, 1250). Frederick II. was of the Middle Age, and belonged at the same time to the Modern Period — a man full of con- trasts, not to say contradictions. He was most modern in that he was not controlled by religious, but wholly by political, motives. He was not bound by feudal ideas, but His actually created an absolute monarchy in Sicily. His <^"^''*"6''' kingdom there is regarded as the first modern state in Europe. He persecuted heretics in Germany, but was himself very free in thought, tolerating all religions in his kingdom of Sicily. He was not a German in character, but exhibited the fusion of the German, Italian, Greek, and Saracen elements in southern Italy. He spoke Latin, Italian, French, German, Greek, and Arabic. In culture 1 68 The MedicBval Period and learning he surpassed all the emperors who had pre- ceded him, was himself a poet, and kept himself sur- rounded by poets and scholars. He established the Uni- versity of Naples (1224). He had zoological gardens, not for the gratification of his curiosity alone, but also for scientific purposes. He belonged to the class of indepen- dent thinkers of which Abelard was also a member. He preferred to live in Sicily, because it possessed far more culture than Germany. He understood the question at issue between himself and the pope ; he knew that it was for the right to rule the empire independently that he was fighting. In the art of diplomacy he was well-trained, and by it won many victories. He died before the strug- gle was ended, but he seems to have felt that it would be decided against him and his family. His last years were made heavy by many misfortunes, but he died with unbroken spirit. With the death of Frederick II. the power of the Ho- henstaufen family was broken, but the fight was not given Conrad IV., up- Against William of Holland Conrad IV., son of ^^50-54? Frederick II. , was unable to maintain himself in Germany, iam of and so withdrew to Sicily, which his half-brother, Man- Holland, irtd, had succeeded in holding for him. Conrad IV. offered to make terms with the pope, but all his advances were rejected. Innocent IV. was implacable. He had sworn that the hated race of the Staufen should be literally destroyed. Conrad and Manfred were, however, success- ful in arms, and in spite of all opposition had got control of southern Italy and Sicily, when Conrad IV. died sud- denly (1254), leaving his little son, whom the Italians call Conradino, to the care of his faithful Manfred. After continuing the struggle for four years, Manfred was com- pelled to accept the crown himself (1258), but be stipulated that Conradino should succeed him. Struggle between Papacy and Empire 169 The pope now turned to France for help. He offered the crown of Sicily to Charles of Anjou, the brother of Charles of King Louis IX. This Charles was bold, ambitious, and ■'^"J°°' utterly unscrupulous. In 1263 the kingdom of Sicily was made over to him, and he began his preparations to take possession of it. Manfred tried to besiege Rome and to keep Charles from landing in Italy. He was unsuccessful, however, and Charles entered Rome and was crowned king, January 6, 1266. About a month later the decisive battle was fought near Benevento, and when Manfred saw that he was betrayed by many of his troops, who, no doubt, had been bribed to desert to Charles during the battle, he Death of rushed into the thick of the fight and was slain. ^^66^'^^'*' Conradino, who had spent all his life in Germany, was a genuine Hohenstaufen. Although a mere lad, he gal- lantly responded to the call of the Ghibellines of Ital7, and with a small army came down from Suabia to meet Charles of Anjou. After a hard-fought battle, Charles was victorious. Conradino was taken prisoner and beheaded as a rebel in the public square of Naples. The long battle was over, and the victory was the pope's. The victory Not only was the power of the Hohenstaufen broken, the °' *"^ pope. family itself had been destroyed. There remained only one member of it, Enzio, the son of Frederick II., and he was a prisoner in Bologna, where he died, in 1272. The great Staufen family was no more. With it had disap- peared the empire of Karl the Great. Not that it was de- stroyed, but it now underwent a radical change. The government of the world was no longer the peculiar prerog- ative of the emperor, but of the pope. The pope had vin- dicated his right to the temporal as well as to the spiritual supremacy, and it was now possible for him to declare with truth that he was both pope and emperor. When Conrad IV. left Germany in 1251, William of 170 The MedicEval Period Holland remained in full possession. The pope did all he could to obtain William's recognition throughout Germany, but for some time in vain. The cities in the Rhine valley renewed the old league (1254), and within a year there were more than sixty cities bound together for mutual pro- tection. Eventually they recognized William, as did nearly all of northern Germany. But becoming engaged in a quarrel with the Frisians, he was killed by some Frisian peasants (January, 1256). Although both Richard of Cornwall and Alphonso of Castile, were afterward elected king, neither of them was able to establish himself as mas- ter of the country. Alphonso, indeed, never came to Ger- many. Richard visited the country, but never exercised The great any authority there. The period from 1254 to 1273 is num'^'^^^" known as the great interregnum. During this struggle of the Staufen with the papacy, two things are to be noticed : the largely increased number of principalities and the extension of the frontier on the east. Feudal prin- Through the policy of the Hohenstaufen to diminish the Germanv " power of the dukes by breaking their original provinces up into many smaller political divisions and giving these as fiefs to others, there had now come to be, instead of the five great stem-duchies, a large number of duchies, coun- ties, marches, bishoprics, and other principalities, all striv- ing for independence. The influence of subinfeudation may also be seen in this dissolution of the great political units. The eastern A most important change had taken place in the eastern frontier. boundary. Slowly the Slavs, Letts, and Magyars, who covered the whole eastern frontier, had been conquered and were being Christianized and Germanized. The east- ern boundary had been carried, even beyond the Vistula on the Baltic, and included the valley of the Oder ; from there it extended in an irregular line to the Danube below Vi- Struggle between Papacy and Empire 171 enna. Germany had lost Italy forever, but had indemni- fied herself in a measure by the conquest and assimilation of these barbarian lands. Great progress had been made in Germany in culture and wealth. Numerous cities were in existence, and they Cities. were now ready to make use of the freedom afforded them by the absence of a strong ruler to establish among them- selves their powerful independent leagues. The struggle between pope and emperor resulted in the Results of political dismemberment of both Germany and Italy. ^^\^ 1- While the feudal lords of Germany had got power there, the cities of Italy were growing in independence, and the French had got a good foothold in the southern part of the peninsula. The unhappy country seemed farther than ever from unity. SPECIAL TOPICS I. Henry IV. and Gregory VII. Milman, History of Latin Christianity. Bk. VII., Chaps. I.-IH., and Bk. VIII., Chap. I., Armstrong. Kmerton, Mediteval Europe, $l.6o, Ginn. Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age. $2.00. Scribner. Vincent, Age of Hilde- hraiul. $2.00. Scribner. 2 Bernard of Clairvaux. Milman, Bk. VIII., Chaps. IV, -VI. Biogra- phies of Bernard, by Storrs, Morison, Neander, Bales, and Ratisbonne. 3. Frederick Barbarossa. Henderson, History of Germany in the Middle ' Ages, pp. 246-go. $2.60. Macmillan. Balzani, Chaps. II.-VIIl. Testa, Wars of Frederick I. Agaiftst the CotnniuTies of Lombardy. 15s. Smith, Elder & Co. 4. Abelard. Compayr6, Abilard, and the Origin of Universities. $l.00o Scribner. 5. Arnold of Brescia. Milman, Bk. X., Chaps. VI. -VII. 6. Innocent III. Milman, Bk. IX., Chaps. I.-X. 7. Frederick II. Milman, Bk. X., Chaps. III.-V. CHAPTER XI MONASTICISM LITERATURE.— See Church Histories in General Literature. YiAxmLZV, Monasticism: lis Ideals andih History. $0.50, Scribner, ^eisso^^., Coming of the Friars. $1.25. Putnam. St. Benedict s Rrtle, translated in Henderson, Documents^ pp. 274-313. Penn. Univ. Translations, Vol. H., iii.-iv. and vii. Kingsley, Hermits. Eckenstein, Woman under Monasticism. $4.00. Macmillan. Lea, History of Sacerdotal Celibacy. $4.50. Lea. Taunton, English Black Monks of St. Benedict from the Time of St. A ugustine to the Present. $7.50. Montalembert, Monks of the West, 6 vols. $15.00. Longmans. The philo- The philosophic basis of asceticism is the belief that sophic basis matter is the seat of evil, and therefore that all contact ofasceti- ' cism. with it is contaminating. This conception of evil is neither Christian nor Jewish; but purely heathen. Jesus freely used the good things of this world, and taught that sin is in nothing external to man, but has its seat only in the heart. But his teaching was not understood by his followers. This belief that matter is evil had its origin in the- teachings of certain heathen philosophers. It not only pervaded all philosophic thought, but in the second cen- tury of our era had even become the common creed of the masses. It had so firm a hold on them that Christianity was not able to dislodge it from their minds. The people already attached a religious value to ascetic practices and in their excess of religious zeal, when they became Chris- tian, they were naturally inclined to increase their ascetic observances. The peculiar form which this asceticism in the Church took is called monasticism. 172 Monasticism 173 The decay of the empire, which set in strongly in the Conditions second century, and the violence consequent upon the in- ^?-'°''^''*^ ^° vasions of the barbarians, robbed many persons of interest duction of in life. The world seemed to be growing old, and the fnt"the^"* end of all things approaching. The best men were filled Church, with despair, and longed to hide themselves away from the increasing confusion and desolation. After about 175 A.D. the Church rapidly grew worldly. As Christi- anity became popular, large numbers entered the Church and became Christian in name ; but at heart and in life they remained heathen. The bishops were often proud and haughty and lived in a grand style. Those who were really in earnest about their salvation, unsatisfied with such worldliness, fled from the contamination in the Church, and went to live in the desert, and find the way to God without the aid of the Church ; her means of grace were for the common Christians. Those who would, could ob- tain, by means of asceticism and prayer, all that others re- ceived by means of the sacraments of the Church. There were to be two ways of salvation : one, through the Church Two ways and her means of grace; the other, through asceticism of salvation, and contemplation. The beginnings of monasticism are lost in obscurity. They fall very probably in the third century. The earliest monks were hermits. They lived alone, finding all the Hermits, shelter they needed in a hut, or in a cave, or in the shad- ow of some rock or tree. The movement beginning in those countries where the conditions were favorable to such an outdoor life, spread rapidly throughout the east. In order to protect themselves against impostors and other dangers, the hermits began to build their little huts close together, and probably surrounded them by a wall for pro- Semi-social tection. They had a common chapel, and on certain days ofgamza- worshipped together and ate of a common meal. Though 174 The Mediceval Period Three vows. Monasti- cism in the Greek Church. they had few rules, they elected a sort of superior who had the oversight of the whole colony. Gradually they came to live in houses, in which each monk, having his own room or cell, maintained a certain amount of independence. In this way the ascetic life was organized on a semi-social basis. By going into the desert, the hermit, ofcouise, had given up his possessions and his family, and it soon came to be regarded as a matter of course that he had taken the vows of poverty and chastity. When they be- gan to live under one roof another vow was necessary — that of obedience or subjection to the rules and interests of the house. More and more this loosely organized cenobitic life be- came the common form, retaining, although the monks now lived together, the name of monasticism. It is this form of monasticism that has prevailed in the Greek Church, although hermits still exist there and are regarded as leading a more holy form of life. The monks of the Greek Church have really lived for the most part separated from the world. Occasionally they have made themselves felt at the court, and they have played a part in the great synods held during the fourth to the eighth centuries. Since that time monasticism in the Greek Church has had no history, because it has had no life. The monasticism of the Greek Church has helped preserve the dead forms in the Church, but has prevented any change except in the direction of enriching the ceremonies and forms of worship. Monks were first seen in the west about 340, when Atha- nasius brought two of them with him to Rome. They ex- cited among the Romans feelings of mingled curiosity and disgust. But when Augustine and Jerome gave the influ- ence of their pens and their example in favor of monasti- cism, it spread rapidly throughout Europe. The movement became immensely popular, and within a century and a Monasticism 1 7 5 half there were hundreds of monasteries in the west, and Monasti- thousands of monks in them. It seemed for a time that "l^to^the this monasticism in the west would be of the same charac- west. ter as that in the east, and therefore would have no history and play no part in the work of the Church. But the spirit of the west took hold of it, orga:nized it, and made it one of the most effective tools in the hands of the pope and emperor to Christianize and civilize the barbarians and extend the Church and the state. The Roman spirit of organization, of conquest and activity, would not allow the original monkish ideal to prevail. The monks had, indeed, fled from the world, but they were to be used to conquer and to rule it. At first each monastery made its own rules of discipline ; each monk was allowed to do about as he pleased. There were several attempts made to harmonize these rules into one common code. Of these attempts only that of Bene- dict of Nursia (480-543) was destined to succeed. Bene- Benedict ol diet, after spending several years as a monk in various VVjffif^ places went to Monte Casino, near Naples (528), and taking with him several of the monks who had been asso- ciated with him elsewhere, he founded the famous mon- astery of Monte Casino, for which he prepared his Rule. He organized the monks into a close corporation, forbidding any of them to leave the monastery without the consent of , the abbot. A clear line was sharply drawn between them and the world. The occupations of the monks were fixed by him for every hour of the day and night. Periods of prayer and contemplation were to alternate with seasons of work. Strict disciphne was to be enforced, and all monks must take the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience.' Circumstances favoring the spread of Benedict's rule, it ' Henderson, Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, p. 274 ff., contains a translation of this rule. 176 The Mediceval Period was gradually adopted by other monasteries. Gregory the Great (590-604) established it in many places in Italy, Sicily and England. In the seventh century it was much more widely used, and in the eighth, under Boniface, it was made the only form of monasticism in Gaul and Ger- many. In the next century, Benedict of Aniane helped give it a severer character. It became the orthodox rule of monasticism, and at one time governed more than forty thousand monastic establishments. Benedict's intention was not to make his monks either scholars or missionaries. The bishops of Rome, however, used them in missionary work, and that soon came to be regarded as one of the pecuHar purposes of their existence. It was principally through them that Christianity spread among the barba- Cassiodorus rians. Cassiodorus, the prime minister of Theodoric the and learn- Great, remained in public life till about 1540, when he re- ing in the '■ •' monas- tired to a monastery which he had founded in Calabria. eries. There he gave himself to literary pursuits, and likewise re- quired his monks to spend a certain portion of time every day in study. This example was imitated in other mon- asteries, and since it soon became apparent that a good deal of learning was necessary to manage the monastery's affairs, some of the monks in each monastery became scholars. In this way learning found a home in monasteries. The rule of St. Benedict, requiring that every monk should work, and the impulse toward learning which Gas-, siodorus gave the order, prevented the monks of the west from becoming ignorant and useless, as were monks of the east. They were not permitted to withdraw from the world entirely, but were made useful members of society. The monks were excellent tools in the hands of thp popes, for whose purpose of conquering the world no better man could be found than one who despised the world and had turned his back upon it. The papacy also drew them away Monasticism 177 from their original ideal and gave them a still greater field of activity. The monks were not necessarily clergymen. At first they were all laymen, but later it came to be the custom for them to receive ordination. The monastic life was re- garded as the ideal Christian life. So prevalent was this idea that wherever possible the clergy of a diocese were Monks, reg- gathered together and compelled to live in a common house J •^'^■■£7. according to a common rule. From this fact all such came clergy, to be called the " regular clergy," while those of the out- lying districts and villages who did not live in this way were called the " secular clergy." In the tenth century monasticism was in a wretched state of decline. The rule of St. Benedict was so little regarded and the life in the monasteries had so degenerated, that it seemed as if monasticism must die out. Its first great re- form began in the monastery of Cluny, which was founded (910) in the hills a few miles west of Macon. Under the Cluny. headship of a series of most capable and earnest abbots, Cluny achieved a wide reputation for piety. With its growing fame the number of its monks increased until it was possible to send out colonies of monks to establish new monasteries. As the spirit of reform awoke elsewhere, monks from Cluny were asked to visit other monasteries and introduce the new rule, discipline, and ideas. In this way the Cluniac rule became common in Europe during the tenth and eleventh centuries. All the monasteries which used it were bound together by it, and were called a " congregation." The abbot of Cluny was at the head of this congregation, and, therefore, possessed immense power. The objects which this reform had in view were those The Cluniac which were taken up by Gregory VII. and by him made the P''og''amme. programme of the papacy. The monastic rule must be made more rigorous and be more vigorously enforced. The 178 The MedicEval Period Formation of orders. St. Francis. secular clergy must be made to live after this monkish rule, and the spiritual aristocracy thus formed by the monks and clergy should have complete authority over the laity in all religious matters. Gregory VII., indeed, went a step farther : to the spiritual authority over the whole world he added also the political authority. In the eleventh century, however, there was so great a deepening of the monastic spirit that even the rule of Cluny seemed to some to be too lax. This led to the formation of several orders, such as the Carthusians (1084), the Cis- tercians (1098), the Premonstrants (11 20), the Carmelites (1156), and others which, for the most part, achieved only a local reputation. The tendency to form separate orders, and the number of those who applied to the pope for per- mission to establish new ones increased ; and though Inno- cent III. finally refused to listen to any more appeals, and forbade the establishment of any more orders, the prohibi- tion was immediately disregarded. St. Francis of Assisi, the founder of the order which bears his name (Franciscans, /ra^ri?.f minor es, friars, Minor- ites), was filled with the idea of the imitation of Christ and His apostles in their preaching, poverty, and service to others. "The Franciscan brother" should spend his life on the highway, stopping to preach and minister unto others whenever occasion offered ; he should work for his bread, if work could be found ; if not, he might beg ; he should never receive money under any circumstances, nor more food than was sufficient for his wants for the day ; he must never lay up any store in this world ; he must care for the sick, visit those who were in prison, cheer the down- cast, recover the lost, and be to the world a Christ. The life of Jesus was to be his model in all things. During the period from 1209 to 1226 the order of St. Francis was thoroughly established and his rule developed and confirmed Mo nasticism 1 79 by the pope. The order, however, soon underwent a The rule of change which deeply offended St. Francis — it began to \°^^l amass property and build houses. St. Dominic, a Spaniard (11 70-1221), established the St. Dominic, order of Preaching Brothers {Fratres Prcedicatores, 12 15) to resist the spread of heresy in the Church. They were to be trained in all the learning of the day and made equal to the task of instructing the people in the doctrines of the Church. In 1220 St. Dominic introduced the rule of pov- erty into the order, thus modelling it after the order of St. Francis. The two orders had much the same development, becoming large, rich, and powerful. St. Francis had not intended that his brothers should devote themselves to learning, but they took it up in imitation of the Domini- cans, and the two orders furnished all the great scholars of the later Middle Age. The dark side of monasticism has been often painted. Faults of There were occasional periods of decadence in its history. ™o"a-sti- ' ■' cism. The piety of the monks brought them popularity and wealth; wealth brought the temptation to leisure and idleness ; and since they were human they sometimes yielded and so brought reproach upon the fair name of their order. The best human talent was frequently drawn into the monastery and, hence, lost to the state. Much more, indeed, might be said against the institu- tion, but the good which it did far outweighs the evil. Monasticism furnished the missionaries who Christianized The benefits and civilized western and northern Europe. Every mon- °f monasti- ^ ' cism. astery became a centre of life and learning, and hence a light to the surrounding country. They cleared the lands and brought them under cultivation. They were the farm- ers and taught by their example the dignity of labor in an age when the soldier was the world's hero. They preserved and transmitted much of the civilization of Rome to the i8o The Mediwval Period Military- monkish Orders. The Knights of St. John. Knights Templars. barbarians. They were the teachers of the west. Litera- ture and learning found a refuge with them in times of vio- lence. Their monasteries were the hotels of the Middle Age, and they cared for the poor and the sick. They were the greatest builders of their time, many of the great churches of Europe being their work. Monasticism was therefore an excellent thing for the world in those days. But the times changed. In the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- turies it no longer had a great mission. Other forces and institutions were then at hand to carry on the work which it had begun. The proof of this is that in the fifteenth century it was dying out. The monasteries were no longer full, and it was impossible to keep their numbers complete. The old monasticism was powerless ; it was no longer adapt- ed to the character and needs of society. The Middle Age had two distinct ideals, the soldier and the monk. Contradictory as they may seem, it is not strange that they fused and produced military-monkish orders, which arose under the peculiar circumstances which prevailed in Palestine during the crusades. The Knights of St. John were organized (1099) for the care of the sick among the pilgrims and crusaders. It was not long, however, until the military element was added, because be- ing surrounded and constantly threatened by Saracens they had to defend themselves. In 1119 the Knights Templars were established in imitation of the Knights of St. John. Both orders were composed of men who took all the vows of monks, but spent their time fighting. Because of their connection with the Holy Land, the two orders became very popular throughout the west and received immense gifts. In 1 1 90, during the siege of Ptolemais, a hospital was established for Germans, the members of which were soon afterward organized into a military-monkish order in imi- Monasticism i8i tation of the two spoken of above. They were called Ger- The Ger- man Knights. They tried hard to get a foothold in the ^tiie*^ *' east, but the other orders were so much older and had been Baltic, so much longer in the field that it was impossible. In 1226 they were invited to come to Prussia (the territory east of the lower Vistula) to fight against the heathen Prussians. In 1202 Albert, bishop of Riga, had established a similar order known as the Sword Brothers, and had made use of them in conquering and Christianizing the heathen of Livonia and Esthonia. In 1237 these two or- ders were united, and to this union it was due that so large a territory east of the Vistula was Germanized and Chris- tianized, and added finally to Germany. SPECIAL TOPICS I St. Benedict. Milman, Bk. III., Chap. VI. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. III., pp. 314 ff. $4.00. Scribner. His ^u/i? in Henderson. •i. St. Francis of Assist. SzhzW^r, Life of St, Francis. $2.50. Scribner. Vir^. 0\\^\i^Tt.\.y St. Francis of Assisi. $1.75. Macmillan. Jessopp. 3. St. Dominic. Milman, Bk. IX., Chap. IX. TiT^m, History of St. Dom- inic* 3s. Burns and Oates (Roman Catholic). J'essopp. CHAPTER XII MOHAMMED, MOHAMMEDANISM AND THE CRUSADES Political condition of Arabia. LITERATURE.— See General Literature. Womhext, Short History of the Crusades. $1.50. Appleton. Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades. $1.50. Putnam. Gray, The ChildreiUs Crusade. $1.50. Houghton. Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in ilie Middle Age, pp. 33&-434. $2.00. Scribner. Gilman, Saracens. $1.50. Putnam. Pears, Fall of Coitstajitiiiofile. $1.60. Longmans. Arzher, Crusade o/Richard I. $1.00. Putnam. Con&sT, Latiti Kingdom 0/ Jerusalem. $2. CO. New Amsterdam Book Co. Carlyle, Heroes and Hero Worship. $0.40. Lecture II. is an appre- ciative study of Mohammed. Scribner. Chronicles of the Crusades. $1.50. Macmillan. Penn. Univ. Translations. Vols. I. and III. contain material relat- ing to the crusades. Before the time of Mohammed the Arabs had no cen- tral government. They were separated into independent tribes. In the tribe there was a kind of patriarchal gov- ernment, but no recognized officials entrusted with the enforcement of the laws and the execution of justice. Even in the towns there was no real government. Every- one maintained the right of private vengeance. Each fam- ily, defending itself and its interests, was bound to avenge any injury done to its members ; consequently there were constant feuds among them. Until united by Mohammed, the Arabs can hardly be said to have had a political ex- istence. The religion of the Arabs was a crass idolatry. They worshipped the heavenly bodies, as well as a large number of spirits known as genii, ogres, and demons, all of which 182 Mohammedanism and the Crusades 183 play a prominent part in their literature. They observed a holy month, in which all warfare was suspended and no one dared do even his worst enemy an injury. Markets were held during this season at the holy places, and under this double security commerce flourished. About the mid- dle of the fifth century of our era the city of Mecca was Mecca, founded at a place where from time immemorial there had been a temple, known as the Kaaba. The tribe known as the Koreischites had got possession of the temple, and by collecting there all the religious rites of Arabia, made of Mecca its religious and commercial capital. Christianity, although of a poor type, was known in Arabia ; Judaism also was represented there by many Jewish colonies, espe- cially along the western coast. Of Mohammed's early life very little is known. He was Mohammed, born in Mecca about 570. The death of his father, mother, S7o-o32. and grandfather left him to the care of his uncle. His fam- ily was poor, however, and Mohammed was compelled to perform the most menial labor. When about twenty-five years old he entered the service of a rich widow, whom he served so faithfully as to win her hand and heart. His marriage with her raised him from his humble position of poverty to one of influence. When about forty years old Mohammed began to preach against polytheism and idol- atry. The burden of all his messages to his people was that there was one God, who required of his followers cer- tain religious and humane duties, and who would in the next world reward or punish all men in accordance with their conduct in this. The Meccans generally did not take him seriously at first, but in the course of a few years he had gathered about him a goodly number of people who believed in him and his divine calling. His wife and children, his slaves, a few of his relatives, and several poor His first and humble people, especially slaves, accepted him as a '^•'"'^"■t^- 1 84 The MedicBval Period prophet and attached themselves to him. During the first five years of his preaching he had also won over the four men who were to succeed him as khalifs, Abu Bekr, Omar, Othman, and Ali. As his following grew in numbers the Meccans began to oppose him bitterly, because he was at- tacking their idols and might thereby injure the reputation of the city, and also because he was establishing a society on a new basis. The union between him and his followers was not based on blood relationship, but on a common religious belief, which seemed to the Meccans dangerous and revolutionary. Their opposition soon developed into persecution. Mohammed then sent some of his followers into Abys- sinia, where he hoped they would be free from all oppres- sion. As the hostility of the Meccans toward him became greater, however, he saw that he also must eventually leave the city. He accordingly tried to make an alliance with some tribe to whom he might retire when he withdrew firom Mecca. After meeting with several refusals, he fell in with some men from Jathrib, or, as it came to be called later, Medina, who were inclined to believe in his prophetic char- acter. The Arabs of Medina lived among Jews, from whom they had learned of many of the ideas which Mohammed was proclaiming. After Mohammed had labored two years with them, the people of Medina made an alliance with him, accepting his religion and agreeing to protect him. Mohammed then sent as many of his followers to Medina as could free themselves from their entanglements in Mecca, and he himself, with Abu Bekr, soon followed. This flight TheHegira, of Mohammed, called the Hegira, took place in the year 622, and became the basis for the Mohammedan system of reckoning time. During the first year after the flight Mohammed tried hard to win the Jews of Medina and the surrounding coun- Alliance with Medina. 622. Mohammedanism and the Crusades 185 try, believing that since they were monotheists there could be but little difference between them and himself. Under Jewish influence he developed certain religious ceremonies, such as fasting and prayer. All the references in the Koran to the Jews during this period are friendly ; but before the first year was passed, Mohammed discovered that the Jews could not be persuaded to accept him. This led him to Mohammed turn from them and exert himself in the conversion of the !l!™? ^'■°'n the Jews to Arabs. Up to this time Jerusalem had been regarded by the Arabs, him as the Holy City, toward which during prayer he and his followers had turned their faces. Now he determined to win the Arabs. His first step was to make Mecca which, although the great national centre of the Arabs, had played an unimportant role in his belief, the Holy City of his re- ligion. Mecca and the Kaaba replaced Jerusalem and the temple. To justify this change Mohammed made use of the tradition of Abraham and Ishmael, connecting them with the building of the Kaaba and making Abraham the father of the Arabs. Abraham had been made to do duty by both Jews and Christians, both having laid claim to him ; Mohammed now declared that Abraham had been neither Jew nor Christian, but Mohammedan. But Mecca was not in the hands of Mohammed, and the Meccans were hostile to him. For the purpose of revenge. The desire as well as of getting possession of the Kaaba, Mohammed be- "f/jj^"^^ gan to instil into the' minds of his followers the idea that Mohammed war against those who had done violence to the faithful was arms^° ° justifiable. In a short time, in order to precipitate a war, he sent out some of his men to attack and rob a caravan of the Meccans. Inflamed by the hope of booty, the people of Medina now joined him in an attempt to capture another caravan on its way to Mecca ; but its leader outwitted them. A thousand men had come out from Mecca to defend the caravan and to avenge themselves for the previous los§ 1 86 The Medicsval Period The change wrought in him by military success. Mohammed not an impostor. At first a reformer, he becomes a politician. which they had sustained. Mohammed, with only three hundred men, met the thousand Meccans at Badr, and after killing about seventy of them, put the rest to flight. Much booty was taken, which Mohammed judiciously distributed among those who had fought for him. This military suc- cess of Mohammed quite turned him from the propagation of his faith in a peaceable way to the use of the sword. It soon became his settled policy to compel the Arabians to accept him and his religion. During the rest of his life he suffered but few reverses ; before his death all Arabia ac- knowledged him, and his followers were prepared to carry his faith by force into all lands. Mohammed's life may be divided into two periods. Dur- ing the first one he was a preacher of righteousness, a re- former. Those parts of the Koran delivered during this period are religious and poetical. He felt rehgious truth so directly that he believed that God was speaking to him. It is difficult to believe that during this period Mohammed was an impostor, or that he consciously used fraud. But after the flight he was moved by considerations that were not wholly religious. It was his desire for revenge that led him to attack Mecca. He felt that he was establishing a new religion and a new state. As his interests became political, he lost sight of the purer objects of his religion, resorting to means which seem to us very questionable, though he prob- ably thought that the purpose he had in view justified him in all he did. During the last years of his life he was lack- ing in inspiration. His style became dull and prolix, for the later chapters of the Koran are by no means equal to the earlier ones. While Mohammed had many of the faults of his age, he was in many respects also far ahead of it. He practised and permitted polygamy, and may seem to have degraded woman. But when it is remembered that polygamy was Mohammedanism and the Crusades 187 practised among his people long before his time, and that in other ways he did much to raise woman to a higher plane, we must judge him leniently. A proper estimate of his character can be formed only after a careful study of his times and a knowledge of him in all the relations of his life. Many of his most serious faults were due either to his conception of the prophetic office, or to the character of his times or people. His character was full of contrasts. His Noeldeke compares him in this respect with King David, character, in whom vindictiveness, cruelty, and deceit were joined with the most noble qualities. Mohammed was simple and modest and free from luxury in food, dress, and surround- ings. Even in the days of his greatest success he lived in the plainest fashion, mending his own clothes, and attend- ing to his own wants. He needed no slaves, and conse- quently liberated most of the captives who fell to him in the distribution of spoil. Mild, gentle, forgiving, and con- ciliatory, he was never a tyrant to his people. He asso- ciated freely with men of every rank. He was true in all his friendships and deeply grateful for any kindness shown him. In common with his age, he was superstitious and believed in the influence of good and evil spirits, and in the importance of dreams and all kinds of omens. Mohammed made the Arabs into a nation and brought His quick- them into history. His influence on them intellectually ^"'°S influ- ■' -' ence on the may be seen from the fact that for nearly three hundred Arabs. years the Arabs led the world in civilization. The good parts of his work were later destroyed by the ignorant and fanatical peoples from central Asia, who came down and acquired the political power over the Mohammedan world. Under their influence all the evils of Mohammed's religion were developed and its good destroyed. Mohammed him- Modem Mo- self is not responsible for the Mohammedanism of to-day ; js^j^ Turk- it is the creation of the Turkish peoples who adopted his ish. i88 The MedicBval Period Divisions in the Mo- hammedan world. The Turks become the ruling pow- er. religion and have ruled it for nearly eight hundred years. Turkish Mohammedanism is a very different thing from the early Arabic Mohammedanism. Mohammed was a religious genius. It may be objected that he produced nothing new and that he was indebted to the Jews and Christians for nearly all his ideas. While that is true, he nevertheless felt, as no one else had for sev- eral centuries, the power of these ideas. He saw and felt a great religious truth in a direct way. His originality consisted not so much in new knowledge as in the vigor, directness, and certainty of his religious perceptions. Others might have learned the same things from the Jews and Christians, but Mohammed alone felt their truth and breathed into them a new religious power. Mohammed died in 632, and in turn four of his earliest converts, Abu Bekr (632-34), Omar (634-44), Othman (644-55), and Ali (655-61), were elected khalif. Before the death of Ali, Syria, Persia, the Euphrates valley, and all the territory as far as the Oxus river and the coniines of India and Egypt, with a part of north Africa, were con- quered and converted to the faith of Mohammed. But dissensions arose, and Othman and Ali were both mur- dered. A relative of Othman made himself khalif and es- tablished himself in Damascus (661) instead of Medina. He and his family, known as the Ommeiades, ruled in Da- mascus till, in 750, the Abbassides, the descendants of an uncle of Mohammed, usurped the khalifate and removed its seat to Bagdad. This change of capital was a mistake, because from that city it was impossible to rule the whole Mohammedan world. Egypt and Spain revolted and set up rival khalifs. In the eleventh century the Seldjuk Turks came down from central Asia and made themselves master of all the Mohammedan parts of Asia. In 1058 their leader, Togrul Beg, went to Bagdad, received all the Mohammedanism and the Crusades 189 temporal authority of the khaUf, and became sultan of the Mohammedan world. The khalif became merely a relig- ious officer ; the political authority rested in the hands of Togrul Beg and his successors. The changed khalifate continued till 1258, when the son of the great conqueror^ Ghengis Khan, put to death the last khalifat Bagdad. In 750, when the Ommeiad dynasty was destroyed, one The khali- member of the family escaped and made his way to Spain, Spain. where, received with honor, he was recognized as the lord of the country. With the name of emir or sultan, he and his descendants ruled in Spain till 929, when they assumed the title of khahf. Under this family the Mohammedan power in Spain was well united and enjoyed a season of great prosperity. In 1031, however, a revolution put an end to the khalifate, breaking it into a large number of small principalities, and the Christians, pressing in on all sides, reconquered some of their territory. After the fall of the Ommeiades Africa suffered a long Africa, period of violence and discord ; but in the tenth century a pretended descendant of Fatima, a daughter of Mohammed, got possession of it. His descendants founded Cairo (969) and made it the seat of their government. They controlled The khali- nearly all the islands of the western Mediterranean and cairo. held several posts in Italy and France. By constant wars, however, their power was broken, and in 1171 Saladin, the ruler of western Asia, conquered Egypt and made an end of the khalifate of Cairo. During the five centuries following Mohammed's death there was produced among his followers a civilization far The Arabic in advance of anything in Europe. The basis for it all they received from Persia and Greece, but they added much to the stock thus obtained. In the administration of the government the Mohammedans had an excellent sys- tem, which was pretty thoroughly unified. Their system 1 90 The Mediaval Period Learning. Mathemat- ics. of taxation was good. They restored the old Roman roads and built new ones, thus binding all parts of the empire to- gether, and they constructed canals and aqueducts. A postal system was in operation among them. They devel- oped a style of architecture, which was characterized by the round and horseshoe arch, the dome, the tall and graceful minaret, and the richness of its interior oramenta- tion. In everything connected with their buildings they showed the most exquisite taste and appreciation of beauty, and their architectural remains are still the wonder and envy of the world. They established universities, which excelled all those of Europe for several centuries. The mosques were generally the seats of universities or learned societies, and were the places where all sorts of questions were freely discussed. Among the famous universities were those of Bagdad, Cairo, and Cordova. The university of Cairo, which still exists in the mosque El Azhar, had as many as twelve thousand students. Libraries were formed, some of which are said to have contained several hundred thousand volumes. The universities, especially in Spain, were visited by Christian students, who thus acquired the Mohammedan learning and culture and carried them into Christian Europe. Philoso- phy, theology, law, rhetoric, and philology were studied with great zest. Dictionaries were compiled, and com- mentaries on the Koran written. The Mohammedans knew the works of Aristotle, and based their philosophical systems upon his principles of philosophy. Several works by them on travel and history and some biographies are handed down to us. In mathematics they built on the foundations of the Greek mathematicians. The origin of the so-called Arabic numerals is obscure. Under Theodoric the Great, Boe- thius made use of certain signs which were in part very Mohammedanism and the Crusades 191 like the nine digits which we now use. One of the pupils of Gerbert also used signs which were still more like ours, but the zero was unknown till in the twelfth century, when it was invented by the Arab mathematician named Mohammed-Ibn-Mousa, who also was the first to use the decimal notation, and who gave the digits the value of po- sition. In geometry the Arabs did not add much to Eu- clid, but algebra is practically their creation ; also they developed spherical trigonometry, inventing the sine, tangent, and cotangent. In physics they invented the pen- dulum, and produced works on optics. They made prog- ress in the science of astronomy. They built several observatories and constructed many astronomical instru- ments which are still in use. They calculated the angle of the ecliptic and the precession of the equinoxes. Their knowledge of astronomy was undoubtedly profound. In medicine they made great advances over the work of Medicine the Greeks. They studied physiology and hygiene, and ,^4™. ' their "materia medtca" was practically the same as ours to-day. Many of their methods of treatment are still in use among us. Their surgeons understood the use of an- aesthetics and performed some of the most difficult opera- tions known. At the time when in Europe the practice of medicine was forbidden by the Church, which expected cures to be effected by religious rites performed by the clergy, the Arabs had a real science of medicine. In chemistry they made a good beginning. They discovered many new substances and compounds, such as alcohol, po- tassium, nitrate of silver, corrosive sublimate, and nitric and sulphuric acid. In literature, also, the Arabs labored, producing many Literature, works of imagination. They had a special fondness for J?g"" poetry. In manufactures they outdid the world in variety Farming, and beauty of design and perfection of workmanship. 192 The MedicBval Period Commerce. Arabic civ- ilization de- stroyed by the Turks. They worked in all the metals — ^gold, silver, copper, bronze, iron, and steel. In textile fabrics they have never been surpassed. They made glass and pottery of the finest quality. They knew the secrets of dyeing and they manu- factured paper. They had many processes of dressing leather, and their work was famous throughout Europe, They made tinctures, essences, and syrups. They made sugar from the cane and grew many fine kinds of wine. They practised farming in a scientific way and had good systems of irrigation. They knew the value of fertilizers, and adapted their crops to the quality of the ground. They excelled in horticulture, knowing how to graft, and how to produce new varieties of fruits and flowers. They introduced into the west many trees and plants from the east, and wrote scientific treatises on farming. Their commerce attained great proportions. Their cara- vans traversed the empire from one end to the other, and their sails covered the seas. They held at many places great fairs and markets, some of which were visited by merchants from all parts of Europe and Asia. Their mer- chants had connections with China, India, and the East Indies, with the interior of Africa and with Russia, and with all the countries lying around the Baltic. Much of the Mohammedan civilization was destined to be introduced into Europe, especially by means of the cru- sades. In its own home, however, it suffered almost com- plete annihilation by the coming of the ignorant and fanat- ical Turks, who showed, indeed, that they could prey upon it, but could not assimilate and improve it; whose fanati- cism led them to oppose all science, because it might be injurious to their religious belief; and whose hatred of people of other religions led them into wars, during which industry and commerce languished. Since the Turks were barbarian and without any appreciation of the necessaries as Mohammedanism and the Crusades 193 well as the luxuries of civilized life, they tended to destroy the culture which they found. Since their coming Moham- medanism has changed utterly, and the lands which were once gardens are now almost like a desert. The descendants of Togrul Beg continued their con- quests to the west till they took Asia Minor from the em- peror and even threatened Constantinople. In his extrem- ity the emperor is said to have sent messengers to the pope to ask aid. In 1095 Urban II. went into France, and at Urban II. a council at Clermont called on all the west to take up grit cru- ^ arms and recover the holy places. He met with an unex- sade. pected response. After he had ceased speaking, thousands pressing around him took the vow to go on the crusade and received the sign, a red cross fastened to the right shoul- der diagonally across the breast. Urban renewed the prohibition of private war, put the property of all crusaders under the special protection of the Church, offered large rewards to all who would join the movement, and com- manded the clergy to preach the crusade in all parts of France. Among the many who went out to preach the crusade was Peter the Hermit. The ordinary accounts Peter the which make Peter the originator of the crusade are en- "^''™"' tirely false. He had never been in Palestine ; had never seen the pope ; and had nothing to do with Urban till after the crusade had been announced at Clermont. By his preaching he got together a few thousand men and women — -a disorderly mob without arms — and set out for Palestine. He led them to Constantinople and thence a short distance into Asia Minor, where they were cut to pieces by the Turks. Peter himself escaped to Constanti- nople, and waited for the main army to come up. There was no leader of the crusade and no central au- thority. From the north of France came Hugo of Ver- mandois, a brother of King Philip I. ; Stephen of Blois, 194 The Mediceval Period The leaders inefficient, the army not consoli- dated. Motives of the cru- saders. Robert of Normandy, Godfrey of Bouillon and his two brothers, Eustace and Baldwin, and their nephew, Bald- win the Younger ; from southern France, Raymond, count of Toulouse ; and from Italy, Boemund and his nephew, Tancred. Of all these only one, Boemund, had any abil- ity as a leader ; and unfortunately for the undertaking, it was impossible for him to obtain the leadership. Each one led his own men, and was practically independent of all the others. It is said that the army which was thus brought together numbered nearly a million, but we have no means of forming an accurate estimate of its size. The crusading army was motley in its make-up. Many had, of course, joined the movement out of religious motives, hoping to have a part in the meritorious work of recon- quering the holy places. The pope had promised remis- sion of sins to all who should lose their lives while on the crusade, and many supernatural advantages seemed likely to be derived from such an undertaking. Others were there who had run away from their debts or from their families; there were even criminals, who hoped thus to escape punishment. Many serfs ran away from their lords, and from the hard conditions under which they lived. Many came because of the opportunity to gratify their love of adventure and travel. The leaders, almost without ex- ception, had joined in the movement principally because they wished to acquire power and establish an independent principality somewhere in the east, on lands to be taken from the Saracens or from the Greeks. The pope had the desire to deliver the holy places, but at the same time he wished to extend his ecclesiastical authority over the east. The cities of Italy, some of which joined to a certain ex- tent in the first crusade, were led principally by the desire to extend their commerce and to secure harbor privileges in the east. Mohammedanism and the Crusades 195 Remembering his recent experiences with Robert Guis- card, Alexius, the emperor at Constantinople, feared the Alexius crusaders. He divined the purpose of the leaders and felt ^ro„f 2° for that he was not secure from their attacks. It was quite fearing the natural that he should endeavor to protect his interests. "^^^ ^■'^* As the leaders arrived at Constantinople he either per- suaded or forced them to take an oath that they would de- liver to him all the territory which they should conquer, promising them that, if they wished, they might receive it back as a fief. Boemund was the only one of the crusaders frank, enough to tell the emperor what his intentions were. He offered his services to Alexius, plainly informing him that he wished to make his fortune in the east ; but the emperor, distrusting him, refused to give him a position of trust and authority. In 1097 the army, after crossing the Bosporus, set out for Nicsea. After besieging the town for several days, they Nicaea were about to take it when Alexius secured its surrender to ^^^^'^i '°97- himself. The crusaders, not allowed to sack the place, were angry with Alexius, and accused him of acting in bad faith with them. Their charges were, however, without foundation. The march through Asia Minor was a difficult one; many perished by the way of hunger and thirst. Toward the end of October, 1097, the army reached Antioch, and began its siege. The city held out for several months, un- til when a great army under Kerbogha, emir of Mosul, was approaching for its relief, Boemund told the other leaders that, if they would agree to give him Antioch for his pos- Antioch session, he would deliver it into their hands. They finally ^ ^°' ^°^ ' consented, and the following night Boemund, by the aid of a traitor, secured an entrance into the city. At daybreak the gates were opened, the crusaders rushed in, and the work of destruction and pillage began. The Mohamme- 196 'The MedicEval Period Kerbogha. Edessa. Ambition of Raymond of Toulouse. The leaders quarrel. dans were killed without pity and their houses looted. Opiy the citadel held out, but to this, in the wild scramble for spoil, the crusaders paid no attention. Three days later Kerbogha arrived, and now the crusaders became the besieged. For a few days Kerbogha pushed the siege with great vigor. The Christians lost courage, for it seemed the city could not hold out against Kerbogha. But a pious fraud was now planned, which filled the crusaders with en- thusiasm and enabled them to overcome the besieging army. It was said that in a vision the whereabouts of the holy lance had been revealed to one of the crusaders, and when they dug in the place designated, of course they found the lance. Some of the crusaders knew that this was a fraud, but others believed in it. When the army marched out with this lance at its head, the army of Kerbogha was put to utter rout, leaving its camp in the hands of the Christians. In the meantime Baldwin, the brother of Godfrey, had gone to Edessa and had, by very questionable means, made himself master of the city. Edessa became a most impor- tant outpost of the Christians. After the destruction of Kerbogha's army the way was open to Jerusalem. Boemund wished to remain in Antioch until he had got the city under his control. Raymond of Toulouse, envious of the good fortune of Boemund, coveted the city and refused to proceed to Jerusalem. He tried in vain in every way to gain a foothold in the neighborhood of Antioch and to dispossess Boemund. At length the crusaders, angry at the delay, declared they would burn Antioch unless Raymond gave up the struggle and led them on to Jerusalem. Raymond yielded very unwillingly, and more than once stopped by the way and laid siege to some town. At last, worn out with waiting, the crusaders set fire to their tents and began a mad sort of Mohammedanism and the Crusades 197 race toward Jerusalem. Reaching the city, they besieged Jerusalem it for several weeks, and finally stormed and took it, July * ^"' ^°99- 15, 1099. Hardly was the city taken when a quarrel arose as to what should be done with it. The clergy wished to make it an ecclesiastical state under the rule of a patriarch. The princes, however, would not listen to this, but could with difficulty find any one who wished to assume control of it. In the end a compromise was effected by which Godfrey of Godfrey of Bouillon was put over it with the title of " Protector of ma^e Pro- the Holy Grave. ' ' A few days later the crusaders left tector of the Jerusalem and began their journey home, and the first °^ rave, crusade was at an end. It had cost Europe an immense number of men, and had accomplished very little. Boe- Results of mund had possession of Antioch, Baldwin of Edessa, and g^de. Godfrey of Jerusalem. Alexius had also regained nearly all of Asia Minor. In the eyes of the west, however, the reconquesl of the Holy Grave was by far the most impor- tant result of the crusade, and well worth all that it had cost. The returning crusaders were received with every mark of honor, and their stories so filled the people with enthusiasm that a new crusade was immediately organized. From 1 100 to 1102 several hundred thousand men went Crusade of A • Tir- 1 100-2. to the east, only to be cut to pieces in Asia Minor. The Christian states which had been founded in the Strife east had a checkered history, many chapters of which were christian far from ideal. Lack of good poHtical judgment, jealousy, states in intrigue, and treachery prevented their best development. They quarrelled with the emperor and with each other, and it often happened that Christians made alliances with Mohammedans against other Christians. The new emir of Mosul, Zenki, ambitious to rule over the Mohammedan world, began a policy of conquest. In 1 1 44 he took Edessa and threatened both Antioch and 198 The Medieval Period Edessa, 1 144. Europe changed. Jerusalem, till, in their extremity, the Christians appealed Zenki takes to the west for help. The fall of Edessa caused great con- sternation in Europe, without, however, producing any immediate action. Europe had undergone a great change since Urban II. had first issued the call for a crusade. Contested papal elections and the rule of some inefficient popes had some- what reduced the power and prestige of the papacy. Eu- rope had in the meantime been growing rich from her rap- idly increasing commerce, and wealth was producing a great change in the people. Political interests were occu- pying a larger place in the minds of all. Louis VI. was strengthening the royal power in France. Roger had made a kingdom out of Sicily and southern Italy. The cities of Lombardy were increasing in wealth, power, and inde- pendence. A great change, chief index of which was Abelard, had taken place in the thought of Europe. Here and there people had begun to think independently of the Church and her creed. Reason was awakening. The study of Roman law had been revived. Poets were begin- ning to sing songs of love and wine. Europe, slowly recovering from her attack of asceticism, was thinking less of the future world and more of the enjoyment of this. Arnold of Brescia was in Rome, preaching against the wealth of the clergy and their exercise of political author- ity. The high demands of Gregory VII. had been relaxed a little. Pope Eugene III. was himself unimportant, and the leadership was in the hands of Bernard of Clairvaux, who did not wish that the pope should have secular power. He thought that their spiritual authority should be enforced only by spiritual means. A second crusade under these circumstances was difficult. But, by his eloquence, Bernard of Clairvaux overcame all difficulties. Louis VII. of France was desirous of going, Mohammedanism and the Crusades 199 and Conrad III. of Germany yielded to Bernard's fiery speech and took the vow. The Germans did the Greeks much damage while passing through the empire, and the eastern emperor actually had to make war on the crusaders before they could be brought to their senses. The French army was more discreet ; but, to make the situation more critical, king Robert II. of Sicily was making war on the empire. The emperor, although in great danger from the crusaders, was adroit enough to keep the peace with them, and get them across the Bosporus. Both armies, however. Failure of went to pieces in Asia Minor. Hunger, thirst, the fatigue **'^/^i*'"^ of the journey, and the weapons of the Mohammedans left 1147-49. only a few thousand men who reached Palestine. There they made the mistake of besieging Damascus, whose emir was friendly to the Christians, instead of using all their efforts to break the power of Zenki, the real enemy. The second crusade ended in making the condition of the Christians in Syria worse instead of better ; and Europe was so disgusted with the failure of the great preparations, that for many years no further efforts were made to send reenforcements to the east. Fortunately for the Syrian Christians, Zenki died and his power went to pieces. But the Christians in Palestine learned no wisdom from their experiences. Intrigue and treachery increased among them. They became weaker and more contemptible, till, in 1187, Saladin, who had Saladin con- made himself master of western Asia and Egypt, was forced 5"|lf ^"*' to make war on them. He had borne with them for a long time, but finally, enraged at their faithlessness, he attacked them, and in a few weeks had taken all their strongholds. His capture of Jerusalem stirred the west profoundly and led the great rulers, the emperor, Frederick Frederick Barbarossa, Philip II. of France, and Richard I. of Eng- Barbarossa. land to organize a crusade for its recovery. After the 200 The Medicsval Period most careful and statesmanlike preparations, Frederick led a well-disciplined army of one hundred thousand men His death through Asia Minor, only to meet his death by drowning June 10, while crossing a swollen mountain stream, and the army, left without a leader, melted away. Only a few of them reached Syria. Philip II. The armies of Philip and Richard went by sea and safely ard I reached their destination ; but their effectiveness was di- minished by the quarrel which broke out between the two kings. On the way Richard conquered Cyprus and made of it a Christian kingdom, which was to be a strong defence for many years against the Mohammedans. Before the armies had reached Syria the Christians there had made the mistake of attacking Acco, a strong fortress on the coast. Their efforts should have been to drive Saladin into The siege of the interior. They did not specially need Acco, since Acco. ^j^gy already had several good ports, and in taking it the third crusade wore itself out. After its capture PhiHp re- turned home, and Richard, too, after engaging in many chivalrous adventures without accomplishing anything for the good of the cause, sailed away. He was shipwrecked in the Adriatic, taken prisoner, and set free only on the payment of a heavy ransom. The third crusade was also a failure, for the conquest of Acco was no adequate return for the expenditure of means, effort, and life which had been made. Henry VI. The crusade of Henry VI. was only a part of his larger plan of conquest, by which he meant to make himself master of the Greek empire and of the east. In 1196 he sent an army of sixty thousand men into Syria ; but his unexpected death left his men without a master, and the army's disso- lution rapidly followed. The west was exhausted and discouraged. Her great armies had melted away in the east without accomplishing Mohammedanism and the Crusades 201 anything. Hundreds of thousands of men were still ready to take the crusader's vow, but few were willing to fulfil it. All the efforts of Innocent III. could bring together only a The fourth few thousand knights, who, hoping to secure the service of "cted the Venetian fleet in their undertaking, went to Venice, against Being unable to pay the whole sum demanded for trans- ^°^i^ ^ ' portation, they agreed to work for their passage by assisting 1202-4. the Venetians in reducing Zara, a pirate city on the coast of Dalmatia, which had been preying on the commerce of the Venetians. In October, 1202, Zara was reduced, and the crusaders demanded the fulfilment of the agreement. They wished to be carried to Egypt, because it seemed to them that it would be better to attack the Mohammedan power in its most Important seat. But Venice, at peace with the Mohammedans of Egypt, enjoyed a rich com- merce with them. The doge of Venice, therefore, shrewdly turned the crusaders aside from their purpose and led them against Constantinople. His purpose in this was to avenge himself for a private grudge against that city, and also to secure more harbor and commercial privileges in the east. Constantinople was at this time the leading commercial city of the Mediterranean ; Venice envied her her suprem- acy and hoped, with the help of the crusaders, to humble her. The crusaders themselves had little interest in the war with the Mohammedans. They were for the most part soldiers of fortune, adventurers ready for any undertaking that promised them a rich reward. An exiled emperor offered them a large sum of money if they would restore him to his throne, and Venice added her inducements. In spite of the opposition of the pope, the crusaders therefore moved against Constantinople and took it. They soon quarrelled with the emperor whom they had restored because he could not pay what he had promised. The quarrel led to the sacking of the city, the expulsion of the emperor, and the 202 The Mediceval Period The Latin kingdom in the east, 1204-61. The Chil- dren's Cru- sade. The last crusades un- important. establishment of a western man as ruler in Constantinople. This Latin kingdom, as it was called, existed till 1261, when the Greeks put an end to it and restored an emperor of their own. The Venetians received as their share of the spoils, in 1204, many of the Greek islands, some parts of the mainland of Greece, and a large quarter, and harbor and commercial privileges in Constantinople. From this time they controlled to a great extent the eastern Mediterranean, and were the foremost commercial power of Europe. The crusades which followed this expedition against Con- stantinople were all unimportant in their results, The most curious of them all was the Children's Crusade. In the summer of 1212 forty thousand children were brought to- gether in Germany and crossed the Alps into Italy. The number gradually melted away by deaths, desertions, or seizures, and only a handful of them reached Brindisi, from which a few of them are said to have sailed, never to be heard of again. The fate of the French children was even worse. Thirty thousand of them joined in the march tow- ard Marseilles, from which port probably five thousand of them sailed away, only to be betrayed and sold as slaves in the Mohammedan markets. In 12 1 7 another crusade was attempted, which resulted in the capture of Damietta. The Christians, however, were not able to improve their opportunities, the city was soon taken from them, and their army destroyed. Frederick II. led a crusade (1228-29), but won all his victories by di- plomacy and not by the sword. In 1239-40 another cru- sade was made, but without results. In 1244 Mohamme- dan Asia was overrun by a wild horde of Turks who had been called in by one of the political factions of the Mo- hammedans themselves, and who devastated the country west of the Euphrates and captured Jerusalem and all the Cbrjstiaq pities jjj goutheri; Syria ; and from this time Jeru- Mohammedanism and the Crusades 203 salem, lost to the Christians, was destined to remain under Mohammedan control. Louis IX. of France undertook to recover the Holy City, but after some successes in Egypt his army was destroyed and he returned to Europe without having accomplished anything. He made another crusade in 1270, the objective point of which was Tunis, but dur- ing the siege of that city he died. The end of the Christian power in Syria was fast ap- proaching. The military-monkish orders fought with each other, and the Venetians and other Italian states were Syria recon- engaged in constant feuds. The Mohammedans were car- th^ Moham- rying on the work of conquest with skill. In 1265 Caesarea medans. and Arsuf were taken and destroyed. The great fortress Safed fell the next year. In 1268 Joppa shared the same fate, and the whole of northern Syria was lost by the sur- render of Antioch in May of the same year. Thereupon Gregory X. had a crusade preached throughout all Europe, but without success. More than once divisions among the Mohammedans gave the remaining Christians in S)Tia a little respite, but their fate could not be avoided. Trip- olis was taken in 1289, and in 1291 Acco was besieged and after a few months of brave resistance captured. The Christians were thus driven out of Syria, and the whole country was in the hands of the Mohammedans. The Knights of St. John established themselves on some of the islands, especially Rhodes, which they held for nearly two hundred years. Cyprus remained a Latin kingdom until 1489, when it was seized by Venice and made a part or her territory. Although there were no more crusades, the idea of them did not die. Several popes during the thirteenth and four- teenth centuries called on Europe to arm itself against the Mohammedans. Several kings of France even took the cross and proclaimed a crusade. This was, however, done 204 The Medieval Period Why did the crusades cease ? Causes of failure. apparently for no other purpose than to afford the king an opportunity to collect some extraordinary taxes. The reasons for the cessation of the crusades are many. In the first place they had all failed. Millions of lives and untold wealth had been squandered in the east, and nothing had been accomplished. The people of Europe lost faith in the movement. The crusading spirit was turned into other channels. In Spain the war was kept up with the Mo- hammedans. On the eastern frontiers of Germany cru- sades were carried on against the heathen Letts and Slavs. The heretics in the empire were put on the same plane as the infidels, and wars against them were declared to be as holy and deserving of the same rewards as those against the Mohammedans. Then, too, the national life of the countries was growing stronger. International struggles arising, all the forces of the country were needed at home. At the same time the religious needs of the people were satisfied in another way. Gethsemanes, Via Dolorosas, and Calvaries were constructed in the west, and these artificial holy places came to be regarded with almost as much rev- erence as were their originals. The rising sale of indul- gences also made it unnecessary to go on a long and danger- ous journey to the holy land to win religious peace. The life of Europe grew larger, its interests more complex, and the fields of its activity more numerous. There was no longer any surplus of energy to be spent in such far-away enterprises. That the crusades failed to accomplish what they were organized to do is evident. Nor are the causes of this failure far to seek. The crusaders themselves were much to blame, both while on the way and after they reached the east. They were too lawless and moblike. They lacked good leaders. The princes quarrelled constantly, and their personal ambitions, especially those of the Normans, kept Mohammedanism and the Crusades 205 them from working for the common good. The Greek emperors, too, followed a disastrous policy, although the conduct of the crusaders generally drove them to it. The struggle between the German emperors and the popes also had a baneful influence. The Italian cities come in for their share of the blame because they were interested so deeply in commerce that they often sacrificed the com- mon interests to their selfish ends. Finally, the difficulty of colonizing so large a territory and of absorbing the Mohammedan population was so great that it could not be overcome. The effects, both direct and indirect, of the crusades on Effect of Europe were great and varied. They did much to increase gades."' the power of the papacy, especially during the first hun- dred years. Urban II. was virtually at the head of Chris- tian Europe, and his leadership of so popular a movement as the first crusade confirmed him in the high place in the mind of the Christian world. Chivalry was perhaps in- evitable, but the crusades forced it to become organized and made of it the institution which it became. The mil- itary-monkish orders owed their existence wholly to the crusades. The conquests of the German Order among the heathen on the Baltic may be regarded as one of the most important of the indirect effects of the crusades. The crusades helped destroy feudalism. The barons Feudalism, often sold their rights, privileges, lands, and other feudal possessions in order to get money to go on a crusade. The creation of a new nobility to offset the old was also has- tened by the crusades. They diminished the number of feudal subjects of the lower class, and so created the de- mand for laborers which resulted in the elevation of the serfs into a class of free day-laborers. They also had some effect on the process by which the kings were increasing their power at the expense of the nobles. They did not 206 The Medi(£val Period destroy feudalism, but they did much to weaken it. Since they brought together large numbers of people of all coun- tries, they developed the consciousness of national differ- ences. Each nation came to hate all the others, one of the necessary steps, apparently, in the development of na- tionality. Commerce. On commerce the effects of the crusades were most marked. Shipbuilding and commerce were largely in- creased, because they made the carriage of pilgrims be- tween Europe and Asia so lucrative a business. Many new objects of merchandise were now introduced into Europe. The crusades created and supplied a large de- mand in the west for wines, sugar, cotton, silk, all kinds of textile fabrics, rugs, pottery, glass-ware, spices, med- icines, perfumes, coloring substances, incense, various kinds of oil, mastix, dates, grains, and many other things. It would not be too much to say that the crusades made Europe rich. The cities especially profited by the com- merce, which greatly hastened the rise of the citizen or middle class. The crusades gave a strong impulse to lit- erary activity. Many chronicles, histories, and poems were written about them, and the legends which grew out of them were innumerable. The literature of chivalry may be traced indirectly to the same impulse. Under their in- fluence the great cycles of legends about Solomon, Troy, , and Alexander the Great arose. In 1141 the Koran was translated into Latin. About the same time a school was established in Paris to teach the eastern languages, such as Armenian and Arabic. Also Europe's fund of knowledge was generally increased. As regards zoology, the crusaders became acquainted with thany animals which aroused their curiosity, and their in- terest resulted in the formation of zoological gardens, first of all in Sicily and Italy, in which strange animak were Mohammedanism and the Crusades 207 collected. Further, some new domestic animals were in- troduced into Europe, such as the mule, the donkey, and the Arab horse. In botany and practical farming Europe had much to Practical learn from the Arabs. They taught the best methods of ^^rnung. irrigation. The "Dutch" windmill is an Arabic inven- tion, used for grinding corn and drawing water in the east, till it was introduced into Europe by the crusaders. Many new plants and grains were brought to the west, and experiments made in their cultivation. In medicine and chemistry, which among the Arabs Medicine were closely related, the Christians learned of sirups, ju- fg"^' "*" leps, elixirs, camphor, senna, rhubarb, and similar articles. Many chemical terms, such as alembic, alcohol, alkali, borax, and amalgam, are Arabic in origin. The Arabs' knowledge of mathematics and astronomy has already been spoken of, and the intercourse between the Christians and the Mohammedans facilitated the spread to the west of the Arabic achievements in these subjects. Most important of all, perhaps, was the general enlarge- The horizoa ment of the intellectual horizon of Europe, caused by the "nlareedf travel of the Christians in foreign lands which had a differ-' ent, higher, and finer civilization than their own. Life in the west was still very rude. The houses lacked all luxu- ries and comforts, and most of those things which are now regarded as necessities. The European, whose experiences had been very limited indeed, entered into a new world when he set out on a crusade. He found new climates, new natural products, strange dress, houses, and customs. The features of the landscape and even the skies above him were different, and in the houses he found many new objects of comfort and luxury. The geographical knowl- edge of the west was very limited, but the crusades brought experience in travel and a practical knowledge of large ter- 208 The Mediwval Period ritories, so that an active interest was aroused in the study of geography. A good knowledge of the Mediterranean and of large parts of Asia and Africa was acquired. The curiosity awakened by the new regions, together with the mercenary and commercial interests in many quarters, led Europeans to undertake long journeys of discovery. One of the most famous of the travellers of the Middle Age was Marco Polo, who traversed central Asia, visiting all the peoples of that region, and finally reaching even the Pacific. Other travellers, only a little less famous, are Plan Carpin and Andrew of Longjumeau. The published accounts of their travels were widely read, and, while adding informa- tion, they increased the interest of Europe in foreign lands. The influence of the crusades in this direction can hardly be overestimated. Without them the Renaissance could not have been what it was. SPECIAL TOPICS The Fourth Crusade. Pears. Gibbon, Roman Empire^ Chaps. LIX., LX., and LXI. Oman, Byzantine Empire, Chaps. XXII. and XXIIl. Penn. Univ. Translations. Vol. III., i. The Children's Crusade. Gray. Marco Polo. His Voyages. $0.10. Cassell. CHAPTER XIII THE GROWTH OF THE CITIES LITERATURE.— Zimmern, Hajisa. $1.50. Putnam. Gross, The Gild Merchant. 1 vols. $6.00. Clarendon, Jessopp, Studies of a Recluse. §1.75. Putnam. Contains an article on the growrth of the English towns. Old Medleval Towns; Symonds and Gordon, Perugia. $1.50. Lynch, Toledo. Sx.50. Headlam, Nuremberg. $1.50. Cook, Rouen. $3.00. The history of the cities of the Roman empire during The cities the first ten centuries of the Christian era is obscure. In 1° til* empire. Gaul, besides a larger number of strongholds (castra), there were more than one hundred cities (civitates) governed by the Roman municipal form of government. In the fourth century they were all on the road to ruin because of the financial oppression which they endured from the emperor. The control of city government during or after the invasion of the barbarians passed into the hands of some bishop or nobleman of the neighborhood ; or sometimes the control was divided — the bishop holding one part ol the city, and the nobleman the remainder. Karl the Great Karl the introduced some uniformity into the government of the hig^sy^em cities by putting each one of them under an officer with of counties. the title of count. These counts were either churchmen or laymen, and were, in every case, responsible to Karl for their government. They ruled the cities in the em- peror's name. But in the succeeding period, while the empire was being dismembered and feudalism established, these counts were able to assume a feudal proprietorship 2og 210 The MedicEval Period New cities founded. The inhab- itants of the cities had lost their freedom. Guilds. over the cities. Each city thus became a fief, the feudal possession of its count. The Germans, it will be remembered, generally settled in the country. At the time of Karl the Great by far the larger number of the inhabitants of Gaul and Germany still lived in the country. The violence of the times, and espe- cially the invasions of the Norsemen and Huns, compelled the people to live together in walled inclosures, and these in time became cities. Other cities sprang up around monasteries and castles. They were, of course, small in their beginnings and grew slowly. They also became involved in the prevalent feudal relations, and were gov- erned by their feudal lord. In accordance with the prevailing tendency of the age, the residents of the cities had lost their full freedom. They were neither wholly free nor wholly enslaved, but were regarded as the possession of the lord of their city. Their condition did not differ very materially from that of the serfs. They had neither personal nor political freedom, since they had no voice in their own government. Their lord collected the taxes, appointed all officials, kept order, punished offenders, and was, in short, himself the whole government. The citizens were at the mercy of their lords. So long as the cities remained small, and city life undeveloped, such a state of affairs might continue to exist ; but it is inconceivable that it should be tolerated after the cities became large, rich, and powerful. It is also evident that the inhabitants of the cities would strive after personal freedom and then for political liberty, or the right of local self-government. A sort of basis or starting-point for the free commune of later times was the guilds. People who had common in- terests were brought together and united into a secret or- ganization known as a guild. Each occupation had a sep- The Growth of the Cities 2 1 1 arate guild, that worked at first only for its own interests ; but later progress was made by the union of some of the guilds in the support of their common interests. The principal causes of the communal revolt of the elev- enth and twelfth centuries were the revival of industry and Revival of commerce, and the consequent increase of wealth. It was '"^"^t'T the merchants who led in the movement, and the revolt commerce, spread along the routes of commerce and travel. During the tenth century efforts were made to put an end to pri- vate wars and to secure peace. Feudalism became more fixed in its customs and a certain degree of order prevailed, Order to which fact the revival of commerce is in large measure ''"°&^ " commerce, due. There was no revolt against the burdens imposed commerce upon the cities by their lords until there grew up a rich ^' jth'tt" merchant class, a sort of aristocracy of wealth, command- desire for ing resources and means of carrying on the struggle with ' ^' the lord, but when this class became numerous the cities rebelled and in the struggle that followed were able to secure not only personal freedom for their inhabitants but also in many cases the right of governing them- selves. In Italy, as we have seen, the cities were able to free themselves entirely from the empire and the papacy and to become independent republics. But in France this move- ment did not go to so great lengths ; not a single French No city city became an independent republic ; the French cities p^^jjlg ^ "^ did not even succeed in ridding themselves entirely of their feudal lords. Even the cities which secured the largest amotmt of political liberty and the fullest freedom of self- government still recognized, in one way or another, the headship of their lords. When first confronted with the demands of the cities the lords thought only of resistance. It is only natural that they should have opposed anything which threatened 212 The Mediceval Period to diminish their power and income. The refusal of the lord, however, was generally followed by an appeal of the citizens to arms ; and in this struggle the cities were nearly Liberty always successful. Other lords, of a more thrifty spirit, force''^^ b ^ seeing in this movement an opportunity to replenish their purchase. purses, would sell to the cities the rights and privileges which they demanded. In this way many nobles were able to secure the money necessary to equip themselves for a crusade. Since the population and wealth of the cities rapidly increased as soon as they received their liberties, the income of their lords was rather increased than dimin- ished by the change. With an eye to their own advantage, the lords now acceded to the demands of the cities more willingly. The cities of France may be divided into three groups, according to the measure of freedom they succeeded in The first obtaining. The cities of the first group got little more de°bour-' ^^ '-'^^'^ '■^^ personal liberty of their inhabitants and the reduc- geoisie. tion of some of their feudal dues. They were still ruled by a representative of their lord and had no voice in the elec- tion of their officials, or in the management of their affairs. The cities of this group, called villes de bourgeoisie, were principally in Normandy and Brittany. The cities of the The second second group, for the most part in southern France, secured consular ^^ right to manage all the affairs of the city except the cities. administration of justice. The courts remained in the hands of their lord. Imitating the action of the ItaUan cities, they set up a consular form of government. Their consuls were elected either by the whole population of the city, or by one or more of its guilds, and were confirmed by the lord of the city. These consuls were responsible to the lord of the city for their administration, and had to make their reports to him. As a mark of its freedom, the city had its seal which was attached to all its official docu- The Growth of the Cities 213 ments, but the lord, as a sign of his authority, kept the The seal keys of the city in his possession. the citv^ " The third group consisted of the communes proper. The sovereignty of the lord was recognized in two ways ; The third the city paid him certain taxes and tolls, and gave him in £''°"P' ^ '^ ' o communes. all judicial matters the right to hear appeals. But he was excluded from the administration of the city's affairs and the officials were in no way responsible to him. At the head of the administration was a mayor assisted by a council. The power in the commune was not generally vested in the whole body of its inhabitants, though there were a few cities in which all inhabitants were members of the com- Limitation mune. It was more often the case that only the members °' commu- ■' nal member- of one or more guilds exercised political rights. Ordina- ship. rily, therefore, the commune was not a republic, but a kind of oligarchy or aristocracy. As the commune devel- oped in wealth and power, and membership in it increased in value, it became more and more difficult to enter, and the aristocratic or oligarchic character of the ruling body became more pronounced. Although the communes had gained their liberty they did not know how to preserve it. Their members were in- variably divided into factions, and feuds and street brawls were common. There were also social troubles coupled with the political difficulties. The lower orders were often ranged Violence against the higher, the poor against the rich. The magis- *"" ™'^^ trates of the cities were generally hard masters, and those ment in the outside the ruling guilds were unmercifully imposed upon, communes. This led to the formation of guilds among the workmen of other occupations who in the earlier time had been without such organizations. These, organizing themselves for op- position, sometimes succeeded in acquiring membership in the commune. Even if they failed to do this, they filled 2.14 ^^^ Medieval Period the city with violence. Peace had to be restored by some- one from without, generally the king. Another cause of internal trouble was the bad administration of the finances of the city. The officials of the commune were often guilty of fraud and peculation, and it was impossible to bring such offenders to justice, because they refused to render any account of their doings to the people. They claimed that they had done their duty when they had made their reports to each other. It is not surprising, therefore, that the cities often became bankrupt. The expenses of the communes, together with large sums that were taken from the treasury in a fraudulent way, far exceeded the regular income. These two things, the insolvency of the communes and their lawlessness, were the real causes of their destruction. The kings of France were now steadily following the policy of collecting all power into their own hands, and the proc- ess of centralization was becoming more and more rapid. The king The nobles were gradually yielding to the kings, and and the jjjg communes were made the obiect of a policy which, in the end, was sure to break them down. The officials of the king's treasury interfered in the administration of the finances of the communes and punished all maladministra- tion by seizing the charter of the commune and declaring it forfeited. The judicial jurisdiction of the communes was limited in every way. The parlement, which exercised the judicial power in France, tried to destroy the local tribu- nals by increasing the number of cases which could be settled only by the king or by his tribunal. The policy of parlement and sovereign was to make the king's justice prevalent throughout the land. The central authority also increased the taxes of the communes. As the king's power grew he interfered more and more in the affairs of the com- munes. He controlled their election and inspected their communes. The Growth of the Cities 215 magistrates ; he imposed heavy fines on all those communes which refused him obedience or offended him in the slight- est way ; he placed all kinds of burdens on them in order to break them down, and so when the day of reckoning came he had them in his power. He forced them to give up their charters and all that these stood for — their political independence and their privileges. This policy toward the communes may be said to date from Louis IX. (1227-70). Under Phihp IV. (1285-1314) the seizures became fre- quent ; and by the year 1400 the communes had lost all their acquired Uberties, sunk back into dependence on the crown, and disappeared. The processes by which the German cities acquired their freedom are extremely intricate and varied. Before the interregnum (1254-73) they had done little more than secure certain restrictions upon the arbitrary taxation of their lords, but during or after the interregnum, when the imperial power was practically destroyed, they were able to emancipate themselves rapidly and in the end to secure political independence. The cities in Germany were of two kinds : imperial cities The cities: (Reichsstaedte), subject to the emperor only, and seigniorial g-overnment cities (Landesstaedte), subject to the princes. The power was usually in the hands of a few wealthy and ancient families (patriciate). From among these the burgomaster and the assisting council (Rath), were elected, who together formed the magistracy. The increasing industrial popula- tion was divided into guilds (Zuenfte), which, induced by the consciousness of their strength, began toward the end of the thirteenth century to aspire to a share in the govern- ment. For the development of the cities and their commerce, peace and security were necessary ; and, since the empire was weak, they banded together for njutual protection. Iij 2i6 The Mediaval Period 1254 the cities of the lower Rhine formed a league for mutual protection. In 1344 the cities of southern and southwestern Germany made the famous Suabian League. The Fearing that this league would become all-powerful, the Leaffif" princes attacked it at Doeffingen (1388) and won a victory 1344. over it. The cities were forbidden to form such leagues in the future, and the princes supposed they had made an end of their foe. The cities, however, recovered from the blow and increased their power and importance. Most famous The Hanse. of all such leagues was the Hanse, an organization which included all the cities in the Baltic provinces, besides hav- ing its outposts in several other countries. Beginning in a small way in the thirteenth century, the Hanse steadily grew until it embraced about eighty-five cities, monopo- lized the trade, and practically ruled northwestern Europe. From 1350 to 1500 the league was at the height of its power. Decline of Its decline was caused by the changes in commerce and in the routes of travel and trade produced by the voyages of discovery : some of the Hanse towns remained true to Catholicism, while others, accepting the teachings of Luther, were drawn into the religious wars which followed the Reformation, and fought on opposing sides ; and as the governments of the various countries in which the cities were situated grew stronger the cities were separated from their foreign alliances, lost their independent character, and became component parts of the state to which they naturally belonged. SPECIAL TOPICS. Toledo. Lynch, Toledo. $1.50. MacmiUan. Rouen. Coo)^. Rouen. $2.00. Macmillan. the Hanse. CHAPTER XIV ITALY TO THE INVASION OF CHARLES VIII. (1494) t,lTSRATVRE.—SiBmondl,ffrsioryi!ft/te/ia/ianJleJ^ll&s. $.75. Harper. Machiavelli, History of Florence. $z.oo. Macmillan. Contains also " The Prince " and " Savonarola.'' Mrs. Oliphant, Makers of Florence, and Makers of Venice. $2.25 each. Macmillan. OscsiT Tirav/ninQ, Skort History of MecUtEval Italy. 2 vols. 5 sh. each. /. Guelphs and Ghibellines. 1230-1 4oq. II. Age of the Condottieri. I40q~ 1S30. Methuen. Roscoe, Life o/Lorenzo de Medici. $1.00. Macmillan. Duffy, Tuscan Republics. $1.50. Putnam. Wiel, Venice. $1.50. Putnam. Because of the different racial elements which were found Why the there, the unification of Italy during the Middle Age was "" 'i^ta^*'"" impossible. The people of the peninsula, thoroughly im- the Middle bued with the Roman civilization, the Greeks of the south, ^^^^fhie. the Germans of Odovaker, the East Goths, the Lombards, the Saracens, and the Normans, all were there ; and each fought to obtain the mastery over all Italy. They had powerful rivals in the pope and the emperor for political The cities honors, the conflict between whom gave the cities the op- stituUons*" portunity to depose the imperial officers and to establish and a local independent government similar to that of the com- resist^the ^ munes described in the preceding chapter. Frederick I. emperor, tried to reduce the cities to a position of dependence again, but the Lombard League and the pope were too strong for him. The battle of Legnano (1176), and the treaty of Constance (1183), gave the cities about all the independ- ence they claimed, and left the emperor little except his 217 2U The MedicBval Period Feuds inside and outside the cities. Podestd. Ghibelline and Guelf. The five powers in Italy : Ven- ice, Lom- bardy, Tus- cany, Rome, and Naples. title. After the death of Frederick II. few emperors tried to wield any authority in Italy. Although the cities had acquired their liberty, this was no guarantee for peace and order, and they were ei;i- gaged in constant feuds with each other. Only members of the ruling guilds had a share in the government, and the class distinctions among the inhabitants formed a large dis- turbing element. The higher and the lower nobility and the rich merchants struggled for authority, disregarding the rights of the industrial classes. The pride and ambition of the nobles led them into feuds which filled the streets with violence. To put an end to this confusion the cities be- gan to elect dictators caWsd. podestd (about 1200). The lower orders of society were, at the same time, striving to win a share in the government. They had organized them- selves into guilds and now united in a commune of their own with a "captain of the people" (capitan del popolo) at its head, as a rival of the podesta. War between the parties began. The privileged classes sought the aid of the emperor and were called Ghibelline, while the common people joined with the pope and were called Guelf. These civil wars fill the thirteenth century. They ended in the loss of the republican constitutions, and the cities fell into the hands of tyrants. About 1300 the political condition of Italy was some- what as follows : In Piedmont the old feudal system was still in force ; several great barons, among them the counts of Savoy, the ancestors of the present royal house of Italy, were contending for supremacy. In Lombardy the cities were ruled by tyrants : Milan by the family of the Visconti, Verona by the Scaligers, Padua by the Carraresi, Mantua by the Gonzaghi, Ferrara by the Estensi. In Tuscany the cities were in the throes of civil war, but the end was to be the same as in Lombardy. In the states pf the Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII. 219 Church the cities were about to break away from papal con- trol. The long residence of the popes in Avignon (1309-78) permitted the rise of tyrannies in Urbino, Perugia, Rimini, and elsewhere, while Bologna became a republic and Rome tried several political experiments. Naples was the seat of the kingdom of the Angevins, and Sicily had passed into the possession of the Aragonese. Genoa and Venice were independent repubhcs. While the disunion at this time was very great, the five powers which were to divide Italy among themselves in the fifteenth century were showing signs of their coming strength. Their history may be briefly traced as follows : Genoa and Venice owed their greatness to their com- Genoa, merce. For some time Pisa was a strong rival of Genoa in the commerce and control of the western Mediterranean, but in the battle of Meloria (1284), just off Pisa, the Geno- ese fleet was victorious and the power of Pisa was broken. In 1 2 6 1 Genoa helped the Greek emperor to regain Constan- tinople, and received as her reward the monopoly of the trade in the Black Sea. But Genoa thus came into conflict with Venice, which by the outcome of the fourth crusade had gained the ascendency in the east. The war between the two cities lasted more than two hundred years, and ended in the total defeat of the Genoese in the battle of Chioggia (1380). After this Genoa declined, while Venice became the mistress of the Mediterranean. Since 697 Venice had been ruled by a doge (duke) elected Venice. by the people. The tendency in the city, however, was toward an oligarchy. Toward the end of the twelfth cen- tury the Great Council, consisting of four hundred and eighty members, usurped the right to elect the doge. They associated with him a small council of six, and for all more important matters a council of sixty. In 1297 the oH- garchy was completed by the act known as the " Closing of 220 The Mediceval Period Milan. Florence. the Great Council," by which this body declared itself to be hereditary. In order to check all popular movements the Great Council established the Council of Ten with un- limited police powers. The bloody work of this Council prevented all uprisings of the people and gave the govern- ment of the city a stability and durability which were pos- sessed by no other in Italy. Venice acquired not only the islands of the eastern Mediterranean, but also much territory on the mainland of the Balkan peninsula. Then she turned her arms toward Italy and conquered Treviso, Padua, Vi- cenza, and other places. But her expansion on the main- land of Italy during the fifteenth century brought her in turn into conflict with Milan. In Milan the Ghibelline Visconti overcame the family of the Guelf della Torre and entered on a vigorous policy of territorial extension. By the year 1350 the Visconti had conquered and annexed all Lombardy. Gian Galeazzo (1385-1402), the ablest of the family, pushed his conquests so far to the south that he encroached on the territory of Florence. The family of the Visconti died out, however, in 1447, and the power in Lombardy was seized by several condottieri, as the leaders of the mercenary bands were called, who had been in the service of the Visconti and of various cities. Every such leader now improved the oppor- tunity and made himself master of some city. In Milan the power was seized by Francesco Sforza, the most famous of all the condottieri. The city engaged him to lead its troops against the Venetians, and after securing a victory over them he came back to Milan and compelled the peo- ple to acknowledge him as their duke (1450). The political history of Florence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is so confused by party struggles that we cannot follow it here in detail. The factions known as the Blacks and the Whites, the old nobility, the old guilds, the Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII. 221 new nobility of wealth, and the guilds of the lower orders, all fought for recognition and power and added to the chaos of ihe times. Taking advantage of these troubles the Medici rose to power. The Medici were a family of bankers that had grown rich and now used their wealth to advance their political aspirations. They saw that the power was really with the common people, and so threw in their lot with them. In this way the head of the fam- ily, although he left the constitution intact, became the real ruler of the city. All the officials of the city were named by, and were subject to, him. Lorenzo the Mag- nificent (1469-92) finally swept away all the old repub- lican offices and ruled with a Privy Council of Seventy of his own nomination. Under the Medici Florence made war on her small neighbors and became master of all Tuscany. During the residence of the popes in Avignon Rome suf- Rome, fered from the violent struggles between the rival factions of her nobility as well as from the riotous conduct of the people. The families of the Colonna and the Orsini filled the streets with brawls. An uprising of the people in 1347 made Rienzi Tribune, with full powers to restore order. He drove out the turbulent nobles, but became so puffed up over his success that the people found him intolerable and exiled him. He went to Prague to appeal to the emperor, but was delivered to the pope, who kept him in prison for some time. The pope then determined to recover his power in Rome, and sent Rienzi back to the city as his representa- tive (1354). Rienzi's success in Rome was of short dura- tion, however, and he lost his life in an insurrection. Car- dinal Albornoz was then sent by the pope into Italy, and recovered nearly all the towns in the papal state. This led the pope to take up his residence in Rome again (1377), although a rival pope was elected, who continued the papal 222 The Medieval Period court at Avignon till the schism was healed by the Council of Constance (141 7). The popes of the fifteenth century followed the policy of making their possession of Rome secure and of uniting and enlarging the papal state. The Angevins lost Sicily to the Aragonese, but held Naples. Naples till 1435, when Alphonso of Aragon made himself master of southern Italy also. The rule of the Angevins had ruined the kingdom, however, and although Alphonso was a model prince, a patron of learning and of the arts, he was not able to establish his family firmly in power. His son Ferdinand (1458-94) succeeded him as ruler of Naples, but his misrule led to the revival of the Angevin claim, which had in the meanwhile reverted to the king of France. Louis XI. was too practical to be drawn into Charles Italian politics, but his incompetent son, Charles VIII. vadesUaly {^^^^-9^)1 was induced by various considerations to in- 1494. vade Italy. There was, first of all, his claim to Naples ; Milan was intriguing against the Aragonese and urged him therefore to come ; Savonarola was calling for a reform in Florence and attacking the rule of the Medici, thus open- ing an opportunity in Florence. In 1494 he crossed the Alps and began that long and disastrous period of foreign invasion and domination of Italy which was not ended till the present century. SPECIAL TOPICS X. Florence. Machiavelli, Mrs. Oliphant, Roscoe, Oscar Browning. 2. Venice. Oliphant, Wiel. ' CHAPTER XV FRANCE, U08-1494; ENGLAND, 1070-1485 LITERATURE.— As in Chaps. I., III., IV., V., and VI. The accession of Louis VI. (1108-37, called the Fat) France from marks a change in the fortunes of the Capetian House. All Hundred ^ but the last years of his life were spent in passing through Years' War. his kingdom, punishing the rebellious barons, asserting his royal rights, acquiring territory, and, in general, in in- Louis VI., creasing the prestige of the royal name. He was a stanch 1108-37. champion of the Church, protecting the clergy and their lands from the violence of the barons. He favored the cities, and tried to make travel safe and commerce secure. Suger, the able abbot of St. Denis, as his counsellor, was of great service to him in the difficult work which he had to do. Though he was unable to reduce the great vas- sals, he was one of the ablest of the Capetian line, and un- til his increasing corpulence made travel impossible, he spent his time and strength in the personal supervision of the government. He was succeeded by his son, Louis Louis VIL, VIL (1137-80), who was simple, credulous, capricious, and ^^37-°o- over-religious. So long as Suger lived, Louis was well guided, but he made the mistake of going on a crusade and of divorcing his wife, Eleanor, who held all of Aquitaine. He intrigued with the sons of Henry II. of England, but was unable to prevent the English from obtaining a large amount of French territory. His son, Philip II., called Augustus (1180-1223), al- Philip IL, though a politician of rare ability, was treacherous and un- '' 0-1223. 223 domain. 224 The MedicBval Period scrupulous. He, too, intrigued with the EngHsh princes, and thereby secured the possession of Normandy, Maine, Anjou, and other provinces. For some years he waged war on his other great vassals and wrung many concessions from them. The battle of Bouvines was quite as advantageous to him as to Frederick II. of Germany, for whom it was ostensibly fought. Philip took no personal part in the per- secution of the Albigenses, but the crown reaped the bene- fit of it by acquiring their territory. The royal The reign of Philip II. was of fundamental importance for the growth of the royal power. The king's domain was more than doubled by him, and his income correspond- ingly increased. For the iirst time the king was rich. Philip II. found the old system of administration insuffi- cient. His estates had thus far been managed 'h^&prkvot, who, in the name of the king, administered justice, collect- ed the taxes, and preserved order. Although these prevots were the king's officers, there was the tendency, in ac- cordance with the character of the age, for them to look upon their office as a fief, and hence hereditary. To keep them from growing quite away from him, and also to get the best returns from his estates, Philip II. created a new officer, the baillie. He was put above the prevots, several of whom were generally in his bailiwick. He was required to hold court every month for the rendering of justice and to make a full report of his doings to the king. He was especially entrusted with collecting all the money possible for the king and delivering it at Paris. The reign of Philip II. had resulted in two most important things — the great extension of the royal power and the better administration of the royal affairs. The hereditary character of the crown seemed so well established in his reign that he did not think it necessary to secure the election of his son, taking it for granted that the crown would pass on to him. France, 1108-1494; England, 1070-1485 225 Although Louis VIII. (1223-26) was thirty-six years old Louis VIII., when his father died, he had never had any share in the '223-26. government or any independent income. He followed his father's policy in all respects, except that he gave to each of his sons the government and income of a certain terri- tory, which was called an appanage. While this made the position of the princes more dignified, it tended to separate lands from the crown at a time when everything possible should have been done to consolidate the royal possessions. For ten years after the accession of Louis IX. (1226-70), Louis IX., his mother, Blanche of Castile, was regent. Imperious and the Saint, , , _ . , 1220-70. autocratic, she ruled with a strong hand ; and although conspired against by almost all the great vassals, she was able to add to the royal power. Under her training Louis became the most perfect Christian ruler of his day. Few men have ever taken Christianity so seriously and followed its dictates, even against their own interests, so closely as he. His religious conscience was absolute master of him. He refused to extend his boundaries at the expense of his neighbors, although many opportunities for doing so offered themselves. He even restored to England certain territories which he thought had been unjustly seized. He was deep- ly distressed by the enmity between the emperor and the pope, and tried to act as peacemaker between them. His reputation for justice made him the arbiter of Europe, and the Church expressed her approval of his character by de- claring him a saint. The reign of Louis IX. is important for various reasons. Reform. He increased the royal domain by the acquisition of several large provinces. Up to this time more than eighty of his subjects had had the right to coin money. The money coined in a province was the only legal tender there. Louis made the royal money legal tender throughout France, and issued stringent laws against counterfeiting. He reformed 226 The Mediceval Period The council divided into three groups. the office of baillie by prescribing that every baillie should take an oath to administer his office faithfully and justly, and to preserve local liberties as well as the rights of the king ; that he should not receive any money or gift from the people in his bailiwick, nor engage in any other busi- ness, nor have any interest in his bailiwick except to serve the king ; that he should not marry anyone from his dis- trict, nor surround himself with his relatives, nor give them any office under him. Every baillie was ordered to hold court in person, regularly, and in the appointed places, and to make reports to the king of all his doings ; and after being removed from his office was to remain in the prov- ince for forty days, in order that the opportunity might be given to prefer charges against him. Around the person of the king there was a large num- ber of people of different rank, who formed his court. The highest in rank of these were his council. Up to this time all this court had helped him in the administration of the affairs of government. Louis IX. introduced the principle of division of labor by dividing this council into three groups and assigning to each a particular kind of work. These divisions were the council proper, the officers of the treasury, and the parlement. The council retained the executive functions of the government. The treasury of- ficials had charge of the collection and disbursement of all the moneys of the king, while the parlement became the highest judicial body in the realm. Previous to this time the administration of justice had been made very difficult because [the king was constantly travelling from one part of the kingdom to another. And since his council accom- panied him, and all cases must be tried in, or near, his presence, all the parties to a case were compelled to follow him about; and often several weeks, or even months, would elapse before a case might come to trial. To remedy France, 1108-1494; England, ioyo-1485 227 this, Louis established the parlement in Paris and gave it a fixed place of meeting. The jurisdiction of the pariement was also extended. The parle- The revival of the study of Roman law brought out the '°^°*' imperial principle that the king is the source of all justice. The theory arose that the jurisdiction of the nobles was a fief held of the king. It followed as a matter of course that every one should have the right of appealing to the king in case he were not satisfied with the result of his trial, and also that the king might call before his court any case that he might wish. For various reasons the king wished to make the number of these " royal cases " as large as pos- sible and so interfered more and more in the baronial courts, and brought all the important cases before his own judges. Louis forbade the trial by duel and put in its stead the appeal to a higher court. The parlement, therefore, became the court of appeal over all the baronial courts, and the king's justice became superior to all baronial justice. While Louis was truly religious in accordance with the Louis IX. ideas of his age, and defended the Church against all vio- ^j"*^ ^^^ lence and injustice, he nevertheless guarded his royal pre- rogatives against clerical encroachments. He compelled the Church to contribute its part toward the suppor' flf the government by the payment of tithes and other taxes. He limited, to a certain extent, the judicial power of the bish- ops, and subjected a part of the clergy to the civil law. He greatly favored the mendicant orders at the expense of ' the clergy, using them as ambassadors, as missi dominici, and in many of its highest offices. With the accession of Philip III. (1270-85) favorites Philip III., made their appearance at the French court, behind whom J^7o-8S- the king hides so successfiilly as to conceal his real charac- at the cpurt. ter. These favorites were generally of the common people, capable, ambitious, and trained in the Roman law, from 328 The MedicBval Period Destruction of the Tem- plars. which fact they were called legistes. They were generally hated by the nobility, who regarded them in the light of usurpers. Philip III. was drawn into a war with some of the kingdoms in Spain, which led to his acquisition of Na- varre. He also added to the royal domain several other important territories in the south of France. He punished his rebellious vassals with great severity, and compelled the Church to pay well for the privilege of receiving lega- cies. In order to secure immunity from the laws of the land, men took the tonsure and were called clergymen, and yet engaged in business or led a wandering or vaga- bond sort of hfe, many of them being married, and living in all respects as laymen. These he deprived of the pro- tection of the Church law, and subjected to taxation and other state control. Under the rule of Philip IV. (1285-1314), called the Handsome, France became the leading power in Europe. His favorites furnished him with a policy : he strove to imitate Justinian. The influence of the Roman law at his court may be seen from the fact that a large number of great questions were settled by the form of trial. Philip IV. chose the most opportune times of interfering in the affairs of the provinces which, being on the eastern frontier, owed allegiance to the German emperor. Since the em- perors were all weak, he was able to extend his boundaries considerably at the expense of the empire. The commanding position of Philip IV. in Europe is shown by the removal of the papacy to Avignon, and the control which he exercised over the popes. Clement V., in order to escape from condemning his predecessor. Boni- face VIII., delivered the Order of the Templars into the king's hands. Heavy charges' were trumped up against it, but the real motive of the king was to secure possession of its vast wealth. France, 1108-1494; England, 1070-1485 229 In the time of Philip IV. order was introduced into the Improye- govemment by the creation of certain new offices, the func- government, tions of which were defined. The various sorts of work in the government were differentiated and each sort assigned to a particular set of officials. For the personal service of the king there was a court called at that time the king's "Hotel; " the chamberlain, the chaplain, and those who had control of the guard and the troops were the most im- portant persons of the Hotel. The ' ' chancellerie ' ' had charge of all public affairs. By means of it all intercourse between the king and his people was conducted. Within the chancellerie there was a college of notaries who drew up all public or state documents. The heads of this college were called " clercs du secret,''' or private secretaries of the king, because they were acquainted with the secrets of the king and his council. The third chief division in the government was called the King's Council, the members of which had to take a special oath to the king. They were his secret counsellors and deliberated with him on all im- portant questions. The States-general ' were not yet an Tlie States- organic part of the government. The attendance upon S^"^""^ • these, however, had, in the process of time, come to be lim- ited to the more powerful nobles and to the abbots and bishops. It had been customary for the king to summon them to obtain their advice whenever the special situation demanded. Jn 1302, when the trouble with the pope was assuming large proportions, the king felt that he must know whether he would have the support of all his people if he proceeded to extreme measures against the papacy. He therefore summoned the States-general, and at the same time called on the cities each to send two or three repre- > It should be noted that " States-general " correspond to the Parlia- ment in England, while in France the name Parlement was given to the body of the king's judges. The Parlement inTrance is a judicial body ; in England the Parliament is a legislative body. 230 The Medieval Period The parle- ment and the king's justice. sentatives to attend the meeting. The king laid before them his plans and asked for their judgment. After some deliberation, the body signified its approval and promised him the support of the whole people. In 1308 a similar meeting of the same body was held to discuss the charges against the Templars. More than two hundred cities sent their representatives, and again the States-general merely said " yes " to the king's proposals. It is characteristic of the part which the cities played in this proceeding that they were ' ' asked by the king to send deputies to hear, receive, approve, and do all that might be commanded them by the king." Again, in 1314, when the war with Flanders was about to be renewed and the treasury was empty, the king summoned the States-general and told them what he wanted. The States-general did nothing but express their submission to the will of the king. This was the much written about entrance of the Third Estate into the political history of France. French historians never tire of exalting its importance. But, as a matter of fact, the influence of the Third Estate was, and remained, practically nothing till the time of the French Revolu- tion. It had no such history and development as the House of Commons in England. In France the author- ity of the king prevailed, and the Third Estate was sim- ply permitted to say ' ' yes ' ' when it was commanded so to do. The growth of the parlement during this reign was re- markable. Ordinary cases arising on the royal domain were tried before it, and the number of appeals from all parts of the kingdom greatly increased. The absolute supremacy of the king's court and the king's justice over all baronial courts and baronial justice was more than ever recognized. The right of appeal was made use of to such an extent that the king was compelled to empower his France, 1108-1494; EngloMd, 1070-148 5 231 baillies to decide many cases in order to prevent the par- lement from being overwhelmed with work. As the government grew more thoroughly organized, it became much more expensive. Louis IX. had always had enough income to support the government. Philip IV. was always in debt. He made the most strenuous efforts to raise money, but even by taxes, seizures, aids, forced Taxation, loans, confiscations, persecutions of the Jews, taxation of all the foreign merchants in France, taxation of the Church, the seizure of the possessions of the Templars, and many other questionable means, was not able to keep his treasury full. Philip IV. was succeeded by his three sons in turn : Louis X. (1314-16), Philip V., called the Long (1316- 22), and Charles IV. (1322-28). They were not able to preserve the monarchy in that state to which their prede- cessors had brought it. There was a general reaction on the part of the nobles against the absolutism of Philip IV., and they were able to force from these kings many provin- cial charters which restored and safeguarded local feudal rights. Louis X. especially made a large number of such concessions. Philip V. labored hard to strengthen the government and centralize the power. He met, however, with the most bitter opposition from his barons. All three brothers died without male heirs, and since Philip V., in order to justify his seizureof the crown, had prevailed on the Coun- cil to declare that the crown could not pass by the female line, the throne was vacant. The nearest male heir was End of the Philip of Valois, a cousin of the dead king. Edward III. Capetian of England also laid claim to the crown on the ground line, acces- that he, being a nephew of the late king Charles IV., was H°use^of ^ the nearest male heir by the female line. The claims of Valois, Edward were rejected and Philip of Valois became king. '^2 • 232 The Mediaval Period England, 1070, to the Hundred Years' Wars. William the Conqueror. The Domes- day Book. William II., 1087-1100. Henry I., II00-3S, publishes a charter of liberties. Edward soon gave up all pretensions to the throne, came to Amiens, and did homage to Philip VI. for his feudal holdings. In 1330, and again in 1331, he acknowledged himself without any reserve as the feudal subject of the king of France. Norman genius showed itself in the government of Will- iam the Conqueror. The name of what was formerly called the Witenagemot, composed of all who held land directly from the king, was gradually changed to Great Council. Both his Norman and his English subjects were trouble- some, but he used the one to keep the other in check. In the large towns he built fortresses which he garrisoned with Norman troops. He kept the English militia ready for service. He had made an exact list of the possessions and holdings of all his subjects, which was called the Domes- day Book, and on the basis of which he levied and collected his taxes with great regularity and exactness. His severity in punishing all offences, his heavy taxes, and his devasta- tion of a large territory to make a game preserve caused him to be hated by his people, who did not understand the great services he was rendering England. The reign of William Rufus (1087-1100), the second son of William the Conqueror, was violent and oppressive in the extreme. He laid such heavy financial burdens on the people, that they were not sorry when he met his death while hunting in the New Forest. The eldest son of Wil- liam, Robert, had received the duchy of Normandy, which he had pawned in order to go on the first crusade. The third son, Henry, was made king of England (1100-35). Fearing that his title to the crown was not good, and that Robert would probably oppose him, he tried to propitiate the people in every possible way. He published a charter of liberties which contained concessions to the Church, the vassals, and the nation at large, and assured all classes France, 1108-1494; England, 1070-148$ 233 that they would no longer be subjected to the wrongs and exactions which they had suffered from his brother. Henry increased his popularity by marrying the daughter of the king of Scotland, Matilda, a descendant from the old English line of kings. The wisdom of his conduct became apparent when Robert, returning from the crusade, tried to get possession of England and the people~stood faithfully by Henry. Robert was taken prisoner in battle, and Henry seized Normandy. Henry was the first Eng- lish king to grant charters to towns, thus securing them against unjust interference from their feudal lords, as well as from excessive taxes and tolls. He established the in- stitution known as the curia regis, which had control of The curia the king's finances, and tried all cases in which the king's "^^S's. tenants-in-chief were concerned. He obtained an oath from his barons that they would accept his daughter Ma- tilda as ruler, but at his death his nephew, Stephen of Stephen of Blois (1135—54), came to London and secured his own j.°i%. election. War ensued between Stephen and Matilda, and England suffered much from it till 1153, when it was agreed that Stephen should remain king, but should be succeeded by Henry, the son of Matilda. Henry II. (1154-89) was strong, active, and able, and Henry II., had but one thought, namely, to make himself the real mas- 1 154-89- ter of England. Both the nobility and the Church were in his way. His reign is famous for his struggles with those powers. For the purposes of consultation, he called the Great Council together often, and compelled many of the small feudal holders to attend it. The curia regis was also strengthened and its work of rendering justice emphasized. In II 66 he called a meeting of the Great Council at Clar- endon and published a set of decrees called the Assize of Clarendon. By its terms the old custom of compurgation 234 The MedicEval Period Assize of Clarendon, 1166. The Consti tutions of Clarendon, 1 164. was prohibited, and a new system was introduced. Twelve men in every county and four men from each township in it were to form a board for the purpose of deciding who should be brought to trial — the work of our grand jury. Henry revived the custom of sending out itinerant justices, who, by rendering strict justice in the king's name, brought the manorial and county courts into disfavor. In 1170 Henry inquired into the way in which the various barons who held the office of sheriff were performing their duties, and as the result of the inquiry turned nearly all out and re- placed them by men of lower birth, who served from this time as a check on the higher nobility. Henry commuted the military service which his barons owed him to the pay- ment of a sum of money (scutage), with which he hired mercenaries. He also reorganized the militia, and re- quired all the people to come at his call, equipped ready to fight at their own expense. The clergy were opposed to Henry's ideas of judicial reform because he meant to bring them also under his own ■ jurisdiction. In 1164 he published the Constitutions of Clarendon, the purpose of which was to destroy the judicial independence of the clergy. " Every election of bishop or abbot was to take place before royal officers, in the king's chapel, and with the king's assent. The prelate-elect was bound to do homage to the king for his lands before con- secration and to hold his lands as a barony from the king, subject to all feudal burdens of taxation and attendance in the king's court. No bishop might leave the realm with- out the royal permission. No tenant in chief or royal ser- , vant might be excommunicated, or their land placed under interdict, but by the king's assent. What was new was the legislation respecting ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The king's court was to decide whether a suit between clerk and laymen whose nature was disputed belonged to the France, 1108-1494; Englcmd, 1070-1485 235 church courts or the king's. A royal officer was to be present at all ecclesiastical proceedings in order to confine the bishop's court within its own due limits, and the clerk once convicted there passed at once under the civil juris- diction. An appeal was left from the archbishop's court to the king's court for defect of justice, but none might appeal to the papal court save with tlie king's consent." Thomas Beket as chancellor had been a faithful servant Thomas of Henry, and had supported him in all his efforts. On ^ * ' being made archbishop of Canterbury, however, Thomas changed his point of view and opposed the king in his at- tempts to control the clergy. The king was embittered ; and some of his followers, interpreting his words to mean that he desired the death of Thomas, murdered the arch- bishop. Henry disavowed the deed, did penance at the tomb of Beket, and offered a part of Ireland, which he had just conquered, as a peace offering to the pope. He also withdrew the obnoxious Constitutions of Clarendon, whereupon the pope pardoned him and restored him to his favor. Henry's last years were made bitter by the revolts of his sons. He died in 1189, leaving the crown to Richard I. Richard I,, (1189-99), who spent only a few months in England, and '^ ^^^' whose reign is only negatively important, in that his ab- sence from the country gave English local independence an opportunity to grow. John (11 99-1 2 1 6) had much of the ability and all the John, vices of the Angevin family. He had great political and dip- "99-i2io. lomatic insight, but he was utterly without honor j unscrupu- lous to the last degree, he would break his royal oath with- out compunction. He refused his subjects in Angoulgme justice ; they appealed to the king of France, who sum- moned John before him. John, however, disregarded the summons, whereupon Philip II. deposed him and overran 236 The Mediceval Period a large part of his French provinces. The murder of his nephew, Arthur, has made John infamous. John refused to accept Stephen Langton, who had been appointed arch- bishop of ■ Canterbury by Innocent III. Innocent put Eng- land under the interdict and excommunicated John, and finally (12 12) even deposed him and offered his crown to the king of France. At the same time John's violence and injustice to his people led them to revolt against him. Hoping to break the opposition, John made peace with the pope and received his crown from him as a fief. But the struggle with his barons continued until 12 15, when they The Magna compelled him to grant the Magna Charta, in which he 121^ promised to observe the ancient laws and customs, to abate all wrongs, and to require only the legal feudal dues. The Church was to have her liberties restored ; the barons and the people were to be subject to no violence. The king agreed neitlier to pass nor to execute any judgment upon anyone till he had been tried by his peers. After securing this charter of their liberties, the barons disbanded. John then broke his oath and became more violent than ever toward his subjects, whereupon the barons offered the crown to Louis, the son of Philip II. Louis invaded England with some success, but at the death of John the English turned to his son, Henry III., then only nine years old. Louis was compelled to return to France. Henry III., Henry III. (1216-72) was as unscrupulous as his father 1216-72. ^^^ been. He never refused to take any oath demanded of him, but always broke it at the first opportunity. He was insatiable in his demands for money. In 1257 the crops were a total failure, but the pope demanded one- third of the income of the year. Being unable to bear these burdens longer, the barons came armed to Oxford and compelled the king to make certain concessions (1258). Later, when the king refused to keep his word, the barons, France, iio8-i4()4; England, ioyo-1485 237 under the leadership of Simon de Montfort, made war on him. In 1265 Simon called a meeting of the Great Coun- cil, or Parliament, as it was now called, in which, besides the barons, two citizens from certain towns also sat. Simon had summoned them to be present in order that they might give advice in regard to the taxes which could be levied on the towns. This is the first appearance of commoners in the Commoners Parliament and is the beginning of the House of Commons, j? the Par- The civil war ended with the death of Simon and the with- 1265. drawal of Henry from the government, all authority being placed in the hands of Prince Edward. The reign of Edward I. was marked by the conquest of Edward I,, Wales (1284) and of Scotland (1305), although Scotland 1272-130J, renewed the war, and in 13 14, by the battle of Bannock- burn, recovered her independence. His legislation was for the most part good, and tended to increase the power of the crown. Edward II. (1307-27) was controlled by favorites, Edward II., and his' reign was in every respect a failure. His wife and ^307-27. her paramour, Roger Mortimer, made war on him, and in 1327 the people joined them and deposed him. He was murdered a short time afterward in prison, and Edward III. became king under the regency of Mortimer. During the Hundred Years' War England was ruled in The Hun- turn by Edward HI. (1327-77), Richard II. (1377-99), Wal^^"^' Henry IV. (1399-1412), Henry V. (1413-22), and Henry VI. (1422-61). During the same period the rulers of France were Philip VI. (1328-50), John (1350-64), Charles V. (1364-80), Charles VI. (1380-1422), and Charles VII. (1422-61). The deeper questions at issue in the Hundred Years' War The ques- were whether Scotland should remain independent, and jg°°| whether the king of France should control all of France, or whether all of Scotland and France should be subjected to the king of England. It had come to be the established 238 The MedicEval Period purpose of England to reduce Scotland to subjection, and she already held so large a part of France as to be able to prevent the unification of that country. Scotland, on the other hand, was determined to be and remain free, and the possession- of all the French soil had come to be the most important question that confronted the king of France. The struggle between England and France was sure to come, and it could end in but one of two ways : either the king of England must conquer the whole country and displace the French king, or the king of France must drive out the Eng- lish, and reconquer all that territory which the topography of the country and the similarity in language and customs had marked out as a legitimate object of his ambition. Origin of The Hundred Years' War began in Scotland. In 1331 the war. Edward Balliol laid claim to the crown of Scotland, and asked help of Edward III. David Bruce, the other claim- ant, fled to France. Philip VI. was trying to extend his authority over the Low countries, and Edward III. received some of their political refugees, thereby offending Philip VI. When Edward III. went to Flanders (1338) the people demanded that he assume the title of king of France ; and although he had given up all claim to the title, he saw the advantages to be derived from it, and, as a kind of war measure, in 1340 declared himself its possessor. In the same year the English fleet destroyed the French fleet, but otherwise little fighting was done till 1346, when Edward Crecy, 1346, ^'^^ the battle of Cr6cy, and the next year took Calais. A truce was then made, which was kept till 1355. In that year prince Edward, known as the Black Prince, ravaged Poitiers, a large part of southern France. Near Poitiers his force of ^^^ 8,000 men was attacked by an army of about 50,000 men, but he was victorious, and even captured king John and took him to England. In 1359 Edward made another in- vasion of southern France, but fpund there such suffering France, 1108-1494; England, 1070-1485 239 and ruin, as the result of his raid of a few years before, that he was conscience smitten, and offered to make peace. By the terms of the treaty of Bretigny, Edward resigned The ^eace his claim to the French crown and received several large 1,60. provinces from France. The Black Prince was sent to govern Aquitaine, but by his attempt to levy a hearth tax caused an uprising of the people. For a few years the English harried many parts of France, but the French re- fused to engage in battle. The war practically ceased till the accession of Henry V. Henry V., (1413-22). His father, Henry IV., had deposed Richard n^^gthe'^^' II. and seized the crown. Henry V. , feeling that his claim war. to the crown was not secure, hoped to make himself pop- ular by a successful war in France. He renewed his claim to the French crown and invaded France, but at Harfleur lost two-thirds of his troops by disease. However, with an Eirmy of about 15,000 men, he met and defeated 50,000 French near Agincourt (1415). Charles VI. was imbecile, Agincourt, and the country divided between two parties, the one '4i5' under the duke of Burgundy, the other under the count of Armagnac. The feud between them was so bitter that the Burgundians went over to the English. By the treaty of Troyes (1420) Henry V. was acknowledged regent of France, and was to be recognized as king at the death of Charles VI. In 1422 both kings died. Henry VI., though only a Henry VI., child of nine months, was acknowledged in England and ?. ^^ u°fi, in all the northern part of France, and the duke of Bed- countries, ford was made regent. Bedford instituted excellent re- forms and governed France well. Charles VII. , the Dau- phin, was recognized south of the Loire. Bedford made war on him, and it seemed for a time that the English must gain possession of all of France. Bedford was be- sieging Orleans (1428) with every prospect of success, Some 240 The Mediwval Period of the French nobles, however, especially the duke of Bur- gundy, were alienated from the English cause, and at the same time help came from an unexpected quarter. Jeanne Jeanne d'Arc, a peasant girl, seventeen years old, be- lieved herself to have received a commission from God to lead her king, Charles VII., to Rheims, to secure his coro- nation, and to drive out the English. She was not the only woman in France who thought herself appointed, for this difficult work. In those times of excitement and national depression other women came forward with the same be- lief in their high calling. Jeanne was the only one fortu- nate and capable enough to get a hearing. No one at first had any confidence in her, but since there was no other help possible she was taken before the young king, who determined to give her a chance to test her divine calling. She was given command of the army, but only a part of her orders were obeyed, because some of the things which she commanded were manifestly impossible. The real commanders of the army made good use of her presence to fire the enthusiasm of the troops to the highest pitch. She led the attack on the English before Orleans, and was suc- cessful in breaking up the siege of the city. The tide turned and everyone was wild with joy and enthusiasm. The be- lief in her miraculous mission made the army irresistible. The English were driven back, town after town was taken by the French, and Charles VII. was soon crowned at Rheims (1429). Jeanne continued the struggle, but was taken prisoner by the Burgundians and sold to the English. She was carried to Rouen, where, after a long trial, she was condemned to death on a mixed charge of sorcery, heresy, apostasy, and other crimes, which only the Middle Age could invent. Her youth, her simplicity, her nobleness availed nothing ; she was burned at the stake (May, 1431)- But even dead she was still a power in France, Her France, 1108-1494; England, 1070-1485 241 name gave an impetus and courage to her countrymen which was destined to result in driving out the Enghsh entirely. Bedford found the current in France setting stronger and stronger against the English. At his death (1435) the duke of Burgundy deserted the English cause and became the subject of Charles VII. For some years the war was continued, but at length (1454) the English had been driven out of every place in France except Calais. The The Hundred Years' War was over. The final result of it jr°ven out was the unification of France. By it both England and 1454. France had been profoundly influenced, and at its close they were ready to enter a new period of their develop- ment. The constitutional changes in England during the Hun- Constitu- dred Years' War were important. In 1322 Edward II. rlfa^i-es in declared that in future all matters pertaining to the king- England, dom should be settled by a Parliament, in which should be represented the clergy and barons and the common people. He also abolished certain feudal taxes, and relied on grants of money by the Parliament. In 1341 the commoners were separated from the lords, and met apart for the pur- pose of deliberation. In 1376 the Parliament claimed and exercised the right to try members of the king's council for embezzlement. The fourteenth century was marked by a movement Social among the people which showed itself in many ways. In '"°'^™^° s. 1348 a plague spread over all Europe, which resulted in the death of perhaps half of the population. Whole dis- tricts in England were almost depopulated. This, of course, made the demand for the service of free laborers much greater. The natural effect was that all free work- men demanded larger wages than they had ever before re- ceived. The English sense of the binding force of custom and tradition was thereby deeply offended, especially since 242 The Medieval Period at the same time the expense of farming was increased. In 1349 both Houses of Parliament met and passed a statute that the same wages should be paid as were customary be- fore the plague, and made it a crime for anyone to demand more. The immediate effect of this measure was to in- crease the bitterness already existing between the classes, but as far as prohibiting the demand for higher wages went, it was without avail. The work must be done, and the peasants refused to do it without an increase in pay. This led the landlords to try to reduce the free laborers to vil- lainage again. In many cases the villain had secured his freedom by paying a small sum of money to his landlord. Since the service had become so much more valuable, the landlords now declared that the contract into which they had entered was unfair, and they refused to accept the sum of money agreed upon in place of service. This would have solved the difficulty and the landlords would have thereby acquired a sufficient amount of labor to till their estates, but its injustice caused a revolt. Many of Wyclif s preach- ers espoused the cause of the peasants, and there arose be- sides a large number of peasants who went about inciting the people to resistance. There was an uprising all over England. The property of the nobility was attacked, their game and fish preserves destroyed, the records of the vil- lain's dues were burnt, and even many people put to death. Wat An army of more than 100,000, led by Wat Tyler, Jack '^b'^ir^n Straw, and John Ball, marched upon London, expecting to appeal to the king to support them against the nobility. They got into London and put many to death, among them the lawyers of the new Inn of the Temple and the archbishop of Canterbury, who had proposed many of the obnoxious measures in Parliament. Richard II. , still a mere boy, met them and promised to abolish villainage, where- upon the majority of the peasants returned home. About France, 1108-1494; England, ioja-1485 243 30,000 of them, however, were bent on mischief, and could not be dispersed until an army attacked and scattered them. The revolt was followed by severe punishments. The leaders were put to death, as well as many who had taken part in it. All England was united against the in- surgents, and the lot of the peasants became harder than ever before. This peasants' revolt had a bad effect on a movement Wyclif. which had for its author John Wyclif By an independ- ent study of the Bible he had come to differ radically from the Church in many points. He attacked, with great bit- terness and fierceness, the authority of the pope and the doctrine of transubstantiation ; later even the mass. At first he had simply striven against what he called abuses in the Church, but the opposition with which he met, coupled with local interests and international politics, developed his ideas until he broke out into open hostility to the Church in almost everything. He based all his doctrines directly on his interpretation of the Bible. He sent out many preachers to carry his teaching to the people, and they succeeded in gaining many adherents. His sym- pathies were, for the most part, with the common people, and his cry for reform was taken up by them. It was due in part to his agitation that the peasants' revolt took place. The violence committed on that occasion fright- ened the nobility and even the common people, and Wyclif s movement thus fell into disrepute. His preach- ers, called the Lollards, or idle babblers, were repressed and persecuted. He himself was bitterly opposed by the clergy, but suffered no personal violence, though he was compelled to leave Oxford and retire to his home at Lutterworth, where he spent the last years of his life in re- vising an earlier translation of the Bible. He was ordered to appear at Rome to defend himself, when death overtook 244 The Mediosval Period The Wars of the Roses, 1455-85- Richard in., 1483- 85- him. Political considerations, the alliance between Henry V. and the papacy, led to the repeated persecutions of his followers, and so his movement came to nothing. During the last years of his life Henry VI. suffered from frequent attacks of insanity, and these directly caused the civil strife known, from the badges of the opposing fac- tions, as the Wars of the Roses. This was a struggle be- tween the great houses of England, at first for the control of the king, and later for the possession of the crown. The duke of York drove Henry VI. out of England in 1461 and had himself crowned as Edward IV. (1461-83). For ten years the contest continued, and ended only with the death of Henry VI. Edward IV., feeling himself secure on the throne, found leisure to begin a war in connection with Charles the Bold of Burgundy against Louis XI. of France. He hoped to prevent the extension of French power in the Netherlands, but was unable to do so. His death put his son, Edward V. , a boy of twelve years, on the throne. Both Edward V. and his younger brother, the duke of York, were thrust into the Tower by their uncle, Richard, duke of Gloucester, who had been made protector ; and the relatives of their mother, who had been exercising great influence up to this time, were either imprisoned or put to death. Fearing that if the young king were once crowned and acknowledged, his own life would be in danger, Richard, by the most shameless charges against the honor of his own mother, secured the recognition of himself as king. He was crowned as Richard III. (1483). He met with some opposition, but was able to resist it successfully. He felt, however, that he was not safe so long as the young Edward V. and his brother lived, and they were accordingly put to death in the Tower by Richard's orders. This crime cost him his popularity. The duke of Richmond, another descend- France, 1108-1494; England, 1070-1485 245 ant of Edward III., was encouraged to invade England, and in the battle of Bosworth (1485) Richard III. was slain, and the duke of Richmond was made king under the title of Henry VII. For nearly thirty years England had suffered Henry VII., so terribly by these civil wars that the people, worn out, KrinJc were willing to do anything, or to submit to anything, if peace, only they might have peace. It was not so much that the great houses were destroyed ; it was rather the horror that was everywhere felt for civil war that now opened the way for the Tudor House, of which Henry VII. was the head, to become practically absolute, and rule without regard to constitution or Parliament. The people, feeling that noth- ing could be worse than civil war, were glad to have a strong king, because they believed that such a ruler alone was able to preserve peace and order. The Renaissance was just beginning to be felt in Eng- The land at this time. Richard III. was himself one of its san°e'in most prominent supporters. Before he saw the way open to England the throne he had been especially active in this direction. It was unfortunate both for him and for the cause of learn- ing that the temptation to seize the crown was put in his way. But even as king he kept alive his interest in the new learning and aided it by his legislation. He passed a law forbidding any hindrance of injury to anyone who was engaged in importing or selling books in the kingdom. Learning suddenly became with many a passion ; the move- ment was still in its swaddling-clothes, to be sure, but the foundation was being laid for the glorious achievements of the sixteenth century. To return to France, the last years of Charles VII. were not so fortunate as the first. The victories which Jeanne d'Arc won for him secured him the title of the Victorious. By establishing a standing army he became independent of his vassals for military service. He quarrelled with his 246 The Medi(Bval Period A standing army in France. Louis XI., 1461-83. The unifica, tion of France. son Louis, who thereupon intrigued against him, and made alliances with his enemies. The king also fell under the control of bad ministers. His court was vitiated by the presence of infamous women. Louis XL (1461-83) was, from the point of view of the kingship, one of the most successful of all the French kings, but he has won the reputation of being the most cruel, crafty, and unprincipled of men. He was a master in the arts of duplicity and deception. His settled policy was : the acquisition of territory, and the strengthening of the royal power. Several of the great appanages were added to the royal domain during his reign ; two most important acquisitions were made on the eastern frontier as follows : in 1477, at the death of Charles the Bold, duke of Bur- gundy, Louis XL seized his duchy, and in 148 1 he got possession of Provence. In this way the eastern boundary of France was much extended. In order to increase the royal prerogative, Louis XL established provincial parle- ments, thereby dividing and weakening the central parle- ment, the body that was most able to hinder the growth of the royal power. Charles VIII. (1483-98), the successor of Louis XL, increased the royal possessions by the addition of Brittany (1491), thus practically completing the unification of France. The power of the king was rapidly increasing, while that of the feudal nobility was practically broken. The king was ruler in fact as well as name. With the whole of France in his hands the way was open for Charles VIII. to look abroad. His invasion of Italy (1494) marks in French history the beginning of the era of conquest. France, iio8~i4P4; England, 1070-1485 247 SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Philip Augustus. Hutton, Philip Augustus. $0.75. Macmillan. z. The Hundred Years' War. Oman, The HuTidred Years* War. $0.50. Scribner. 3. Joan OF Arc. 'L.o'w&W, Joan of Arc. $2.00. Houghton. Tuckey, 7tation. $2.00. Ch. XX. Ameri- can Tract Society. Alzog, Vol. III., 445-454. Ward, Counter-Refor- mation, sl-46. Hughes, Z.o^<7/a (Great Educators). $0.80. Scribner. Shorthouse, John Inglesant (novel), Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 319 CHAPTER XX SPAIN UNDER CHARLES I. (1516-56), KNOWN AS EM- PEROR CHARLES v., AND PHILIP II. (1556-98); HER WORLD EMINENCE AND HER DECAY LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before). Pp. 90-106, 137-145, 250-561, 277- 313. M. A. S. Hume, /%zVi>//. (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan. M. A, S. Hume, Spain^ Greatness and Decay (1479-1788). $1.50. Mac- millan. From a Spanish national point of view it was a great misfortune that Charles L (1516-56) was elected to the Charles as empire in 15 19, and became the Emperor Charles V. SoMn* Henceforth, although representing imperial rather than Spanish interests, he nevertheless relied almost exclusively upon Spanish resources. Thus Spain was drained of men and money, to advance not her own cause in the world, but the personal prestige of her sovereign. Because of Charles's divided affections, and further be- cause of his short-sighted home-policy, Spain suffered irre- mediable internal injuries during his outwardly brilliant reign. In fact, her gradual decay may be dated from this time. We have seen that the Spanish monarchy tended under Ferdinand and Isabella toward absolutism, but we have also seen that absolutism was on the whole worthily used for the abasement of the nobles and for the advance- ment of peace and order. Under Charles it was unfortu- Charles, nately used against the people. The cities of Castile *°^"}y °f enjoyed a considerable measure of self-government, but tions. when in 152 1 they rose in revolt against certain arbitrary measures of the crown, Charles, crushing them by means of an army, deprived them of almost all their liberties. At 320 The Modern Period the same time the Parliament (Cortes) of Castile, which had once enjoyed even more influence than the Parliament of England, was stripped of most of its power. Thus Charles contributed to the ruin of the free institutions of his country and therewith sealed up a spring which at all times has been an important source of a people's vitality. And to make things worse, the Inquisition, already under Charles, Ferdinand and Isabella an instrument of tyranny, grew th^ I ■ ■- ^°^ ^° more and more monstrous proportions. The exe- tion. cutions of Moors and Jews were conducted with zest, but we should, in fairness to Charles, remember that, cruel and unwise as this policy of persecution was, it was heartily endorsed by the sincere and fervid intolerance of the Spanish people. Philip II. The last thirteen years of his reign Charles spent in Ger- suc^eds to jjiany. The Protestant successes there broke his spirit, and of Spain. he resigned his crowns in 1556, Spain to his son Philip, Austria to his brother Ferdinand. Philip II. (1556-98) on his accession found himself at the head of states (Spain and colonies, Naples, Milan, and the Netherlands) hardly less extensive than those which Charles had governed, and as he did not become emperor, he had, from the Spanish point of view, the great excellence over Charles that he was a national king. As such, he endeared himself to his people and still lives in their memory. It is curious that this same Philip, whom the Spaniards The char- esteem so highly, should stand before the rest of Europe as PhT '■^^ darkest tyrant and most persistent enemy of light and progress whom the age produced. To this traditional European picture there certainly belongs a measure of truth ; but calm investigation teaches us that this truth is distorted with prejudice. Philip II. was a severe, cold, and narrow-minded man. He looked upon himself as God's agent on earth, and therefore hated all resistance to Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 321 his will. Further he was a fervid Catholic, and abominated heresy of whatever form or description. Because of these views he clashed with the world of the north, which had freer conceptions of religion and government, and because of them he remains to this day to friends of progress an unsympathetic figure. But, whatever our judgment of him, it is due to him to remember that he was what he was with entire conviction. With such ideas as the above governing his life, it was Philip, only natural that Philip should have become the champion c^?oii°° of Catholicism, and should have directed the chief effort of cism. his reign against the Protestants of the north. However, these religious wars were not altogether his fault. An impartial student must agree that they were as much forced upon him by Protestant aggression and the logical progress of events, as determined by his own Catholic impulses. As things stood, after the Council of Trent, a great Prot- estant-Catholic world-war was inevitable. It came by way of the Spanish Netherlands. The Netherlands re- volted, and Philip set about putting down the revolt. But the Netherlands could not be pacified by him, and, adopting Protestantism, gradually won the sympathies and secured the aid of the French Huguenots and the German and English Protestants. So the war widened ; finding himself opposed in the Netherlands by the united Protest- ant peoples, Philip, in order to secure the Catholic sympa- thies, put himself forward as the champion of the pope and of Catholicism. PhiHp's reign began with a war (1556-59) against Philip Henry II. of France. The French once more attempted h''i!f''^^ ^^^ to weaken the hold of the Spaniards on Italy and the Italy. Netherlands, and once more they were unsuccessful. In the Peace of Cateau-Cambr6sis (1559) '^^ long rivalry over Italy, inaugurated a half century before, was closed 322 The Modern Period The war against the Dutch be- comes gen- eral. Philip turns against England. The Arma- da. Philip op- poses the Turks. and Spain left in undisputed possession of Naples and Milan. This war was entirely a political affair. But shortly after began the revolt of the Netherlands, and the long chain of wars pertaining thereto have all, more or less, a religious aspect. Philip's war against the Dutch will be treated in a separate chapter. We note here merely that after a decade of uninterrupted fighting, it assumed, owing to the sym- pathies and alliances vouchsafed the Dutch, a universal character : to the war with the Protestant rebels was added a war with the French Huguenots under Henry of Navarre and a war with the England of Elizabeth. Furiously Philip turned at length upon his leading Protestant enemy, upon England. The height of the struggle between Spain and England was the sending of the great fleet, the Armada, against the northern power (1588). The Atlantic waters had never seen the like ; but the expedition failed miserably by reason of the superior skill and audacity of the English sailors and the disasters caused by wind and water. Philip bore his defeat with his usual impassivity. He spoke unaffectedly of the deep grief it caused him " not to be able to render God this great service." But the destruction of the Armada settled the great religious conflict. It deter- mined that the Dutch should not be reconquered ; it se- cured the Protestant world henceforth against the Catholic reaction ; and it put in the place of decaying Spain a new sea-power — England. But the Protestant heretics were not Philip's only ene- mies. The Turks, who had for some generations been threatening the west, engaged much of his attention. Bit by bit they had reduced the Venetian possessions in the east ; foot by foot they had pushed across Hungary toward Germany ; and Mohammedan pirates planted in northern Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 323 Africa constantly plundered the Spanish coasts. Finally, in their great need, the pope, Venice, and Spain formed an alliance (15 71), and in the same year their united Lepanto, fleet, under Philip's half-brother, Don John of Austria, won ■'57I- a brilliant victory over the Turks in the Gulf of Lepanto, in Greece. More than two hundred and fifty vessels were engaged on either side, and when the day was over no more than fifty Turkish vessels were found to have escaped destruction. Although the victory brought no tangible conquests to Christendom, the Mohammedan sea-power re- ceived a set-back from which it never again completely recovered. Lepanto is one of the proud moments of the history of Philip and of Spain. Another triumph of Philip's reign was the acquisition of Philip ac- Portugal, the only state of the peninsula of the Pyrenees Syi^i^ °^' which Spain had not yet absorbed. The event occurred in the year 1580, when the last native king of Portugal died, and Philip, who had a claim based upon the frequent intermarriages of the two reigning houses, took possession of the state and of her colonies. However, the Portu- guese, proud of their nationality and their achievements during the Age of Discoveries, accepted the yoke of the greater state unwillingly. The memories of Portuguese in- dependence would not perish, and after Spain had entered upon her decline, and only forty years after Philip's death, Portugal rose and won back her freedom, under a new royal House, the House of Braganza (1640). Since then Portugal and Spain have never been united. If the great wars with the Protestant powers, Lepanto, Domestic and the acquisition of Portugal gave a certain outward """• splendor to Philip's reign, beneath that splendor and with- in the boundaries of Spain everything pointed to ruin. Absolutism lay like a weight of lead upon everybody, crushing individual thought and business enterprise. Its 324 The Modern Period Inquisition and absolu- tism. Philip III. (1598-1621). bad effects were supplemented by the- Inquisition, which killed or banished the Jews and systematically exterminated the poor descendants of the Moors whose agricultural knowledge and industrial skill were far in advance of any- thing the Spaniards themselves could boast. Inquisition and absolutism — these are the names of the chief diseases which racked the body of the Spanish nation. As they are associated with the central power, it is cus- tomary to describe the decline of Spain solely to her big- oted, unwise kings. But the Spanish people themselves must bear a share of the blame. To a stubborn religious {Intolerance which shut them off from all new ideas, they added a lordly pride and a southern indolence which made them contemptuous of the great and saving gospel of work. Philip III. (1598-1621), who succeeded Philip II., was an utterly incapable man. In 1609 he was obliged to bend his pride in a way in which his father refused to do, and conclude with the rebel Dutch a twelve years' truce.. It was the public acknowledgment of Spain's decline. Un- der Philip IV. (1621-65) the country dropped definitely to the second and third rank among European powers in con- sequence of the disgraceful treaties of Westphalia (1648) and of the Pyrenees (1659), which closed her long wars with the Netherlands and with France. In 1659 the po- litical, social, and material decline of Spain was patent to every observer. SPECIAL TOPICS The Inquisition in Spain. Prescott, Philip 11. 3 vols. $3.00. Lippin- cott. "Wilkens, Spanish Protestantism in the Sixteenth Century, $1.50. Heinemann. Rule, History oftlte Inquisition. 2 vols. London. Civilization of Spain Under Philip (commerce, court, literature, etc.). Hume, Philip II. Ch. XVIII. Hume, The Year after the Armada. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Spanish Literature. $1.50. Appleton. England under the Tudors 325 CHAPTER XXI ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS (1485-1603) ; FINAL TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION UNDER ELIZA- BETH (1559-1603). LITERATURE.— Seebohm, Tie Oxford Reformers. $5.00. Longmans. yR.GTCsn^ History of tJte English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper. Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Eliza- beth. 12 vols. Scribner. '^a.^-vttiWAjS.'azm^sA^ English Constitutional History. $6.00. Houghton. Translation and Reprints. Univ. of Penn. Vol. I., No. I {Letters of Henry, Wolsey, etc.). Prothero, Statutes and Constitutional Docutnents, lS5g-l625. $2.60. Clar- endon Press. Gee and Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History. $2,60. Macmillan. Henry VIII. (i^og-4Y) S.B-.GaTdiner, Studenfs History tfEngland, pp. 3^l~^lT. $3.00. Long- mans. J. R. Green, A Short History of the English People, pp. 303-57, $1.20, Harper. Henry VII., the first Tudor monarch and creator of the Great ex- " strong monarchy," was succeeded on his death in 1509 ?™sej k^ by his son Henry VIII. Henry VIII. was an attractive Henry VIII. youth of twenty, skilled in gentlemanly sports such as rid- ing and tennis, condescending with all people, free-handed and fond of pageantry, and altogether the idol of his nation, which received him with acclamations of joy. As he had humanistic leanings, it was at first supposed that his reign would lead to a great culmination of humanism. The leading English humanists were John Colet and Sir The English Thomas More. Erasmus also deserves to be named in this """nanists. connection, for, although he was born at Rotterdam, he lived for a time in England and exercised a great influence there. These men, like their contemporaries in Germany, 326 The Modern Period Colet's work in education. Sir Thomas More's Utopia. stood for the new classical learning ; they interested them- selves in the ideal philosophy of Plato ; and they spread through England the passion for a reformed and simple Christian life. Because the University of Oxford became a seat of humanistic influence, the English humanists are generally known as the Oxford reformers. The Oxford reformers did, each in his own way, im- portant civilizing work. Colet's interest lay largely in education. With his own fortune he founded St. Paul's school for boys along lines that were as far as possible re- moved from any followed in the Middle Age. The old pedagogic brutality was replaced by affectionate interest, and Greek and Latin, taught in a fresh, human way, crowded out the petrified studies of the schoolmen. St. Paul's school became the model for many new schools created in the following years. Sir Thomas More, having adopted a political career, be- came chiefly interested in problems of good government. His ideas on this subject he laid down in a famous book, "Utopia" (the Kingdom of Nowhere, 1516). The Utopia is not a realistic political treatise, such as Ma- chiavelli's Prince, but presents an ideal which human government and society should strive to reach. Justice, freedom, and equality are the pillars of More's visionary kingdom, and by exhibiting the delightfulness of a life established upon such a basis, he brought sharply to the mind of his contemporaries the shortcomings of the king- doms of which they formed a part. In Utopia education was obligatory ; there were wise sanitary provisions ; ani- mals were treated with kindness ; religious tolerance was a government rule. People reading of these things must have wished greatly to realize them in this life. Henry did not yield to the humanistic influences for long. He heaped many favors upon individual humanists, but England under the Tudors 327 showed at the same time that he cared not so much for Henry domestic reform as for personal aggrandizement. Under „olicv^(rf the smooth exterior of the king. there gradually appeared a aggrandize- stubborn and imperious egotism which would brook no opposition to its will. The leading events of the next years are associated with Henry Henry's wars. In 1512 the king joined Spain and the the French- pope in the Holy League, which was created for the purpose Spanish of driving the French out of Italy, and while Louis XII. of France was busy defending Milan, Henry invaded his rival's territory from Calais, then still an English posses- sion. The most notable results of these campaigns across the Channel was a cheap victory, known as the Battle of the Spurs (15 13). However, a more decisive advantage was gained in an- Troubles other direction. When the king of France found himself ciotg threatened by the king of England, he naturally sought the alliance of the monarch of Scotland, James IV., and while Henry was campaigning in France, James crossed the Scottish border and pushed south. Brought to a halt at Flodden Field, he was there signally defeated, himself and the flower of his nobility remaining dead upon the field. It was the last time the Scots seriously threatened the pres- tige of England. The favorite adviser of Henry at this period of his life Wolsey was Thomas Wolsey (1471-1530). Wolsey was a mere and^Lonf^ burgher's son, but having joined the clergy rose rapidly by Chancellor. virtue of his talents from post to post, until the king's favor won for him the archbishopric of York, and at the same time raised him to the position of Lord Chancellor, the highest post in the civil administration of the realm (1515). Thus Wolsey became the king's second self. Unfortunately he was over-fond of power and its outward symbols, such as gorgeous palaces, trains of servants, and 328 The Modern Period sumptuous feasts, and altogether his ambition and vanity subtracted somewhat from his undoubted patriotism and intelligence. Henry takes Meanwhile, beginning with the ninety-five theses of a'ia^st Lu- ^5^7' Europe had become agitated by the question of thg ther. Reformation, and it seemed to Henry to devolve on him to adopt some definite attitude toward Luther's heresy. Henry was not untutored in theology. In fact, he prided himself upon being a master of all its intricacies, and his vanity urged him not to conceal his light under a bushel. When Luther went so far as to attack the sacraments and the authority of the pope, Henry published a vehement pamphlet against him (15 21), in return for which service the pope, gratified at finding a champion among the royalty, .conferred upon Henry the title of Defender of the Faith. The good understanding between the king and the pope was, however, sadly ruffled before long by the rise of the divorce question. Henry's Henry's marriage deserves close consideration. The reader will remember that Henry VIL, in pursuance of his peace policy, had sought to associate himself with Spain. He calculated that England was threatened by France alone, and that Spain and England in alliance would render France harmless. Spain did not fail to see her own advantage in this policy of Henry, and finally Ferdinand of Spain and Henry VH. of England agreed to cement their interests by a matrimonial alliance. Accord- ingly the boy-prince of Wales, Arthur, was married to Catharine, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. But shortly after the ceremony Arthur died, and, as the desire for the alliance continued as before, the idea naturally oc- curred to the families concerned to marry Arthur's widow to Arthur's surviving brother, Henry. However, an ob- stacle to this project was offered by a Church law, which marriage. England under the Tudors 329 forbade a man to marry his deceased brother's wife. In this dilemma the then pope, Julius II., granted a special dispensation, whereby the church law was annulled for Catharine's and Henry's benefit. The way being thus cleared, the marriage actually took place immediately upon Henry's accession (1509). It will be readily seen that the legality of Henry's mar- Reasons riage depended upon the pope's dispensation. And for a ^^^^^^a^ number of years Henry seems never to have doubted that divorce, his marriage was a real marriage, nor to have thought that there was anything wrong with the pope's special warrant. But gradually circumstances arose and conditions were created that made it very desirable to him to get rid of his wife. These were as follows : Catharine was five years older than himself, and her serious religious tem- perament was incompatible with his boisterous worldli- ness ; he hoped for a son to secure the succession and Catharine had borne only a sickly daughter, Mary; the marriage with Catharine was merely a concession to the Spanish, alliance and that had just (1525) been broken; finally, he loved another woman, the young and charming maid of honor, Anne Boleyn. For all these reasons Henry began to think of a divorce, and naturally enough he at- tacked, in order to get it, the pope's dispensation upon which the marriage hinged. It was in 1527 that Henry took up the divorce matter. The pope He informed the pope, who was Clement VII., that he treats the considered the dispensation to be technically faulty and dilatorily. begged him to annul it. Naturally the pope wished to proceed slowly in so important a matter, and his hesitation was further increased by the sack of Rome, which, coming at this time (1527), impressed him with the power of the emperor. Under the terror of recent punishment Clement opined that he had better proceed cautiously in a divorce 330 The Modern Period Henry de- termines on a breach with Rome. The main steps in the breach. Parliament completes Henry's work. that touched the family honor of Charles V. so intimately. His policy, therefore, was to put Henry off, and, to gain time, he even ordered, in 1529, an investigation to be con- ducted in England by two special legates, Wolsey and an Italian, named Campeggio. But no more came of this move than of any other ; Campeggio suddenly betook him- self home, and Henry, outraged by the failure of his hopes, disgraced Wolsey and might have had him executed if an opportune death had not intervened (1530). Henry, despairing more and more of getting what he wanted from the pope, now gradually determined on the breach with Rome. If the English Church were declared independent, the divorce would go before an English ec- clesiastical tribunal, and how such a court would decide was not a matter of doubt in Henry's mind. Luckily, too, the breach with Rome was popular with the English people, who had long looked with disgust upon papal interference in national affairs. Thus Henry, without very great diffi- culty, destroyed by a series of measures the pope's author- ity in England. As far as he took advice, he gaye ear to two councillors, Thomas Cranmer, a learned divine, and Thomas Cromwell, who, once a servant of Wolsey, soon took Wolsey' s place in the council. Henry's leading measures were as follows : first, he secured by threats the submission of the English clergy to his authority ; then, appointing his friend Cranmer arch- bishop of Canterbury, he referred the divorce to him (1533) and got a decree of separation ; finally, he married Anne Boleyn and proclaimed her queen (1533). All this implied a challenge of the pope which was only likely to prove successful if followed by a legal dissolution of all bonds uniting Rome and England. Parliament was therefore called in at this point, and in 1534 completed Henry's work. It forbade all appeals to Rome "of what- England under the Ttidors 331 ever nature, condition, or quality ; " it gave the king the right to appoint the bishops ; and finally it passed the Act The Act of of Supremacy, by which it declared that the king " was the Supremacy, only Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England." Thus Henry, head of the state, became also head of the Church, or, briefly, the English pope. And never did a pope at Rome insist more strenuously on his authority. Heniy, the Henry would brook no opposition to the new arrangements, po'l^''^ and in order to terrorize the malcontents executed two of the leading men of England, Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More, the humanist. The crime of these men was that they did not believe in the late changes. From the first, it was an ihteresting question how far Henry's at- Henry would depart from the accepted Catholic organ- ard P^rotes- ization, doctrines, and practices, and how far he would tantism. adopt the Protestant position. The crisis terminating in the Act of Supremacy had established the independence of the English Church from Rome, no more. To a certain extent, however, Henry was likely to be influenced by the Protestant Reformation, especially in view of the fact that his most trusted councillor was Cromwell, who had strong Lutheran leanings. A number of innovations were therefore gradually ad- Protestant mitted. The English Bible was put into every church ; changes, the doctrines concerning purgatory,, indulgences, and masses for the dead were condemned ; pilgrimages were forbidden and miraculous images destroyed. But the most incisive innovation was the suppression of the monasteries. There existed at Henry's accession about one thou- sand two hundred monasteries, in England, the wealth The sup- of which, esDecially in land, was very considerable. The P^^^^'°° °f " ' ■* the monas- monasteries because of their wealth were envied, and, teries, 1536. besides, the whole system no longer enjoyed the favor with which it was once regarded. Cardinal Wolsey him- 332 The Modern Period Henry calls a halt in the matter of reform. The Six Articles, t:S39- His unprof- itable for- eign policy. self had therefore begun the policy of suppression, and now under Cromwell it was completed. In 1536 Henry got a decree from parliament which rang the death-knell of the monks in England. The monastic foundations were de- clared the property of the king, who made them over in large part to the nobility, and applied the rest to the en- dowment of bishoprics and schools, or in wasteful court expenditures. Thus far the majority of the English people had con- curred with Henry, for, although Catholic in feeling, they wished to be free from Rome and believed that the monas- teries were an evil. But Henry was now to receive a warn- ing that he had gone as far as the people would permit. In the north of England, where mediaeval conditions contin- ued to linger, a protest was raised against the suppression of the monasteries which soon took the form of a revolt. This was the so-called Pilgrimage of Grace (1536), which, although vigorously suppressed, had an effect in that it convinced the king that he had better go no further for the present. He therefore not only called a halt, but in 1539 fell a victim to a partial reaction. Frightened by the ad- vance of Lutheran opinion, Henry disgraced and executed Cromwell, the Lutheran sympathizer, and published a Con- fession of Faith in Six Articles in which he declared for a number of leading Catholic doctrines, such as celibacy of the clergy, auricular confession, and transubstantiation. For the rest of his reign, Henry punished both Protestants and Catholics, the former for differing with the Six Arti- cles, the latter for refusing to accept his supremacy. Henry's foreign policy was throughout his reign confus- ing and uninteresting. The important political matter of the time was the rivalry between France and Spain, the respective sovereigns of which were Francis I. and Charles V. Henry's alliance was solicited by both monarchs, and England under the Tudor s 333 he sided sometipies with Charles and sometimes with Fran- cis, but no one has ever succeeded in proving that he gained anything by his continental activity. A personal page in Henry's history demands at least His six mar- passing recognition. It presents the story of his marriages. "*S*®" His native vulgarity and lordly caprice exhibit them- selves here without relief. We have already followed the tragedy of Catharine of Aragon to the coronation of Anne Boleyn. Anne Boleyn gave birth to a daughter, Elizabeth, and soon afterward was executed (1536). The next wife was Jane Seymour, who died a natural death, leaving a son Edward. The fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, did not suit Henry at all, and was hardly married when she was di- vorced (1540). As the fifth wife, Catharine Howard, proved untrue, she was beheaded (1542), and so room was made for a sixth, Catharine Parr, who, although occasion- ally in imminent danger, managed, by submission, to out- live the royal bluebeard. Henry died in 1547. Having been given the right by The succes- Parliament to determine the succession by will, he entailed ^""'' the crown upon his three children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, in the order named. Edward VI. (1547-53). Gardiner, pp. 412-20. Green, pp. 357-361. As Edward VI. was but nine years old when his father lay at the point of death, Henry provided, during his son's minority, a council of regency, at the head of which he The protect- put Edward's maternal uncle, the duke of Somerset. <"■ Somerset. Somerset, however, disregarding Henry's will, assumed complete control, with the title of protector. The great question of the hour was the question of relig- ion. The Henrian Church, being neither Cathohc nor 334 The Modern Period The adop- tion of Prot- estantism. The Prayer Book and the Articles of Religion. Northum- berland as- sumes the regency. The pre- cocity of Edward. Protestant, displeased the faithful of either fold, and Somer- set, who had Lutheran sympathies, resolved before long to carry through a thorough Protestant reform. He had in this the support of Cranmer, the archbishop of Canterbury, who was also a Protestant at heart. These two men now inaugurated an era of change which Anglican his- torians usually speak of as "The Protestant Misrule." Pictures and altars were swept out of the churches, the rich vestments and the sacred processions were abandoned, and the Latin mass was replaced by an English service. In order to make possible the conduct of this service, Cranmer issued in 1549 the English Book of Common Prayer. At the same time, the English Church shifted from Catholic to Protestant doctrinal ground, and in the year 1552 there was issued a new Confession of Faith, known as the Forty- two Articles of Religion, which is saturated through and through with the Protestant and even the Calvinistic spirit. Entirely in line with these changes, the principle of celi- bacy was abandoned and the clergy permitted to marry. The protector Somerset, however, did not live to com- plete the establishment of the Protestant Church. Dis- content was rife everywhere at his inconsiderate manner and his revolutionary programme, and in 1549 he fell a vic- tim to a plot of the nobles, and was beheaded. Although he was succeeded in power by his political opponent, the duke of Northumberland, the new regent substantially adopted Somerset's radically Protestant pohcy. Even had Northumberland been willing to make con- cessions to the Catholic party, he would have been hin- dered by the will of the young king. Edward VI. was, as is frequently the case with invalid children, a boy of re- markable precocity. His uncle Somerset had given him a severe Protestant training, and he pored over the Script- ures with the fervor of a Calvinistic preacher. However, berland's succession England under the Tudor s 335 in the course of the year 1553, his vitality becoming very apparently exhausted, the question of the succession came to the front. On his death the crown would rightfully fall to Mary, who, like her Spanish mother Catharine, was a devout Catholic. The prospect of her reign frightened Northumberland, who, as a Protestant, had reason to fear Northuni' a Catholic sovereign. He therefore played upon the young king's Protestant conscience with such skill that he per- plot, suaded him to make a testament excluding his sisters Mary and Elizabeth from the throne, and nominating as his suc- cessor a great-granddaughter of Henry VII. , the Lady Jane Grey.' The calculating Northumberland, however, had previously married Lady Jane Grey to one of his own sons, Guilford Dudley. Thus he hoped to perpetuate his power. In July, 1553, Edward died. ^ary, 1553-58. Gardiner, pp. 420-27. Green, pp. 361-69. Edward had hardly expired when Northumberland pro- Mary hailed claimed Lady Jane Grey. But if he had any hope of carry ing his candidate he was soon disillusioned. The mass of the people saw through his despicable intrigue and rallied around Mary, their legitimate sovereign. They hailed ,Mary gladly, because not only their sense of justice, but also their dearest hopes, designated her as their queen. Eor the majority of the people were still Catholic, and the rad- ical Protestantism of Edward and Northumberland had ' Genealogy of Lady Jane Grey. Henr y VII. I I ^1 Henry VIII. Margaret Mary = D. of Suffolk. Frances = Henry Grey Jane Grey. as sov- ereign. 336 The Modern Period The Lady Jane Grey. Mary'plans a full Catho- lic restora- tion. The Act of Supremacy abolished. aroused their animosity. From Mary they expected the return of the mass and of the ancient Catholic practices, from which they were not yet weaned in their hearts. The Lady Jane Grey was, in consequence of this un- hesitating devotion of the English people to their rightful sovereign, crowned only to be deposed again. Northum- berland justly paid for his ambition with his head. Un- fortunately, Lady Jane Grey, who was utterly innocent of the plot to depose Queen Mary, and who had accepted the crown from her father-in-law almost against her will, paid the same penalty. It is certain that if Mary had adopted a moderate Catho- lic policy, her reign would have met the wishes of her peo- ple. But Mary had nothing about her suggesting com- promise. Her Spanish blood called upon her to be faith- ful, above all things, to her faith. She, therefore, planned nothing less than a return of England to the pope's fold — a full Catholic restoration. And that was a delusion. For, however the English people were attached to Catholic practices, the Act of Supremacy, proclaiming the English independence of Rome, had the consent of the nation. The very first acts of Mary's reign left no doubt about her policy. The parliament, always obedient to a word from the throne, straightway abolished all the acts which had been voted under Edward, re-established the old faith, and forbade the new. When the married clergymen had been expelled and the old liturgy had been introduced, the last measure necessary for the undoing of the work of the past years could be undertaken. In November, 1554, there arrived in London Cardinal Pole, the legate of the pope, and the parliament having abolished the Act of Supremacy of 1534, the English nation was solemnly received back by Pole into the bosom of Mother Church. If the ultra-Catholic policy of Mary alienated popular England under the Tudors 337 sympathy, she still further aroused the hostility of her sub- Unpopular jects by her marriage with a foreigner, Philip, son and heir OTffh'philiD of Charles V. (1554). But as opposition to her increased, her Tudor imperiousness rose to meet it and led her soon to adopt that policy of persecution which has won for her from a Protestant posterity the title of Bloody Mary, and Unpopular has made her reign famous as the period of the Protestant ti^ns*^"' martyrs. The record of deaths is heavy : sixty-five men died by the fagot in the year 1555, seventy in 1556. Their stanchness in death did more toward establishing Protestantism in England than the doctrinal fervor of an army of Calvinistic preachers could have done. It was even as Bishop Latimer said to Bishop Ridley at the stake : "Master Ridley, play the man; we shall this day, by God's grace, light such a candle in England as I trust shall never be put out." For the stout part they played, Latimer and Ridley head the Protestant martyrology. But the persecution struck a more prominent, if not a more noble, victim than these, in the person of the deposed arch- bishop of Canterbury. This was the celebrated Cranmer, who had served under two kings. Cranmer, who had always shown a subservient spirit, flinched when the trial came and denied his faith. But in the face of death his courage came back to him. He thrust his right hand into the flame, and steadying it there, said, resolutely: "This is the hand that wrote the recantation, therefore it first shall suffer punishment. ' ' If Edward's radical Protestantism made his reign de- The loss of tested, Mary's radical Catholicism produced the same re- ^*'^*s- suit. The hatred of her subjects soon pursued her even into her palace. She was a quiet, tender woman, whose intolerance was more the crime of the age than her own, and the harvest of aversion which was springing up about her was more than she could bear. Besides, her marriage 338 The Modern Period Tennyson, was unfortunate. She loved Philip, but Philip cared noth- (dramaf^*'^^ ing for her, and did not even trouble to hide his indifference to the sickly and ill-favored woman, twelve years older than himself. To crown her misfortunes, she allowed her Span- ish husband to draw her into a war with France, in which Philip won all the honor and Mary suffered all the disgrace, by the loss of the last point which remained to England from her former possessions in France, Calais (1558). Doubtless the loss of Calais was for England a benefit in disguise ; she was thereby cut off from the continent and directed to her true sphere, the sea. But to the living generation of Englishmen the capture seemed an insuffer- able dishonor, and no one felt it more keenly than Mary. " When I die," she is reported to have said shortly before her death (November, 1558), " Calais will be found written on my heart. ' ' Elizabeth (1^58-1603). Gardiner, pp. 428-81. Green, pp. 369-442. Elizabeth, Anne Boleyn's daughter and Mary's younger half-sister, succeeded to the throne on Mary's death, and in- augurated a reign which proved to be the most glorious of any which England has ever had. Under Elizabeth, Pro- testantism was firmly established in England; the great Catholic sea-power, Spain, was challenged and defeated; and English life flowered in the poetry of Shakespeare and his contemporaries more exuberantly and more exquisitely than ever before or since. The charac- To the national greatness, to which England suddenly b^ th ^ ^''^*' raised herself in the sixteenth century, Elizabeth has had the good fortune to lend her name. In consequence she appears in a halo that is calculated to blind us to her faults. Of these, however, she had her full human quota : vanity, The glori- ous' reign of Queen Elizabeth. England under the Tudors 339 fickleness, and love of amorous intrigue being especially prominent. But these qualities hardly more than super- ficially obscure her great merits. Throughout her reign she exhibited a statesmanlike grasp of circumstances and an inflexible determination. As regards the great matter of religion, which her con- Her relig- temporaries regarded as the eminently important thing in f°"en^ ' ' life, Elizabeth seems to have been comparatively lukewarm. Thus inclined by nature to be moderate, she was delivered from the destructive radicalism of both Edward and Mary, and happily given to the search rather of what united than what divided men. The chief organs of Elizabeth's government were the Privy Coun- Privy Council and the parliament. The Privy Council ill^at"^^' answered the purpose of a modern cabinet, and Elizabeth regularly heard its advice before arriving at a decision. No little credit is due to her for her wise choice of councillors, and especially for the confidence she put in William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who was the greatest English statesman of the time. The Privy Council, a body of her own choice, Elizabeth was far more anxious to consult than the parlia- ment, a body elected by the people. Parliament under Elizabeth remained therefore what it had been under the other Tudors, an obedient instrument of the royal will. The real power was concentrated almost absolutely in Eliz- abeth's hands. The great question of the Reformation was the first ques- Elizabeth tion that confronted Elizabeth. Edward had followed a ^.dopts a moderate policy of radical Protestantism and had failed; Mary had religious followed a policy of radical Catholicism and had failed; it P°l'cy. was plain that the wise course would be a moderate course, and should lie between these two. Elizabeth therefore began by letting the Parliament pass, in 1559, the Acts of Supremacy and of Uniformity, which 340 The Modern Period The Acts of Supremacy and Uni- formity, ISS9. Elizabeth's attitude toward the Catholics. Puritans and Sepa- ratists. are the foundations of the English Church as that Church stands to-day. By the Act of Supremacy the independence of England from Rome was again proclaimed and Elizabeth declared the supreme governor of the realm in spiritual as well as temporal matters ; by the Act of Uniformity the clergy were forbidden to depart from the service laid down in the Book of Common Prayer. Later on, it may here be noted, uniformity was also required in the matter of the creed which was stated in the Thirty-nine Articles, a re- vision of the Forty-two Articles of Edward's time. Thus the Anglican Church (also called Episcopal Church, be- cause of its government by bishops) was finally established, aud practically in the form in which we have it to-day. Elizabeth's policy of a moderate Protestantism con- fprmed to the wishes of the majority of the English people. In consequence the feeling of uncertainty, occasioned by the rapid changes of the previous reigns, was soon replaced by a merited confidence. Slowly Protestantism won its way into the hearts of the English people and crowded out the mediaeval faith. But for a long time the Catholic party was still a considerable factor in English life. However, Elizabeth was not, strictly speaking, a persecutor. Freedom of worship she would not suffer, and the Catholics had to attend the national Church or pay fines for absenting them- selves (recusancy fines) . But they were not punished in their persons if they did not engage in political conspiracies. In the proportion in which the Catholics decreased in number and importance, another party, as ill-disposed in its own way to the Anglican Church as the Catholics were in theirs, increased. This was the party of the Prot- estant radicals, who were not satisfied with Elizabeth's half-measures, and clamored for a thorough-going Protes- tant organization. The non-conformists, as these Protes- tants were called, soon split into two parties, Puritans and England under the Tudors 34i Separatists. The Puritans were moderate opponents, who did not sever their connection with the AngHcan Church, because they hoped to win it over to their programme. Their name was originally a nick-name, given them by their Anglican adversaries in consequence of their demand for what they called a purer worship. This purer worship aimed at stripping the Anglican Church of many of the Catholic practices which had been retained, such as genu- flections, wearing the surplice, and decorating the altar. The Separatists (also called Brownists, after their founder, Robert Brown) were radicals who knew no compromise. The Established Church being to them no better than the Roman Church, they refused to attend it, and thus made themselves liable to persecution under the Act of Uniformity. When Elizabeth ascended the throne her religious policy Elizabeth was so moderate that both Philip and the pope for awhile to*^?^ • maintained good relations with her. But gradually a cool- Protestant- ness sprang up, and in 1570, the pope announced that his *^'°* patience was exhausted by publishing a bull of excommuni- cation against the queen. From this time, England more and more and almost unconsciously assumed the leadership of the Protestant world, and since the Catholic reaction was growing more ambitious every day, it was plain that a great world-struggle between Protestantism and Catholicism, conducted chiefly by their respective champions, England and Spain, could not be long put off. Every event in Elizabeth's reign contributed to precipi- The affairs tate the struggle ; notably the queen's relations with Scot- of Scotland, land and Scotland's sovereign, Mary Stuart. Scotland had been England's foe for centuries, and the bitterness between the two kingdoms was probably never fiercer than at this time. Henry VII. had wisely attempted to estab- lish a greater harmony between the royal houses by mar- rying his daughter Margaret to James IV. But war was 342 The Modern Period Schiller, Mary Stuart (drama). Mary sent to France. Scotland becomes Protestant, 1560. not thereby averted. James IV. and James V. both sym- pathized with France and both perished in the struggle against England, the latter (1542) when his only heir and successor, Mary, was but a few weeks old. Mary Stuart's descent from Henry VII. and the prospective failure of Henry VIII. 's direct descendants, opened for the child the prospect of the English succession. On the death of Mary Tudor (1558), there was, with the exception of Elizabeth, no other descendant of Henry VII. alive as prominent as she. To the Catholics, moreover, who saw in the daugh- ter of Anne Boleyn merely an illegitimate child, she had even a better claim than Elizabeth. Out of this relation of the two women to the English throne sprang their intense hatred of each other, and the long and bloody drama of their jealousy, ending in Mary's death upon the scaffold. When Mary succeeded to the throne of Scotland she was, as has been said, a child in arms. Her mother, another Mary, of the French family of Guise, assumed the regency, and in order to withdraw her child from possible English influences, sent her over to France, where she was soon betrothed to the heir of the throne. Thus the inter- ests of France and Scotland were newly knit, to the det- riment of England. Mary of Guise soon met in Scotland the difficulties associated with the Reformation that every sovereign of that day had to face, for during her regency a number of enthusiastic Calvinist preachers, among whom John Knox (1505-72) occupies the first place, began proclaiming with success the new faith. For awhile the issue trembled in the balance, but when the nobles, lured by the prospect of the rich church lands which awaited secularization, threw in their lot with the preachers, the success of the Scotch Reformation was assured. A last desperate attempt of the regent to put down the Protestants with the aid of the England under the Tudors 343 French troops having failed, owing chiefly to the assistance which the cunning Elizabeth lent the Scotch rebels, the regent was obliged to sign the tileaty of Edinburgh (1560) and send the French troops home. As she died this same year, and Queen Mary was still in France, the Protestant lords suddenly found themselves masters of the situation. In a par- liament composed of the friends of Knox, they established the new Church of Scotland, the Presbyterian Kirk (1560). Up to this time the absent Queen Mary had not con- Mary comes cerned herself much with the doings of far-away Scotland, to Scotland, Her husband, Francis II., had lately (1559) become king of France, and ever since the death of Mary Tudor (1558) she had, supported by a good part of the Catholic world, looked upon herself as queen, too, of England. But the year 1560 disturbed her outlook greatly. Her husband Francis II. died, and Elizabeth made herself tolerably secure at home. Scotland alone seemed to be left to Mary, and as Scotland needed its sovereign, she suddenly (1561) hurried thither. When Mary landed in Scotland she was only nineteen Her difScul- years old and no better than a stranger. Add to this fact '•'^^* the circumstance that she was confronted by a lawless nobility, and, as a Catholic, was an object of suspicion to her Protestant subjects, and you have the elements of a problem that even a better and wiser person than Mary might not have solved. But though Mary proved inadequate, she was a woman Her char- of many admirable gifts. She had been brought up in ^cter. France in the refinement that adorned the court of the Valois; she had wit and beauty, nay, more, she had a certain indefinable charm which enabled her to dominate all men whom she approached. But unfortunately Mary was also the slave of her passions, and therein lay the distinction between her and her cousin Elizabeth. Eliza- 344 The Modern Period Mary's tragical marriage. The Scotch revolt. Mary seeks refuge in England, 1568. beth was in the fifial instance always the statesman guided by the sense of her duty to her country ; Mary in the final in- stance was always a woman, swayed by her love or her hatred. In the year 1565 Mary married her cousin, Lord Darn- ley, and from that moment everything went badly. Lord Darnley turned out to be proud, loutish, and dissolute. He plotted with a party of the nobles hostile to Mary, and in conjunction with them planned and executed the murder of the Italian David Rizzio, one of Mary's secretaries (1566). Such love as Mary had for Darnley now turned to hate, and when in February, 1567, Darnley was mur- dered in a house just outside of Edinburgh, report im- mediately connected Mary with the crime. Its real author was soon known to be the earl of Bothwell, a dare-devil cavalier, who was deeply in love with the queen, but was the queen his accomplice ? The question has been asked again and again, but never answered conclusively. By what followed the murder, however, Mary compromised her good name beyond help. Not only did she fail to prosecute Bothwell seriously, but shortly after the murder she married him. The result might have been foreseen. Her subjects, horrified at her conduct, revolted, and although she made a brave resistance she was defeated, and by the year 1568 found herself without support. Despairing of success, she now left Scotland in the hands of her enemies, who had proclaimed the accession of her infant son James, and sought refuge with Elizabeth. It was not a happy step. Mary became Elizabeth's prisoner, and won her release only, after nineteen years, by laying her head upon the block. The cue for this ungenerous conduct of the English queen toward her suppliant cousin is to be found in the political situation of Europe. We must again recall that this was the period of the Catholic reaction, and that in England under the Tudors 345 measure as the movement ripened toward a climax, the The strug- struggle between England and Spain was becoming inevit- SiLT^' able. Luckily at the approach of the great crisis the temper of Englishmen was hardening to steel. Conscious of their power, they even invited the threatening storm. Free-booters — Sir Francis Drake and others — harried the Spaniards on the Atlantic main, and soldiers enlisted under WiUiam of Orange to fight for freedom in the Netherlands. Finally Elizabeth's grant of open aid to the revolted Dutch made an end of Philip's patience. He prepared against England an unexampled armament. It was the rumor of Philip's invasion of England, coupled with the renewed activity of the Catholic supporters of Mary, that cost the unfortunate queen of Scots her life. Execution Probably it had little value to her and death was not un- °e^"^' welcome. In February, 1587, Mary was executed at Fotheringay. The next year the war between Spain and England came to a head. Philip, having at length got together one hun- dred and thirty-two ships, proudly called his Invincible Armada, despatched them toward the English coasts. The island-realm was thoroughly alive to its danger. In the face of the foreign invader all religious differences were The Eng- forgotten and replaced by a flaming national enthusiasm ^ ^^^^^^ uniting all parties. An eloquent witness of this elation is Armada, furnished by the fact that the English mustered even more ships than the Spaniards, finally no less than one hundred and ninety-seven. Though these ships were no match in size for the Spanish galleons, by their speed, their excellent equipment, and the perfect seamanship of their sailors they more than made up the difference in bulk. The Spanish fleet had hardly appeared, toward the end of July, 1588, The defeat off" the west coast of England, before the small and rapid °J^^^ , „ ,. , , , , . ° ' . , „ , Armada, English vessels darted in upon their rear and flank. The 346 The Modern Period The Armada, a turning- point. Elizabeth's last years. England adopts the damage which was done the Spaniards during a passage of the Channel lasting eight days, forced them to harbor off Calais for repairs. Here a number of iire-ships sent among them discomfited them so completely that the admiral gave up the enterprise. Finding the Channel blocked behind him, he tried to make for home by the coast of Scotland, but untimely storms struck across his path and completed the work of the enemy. England was safe ; and more than England, the cause of Protestantism the world over. For with the Armada the Catholic reaction reached its height, and with the Armada's failure there set in an inevitable ebb. As for Elizabeth, the coming of the Spanish Armada was the climax of her brilliant reign. Henceforth her people identified her with the national triumph and worshipped her as the very spirit of England. But her private life slowly entered into eclipse. She was old, childless, and lonely. Her last sincere attachment, of which the earl of Essex was the object, brought her nothing but sorrow, for Essex plotted against her and had to be executed (1601). Slowly the shadows thickened around her and in the year 1603 she died. Most wonderful to consider remains England's varied progress during this reign. In fact, the reign became the starting-point of a new development, as, under Elizabeth, Englishmen for the first time grew aware that their true realm was the sea. The great sailors like Drake, Davis, and Frobisher voyaged to the remotest lands, and though they established no colonies, and though such attempts as were made by Sir Walter Raleigh, for instance, in Virginia, turned out to be premature, the idea of a colonial empire in the future was implanted in the minds of Englishmen ; and for the present there were established lucrative com- mercial relations with various parts of the world. Before England under the Tudors 347 the death of Elizabeth, England, which had theretofore allowed Spain a monopoly of the sea, had fairly entered upon the path of oceanic expansion. The spread of the Anglo-Saxon race, one of the most significant events of Modern History, may therefore be dated from the time of Good Queen Bess. With the increase of commerce, there came an increase The ex- of industry and wealth and a more elevated plane of living, j-fg which showed itself in a greater luxury of dress, in a court- lier society, and in the freer patronage of the theatre and the arts. Altogether England was new-made. The Italian Renaissance poured out its cornucopia of gifts upon her, and there followed such an energy of existence and expan- sion of the intellectual life of man as made this period one of the great culture-epochs of history. The art by which this new life was immortalized was the drama, and Christopher Marlowe (d. 1593), Ben Jonson (d. 1637), and William Shakespeare (d. 16 16) are its Shake- great luminaries. But the other fields of art and science ^P^^""^ ^"" were not left uncultivated. Edmund Spenser (d. 1599) wrote the great epic poem of the English tongue, the Faerie Queen, and Francis Bacon (d. 1626), the philosopher, gave a new zest to science by referring man directly to nature for his facts. SPECIAL TOPICS I. Humanism in England. Seebohm, Th£ Oxford Reformers. Green, (larger work), Vol. II., pp. 77-106. More's Utopia, Cassell's Library ($0.10) or in Camelot Series ($0.50). :£. The Murder of Darnlev and the Question of Mary's Guilt, Burton, History of Scotland. 8 vols. Black\vood. See Vol. IV. Green (larger work). Vol. II., pp. 347-64. Creighton, The Age of EHzaheth, (Epochs). Pp. 75-80. $x.oo. Scribner. Hosack, Mary, Queen of Scots, and Her Accusers. 2 vols. Blackwood. 3. English Civilization at the Time of Elizabeth. Green (larger work). Vol. II. Ch. VII. Traill, Social England. 6 vols. Putnam. See Vol. III., Ch. XI. and XII. 348 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXII THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS AND THE TRI- UMPH OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES (1566- 1 648) LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before), pp. 315-87. Fisher (as before), 285-315. J. L. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic. 13 vols. $6.00. Harper. Also, History of the United Netherlands. 4 vols. $8.00, Harper, Also, John of Barneveld, 2 vols. $4.00. Harper. Ruth Putnam, IVilliatn the Silent, 2 vols. $3.75. Putnam. Harrison, William the Silent {ForsignStsx&sTnan). $0.75. Macmillan. The Nether- The part of Europe which has been designated from lands under ^^ ^j^ ^ ^j^g Netherlands or Low Countries is embraced the Burgun- dian princes, approximately by modern Holland and Belgium. In the Middle Age the Netherlands consisted of a number of feudal principalities or provinces, constituted as duchies, coun- ties, or lordships (for instance the duchy of Brabant, the county of Flanders, the county of Holland), all of which were practically independent of all foreign powers and of each other, although there was not one to which France or Germany did not, by some unforgotten feudal right, have a claim. In the later Middle Age the House of Bur- gundy, a collateral branch of the House of France, had at- tempted to consolidate these provinces into a state, which should be independent of both the western and the eastern neighbor ; but before the project had succeeded the family died out in the male branch with Charles the Bold (1477)- Thereupon Louis XL of France seized the duchy of Bur- gundy, which was a fief of France, but the Netherlands proper passed into the hands of Charles's daughter, Mary, and from her, through her marriage with Emperor Maxi- milian, to the House of Hapsburg. At the time of the and the Germans, The Revolt of the Netherlands 349 Reformation, the Netherlands were therefore ruled by Charles V. The Netherlands are peopled by two races, Kelts and The Kelts Teutons, who, on the whole, have got along very well to- gether here. The Kelts are a minority, speak a French dialect, and inhabit the southern districts of what is now Belgium. The Teutons inhabit the northern half of what is now Belgium and the whole of what is now Holland. Although originally one in blood and speech, they have been artificially divided, by the chances of history, into Flemish, the Teutons of Belgium, and Dutch, the Teutons of Holland, and employ two slightly different German dialects. A good part of the land of the Low Countries is below Physical the level of the sea, and has been won from that element ^^^-tures : , . , , , , , dykes and only m undaunted, century-long struggles by means of a canals. system of dykes, which form the rampart of the land against the hungry water. But the sea was not the only enemy to overcome in order to render the Netherlands habitable. The equally great danger arising to life and property in these parts from the periodical inundations of the great rivers, the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, had to be met by an enterprise no less gigantic than the dykes. To carry off the overflow there was devised and gradually completed a system of canals, which covers the country like a net and distributes the water from the rivers over a vast area. The plentiful water-ways of Holland and Bel- gium, although due in the first instance to necessity, have proved a pure blessing. They have given the country the greenest and richest meadows of Europe, and besides, fur- nish thoroughfares for traffic, which have the merit of cheapness, durability, and picturesqueness. The reign of Charles V. proved very advantageous for the material development of the Netherlands, and was 350 The Modern Period The ques- tion of Prot- estantism. The acces- sion of Philip, ISS5. The activity of the In- quisition. unsuccessful in only one particular, religion. The Prot- estant agitation which troubled Germany was naturally disrespectful of landmarks, and at an early point of its history was carried into the Low Countries. Charles, who was forced, as we have seen, by his dependence on the princes of the Diet, to a disastrous dilatory policy in Ger- many, was not the man to hesitate when he had the power to act. In the Netherlands the Lutheran heresy was met on its appearance by a relentless hostility, which waxed more and more fierce as Charles's reign proceeded. The Inquisition, already engaged in its hateful activity in Spain, was established in the Netherlands also, and con- fiscations, imprisonments, and burnings at the stake be- came common occurrences. Still Protestantism refused to disappear. The original Lutheran opinions were even strengtliened by the invasion of Calvinism, and at the end of Charles's reign heresy was more firmly established than ever before. That end came on October 25, 1555, when Charles, broken by his failure in Germany, resigned his crown, in a ceremonial session of the States-General of the Netherlands, to his son and heir, Philip II. Unfortunately Philip, owing to his harsh Spanish qualities, was even less likely than his father to find a settlement for the religious troubles of the Netherlands. The Inquisition was immedi- ately spurred on to greater activity than before, and the fagot fires lighted for the victims of the new faith fairly wrapped the country in flames. Though the majority of the people were still Catholic, they shared with the Prot- estants the aversion to the senseless policy of the Inquisi- tion, and nursed a smothered discontent which boded a storm. But there was other work in the world for Philip besides persecuting the Dutch Protestants. He argued that it The Revolt of the Netherlands 351 would be a fine feather in his cap, if he could close, by a Philip's war decisive stroke, his father's long wars with France. He p™-- therefore prepared for a vigorous campaign. Having 1556-59. defeated the French at Saint Quentin (1557) and at Gravelines (1558), and having, in consequence, disposed them to a settlement, he concluded with them the Peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559). This peace ended for the present the long rivalry of France and Spain concerning Italy and the Netherlands, by the admission of Spanish supremacy in both those countries. This accomplished, Philip resolved to go to Spain. Leaving his half-sister, Margaret of Parma, as regent in the Netherlands, he sailed away (1559), never to return. The Regent Margaret was herself a fairly moderate per- son, but the Spanish councillors who controlled her were under orders from Philip to maintain the existing system of rigor. The alienation of the people therefore went on apace. The nobles, of whom Prince William of Orange and Count Egmont were the leaders, were angered by the attempt to replace their traditional influence by that of foreign favorites, while the people generally were incensed by the presence among them of Spanish troops and by the increased activity of the abominated Inquisition. Dis- Increasing content was plainly ripening to revolt. iscon ent. The signal for the rising was given by the nobles. In The protest 1565 some of the more hot-headed members of the aristoc- ° i-ig- racy formed a league, the purpose of which was to secure the abolition of the Inquisition, operating, as they put it, "to the great dishonor of the name of God and to the total ruin of the Netherlands." In the same document in which they made this complaint they avowed their con- tinued allegiance to the king. It was not the d3masty against which they protested, but the abuse which the dynasty upheld. On April 5, 1566, three hundred of 352 The Modern Period The them marched on foot through Brussels, which served as " beggars. ^j^g capital of the country, to the palace of the regent, to lay a statement of their grievances in her hands. In a banquet that followed they took, amidst a scene of un- bounded enthusiasm, the name of beggars (gueux), which, so the legend runs, was flung at them insultingly by one of the favorites of the regent's court, as they presented them- selves with their petition. The general The bold act of the ' ' beggars ' ' was received with gen- it;66^'^^'^*'°"' ^^^^ applause. Unfortunately it unchained also the long- repressed indignation of the people. The government of the regent was set at naught, and to all who had suffered oppression it seemed that the time had come when the restraints that had weighed upon them should be cast off. At length the excitement, carefully nursed by Calvinistic exhorters, culminated in a furious outbreak. The Catholic churches were invaded, their pictured win- dows, their saintly images were broken, their crosses and altars were shattered to fragments. The ruin of art Iconoclasm. wrought by these iconoclasts was incalculable. It was weeks before the fury spent itself, and months before the government rallied enough of the orderly elements to repress the insurgents. Philip had received his warning. Would he understand it ? Philip plans It is very possible that the abolition of the Inquisition sends^Alva^ and the proclamation of religious tolerance, which the 1567. nobles demanded, would have put an end to all trouble. But these ideas were foreign to the rulers of that day, and seemed nothing less than deadly sin to a bigoted Catholic like Philip. Instead of assisting the regent in confirming the recently established order, he planned a fearful ven- geance. One of his best generals was the Duke of Alva. Soldier and bigot, he was the typical Spaniard of his day, animated with blind devotion to his king and to his faith. The Revolt of the Netherlands 353 Him Philip commissioned with the punishment of the Netherlands, and in the summer of 1567, Alva arrived at Brussels at the head of an excellent corps of 10,000 Spaniards. Terror marched in his van, and Orange, just before the arrival of the troops, crossed the border into safety. Alva immediately began his work of military repression. A council, famous in history as the Council of Blood, was The Council set up to ferret out all who had taken part in the late dis- Blood, orders. Thousands were seized by the police and perished on the scaffold ; thousands fled from the country. Count Egmont, who had refused to flee with Orange, was exe- cuted as a warning to the discontented nobles. While the country was afflicted with this scourge, Will- iam of Orange* was busying himself with plans for its liber- William of ation. He now began that glorious career by which he *-''^^°&e- founded the liberties of his country and became its hero and martyr. There have been many better generals and some better statesmen ; what makes William memorable is his steadfastness in adversity, which has won for him the name of Wilham the Silent. In the spring of 1568 William, with the aid of such moneys as he could get together, collected an army for the purpose of invading the Netherlands. He counted on William's being assisted by a rising within, but in this he proved „£ ^P/fg^" mistaken, for the people, terrified by Alva's severity, did failure. not as much as budge. Alva therefore, commanding a superior infantry, had no difficulty in meeting William's forces and scattering them to the winds. But the advantage of his position Alva himself soon threw away ; he bent the bow till it snapped. In 1571, feeling sure of the country and urged by the needs of his ' Orange was a small principality on the Rhone in France, which William's family had acquired by marriage. 354 The Modern Period First suc- cess of the Dutch rebels, 1572. treasury, he ventured to propose an unheard-of and appall- The tenth ing tax, called the tenth penny. By this an impost often penny. ^^j. ggjjt^ -^y^s put upon every commercial transaction, including the simple daily purchases for the household. Indignation flared up once more. There was only one answer for the merchants to make, and they made it by closing their shops and suspending business. At this juncture occurred the first successful feat of arms by the Dutch rebels — the feat from which dates the general movement for Dutch independence. The "beggars of the sea," hardy Dutch free-booters, swept down suddenly upon the little town of Brille, and took it. The whole country was electrified by this success, and now the internal rising for which Orange had looked for four years in vain took place spontaneously, and town after town, especially of the provinces of Holland and Zealand, drove out its Spanish garrison. Therewith these two provinces had put them- selves in the front of the opposition, and now calling WilUam to their aid, in the capacity of Stadtholder or governor, prepared to resist to the utmost. But Alva, not easily cowed, prepared immediately to stamp out the new rebellion. With his splendid Spanish infantry, he won a number of successes, and Mechlin, Haarlem, and several placed which he recaptured had each its tale to tell of bloody and cruel reprisals. But this time the Dutch answered courage with courage, and soon feroci- ty with ferocity. The success at Brille was the beginning of a long war. Alva's Alva's incapacity to deal with the situation efficiently recall, 1573. ^^ ^^^^ apparent to friend and foe. Six years of govern- ment (1567-73) by Council of Blood and Inquisition had ended in unqualified disaster, and tired himself of staring at the ruin about him he demanded (1573) his recall. His successor as Spanish governor-general was Requesens The internal rising is sustained. The Revolt of the Netherlands 355 (1573-76). Requesens was a sensible, moderate man, who might have done something if matters had not gone so far under Alva. But although he abolished the Council of Blood and proclaimed an amnesty, everybody continued to look upon him with distrust. So he had to proceed with the military subjugation of the revolted provinces. The The siege most notable event of his lieutenancy was the siege of Ley- of Leyden, den (1573-74). When the city seemed for failure of pro- visions to be lost, William of Orange resolved on an extreme measure : he ordered that the dykes be cut. As the waters of the sea rushed over the fields, the " beggars" crowded after in their ships, until their heroic efforts brought them to the wall of the city. The incident well illustrates the desperation of the Dutch resistance. The death of Requesens, which occurred in 1576, was Thedeathof the indirect cause of a further extension of the revolt. As Requesens and the Pac- yet it had been confined to the provinces of the north, ification of which had generally adopted the Protestantism of Calvin, G'^ent, 1576. and to such occasional cities of the south as inclined tow- ard the same faith. Revolt frotn the Spanish yoke seemed to follow wherever Protestantism had gone before. The grievances of the southern provinces against Spain were certainly as great as those of the north, but as the south- erners clung to the Catholic faith, they always retained some affection for the Spanish rule. For a brief moment, however, following the death of Requesens, north and south. Teuton and Kelt, Protestant and Catholic — in a word, the United Netherlands — bound themselves together in one re- sistance. The occasion was furnished by the general horror inspired by the Spanish soldiery, which, left leaderless upon the death of Requesens, looted what cities it could, and indulged in particular horrors at the rich metropolis of Antwerp. The indignation aroused by this lawlessness united the country, and in the Pacification of Ghent (1576) 356 The Modern Period North and south goes each its ov/n way. The Union of Utrecht, 1579- north and south proclaimed their common interests and prepared to make a common stand against the oppressor. It was the most auspicious moment of the revolution, but it was not destined to bear fruit. Provincial jealousies and religious distrust, fomented by the shrewd governors, Don John of Austria (1576-78) and the duke of Parma (1578- 92), who succeeded Requesens, soon annulled the Pacifi- cation of Ghent, and drove a wedge between the north and south, the result of which we still trace to-day, in the ex- istence of a Protestant Holland and a Catholic Belgium. It was especially owing to Alexander Farnese, duke of Parma, a most excellent general and diplomat, that the southern provinces were saved for Spain. He was clever enough to flatter their Catholic prejudices and to promise a restoration of their political privileges. If he had not been constantly interfered with by Philip he might even have re- conquered the north. Thus with heavy heart William the Silent had gradually to relinquish the hope, extended by the Pacification of Ghent, of a united action of the whole Netherlands against Spain. Still he never wavered in his faith, and soon succeeded, on a smaller scale, in effecting an organization of the revolt. Hitherto the resistance had been left almost exclusively to the separate provinces. In 1579, the Protestant provinces of the north, finally seven in number (Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gelderland, Over- yssel, Groningen, and Friesland), formed, for the purpose of an improved defence, the Union of Utrecht. The Ar- ticles of the Unioii of Utrecht, which formed the constitu- tion of the Dutch Republic well into modern times, mark the entrance of a new state into history. Philip had already seen that William the Silent was the backbone of the resistance, and that by good or bad means the leader must be got rid of if the revolt was to be mas- tered. When bribes failed to detach William from the cause The Revolt of the Netherlands 357 of freedom, the Spanish sovereign published a ban against Philip's ban. him, declaring his life forfeit, and putting a price upon his head. In that fanatic age, many men were seduced by such an offer. It is, therefore, no cause for wonder that dastardly attempts upon William's life should have become common occurrences. At last Balthasar Gerard, a Catholic William enthusiast from Burgundy, fatally shot him as he was com- ^c^a ^^^ ' ing down the stairway of his palace at Delft (July lo, 1584)- William's death was a heavy blow to the cause of the Dutch, especially coming at the time it did. The duke of Parma was just then winning victory after victory, and con- William's stantly narrowing the territory of his enemies ; in fact ^"•^'^^ss°''- hardly more than Holland and Zealand still held out against him. Nevertheless, these two provinces did not abate their resistance. Maurice, the talented seventeen- year-old son of William, became Stadtholder and military commander, and at his side there rose to influence, as Pensionary or Prime Minister, the wise, statesmanlike John of Barneveld. Still, the new Dutch Republic would hardly have sur- vived if help had not come from without. Already during William's lifetime frequent efforts had been made to in- Help from terest France and England in the war, but neither the one E°£lan"- nor the other could be persuaded to throw in its lot wholly with the Netherlands. However, English Protestant opin- ion had loudly declared for the Dutch, and Elizabeth, not- ing from what quarter the wind blew, began to despatch secret money help to William. Finally, in 1585, she sent her first open aid — a body of English troops under com- mand of her favorite, the earl of Leicester. Although Leicester proved thoroughly incompetent, and had, in 1587, to retire in disgrace, his interference brought relief, and probably through its consequences saved the 358 The Modern Period Philip turns upon England. The vic- tories of Maurice. The Tvrelve Years' Truce and the Peace of Westphalia. Dutch. Abandoning the prey which he had almost capt- tured, Philip II. turned furiously upon the English. For the next years, he seems to have forgotten his original en- terprise ; first the English, and then the French Huguenots engrossed his thoughts. There follow the disaster of the Armada (1588), the campaigns in France against the Prot- estant Henry of Navarre (1589-98), and in general such a dissipation and ruin of the Spanish power as made it for- ever impossible for Spain to return, with anything like the old energy, to the attack upon the young Republic. However, Philip II. stubbornly held out against the Nether- lands. Even after the death (1592) of his great general, the duke of Parma, whose advice had almost always been good and had almost never been followed, he continued the war. Philip III., who was as proud as his father, suc- ceeded him (1598), and he too refused at first, with the same obstinacy, to listen to peace. But all this time the Dutch fortunes were plainly in the ascendant, and while Maurice, who was a gallant soldier, especially skilled in conducting a siege, won back from the Spaniards place after place, the brave Dutch sailors swept home and foreign waters clear of Spanish fleets. Under these conditions Spain at last saw herself forced to come to terms with her revolted subjects. Too arrogant to acknowledge herself defeated and once for all recognize the Republic, she would do no more than conclude a Twelve Yeats' Truce (1609). It was not the end, but as good as the end. When the truce was over (162 1) the Thirty Years' War was raging in Europe, and although Spain tried to make the confusion serve her purposes, the firm resistance offered by the hardy little nation rendered the second effort at the subjugation of the Dutch even more vain than the first. When the Peace of Westphalia (1648) put an end to the long German war, Spain at last declared The Revolt of the Netherlands 3 59 herself ready for the great humiliation. Together with Germany and the other signatory powers of that famous peace-instrument she acknowledged the independence of the Dutch Republic. The domestic affairs of the new Republic revolved, from Domestic the Union of Utrecht through the next two centuries, struggles, around the interesting question of rivalry between the provincial and the central authorities. The Union of Utrecht had established as central authorities a Council of State and a States-General, but their jurisdiction was severely limited and they were jealously watched by the seven local governments. To this question of unity was added what turned out to be largely a class conflict. The political power was reserved throughout the provinces to the wealthy middle class, but naturally the common people began to demand rights, and that demand soon acquired an immense importance through the support of the Orange family. The House of Orange urged by the people toward monarchy and grimly opposed by the burgher oligarchy — that is the confrontation of Dutch parties for several cent- uries. The commercial and intellectual advance of the Re- Commercial public, during the course of the war, remains the most ^°d 'ntellec- astonishing feature of the period. It was as if the heroic parity, struggle gave the nation an irresistible energy, which it could turn with success into any channel. The little sea- board state, which human valor had made habitable almost against the decrees of nature, became, in the seventeenth century, not only one of the great political powers of Europe, but actually the leader in commerce and in certain branches of industry ; contributed, beyond any other na- tion, to contemporary science ; and produced a school of painting, the glories of which are hardly inferior to those of the Italian schools of the Renaissance. Such names as 360 The Modern Period Hugo Grotius (d. 1645), ^^^ founder of international law; as Spinoza (d. 1677), the philosopher; as Rem- brandt (d. 1674) and Frans Hals (d. 1666), the painters, furnish sufficient support to the claim of the United Prov- inces to a leading position in the history of civilization. Their trade was particularly extensive with the East Indies, and it was here that there were developed the most perma- nent and productive of the Dutch colonies, although there were such also, at one time, in Asia, Africa, and America. The city of Amsterdam, in the province of Holland, was the heart of the vast Dutch trade, and, much as modern London, performed the banking business and controlled the money market of the entire world. The decay It was not a pleasant lot that awaited the southern prov- SDanlsh inces, which had remained Catholic and had docilely sub- provinces, mitted to the Spanish rule. These were henceforth gov- erned from Spain as the Spanish Netherlands, and having lost their political spirit, soon.lost, too, their material pros- perity, and were sapped of their energy and vitality. SPECIAL TOPICS The Government of Alva (1567-73) . Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Vol. II. Hausser, The Reformation, pp. 313-29. Putnam, William t/te Silent, beginning with Vol. I., Chap. XV. Philip's Ban and William's Apology. Motley, Vol. III., pp. 491-98, Put- nam, Vol. II., Chap. XXX. Harrison, Chap. XI. The Reformation in France 361 CHAPTER XXIII THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE TO THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENTS OF 1598 (EDICT OF NANTES) AND 1629 LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before), pp. 387-449. Fisher (as before^, pp. 242-S5. Kitchen, History of France^ 3 vols. $7.80. Clarendon Press. Alzog, Church History. Vol. III., pp. 371-82. Willert, //inrc^iVirT/arrc (Heroes of the Nations). $1.50. Putnam. Lodge, i?2£^/z>u (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan. Translations and Reprints. University of Pennsylvania. Vol. III., No. 3 (particularly Edict of Nantes). In the year 1515 Francis I. ascended the French throne. Ever since 1494, when Charles VIII. had invaded Italy, the eyes of French monarchs had been riveted upon the penin- sula. They seemed not to be able to give up the dream of the south which filled their minds, and although driven from their conquests again and again, they always plucked up courage to return to the attack. Francis, who was young and filled with knightly ambition, had hardly ac- quired his crown, when he hurried across the Alps. At Marignano (1515) he won a splendid victory over the Swiss mercenaries of the duke of Milan, and gained, as a result, the possession of Milan itself. But the success nat- urally excited the jealousy of Spain, and as soon as Charles V. had, at the Diet of Worms (1521), settled the affairs of Germany to his fancy, he undertook to drive Francis out of Milan. There followed the long duel between Francis The rivalry and Charles, the incidents of which have been narrated in "^fl^'"^',^ and Charles, connection with the history of Germany. The student will remember that the most notable events of the wars of these two monarchs were the battle of Pavia, where Fran- cis was captured (1525), and the sack of Rome (1527). 362 The Modern Period In addition to this matter of the war with Spain over Italy, there are also to be considered, in connection with The begin- the reign of Francis, the beginnings of the Reformation in Re^rma- * France. Francis himself was a child of the artistic spirit tion. of the Renaissance, and brought neither interest nor under- standing to bear upon the questions of religious reform. But it was different with his people, who, of course, could not remain uninfluenced by the greatest matter of the age. The beginnings of the Reformation in France are quite independent of Luther. In France, as elsewhere, the Re- vival of Learning had brought a desire for reform in state and Church, and at the opening of the new century cer- tain select spirits were beginning to formulate their pro- tests against exiating conditions. At the time when Lu- The circle of ther was stirring up Germany, a small circle of reformers, reformers. ^^ whom the venerable Lefebre is the most important, had already begun to preach the abolition of abuses, and had acquired a considerable influence. This influence the Catholic seminary of Paris, the Sor- bonne, which looked upon itself as the guardian of the orthodox faith, undertook to combat. Nevertheless, the Francis opposition of this pedantic institution counted for little inaugurates^ ^j^^jj ^^^ j^j^^g ^^^^ brought to its side. That occurred after persecution, the battle of Pavia (1525), when Francis needed the help of the pope and the favor of his Catholic subjects to recover from the results of his defeat and captivity. The first ex- ecutions of heretics in France were ordered at this time. Henceforward Francis wavered in his attitude, but grew on the whole increasingly intolerant. Henry II. The successor of Francis was his son, Henry II. (1547- continues n jj^ ^^ ^ different man from his affable father, and the persecu- J'/ tions. his sombre character may be taken as an indication of the age of Catholic fanaticism which was approaching. On the day of his coronation Henry II. promised that "he The Reformation in France 363 would exterminate from his kingdom all whom the Church denounced." If he did not succeed in this pious enter- prise it was because the spirit of resistance, animating the Protestants, was stronger even than the spirit of cruelty which filled the king. Edict after edict was published against the heretics, and there were many executions, but the only result was that the faith confirmed by martyrs' blood struck its roots into the hearts of a constantly in- creasing band of Protestant worshippers. The bigoted Henry died in 1559. Up to his death the Protestants of France had suffered their persecutions in patience ; they had not preached revolt nor sought politi- cal influence. But from the mere religious sect they had The been, they now advanced to the role of a political party. Protestants This change was due in a large measure to the political con- take a hand fusion that ensued on the unexpected death of Henry II. '° politics. At the death of Henry, his son, Francis II., who was but sixteen years old, and physically and mentally feeble, succeeded to the throne. The real responsibilities of rule xhe situa- he was, of course, unable to assume, nor could his wife, who *'°° °° ^^^ , ^„ . ,,. , accession of was Mary, queen of Scots, a very mtelligent woman, under- Francis 11. take them for him, because of her extreme youth. The power, therefore, fell into the hands of Mary's two uncles of the family of Guise, duke Francis, the soldier, and The Guises. Cardinal Lorraine, a churchman. There were those, however, who believed their own rights were infringed upon by this domination of the Guises at court and throughout the country. First to consider is the mother of Francis II., Catharine de' Medici, a member Catharine of the famous house that ruled at Florence. To an in- ^^' Medici, ordinate love of power she added some of the character- istic qualities of her nation — a rapid intelligence, diplomatic skill, and an entire unscrupulousness. The religious fanati- cism with which she has been sometimes credited has been 364 The Modern Period much exaggerated, and if she plays a sinister role on several occasions in the subsequent religious troubles, it can be intelligently explained by sole reference to her political ambitions. But as intrigues and secrecy, and not open and frank enmity, were Catharine's political methods, the most earnest opposition to the Guises came not from her, but The Bour- from the Bourbons. The House of Bourbon was a col- °"®' lateral branch of the royal family, and its leading members at this time were, Anthony, king of Navarre, and Louis, prince of Cond6. Anthony was graced with the royal title, not in his own right, but because he had married the heiress of the small kingdom of Navarre, on the border between France and Spain. Not unnaturally the Bourbons thought that they had a better claim to direct the policy of the kingdom than the Guises, and when they found themselves systematically excluded from power, they sought to bring about a league of all the opposition elements. Now among these elements were also the persecuted Huguenots,' and out of the common hatred of the Huguenots and the Bour- bons there grew, before long, an intimacy and an alliance. Anthony in a faithless, vacillating spirit, Conde more firmly, accepted the Reformed faith ; and, many of their aristocratic supporters following their example, it came to pass that Protestantism in France was gradually diluted and befouled with political intrigue. Of all these high-stationed Huguenots, the one man who has won the respect of friend and foe is Gaspard de Coligny. Coligny. He was related to the great family of Mont- morency, and bore the dignity of admiral of France. Though he was not without political ambition, he merits the high praise of having been a man to whom his faith was ' The term Huguenots was probably first applied in derision to the French Protestants. Neither origin nor meaning has been satisfactorily explained. The Reformation in France 365 a thing not to be bought and sold, and of having served it with single-mindedness to his death. Out of these relations of the factions around the throne grew the intrigues which led to the long rehgious wars in Civil war France. It is useless to try to put the blame for them upon ^^^^"■^°^^- one or the other side. Given a weakened royal executive, the implacable religious temper which marks the parties of the sixteenth century, and a horde of powerful, turbulent, and greedy nobles, and civil war is a necessary consequence. The reader is now invited to note the leading circum- stances connected with the outbreak. The sickly Francis II. died in December, 1560. There- upon his widow Mary, finding her r61e in France exhausted, left for Scotland, and the Guises, who owed their position largely to her, presently discovered that their power had come to an end. The successor of Francis was his brother, Charles IX., a weak boy but ten years old, during whose Charles IX. minority his mother, Catharine de' Medici, undertook to cth"^ ' act as regent. Thus Catharine at last realized her dream as regent. of power. But her new position was far from easy, as Guises and Bourbons alike watched her with jealousy. She resolved, therefore, with much moderation, upon a policy of balance between the hostile factions ; called rep- resentatives of both into her council ; and published an edict, securing to the Huguenots a limited toleration. It was the first effort' of the kind that had been made in France to settle the religious difficulties. Its ending in failure proved again, if proof were necessary, that no com- promise could satisfy men who, like the Protestants and Catholics of the sixteenth century, were passionately set on realizing their own ideas without the abatement of a jot or tittle. While the Catholics were embittered by the extent of Catharine's concessions, the Protestants grum- bled at the remaining limitations, and among the more 366 The Modern Period The Mas- sacre of Vassy. Character of the war. The Peace of St. Ger- fanatical followers of the two parties, sometimes without provocation, there occurred sharp conflicts, frequently end- ing in terrible excesses. One- of these conflicts, the Massacre of Vassy (1562), put an end to hesitation and led to war. The duke of Guise was passing through the country with a company of armed retainers, when he happened, at Vassy, upon a band of Huguenots, assembled in a barn for worship. Sharp words led to an encounter, and before the duke rode away, forty Protestants lay dead upon the ground and many more had been wounded. A fearful indignation seized their brothers in the faith, and when the duke of Guise was not imme- diately called to account for his breach of the law, Cond6 and Coligny armed and took the field. Thus were inaugurated the religious wars of France, which were not brought to a conclusion until 1598, by the Edict of Nantes, and which in their consequences contin- ued to trouble the country well into the next century. For our purpose it is sufficient to look upon the period from 1562 to 1598 as one war, though it is true that there were frequent suspensions of arms, supporting themselves upon sham truces and dishonest treaties. * The war, like all the religious wars of the century, was waged with inhuman bar- barity, and conflagrations, pillagings, massacres, and assas- sinations blot every stage of its progress. Protestants and Catholics became brutes alike, and vied with each other in their efforts to turn their country into a desert. When the Treaty of St. Germain (1570), granting the Protestants the largest toleration which they had yet en- joyed, temporarily closed the chapter of conflicts, many of ' Eight wars have been distinguished as follows : First war, 1562-63 ; second war, 1567-68 ; third war, 1568-70 {ended by the peace of St Ger- main) ; fourth war, 1572-73 ; fifth war, 1574-76 ; sixth war, 1577 ; seventh war, 1579-80 ; eighth war (called the War of the three Henries) 1585-89, which continued in another form until the Edict of Nantes (i59S)- The Reformation in France 367 the original leaders had passed away. Anthony of Navarre had been killed in battle against his former friends, the Hu- guenots, whom he had treacherously deserted (1562) ; the duke of Guise had been assassinated (1563); and Cond6 had been unfairly slain in a charge of horse (1569). The head of the Huguenot party was now Anthony's young son. King Henry of Navarre, but the intellectual leader- ship fell, for the present, upon Coligny. Meanwhile, a moderate party had formed in France, Growth of which tried to make the Peace of St. Germain the begin- ^ moderate r , n ■ pohcy. nmg of a definite settlement. It was only too clear that the bloodshed which was draining the country of its strength, ruined both parties and brought profit to none but the enemies of France. The more temperate of both sides, Coligny prominent among them, began to see the folly of the struggle, and King Charles himself, who was now of age, inclined to their view. And yet such were the mutual suspicions and animosities, that the effort to remove all cause of quarrel precipitated the most horrible of all the in- cidents of the war, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. After the Peace of St. Germain, Coligny had come up to Paris and had rapidly acquired a great influence with the king. The young monarch seemed to be disposed to put an end for all time to internal dissension, and to turn the strength of the united country against the old enemy of France, Spain. For this purpose he arranged, as a prelim- The wed- inary step, a marriage between his sister Margaret and ^'"£°' young Henry of Navarre. Joyfully responding to the in- Navarre and vitation of King Charles, the Huguenots poured in swarms y^ofs '^^ ° into Paris to attend the wedding of their chief, which was celebrated on August 18, 1572. The wedding seemed to inaugurate an era of Protestant triumphs. Coligny's star, shedding the promise of tolera- tion, was rising steadily ; that of the Guises and their 368 The Modern Period ultra- Catholic supporters, standing for the principle of no-compromise, was as steadily setting. But suddenly the The alliance orthodox party, which, seeing ruin ahead of it, had fallen °^ d th^^"^'"^ into a desperate mood, ready for any undertaking, received Guises an unexpected addition. Catharine de' Medici, originally against hardly more attached to the Guises than to the Huguenots, because primarily solicitous only about her own power, had lately lost all influence with the king. She knew well whither it had gone, and fixed the hatred of a revengeful and passionate nature upon Coligny. Burning to regain her power, she now put herself in communication with the Guises. On August 2 2d, as Coligny was entering his house, a ball, meant for his breast, struck him in the arm. The king, who hurried in alarm to the bedside of his councillor, was filled with indignation and swore to take a summary revenge upon the assassin and his accomplices. The terror of discovery and punishment, which now racked Catharine and the Guises, drove them to devise some means by which they might deflect the king's vengeance. On the spur of the moment, as it were, they The Massa- planned the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. This famous R ^ th I massacre is, therefore, not to be considered, as was once mew, 1572. the custom, the carefully laid plot of the CathoUc heads of Europe, but rather as the bloodthirsty improvisation of a desperate band. Catharine de' Medici and the Guises were its authors, and the fervidly Catholic population of Paris was the instrument of their will. How the king's consent was got, when all was ready, would be difficult to understand, if we did not know that he was weak and cowardly, and ready for any measure when hoodwinked and terrorized. On St. Bartholomew's day (August 24), in the early hours of a Sunday morning, the tocsin was sounded from the churches of Paris. At the signal, the Catholic citizens slipped noiselessly from their houses, and The Reformation in France 369 surrounded the residences which had been previously designated by a chalk-mark as the homes of Huguenots. Cohgny was one of the first victims of the ensuing fury, Henry of Guise himself presiding at the butchery of his Huguenot rival. That night the streets flowed with blood, and for many days after, the provinces emulated the example of the capital. Henry of Navarre escaped death only by temporarily renouncing his faith. The victims of this fearful exhibition of fanaticism amounted approxi- mately to 2,000 in Paris, and 8,000 in the rest of France. The good understanding which had been brought about between the parties was now at an end. Instead of har- monious action on the part of all and a solid front toward all foreign foes, France was how to suffer from a bitter civil strife. War with all its dreary incidents straightway flamed up again. In 1574 Charles IX. died, out of remorse, as the Huguenots were fain to believe, for his share in the great crime of St. Bartholomew. His brother, Henry III., sue- Henry III., ceeded him on the throne. A new element of interest was "^~ '' introduced into the struggle only when the death of Henry's last brother, the duke of Alen5on, and his own failure to have heirs, involved, with the religious question, the ques- tion of the succession. By the law of the realm the crown would have to pass, Prospect of upon Henry's death, to the nearest male relative, who was *. succes- Henry of Navarre, head of the collateral branch of Bour- Henry of bon. But Henry was a Huguenot, the enemy of the faith Navarre, of the vast majority of his future subjects. When there- fore his succession became probable, Henry of Guise and his followers formed the Holy League, which pledged itself to the interests of the Church, even against the king. As the Holy League satisfied the current fanaticism of the day, it became the rallying-point of Catholic France, and before long, Henry III. found at his side a man more 370 The Modern Period really king than himself — his former friend and present head of the League, Henry of Guise. In measure as he tried to live up to his royal duty of mediating between the contending factions and establishing peace, he found him- self deserted by the League, which would have no peace. France was, in consequence, soon divided into three camps, the ultras of the two religious parties, headed respectively by Henry of Guise and Henry of Navarre, and between them a moderate party headed by King Henry.' The war of There follows the phase of the struggle known as the Henrier^ war of the Three Henries (1585-89), which steeped the country in new confusion. In December, 1588, King Henry, who had tried all possible shifts to secure peace, even to the point of resigning the real power into the hands of the head of the League, indignantly resolved to put an end to his humiliation. He invited Henry of Guise to his cabinet, and there had him treacherously dispatched by his guard. But the League now turned in horror from the murderer, and Paris and Catholic France declared for his deposition. In his despair the king fled to Henry of Navarre, and was just about to advance with his Huguenot subjects upon his capital, when a fanatical Dominican monk forced admission to his presence and killed him with a knife (August, 1589). Thus the House of Valois had come to an end. The question was now simply between Henry of Navarre, the rightful claimant to the crown, and the League, which would have none of him. Henry IV. The new Henry, Henry IV. , first king of the House of Leairue Bourbon, was a brave soldier, an intelligent ruler, and an affable gentleman. He was the idol of his followers, but his followers were only a small part of France. The at- tachment of the Catholic majority he knew could only be won slowly, and certainly not by force. Therefore, he The Reformation in France 371 undertook with wisdom and patience to assure them of the loyalty of his intentions and win their recognition. If the League could only have found a plausible rival for the throne, Henry might have been annihilated ; but his claim was incontrovertible, and that was his strength. For the present no one thought of disarming. Henry won a num- ber of engagements, notably the battle of Ivry (1590), but the League, supported by Philip of Spain, could not be scattered. At last Henry, weary of the interminable struggle, re- Henry solved to take a decisive step. He abjured his faith and ^rntPsiaxA- begged to be readmitted into the Catholic Church (1593). ism. His calculation of the consequences of this measure proved to be correct, for he was almost immediately recognized throughout France, the League fell apart, and the war ceased. In February, 1594, Henry was solemnly crowned at Chartres, and in March he took possession of his capital amidst the unbounded rejoicings of those same Parisians who had clamored, on St. Bartholomew's day, for his head. Opinion has always been much divided on Henry's con- version. But there is no necessity for lingering over it long. It was purely a political measure, and a well-calcu- Henry's lated one, as the result shows, and though Henry professed justification, before the priest that the change was with him a matter of conscience, we know that the conversion sat lightly upon him. " Paris is well worth a mass," was the light-hearted comment he offered his friends to explain his defection. The first important business of the recognized king was to secure his country the benefit of a permanent religious pacification. The edict designed for this end was pub- The Edict lished at Nantes, April, 1598, and although it was not a °f Nantes, decree of toleration such as satisfies our modern feeling, it was the best the time could afford. The Edict of Nantes gave the great nobles and the people in certain specified 372 The Modern Period places permission to establish a Protestant worship; fur- thermore, it placed the Huguenots on a level with the Catholics before the law ; and finally, to reassure the party of the minority, and as a kind of guarantee of its promises, it made over to the Huguenots a number of fortified towns, of which La Rochelle was the most important. It was this last measure that later caused a renewal of the civil war, for it was a dangerous concession and made the Huguenots an independent armed power within the state. In the same year (1598) Henry closed the war with Spain, due to Spanish interference in behalf of the League. Though he was not unwilling to proceed against his med- dling neighbor with all vigor, he saw that his country was for the present in no condition for foreign conquest, and Henry ends that he would better reserve its strength for the future. So wfthSp^" he signed the Peace of Vervins (1598) on the basis of 1598. mutual restitutions. Now that France was at peace within and without, Henry seriously set about the task of building up again his Internal ruined country. With the aid of his Protestant minister, °HenrT^ the duke of Sully, he re-established the finances, and ad- and Sully. vanced commerce and industry, and only when, after years of labor, he saw himself in possession of an ordered and flourishing commonwealth, did he again turn his attention Henry plans to foreign affairs. The House of Hapsburg, governing House^of through its two branches the dominions of Spain and Hapsburg. Austria, was still to his mind the great enemy of France. That France and the House of Bourbon must grow at the expense of Spain and the House of Hapsburg became Henry's fixed resolution. In 1610, a local quarrel in Ger- many was just about to furnish him with a desired pretext His death, to interfere against the Hapsburgs, when he was killed by the dagger of a half-insane Catholic fanatic, named Ravaillac. To this day King Henry is dear to the French people, and The Reformation in France 373 his popularity has never been eclipsed by that of any of his successors. At Henry's death his son, Louis XIII. (1610-43), ^^ Regency of but nine years old. A regency was therefore established JJ^j'*.'^^' under Marie de' Medici, Henry's second wife. As Marie de' Medici was a weak woman, the puppet of favorites, the nobility and the Huguenots, whom Henry had vigorously kept within bounds, again raised their heads, and threatened to involve France in new civil wars. If France was saved from this calamity, it was due, and Richelieu. solely due, to Cardinal Richelieu. When this churchman became the leading minister in 1624, the queen -regent had already been supplanted by the king, but the change had not brought with it an improvement in the situation, owing to the fact that the king was indolent and common-place. Richelieu was confronted by a heavy task. Luckily the king fully appreciated the talents of his minister, and left him in control until his death, a period of eighteen years (1624-42). The extraordinary power enjoyed by Riche- lieu was, on the whole, put by him at the service of an en- lightened patriotism. He set himself two aims : the first, His two to strengthen the national monarchy, for which purpose he aims. must sap the political power of the nobility and the Hugue- nots; the second, to enlarge France territorially, in pur- suance of which end he must renew the wars with his country's old rival, Spain and the House of Hapsburg. The political power of the nobility Richelieu did not He curbs succeed in reducing without resistance. He planned to ^^^ nobles. bring the nobles under the law of the land, and when they protested by means of plots and insurrections, he exe- cuted a number of them and thus frightened the rest into obedience. More serious was the case of the Huguenots. The Edict of Nantes had, in addition to toleration, which was entirely 374 The Modern Period He curbs the Hugue- nots. La Rochelle (1628) and the pacifica- tion of 1629. Enmity to Hapsburg. France in the Thirty Years' War, just, given them political power — an army and fortified towns. Since the death of Henry IV. they had frequently created disturbances, and certain of their measures indi- cated that they were planning to secede from France. That Richelieu was resolved not to suffer. He would leave them their freedom of worship — for Richelieu, although a church- man, was not a fanatic — but their pretension to independ- ence would have to be surrendered. His campaign against the Huguenots was carefully planned and culminated in the, siege of La Rochelle (1628). La Rochelle was the great- est of the Protestant strongholds, and although the Ro- chellese, aided by the Enghsh, defended themselves with heroism, they were obliged in the end to deliver themselves into the Cardinal's hands. Although victorious, Richelieu remained true to his principle of toleration, and signed a peace, first with the Rochellese, and later with the other Huguenots, in which he secured them all the privileges of the Edict of Nantes, barring the exceptional political power. The domestic troubles of France being thus smoothed over, and all classes having been brought under the law of the king, Richelieu could turn to the second part of his pro- gramme : the humiliation of the House of Hapsburg. A circumstance most opportune for his policy was that Ger- many was then convulsed by her Thirty Years' War. With the instinct of the statesman Richelieu felt that if he helped the Protestants of Germany against the Cathohcs backed by the House of Hapsburg (Emperor and Spain), he would sooner or later acquire some permanent advantages for France. His gradual interference finally secured his king the balance of power in the German war, and made France practical dictator of Europe when the Peace of Westphalia (1648) ended the struggle. Richelieu did not hve to see this result (he died 1642), but the advantages which The Reformation in France 37S France secured on that occasion may be written down to his statesmanlike conduct of the government. Richelieu is sometimes called the creator of the absolute Richelieu monarchy in France. That is an exaggeration, for the absolutism French kings had for centuries been working toward that end, but though not the creator, Richelieu certainly was the promoter of absolutism. Attention has already been called to his systematic abasement of the nobility. Further he refused to call, and thus permitted to fall into disuse, the States-General, the old feudal parliament of the realm. This body was not assembled from 1614 to 1789, and during that period the king's power was free from very effective check. Thus, although the benefits conferred by Richelieu upon France were great, it is a question whether he is not partially responsible for the ills which, in the eighteenth century, grew out of the unlimited royal pre- rogative. SPECIAL TOPICS I. CoLiGNV AND THE Massacre OF St. BARTHOLOMEW. Hausscr, Rgforjuolion, pp. 36&-75. TransUitiojts and Reprints^ Univ. of Penn., Vol. III., No. 3 (death of CoKgny). YJAthin, History of France, Vol. II. Guizot, His- tory of France, 8 vols. See Vol. III., Oh. XXXIII. Dumas, Mar- garet of Valois (novel). .!. The Struggle of Richelieu against the Nobility. "Wakeman, Europe, TSQ8-1715, pp. 132-53. Macmillan. Lodge, Richelieu, Ch. VIII. Kitchin, History of France, Vol. III., Bk. IV. Perkins, France Under Richelieu atid Mazarin, 2 vols. $3.90. Putnam. Bulwer, Richelieu (drama). 376 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXIV THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR AND THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA The relig- ious quarrels in Germany continue. Protestant- ism con- tinues for a time its triumphs. LITERATURE — Wakeman, Europe, isgS-niS, PP- 39-132. $1.75. Mac- millan. Gardiner, Tfu Thirty Years' War. (Epochs.) $1.00. Scribner. Gindely, Th£ Thirty Years' War. 2 vols. $3.50. Putnam. Flcicher, Gustavjis Aiialphus. (Heroes.) $1.50. Putnam. Schiller, Wallensiein's Lager; Die Piccolomini ; Wallensteiri s Tod (dramas). The Peace of Augsburg (1555) ended the first religious war of Germany, by an attempt to accommodate the claims of the Catholics and the Protestants, but the attempt did not and could not succeed. The article, called the Eccle- siastical Reservation, which tried to protect the Catholic Church by forbidding all future secularizations of her terri- tory, had hardly been adopted when triumphant Protestant- ism infringed upon it at every point. The Catholics were thus furnished with a standing complaint against their rivals. And other difficulties were not wanting. Shortly after the Peace of Augsburg, Calvinism spread through the south and west of Germany, but as only Lutheranism was mentioned in the Peace of Augsburg, Calvinism had no legal basis. Thus Calvinism led a very precarious existence. It is a wonder that in spite of the incessant quarrels of the three parties, which filled all the Diets with their clamor, the peace was so long preserved. Probably jeal- ousy of one another and fear of the consequences of the sanguinary struggle which would follow, kept them from proceeding to extremes. Meanwhile, the long truce which outlasted the century, proved, at least for a time, favor- able to the Protestants. Lutherans and Calvinists alike The Thirty Years' War 377 were little impeded in their propaganda, and soon the whole German north had become solidly Protestant, while in the south, Austria and Bavaria themselves, states which were looked upon as mainstays of the Catholic faith, were becoming dangerously infiltrated with the heretical poison. It seemed that the Lutherans and Calvinists would only have to cease their mutual bickerings and organize their action, and Catholicism would be driven out of Germany. But organize the Protestants would not, and soon the The Catho- Catholics, arousing themselves from the lethargy into which iftion they had fallen, gathered their forces at the Council of Trent, under the leadership of the Jesuits, and boldly undertook the reconquest of Germany. From the time of Emperor Rudolph II. (1576-1612), a new Catholic vigor became noticeable. The Jesuits made their way to the hearths of the ruling Catholic families, and from the courts of Vienna and Munich, as operating centres, gradu- ally widened the sphere of their influence. They did their work with firm zeal and noiseless caution. They served their princely masters as father-confessors or as ministers of state, and in either case controlled their policy ; they founded schools and colleges ; they sent their missionaries into all hesitating communities, and soon amazed the Prot- estants with the news of the reconversion to Mother Church of princes and whole territories. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the ten- The Prot- sion had so increased that the more assertive Protestants ??*?■"* established a Union for the purpose of mutual protection the Catholic (1608). This step was answered the next year (1609), ^^^S"*- by a similar organization on the part of the Catholics, which they called the Holy League. Henceforth, Ger- many was divided into the two hostile camps of League and Union, either ready to take the field against the other as soon as the occasion served. Under the circumstances 378 The Modern Period The affairs of Bohemia. The revolu- tion of 1618. The four Periods of the Thirty Years' War. the opinion was becoming general that the terrible sus- pense about the endless religious questions ought finally to be terminated, one way or another. From the first, how- ever, this difference between the two religious camps ought to be noted, that, while the Catholics were firmly organ- ized under a capable man, Maximilian, duke of Bavaria, the Protestants, owing to their old divisions, gave their Calvinistic president, Frederick, the count palatine of the Rhine, only a wavering support. The occasion that the two parties were looking for, in order to begin the war, was at length furnished by Bohemia. The kingdom of Bohemia, a state inhabited by Slavs (Czechs) and Germans, was a part of the possessions of the House of Hapsburg. Lutheranism had got a foot- hold in Bohemia, and after a period of persecution, the Emperor Rudolph had issued (1609) a royal charter in which he agreed to tolerate it. But both Rudolph and his successor, Matthias (1612-19), bore with the Protestants in Bohemia only out of necessity. They continued to vex them even after the decree of toleration, with the result that the Protestants lost patience, and in 16 18 rose in revolt. They invaded the castle at Prague, the residence of the emperor's lieutenants, and laying violent hands upon the persons of their oppressors, tossed them roughly out of the window. Then they set up a government of their own. Thus the challenge that the Protestants and Catholics had been awaiting for years was given ; the Thirty Years' War had begun. It is customary to divide the Thirty Years' War, for con- venience sake, into four periods — the Bohemian-Palatine Period (1618-23), the Danish Period (1625-29), the Swedish Period (1630-35), and the French-Swedish Period (1635-48). Perhaps the most striking feature of the war is, that, beginning with a local struggle in Bohemia, it The Thirty Years' War 379 should gradually have spread until it included aU Europe. The above divisions indicate the widening circles. From Bohemia it first extended over southern Germany (Bohemi- an-Palatine Period) ; then slowly, northern Germany and its nearest Protestant neighbor caught fire (Danish Period) ; and, finally, country upon country was moved to take part, until the war was no longer a German struggle at all, but assumed, first, the aspect of a general conflict between Prot- estantism and Catholicism, and secondly, the character of a struggle between the two great dynasties, Hapsburg and Bourbon, for the supremacy in Europe. 2%e Bohemian-Palatine Period. — The insurgents at Prague had hardly set up their government, when they appealed to the Protestant Union for help and prepared themselves for war. In the midst of the first campaign the incapable Emperor Matthias died (1619), and the Haps- burg dominions passed to a man of altogether different mould, Ferdinand II. Ferdinand II. (1619-37), who had been brought up by Ferdinand the Jesuits, united with an intense Catholic enthusiasm many ^^•■> '619-37. incontestable Christian virtues. He was acknowledged on his accession in most of his dominions, and the electors of the empire, although three of the seven electors were Prot- estant, so far accepted the time-honored ascendancy of the House of Hapsburg as to choose him emperor. Ferdinand felt that having gained so much, he must now undertake the recovery of Bohemia. He appealed to the Catholic League for help, and Maximilian of Bavaria, its president, readily granted it. Maximilian and Ferdinand had been brought up together Maximilian under the same Jesuit influences, and Maximilian, who was °^ Bavaria, an exceedingly capable man, was always glad to do some- thing for the Catholic cause. Moreover, the newest devel- opments in Bohemia had greatly stimulated this eagerness. 38o The Modern Period The battle of the White Hill, 1620. The Pala- tinate occu- pied by the Catholics. The situa- tion begins to interest the rest of Europe. In order to strengthen their hand, the Bohemian Protes- tants had just elected (16 19) Frederick, count palatine of the Rhine and head of the Protestant Union, king of Bo- hemia, and Maximilian, as head of the League, felt that he could not let his adversary assume this honor unchallenged. In the year 1620 there followed the campaign which de- cided the fate of Bohemia. Frederick, the new king, proved utterly inadequate to his task. At the battle of the White Hill, just outside of Prague, the united forces of the emperor and the League scattered the army of the rebels to the four winds, and drove- Frederick himself into exile. Ferdinand and his Jesuits immediately took possession of Bohemia and forced it back to Catholicism. The war would now have been over if the Catholics had been contented with their first success. But urged on by his advisers, the emperor allowed himself to be hurried into a new and larger enterprise. He placed the defeated count palatine Frederick under the ban of the Empire, and com- missioned Maximilian to occupy his territories, which straggled in loose array along southern Germany from the Rhine to Bohemia, and were known under the name of the Palatinate. Even the Lutherans, hitherto indifferent, be- came excited at this outrage, and a number of campaigns were necessary before Maximilian's troops could execute the imperial order. And now a new danger arose. Protestants the world over had expressed their grief at the defeat of their co- religionists in Germany, while the European Catholics cel- ebrated the emperor's victory as their own. Religion, it must be remembered, was still the dominant interest of the day. Thus Frederick's misfortunes gradually won him the sympathies of foreign Protestant monarchs, and especially of James I. of England, whose daughter Elizabeth, Frederick had married. But all the larger states which sympathized The Thirty Years' War 381 with Frederick happened to have their hands full at the time, and thus it happened that the only power which could, for the present, be persuaded to interfere actively in his be- half, was Denmark. The Danish War (1625-29). — In the year 1625, Chris- tian IV., king of Denmark, gave ear to the suppHcation of the more radical wing of the German Protestants and placed himself at their head. The theatre of war was thus imme- diately transferred from the south to the north. Again, the Catholics won a complete victory, for against the Protestant forces they put into the field two armies, superior in every way to their Protestant rivals. The first Protestant of these was equipped by the Catholic League and com- ^" forces"" manded by Tilly, the victor of the White Hill, while the compared, second had only lately been got together by the personal activity of a Bohemian nobleman, one Wallenstein, who placed it at the service of the emperor. This Wallenstein was destined to play a great role on the imperial side. The emperor, owing to the exhaustion of his treasury, had hitherto waged the war primarily with the Wallenstein troops of the League. Wallenstein now proposed the bold j^^erial^" plan of raising an army for him which should cost him army, nothing. His notion was convincingly simple : the army was to live by a system of forced contributions. Wallen- stein's personal magnetism, his promise of large pay and plunder, soon furnished him with a numerous army of ad- venturers, who cared neither for Catholicism nor Protest- antism, and blindly served their chief. In the year 1626, Tilly and Wallenstein completely Victories of scattered their Protestant adversaries, and then proceeded Wal^nstein to invade Denmark. Christian defended himself for a time as best he could, but in the end had to give way. In the year 1629 he was glad to sign the Peace of Liibeck, upon terms which secured him his territory in return for the 382 The Modern Period promise that he would not again interfere in the affairs of Germany. Wallen- Even before the Peace of Liibeck was signed Wallen- oerialVlTiis ^^^'^'^ ^^^ covered the whole Protestant north of Germany with his troops. His remarkable mind was nursing vast and intricate designs, the gist of them being to destroy the local power of the princes, and to build up a strong united Germany under the emperor, with himself as the power behind the throne. His successes were unchecked till he First defeat arrived at Stralsund, a port of the Baltic Sea. This citv. at Stral- ' sund 1620 although he vowed in his wrath he would have it, "even though it were fastened to heaven by chains of iron," he could not take, and was forced to retire. Next to herself, Stralsund owed her deliverance to the supplies, secretly contributed by a voluntary ally, Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden. This monarch had been for some time plan- ning to interfere in the German war, but he was detained by a war which he had begun with Poland. While he was bringing this to a close and preparing to come in person to Germany, a number of events occurred there that greatly facilitated his projects. The Edict In spite of the check at Stralsund, the year 1629 marks o es 1 u- j.jjg climax of the Catholic successes. The Peace of Lii- tion, 1629. beck had removed Denmark from the struggle; in the length and breadth of Germany there was no army to resist the emperor ; and Wallenstein and Tilly held both the north and the south. This triumphant situation persuaded Ferdinand II. to strike a decisive blow at the Protestant religion. He published (1629) the Edict of Restitution, by which the Protestants were ordered to give up all Church territories which had been taken into possession since the Peace of Augsburg (1555). As this affected two arch- bishoprics, nine bishoprics, and many monasteries, alto- gether a considerable fraction of German land, it will be 1 He IHirty Years' War 383 understood why all Protestants, even the sluggish Lutherans, were seized with consternation. For a moment differences were forgotten, and all stood firm, ready to renew an op- position which seemed to have been broken by the tide of Catholic victory. Luckily for the Protestants, the emperor himself by his Dismissal very next step frustrated his own policy. Wallenstein's "tein* ^"' savage warfare, above all, his imperial policy, which in- volved the ruin of the princes. Catholic and Protestant alike, had won him their united hatred. At the Diet of Ratisbon (Regensburg, 1630), they fiercely demanded his dismissal. The emperor hesitated for a moment, and then gave way. Wallenstein was forced to take leave of his ar- my at the very moment when there gathered against Ferdi- nand the worst storm which had yet threatened. Swedish Period {1630-J5). — Wallenstein's retirement Reasons for occurred almost at the same time as the landing in Germany t^e coming of an army of Swedes under Gustavus Adolphus. What Adolphus. were the motives of this Swedish king in thus intervening in German affairs ? They can still be made out with per- fect ease. First, he was certainly moved by self-interest. Sweden was a Baltic power and had been striving for some time to make of the Baltic a " Swedish lake." The wars which Gustavus Adolphus had directed against Russia and Poland were waged in obedience to this ambitious policy, and had practically secured Sweden the whole Baltic coast as far as Prussia. The attempt of Wallenstein to establish the emperor along the northern coast of Germany might certainly be conceived as a danger by a Swedish patriot, and Gustavus, frightened at Wallenstein's successes, gradu- ally became convinced that the safety of his state depended upon the defeat of the House of Hapsburg. Secondly, he was an ardent Protestant, ready to risk a blow for a cause he loved. It is unnecessary to try to measure mathemati- 384 The Modern fenoa Attitude of the German princes. Alliance ■with France. The sack of Magdeburg, 1631. cally, as some historians have attempted to do, which of these two motives was dominant in his mind. Motives are generally complex, and it is impossible to weigh them. The situation offered him an excellent opportunity to enter upon a course which promised to serve him and his interests in many ways. In any case, Gustavus came as a rescuing anjgel to the aid of a dying cause, and immedi- ately gave to events that larger proportion, which lifted the brutal struggle of the religious parties momentarily to a higher plane. Gustavus attempted, upon landing in Germany, to se- cure the alliance of the Protestant princes. But this was no easy matter. They were glad enough to have his help, but they had legitimate scruples about handing over Ger- many to a foreigner. While Gustavus was still negotiating with them aid came to him from another quarter. Rich- elieu had now mastered the Huguenots (fall of La Rochelle, 1628), and was determined, like Gustavus, to proceed vigorously against the Hapsburgs. Under the circum- stances it was not unnatural than France and Sweden should form an alliance, which was duly concluded in 1 63 1, and which henceforth determined the course of the war. For the present, however, the part of France was limited to a contribution of money to the Swedish treasury. All this time Gustavus was in the north, waiting for the Protestant princes to join him. While they were still hes- itating, the army of the League, under Tilly, took, plun- dered, and utterly destroyed the great Protestant city of Magdeburg (1631). The horror of the terrible massacre (20,000 inhabitants were butchered by the soldiery) add- ed to the irritation caused by continued imperial aggres- sions, threw the Protestants, and, above all, the greatest prince of the north, the elector of Saxony, upon the Swedish side. Having secured this important ally, Giis- The Thirty Years' War 385 tavus could now march south against Tilly without fear of an insurrection at his back. At Breitenfeld, near Leipsic, The battle a great battle took place, in which Swedish generalship feij 16,1°" and discipline astonished the world by utterly defeating the veteran army of Tilly (September, 1631). The victory of Breitenfeld laid all Germany at the feet of Gustavus. Never was there a more complete dramatic change. The Catholics, who, a year before, had held the reins in their hands, were now in exactly the same help- less position in which the Protestants had then found them- Gustavus selves. Gustavus, received everywhere with jubilation by hfro'of ^ ^ the Protestants, whom he had delivered, marched, without Protestant opposition, straight across Germany to the Rhine. ermany. In the spring, Gustavus again took the field, aiming straight for Munich and Vienna, the capitals respectively of Maximilian and Ferdinand. Munich fell into his hands, and Vienna seemed likewise doomed, when Ferdinand in his cruel predicament turned once more to Wallenstein Wallenstein for help. That general, since his dismissal, had been the'rescue sulking on his estates. When Ferdinand's ambassador now besought him for aid he affected indifference, but at length he allowed himself to be persuaded to collect an army, upon conditions that practically made his command absolute. Then he floated his standards to the wind, and immediately the old veterans flocked around their beloved leader. In the summer of 1632 Wallenstein and Gustavus, the two greatest generals of their day, took the field against each other. After long futile manoeuvring around Nurem- berg, in which Wallenstein won some slight advantages, the two armies met for a decisive encounter at Lutzen, not The battle far from Leipsic (November, 1632). The armies of that ^^ovemb"' day were not large ; 20,000 Swedes confronted about as 1632. many Imperialists. After the Swedish army had knelt in 386 The Modern Fenod Swedes de- feated at Nordlingen, 1634. Murder of Wallen- stein. Richelieu enters the war. Changed character of the war. prayer and the trumpeters had sounded the grand old hymn of Luther, " A Mighty Fortress is our God," Gus- tavus ordered the attack. The combat was long and fierce, but the Swedes won the day ; they won, but at a terrible cost. In one of the charges of horse, the impet- uosity of Gustavus had carried him too far into the ranks of the enemy, and he was surrounded and slain. For a few more years the Swedes, under various lieu- tenants trained in the school of Gustavus, and under the political direction of the Chancellor Oxenstiern, who rep- resented Gustavus's infant daughter. Queen Christine, tried to hold what had been won for them. But in 1634 they were defeated by the Imperialists, under the younger Ferdinand, the emperor's son, at Nordlingen, and had to give up southern Germany. Wallenstein was, at that time, no longer at the head of the imperial forces. Hav- ing fallen under the suspicion of treachery he was mur- dered by a band of conspirators (February, 1634). At this juncture France entered the war. We have seen that Richelieu had made with Gustavus, on Gustavus's landing in Germany, a treaty limited to money-support. But the battle of Nordlingen establishing the fact that Sweden without its king was no longer a match for the emperor, Richelieu now resolved on more vigorous meas- ures against the House of Hapsburg. In 1635 he declared war against both branches. French-Swedish Period (^1635-48'). — From now on the war was the conflict of the House of Bourbon, allied in Germany with Sweden and in the Netherlands with the Dutch, against the Spanish and the Austrian branches of the House of Hapsburg ; and the theatre of the struggle of these two dynasties for the leadership in Europe was the territory where their interests clashed — the Netherlands, Italy, and, of course, Germany. The Protestant princes. The Thirty Years' War 387 mere pygmies in this universal contest, sank more and more out of sight. If the war continued, it was not because of any interests of theirs, but because Richelieu was set upon reducing the Hapsburgs in the world, and would not retire until France and Sweden had gained a firm foothold in Germany. The campaigns of this last period of the war consist, therefore, of a patient forward thrust across the Rhine into southern Germany, on the part of France, and a steady The attack movement southward firom the Baltic, on the part of "^fi**"^? ^ and Sweden. Sweden. The emperor, aided by subsidies from Spain, but rarely by her troops (for Spain was engaged to the extent of her capacity in the Netherlands and Italy), made what resistance he could, while the Germans looked on, for the most part indifferent, weary to death of the long struggle, and unable to see any further meaning in it. Under these conditions, and especially after the great generals, Turenne and the prince of Cond6 were put at the head of the French troops, the emperor was steadily pushed back. Year in, year out, Germany was harried by fire and sword. The cities fell into decay, and the country was deserted by the peasants. When the product of labor was sure to become the booty of marauders, nobody cared to work. So the people fell into idleness, were butchered, or died of hunger The long or of pestilence. The only profession which afforded se- ajgony o' Germany, curity and a livelihood was that of the soldier, and soldier meant robber and murderer. Armies, therefore, became mere bands, organized for pillage, and marched up and down the country, followed by immense hordes of starved camp followers, women and children, who hoped, in this way, to get a sustenance which they could not find at home. Finally, defeat upon defeat brought the emperor to terms. Ferdinand II., who had begun the war, having died in the meantime, it was his son and successor, Ferdi- , 388 The Modern Period The end of nand III. (1637-57), who put an end to the general misery the war. -^^ signing, after wearisome negotiations, a peace with all his enemies, called the Peace of Westphalia (1648). The Peace of Westphalia is, from the variety of matter which it treats, one of the most important documents in history. First, it determined what territorial compensa- The main tion France and Sweden were to have in Germany for the Peace of ^'^^^'^ victories over the emperor; secondly, it laid a new Westphalia, basis for the peace between Protestantism and Catholicism ; and, thirdly, it authorized an important political readjust- ment of Germany. All these rubrics will be considered separately. As to the first rubric, Sweden received the western half of Pomerania, and the bishoprics of Bremen and Verden. By these possessions she was put in control of the mouths Cessions to of the German rivers, the Oder, Elbe, and Weser. France uTprance" ^^ confirmed in the possession of the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, which she had acquired under Henry II. (1552), and received, in addition, Alsace, with the exception of the city of Strasburg and a few inconsidera- ble districts. The relig- Under the second rubric, we note that the Peace of rnent^^ ^' Augsburg was confirmed, and that the toleration there granted to the Lutherans was extended to the Calvinists. In regard to the bishoprics, which the Edict of Restitution had declared to be Catholic, the victory remained substan- tially with the Protestants, for January i, 1624, was desig- nated as a test day, it being agreed that whatever land had been Protestant at that time should remain Protestant, and vice versa. Disruption Under the third rubric it is necessary to note a variety of Germany, ^j- pQijjjcal and territorial changes within Germany. First, the princes were given a number of new sovereign rights ; among others, the right of forming alliances with each The Thirty Years' War 389 other, and with foreign powers. Therewith the decentral- ization of Germany was completed, and the single states legally declared as good as independent. Furthermore, the elector of Brandenburg received additions of territory, which made him not only the greatest Protestant prince, but the greatest prince altogether in Germany, after the emperor. Brandenburg, thus enlarged, was destined to grow into a kingdom (Prussia), and become in time the Growth of rival and conqueror of Austria, and the recreator of the bur? German political unity of which the Peace of Westphalia made an end. As a last curious item, it may be added that Switzerland and the Dutch Netherlands (seven United Switzerland Provinces), which had once been members of the Empire, jj^t^er- but had long ago won a practical independence, were for- lands, mally declared free from any obligations to that body. The Peace of Westphalia had also a European signifi- The Peace cance. It dealt with so many international affairs, that it °j^ closes *' may be said to have been, in a measure, a constitution of the era of Europe, and practically, it was the basis of European public ^3^'°"^ 1 law till the French Revolution. We may also take it to mark a turning-point in the destinies of civilization. From the time of Luther the chief interest of Europe had been the question of religion. Europe was divided into two camps, Catholicism and Protestantism, which opposed each , other with all their might. In the Peace of Westphalia, the two parties recorded what they had gradually been learning — which was, that such a fight was futile, and that they would better learn to put up with each other. Almost imperceptibly men's minds had grown more tolerant, even if the laws were not always so, and this is, when all is said, the more satisfactory progress. The best proof of the improved state of the European mind toward the mid- dle of the seventeenth century, is offered by the practical application of this very peace instrument. The toleration ation. 390 The Modern Period there granted was merely of the old kind — the toleration of the princes, but not of the individuals, ejfpressed by the The princi- famous cujus regio, ejus religio (he who rules the country aUon '^' nia-y settle its religion) — yet, persecution of individuals was henceforth the exception, and not the rule. It would be an exaggeration to say that the principle of toleration had now been conquered for humanity, or that the squabbles for religion's sake ceased in the world, but it may be as- serted, without fear of contradiction, that toleration had won with the Peace of Westphalia a definite recognition among the upper and the cultured classes. During the next one hundred and fifty years, the principle filtered gradu- ally, through the literary labor of many noble thinkers, to the lowest strata of society, and became, in the era of the French Revolution, a possession of all mankind. SPECIAL TOPICS Wallenstein's Policy of German Unification and the Causes of the Failure of that policy. Gindely, Thirty Years' War, Vol. II., Chaps. I. and IV. Gardiner, Thirty Years' War, pp. gS-lio ; 117-30 ; 151-81. HMusser, Reformation, pp. 428-44 ; 501-14. The Desolation Wrought in Germany by the War. Gardiner, pp. 217- 21. Gindely, Vol. 11., Chap. XI. SECTION II THE ERA OF ABSOLUTISM AND THE DYNASTIC WARS; FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1648-1789) The reader is again warned that any staking off of a sec- tion of Modern History is entirely arbitrary, and is solely justified on the score of convenience and in the interest of analysis. Now the above so-called Second Section has, like the First, an essential unity, or, to use a musical ex- pression, a leading motive. This motive is found in the circumstance that during the century and a half between the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and the French Revolu- tion (1789), Europe was dominated by the principle of government known as absolutism, and was constantly shaken by the wars of the various absolute dynasties waged for the selfish purposes of territorial aggrandizement. But this once understood, the reader must guard himself against imagining that there was no absolutism and self-aggrandize- ment both before and after our Section II. Of course there was, and all that is meant by this introductory word is that never at any other time did these two closely wedded ten- dencies stand so prominently in the foreground of public affairs. 391 392 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXV ENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. THE STUARTS, THE PURITAN REVOLUTION, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MON- ARCHY UNDER WILLIAM III. LITERATURE.— Gardiner, The Puritan Re-volution. (Epochs.) $l.oo. Scribner. GsLr&inzT , History of England (TSiOi-^). lovols. $20.00. Longmans. Gardiner, History of the Civil War (1643-49). 4 vols. Longmans. (Out of print.) Gardiner, History of the Commonwealth and the Protectorate (1649-G0). 2 vols. $14.00. Longmans. Carlyle, CromivelFs Letters and Speeches. 2 vols. Of Memoirs on the Restoration see Pepys. Inexpensive edition published by Cassell. $0.60. Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution (1628-60). $2.60. Clarendon Press. Gee and Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History. $2.60. Macmillan. Reign of James I. {i6oj-2^') Gardiner, Student's History of England, pp. 481-502. Green, Short Hisicry of the English People, pp. 474-96. James, the Elizabeth was succeeded upon her death by the next arch"""' ^^''^ '•° ^'^ crown, James I., the son of Mary Stuart. Great Brit- James, who was already king of Scotland, united in his person for the first time the sovereignty over the kingdoms constituting Great Britain. But it must be understood that the union of England and Scotland which the acces- sion of James established, was, for the present, merely a personal union ; that is, the accession of James gave the two countries a common sovereign, but not, as yet, com- mon laws and institutions. Character of It was unfortunate that at a time when the character of James. ^^ sovereign greatly influenced the government, such a man as James should have been on the throne. His figure ain, England in the Seventeenth Century 393 was almost ludicrously disjointed, and his character was devoid of force and fibre. Under the circumstances his really considerable information was not likely to help him much, whereas his exaggerated idea of his office was sure to do him harm. Concerning this office, he obstinately be- lieved that it was of divine origin, and that its preroga- tives were so extensive as to render him practically abso- lute. The accession of James occurred at a favorable moment. The favor- The defeat of the Spanish Armada (1588) had established fj^n ofthe" the authority of England without. Within, the Catholics kingdom, were a waning party, and the Anglican Church, which was alone recognized by the law (Acts of Supremacy and Uni- formity, 1559), had, under EUzabeth, acquired solidarity and respect. The Puritan party within the Church, which inclined toward Calvinistic views, was by no means violent, and could be conciliated by a few concessions taking ac- count of their aversion to the surplice, to genuflections, and similar externals of the service. The question was whether James would show the breadth of mind which the solution of this question demanded. Shortly after his accession, in 1604, James met the Puri- James es- tans in a conference at Hampton Court. He there bitterly p*°2es the denounced them as the enemies of episcopacy, and com- pletely identified himself with that system of Church gov- ernment. Now the king's charges against the Puritans were far from true. Once more let us remember that the Puritans at this time were not revolutionary; that they accepted the Church of England in the main ; and that the concessions which they demanded did not seem to be dangerously radical. It was, therefore, extremely unwise on the part of the king to dismiss the Puri- tan conference gruffly, and to order, shortly after, the removal from their livings of those of the clergy who 394 The Modern Period refused to conform ^ to every minute prescription of the Anglican service. The gun- The Catholic party, too, had expected an alleviation of pow erp . jj^ position through James's accession. When it found that nothing was done to make its lot lighter, certain desperate men resolved upon vengeance. They deliberately planned to destroy the whole English government, king, Lords, and Commons, by one gigantic stroke. They heaped gunpow- der in barrels in the Parliament cellars, and set November 5, 1605 — the day of the opening in state of a new session — for the monstrous crime. Suspicion, however, had been awakened through a letter of warning, sent by a conspira- tor to a friend who was a member of the House of Lords ; and luckily, on the very eve of the planned disaster, Guy Fawkes, the hardiest of the conspirators, was discovered keeping watch among the explosives. He and his help- mates were arrested and executed, and the English people were once more confirmed in that intense hatred and dis- trust of the Catholic faith which long remained the first article of their religious and political programme. The rights The troubles with the Puritans and Catholics were not Parliament ^^^ °"^y difficulties which James's policy raised about him. He managed also to quarrel with his Parliament. In the England of that time the rights of king and of Parliament were not accurately determined, and the king's prerogative was necessarily vague. It must be remembered that there was no written constitution, and that the legal basis for every political action was found in a mass of frequently conflicting customs and statutes. Under these circumstances a monarch could do a great many things which a Parlia- ment might, on the ground of some ancient ordinance, dis- pute, but which a Parliament, if well-disposed in general toward the monarch, and if convinced that the particular act was wise, would not dispute, England in the Seventeenth Century 395 Now James's finances fell into disorder — a sore matter The ques- with every government. Probably a little clever leading controlled*' of Parliament would have brought that body around to a the nation's complete and wholesome reform of the finances, but James P""^^^* preferred, in his high-handed and stupid way, to order the levy of a number of questionable taxes on his own author- ity, and to trust to luck that Parliament would, after a little hagghng, yield him the point. In this he was mistaken. Parliament after Parliament allowed itself to be dissolved rather than take his dictation in this matter. And what was the result ? What originally had been merely a practical business question, was soon raised to a matter of principle, and the irritated Commons began to ask themselves if the king had a right to raise any kind of tax at all without their consent. In this way the question, who controlled the nation's purse, was definitely placed before the people, and an answer would have to be found sooner or later, whether by peaceful adjustment or by war. To his unpopularity James's foreign policy contributed. James's His one notion was peace. That was not bad in itself, but pg^ce ° James contrived an impractical course. He tried to asso- ciate himself with Spain, arguing that an understanding between the leading Protestant and the leading Catholic power would secure peace to the world. Unfortunately the Spaniards took advantage of him, and the English became thoroughly disaffected by this policy of yielding to their ancient foe. Nevertheless the king persisted in his course. In 1618 he had Sir Walter Raleigh, one of the popular Elizabethan heroes, executed for venturing to attack a Spanish village in South America. And when, in that same year, the Thirty Years' War broke out in Germany, instead of assisting his son-in-law, Frederick of the Palati- nate, who was elected king of Bohemia, he remained an impotent spectator, in the hope that Spain would somehow 396 The Modern Period English coloniza- tion. Ireland. America. India. kindly interfere in his relative's behalf. In the end his son- in-law was driven from Germany. But in spite of the fact that everybody now looked upon a conflict as inevitable, James continued his futile negotiations, and did not pre- pare for war against Spain until within a few months of his death, which occurred in 1625. It is a relief to turn from this chapter of mistaken efforts to the more productive field of James's colonial enterprises. In 1 6 10 occurred the first settlement of Ulster, the North- eastern province of Ireland, with English and Scotch colo- nists. Before James's time Ireland had given to monarch after monarch nothing but trouble, and James hoped that his scheme of colonization would bring the unruly island under Ms control. However, in order to carry out his pol- icy he had to confiscate the land and crowd the natives back into the marshes. This act of violence, which the Irish took to be nothing less than a crime, stamped an indelible hatred of the English in their souls. In the new world, another and an altogether more happy colonization was un- dertaken. In 1607 the first permanent English colony was planted in Virginia, and in 1620 the first band of radical Puritans, who had separated themselves from the Anglican Church and had at first taken refuge from persecution in Holland, set out across the Atlantic. From the valiant labors of themselves and their Puritan successors in the wilderness of Massachusetts developed in time a prosperous colony, and sprang the germs of that society which became the United States of America. Furthermore, in 161 2, the East India Company, which had been chartered under Elizabeth, secured its first foothold in India. Thus, the victories of Elizabeth's reign having cleared the way, the Anglo-Saxon race planted under James the seeds of its ex- pansion in the east and in the west, and laid the founda- tions of the English commercial supremacy of our day. England in the Seventeenth Century 397 Heign of Charles I. {1623-4^). Gardiner, 503-60, Green, 496-572. Charles I., who succeeded James in the year 1625, was Character outwardly very unlike his father. His face, familiar to us ° "^ ^ ' from Van Dyck's frequent reproductions, was handsome, and his manner kingly. He was also intelligent and con- scientious, but viewed the royal prerogative like his father, and believed, like him, that a parliament ought not to be conciliated, but cowed. The two main difficulties created by James bore imme- Struggle diate and dangerous fruit in the new reign. James had ptriil^ent roused the slumbering Puritanism of his subjects and had and king raised the question with his Parliament as to who controlled |°^ad ° taxation. Charles, by persisting in James's course of hos- tility to Puritans and Parliament, succeeded, in an incredi- bly short time, in developing the prejudices of his people into a violent opposition to himself, and in rousing the Commons, who had been servilely docile under Elizabeth and, even while protesting, had been deeply respectful under James, to the point where they plainly put the ques- tion : who was sovereign in England, Parliament or king ? In the very year of his accession, Charles married Hen- Charles falls rietta Maria, a sister of Louis XIII. of France. This mar- °"* ^''^*' ^^^ . Commons in riage with a Catholic was unpopular in England in itself, matters of and was rendered doubly so by the fact that Charles had "^^"S'""- entered upon an agreement with Louis to offer the English Catholics his protection. Over this concession to a hostile faith the Parliament straightway flew into a passion. It grew still more excited when the fact became known that the king had lavished favors upon certain Anglican church- men who had publicly attacked the Calvinistic doctrines then held by the majority of Englishmen. There is no doubt that the king meant well enough, and certainly he 398 The Modern Period was far from the thought of betraying the cause of Protes- tantism ; but his religious liberalism bore the character of laxity in the minds of the severe believers of that day and aroused general suspicion. The Commons, in consequence, adopted an uncompromising Protestant policy. They began to lay more and more stress on those features of the Anglican Church which were emphatically Protestant, and less and less on those which had been retained from the Catholic establishment. Thus while the doctrines aroused their enthusiasm, they grew increasingly indifferent about the practices and ceremonies. From these latter, however, the king, who had a fondness for outward show, would abate no jot nor tittle. Monarch and Commons, as a result, drifted farther and farther apart on questions of reUgion; and under the unconscious action of resentment, the people began falling away from their own ceremonial Anglican traditions and edging over to Puritan ground. Charles falls Not satisfied with alienating his people by arousing their ParHament^ religious animosity, the king also alienated them by his over the war political conduct. The war with Spain furnished him the wi bpain. Q(,(,^JQjj jjg j^j^(j inherited it from his father, and was bent on carrying it on. The Parliament was not unwilling to give him support — for the war with Spain was popular — but to such grants of money as it made, it attached the condition that the war be carried on effectively and under good leaders. This condition Charles, to his misfortune, neglected. He intrusted the conduct of the war to the duke of Buckingham, once his father's favorite and now his own, and Buckingham, who was handsome and dash- ing, but unfit for weighty business, reaped nothing but disaster. Thus an expedition sent in 1625 against Cadiz ended in utter failure. Thereupon, the Commons refused to give the king more money until the duke was removed from the council, and, as the king refused to allow himself ham and the war with England in the Seventeenth Century 399 to be dictated to in the matter of his ministers, there en- sued a deadlock which Charles tried in vain to break by the repeated dissolution of Parliament. In the year 1627 matters grew worse. The king, not Bucking- content with one war upon his hands, allowed himself to be driven into a war with France, in behalf of the French France Huguenots. The Huguenots were being besieged in La Rochelle. As there was no other way of getting money for a rescuing expedition, Charles adopted a perilous device : he forced the rich to make him a loan. But the sums, thus illegally extorted, brought no blessing. A relief expedition, which sailed for La Rochelle under Buckingham, failed as miserably as the attack upon Cadiz. As a result ignominy in the war with France was added to the ignominy already incurred in the war with Spain. The Parliament which met in 1628 was therefore justified The Peti- in its outbreak of wrath against the Government. Before R°°i.t .5 granting another penny it insisted that the grievances of the nation be redressed. In a document called the Petition of Right, it made a formal assertion of its claims. The Petition of Right declared forced loans illegal, and con- demned a number of practices, such as arbitrary arrests and billeting of troops upon householders. The Petition of Right was firmly announced to be a prerequisite to all further concessions by the Parliament. Charles, who had two wars on his hands and no money, had to give way. The Petition of Right, celebrated as a renewal of Magna Charta, was accepted and became the law of the land (1628). Unfortunately the Petition of Right did not dispose of all the internal troubles. The obnoxious Buckingham was not dismissed ; the excitement, which had permeated all classes, did not subside. Proof of the degree of hatred which the party strife had reached was offered soon enough. While a new expedition to La Rochelle was fitting out 400 The Modern Period Murder of Bucking- ham, 1628. Tunnage and Pound- age. The Crisis of 1629. Eleven years of rule without Parliament. at Portsmouth, a fanatic patriot, John Felton by name, stabbed Buckingham to death (1628). The king grieved over the loss of his favorite, but his policy remained ob- stinately unchanged. And this at a moment when a strug- gle was threatening with his Parliament greater than any that had preceded ! It was the practice in England to vote certain customs duties, called Tunnage and Poundage, at the beginning of a reign, for the duration of the king's life. These formed the most considerable income of the treasury, and without them the government could not be carried on. Largely by accident the Commons had not voted Tunnage and Poundage for the life of Charles, and now that they had a grievance against him, they resolved not to vote this tax until they had received in return fresh assurances of good government. Charles grew highly excited over their con- duct, which to him seemed mere bickering, and in the session of 1629 the conflict between king and Commons broke out anew. After a few unfruitful negotiations, Charles determined to dissolve Parliament ; but the mem- bers getting wind of it, passed, before the adjournment, amidst a scene unparalleled for excitement in English par- liamentary annals, a number of resolutions, affirming that the levy of Tunnage and Poundage was illegal and that whosoever paid it or brought in religious innovations was a traitor. Thus the question of Tunnage and Poundage, added to the religious excitement, brought about virtual war between king and Parliament. But for the next eleven years (1629-40) the king had the upper hand, the exten- sive prerogative acquired by his predecessors giving him at first a distinct advantage over the ambitious Commons. Among other privileges, he was not obliged to assemble Parliament at all, unless he wanted a new subsidy, and as England in the Seventeenth Century 401 anything was better than having Parliament again, he now resolved to get along with the revenues he had. But this plan necessitated economy, and, above all, the termination of the expensive wars with France and Spain. Before the end of 1630, therefore, Charles had made his peace with these two powers. His outlook now was, on the whole, exceedingly hopeful. Tunnage and Poundage, although condemned by the Commons, was regularly paid into the exchequer by a people who were not yet ready to renounce their king, and Tunnage and Poundage, taken together with a number of other taxes which had been regularly pro- vided, were found sufficient for the ordinary expenses of the administration. During these eleven years of practically absolute govern- ment Charles managed matters in Church and state as it suited him. For the affairs of the Church his chief adviser was William Laud, whom, in 1633, Charles appointed arch- Laud and bishop of Canterbury and primate of England. Laud, like Wentvirorth. Charles himself, laid stress upon ceremony and uniformity, and proceeded with such vigor against the enemies of cere- mony, that in a few years he had either secured the sub- mission of the Puritan element or had ejected it from the Church. For the affairs of state Charles depended in large measure upon Thomas Wentworth, better known by his later title of earl of Strafford. Wentworth, who was a firm be- liever in strong government, supported the king in his stand against Parliament and people, but it is entirely erroneous to make him responsible for all the ill-advised measures of the monarch. Of such measures there were many, all contributing to shake Charles's arbitrary position. Notably was this the case with ship-money. Ship-money was a tax collected by Ship-money. Charles in the year 1634, for the purpose of creating a navy. The ordinary method of getting supplies for such 402 The Modern Period an end would have been to appeal to Parliament, but that the king shrank from doing. So he hit upon a subterfuge. In former times monarchs had, when the country was in danger, ordered the counties bordering on the sea to fur- nish ships. Charles issued such an order in the year 1634. A little later he declared his willingness to receive money instead of ships, and further ordained that the inland coun- ties, too, should pay. Plainly, this procedure was, if not totally illegal, at least hazardous and certain to arouse a great deal of opposition. The case of This appeared when a country gentleman, John Hampden Hampden ^y name, preferred rather than pay his share of the tax to suffer arrest and trial. The court, when the case came up, decided against Hampden, but so wide was the disaffection following upon Hampden's trial that it required only an occasion for England to show that the loyalty which had bound her for 'ages to her royal house, had suffered fatal impairment. Charles falls That occasion was furnished by Scotland. In the year Scots'*^ ^''^ 1637, Charles, with his usual neglect of popular feeling, ventured to introduce into Presbyterian Scotland the Prayer Book and certain of the Episcopal practices of England. The answer of the Scots to this measure was to rise in in- surrection. They drew up a national oath or Covenant, by which they pledged themselves to resist to the utmost all attempts at changing their religion, and when Charles did not immediately give in, he found that he had a war on his hands. The Scotch There follows the campaign of 1639 against the Scots, war of 1639 jjj j^ J known as the First Bishops' War. It was a mis- over the '^ question of erable fiasco. Owing to want of funds, the king led north- Episcopacy. ^^^^ ^ ^^^.^ iu.gquipped rabble, and when he arrived upon the scene, found himself compelled to sign a truce. Be- tween his Scotch and English subjects, whom he had alike England in the Seventeenth Century 403 alienated, his position was now thoroughly humiliating. In order to avenge himself upon the Scots, he required effective money help from England, and effective money help from England involved calling a Parliament. In one or the other direction he had, therefore, to make conces- sions. Charles fought a hard battle with his pride, but finally, feeling that the Scotch matter was the more press- ing, he summoned a Parliament (1640). Thus the long period of government without a Parlia- The Second ment had come to an end. When, however, the Parlia- ^tr ^640 ment, known as the Short Parliament, began, instead of voting moneys, to remind the king of the nation's griev- ances, Charles flamed up once more and dismissed it. Once more, in despite of his lack of funds, he conducted a campaign, known as the Second Bishops' War, against the Scots (1640). But when the second experiment had failed as badly as the first, he had to acknowledge himself finally beaten. In the autumn of 1640 he summoned another Parliament, The Long which he knew he should not be able to send home at his jjW)'^™^" will. The Parliament which met has received from his- tory the name of the Long Parliament, and is the most famous legislative body in English annals. The Long Parliament, as soon as it was installed, took The victory the reins into its hands. First the desire for revenge had commons to be satisfied, and accordingly Strafford and Laud were executed. Then the whole constitution was practically remodelled, Parliament declared everything, the king nothing. It was the Parliament's answer to the king's des- potic rule. Could a king of Charles's temperament submit for long to such a terrible abasement ? For a year the king bore with the altered circumstances. Division in But he was watching for his chance, and the first division Com- ° mons. among the Commons was his signal to strike. The Com- 404 The Modern Period Charles sides with the Episco- palians. Attempted arrest of the five mem- bers. The king unfurls his banner at Notting- ham. The advan- tage is, at first, with the king. mons had agreed admirably on all the political questions at issue between themselves and the king. Differences ap- peared only when the religious question was presented. The sentiment against the Episcopal system had made a great deal of progress of late years, but a strong con- servative element still supported it. Under the circum- stances Puritans and Episcopalians in the Commons fre- quently came to hard words, and naturally, as soon as this opening in the hitherto solid phalanx of the opposition was apparent, Charles took advantage of it. He threw in his lot with the Episcopalians, and so once more rallied about him a party. In January, 1642, he calculated that he was strong enough to strike a blow at the predominance of Parliament, and attempted to arrest the five leaders, Pym, Hampden, Hazelrigg, Holies, and Strode, in full Parliamentary ses- sion. But the attempt failed, and Charles, always a little timorous, had not the courage to brave the situation which he had himself created. When London rose in arms, Charles fled, and the schism was complete. In Au- gust, 1642, unfurling his banner at Nottingham, he bade all loyal Englishman rally to their king. The Parliament in its turn gathered an army and prepared to take the field. The parties about to engage each other seemed to be very equally matched. The king's party, called the Cav- aliers, held the north and the west, York and Oxford being their chief towns, while the adherents of the Parlia- ment, known derisively as Roundheads, for the reason that many of them cropped their hair close, held the south and the east, with London for their centre. Neither side was well furnished with troops, but the fact that the slashing country gentlemen crowded into the king's service gave the royal side, at first, the advantage. In the early cam- England in the Seventeenth Century 405 paigns the army of the Parliament was steadily driven back, and on one occasion London, the Parliamentary centre, almost fell into the king's hands. It was really not until the year 1644 that the Parliament began to de- velop an efficient army. At the same time there rose into prominence the man who was destined to turn the tables Oliver on the king and bring the war to a conclusion — Oliver ^^°^'"^''^- Cromwell. Oliver Cromwell is one of those surprising characters who sum up in themselves a whole period of their nation's history. He was a country gentleman of the east of Eng- land, whose life had become bound up in the Puritan cause. With iirmness and strength, he coupled an ex- traordinary amount of practical good sense, which enabled him to see things exactly as they were. Now the great business of the hour was a good army. Gradually, there- fore, Cromwell collected about himself a special troop of men of his own mind — Puritans who had their hearts in the cause ; and this troop soon won for itself the grim title of Cromwell's Ironsides. In the campaign of 1644 Cromwell's Ironsides first Marston prominently showed their metal. They contributed large- °°'^' ' ^^' ly to the great victory of Marston Moor over Prince Ru- pert,^ the king's nephew and the dashing leader of his horse. At the battle of Newbury, which took place a few months later, it is probable that the king would have been crushed entirely if Cromwell had not been thwarted by his sluggish and incapable superiors. That winter Cromwell fiercely denounced in Parliament The army the lax method of carrying on war which had hitherto ^^ orms. prevailed, and so convincing were his criticisms that the ' Prince Rupert, known as Rupert of the Rhine, was the son of Eh'za- beth, the daughter of James, who had married Frederick of the Palati- nate. 4o6 The Modern Period The decisive campaign of 1645. Nase- by. Alliance be- tween the Scots and Parliament. Presbyte- rians and In- dependents. Commons now carried out a number of sweeping reforms. By means of certain ordinances the army was completely reorganized and the spirit of Cromwell's Ironsides intro- duced into the whole service. The spring of 1645 found Sir Thomas Fairfax at the head of the reformed forces and Cromwell in command of the horse. The effect of the change made itself felt at once : the campaign of 1645 proved decisive. At Naseby, in the heart of England, the king made his last formidable effort (June 14). The gallant Rupert plunged, as usual, through the squadrons of horse opposite him, but Cromwell in the meantime broke the king's left and centre and won the day. For almost a year the king still held out, vainly hoping relief from this or that small circumstance. In May, 1646, judging that all was over, he surrendered to the Scots, who occupied the English north. The Scots had joined the English Parliament against the king in the year 1643. They had treated the first suggestions of alliance with indifference, and when they finally consented to join the English, they made a very hard condition : they demanded that their own Presby- terian system of church government be established also in England. The stiff Puritan opinion in the Parliament re- volted at first at the thought of a foreign dictation, but as the majority were well disposed to the Presbyterian sys- tem, and the danger from the king was pressing, the al- liance between Scots and Parliament was formally ap- proved on the proposed basis. However, a handful of commoners standing for rehgious tolerance protested against the treaty to the last. To them the uniformity of belief enforced by the Presbyterian Kirk was no whit less hateful than the uniformity of service de- manded by the Anglican Church. But being a mere hand- ful, they would have been overridden without a word if England in the Seventeenth Century 407 they had not received support from a very important quarter • their religious views had the approval of Crom- well and his Ironsides. Under the circumstances the ma- jority was obliged to proceed with caution, especially while the war continued and the troops had to be kept in good humor. Thus the contention slumbered for a time, but as soon as the battle of Naseby had been won and the enemy scattered, the quarrel between the Presbyterians and the Independents, as the advocates of tolerance were called, assumed a more serious aspect. When the king surrendered to the Scots he was well in- The calcula- formed of these differences of opinion among the victors, ^'ine-° and hoped, in his small-minded way, to find his profit in them. Let the army, representing the Independents and their view of tolerance, only fall to quarrelling with the majority of the Parliament, representing the Presbyterians and their uncompromising system of uniformity, and his, the king's, alliance would prove invaluable. Herein Charles calculated both well and ill. In the The Parlia- year 1647 t^^ Scots surrendered him, on the payment of went offends a good price, to the Parliament. The Presbyterians there- upon tried to hurry through a settlement, while the army offered a different set of terms. Endless intrigues resulted, in which the Scots, too, took a hand, and the consequence was that in the year 1648 there broke out a war among Charles's enemies — the Scots supported by English Pres- byterian influence being pitted against the army. So far Charles had calculated well. In the long run, however. The civil his petty calculations shot wide of the mark, for Fairfax ^^LIT i6iS and Cromwell very quickly laid their enemies at their feet. Then the army returned to London to have vengeance upon what it called the bloody authors of the struggle, the Presbyterian majority of the Commons and the king. On December 6, 1648, a troop under the command of Colonel 408 The Modern' Period Pride's purge, 1648. The execu- tion of the king, Janu- ary 30, 1649. The break- down of the constitu- tion. Pride expelled the Presbyterian members, to the number of about one hundred, from the House No more than fifty or sixty commoners retained their seats, and these, the mere tools of the army, received the contemptuous name of the Rump Parliament. Next the army turned upon the king, firmly resolved to subject him to a trial. As there were no legal provisions in the constitution for such a step, the now servile Parlia- ment created a special high court of justice to try the king. The end, of course, was to be foreseen. The high court of justice found the king guilty of treason, and on January 30, 1649, he was executed on a scaffold before his own palace of Whitehall. He had never been shaken in the conviction that the right, during the whole course of the civil war, had been with him, and he died bravely in that belief. The king's death had been preceded by the dissolution of the House of Lords because of the refusal of that body to take the army's side. The English constitution, therefore, was now a wreck ; the king and Lords had disappeared, the Commons were a fragment. The power lay solely with the army, and the burning question of the day was : Would the revolutionists of the army be able to build a new constitu- tion along new lines ? The com- monwealth. T/ie Commonwealth and the Protectorate {164^-60). Gardiner, 561-77. Green, 572-604. On the death of the king, the Rump Parliament voted that England was a commonwealth, and appointed, pro- visionally, a council of state to act as the executive branch of the government. There was work enough ahead for the young republic, for in Ireland and Scotland Charles H. had been proclaimed England in the Seventeenth Century 409 king. The council of state insisting that these kingdoms Cromwell should not be allowed to go a separate way in politics, ]^j,j (x(,aq\ ' Cromwell was dispatched against them. In 1649 he and Scot- brought the Irish to terms by means of bloody massacres ^ y^ o >• at Drogheda and Wexford. This done, the victor turned to Scotland. At Dunbar (1650) Cromwell's soldiers, whose tempers were like the steel with which they smote, scattered one Scotch army ; and when a second army, with Charles II. in its midst, struck across the border in the hope of stirring up an English rebellion, Cromwell starting in pursuit met it at Worcester, in the heart of England, and won the crowning victory of his life (165 1). Charles II. escaped, after various romantic adventures, to the conti- nent ; but the Scots came to terms, and thus the authority of the commonwealth was established throughout Great Britain and Ireland. Now that England had peace, the question of a per- Dismissal of manent government became more pressing. Everybody parliament clamored for a settlement. Only the Rump Parliament 1653. was in no hurry, and the fifty or sixty members who com- posed it clung to office, finding power a delightful thing. In April, 1653, Cromwell, despairing of good through such a Parliament, resolved to have done with it. He invaded the Parliament with a detachment of troops and ordered the members home. "Come, come," he shouted in in- dignation, " we have had enough of this. It is not fit you should sit here any longer. ' ' Thus the last fragment of the old constitution had vanished. A new Parliament, freely elected by the nation, would have been one solution of the difficulties which now confront- ed Cromwell. But such a Parliament would immediately have called back the king, and Cromwell was ready to try all possible means before he declared that the great cause had failed. After a few vain shifts, he therefore accepted a 4IO The Modern Period Oliver, Pro- tector. The Pro- tectorate a failure at home. England refuses to accept toler- ation. constitution, called the Instrument of Government, which was drawn up by his officers, and which named him Lord Protector. By the Instrument of Government, Oliver, the Lord Protector, together with a Council of State, was to exercise the executive, while a Parliament of a single house, from which all partisans of the king were excluded, was to perform the legislative functions of government. The new attempt came nearer than any of the others to being a solution of the political difficulties into which England had been plunged ; but, unfortunately, even this partial success was due solely to the fact that the new constitution prac- tically placed in control an entirely efficient man. The five years (1653-58) of Oliver's rule as Protector were full of difficulties. His first Parliament insisted on revising the Instrument of Government. As that was tantamount to calling the whole settlement in question, Oliver dissolved the Parliament in anger (January, 1655). For awhile now he ruled without a Parliament. There were frequent attempts upon his life, republican con- spiracies, royalist risings, the cares and annoyances insep- arable from power. But his brave spirit was undaunted and he met every difficulty as it arose. As it was better to rule with the nation than without, he called a second Par- liament in the year 1656, and with this he got along more smoothly for awhile. The traditional English conserva- tism governed this assembly, and it tried to get back upon the lines of the old constitution. . It even offered to make Oliver king. But he declined the honor, and soon new quarrels arose which led to a new dissolution (February, 1658). In all this time the great principle of toleration for which Oliver stood had made no progress. Oliver's idea had been to give all Protestant Christians, whether they were Episcopalians, Presbyterians, or Puritans, the protection of England in the Seventeenth Century 411 the law. But the fierce religious temper of the time hin- dered the majority from seeing any right outside of their own faith, or feeling any obligation to put up with any other. Oliver, like all men who are ahead of their time, was left without support. The animosities of his antagonists, as well as of his followers, even forced him before long to trench upon his own principles. In 1655 he began per- secuting those who held to the Book of Common Prayer, and long before his end he had the bitter conviction that the government of the Puritan Commonwealth rested on no single principle that had taken root in the nation, and that it lived entirely by the will and vigor of one man. If Oliver was thus reaping failure at home, he added The Protec- triumph to triumph abroad. From 1652 to 1654 there had cess^alTroad" been a war with the Dutch caused by the famous Naviga- tion Act. The Dutch had in the seventeenth century got the carrying trade of the world into their hands ; by means of the Navigation Act (1651) the Parliament planned to bring part of it to England. The Act ordained that im- ported goods be carried in English ships, or else in ships belonging to the country in which the goods were produced. The Dutch declared war rather than suffer this injury, but The first after a few defeats had to accept what they could not alter. Yi6kz-TV Soon after Oliver entered into an alliance with France (1655) against Spain. Jamaica, in the West Indies, was War with taken from Spain by an English fleet, and Dunkirk, in the Spain. Spanish Netherlands, after a French-English victory over the Spaniards on the Dunes, was surrendered to Cromwell's representatives. Since the days of Elizabeth, the name of England had not enjoyed such respect as it did now. Thus to the end the Protector held the rudder firmly. The death of But his health was broken by his great responsibilities, and ^''^ Protec- , tor, Septera- on the third day of September, 1658, shortly after a great ber 3, 1658. storm had swept over the island, he passed away. 412 The Modern Period Anarchy. Cromwell's death was followed by a year of pure anarchy. The republic was dead. For awhile, however, Richard Cromwell, Oliver's commonplace son, ruled as Protector (to April, 1659); then the soldiers tried their talents ; and finally, even the Long Parliament appeared again upon the scene. Clearly, after all these shifts, Charles II. was the only choice left ; it was but necessary that some strong man should act in the absent king's behalf and order would be restored. The strong man was found in General George Monk. Monk, one of Cromwell's most capable lieutenants, refusing to close his eyes longer to the real situation, de- The Resto- termined to promote the restoration of the Stuarts and the 1660"' ^^' reinvigoration of the old constitution. Charles II. was merely asked to promise a general pardon. This Charles did, and when, a month later, he landed at Dover (May, 1660), he was received with universal shouts of welcome. Some days before a new Parliament had formally restored the ancient constitution, voting that "the government is, and ought to be, by king. Lords and Commons." T/te Restoration. The Resto- ration is a change in life and manners. Charles II. {1660-85) '^^^ James II. (168S-88). Gardiner, 578-648 ; Green, 605-83. Charles II. was one of the most popular monarchs Eng- land ever had ; but his popularity was due not so much to his talents as to his vices. To understand this we must re- member that the Restoration is a complex movement. It marks not merely the break -down of the Puritan experi- ment of government, but also a revulsion from the severe and colorless scheme of life which the Puritans imposed upon society. Like one who had thirsted a long while, the Englishman of the Restoration, therefore, threw him- self greedily upon splendor and distractions. Profligacy England in the Seventeenth Century 413 became the fashion of the day, and Charles, because he satisfied the contemporary ideal in that he was corrupt, witty, and amiable, assumed the position of a sort of popu- lar hero. Now that the monarchy was restored, it was almost as if the revolution had not taken place, for the constitutional questions at issue between king and Parliament were left much as they had been before the war broke out. For the present, however, everybody was so entirely taken up with rejoicing at the restoration of order, that the quarrel about the measure of the king's prerogative dropped from sight. The Cavalier Parliament, as the Parliament elected in The Cava- 166 1 and allowed to hold power for eighteen years, was ment " significantly called, completely expressed this reactionary sentiment of the country : it was more royal than the king. An index of its political sentiment is furnished by its vote that no one could lawfully take arms against the sovereign. In religious matters its stand was even more uncompromis- ing. The Cavalier Parliament stood for the Church of England and nothing but the Church of England, and initiated against all non-Anglicans a severe policy of per- secution. In the year 1661 the Parliament enacted the Corporation The Corpo- Act, which provided that every one who held an office in jgV?" ' a municipal corporation would have to take the oath of non-resistance to the king, and receive the sacrament ac- cording to the rites of the Church of England. The meas- ure, of course, turned all non-Anglicans out of the city governments. The next year (1662) there followed a new The new Act of Uniformity, by which every clergyman who did not ^^ 9^ ^°'" accept every prescription of the Book of Common Prayer 1662. was expelled from his living. Hundreds of the Presby- terian and Puritan clergy resigned their cures rather than assent, and from now on men of these faiths, together with 414 The Modern Period The Dis- senters. The real enemy is Cathol- Foreign policy. The first Dutch War of the Res- toration, 1664-67. The friend- ship of Louis and Charles. the adherents of the other sects which had lately arisen, such as the Baptists and the Quakers, were embraced by the common name of Dissenters. It is not probaole that the Cavalier Parliament would have insisted on the national creed with such vehemence, if it had not been persuaded that toleration, if granted to the Dissenters, must also be granted to the Catholics. And just then the suspicion against Catholicism was stronger in the land than ever, because of the secret efforts of the court in behalf of this faith. Had the facts that were only whispered in the palace-passages been known at West- minster, there can be no doubt that the religious legisla- tion would have been even more stringent than it was ; for Charles, although afraid to publish the truth, had, not long after the Restoration, secretly embraced Catholicism. A monarch who identified himself so little in religious matters with his people was not likely to serve them in for- eign affairs. In fact, his guidance of England was weak and unintelligent, being determined simply by aversion to the Dutch and affection for Louis XIV. of France. The commercial rivalry between the Dutch and English had ever since the Navigation Act (1651) been very in- tense. It is not astonishing therefore that the war of Oliver's time should have been followed soon by another, known as the first Dutch War of the Restoration (1664-67). Both nations proved themselves plucky seamen, and when peace was signed, England relaxed the Navigation Act somewhat in favor of the Dutch, and the Dutch ceded their colony New Amsterdam, which was renamed New York. This was the time in European politics of the ascendancy of France. The leading fact of the general situation was that Louis XIV. was planning to extend his territory at the expense of his neighbors. The logical policy of England as the rival of France would have been to support the vie- England in the Seventeenth Century 415 tim against the aggressor ; but Charles allowed himself to be directed by personal motives. Naturally his riotous life kept him involved in constant money difficulties. Fort- unes were flung away on entertainments or were lavished on courtiers and mistresses. To get money, therefore, became Charles's first object in life, and Louis XIV., who was always a clever manager, was perfectly willing to oblige his brother of England, if he could by this means buy Eng- land's aid, or at least, her neutrality in the conflicts he anticipated. Now the French king began his aggressions in the year 1667, by invading the Spanish Netherlands; but after taking a few towns he was forced to desist, chiefly owing to the energetic protest of the Dutch. No wonder that Louis resolved to have revenge on this nation of traders. By the secret Treaty of Dover (1670) he won Treaty of over Charles, by a handsome sum, to join him in his pro- °^^^t ' T^- jected war against the Dutch ; and Charles, in his turn, stipulated to avow himself a Catholic and to accept aid from Louis in case his subjects, on the news of his conver- sion, revolted against him. When, in the year 1672, everything was at length ready, Louis and Charles fell upon the Dutch, engaging in what, in England, is known as the Second Dutch War of the Second Restoration. Just as the war was about to break out, ^^^^^ jjg" Charles, not yet daring to announce himself a Catholic, toration published a decree of toleration, the so-called Declaration ^' 72-74)- of Indulgence, which, overriding the statutes of Parliament, The Dedar- gave to CathoUcs and Dissenters freedom of worship. This indigence declaration of indulgence was extremely unpopular with the adherents of the Church of England, because they suspected the motives of Charles. Consequently when Parliament met, its tone became so threatening that the king withdrew his Declaration. When this was done (1673), the war had lost its interest for Charles, and as the English people were 4i6 The Modern Period learning to feel more and more strongly that their real enemy was the French and not the Dutch, Charles further gave way to popular pressure and concluded peace (1674). Thus the Treaty of Dover came to nothing, except in so far as it involved the Dutch in another heroic combat for life and liberty. So stubborn was their defence under their Stadtholder, William III. of Orange, that Louis XIV. fi. nally followed Charles's example and withdrew from the struggle (Peace of Nimwegen, 1678). The Test But the Parliament was not satisfied with having forced Act, 1 73. jj^g '^mg to withdraw his Declaration of Indulgence. To secure the country further against the secret machinations of the court, it added a crowning act to its intolerant re- ligious legislation — the Test Act (1673). The Corpora- tion Act (166 1) had already purged the municipalities of non-Anglicans ; by the Test Act ' the exclusion was ex- tended to office-holders of any kind. The death of Charles died in the year 1685, after a reign of twenty- 168^'^^ "•' five years. On his death-bed he did what he had been afraid to do during his life : he confessed himself a Cath- olic. Charles's reign is marked by an advance in the polit- ical life of the nation which deserves sharp attention. Under him there began to be formed for the first time parties with a definite programme and something like a Creation of permanent organization. These were the parties known a^y'partles': ^ Whigs and Tories,^ and the chief question on which Whigs and they split was the question of toleration. The Tories, who were mostly the small country gentlemen, stood for '1 ories. ' The Test Act is so named because every man, before taking office was tested with regard to his faith by his willingness or unwillingness to take the sacranient as prescribed by the Church of England. - These names were originally taunts. Tory is derived from the Irish and signifies robber. Whig comes from Whiggam, a cry with which the Scotch peasants exhorted their horses. Applied as a party name, it was intended to convey the idea of a sneaking Covenanter.' England in the Seventeenth Century 4^7 no-toleration for Dissenters ; the Whigs, on the other hand, whose ranks were filled up largely from the great nobles and the middle classes, wished to promote this act of justice ; both parties, being equally Protestant, agreed in denying toleration to the Cathohcs. Whigs and Tories from now on play a role of increasing importance in the history of England. James II., who succeeded his brother Charles, was not James is un- only a Catholic, which, of course, raised an impassable bar- P°P" ^^' rier between him and his subjects, but he was also imbued with the same ideas of Divine Right as his father Charles I., and he held to them as stubbornly as ever that monarch had done. Under these circumstances the new reign did not promise well. As James was king of a Protestant people he might have His Cath- chosen to rule them accordingly. But being a devoted ° "^ ^° '*^^' Catholic he naturally believed that he had been made king for the express purpose of furthering the Catholic cause. He did not even trouble himself to proceed cautiously, and in imitation of his brother, published, in the year 1687, a Declaration of Indulgence, suspending all penalties against Catholics and Dissenters. Regardless of the universal dis- content he published the next year a Second Declaration, and ordered it to be read from all the pulpits. Most of the clergy refused to conform to this tyrannical order, and The trial of seven bishops presented to the king a written protest, jgls'^ °^^' James's answer was an order that legal proceedings be taken against them. Immense excitement gathered around the trial, which occurred in June, 1688. These and other irregularities were borne with for a Son born to time, because the next heir to the throne, James's daugh- J^™^^ ■ ter, Mary, who was a child of his first marriage and the wife of William of Orange, was a Protestant. When, how- ever, James's second wife gave birth, in June, 1688, to a 4i8 The Modern Period The Glori- ous Revolu- tion of 1688. Throne offered to William and Mary. Bill of Rights, 1689. son, who by the English law would take precedence over Mary, consternation seized the whole people. The son, it was foreseen, would be educated in the Catholic religion, and thus the Catholic dynasty would be perpetuated. As the birth of the son and the trial of the seven bishops oc- curred about the same time (June, 1688), England was filled with excitement from end to end. Seizing the op- portunity, a few patriotic nobles invited William of Orange and his wife Mary to come to England's rescue. In November, 1688, William landed in England, and immediately the people of all classes gathered around him. The army which James sent against him refused to fight, and James found himself without a supporter. Seeing that the game was up, he sent his wife and child to France, and shortly after followed in person. Perhaps never in history had there been so swift and so bloodless a revolu- tion. The Parliament, which met to deliberate on these events, declared the throne vacant, and offered it to William and Mary as joint sovereigns. As William and Mary were not the legitimate heirs, the sovereign of England was by this act virtually declared to be the nominee of the Parliament, and henceforth, the doctrine that an English king held his office by Divine Right was quietly dropped. The Parlia- ment furthermore fortified its position against the king in a Bill of Rights (1689), by which it declared the law supreme over the king. Therewith the conflict between king and Parliament was over, and Parliament had again won. And the new victory was far more satisfactory than the earlier radical victory of Cromwell, for the ancient his- torical constitution was not destroyed this time, but merely modified in accordance with the national needs. But the "Glorious Revolution" did more; it also paved the way for a religious settlement. On motion of the ture. England in the Seventeenth Century 419 Whigs, Parliament passed, almost simultaneously with the The Tolera- Bill of Rights, a Toleration Act, by which Dissenters were j'^^_ '' ' given the right of public worship. The repressive legisla- tion indeed was not repealed, and Catholics were treated as harshly as ever, but the Toleration Act satisfied the religious demands of the majority of Englishmen, and religious peace was, by means of it, established in the kingdom. Bill of Rights and Toleration Act inaugurated in England the era of a new and genuine constitutional- ism. The literature of the seventeenth century presents, in The litera- sharp contrast, the two theories of life which combated each other under the party names of Cavalier and Round- head. The moral severity, the noble aspirations of Puri- tanism found a poet in John Milton ("Paradise Lost," 1667), and a simple-minded eulogist in John Bunyan ("Pilgrim's Progress," 1675). But the literary reign of these men and their followers was short, for the Restora- tion quickly buried them under its frivolity and laughter. Inevitably literature followed the currents of the contem- porary life, and Milton and Bunyan were succeeded by a school of licentious dramatists and literary triflers. John Dryden (1631-1701), although himself a man of sturdy qualities, became, by the force of circumstances, the leader of the Restoration set. SPECIAL TOPICS Analysis and Comparison of the Petition of Right and of the Bill of Rights. For Petition of Right, see Gardiner, Constitutional Documetits, pp. 1-5. For Bin of Rights, see Gee and Hardy, p. 645 ff. Both documents in Stubbs, Select Charters. Clarendon Press. See also Taswell-Langmead, Chapters XIII. and XV. The Intolerant Legislation of the Cavalier Parliament: Penal Laws and Tests. Gee and Hardy, p. 594 ff. Tas^vell-Langmead, Chapter XV. 420 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXVI THE ASCENDANCY OF FRANCE (1643-1715) UNDER LOUIS XIV. The work of Richelieu. Mazarin, Richelieu's successor. LITERATURE.— Wakeman, Europe, 1598-1715. $1.75. Chaps. IX.-XI., XIV., XV. Macmillan. Kitchin, History of France. 3 vols. $7.80. Macmillan. tlasseXl, Louis J^IV. (Heroes.) $1.50. Putnam. Adams, Growth of the French Nation, $1.00. Macmillan. The work of Richelieu had cleared the way for the su- premacy of France in Europe. By destroying the political privileges of the Huguenots and by breaking the power of the nobility, he had freed the royal authority from the last restraints which weighed upon it, and had rendered it absolute. In foreign matters Richelieu had engaged France in the Thirty Years' War, and had reaped for her the bene- fits of the Peace of Westphalia (1648). But just at this point, as France was about to assume a dominant position, she was threatened once more, and as it proved, for the last time under the old monarchy, by civil war. The government, upon the death of Louis XIII. (1643), passed into the hands of his queen, Anne of Austria, who was named regent for the five-year-old king. At the same time the post of first minister, which had been occupied by Richelieu, fell to the confidant of the regent, another churchman and an Italian by birth. Cardinal Mazarin. Mazarin carried out faithfully the political intentions of Richelieu, but encountered, like his predecessor, the envy of the great nobles, the chief of whom was the famous general, the prince of Cond6. The Peace of Westphalia had not yet been signed, when certain nobles rose (1648) against the crown, in the hope that the new minister would prove not to be of the metal of his predecessor. The Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV 42 1 event showed that they were mistaken. Although the ParHament of Paris joined the high-born rebels, thus giv- ing the new civil disturbances something of the character of a popular movement, the Fronde (1648-53), as the The Fronde, rising against Mazarin was called, was, after the first year, ^^ 4o-S3)- nothing but the struggle of the nobility to recover its feudal privileges. Such a struggle deserved to fail ; and if it now failed it was chiefly because France saw that in a question between king and nobles, her self-interest bound her to the former. The Fronde may be called the death- agony of the nobility as a feudal governing class. From the time of its suppression the nobles gradually transformed themselves into a body of docile courtiers, who were rarely occupied with anything more serious than the dances and spectacles of Versailles. The Peace of Westphalia was signed between France and the Austrian branch of the House of Hapsburg. Because France, in union with the Dutch, had been very successful in the Spanish Netherlands, she was unwilling to draw off and conclude a peace with the Spanish branch of the Haps- burgs without an adequate reward. As this was refused, war with Spain still went on after the Peace of Westphalia The war had composed the rest of Europe. The Fronde occurring ^'*'' Spain, at this time, turned the tables and inclined the balance for some years in favor of Spain, but as soon as the Fronde was beaten down, Mazarin was able to win back the lost ground and force Spain to terms. Owing to foreign war and internal revolution, Spain was, in fact, at her last gasp. When she signed with France the Peace of the Pyrenees The Peace (1659), she signed away with it the last vestige of the Pyrenees, supremacy which she had once exercised in Europe. 1659. With the glory of the Peace of the Pyrenees still linger- ing around him, Mazarin died (1661). Thereupon the young Louis XIV., now twenty-three years of age, resolved 422 The Modern Period The per- sonal gov- ernment of Louis XIV. Absolutism becomes Divine Right. The king's reforms. Colbert. Colbert establishes the protect- ive system. to take the government into his own hands, and from this forward the business of the French Government was trans- acted practically by himself. It is said that he once stated his political theory in the words: I'etat c'est mot (I am the state). The phrase expresses admirably the spirit of his reign, for he held himself to be the absolute head of the state, and regarded his ministers not as the responsible heads of departments, but as clerks. Absolutism had ex- isted in Europe long before Louis XIV., but Louis XIV. hedged the absolute monarchs around with a new divinity, and gave the doctrine of the Divine Right of kings a more splendid setting and a more general currency than it had ever had before. Louis began auspiciously enough by giving much atten- tion to the improvement of the machinery of government. He reorganized the diplomatic service ; he rendered the administration more effective ; he enlarged the army and navy ; and he purged the finances of disorder and estab- lished them upon a sounder basis. The king's most effi- cient helper in all this was Jean Colbert (1619-83). Col- bert served the king as minister of finance, and merely by putting an end to peculation and applying the principles of business order, he succeeded in turning the annual de- ficit of the state into a surplus. This same Colbert was also a great economic thinker, and is celebrated as thfe father of the system of protection. He wished to increase the national wealth, and in pursuit of this aim, encouraged exportation, and, as far as possible, discouraged importation. Whether this policy be scienti- fically right or wrong, French manufactures certainly de- veloped greatly under Colbert, and French silks, brocades, and glass captured, and have held to this day, the markets of the world. Colbert also developed internal communi- cations by an admirable system of roads and canals, and Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 423 supported colonial enterprises, settlements being made at this time in the West Indies, Louisiana, and India. Unfortunately Louis's successes turned his head. He Louis was only a young man, and had governed only a few years, rnnaue^o* and now he found himself the cynosure of all Europe. In all truth he could say that he was the first power of the world. But in proportion as he found that his neighbors were no match for him, he began to be tempted by the thought of making them his dependents. It was not a high ambition, this, still it won the day with him. In the year 1667, therefore, Louis entered upon a career of aggres- sion and conquest, which, after a few brilliant results, led to such a succession of disasters that the man whose progress had been attended by clouds of incense, wafted by admiring courtiers, closed his career in ignominy. Four great wars substantially filled the rest of Louis's His wars, life. They were : i, The War with Spain for the posses- sion of the Spanish Netherlands (1667-68); 2, the War with the Dutch (1672-78) ; 3, the War of the Palatinate (1688-97); 4> the War of the Spanish Succession (1701- 14). In 1667 Louis suddenly invaded the Spanish Nether- The war of lands. The fact that he tried to justify himself by putting N^thlr^"'^'' forth some vague claims of his Spanish wife to these terri- lands, tories, only added hypocrisy to violence. His well-ap- '" ' pointed army took place after place. Spain was too weak to offer resistance, and if the Dutch, frightened at the pros- pect of such a neighbor as Louis, had not bestirred them- selves, Louis would have overrun all the Spanish Nether- lands. The Triple Alliance of the Dutch, England, and Sweden, formed by the rapid ingenuity of the republican patriot, John de Witt, who was at this time at the head of the Dutch Government, bade Louis halt. Louis, on occa- sion, could distinguish the possible from the impossibly, 424 The Modern Period The isola- tion of the Dutch. The House of Orange to the front. The char- acter of William. In answer to the threat of the Triple Alliance, he declared himself satisfied with a frontier strip and retired. The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) formally secured him in his bold theft (1668). For the next few years Louis seemed to be dominated by a single thought — revenge upon the Dutch, and the plan he formed was to sever the Dutch from all their friends and allies, and then fall upon them unawares. The diplomatic campaign, preliminary to the declaration of war, was crowned by complete success. Sweden and the emperor were detached from the Dutch by treaties of neutrality ; and Charles II., by the Treaty of Dover (1670), was even pledged to join the forces of England with the French in the proposed war. In the spring of 1672 everything was ready. While the combined French and English fleets en- gaged the Dutch fleet under the celebrated Admiral Ruy- ter in the Channel, the French army, led by Cond6 and Turenne, invaded the territory of the Seven United Prov- inces by following the course of the Rhine. In a few weeks most of the provinces were in the hands of the French. And now a terrible indignation swept over the alarmed Dutch. They fell upon and murdered the republican leader de Witt whom they blamed for their calamities, and would be satisfied with nothing less than the reinstatement of the House of Orange, which, at the close of the Spanish war, had^ lost its influence. In an outburst of enthusiasm, William III. of Orange was made Stadtholder and supreme commander on sea and land. This William was far from being a genius, but he was sprung from an heroic race, and the responsibility for a nation's safe-keeping which was put upon him in a stern crisis, brought out his best qualities. The English ambas- sador, on the occasion of the French invasion, invited him to submit, urging that it was easy to see that the Republic Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 425 was lost. "I know one means of never seeing it," he replied, "to die in the last ditch." It was this spirit that now steeled the temper of the little people and ena- bled them to emulate the deeds of their ancestors against Spain. Before Louis could take the heart of the Netherlands, the city of Amsterdam, the Dutch had, at the order of William, cut the dykes and restored their country to the The Dutch original dominion of the waters. Louis had to retreat ; ^^1 o ' comes gen- his opportunity was lost. But Europe was now thoroughly eral. aroused, and before many months had passed, there had rallied to the cause of the Dutch, the emperor, the states of the Empire, and Spain. In the year 1674 the position of Louis was still further weakened. In that year the state of English public opinion forced Charles II. to abandon Louis and make his peace with the Dutch. Louis was thereupon left to face a great continental coalition with no ally but remote Sweden. The odds in a struggle with all Europe were patently against Louis, and although the superiority of French organization and French generalship enabled him to win every pitched battle with his foes, he was glad enough to end the war when peace was offered. By the treaty of Nimwegen (1678) he was permitted to incorporate the Franche Comte (the Free County of Bur- gundy) with France. The second war, too, although it had roused a European alliance against Louis, had brought him its prize of a new province. Louis was now at the zenith of his glory. The Louis takes imperious temper he developed is well exhibited by an (-.lir) ""^^ event of the year 1681. In a period of complete peace he fell upon the city of Strasburg, the last stronghold of the Empire in Alsace, and incorporated it with France. A cloud that settled on the spirit of the king at this time prepared a monstrous action. The frivolous, pleasure-loving 426 , The Modern Period Louis, having lately fallen under the influence of a devout Madame de Catholic lady, Madame de Maintenon, the governess of Maintenon. g^jjjg ^f jjjg children, was suddenly seized with reHgious exaltation. To Madame de Maintenon the eradication of heresy was a noble work, and Louis, taking the cue from her, began gradually to persecute the Protestants. At first, innocently enough, rewards were offered to voluntary converts; then the government proceeded to take more drastic measures; and, finally, in 1685, two years after Louis had formally married Madame de Maintenon, and had thus become thoroughly enslaved to her policy, he The Revo- revoked the Edict of Nantes, by virtue of which the Hugue- ^dic"of * ^°^ ^^^ enjoyed a partial freedom of worship for almost Nantes, one hundred years. Therewith the Protestant faith was ^' proscribed within the boundaries of France. The blow which by this insane measure struck the prosperity of the country was more injurious than a disastrous war. Thou- sands of Huguenots — the lowest estimate speaks of 50,000 families — fled across the border and carried their industry, their capital, and their civilization to the enemies of France — chiefly to Holland, America, and Prussia. The occupation of Strasburg and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes were events belonging to an interval of peace. But Louis was already planning a new war. When his preparations became known, the emperor, the Dutch, and Spain concluded, at the instigation of WilUam of Eng^land Orange, a new alliance. Happily before the war had well rope against begun, a lucky chance won England for the allies. In Louis. 1688 James II. was overthrown by the "glorious revol- ution," and William of Orange became king of England. As the temper of the English people had at the same time become thoroughly anti-French, William had no diffi- culty in persuading them to join Europe against the French pipnarch. . Tfius in tlje r^ew w^r — cs^Ued the war of the Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 427 Palatinate, from the fact that Louis claimed the Palatinate — Louis was absolutely without a friend. This third war (1688-97) is, for the general student, The War of thoroughly unmemorable. Battles were fought on land ^^^^ 1688- and on sea, but no one winning a decisive success, all the 97. combatants from mere exhaustion were glad to sign, on the basis of mutual restitutions, the Peace of Ryswick (1697). The War of the Palatinate was the first war by which The Span- Louis had gained nothing. The fact should have served 1^1° * him as a warning that the tide had turned. And perhaps he would not have been so utterly scornful of the hostility of Europe if there had not opened up to him at this time a peculiarly tempting prospect. The king of Spain, Charles II., had no heir, and at his death, which might occur at any time, the vast Spanish dominion — Spain and her colonies, Naples and Milan, the Spanish Netherlands — would fall no one knew to whom. The Austrian branch of Hapsburg had, of course, a claim, but Louis fancied that his children had a better title still in right of his first wife, who was the oldest sister of the Spanish king. The matter was so involved legally that it is impossible to say to this day where the better right lay. Anticipating a struggle with Europe over the coming inheritance, Louis entered into negotiation with his chief adversary, William III. of England, long before the death of Charles II. had made the inheritance a burning ques- tion. A partition treaty was accordingly agreed on by Louis signs the two leading powers of Europe, as the most plausible f'J? ''^J^cts settlement of the impending difficulties. But when, on tion treaty, the death of Charles II., November, 1700, it was found that the Spanish king had made a will in favor of Philip, the duke of Anjou, one of Louis's younger grandsons, Louis threw the partition treaty to the winds. He sent Philip to Madrid to assume the rule of the undivided do- 428 The Modern Period The Grand Alliance. The com- batants compared. The Tvar of the Spanish succession is a world struggle. minion of Spain. The House of Bourbon now ruled the whole European west. "There are no longer any Py- renees," were Louis's exultant words. It was some time before Europe recovered from the shock of its surprise over this bold step, and nerved itself to a resistance. William, of course, was indefatigable in arousing the Dutch and English, and at last, in 1701, he succeeded in creating the so-called Grand Alliance, com- posed of the emperor, England, the Dutch, and the lead- ing German princes. Before the war had fairly begun, however, William, the stubborn, life-long enemy of Louis, had died (March, 1702). In the war which broke out, called the war of the Spanish Succession, 1702-14, his spirit is to be accounted none the less a potent combatant. In the new war the position of Louis was more favorable than it had been in the preceding war. He commanded the resources not only of France but also of Spain ; his soldiers still had the reputation of being invincible ; and his armies had the advantage of being under his single di- rection. The allies, on the other hand, were necessarily divided by conflicting interests. What advantages they had lay in these two circumstances, which in the end proved decisive : the allies possessed greater resources of money and men, and they developed in the English duke of Marlborough and in the Austrian prince Eugene two eminent commanders. Equally gifted, they planned their campaigns in common, with sole reference to the good of the cause, and they shared the honors of victory without the jealousy which often stains brilliant names. Not even the Thirty Years' War assumed such propor- tions as the struggle in which Europe now engaged. It was literally universal, and raged, at one and the same time, at all the exposed points of the French-Spanish possessions. The details of this gigantic struggle have no place here. Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 429 We must content ourselves with noting the striking military actions and the final settlement. The first great battle of the war occurred in 1 704, at The victo- Blenheim, near the upper Danube. The battle of Blenheim ^fn/and'" was the result of a bold strategical move of Marlborough, Marl- straight across western Germany, in order to save Vienna """""S • from a weli-planned attack of the French. Together with Eugene, Marlborough captured or cut to pieces the French army. In 1 706 Marlborough won a splendid victory at Ramillies, in the Netherlands, and in the same year Eugene defeated the French at Turin and drove them out of Italy. These signal successes were followed in the year 1708 and 1709 by the great victories of Oudenarde and Malplaquet. Oudenarde and Malplaquet left France prostrate, and seemed to open up the road to Paris. The road to Paris, however, owing to a number of un- A Tory min- expected occurrences, which utterly changed the face of ieeds^tif' European politics, was never taken. In 17 10 the Whig Whigs, ministry in England, which had supported Marlborough and advocated the war, was overthrown, and a Tory min- istry, in favor of peace at any price, succeeded. Thus from 1 7 10 on, Marlborough's actions in the field were paralyzed. The next year was marked by still another calamity. In 1 71 1 the Emperor Joseph died, and was succeeded by The death his brother, Charles VI. As Charles was also the candidate jo^™^^""*"^ of the Grand Alliance for the Spanish throne, the death of Joseph held out the prospect of the renewal of the vast em- pire of Charles V. Such a development did not lie in the interests of England and the Dutch, and these two nations now began to withdraw from the grand alliance and urge a settlement with the French. Louis, who was utterly ex- hausted and broken by defeat, met them more than half way. In 1713, the peace of Utrecht ended the war of the Spanish succession. 430 The Modern Period The peace of Utrecht, 1713- Louis's death. Brilliancy of French civilization. By the peace of Utrecht the Spanish dominions were divided, everybody managing to get some share in the booty. First, Philip V., Louis's grandson, was recognized as king of Spain and her colonies, oh condition that France and Spain would remain forever separated. Next the em- peror was provided for ; he received the bulk of the Italian possessions (Milan and Naples), together with the Spanish Netherlands (henceforth Austrian Netherlands). The Dutch were appeased with a number of border fortresses in the Austrian Netherlands, as a barrier against France ; and England took some of the French possessions in the New World, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia (Acadia) and the Hud- son Bay Territory, together with the Spanish rock of Gib- raltar, which gave her the command of the Mediterranean Sea. The ambitious and dissatisfied emperor refused, at first, to accept this peace, but he was forced to give way and confirm its leading arrangements by the peace of Rastadt (1714)- Shortly after the treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt, Louis XIV. died (September, 1715). The material prosperity that he and Colbert had created in his early years had vanished, and he left a debt-burdened country and a fam- ished population. His disastrous end was a merited pen- alty for a foolish ambition. But to his contemporaries he remained to the day of his death, the grand monarque ; and that title is a good summary of him as he appears in history, for it conveys the impression of a showy splendor which is not without the suspicion of hollowness. The brilliancy which Louis's long reign lent France cast a spell upon the rest of the world. Louis's court, which he established at Versailles, became the model court of Europe, and French civilization was mimicked all the way from London to Moscow. A number of great dramatists, Corneille (died 1684), Racine (died 1699), and MoUere Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 431 (died 1673) added literary distinction to Louis's reign, and altogether we cannot fail to recognize that the age of the grand monarque possessed beneath the artificial polish, genuine dignity and intellectual power. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Louis XIV. and the Huguenots. Kitchin, Vol. III., Bk. V., Chaps. III. and IV. Perkins, France Under the Regency. $2.50. See Chap. VI. Houghton. 2. The Society and the Court of France at the Time of Louis XIV. Hassall, Louis XIV. Guizot, History of France, 8 vols. Vol. IV., Chaps. XLVIII. and XLIX. Lovell. CHAPTER XXVII THE RISE OF RUSSIA UNDER PETER THE GREAT (1689- 1725) AND CATHARINE THE GREAT (1762-96); THE DECAY OF SWEDEN LITERATURE.— W^akeman (as before), pp. 297-308. \ia.ssa\\, Europe, ijis-iySq. $1.75. Chaps. V., XI., XIII. Macmillan. Rambaud, History of Russia, 3 vols. $6.00. Dana Estes. Morfill, Russia. {NatioTis.) $1.00. Putnam. Attention has been called in an earlier section to the The early- unification of the Russians under the dynasty of Rurik : to 2*^*°^ °' •' ■' ' Russia, their Christianization by Greek missionaries; to the Mon- gol invasions ; and to the liberation of the people under Ivan III., known as the Great (1480). Ivan IV. (1533- 84), known as the Terrible, added to these triumphs. By the conquest of Astrachan from the Tartars, he pushed the Russian boundary southward to the Caspian Sea. The House of Rurik came to an end in 1598, and for The House the next ten years Russia was in a condition of anarchy, °''*o'n*°'>"' the whole state seeming on the verge of falling a prey to its jealous western neighbors, Sweden and Poland. In 1613 432 The Modern Period the national party, however, succeeded in putting one of its own number, Michael Romanoff, upon the throne, and under the House of this prince the state rapidly revived. In a very few decades, the Romanoffs had not only banished the Polish and Swedish influence, but had also acquired the vast territory of Siberia. The access- But the Romanoffs came to particular honor in the per- 1682 ' son of Peter, who succeeded to the throne, together with his older brother Ivan, in the year 1682. As the new Czars were, at that time, still boys, and Ivan little better than an imbecile, the government was exercised for some time by an older sister, Sophia, in the capacity of regent. However, in 1689, Peter, who had then attained his seven- teenth year, resolved to take matters into his own hands, summarily declared the regency at an end, and sent Sophia to a nunnery. As the sickly Ivan (d. 1696) was harm- less, Peter generously allowed him to play the part of a co-ruler for the few more years that he lived. The three In order to understand Peter's programme, it is neces- of Peter's ^^^Y ^'^ review the chief elements of the political and intel- life. lectual position of Russia at the time of his accession. In the second half of the seventeenth century the Russians were still in life and manners an Asiatic people, who were connected with European culture by but a single bond — their Christian faith. Their political situation seemed, at first sight, more hopeful. But in spite of the vast area of the state, which included the eastern plain of Europe and the whole north of Asia, Russia was so cooped in on the west and south by a ring of great powers, Persia, Turkey, Poland, and Sweden, that she was practically an inland state. Finally, it is necessary to understand the Russian constitution. The Czar was the absolute master, but there existed two checks upon his power— the patriarch, the head of the Church, who exeVcised great influence in re- Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 433 ligious matters, and the Streltsi, the Czar's body-guard, who, because they were a privileged force, felt inclined to regard themselves superior to their master. This whole composite situation Peter soon seized with a statesmanlike grasp, and admirably moulded it, through the efforts of a long rule, to his own purposes. He set himself in the main, three aims, and met in all a degree of success which is fairly astonishing. These aims were the following: He resolved to make the culture connection between Russia and Europe strong and intimate ; he labored to open a way to the west by gaining a hold on the Black and on the Baltic seas ; and, lastly, he planned to rid him- self of the restraint put upon his authority by the patriarch and the Streltsi. Peter is a difficult person for a modern man to under- stand. One aspect presents him as a murderer, another as a monster of sensuality, and still another as a hero. We Peter's have the key to his character when we remember that he •^•'^■'acter. was a barbarian of genius — never anything more. With barbarian eagerness he assimilated every influence that he encountered, good and evil alike, and surrendered himself, for the time being, to its sway with all his might. Cer- tainly, his distinguishing characteristic was an indomitable energy : Peter's life burnt at a white heat. Peter's first chance to distinguish himself came in the Peter's first year 1695. The emperor was at that time waging war ^onquest: against the Turks, who were beginning to show the first symptoms of collapse. Seeing his opportunity, Peter re- solved to make use of the fortunate embarrassment of the Turks to acquire a southern outlet for Russia. In r696 he conquered the port of Azov. The future now opened more confidently to him, and before taking another step he determined to visit the West and study the wonders of its civilization with his own eyes. 434 The Modern Period Peter's Peter spent the year 1697-98 in travel through Germany, instruction. Holland, and England. The journey was meant purely as a voyage of instruction. Throughout its course Peter was indefatigable in his efforts to get at the bottom of things, at the methods of western government, at the sources of western wealth, at the systems of western trade and manufacture. At Zaandam, in Holland, he hired out for a time as a common ship-carpenter, and every- where he attended surgical lectures, visited paper-mills, flour-mills, printing presses, in short, was untiring in his efforts to assimilate, not a part, but the whole of western civilization. The opportunity for putting the results of his trip to the test of practice came sooner than Peter expected. At The Streltsi Vienna he heard that the Streltsi had revolted. He set out post-haste for home, established order, and then took a fearful vengeance, executing over a thousand of the luckless guards with terrible tortures. Rumor reports that Peter in his savage fury himself played the headsman. Sovereign and executioner — this combination of offices filled by Peter, clearly exhibits the chasm that then yawned between Europe and Russia. But no one will deny that there was method in Peter's madness. The Streltsi had been a constant centre of disaffection, and were now re- placed by a regular army, organized on the European pattern and dependent on the Czar. Peter's reforms now crowded thick and fast. Everything foreign was fostered at the expense of everything national. Thus he introduced western dress and opposed the Russian The Church custom of wearing long beards. But the clergy especially pendant on became increasingly suspicious of Peter's policy. As the the Czar. discontent of the clergy was a danger to the throne and a hindrance to reforms, the Czar resolved to make that order more dejjendent on himself. When the patriarch died in Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 435 1700, Peter committed the functions of the primate to a synod which he himself appointed and controlled, and thus the Czar became the head of the Church as he already was the head of the state. To enumerate more than a part of Peter's activities in His civiliz- behalf of his state is quite impossible. He built roads and '°^ canals; he encouraj;ed commerce and industry; and he erected common schools. The fruits of these vast civiliz- ing labors ripened of course slowly, and Peter did not live to gather them. But his efforts at making himself strong through a navy and array, and at extending his territory to the sea, were crowned with a number of brilliant and almost immediate successes. After his return from the west, Peter was more desirous Peter turns than ever of gaining a hold on the Baltic. Azov, on the g^anj^ Black Sea, was worth little to him as long as the Turks held the Dardanelles. The west, it was clear, could be best gained by the northern route. But the enterprise was far from easy. The Baltic coast was largely held by Sweden, and Sweden, the first power of the north, was prepared to resist any attempt to displace her with all her energy. The rise of Sweden to the position of the first power of The great- the north, dates from the time of Gustavus Adolphus (16 11- Sweden. 32). Gustavus extended his rule over almost the whole of the northern and eastern shore of the Baltic, and by his interference in the Thirty Years' War, his daughter Christina, who succeeded him, acquired, as her share in the German booty, western Pommerania and the land at the mouth of the Weser and the Elbe (1648). Sweden was now for a short time the rival of France for the first honors in Europe. Unfortunately, her power rested solely on her military organization, not on her people and her resources, and, as experience proves, no purely military state is likely 436 The Modern Period The league of Denmark, Poland, and Russia, 1700. CharlesXII. of Sweden. The marvel- lous cam- paign of 1700. to live long. But as the Swedish rulers of the seventeenth century were capable men, especially in war, they succeeded in maintaining the supremacy which Gustavus had won. However, they injured and antagonized so many neighbors that it was only a question of time when these neighbors would combine against the common foe. Denmark to the west, Brandenburg-Prussia to the _south, Poland and Russia to the east, had all paid for Sweden's exaltation with severe losses, and nursed a deep grudge against her in patience and silence. The long awaited opportunity for revenge seemed at length to have arrived, when in the year 1697, Charles XII., a boy of fifteen, came to the throne. His youth and inexperience appeared to mark him as an easy victim. Therefore, Denmark, Poland, and Russia now formed a league against him to recover their lost ter- ritories (1700). The allies had, however, made their reckoning without the host. Charles XII. turned out, in spite of his youth, to be the most warlike member of a warlike race — a perfect fighting demon. But beyond his military qualities he lacked almost every virtue of a ruler. He was Don Quixote promoted to a throne, and though he could fight with admirable fury against windmills, he could not govern and he could not build. Before the coalition was ready to strike, young Charles gathered his troops and fell upon the enemy. As the forces of Denmark, Poland, and Russia were necessarily widely separated, he calculated that if he could meet them in turn, the likelihood of victory would be much increased. He laid his plans accordingly. In the spring of 1700, he suddenly crossed from Sweden to the island of Seeland, besieged Copenhagen, and obliged the king of Denmark to make peace. The ink of this treaty was hardly dry be- fore Charles was off again like a flash. This time he sailed Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 437 to the Gulf of Finland, where Peter was besieging Narva. Victory of Peter had with him at Narva some 50,000 men, while ^.rva. Charles was at the head of only 8,000 ; but Charles, never- theless, ordered the attack, and his well-disciplined Swedes soon swept the confused masses of the ill-trained Russians off the field like chaff. The Russians now fell back into the interior, and Charles was free to turn upon his last and most hated enemy, August the Strong, king of Poland. Before another year had passed, Charles had defeated Au- gust as roundly as the sovereigns of Denmark and Russia. Thus far the war had been managed admirably ; Charles might have made his conditions and gone home. But ob- Charles's stinate as he was, he preferred to have revenge on August, ■"'^'^'^s- whom he regarded as the instigator of the alliance, and resolved not to give up until he had forced his adversary to resign the Polish crown, and had appointed as successor a personal adherent. Poland was at this time in a condition hardly better than Anarchy in anarchy. The nobles held all the power and were sover- '^°'^°'i- eign on their own lands. The only remaining witnesses of a previous unity were a Diet, which never transacted any business, and an elected king, who was allowed no power and had nothing to do. In the year 1697, the Poles had even elected to the kingship a foreigner, August the Strong, elector of Saxony. Nowwheninthe year 1701 King August was defeated by Charles, the majority of the Poles were glad rather than sorry, for August had engaged in the war without asking the consent of the Polish Diet; but when Charles insisted on forcing a monarch of his own choosing on the Poles, a national party naturally gathered around August, who, although a foreigner, was, neverthe- less the rightful king. For many years following the brilliant campaign of 1700 Charles in Charles hunted August over the marshy and wooded plains Poland. 438 The Modern Period The prog- ress of Peter. Pultava, 1709. Russia takes the place of Sweden. of Poland, and though always victorious, he could never quite succeed in utterly crushing his enemy. Even his taking Warsaw and crowning his dependent, Stanislaus Lesczinski, king, did not change the situation. Finally, in 1706, Charles decided on a radical measure. He sud- denly invaded Saxony, to which August had withdrawn, and there wrung a treaty from August, in which that mon- arch acknowledged his rival, Stanislaus, king of Poland. Of course, a peace signed under such conditions was illusory. In fact, August broke it as soon as an opportunity offered. But the peace with August at length set Charles free to act against the Russians. Too much time had been lost already, for since Peter's defeat at Narva, great things had happened. The Czar had indeed fallen back, but he was resolutely determined to try again, and while Charles was, during six long years, pursuing spectres in Poland, Peter carefully reorganized his troops, and conquered half the Swedish provinces on the Baltic. In 1703 he founded on the newly acquired territory the city of St. Petersburg, destined to become the modern capital of Russia. Charles, immediately after having made his peace with August, resolved on a decisive stroke against the Russians. He marched (1708) for the old capital, Moscow, but was overcome by the hardships of the march and the rigors of the climate before he met the enemy. When Peter came up with him at Pultava (1709), the Swedes fought with their accustomed bravery, but their sufferings had worn them out. And now, Narva was avenged. The Swedish army was literally destroyed, and Charles, accompanied by a few hundred horsemen, barely succeeded in making his escape to Turkey. The verdict of Pultava was destined to be final. Sweden stepped down from her position as a great power into obscurity, and a new power, Russia, ruled henceforth in the north. Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 439 Charles remained in Turkey for five years, obstinately Charles in set on involving the Turks in a war on his behalf. When he returned (17 14) to his native country, the Swedish des- tiny was already fulfilled, for the surrounding powers had taken advantage of the king's long absence to help them- selves to whatever part of Sweden they coveted. Charles met them, indeed, with his accustomed valor, but his country was exhausted, &.nd his people ahenated. In 17 18, The death while besieging Frederikshald in Norway, he was killed in " g ^^ ^^' the trenches. His sister, Ulrica Eleanor, who succeeded him, was compelled by the aristocratic party to agree to a serious limitation of the royal prerogative. Then the tired Swedes hastened to sign a peace with their enemies. Den- mark agreed to the principle of mutual restitutions ; the German states of Hanover and Brandenburg acquired pay- The Rus- ments out of the Swedish provinces in Germany ; August Hnnc^"^^"'^'' the Strong received recognition as king of Poland ; but Peter, who had contributed the most to the defeat of Charles, got too, by the Treaty of Nystadt (17 21), the lion's share of the booty : Carelia, Ingria, Esthonia, and Livonia, in fact, all the Swedish possessions of the eastern Baltic except Finland. Peter was now nearing the end of his reign. His rule The execu- had brought Russia a new splendor, but he was not spared lj?° *? defeat and chagrin. For one thing his efforts in behalf of Russian civilization were not appreciated. The extreme nationalists among the Russians objecting to being lifted out of their barbarism, soon fixed their hopes upon Peter's son and heir, Alexis, and Alexis, for his part, shunned no trouble to exhibit his sympathy with a reactionary policy. With a heavy heart Peter had to face the possibility of a successor who would undo' his cherished life-work. For years he took pains to win Alexis over to his views, but wheji his efforts proved without avail, he jesolvedj for the 440 The Modern Period Catharine II., 1762-96. Catharine plans to destroy Po- land and Turkey. sake of the state, to strike his son down. The resolution we may praise ; the method was terrible. The Czarowitz was tortured in prison until he died (17 18), and the prob- ability is that the father presided in person at the execution of the son. When Peter died (1725), it seemed for a time as if Russia would return to her former Asiatic condition. The government fell into the hqjids of a succession of dissolute, incompetent Czarinas, who had few interests in life beyond their own pleasures. Out of this sorry plight the country was drawn by the accession of a remarkable woman, who had enough good sense to accept the traditions of Peter's reign, and enough power to continue them. This was Catharine II., the wife of Peter III. Catharine, by birth a petty princess of Germany, had married Peter III. when he was heir-apparent. She was not only intelligent and energetic, but also wholly unscrupulous, and shortly after Peter III., who was crotchety and half insane, had as- cended the throne (1762), she had him strangled by two of her favorites. Although she thus acquired the supreme power by means of a crime, once in possession of it, she wielded it with consummate skill. Being of western birth, she naturally favored western civilization. Peter the Great himself had not been more anxious to found schools, and create industries and a commerce. More important still, she took up Peter's idea of expansion toward the west. With Sweden annihilated by Peter, the only other ' European powers which pressed upon Russia, were Poland and Turkey. Catharine gave her life to the abasement of these two European neighbors, and before she died she had succeeded in destroying Poland and in bringing Turkey to her feet. The hopeless anarchy of Poland had been brought home to everyone in Europe, when Charles XII. of Sweden sue- Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 441 ceeded in holding the country for a number of years with Polish a mere handful of troops (i 702-1 707). The weakness of ^l^rumveto. the country was due to the selfish nobles and their impos- sible constitution. To realize the ludicrous unfitness of this instrument, one need only recall the famous provision called liberum veto, which conferred on every noble the right to forbid by his single veto the adoption by the Diet of a measure distasteful to himself. By liberum veto one man could absolutely stop the machinery of government. Under these circumstances Poland fell a prey to internal conflicts, and soon to ambitious foreign neighbors. It is useless to investigate what one person or power is Russia, responsible for the idea of the partition of Poland. The ^„stria' ^"^ idea was in the air, and the three powers which bordered equally on Poland and benefited from the partition— Russia, Aus- for the^par- tria, and Prussia, governed at the time by Catharine, Maria tition. Theresa, and Frederick — must share the odium of the act among them. Diplomatically considered, the First Partition of Poland The First was a triumph for Frederick the Great ; for Catharine was ^i"^'*'°"' counting on pocketing the whole booty, when Frederick stepped in, and by associating Austria with himself forced the Czarina to divide with her neighbors. The First Par- tition belonging to the year 1772 did not destroy Poland. It simply peeled off slices for the lucky highwaymen : the land beyond the Dwina went to Russia, Galicia to Austria, and the Province of West Prussia to Prussia. But the precedent of interference had been once established, and a few years later the fate of Poland was sealed by a Second The Second and a Third Partition (r793 and r795). Poland ceased 1°'^.!^.^''''^ to exist as a state, when her last army, gallantly led by 1793, 1795'. Kosciusko, went down before the Russians ; but as a peo- ple, she exists to this day, and stubbornly nurses in her heart the hope of a resurrection. 442 The Modern Period Catharine's successes over the Turks. Her signal success over the Poles excited Catharine to increased efforts against the Turks. In two wars (first war, 1768-74 j second war, 1787-92), she succeeded in utterly defeating the Turks, and in extending her territory along the Black Sea to the Dniester. It was a fair acquisition, but it did not satisfy her ambitious nature. She left the dream of Constantinople as a heritage to her successors, who have cherished it tenderly, and during the hundred years since her death have struggled patiently to push their frontiers to the Bosporus. Catharine left Russia at her death (1796) the greatest j)ower of the north. Her life, like that of Peter, is stained with crime and immorality, but these two have the honor of having lifted Russia almost without aid, and often in spite of herself, to her present eminent position. SPECIAL TOPICS The Civilizing Labors of Peter the Great. VS^akeman, pp. 301-304. Morfill, Ch. VII. Rambaud, History 0/ Russia, Vol. II., Chap III. The First Partition of Poland. Carlyle, Frederick the Great. Book XXI.,Ch. IV. Rambaud, ieMjM, Vol. II., Chap. IX. Vs^Vias, France under Louis XV. Vol. II., Chap. XXI. The Rise of Prussia 443 CHAPTER XXVIII THE RISE OF PRUSSIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES LITERATURE.— Wakeman (as before), Chapters VIII. and XIII. Hassall (as before), Chs. V.-IX. ; XI. Longman, Frederick the Great. (Epochs.) $l.oo. Scribner. Tuttle, History of Prussia^ 4 vols. $8.25. Houghton. Carlyle, Frederick the Great. 8 vols. $10.00. Scribner. The cradle of the modern kingdom of Prussia is the mark The history of Brandenburg. Concerning the mark we have been told hu™^*° ' in the mediaeval section how it became an electorate, and how it passed into the hands of the House of Hohenzol- lern. Since the mediaeval period two further events had occurred which contributed to prepare the Brandenburg state for the role which it was destined to play. The elector of Brandenburg and his people, had, at the time of Luther, become Protestant, and in the early seventeenth century the elector had fallen heir to considerable terri- tories in the extreme west and in the extreme east of Ger- many — Cleves in the Rhine country, and the duchy of Prussia. The duchy of Prussia thus joined to the Brandenburg The history possessions had an interesting history. To understand it "[ |?^ duchy we must go back to the Middle Age, when the term Prussia was applied rather vaguely to all the land which lay along the eastern Baltic and was inhabited by a heathen and Slav tribe called Prussians. This territory had been con- quered in the thirteenth century by the military order of the Teutonic Knights, who had ruled and Christianized it, but were themselves conquered in the fifteenth century by the king of Poland. The king of Poland thereupon made 444 The Modern Period The Great Elector, 1640-88. The domes- tic problem. the following arrangement: he incorporated the western half of Prussia with his own dominions, and gave back the eastern half to the Knights upon the condition that they hold it as a fief of his crown. East Prussia thus became a feudal dependency of Poland, and its status was not changed when at the time of Luther the Knights became Protestant, the order was broken up, and the then grand master, Albert, a younger member of the House Hohenzollern, assumed the title of duke (1525). The line of this Albert having failed in 16 18, the duchy of Prussia, or more exactly of East Prussia, fell to his relative of Brandenburg. Still Brandenburg, thus enlarged by East Prussia and Cleves, played no role in Germany or Europe until the accession in 1640 of Frederick William, known as the Great Elector. At the time of his accession, the Thirty Years' War was raging, and Brandenburg had been reduced to the greatest misery. But Frederick William, although only twenty years old, displayed an admirable energy, made peace all round, and when the great Treaty of West- phalia was signed (1648), received valuable additions of territory — namely, a number of secularized bishoprics (Halberstadt, Magdeburg, Camin, Minden) and the eastern half of Pomerania. Brandenburg had a valid claim to all of Pomerania, but the claim could not be made good, as a great power, Sweden, took the western and better half of Pomerania for herself. Now the domestic situation of Frederick William was, at his accession, as follows : he found himself at the head of three separate territorial groups — the Brandenburg territory, the Cleves territory, and the Prussian territory — and each group was organized as a separate little state with its own Diet, its own army, and its own administration. Fred- erick William wisely resolved to replace this diversity by uniformity. He therefore dismissed the Diets and made The Rise of Prussia 445 himself absolute ; he united the three local armies under a single national organization ; and he merged the three separate administrations into one. He thus amalgamated his three territories, and to all intents and purposes created a united monarchy of which he was as completely master as Louis XIV. was of France. Frederick William was also a man with territorial aspira- Frederick tions. In order to be ready when the chance came he quires East tirelessly increased and perfected his army. And the chance Prussia in did come, for in 1655 there broke out a war between Po- eignty. land and Sweden. In this war the Great Elector put him- self forward so successfully, that, after a great deal of skil- ful and unscrupulous manoeuvring, he wrung from the king of Poland a treaty, by which that monarch renounced the suzerainty over East Prussia, and gave the duchy to Fred- erick William in full sovereignty. This was his greatest political triumph. A much greater military triumph he won a few years He defeats later. Ini672, Louis XIV. fell upon Holland, and Fred- ^^"^ Swedes. erick William, together with the emperor, marched to the assistance of the hard-pressed Republic. In order to draw the elector back from the Rhine, Louis now persuaded the Swedes, his only ally, to invade Brandenburg. The elec- tor thereupon hastened homeward at his best speed, and succeeded in surprising and utterly defeating the Swedes at Fehrbellin (June, 1675). The miKtary reputation of Brandenburg was henceforth established, and in the course of the next few years the elector clinched matters by driving the Swedes completely out of Pomerania. But when the general European war came to an end, by the Treaty of Nimwegen (1678), Frederick William was not allowed to keep his conquest. Louis XIV. stood faithfully by his ally, Sweden, and insisted that she should not pay for her help to him by territorial sacrifices. With a sore 446 The Modern Period The elector becomes king in Prussia, 1701. Frederick William I., the great in- ternal king, 1713-40. heart, Frederick William had to give way, and in a treaty, signed near Paris, at St. Germain-en-Laye (1679), he re- gretfully restored to the Swedes what he had won. The Great Elector died in the year 1688 and was suc- ceeded by his son Frederick, a person of an altogether dif- ferent type. Having been weak and deformed from his birth and incapable of hard work, he had learned to care very much more about the pleasures of the court than about the duties of his office. His reign is memorable for one fact only : he won for the elector of Brandenburg the new title of king in Prussia. The title was granted by the emperor Leopold, in order to secure Frederick's al- liance in the War of the Spanish Succession which was just breaking out. On January 18, 1701, the coronation of Frederick took place at Konigsberg, the capital of East Prussia, and henceforth the Elector Frederick HI. of Bran- denburg was known by his higher title of King Frederick I. The title, king in Prussia,^ was adopted in preference to that of king of Brandenburg, because Frederick wished to be king in full independence, and that was possible only in Prussia, as Prussia was not a part of the empire. The name Prussia was henceforth used as a common designa- tion for all the HohenzoUern states, and gradually sup- planted the use of the older designation, Brandenburg. Frederick's successor. King Frederick William I. (1713- 40), is a curious reversion to an older type. He was the Great Elector over again, with all his practical good sense, but without his genius for diplomatic business and his poht- ical ambition. He gave all his time and his attention to the army and the administration. By close thrift he man- aged to maintain some 80,000 troops, which almost ' The form of the title, king in Prussia, was due to the fact that all of Prussia did not belong to the HohenzoUern ; Poland still held the western half, and might reasonably have objected to the title, king 0/ Prussia The Rise of Prussia 447 brought his army' up to the standing armies of such states as France and Austria. And excellent troops they were, for an iron discipline moulded them into the most precise military engine then to be found in Europe. In his civil government he continued the work, begun by the Great Elector, of centralizing the various departments. A "General Directory" took complete control of finances Creation of and administration, and its severe demands gradually called . ^J^^- o J sia.a bureau- into being the famous Prussian bureaucracy, which in spite cracy. of its inevitable "red tape," is notable to this day for its effectiveness and its devotion to duty. Certain it is that no contemporary government had so modern and so thrifty an administration as that of Frederick William. For these creations of an efficient army and a unified Frederick civil service, both of which were made to depend directly William's ^ ■' one war. and solely upon the crown, and for a healthy financial sys- tem, which yielded that rare blessing, an annual surplus, Frederick William I. deserves to be called Prussia's greatest internal king. But he did not contribute much to the territorial growth of Prussia, owing largely to his distrust in his power to handle international affairs. However, he was successful enough in the one war which he undertook. That was a war against Sweden in the period of Sweden's abasement after the defeat of Pultava. As all of the Swedish neighbors, Russia, Denmark, and Poland were helping themselves to Swedish territories, Frederick Will- iam did not see why Prussia should be left out, and in one He acquires rapid campaign conquered Swedish Pomerania. In a St^**'"' peace signed (1720) after Charles XII.'s death, he declared himself satisfied with the territory about Stettin, which furnished Prussia a needed port upon the Baltic. Sturdy and hard-working as Frederick William was, he was also vulgar and crotchety. For example : his ideal of the king was the patriarch, and he was constantly prying 448 The Modern Period Clash between father and son. Frederick's accession, 1740. The death of Charles VI., 1740. into people's private affairs and making their lives a burden. His own family he treated in the same tyrannical way, with results that were not always pleasant. Once he even brought matters to the verge of a great tragedy. That was when his son and heir, Frederick, known afterward as the Great, resolved to withdraw himself from his father's contemptuous treatment of him by flight into foreign parts. Unluckily for the young prince the plan failed, and the old king, lashed into a white heat, seemed at first to be bent on taking his son's life. Even after he had been moved to take better counsel, he was still resolved on punishment, and put the crown prince through such an apprenticeship in the civil and military administrations from the lowest grades upward, as perhaps no other royal personage has ever received. The discipline doubtless awakened resentment in Frederick, the gay prince ; but Frederick, the serious-minded king, was enabled thereby to know every branch of his vast administration like a thumbed book. In the year 1740 Frederick II., who had now reached the age of twenty-eight, succeeded his father. As he had spent the last years of his father's life in retirement, giving himself up to the pursuit of art and literature, everything else was expected of him, when he ascended the throne, rather than military designs and political ambition. But an unexpected opportunity immediately plunged him into great undertakings. A few months after Frederick's accession in October, 1740, the Emperor Charles VI., the last male of the line of Hapsburg, died. Long before his death, foreseeing the troubles of Austria, he had by a law, which received the name of the Pragmatic Sanction, appointed his oldest daughter, Maria Theresa, his sole heir, and throughout his whole life he bestirred himself to extract from the European The Rise of Prussia 449 powers guarantees of this Pragmatic Sanction. These guar- antees having been obtained from all the leading states, sometimes at a great sacrifice, he died with composed con- science, and the archduchess Maria Theresa prepared im- mediately to assume the rule of Austria, Bohemia, Hungary, and the other Hapsburg lands. It was at this point that Frederick stepped in. His father had guaranteed the Pragmatic Sanction, too, but Frederick did not choose to consider that circumstance. He thought only of the unparalleled opportunity of acquiring fame and position by pitting his father's large army, backed by a full treasury, against the weakened power of Austria. The fact that his House of Hohenzollern possessed some old claims to Silesia, a territory held by Austria, served as a pretext, and un- Frederick furling his banner, he marched in December, 1740, into g.T .^^ the coveted province. His act was the signal for a general rising. Spain, France, Savoy, Bavaria, and Saxony, fol- lowing his example, all dished up some kind of claim to parts of the Austrian dominions. They sent their armies against Maria Theresa, and their greed merely mocked at that poor princess's indignant remonstrances. Thus hardly was Charles VI. dead, when it was apparent that the Pragmatic Sanction was not worth the paper it was written on. It might have gone hard with Maria Theresa if she had The War not found splendid resources of heart and mind in herself, °'.*"^ "us- and if she had not gained the undivided support of the cession, many nationalities under her sway. Her enemies were descending upon her in two main directions, the French and their German allies from the west, by way of the Danube, and Frederick of Prussia from the north. Un- prepared as she was, her raw levies gave way, at first, at every point. On April 10, 1741, at Mollwitz, Frederick won a great victory over the Austrians, clinching, by means 450 The Modern Period End of the First Si- lesian War, 1742. The Second Silesian War, 1 744-45- of it, his hold upon Silesia. In the same year the French, Saxons, and Bavarians invaded Bohemia. But at this point Maria Theresa's fortunes rose again, owing, in no small measure, to the enthusiasm with which she filled her soldiers. The army of the coalition was driven out of Bohemia ; Bavaria was in turn invaded and occupied. The Prussians, who had likewise entered Bohemia, in order to help the French, were hard pressed, but saved themselves by a victory at Czaslau (May, 1742). Thereupon Maria Theresa, who saw that she could not meet so many enemies at one and the same time, declared her willingness to come to terms with her most formidable foe. In 1742 she signed with Frederick the Peace of Breslau, by which she gave up practically the whole province of Silesia. What is known in Prussia as the First Silesian War had come to an end. Maria Theresa now prosecuted the war against her other enemies with increased vigor. England and Holland, old friends of Austria, joined her, and the war assumed wider dimensions. During the next years the French consistently fell back ; Maria Theresa conquered Bavaria, overran south Germany, and seemed on the point of becoming mistress of Germany. Aware that in that case he could not hold his new conquest a year, Frederick was moved to strike a second blow. In 1744 he began the Second Silesian War, in which his calculations were completely successful. He first relieved the French and the Bavarians by drawing the Austrians upon himself, and then he defeated his enemy signally at the battle of Hohenfriedberg (1745). On Christmas day, 1745, Maria Theresa bought her peace of Frederick by a renewed cession of Silesia (Peace of Dres- den). For a few more years the general war continued. Finally, in 1748, everybody being tired of fighting, the The Rise of Prussia 451 contestants signed the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen), End of the by which Maria Theresa was universally recognized as the Austrian sovereign of Austria. Already as early as 1745, her hus- Succession, band, Francis of Lorraine, had been elected emperor, thus confirming to Maria Theresa's family the honor which it had so long held. The War of the Austrian Succession had come to an end, and, against everybody's prediction, the empress's splendid qualities had maintained the Aus- trian dominions intact, with the exception of the one sub- stantial sacrifice of Silesia. When Frederick retired from the Second Silesian War, Prussia a the position of Prussia had been revolutionized. The |5^ pow- king had received from his father a promising state, but it was of no great size, and it enjoyed no authority in Eu- rope. Frederick, by adding Silesia to it, gave it for the first time a respectable area, but that acquisition alone would not have raised Prussia to the level of Austria, France, England, or Russia. It was the genius displayed by the young king, who stood at the head of Prussia, which fell so heavily into the balance, that Prussia was henceforth counted among the great powers of Europe. Frederick, having thus won his military laurels, settled Frederick's down to the much harder work of governing with wisdom P^**^^ '*" and elevating his people materially and mentally. The ten years of peace which followed the Second Silesian War were crowded with vigorous internal labors ; for ex- ample, he drained the great swamps along the Oder, pro- moted internal traffic by new canals, and established new iron, wool, and salt industries. All of Frederick's various labors never destroyed in him Frederick the light, humanistic vein which marks him from his birth. ***? pl'i'os- ' . ,. opher. He engaged m literature with as much fervor as if it were his life-work, and took constant delight in composing music and in playing the flute. What pleased him most, 452 The Modern Period Voltaire. Maria Theresa nurses plans of revenge. The diplo- matic revo- lution of 1756. however, was a circle of spirited friends. He was espe- cially well inclined to Frenchmen, because that nation represented, to his mind, the highest culture of the Europe of his day, and for several years (1750-53) he even en- tertained at his court the prince of the eighteenth century philosophers, Voltaire. But after a period of sentimental attachment, the king and the philosopher quarrelled, and Voltaire vanished from Berlin in a cloud of scandal. In any case, the momentary conjunction of the two brilliant spirits of the eighteenth century — the one its greatest mas- ter in the field of action, the other its greatest master of thought and expression — has an historical interest. All this while Frederick was aware that Maria Theresa was not his friend and had not forgotten the deceit of which she had been made the victim. In fact she hoped to get back Silesia, and for years carefully laid her plans. An important preparatory measure seemed both to her and to her minister Kaunitz, to be the alliance with France. In the eighteenth century an alliance between Hapsburg and Bourbon, the century-old enemies, seemed ridiculous. The rule in Austria had been the alliance with England, and any other arrangement seemed to be contrary to the law of nature itself. Kaunitz, however, accomplished the miracle of a diplomatic revolution, which during the next years turned Europe topsy-turvy. His plans were greatly aided by the following circum- stance : England and France were making ready, in the middle of the century, to contest the empire of the sea. Both were looking for continental allies, and as Prussia, after holding back a long time, was induced at last to sign a convention with England, France was naturally pushed into the arms of Prussia's rival, Austria. In the spring of 1756 this diplomatic revolution was an accomplished fact. The two great political questions of the day, the rivalry The Rise of Prussia 453 between England and France, on the one hand, and of Prussia and Austria, on the other, were about to be fought out in the great Seven Years' War (1756-63), and the two northern and Protestant powers of England and Prus- sia were to consolidate therein their claims and interests against the claims and interests of the Catholic powers, France and Austria. But Maria Theresa was far from being satisfied with The great merely the French alliance. She signed also alliances '^*S"^ with Russia, Sweden, and Saxony, and therefore, when the Frederick, war broke out, had good reason to hope that Frederick would be smothered by mere numbers. Frederick's one chance in this tremendous crisis was to The Seven move quickly. Therefore before the allies were ready, ^ears War he occupied Saxony, and invaded Bohemia (autumn, 1756). 1756. The next year his enemies, whose number had meanwhile, at the instigation of Francis I., the husband of Maria Theresa, been increased by the accession of the states of the empire, marched upon him from all points of the com- pass. Again he planned to meet them separately before they had united. He hurried into Bohemia, and was on the point of taking the capital, Prague, when the defeat of apart of his army at Kolin (June i8th), forced him to retreat to Saxony. Slowly the Austrians followed and poured into the coveted Silesia. The Russians had already arrived in East Prussia, the Swedes were in Pomerania, and the French, together with the Imperialists — as the troops of the Empire were called— were marching upon Berlin. The friends and family of Frederick were ready to declare that all was lost. He alone kept up heart, and by his courage and intelligence freed himself from all im- mediate danger by a succession of surprising victories. At Rossbach, in Thuringia, he fell, with 22,000 men, upon the combined French and Imperialists of twice that num- 4S4 The Modern Period The famous campaign of 1757- The situa- tion is sim- plified. Prussia against Austria and Russia. Frederick grows weaker. ber, and scattered them to the winds (November 5, 1757). Then he turned like a flash from the west to the east. Dur- ing his absence, in Thuringia, the Austrians had completed the conquest of Silesia, and were already proclaiming to the world that they had come again into their own. Just a month after Rossbach, at Leuthen, near Breslau, he signally defeated, with 34,000 men, more than twice as many Austrians, and drove them pell-mell over the passes of the Giant Mountains back into their own dominions. Fear and incapacity had already arrested the Swedes and Russians. Before the winter came, both had slipped away, and at Christmas, 1757, Frederick could call himself lord of an undiminished kingdom. In no succeeding campaign was Frederick threatened by such overwhelming forces as in 1757. By the next year England had fitted out an army which, under Ferdinand of Brunswick, operated against the French upon the Rhine, and so protected Frederick from that side. As the Swedish attack degenerated at the same time into a mere farce, Fred- erick was allowed to neglect his Scandinavian enemy, and give all his attention to Austria and Russia. No doubt even so, the odds against Prussia were enormous. Prussia was a poor barren country of barely 5,000,000 inhabitants, and in men and resources, Austria and Russia together outstripped her at least ten times ; but at the head of Prussia stood a military genius, with a spirit that neither bent nor broke, and that fact sufficed for awhile to establish an equi- librium. It was Frederick's policy during the next years to meet the Austrians and Russians separately, in order to keep them from rolling down upon him with combined forces. In 1758, be succeeded in beating the Russians at Zorndorf and driving them back, but in 1759 they beat him in the disastrous battle of Kunersdorf. For a moment now it The Rise of Prussia 455 looked as if he were lost, but he somehow raised another army about him, and the end of the campaign found him not much worse off than the beginning. However, he was evidently getting weak ; the terrible strain continued through years was beginning to tell ; and when George III., the new English monarch, refused (1761) to pay the England annual subsidy, by which Frederick was enabled to keep "^^^^''^^ ''*™' his army on foot, the proud king himself could hardly keep up his hopes. At this crisis Frederick was saved by the intervention Peace with of fortune. Frederick's implacable enemy, the Czarina '^"ss'^i Elizabeth, died January 5, 1762. Her successor, Peter III., who was an ardent admirer of the Prussian king, not only straightway detached his troops from the Austrians, and signed a peace, but went so far as to propose a treaty of alliance with the late enemy of Russia. Peter III. was soon overthrown (July, 1762), but although his successor, Cath- arine II., cancelled the Prussian alliance, she allowed the peace to stand. This same year England and France came to an understanding (Preliminaries of Fontainebleau, 1762), and hostilities between them were at once suspended on all the seas. So there remained under arms only Aus- tria and Prussia, and as Austria could not hope to do unaided, what she had failed to do with half of Europe at Peace with her side, Maria Theresa, although with heavy heart, resolved ■'^"stria, to come to terms. In the peace of Hubertsburg (February, 1763), the cession of Silesia to Frederick was made final. Counting from the Peace of Hubertsburg Frederick had The second still twenty-three years before him. They were years de- P^"°^ "^ voted to the works of peace. And all his energy and ad- 86^*^*' ^^ ^ ministrative ability were required to bring his exhausted country back to vigor. We now hear again, as during the first period of peace (1745-56), of extensive reforms, of the formation of provincial banks, the draining of bogs. 456 The Modern Period The acquisi- tion ofWest Prussia. The rivalry of Austria and Prussia. the cutting of canals, and the encouragement of industries; in a word, we hear of Frederick doing everything that an energetic ruler has ever been known to do. Only one political event of the last period of Frederick's life claims our attention. In 1772 the troubles in Poland led to the First Partition of that unhappy country among Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Frederick received, as his share, the province of West Prussia, establishing, at last, by means of it the necessary continuity between his cen- tral and his eastern provinces. The great result of Frederick's reign was, that he created the dualism between Austria and Prussia, and that from his time on the ancient Catholic power, Austria, the traditional head of the German confederation, was engaged in fierce rivalry with upstart Protestant Prussia for the control of Germany. In fact the mutual jealousy of these two states is the central theme of German history for the next one hundred years, and it is only within the memory of living men (1866) that this chapter has been definitely closed by the final victory of Prussia and by the exclusion of Austria from Germany. In that famous settlement, introductory to the unification of Germany (187 1), it is not difficult to perceive that Frederick had a hand. SPECIAL TOPICS Domestic Labors of the Great Elector and of Frederick William I. Tuttle, Vol. I., especially Chapters VI. and X. Carlyle, Bk. III., Chap. XVIII. ; Bk. IV. (passim). The Relations of Frederick and Voltaire. Carlyle, Bk. X., Chap. II. ; Bk. XI., Chap. IV. ; Bk. XIV., Chap. II. ; Bk. XVI. (passim). Tuttle, Vol. II., Chaps. I. and II. (passim); Vol. III., Chap. V. England and France in the Eighteenth Century 457 CHAPTER XXIX ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE.— Gardiner, StudetM History of England. Parts VIII. and IX. ^i^zaSy Grovitk of iJu French Nation. $1.00. Macmillan. VK\^\n^, France under Louis XV. 2 vols. $4.00. Houghton. Green, History of the English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper. \jtO/iy, England in the Eighteenth Century. 8 vols. $12. 00. Appleton, ^atiAti^ Influence of Sea-Power upon History. $4.00. Little, Brown. The "Glorious Revolution" of 1688 ended the period The result of the civil wars in England. It had established the Prot- ° ni-frious estant sovereigns, William and Mary, upon the throne ; it Revolu- had, by the Bill of Rights, made the law supreme over the king; and it had paved the way to an understanding be- tween the Established Church and the Dissenters by the Toleration Act. For the first few years of his reign, William had to se- William in- cure his throne by fighting. James II. had sought refuge t''° Succession, Aix-la-Chapelle being concluded, as we know, upon the 1740-48. basis of mutual restitutions. Toward the middle of the eighteenth century, the great question for France became : would she hold her own in the increasing maritime and colonial rivalry with England. Rivalry These two powers, indisputably the greatest in the world, prance'and had begun to clash in America, India, and on all the seas, England, and, as the settlement of their conflicting claims by means of amicable negotiations was out of the question, it be- came plain that the disputants would have to resort to arms. We have already seen, in treating of Frederick the Great, how this rivalry got subtly bound up with the question of supremacy in Germany that had risen between Prussia and Austria, and we have also seen how the outbreak of the French-English struggle was preceded by a diplomatic rev- olution. This revolution carae to a head in 1756, and The diplo- leagued England and Prussia together against France and J"^***^ revo- Austria. The Prussian-Austrian phase of this world-con- 1756. flict, called the Seven Years' War (1756-63), has already been studied. We turn now to the French-English phase of it, and therewith to a struggle which is properly the most important contest of the century, for it determined whether America and India were to be French or English. France made great sacrifices in the Seven Years' War to The Seven maintain her power. She sent an army over the Rhine to Years' War, co-operate with the Austrians against the Prussians and the English, and she prepared to defend herself with might in 466 The Modern Period Pitt, captain of England. Englisli victories. America and on the sea. Unfortunately she was governed by an ignorant and vicious king, who was too feeble to persist in any policy, and who was no better than the puppet of his courtiers and his mistresses. The real direc- tion of French affairs during the war lay in the hands of Madame de Pompadour. While government was thus being travestied in France, the power in England fell into the hands of the capable and iiery William Pitt, who is known in history as the Great Commoner, and who now organized the strength of Eng- land as no one had ever organized it before. Fleets and armies were equipped and dispatched in accordance with a simple and comprehensive plan to all parts of the world. Under these circumstances, victory necessarily fell to Eng- land. The French army in Germany was badly beaten by Frederick the Great at Rossbach (1757), and later held in effective check by the English and Hanoverian forces under Ferdinand of Brunswick. But the most signal advantages of the English were won, not in Europe, but on the sea and in the colonies. First, the French were driven from the basin of the Ohio (1758).* In the next year Wolfe's capture of Quebec secured the course of the St. Lawrence, and there- with completed the conquest of Canada. Furthermore, in India, the celebrated Lord Clive (victory of Plassey, 1757), crowded out the French and established the English influ- ence, while the great maritime victories (1759) of Lagos and Quiberon confirmed England's ancient naval greatness. In the year 1760, while the war was at its height, George II. died, and was succeeded by his grandson, ' The French had claimed the whole Mississippi basin, and in order to shut out the English had built a fort on the upper Ohio. In 1755 Gen- eral Braddock was sent out to destroy the French fort, but refusingto be guided by the advice of the Virginian officer, George Washington, was badly beaten. When the French fort was finally taken, it was re-baptized Pittsburg, in honor of England's great minister. England and France in the Eighteenth Century 467 George III. (1760-1820). George III. had one leading George III., idea, which was to regain for himself the place in the gov- i7"'>-^°20. eminent which had been usurped by the Parliament. So completely was he absorbed by this policy, that the war had only a secondary interest for him. He therefore dis- missed Pitt, who was identified with the war, from office (1761), and shortly after ordered Lord Bute, a minister of his own independent appointment, to conclude peace with France. Although the English negotiators, in their haste to have done, occasionally sacrificed the English interests, the great results of Pitt's victories could not be overturned. By the Peace of Paris (1763) England acquired from Peace of France, Canada and the territory east of the Mississippi Ps^r's, 1763. River, and reduced the French in India to a few trading posts. If the Seven Years' War is the greatest triumph of Eng- The Ameri- land in history, she was visited soon afterward with her f^° ^tl°'"' severest disgrace. In the year 1765 the British Parliament levied a tax upon the American colonies, called the Stamp Act. When it became known that the tax aroused discon- tent, it was wisely withdrawn, but at the same time the principle was asserted and proclaimed that the British Par- liament had the right to tax the colonies. As the Ameri- cans would not accept this point of view, friction grew apace and soon led to mob violence. The British minis- try, which was under the direction of a very high-spirited king, resorted to military force, and the answer of the Americans to this measure was the resolution to revolt (Declaration of Independence, 1776). In 1778 the colo- nists, through their agent, Benjamin Franklin, made an alliance with France, and from this time on the English were hard pressed by land and by sea. Finally, the sur- render of Yorktown (1781) to the American hero of the war, George Washington, disposed the English to peace. tion, 1776. 468 The Modern Period The Peace of Ver- sailles, 1783. Renewal of agitation in Ireland. The Act of Union, 1800. In the peace of Versailles (1783) England made France a few unimportant colonial concessions, but the really mem- orable feature of the peace was the recognition of the inde- pendence of the American colonies. This American success once more stirred the Irish to action. Ever since the brutal confiscations of the time of William III. they had borne their ills in silence ; they were crushed. But now they began an agitation for Legislative Independence or Home Rule, with the result that the min- istry at London, intimidated by the American calamity, yielded the point (1782). The troubles in the island, however, did not cease ; bloody encounters between the Catholic natives and the Protestant colonists were common occurrences; and in 1800 the younger Pitt, who held the post of Prime Minister, resolved to make an end, and passed an Act of Union which destroyed the independence of Ire- land for good and all, and incorporated the Irish Parlia- ment with the British Parliament at London. Since then Ireland has been ruled in all respects from the English capital. The Act of Union did not greatly occupy the public mind. For when it was passed the French Revolution, though it was now in its twelfth year, was still holding the attention of all Europe riveted upon it. SPECIAL TOPICS The Regent and the Regency. Perkins, France Under the Regency. Chap. X. fr. Guizot, History of France, Vol. V., Chap. LI. The Struggle over India. Story, Building of the British Empire. {Na- tions.) 2 vols. $3.00. Putnam. Seeley, The Expansion of England, $1.75. Little, Brown. Perkins, France Under Louis XV, Vol. I., Chaps. IX. and X. . The Stuart Attempts to Recover the Throne. Green, Bk. VIII., Chap. IV. (passim). Dictionary of National Biography. Macmillan. See articles James and Charles Edward. Thackeray, Henry Esmond (novel). Scott, Waverley {novel). SECTION III REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION; FROM THE FRENCH REVOLUTION TO OUR OWN TIME (1 789-1900) Our third section begins with the French Revolution, which gave general currency to those essentially modern principles, the sovereignty of the people and national unity. As these principles were opposed to the principles of absolutism in vogue during the seventeenth and eigh- teenth centuries, there arose a struggle, which, under the form of liberalism versus conservatism, has continued throughout the nineteenth century. The end, however, was the victory of liberalism, resulting in the very general establishment throughout Europe of constitutional or hra- ited monarchies on a national basis. CHAPTER XXX THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND ERA OF NAPOLEON (1789-1815) LITERATURE.— Stephens, Europe, 1789-1815. $1.40. Macmillan. Rose, The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era (lySg-lSfs)- $1-25. Mac- millan. \-.o'weiW, Ei/e of the French Revolution. $2.00. Houghton. Ta\n&, The Ancie7it Regime. $2.50. Holt. A\so Tlte French Revolution, 3 vols. $7.50, Also The Modem Regime. 2 vols. $5.00. Stephens, French Revolution. 2 vols. $5.00. Scribner. Carlyle, French Revolution. $3.75. Scribner. Von Sybel, French Revolution. 4 vols. Murray. London. (Out of print.) Sloane, Napoleon. (In Century Magazine of i8g6 and 1897.} Translations and Reprints, University of Penn. Vol. I., No. 5 {Rights of Man, Jacobin Club) etc. Vol. II., No. 2 {Treaties, Continental System). Vol. IV., No. 5 (Cahiers of ijSg). Vol. V., No. 2 {.Taxation under Ancient Regime). If the seventeenth century, which recalls the names of Richelieu, Colbert, and Louis XIV., was the period of the 469 470 The Modern Period The condi- tion of France at the end of the eigh- teenth cen- tury. Decay due to system of govern- ment. The king is the state. Louis XV. expansion of France, the eighteenth century, associated with such names as the Regent Orleans, Louis XV., and Madame de Pompadour, proved the period of French de- cay. We have just seen that the Seven Years' War all but completed the ruin of the kingdom, for the defeats of the armies of France in Germany destroyed her military pres- tige, and her maritime disasters overthrew her naval power and deprived her of her colonies. But the loss of her great position was not the worst consequence of the Seven Years' War. France found herself, on the conclusion of the Peace of Paris (1763), in such a condition of exhaustion, that it was doubtful, even to patriots, whether she would ever recover health and strength. The case, at first sight, seemed anomalous. Here was a country which, in point of liatural resources, had the advantage over every other country of Europe ; its popula- tion, which was estimated at 25,000,000, was greater than that of any rival state ; and the mass of the nation had no cause to fear comparison with any other people as regards industry, thrift, and intelligence. If this people so con- stituted tottered in the second half of the eighteenth cen- tury on the verge of disruption, that circumstance cannot be ascribed to any inherent defect in the nation. It was due solely to the break-down of the system of government and of society, which bound the nation together. The reader is acquainted with the development of the absolute power of the French king — he had absorbed, gradually, all the functions of government. In fact, as Louis XIV. himself had announced, the king had become the state. Now it is plain that such extensive duties devolving on the king, only a very superior monarch was capable of holding and giving value to the royal office. Louis XIV. never failed at least in assiduity. But his suc- cessor, Louis XV., who was weak and frivolous, and The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 471 incapable of sustained work, shirked the exercise of the powers which he none the less claimed as his due. The result was that the business of governing fell to a greedy horde of courtiers and adventuresses, who were principally concerned with fattening their fortunes, and who sacrificed, with no more regret than is expressed by a shrug of the shoulders and a laugh, every interest of the state. If under Louis XV. the centralized monarchy progres- sively declined, the whole social fabric which that mon- archy crowned, exhibited no less certain signs of decay and disruption. French society, like that of all Europe, had its starting-point in the feudal principle of class. In feudal times there had been recognized two great ruling classes, the clergy and the nobility, which in return for the services they rendered as the provincial government, enjoyed exemption from taxation. In the eighteenth century the central government was performing those local services, but the clergy and nobility still enjoyed exemption. What for? Plainly the arrangement was iniquitous, for it divided France into privileged and un- privileged classes, or into subjects who paid and subjects who did not pay. But the social inequahty did not end here, for the privileged classes had also a monopoly of the honors and emoluments. No least lieutenancy in the army, which the money of the commoners supported, was open to a son of a commoner, and neither the Church nor the government, except in rare instances, admitted into their high places the man of humble birth. The membership of the two orders, to whom these ex- tensive privileges were reserved, was not very large. The noble families numbered 25,000 to 30,000, with an aggre- gate membership of perhaps 140,000 ; and the clergy, including the various religious orders and the parish priests, had an enrolment of about as many names. These two The feudal orders become privileged orders. The num- bers and the v^ealth of the privi- leged. 472 The Modern Period The prog- ress of the Third Es- tate. The misery of the labor- ing class. The misery of the peasants. castes between them owned about half the land of France, so that it could be fairly claimed by the indignant people that the principle of taxation which obtained in their country was: to relieve those who did not need relief, and to burden those who were already overburdened. The commoners, or members of the Third Estate (tiers etat), who were shut out from the places of authority re- served to the first two estates of the realm, were reduced to finding an outlet for their energy in the field of business enterprise or else in literature. They succeeded in piling up wealth both in Paris and in the cities of the provinces, until their resources, constantly increased through thrift and hard work, far exceeded those of the nobility, who con- cerned themselves only with elegantly spending what they had and what they could borrow. Thus the bourgeoisie had long been better off than the nobility ; and now they proceeded to surpass the nobility in other respects. For increase of wealth had brought increase of leisure and of the desire and power to learn and grow. So it happened that in the progress of the eighteenth century, the Third Estate had fairly become the intellectual hearth of France. But if the bourgeoisie was doubtlessly prospering, the case was different with the vast majority of French subjects, who are often called the Fourth Estate, and who embraced the two utterly wretched classes of the urban proletariat and the peasants. The proletariat was composed of the artisans and day-laborers, and was, owing to the fact that the middle class controlled the commercial and industrial situation by means of close corporations called guilds, com- pletely under the heel of its richer fellow-citizens. But still worse off than the working people were the peasants, for their obligations exceeded all justice and reason. The lord of the manor exacted rent from them ; the Church levied tithes ; and the king collected taxes almost at will. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 473 The result was that the peasants did not have enough left over from their toil to live on. And if these regular taxes did, by any chance, leave anything in their hands, that little was constantly jeopardized by certain remaining feu- dal obligations. Tfius the lord of the land had the sole right to hunt, and the peasant was forbidden to erect fences to shut out the game from his fields. If the caval- cade from the chateau dashed over the young wheat in the spring, the peasant could do nothing but look on at the ruin of his year, hold his peace, and starve.* A government struck with impotence, a society divided The demand into discordant classes — these are the main features of the reform. picture we have just examined. French public life in the eighteenth century had become intolerable. Dissolution of that life, in order that reform might follow, was patently the only possible escape out of the perennial misery. This the educated people began to see more and more clearly, and a school of writers, known as the philosophers, made themselves their mouthpiece. The eighteenth century is the century of criticism. The intel- Men had begun to overhaul the whole body of tradition in l^*:*"^' ""s- state. Church, and society, and to examine their institu- tional inheritances from the point of view of common-sense. If things had been allowed to stand hitherto, because they were approved by the past, they were to be permitted hence- forth only because they were serviceable, and necessary to the present. Reason, in other words, was to be the rule of life. This gospel the philosophers spread from end to end of Europe. They opened fire upon everything that ran counter to reason and science — upon the intolerance of the Church, upon the privileges of the nobility, upon the abuse ' Other vexatious feudal dues were the eorvees (compulsory mending of the roads), bridge-tolls, and the obligation to grind corn in the mill of the lord, and bake bread in his oven. 474 The Modern Period The centre of the intel- lectual re- volt is France. The chronic deficit. of the royal power, upon the viciousness of criminal justice, and a hundred other things. Although the revolt against the authority of tradition was universal in the eighteenth century, the leading names among the philosophers are those of Frenchmen, and of all the French philosophers, Voltaire ' and Rousseau ^ carried on the most effective agitation. By means of their work and that of their followers, it was brought about that long before the Revolution of 1789, there had occurred a revolu- tion in the realm of ideas, by which the hold of the exist- ing Church, state, and society on the minds of men had been signally loosened. All that the material Revolution of 1789 did was to register this fact in the institutions and in the laws. A society which has become thoroughly discredited in the minds of those who compose it, is likely to fall apart at any moment, and through a hundred different agencies. The agency which directly led up to the French Revolu- tion, and gave the signal, as it were, for the dissolution of the ancient regime, was the state of the finances. The debts of Louis XIV. had been increased by the wars and extravagances of Louis XV. , and by the middle of the eighteenth century France was confronted by the difificulty of a chronic deficit. As long as Louis XV. reigned (1715- 74), the deficit was covered by fresh loans. Although the device was dangerous, it did not arouse any apprehension in that monarch's feeble mind. " Things will hold to- ' Voltaire (1694-1778) excelled in the use of mockery. He made the contemporary world ridiculous to itself. Because his writings were so specifically addressed to his own time, they have not retained all their savor. Perhaps his most valuable production is " I'Essai sur les Moeurs." ",Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-78) was a Genevan by birth. In his ' ' Emile ' (a work on education) and his ' ' Contrat Social " (a work on so- ciety), he preached the return from artificiality to nature. Voltaire and Rousseau differed in many important respects, but were both eloquent in their demand for civil and religious liberty. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 475 gether till my death," he was in the habit of saying com- placently, and Madame de Pompadour would add, non- chalantly : " After us the deluge. ' ' When Louis XVI. (1774-92) succeeded his grandfather, The acces- the question of financial reform would not brook any fur- xvi°{T77'l'f ther delay. The new king was, at his accession, only twenty years old, and was honestly desirous of helping his people, but he had, unfortunately, neither the requisite energy nor the requisite intelligence for developing a pro- gramme, and carrying it through, in spite of opposition. His queen, Marie Antoinette, the daughter of Maria Theresa of Austria, was a lovely and vivacious person, but as young and inexperienced as himself. The fifteen years from Louis's accession to the outbreak Attempts at of the Revolution (1774-89), constitute a period of unin- f"fo"^'*' termitted struggle with the financial distress. The problem was how to make the revenues meet the expenditures, and plainly the only feasible solution was reform : the lavish expenditure of the court would have to be cut down and the privileged orders would have to give up their exemptions. For the consideration of these matters Louis at first called into his cabinet a number of notable men. Among his ministers of finance were the economist Turgot (1774-76), and the banker Necker (first ministry, 1778-81; second ministry, 1788-90). But although these men labored earnestly at reform, they could make no headway owing to the opposition of the nobles, and toward the end of the eighties the king stared bankruptcy in the face. Since he was absolutely without further resource, he now resolved to appeal to the nation. The determination was in itself a Appeal to revolution, for it contained the admission that the absolute ^^^ nation monarchy had failed. In May, 1789, there assembled at Paris, in order to take council with the king about the national distress, the States-General of the realm. 476 The Modern Period The States- The States-General were the old feudal Parliament of formYdv France, composed of the elected representatives of the three controlled orders, the clergy, the nobles, and the commons. As the orders ^" * States-General had not met for one hundred and seventy- five years, it was not strange that nobody was acquainted with their mode of procedure. So much was certain, however, that the assembly had formerly voted by orders, and that the action of the privileged orders had always been decisive. The ques- The first question which arose in the assembly was whether er'the' ^ ' ^^^ feudal orders should be allowed this traditional suprem- States-Gen- acy in the new States-General. Among the members of b^aiTan^ ° ^^^ Third Estate, as the commons were called in France, cient or a there was, of course, only one answer. These men held body '•^^'- ''^^ '^^^ States-General were representative, not of the old feudal realm, but of the united nation, and that every- body, therefore, must have an equal vote. In other words, the Third Estate maintained that the vote should not be taken by order, but individually. As the Third Estate had been permitted to send twice as many delegates (six hun- dred) as either clergy or nobility (three hundred each), it was plain that the proposition of the Third Estate would give that body the preponderance. The clergy and nobil- ity, therefore, offered a stubborn resistance ; but, after a month of contention, the Third Estate cut the knot by boldly declaring itself, with or without the feudal orders, the National Assembly (June 17). Horrified by this act of violence the king and the court tried to cow the com- mons by an abrupt summons to submit to the old procedure, but when the commons refused to be frightened, the king himself gave way, and ordered the clergy and nobility to join the Third Estate (June 27). Thus, at the very begin- ning of the Revolution, the power passed out of the hands of the king and feudal orders into the hands of the people. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 477 . The National Assembly {ij8g-gi^ The National Assembly, which was thus constituted to The Nation- regenerate France, was composed of very intelligent men fntellfJent ^ who were animated by a pure enthusiasm to serve their but unprac- country. But a fatal defect more than counterbalanced this "^^ ' generous disposition. The Assembly was composed of theorists, of men who were inexperienced in the practical affairs of government, and was, therefore, calamitously prone to treat all questions which arose as felicitous occa- sions for the display of parliamentary eloquence. Out of this immense body of 1,200 legislators there grad- ually came to the front a number of men of whom Lafay- ette, Robespierre, and Mirabeau are the most important. Lafayette, The marquis de Lafayette had won a great name for himself in the American Revolution, and though a noble, sympathized with the people. Robespierre, a lawyer by Robes- profession, was vain and narrow-minded, but fanatically P'^"^- attached to the principles of democracy. Head and shoul- ders above these two, and above all his colleagues, rose the count de Mirabeau, for he was a born statesman, perhaps Mirabeau. the only man in the whole Assembly who instinctively knew that a government was as natural and gradual a growth as a plant or a child. He wished, therefore, to keep the in- herited monarchy intact, with just such reforms as would re- store it to health and vigor, but unfortunately, he never suc- ceeded in acquiring a guiding influence. In the first place, he was a noble, and therefore subject to suspicion ; then his early life had been a succession of scandals, which now rose up and bore witness against him, undermining confi- dence in his honor. The primary business of the National Assembly was the making of a new constitution. It was of the highest im- portance that this work should be done in perfect security. 478 The MedicBval Period Degenera- tion of the Revolution due to the mob. The insur- rections of Paris. The storm- ing of the Bastille (July 14, 1789). Formation of the National Guard. free from the interference of popular passion and violence. As the National Assembly represented the propertied fn- terests, there seemed to be every chance of calm and sys- tematic procedure; but unfortunately the Assembly soon fell under the domination of the mob, and that proved the ruin of the Revolution. The growth of the influence of the lower elements, who interpreted reform as anarchy, is the most appalhng concomitant of the great events of 1789. If we understand this fact, we have the key to the awful degeneration of what certainly was, at its outset, a generous movement. For this degeneration the king and the National Assem- bly are both responsible, for, instead of working together in harmony, they tried to injure each other as much as they could. In consequence the people were kept agitated with rumors of court plots, and were ever ready to rise in insur- rection against the monarch whom the orators designated as "the tyrant." Thus, on July 14, the populace of Paris threw itself in a rage upon the Bastille, an ancient state prison in the heart of Paris, and after a bloody en- counter with the royal troops, razed it to the ground. The king at Versailles did not misread the lesson which the episode of the Bastille pointed. If he had had any thought of employing arms against the Revolution, he now abandoned it, and tried to make his peace with the people. And the citizen class, too, adopted temporarily, at least, a more conciliatory attitude. Resolved to have done with violence, they organized for the maintenance of order a militia, called the National Guard, and made the popular Lafayette commander. The question now was whether the national guard understood its duty, and was strong enough to repress the lawless elements which were con- stantly growing more bold and more numerous. The test came soon enough. In October the rumor of The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 479 another court plot tremendously excited the people. It The insur- was said that " the tyrant " was once again scheming to October ■; put down the Revolution with troops ; and it was further and 6. said that he and none other had caused the dreadful famine in the city by buying up all the grain in the land. On the morning of October 5th, 10,000 women, fierce and hag- gard from long suffering, set out for Versailles to fetch the king to Paris. The transfer, they were brought to believe, would somehow inaugurate a reign of plenty. Naturally enough as they straggled along, all the male and female riff-raff of the city joined them. But where were the au- thorities? Where was Lafayette, the commander of the National Guard ? His duty in the face of this popular up- rising was plain, but certain it is that he did nothing to break up the rioters, probably because he himself sympa- thized with their aim to bring the king to Paris. Only long offer the insurgents he set out for Versailles, where, on his arrival, he found everything in the greatest confusion, but where, by his timely intercession, he saved the lives of the royal family. However, if the mob spared the king and queen, it declared firmly, at the same time, that it would be satisfied with nothing short of the removal of the king and the royal family to the capital. What could the king do but give his consent? On the 6th, the terrible maenads. The king indulging in triumphant song and dance along the road, es- tolhe corted the royal family to the Tuileries at Paris. The Tuileries. National Assembly, of course, followed the king, and was quartered in the riding-school, near the palace. The events of Octoter 5 and 6, in literal truth, ruined The mob the monarchy, and Lafayette cannot escape the charge "^'^ceforth of having contributed in large measure to the result. The king at the Tuileries, indeed, if that was what La- fayette wanted, was now practically Lafayette's prisoner, but Lafayette himself, even though it took him some 48o The Modern Period The clubs. The Jaco- bins. The aboli- tion of privileges, August 4. months to find it out, was henceforth the prisoner of the mob. What greatly contributed to the power of the mob was the excitement and vague enthusiasm which possessed all classes alike. We must always remember, in order to un- derstand the tremendous pace at which the Revolution de- veloped, that the year 1789 marks an almost unparalleled agitation of public opinion. Leading symptoms of this agitation were the innumerable pamphlets and newspapers which accompanied the events of the day with explana- tory comment, but a still more unique witness of the exal- tation of men's minds was offered by the clubs. Clubs for consultation and debate became the great demand of the hour ; they arose spontaneously in all quarters ; in fact, every coffee-house acquired, through the passion of its frequenters, the character of a political association. Of all these unions the Jacobins soon won the most in- fluential position. Beginning moderately enough, they offered a meeting-point for the constitutional and educated elements, and rapidly spread in numberless branches or so-called daughter-societies over the length and breadth of France. Unfortunately, however, this club, too, soon fell under the domination of the extreme revolutionary tenden- cies. Lafayette and Mirabeau, whose power was at first dominant, were gradually displaced by Robespierre ; and Robespierre, once in authority, skilfully used the club as a means of binding together the radical opinion of the country. Throughout the years 1789 and 1790, the National As- sembly was engaged with providing for the government of France, and in making a constitution. The great question of the privileges, which had proved unsolvable in the early years of Louis XVL, caused no difficulties after the Na- tional Assembly had once been constituted. On August The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 481 4, 1789, the nobility and clergy, in an access of magna- nimity, renounced voluntarily their feudal rights, and de- manded that they be admitted into the great body of French citizens on a basis of equality. August 4 is one of the great days of the Revolution. In the intervals of the discharge of the current business. The charac- the Assembly deliberated concerning the future constitution „g^ consti- of France. Of course it is not possible to examine it here tution. in any degree of detail, but if we remember that it was the work of men who had suffered from an absolute executive, we shall understand its principal feature, which was that the legislative branch of the government was made superior to the executive branch. The legislative functions were entrusted to a legislature of one house elected for two years. Mirabeau, the great statesman of the Revolution, fought hard to preserve the king that measure of power which an executive requires in order to be efficient ; but he was un- appreciated by his colleagues and in almost all important matters met defeat. Broken down by disappointment and The death reckless excesses he died (April, 1791), prophesying in his °lnri\^ ^^^' last days, with marvellous accuracy, all the ulterior stages 1791. of the Revolution. The death of Mirabeau, the supporter of monarchy, The uncom- greatly weakened the king's position. Ever since October posUion of 6, Louis had been the virtual prisoner of the populace, and the king, ever since that time he was being systematically deprived of his authority by the National Assembly. The constitu- tion, which in the spring of 1791 was nearing completion, he regarded as impracticable, and since the death of Mirabeau destroyed the hope of an effective revision, it is not strange that he should have meditated flight. The flight of the king and the royal family was arranged The at- with the greatest secrecy for the night of June 20. A fll^iSf | little less delay at the post stations, or a little more care 20, 1791. 482 The Modern Period Division of opinion. The king reinstated. The Assem- bly dis- solves itself, 1791. on the part of the king to keep himself in concealment, would have crowned the venture with success. But the king was recognized at Sainte Menehould, and a litde farther on at Varennes, where the change of horses was accidentally prolonged, the travellers found themselves ■ hemmed in by the mob, and arrested. A few days after their departure the fugitives were brought back to Paris as prisoners. The flight of the king divided opinion in Paris sharply. To the constitutional monarchists it gave their first inkling that they had gone too far, for a monarch was necessary to their constitutional fabric, and here they beheld their chosen monarch refusing to serve their plan. They began in consequence to exhibit suddenly for the captive and disarmed Louis a consideration which they had never ac- corded him in the days when he still had favors to dis- pense. The democrats, on the other hand, such as Danton and Robespierre, regarded the flight as a welcome pretext for proclaiming the republic. A struggle followed (July 17, 1 791), the most ominous which Paris had yet witnessed; but the monarchists were still a majority, and by ordering out the National Guard against the rioters, won a victory. The Assembly, on hearing from the king that he had never meant to leave the soil of France, solemnly welcomed him back to office ; and Louis, in return, to mark his recon- ciliation with his subjects, accepted and swore to observe the constitution. On September 30, 1791, the last ar- tistic touches having been added to the constitution, the assembly dissolved itself, and retired from the scene. Its strenuous labors of two years, from which the enthusiasts had expected the renovation of old Europe, culminated in the gift to the nation of the completed liberal constitution. The question now was : would the vaunted constitution at length inaugurate the prophesied era of peace and happiness? The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 483 The Legislative Assembly ( October I, ifgi, to September 21, 1792). The answer to the above question would depend largely Inexperi- upon the First Legislative Assembly, which, elected on newlegisfa- the basis of the new constitution, met the day after the ture. National Assembly adjourned. By a self-denying ordi- nance, characteristic of the mistaken magnanimity which pervaded the National Assembly, that body had voted the exclusion of its members from the Legislative Assembly. The seven hundred and forty-five new legislators of France were, therefore, all men without experience. That alone constituted a grave danger, which was still further in- creased by the fact that the prevailing type of member was that of the young enthusiast, who owed his political elevation to the oratorical vigor he had displayed in his local Jacobin Club. The dangerous disposition of the Assembly became ap- Republican- parent as soon as the members grouped themselves in par- '^™ ° si'^ ties. Only a small fraction, called the Feuillants, under- took to support the constitution. The two most influential parties, the Gironde' and the Mountain,^ favored the establishment of a republic, and, from the first day, set de- liberately about destroying the monarchy. The stages by which they accomplished their work of ruin we need not here consider, but the supreme blow against the king was delivered when he was forced to declare war against Austria, and except for this declaration, which marks a new mile-stone in the Revolution, we can almost forget the Legislative Assembly entirely. ' So called from the fact that the leaders of the party hailed from the department of the Gironde (Bordeaux). , " This party owes its name to the circumstance that its members took their seats in the Assembly upon the highest tiers of benches. 484 The Modern Period War ag^ainst Austria, April 20, 1792. The war destined to become gen- eral. French defeats. The declaration of war against Austria was the result of a variety of circumstances. In the first place, monarchical Europe, the natural head of which was the Emperor Leo- pold, the brother of Mari-e Antoinette, had begun to exhibit hostility to the Revolution ; then the French no- bility which had migrated and lived chiefly along the Rhine, where it was organized under the leadership of the count of Artois, brother of Louis XVI., exasperated the French by its threats of revenge ; finally, the Gironde desired war in the expectation that war would overthrow the monarchy. The interaction of these various motives and circumstances, led the Assembly in an access of passion to declare war against Austria (April 20, 1792). Unfortunately, the capable Leopold had died a month before the declaration was made, and it was his incapable son, Francis II. (i 792-1835), who was called to do battle with the Revolution. But Leopold had before his death made some provision against the eventuality of war with France. In February, 1792, frightened by the dangers to the cause of monarchy lurking in the Revolution, he had persuaded Frederick William II. of Prussia to ally himself with him. The declaration of April 20 brought, therefore, not only Austria, but also Prussia, into the field. Thus began the revolutionary wars which were destined to carry the revolutionary ideas to the ends of the earth, to sweep away landmarks and traditions, and to lock old Europe in death-grapple with new France, for over twenty years. There can be no doubt that the republican Girondists, who were the real originators of the war, expected an easy victory. They saw, in a vision, the thrones of the tyrants shaking at the irresistible onset of the revolutionary ideas, and themselves hailed everywhere as the liberators of the human race. But the first engagement brought a sharp dis- The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 485 appointment. The undisciplined French forces, at the mere approach of the Austrians, scampered away without risking a battle, and when the summer came it was known that the Austrians and Prussians together had begun the invasion of France. At this unexpected crisis wrath and terror filled the republicans in Paris. They began to whis- per the word treason, and soon their orators dared to de- nounce the king publicly, and in the vilest language, as the author of the French defeats. Every day brought the Prus- sian van nearer Paris ; every day added to the excitement of the frightened citizens. When the duke of Brunswick, the Prussian commander-in-chief, threatened, in a senseless proclamation, to wreak vengeance on the capital, if but a hair of the king's head were injured, the seething pas- Blame put si on burst in a wave of uncontrollable fury. In the early °" ^'"£- morning of August 10, the mob, organized by the republi- can leaders, marched against the Tuileries to overthrow the man whom the orators had represented as in league with foreign despots against the common mother, France. With his regiment of Swiss mercenaries, who alone could be depended upon, Louis might have made a brave resist- ance. But he was not the man to be moved by a heroic impulse. If there had ever been one settled determination in his breast, it was that no French blood should flow for him in civil war. At eight o'clock in the morning, seeing August 10, that the mob was making ready to storm the palace, he ^^9^' abandoned it to seek shelter in the Legislative Assembly. The Swiss guard, deserted by their leader, made a brave stand, and only on the king's express order gave up the Tuileries, and attempted to effect a retreat. But the odds were against them, and most of them were butchered in the streets. Meanwhile the Assembly was engaged in putting its offi- cial seal to the verdict of the mob. With Louis himself 486 The Modern Period Break-down present, the members voted the suspension of the king, and archv and" ordered the election of a National Convention to consider the constitu- the basis of a new constitution. The present Assembly was *°"' to hold over till September 21, the day when the new body was ordered to meet. Thus perished, after an existence of ten months, the constitution which had been trumpeted forth as the final product of the human intellect. The govern- The suspension of the king left the government legally li^nds'of the ^"^ *'^^ hands of the Legislative Assembly and of the ministry dema- which the Assembly appointed. But as the capital was in gogues. |.j^g hands of the mob and the machinery of government paralyzed, it was found impossible to keep the real power from falling into the hands of the demagogues, who, on August 10, had had the courage to strike down the king. These victorious demagogues were identical with the Moun- tain party in the Assembly, and with the "patriots," who had just possessed themselves, by means of violence, of the city council or commune. The most prominent figures of this dread circle were Danton, Marat, and Robespierre, and these and their henchmen were the real sovereigns of France during the interlude from August 10, the day of the over- throw of the monarchy, to September 2 1 , the day of the meeting of the National Convention. The Moun- It was plain that the first need of France in this crisis France. ^^ ^° ^^^'- back the invasion. The Mountain, therefore, made itself the champion of the national defence. The fatherland was declared in danger ; all occupations ceased but those which provided for the necessaries of life and furnished weapons of defence ; finally, the whole male pop- ulation was invited to enlist. Whatever we may think of this system of government by violence and frenzied enthu- siasm, it certainly accomplished its end : it put an army into the field composed of men who were ready to die, and so saved France. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 487 Slowly the republican recruits checked the Prussian ad- Prussians vance. Finally, on September 20, General Kellermann valmy Sep- inflicted a defeat upon the Prussians at Valmy, whereupon tember, King Frederick William lost courage, and gave the order to retreat. A few weeks later not a Prussian was left upon French soil. This really great achievement of the radical democrats The Sep- was unfortunately marred by a succession of frightful crimes, gacres Sep- To understand why these were perpetrated, we must once tember 2, 3, again picture to ourselves the state of France. The country ^' was in anarchy ; the power in the hands of a few men, reso- lute to save their country. They were a thoroughly un- scrupulous band, the Dantons, the Marats, and their col- leagues, and since they could not afford to be disturbed in their work of equipping armies by local risings among the supporters of the king, they resolved to cow the constitution- alists, still perhaps a majority, by a system of terror. They haled to the prisons all to whom the suspicion of being de- voted to the king attached, and in the early days of Septem- ber they emptied the crowded prisons again by a deliberate massacre of the inmates. An armed band of assassins, re- gularly hired by the municipality, made the round of the prisons, and in the course of three days dispatched about two thousand helpless victims. Not a hand was raised to stop the hideous proceedings. Paris, to all appearances, looked on, stupefied. 7%^ National Convention {September 21, 17^2, to October 26, 1795)- This short interlude of government by terror came to an France end temporarily when the National Convention met (Sep- reo°bl" ^ tember 21) and assumed control. The first act of this body was to declare the monarchy abolished. As the de- f(?at of the Prussians at Valmy, which occurred about this 488 The Modern Period The Gironde and the Mountain. Trial and death of the king, Jan- uary 21, 1793- time, was followed soon after by the repulse of the Aus- trians from the walls of Lille, France was freed from all immediate danger from without. Thus the Convention could turn its attention to internal affairs. In the precarious condition in which France then found herself, everything depended upon the composition of the new governing body. It was made up of almost eight hundred members, all republicans ; but they were republi- cans of various degrees of thoroughness. There were the two parties of the Gironde and the Mountain, known to us from the Legislative Assembly ; and between them, voting sometimes with the Gironde, sometimes with the Mountain, but definitely attached to neither, was the Plain. The Girondists dreamed of a new Utopia, which was to be straightway realized by legislation ; they wished to end the period of murders, and thus wipe away the stains which were beginning to attach to the name of liberty. The Mountainists were men of a more fierce and practical mood ; they thought primarily of saving France from the foreigners, and were willing to sacrifice liberty itself to further that great end. That the chasm between the Gironde and Mountain was absolutely unbridgeable was exhibited on the Convention's taking up the trial of the king, who, ever since August lo, had been confined with his family in the prison of the Temple. In December the deposed monarch was sum- moned before the bar of the Convention. The Girondists were anxious to save his life; but the Mountainists, backed by the threats of the mob, carried the Convention with them, and the citizen Louis Capet, once Louis XVI., was condemned to death. On January 21, 1793, he was exe- cuted by the guillotine. The execution of the king raised a storm of indignation over Europe, and a great coalition, which every state of The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 489 importance joined, sprang to life for the purpose of punish- The first ing the regicides of the Convention. Thus the war with a^jngt" Austria and Prussia promised vto assume immense propor- France, tions in the coming year, and under these circumstances, the question of the defence of French soil became again, as it had been in the summer of 1792, the supreme question of the hour. It was plain that, in order to meet her ene- mies, who were advancing from every point of the com- pass, France would be required to display an almost super- human vigor. The new crisis quickly developed the animosities between Overthrow Gironde and Mountain into implacable hatred. There can q-^'^^j be no doubt that both sides were equally patriotic, but it was not now primarily a question of patriotism between them, but of the most practical means for meeting the threatening invasions. The philosophers of the Gironde insisted on presenting moral scruples, on spinning out end- less debates ; and because the case would not wait upon scruple or debate, the fanatics of the Mountain resolved to strike their rivals down. Mobs were regularly organized by Marat to invade the Convention, and howl at its bar for the heads of the Girondist leaders. Finally, on June 2, 1793, thirty-one of them, among whom were the brill- iant orators Vergniaud, Brissot, and Gensonn6, were de- clared under arrest. The fall of the mild-mannered Girondists meant the re- moval of the last check upon the ferocity of the Mountain. The government now lay in its hands to use as it would, and the most immediate end of government, the Moun- The Moun- tain had always maintained, was the salvation of France *^'° ^"' preme. from her enemies. To accomplish that great purpose, the Mountain now deliberately returned to the successful sys- tem of the summer of 1792 — the system of terror. The phase of the Revolution, which is historically famous as the 490 The Modern Period The Com- mittee of Public Safety. Robes- pierre. The machin- ery of the Terror. Reign of Terror (La Terreur) — it may profitably be called the Long Reign of Terror in order to distinguish it from the Short Reign of Terror of August and September, 1792 — begins on June 2, with the expulsion from the Conven- tion of the moderate element, represented by the Gironde. The Reign of Terror {June 2, I7gj, to July 27, 17^4). The Short Reign of Terror of the summer of 1792 was marked by two conspicuous features : first, an energetic defence of the French soil, and, secondly, a bloody re- pression of the opposition elements in Paris. The Long Reign of Terror reproduces these elements developed into a system. What is more likely to secure an energetic de- fence than a strong executive ? The Mountain, therefore, created a committee of twelve, called the Committee of Public Safety, to which it intrusted an almost unlimited executive power. As the most conspicuous, though cer- tainly not the most capable figure of this committdfe w&s Robespierre, the rule of the Committee of Pubjic ^fety is generally identified in people's minds with his name. The executive having been thus provided for, it remained to systematize the repression of the anti-revolutionary ele- ments. The machinery of the Terror, as this system- atization may be called, presented, on its completion, the following constituents : First, there was the Law of the Suspects. By this unique measure the authorities were authorized to imprison any and every body who was de- nounced to them as " suspect." The iniquitous Law of the Suspects soon taxed the prisons to the utmost. To empty them was the function of the second element of the terror- ist machinery, called the Revolutionary Tribunal. This was a special court of justice, created for the purpose of trying the suspects with security and dispatch. At first the Revolutionary Tribunal adhered to certain legal forms, The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 49I but gradually it sacrificed every consideration to the de- mand of speed. The time came when prisoners were haled before this court in companies, and condemned to death with no more ceremony than the reading of their names. There then remained for the luckless victims the third and last step in the process of the Terror ; they were carted to an open square, called the Square of the Revolution, and amidst staring and hooting mobs, who congregated to the spectacle every day, as to a feast, their heads fell under the stroke of the guillotine. Before the Terror had well begun, one of its prime in- Marat and stigators, Marat, was overtaken by a merited fate. Marat Corday. ^ was the mouth-piece of the utterly ragged and abject ele- ment of Paris. His savage thirst for blood had aroused the aversion of all decent people, and finally awakened in the breast of a beautiful and noble-minded girl of Nor- mandy, Charlotte Corday, the passionate desire to rid her country of this monster. On July 13, 1793, she succeeded in forcing an entrance into his house, and stabbed him in his bath. She knew that the act meant her own death] but her exaltation did not desert her for a moment, and she passed to the guillotine a few days after the deed with the sustained calm of a martyr. The dramatic incidents associated with so many illus- Death of trious victims of the Terror can receive only scant justice ^^"ft^'^n here. In October, Marie Antoinette was summoned be- tober, 1793. fore the Revolutionary Tribunal. A number of untenable charges were trumped up against her by the prosecuting attorney; she met them with noble dignity, and on receiv- ing her death-verdict, mounted the scaffold with all the stanchness befitting a daughter of the Caesars.* ' Marie Antoinette left two children, a princess of fifteen years, and the dauphin, Louis, aged eight The princess was released in 1795, but be- fore that mercy could be extended to the boy, he had died under the in- 492 The Modern Period The duke of Orleans. Madame Roland. Disruption of the Terror inevitable. End of the Hebertists, March, 1794. Another victim was the duke of Orleans, perhaps the most despicable character of the Revolution. He was head of the secondary branch of the House of Bourbon, but he had deserted the cause of monarchy and had sunk so low as even to vote for the death of his relative the king. A person of a very different type was Madame Roland, who was animated with the vague and generous republican enthu.siasm which we know to have been the characteristic possession of the Girondists. To this party she had been naturally drawn, and, because of her intimacy with it, she was compelled to mount the scaffold. But the rule of the Terror was, perforce, exceptional. Sooner or later there was bound to occur a division among its supporters, and when division came the terrorists were sure to rage against each other, as they had once raged in common against the aristocrats. And in the autumn of 1793, unmistakable signs of the disintegration of the party of the Terror began to appear. The most radical wing, which owed its strength to its hold on the government of the city of Paris, and which followed the lead of one He- bert, had turned its particular animosity against the Catho- lic faith. To replace this ancient cult, despised as aristo- cratic, there was proclaimed the religion of Reason ; and, finally, in order to hurry the victory of this novel faith, the Hebertists in the municipality decreed the closure of all places of worship in Paris. As this ultra-revolutionary step was sure to alienate the affections of the sincere be- lievers, who were still very numerous, Robespierre took the earliest opportunity to denounce Hubert and his whole ilk before the Jacobins. Finally, in March, 1794, the last human treatment of his jailers. The systematic torturing to death of the poor dauphin, who is reclconed as Louis XVII., is one of the most hide- ous blots upon the Revolution. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 493 thread of his patience having snapped, he abruptly ordered the whole atheistic band to the guillotine. The overthrow of Hebert was followed by that of Dan- ton and his friends, although for an altogether different reason. No man had done more than Danton to establish the reign of the Mountain. A titanic nature, with a claim to real statesmanship, he had exercised a decisive influence in more than one great crisis ; France had primarily him to thank for her rescue from the Prussians in the summer of 1792. But now he was growing weary. The uninter- rupted flow of blood disgusted him, and he raised his voice in behalf of mercy. Mercy, to Robespierre and his young follower the arch-fanatic, Saint Just, was nothing less than treason, and in sudden alarm at Danton's " moderation," they hurried him and his friends to the guillotine (April 5, 1794). Thus Robespierre was rid of his last rival. No End of the wonder that it was now whispered abroad that he was plan- Anril" ivol' ning to make himself dictator. And between Robespierre and a dictatorship there stood, in the spring of 1794, only one thing — his own political incapacity. That he had the Jacobins, the municipality of Paris, the Convention, and the Committee of Public Safety in his hands was proved by their servile obedience Robes- to his slightest nod. On May 7th he, the deist, who bor- P'^"s ° . . supreme, rowed his faith, as he borrowed his politics, from the writ- ings of Jean Jacques Rousseau, had the satisfaction of wresting from the Convention a supreme decree. Thereby the worship of Reason, advocated by the atheists, was over- thrown, and the Convention declared that the French people recognized a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul; and on June 8, 1794, the ludicrous religion of Introduces the Supreme Being was inaugurated by a splendid festival, t^e rehgion at which Robespierre himself officiated as high priest. Supreme Two days later, he showed in what spirit he interpreted °^'"£* 494 The Modern Period Fall of Robes- pierre, Qth Thermidor. his new spiritual function, for he succeeded, by regular decree, in having the Revolutionary Tribunal stripped of its last vestiges of legal form (June lo). Now only it was that the executions in Paris began in a really wholesale manner. During the forty-five days before the reorgani- zation of the Tribunal, the numbers of those guillotined in Paris amounted to 577 ; during the forty-five days after its adoption, the victims reached the frightful figure of 1,356. No government oifice, no service rendered on the battle- field secured immunity from arrest and death. At last, the Terror gathered like a cloud over the Convention itself, and, paralyzed by fear, that body submitted for a time to the unnatural situation. But when the uncertainty con- nected with living perpetually under a threat of death had become intolerable, the opponents of Robespierre banded together in order to crush him. With his immense follow- ing among the people he could doubtless have anticipated his enemies, but instead of acting, he preferred to harangue and denounce. On the 9th of Thermidor (July 27),' he and his adherents were outlawed by the Convention and executed the next day. The Rule of the Thermidorians {July 27, 1794, to October 26, lygs)- The fall of Robespierre put an end to the Terror, not so much because he had created it, but because the system I The Convention, guided by its hatred of the royalist past, had intro- duced a new system of time reckoning. Since the birth of the Republic was regarded as more important than the birth of Christ, September 22, 1792, the first day of the Republic was voted the beginning of a new era. The whole Christian calendar was at the same time declared to be tainted with aristocracy, and a new calendar devised. The chief feature of the new revolutionary calendar was the invention of new names for the months, such as : Nivose, Snow month ; Pluviose, Rain month ; Vent6se, Wind month, for the winter months. Germinal, Budding month ; Flo- real, Flower month ; Prairial, Meadow month, for the spring months, etc. It is worthy of notice that the Convention introduced one change which has become popular. It supplanted the old and complicated system of weights and measures by the metrical system. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 49S had, after a year of frightful ravages, become thoroughly discredited, and further, because the Thermidorians, m£iny of whom had been the most active promoters of the Terror, Return to were politic enough to bow to the force of circumstances. , They therefore heaped all the blame for the past year on the dead Robespierre, and impudently assumed the character of life-long lovers of rule and order. Slowly the bourgeoisie recovered its courage, and rallied to the support of the Thermidorian party; finally, a succession of concerted blows The Ther- swept the fragments of the Terror from the face of France. ™est°oy'the The municipality of Paris, the citadel of the rioters, was dis- instruments solved ; the Revolutionary Tribunal dispersed ; the func- Terror tions of the Committee of Public Safety restricted ; and, to make victory sure, the Jacobin Club, the old hearth of dis- order, was closed. During the next year — the last of its long lease of power — the Convention ruled France in full accord with the moderate opinion of the majority of the citizens. But if the Terror fell, its overthrow was due also to the Progress of fact that it had accomplished its end. Its excuse, as we have ""' seen, was the danger of France, and whatever else be said of it, it had really succeeded in defending France against the forces of a tremendous coalition. On this defence the reader must now bestow a rapid glance. In the campaign of 1 793 the French had just about held their own, but, in 1794, the splendid power of organization exhibited by Carnot, the military expert of the Committee of Public Safety, and his gift for picking out young talent, enabled the revolution- ary army to carry the war into the territory of the enemy. In the course of this year Jourdan's army conquered Bel- gium, and shortly after Pichegru occupied Holland. Bel- gium, as a part of the Austrian dominions, was quickly annexed to France, but Holland was merely modelled, after the example of France, into the Batavian Republic, and, for 496 The Modern Period Peace with Prussia and Spain, 1795. The Con- vention completes its constitu- tion. ' Bonaparte protects the Convention, October, I79S- The Consti- tution of the year III. the present, confirmed in its independence (1795). These astonishing victories prepared the disruption of the coali- tion, and as the Thermidorians, for their part, had no de- sire to continue the war forever, they entered, on receiving information of the favorable disposition of Prussia and Spain, into negotiations with these governments, and in the spring of 1795 concluded peace with them at Basle. By these treaties the position of France was made very much more simple; of the great powers, England and Austria alone were now left in the field against her. Meanwhile, the Convention had taken up the long-neg- lected t^sk for which it had been summoned : in the course of the year 1795 it completed a new constitution for re- publican France. This constitution was all ready to be pro- mulgated, when, in October, the Convention had to meet one more assault of the lawless elements. But somewhat more courageous of late it resolved to defend itself, and in- trusted the task to a committee, which in turn entrusted it to a young officer, present in Paris by chance. Napoleon Bonaparte, This young officer had already creditably dis- tinguished himself at Toulon, and wanted nothing better than this opportunity. When the mob marched against the Convention on October 5, young Bonaparte received them with such a volley of grape-shot, that they fled precip- itately, leaving hundreds of their comrades dead upon the pavement. It was a new way of treating the Parisian mob, and it had its effect. Henceforth, in the face of such resolution, the mob lost taste for the dictation which it had exercised unquestioned for six years. Thus the appearance on the scene of Bonaparte and his soldiers meant the dawn of a new era of order. The Convention could now perform its remaining busi- ness without fear. On October 26 it dissolved itself, and the new constitution went immediately into effect. This The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 497 constitution is called the Constitution of the year III., from the year of the republican calendar in which it was com- pleted. It established an executive of five members, called the Directory, while it entrusted the legislative functions to two houses — a significant departure from the constitution of 1 79 1, the single legislative house of which had proved a failure — called, respectively, the Council of Five Hundred and the Council of the Ancients. The Directory (//pj'-pp). The Directory wished to signalize its accession to power The Direc- by a brilliant victory over the remaining enemies of France ^"^^ plans a ■' •' ° campaign — England and Austria. But an attack upon England was, against because of the lack of a fleet, out of the question. With "*" Austria, the case was different, and Austria the Directory now resolved to strike with the combined armies of France. In accordance with this purpose, "the organizer of victory," Carnot, who was one of the Directors, worked out a plan by which the Austrians were to be attacked simultaneously in Germany and Italy. Two splendid armies under Jour- dan and Moreau were assigned to the German task, which was regarded as by far the more important, while the Italian campaign, undertaken as a mere diversion, was intrusted to a shabbily equipped army of 30,000 men, which was put under the command of the defender of the Convention, General Bonaparte. But by the mere force of his genius, Bonaparte upset completely the calculations of the Direc- tory, and gave his end of the campaign such importance that he, and not Jourdan or Moreau, decided the war. Bonaparte's task was to beat, with his army, an army of Bonaparte Piedmontese and Austrians twice as large. Because of the i'inA*'^' superiority of the combined forces of the enemy, he natu- rally resolved to meet the Piedmontese and Austrians sepa- rately. Everything in this plan depended on quickness, 498 The Modern Period The Peace of Campo Formio, 1797. Bonaparte creates two republics in Italy. and it was now to appear that quickness was Bonaparte's great military merit. Before the snows had melted from the mountains, he arrived unexpectedly before the gates of Turin, and wrested a peace from the king of Sardinia-Pied- mont, by the terms of which this old enemy of France had to surrender Savoy and Nice (May, 1796). Then Bona- parte turned against the Austrians, and before May was over, he had driven them out of Lombardy. The Pope and the small princes, in alarm, hastened to buy peace of France by the cession of territories and of works of art, while the Austrians tried again and again to recover their lost posi- tion. But at Areola (November, 1796) and "Rivoli (Jan- uary, 1797), Bonaparte, by his astonishing alertness, beat signally the forces sent against him. Then he crossed the Alps to dictate terms under the walls of Vienna. This sudden move of Bonaparte's determined the emperor Francis II. to sue for peace, and out of the negotiations which ensued there grew the Treaty of Campo Formio (October, 1797). By this Treaty Austria ceded her Bel- gian provinces to France, recognized the French political creations in Italy, and promised to use her influence to get the empire to accept the principle of the Rhine boundary. In return for these concessions, she received from France the republic of Venice, which Bonaparte had just occupied. The French political creations in Italy which Austria recognized by the Peace of Campo Formio were the per- sonal work of Bonaparte, having been established by him out of the conquests of the war. They were the Cisalpine republic, identical, in the main, with the old Austrian province of Lombardy, and the Ligurian republic, evolved from the old republic of Genoa. Both these republics Were modelled upon the republic of France, and were made entirely dependent upon their prototype. When Bonaparte returned to France he was greeted as The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 499 the national hero, for he had at last given France the peace Bonaparte which she had been so long desiring. And while renewing p^n|e° ** peaceful relations between her and the Continent, he had won for her terms more favorable than her greatest monarch had ever dreamt of A man who had in a single campaign so distinguished himself and his country naturally stood, from now on, at the centre of affairs. That Napoleon Bonaparte should obtain a position of Bonaparte's pre-eminence in France, before he had reached the age of ' ^' thirty, would never have been prophesied by the friends of his youth. He was born on the island of Corsica on August 15, 1769. It so happened that at the time of his birth, France, which had just obtained this Italian island by cession from the small state of Genoa, was engaged in es- tablishing her rule there, and though the Corsicans resisted this act of aggression, they had in the end to yield. One curious consequence of this struggle between the French and the Corsicans was, that the boy Napoleon learned to detest the French so bitterly that he was dominated by this hatred throughout the period of his early manhood. Only very gradually did he make his peace with the conquering nation, and chiefly through the agency of the French Rev- olution. The French Revolution opened a career for talent, and thus enabled him, who had adopted the military profession, to rise rapidly from grade to grade, and satisfy his passionate dream of ambition. It was only when Bona- parte had been seduced by the opportunities extended by revolutionary France, that he consented to forget his native land. First at the siege of Toulon, and then at Paris, he had won distinction. Now the Peace of Campo Formio lifted him head and shoulders above all rivals. With the continent at peace with France, the Direc- England tory had cause to congratulate itself It had beaten down f'*??^ '° *^^ all the enemies of France with the exception of Eng- 500 The Modern Period England attacked in Egypt, 1798. Battle of Abukir Bay. The failure of the Egyptian campaign. land, but England still showed no disposition to yield to the Republic. Therefore, in the year 1798, the Directory planned against England a great action in order to bring her to terms. As the lack of a fleet put a direct attack upon the island-kingdom, now as ever, out of the question, it was resolved to strike England indirectly, by threatening her colonies. With due secrecy an expedition was prepared at Toulon, and Bonaparte given the command. Nelson, the English admiral, was, of course, on the Watch, but Bonaparte succeeded in evading his vigilance, and in May, 1 798, set out for Egypt. Egypt was a province of Turkey ; since then, as now, it was the key to the Orient, Bonaparte by establishing himself on the Nile, could threaten the con- nection of England with India and the East. It was for this reason that Nelson immediately gave chase when he got wind of Bonaparte's movements, and although he arrived too late to hinder the French from landing near Alexan- dria, he just as effectually ruined the French expedition, by attacking the French fleet on August i, at Abukir Bay, and destroying it utterly. Bonaparte might now go on conquering Egypt and all Africa — he was shut off from Europe and as good as imprisoned with his whole army. Thus the Egyptian campaign was lost before it had fairly begun. Napoleon could blind his soldiers to the fact but he hardly blinded himself Of course he did what he could to retrieve the disaster to his fleet, and by his brilliant victory over the Egyptian soldiery, the Mamelukes, in the battle of the Pyramids (1798), he made himself master of the basin of the Nile. The next year he marched to Syria. The seaport of Acre, which he besieged in order to estab- lish communication with France, repulsed his attack ; the plague decimated his brave troops. Sick at heart Bona- parte returned to Egypt, and despairing of a change in his The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 501 fortunes, suddenly resolved to leave his army. On Aug- ust 22, 1799, he contrived to run the English blockade, and on October 9 he landed with a few friends at Frejus. Though the army he had abandoned was irretrievably lost,^ that fact was forgotten amid the rejoicings with which the conqueror of Italy was received in France. The enthusiastic welcome of France, which turned Bona- The Second parte's journey to Paris into a triumphal procession, was ^2^^ j2°' due partially to the unexpected reverses which the Direc- tory had suffered during the young general's absence. Bonaparte was hardly known to have been shut up in Egypt, when Europe, hopeful of shaking off the French ascendancy, formed a new coalition against the warlike republic. Austria and Russia, supported by English money, renewed the continental war, and the year 1798 was marked by a succession of victories which swept the French out of Italy and Germany. No wonder that the hopes of the nation gathered around Napoleon, the dashing miUtary leader. What other French general ^^^ saviour, had exhibited such genius as Bonaparte, had won such glory for himself and France? Besides the executive of the five Directors, unable to maintain even the show of harmony, was beginning to lose its grip. So evidently had disorder set in that the royalists came out of their hiding- places, and negotiated openly about the return of the le- gitimate king. In short, in October, 1799, France was in such confusion that everybody turned spontaneously to Bonaparte as toward a saviour. Bonaparte was hardly apprized of this state of public Bonaparte opinion, when he resolved to overthrow the. government, o'^erthrows The only resistance which he encountered was from the tory, 1799. Chamber of Five Hundred, and that body was overcome * The army surrendered to the English a year later. S02 The Modern Period Bonaparte gives France a new consti- tution. Napoleon again in Italy. by the use of military force. The ease with which Bona- parte executed the coup (f^/a^ of November 9, 1799 (i8th Brumaire), proves that the Constitution of Year III. was dead in spirit, before he destroyed it in fact. The Consulate (jypp to 1804). Bonaparte was now free to set up a new constitution, in which an important place would be assured to himself. Rightly he divined that what France needed and desired was a strong executive, for ten years of anarchic liberty had prepared the people for the renewal of despotism. Thus the result of Bonaparte's deliberations with his friends was the Consular Constitution, by which the government was practically concentrated in the hands of one official, called the First Consul. Of course, the appearances of popular government were preserved. The legislative func- tions were delegated to two bodies, the Tribunate and the Legislative Body, but as the former discussed bills without voting upon them, and the latter merely voted upon them without discussing them, their power was so divided that they necessarily lost all influence. AVithout another coup cTitat, by means of a simple change of title, the Consul Bonaparte could, when he saw fit, evolve himself into the Emperor Napoleon. But for the present, there was more urgent business on hand, for, as France was at war with the Second Coalition, there was work to be done in the field. The opportune withdrawal of Russia, before the beginning of the campaign, again limited the enemies of France to England and Aus- tria. The situation was, therefore, analogous to that of 1796, and the First Consul resolved to meet it by an anal- ogous plan. Concentrating his attention upon Austria, he sent Moreau against her into Germany, while he himself went to meet her, as once before, in Italy. By a dramatic The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon S03 march in the early spring over the Great St. Bernard Pass, he was enabled to strike unexpectedly across the Austrian line of retreat, and to force the enemy to make a stand. In the Battle of Marengo, which followed (June 14, 1800), he crushed the Austrians, and recovered all Italy at a stroke. Again Francis II. had to admit the invincibility of French arms. In the Peace of Luneville (1801), he reconfirmed Peace of T *" 'II all the cessions made at Campo Formio, and as the empire jgj,°^" ^' became a party to the Peace of Luneville, there was no flaw this time in the cession of the left bank of the Rhine. It is this feature of the Rhine boundary which gives the Peace of Luneville its importance. As the Peace, further- The Rhine more, re-delivered Italy into Bonaparte's hands, to do with oou^o^T- as he pleased, he now re-established the Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics in their old dependence upon France. Again, as in 1798, the only member of the coalition Peace of which held out against France, was England. How hum- 13^2^°^' ble the great sea-power? Bonaparte's naval power was as inadequate now as ever, and, in no case, did he have any desire to renew the Egyptian experiment. Being at the end of his resources, he opened negotiations with the cabi- net at London, and in March, 1802, concluded with Eng- land, on the basis of mutual restitutions, the Peace of Amiens. France was now, after ten years of fighting, at peace with France at the whole world. The moment was auspicious, but it re- the world mained to be seen whether she could accumiolate the strength within, and inspire the confidence without, which would enable her to make the year 1802 the starting-point of a new development. Certainly Bonaparte showed no want of vigor in engag- Bonaparte ing in the tasks of peace, although even a strong man might the reom-^ have been discouraged by the chaotic aspect of the country, struction of It is not too much to say, that in consequence of the whole- ''*°'^^' 504 The Modern Period A central- ized admin- istration. Reconcilia- tion -with the Church, 1801. sale destruction and careless experimentation of the last de- cade, there was not, when Bonaparte assumed power, a principle nor an institution of government which stood unimpaired. The work before the First Consul during the interval of peace which followed the treaties of Lun^ville and Amiens was, therefore, nothing less than the recon- struction of the whole of France. But this reconstructive labor Bonaparte now undertook, and a good deal of it survives to this day, constituting his best title to fame. First to consider is Bonaparte's system of administration. The internal administration of France had, during the last ten years, fallen into complete anarchy. To remedy the disorder in the departments. Napoleon invented a system of prefects and sub-prefects, who, appointed directly by himself, ruled the department like so many "little first consuls." This meant, of course, the abandonment of the ideas of self-government developed by the Revolution, but it meant also order, and that was all the people wanted for the present. Next Napoleon gave back to France her religion and her Church. The Revolution had consistently antagonized the Catholic Church ; it had confiscated its property, and bad attempted to make its ministers officials of the state. Napoleon knew that the restoration of the Church would win him the gratitude of the people, and, therefore, soon after his advent to power he opened negotiations with the Pope which ended in a peace called the Concordat (1801). By the terms of the Concordat, the Church, on the one hand, resigned its claims to its confiscated possessions, but the state, in return, assumed the maintenance, on a liberal basis, of the priests and bishops. Besides, the government reserved to itself the nomination of these latter. Thus the Church was re-established, but in very close dependence on the state. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 505 But Bonaparte's greatest creation was the reconstruction Return of of the French courts and laws effected by the Code Na- •'"|*'^^^^ poleon. The juridical conftision reigning in France, before NapoUon. the Revolution, is indescribable. By the Code Napoleon (1804), all France received a common book of laws and a common system of justice, whereby the handling of law- suits was made rapid, cheap, and reliable. No labor of a similar degree of perfection had been performed since the great codification of Roman laws under the Emperor Justinian. If Bonaparte had sincerely attached himself to the policy of peace, heralded by the above creations, it is not im- probable that he would have succeeded in consolidating the results of the Revolution. But the works of peace and the duties of a civil magistrate could not long satisfy his boundless hunger for action and his love of glory, which led him to aspire to the splendor of a conqueror like Alex- ander, or to the majesty of an emperor of the sway of Au- gustus. In 1802 he had himself elected consul for life. Napoleon The step brought him within. view of the throne, and in v°^"if May, 1804, he dropped the last pretence of republicanism, emperor and had himself proclaimed emperor of the French. Fi- i iSoT^ nally, in December of the same year, amidst ceremonies recalling the glories of Versailles, he crowned himself and his wife Josephine at the Church of Notre Dame, at Paris. The Empire {1804 to 181 j). The change of France, from a repubhc to a monarchy, naturally affected the circle of subject-republics with which she had surrounded herself. Their so-called "freedom" had been the gift of France, and could not logically stand when France herself had surrended hers. At a nod from Napoleon, the Batavian Republic now changed itself into the Kingdom of Holland, and thankfully accepted Louis So6 The Modern Period Napoleon king of Italy, May, 1805. Renewal of the war with England. The Third Coalition. Austerlitz, 1805. Bonaparte, Napoleon's brother, for king. In like manner, the Cisalpine Republic became the Kingdom of Italy ; but in Italy, Napoleon himself assumed the power, and in May, 1805, was formally crowned king of Italy at Milan. Even before these momentous changes, the confidence with which the European governments had first greeted Napoleon had vanished. Slowly they began to divine in him the insatiable conqueror, who was only awaiting an opportunity to swallow them all. As early as 1803 con- tinued chicaneries between him and England had led to a renewal of the war. Napoleon now prepared a great naval armament at Boulogne, and for a year, at least, England was agitated by the prospect of a descent upon her coasts; but the lack of an adequate fleet made Napoleon's project chimerical from the first, and in the summer of 1805 he unreservedly gave it up. He gave it up because England had succeeded in arrang- ing with Austria and Russia a new coalition (the third). No sooner had Napoleon got wind of the state of affairs, than he abandoned his quixotic English expedition, and threw himself upon the practical task of defeating his con- tinental enemies. At Austerlitz, in Moravia, he inflicted a decisive defeat upon the combined Austrians and Russians (December 2, 1805). Again Emperor Francis II. was re- duced to bow down before the invincible Corsican, and at the Peace of Pressburg (December 26, 1805) he gave up Venice, which was incorporated with the Kingdom of Italy, and the Tyrol, which was incorporated with Bavaria. At the same time, the small South German States, Bavaria and Wurtemberg, were recognized as kingdoms. This last provision of the Peace of Pressburg made a full revelation of Napoleon's German policy ; clearly he wished to increase the lesser states of Germany to the point where they could neutralize the power of the two great states, Aus- The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 507 tria and Prussia. For this reason he lavished favors upon them, and made them so dependent upon his will, that they could offer no resistance when he proposed to them the idea of a new political union. This union was the Con- Napoleon federation of the Rhine, which all the important German po^f *d ^^^ states, with the exception of Austria and Prussia, agreed tion of the finally to join, Napoleon himself assuming the guidance of '*""is> 'Soo- it, under the name of Protector (1806). Naturally the Confederation of the Rhine effected a revo- lution in the old German poKtical system. With southern and western Germany acknowledging allegiance to a new union of French origin, what room was there for the old empire? Having been deserted by its supporters, it was actually at an end. Therefore, at the news of the new Confederation, the Emperor Francis II. resolved to make The end of a legal end of it as well, and formally resigned. Thus RlrnanEm- perished the Holy Roman Empire, which had stood in the pire. world since the times of the great Augustus. Never was there an institution so long in dying. Centuries ago it had lost its efficacy, and its very venerability had become an aggravation of its weakness. Certainly no German had any cause to shed a tear at the passing away of such a national government. As for Francis II., he consoled himself for his loss by adopting the unhistorical title of emperor of Austria. The interference of Napoleon in Germany brought about Relations of next, the ruin of Prussia. Ever since 1795 (Treaty of prus^a^"*^ Basle), Prussia had maintained toward France a friendly neutrality, and all the persuasion and threats of the rest of Europe had not induced her to join the Second and Third Coalitions. But now that Napoleon had set himself the aim of conquering Europe, and had already reduced Aus- tria, Italy, and Germany to terms, peace with Prussia was no longer in accordance with his plans. He therefore 5o8 The Modern Period Prussia de- clares war, 1806. The cam- paign of 1806. Campaign against Russia, 1807. Peace of Tilsit. Prussia humbled. deliberately provoked Prussia, until the obsequious goverh- ment of King Frederick William III. (i 797-1840), could sink no lower and had to declare war (1806). The campaign of 1806 was the most brilHant that Na- poleon had yet fought. In a few weeks he had defeated the Prussians at Jena, entered Berlin, and practically ruined the monarchy of Frederick. With a bare handful of troops Frederick William III. fled eastward, in order to put him- self under the protection of Russia. All central Europe now lay in Napoleon's hand, but he was not yet content. In order to humiliate the presump- tuous ally of Prussia, the Czar Alexander (1801-25), Napo- leon now set out for Russia. But having in June, 1807, won the splendid victory of Friedland (East Prussia), he magnanimously accepted Alexander's overtures of peace. The Czar Alexander had long felt a secret admiration for the great Corsican, and now, when he met him under romantic circumstances, on a raft moored in the river Niemen, he fell completely under the spell of his person- ality. The consequence of the repeated deliberations of the emperors, to which Frederick William of Prussia was also admitted, was the Peace of Tilsit (July, 1807). By this Peace Russia was restored without loss, but Prussia was thoroughly humiliated and condemned to the sacrifice of half her territory. The Prussian provinces between the Elbe and the Rhine were made into a Kingdom of West- phalia for Napoleon's brother Jerome, and the Prussian spoils of the later Polish partitions were constituted as the Grand-duchy of Warsaw, and given to the elector of Sax- ony, whom Napoleon in pursuance of his established Ger- man policy, created king. Thus Prussia was virtually re- duced to a secondary state. But the most important feature of the Treaty of Tilsit was, perhaps, the alliance between France and Russia, The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 509 which was developed from the simple peace. The gist of Alliance it was that Napoleon and Alexander should divide Europe Napoleon between them, Napoleon exercising supremacy in the west and^ and Alexander in the east. The Peace of Tilsit carried Napoleon to the zenith of Napoleon at the his career. He was now emperor of the French and king zenith of hi; of Italy ; he held Germany as Protector of the Confeder- career, ation of the Rhine, and Switzerland as Mediator of the Helvetic Republic ; and in certain scattered territories, which he had not cared to absorb immediately, he ruled through subject-kings of his own family : through his brother Louis in Holland, through his brother Jerome in Westphalia, through his brother Joseph in Naples. Cen- tral Europe lay prostrate before him, while in the east Russia was his ally. To a man of Napoleon's imperious- ness it was an intolerable indignity that one nation still dared threaten him with impunity — England. The war with England, renewed in 1803, had been War practically settled, when in October, 1805 — Napoleon |wj^nj . being then on his march to Vienna — Nelson destroyed the the Conti- allied French and Spanish fleets off Trafalgar. The great ^em. Nelson perished in this engagement, at the moment of victory. Since then fighting on the seas had ceased. Though Napoleon might strike the inhabitants of Vienna and St. Petersburg with fear, his power, being military and not naval, ended with the shore. In the dilemma in which he found himself he now hit upon a curious device in order to bring England to terms. He resolved to ruin her commerce and sap her strength by the so-called Continen- tal System. As early as November, 1806, he sent out from Berlin a number of decrees enforcing the seizure of English goods, and ordering the cessation of English traffic in all French and allied ports ; and at Tilsit he had, with the consent of Alexander, declared the commercial breach 5IO The Modern Period The Continental System prepares Napoleon's downfall. Napoleon occupies Portugal. Napoleon gives Spain to his broth- er Joseph, i8oS with England incumbent on all Europe. As England im- mediately responded with a blockade of all the continental ports, the conflict between England, dominant on the seas, and Napoleon, dominant on the Continent, now took the form of a vast struggle between the sea power and the land power. The Continental System may fairly be called the begin- ning of Napoleon's downfall, for it marks the point where the great genius overreached himself. By means of the Continental System trade was ruined and misery and fam- ine systematically created. More and more the people of Europe became incensed at their oppressor, and more and more did the subject-nations incline to revolt from him. But if ever the nations of Europe rose of one accord what chance was there for Napoleon's loose-jointed, cosmopol- itan empire ? The first protest against the Continental System was made, curiously enough, by little Portugal. In order to close its ports against the English, Napoleon occupied it with an army, November, 1807. The resistance offered at first was small, and the royal family fled to Brazil. For the same purpose. Napoleon next occupied Spain. The relations between France and the Spanish Bourbons had, since the peace of 1795, been exceedingly friendly ; Napo- leon and Charles IV. of Spain had even become allies, and the latter had exhibited his good faith by sacrificing his fleet, for Napoleon's sake, at Trafalgar. Nevertheless, Napoleon now deliberately planned to deprive his friend of his kingdom. Taking advantage of a quarrel between the king and his son Ferdinand, he invited the royal pair to France, to lay their quarrel before him, and then, in- stead of adjudicating between them, he forced both to re- sign their rights to the throne (May, 1808). Spain was thereupon given to Napoleon's brother Joseph, who, in The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 51 1 return, had to hand over his kingdom of Naples to Napo- leon's brother-in-law, the great cavalry leader Murat. This unexampled violation of law and justice occasioned The Span- a terrible excitement among the Spaniards. Spontaneously revolt, the various provinces of the proud nation rose in revolt against the foreign usurper, and attacked him not with a professional army but in guerilla bands. The result was that the summer of 1808 brought Napoleon a harvest of small calamities, and to make things worse, England be- gan, gradually, to take a hand in Spanish affairs. Having waited in vain for Napoleon to seek her on the sea, she found and seized this opportunity to seek him on the land, and in the summer of 1808 dispatched an English army into Portugal for the purpose of supporting the Portuguese England and Spanish national revolts. When Napoleon, angered "^Ips Spain by the check received by his political system, appeared in person on the scene (autumn, 1808), he had no difficulty in sweeping the Spaniards into the hills and the English to their ships, but he was hardly gone when the Spaniards again ventured forth from their retreats, and the English forced a new landing. Napoleon had now to learn that a resolute people can- Successes of not be conquered. The Spanish war swallowed immense ja^ds and'of sums and immense forces ; but Napoleon, as stubborn in Wellington, his way as the Spaniards, would give ear to no sugges- tion of concession. Slowly, however, circumstances told against him. The revolts showed no signs of abating, and when, in 1809, a capable general. Sir Arthur Wellesley, known by his later title of duke of Wellington, took com- mand of the English forces, and foot by foot forced his way toward Madrid, Napoleon's Spanish enterprise became hopeless. Of course, that was not immediately apparent ; but what did become very soon apparent was that the enslaved states of central Europe were taking the cue from 512 The Modern Period Failure of the Austrian revolt, 1809. Napoleon and Czar Alexander draw away from one another. Napoleon seeks an alliance with Aus- tria. Napoleon divorces Josephine, the Spaniards, and were preparing, in a similar manner, a popular struggle to the knife with their oppressor. In the year 1809, Austria, encouraged by the Spanish successes, was inspired to arouse the Germans to a national revolt. But the result proved that the effort was premature. At Wagram (July, 1809) Napoleon laid Austria a fourth time at his feet, and in the Peace of Vienna which followed, forced her to make further cessions of territory. It is not improbable that Napoleon would now have made an end of Austria altogether, if he had not been forced at this time to provide for a complete change of his political system. The fact was, that Czar Alexander was getting tired of the arrangements of Tilsit. The Peace of Tilsit practi- cally shut Russia off from the west, and made it incumbent upon the Czar to accept before-hand every alteration in that part of Europe which Napoleon chose to dictate. Then the Continental System, to which Alexander had pledged himself, was proving in Russia, as elsewhere, a heavy burden. Napoleon noticed the diminishing heartiness of the Czar, and resolved to secure himself against defection by allying himself with Austria. Austria was, after the war of 1809, in no position to refuse the proffered friendship, and when Napoleon further demanded, as a pledge of good faith, the hand of the emperor's daughter Marie Louise, that request, too, had to be granted. In consequence of these changed political plans. Napoleon divorced his first wife, the amia- ble Josephine Beauharnais, and in April, 1810, celebrated his union with a daughter of the ancient imperial line of Hapsburg. When, in the succeeding year, there was born to him a son and heir,* he could fancy that his throne had iinally acquired permanence. ' Known as king of Rome and styled Napoleon II. He died young (1832), at the court of his grandfather, the emperor of Austria. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 513 The breach between Napoleon and Alexander became The cam- definite in the course of the year 181 1. Both powers, jgjf"" therefore, eagerly prepared for war, and in the spring of 181 2, Napoleon set in movement toward Russia the great- est armament that Europe had ever seen. A half million of men, representing all the nationalities of Napoleon's cos- mopolitan empire, seemed more than adequate to the task of bringing the Czar under the law of the emperor. And the expedition was, at first, attended by a series of splendid successes. In September Napoleon even occupied Moscow, the Russian capital, and there calmly waited to receive Alexander's submission. But he had underrated the spirit of resistance which ani- mated the empire of the Czar. Here, as in Spain, a de- termination to die rather than yield possessed every man, woman, and child, and Napoleon was destined to receive, at the very culmination of a triumphant campaign, a terri- ble witness of the popular aversion. He had hardly ar- The burning rived in Moscow when the whole city was, in accordance ° "'°s*^°'''' with a carefully laid plan on the part of the retreating Rus- sians, set on fire and burned to the foundations. The burning of Moscow meant nothing more nor less than the loss of the campaign, for Moscow gone, there was not the least chance of finding adequate winter quarters in Russia. What was there left to do ? Napoleon, with The retreat, heavy heart, had to order the retreat. The rest of the campaign can be imagined, but not told. The frost of a winter unexampled even in that northern climate ; the gnawing hunger, which there was nothing to appease, but occasional horseflesh; and, finally, the fierce bands of en- veloping Cossacks racked that poor army, till its disci- pline broke and its decimated battalions melted into a wild heap of struggling fugitives. Napoleon was unable to stand the sight of the misery and ruin, and, on December 514 The Modern Period Europe prepares to rise. The revival of Prussia. Prussia de- clares V7ar, 1813. First half of the cam- paign of 1813. 5, deserted the army, and hurried to Paris. Only late in December the remnant pf the so-called grand army dragged itself across the Niemen into safety. The loss of his splendid army in Russia was, in any case, a serious calamity to Napoleon. But it would become an irremediable catastrophe, if it encouraged central Europe to proclaim against him a national revolt, and created new complications at a juncture when he required all his strength to repair the unique disaster of his life. Unluck- ily for Napoleon, patriots everywhere felt this fact instinc- tively. Here was a moment of supreme importance, offer- ing to all the conquered peoples of Europe the alternative of now or never, and at the call of the patriots, they rose against their military master and overthrew him. But the honor of having risen first belongs to Prussia. The Peace of Tilsit had indeed ground Prussia into the dust, but it had also prepared her redemption. A number of sober and patriotic men, notably Stein, Hardenberg, and Scharnhorst, had, after the overthrow at Jena, gained the upper hand in the council of the weak king, and had carried through a series of reforms, such as the abolition of serf- dom and the reorganization of the army on a national basis, which, as by some process of magic, rejuvenated the state. When this renovated nation heard of Napoleon's ruin on the Russian snowfields, it was hardly to be con- tained for joy and impatience. All classes were seized with the conviction that the great hour of revenge had come ; no debate, no delay on the part of the timid king was suf- fered, and resistlessly swept along in the rising tide of en- thusiasm, he was forced to sign an alliance with Russia and declare war (March, 18 13). The disastrous campaign of 18 12 would have exhausted any other man than Napoleon. But he faced the new situation as undaunted as ever. By herculean efforts he The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 5 1 5 succeeded in mustering a new army, and in the spring of 1 813 he appeared suddenly in the heart of Germany, ready to punish the Prussians and the Russians. At Liitzen (May 2), and at Bautzen (May 20), he maintained his ancient reputation. But clearly the day of the Jenas and Friedlands was over, for the allies after their defeat fell back in good order upon Silesia, and Napoleon had to confess that his victories had been paid for by such heavy losses that to win, at this rate, was equivalent to ruin. On June 4 he agreed to an armistice in order to reorganize his troops. Both parties now became aware that the issue of the Second half campaign depended upon Austria ; so delicately adjusted °i ^|™P*'S° were the scales between the contestants that the side upon which she would throw her influence would win. In these circumstances Metternich, Austria's minister, un- dertook, at first, the role of mediator, but when Napoleon indignantly rejected the conditions for a general peace which Metternich proposed, Austria threw in her lot with the European coalition, and in the autumn of i8r3 there followed a concerted forward movement on the part of all the allies : Prussians, Russians, and Austrians crowded in upon Napoleon from all sides. Having the smaller force Battle of (160,000 men against 255,000 of the allies), he was grad- ^"PS'C. ually outmanoeuvred, and at the great three days' battle of Leipsic (October 16-18) crushed utterly. With such remnants as he could hold together he hurried across the Rhine. Germany was lost beyond recovery. The ques- tion now was merely : would he be able to retain France ? If the allies had been able to think of Napoleon in any other way than as a conqueror, it is very probable that they would not have pursued their advantage beyond Leip- sic. But Napoleon, as the peaceful sovereign of a re- stricted France, was inconceivable, and therefore, after a moment's hesitation on the shores of the Rhine, the allies 5i6 The Modern Period 1814. Napoleon abdicates, invaded the French territory, resolved to make an end of their enemy. Still Napoleon, always fearless, held out. Military men regard his campaign of the winter of 1814 Campaign of as worthy of his best years, but he was now hopelessly outnumbered, and when, on March 31, the aUies forced the gates of Paris, even Napoleon's confidence received a shock. As he looked about him, he saw the whole east of France in the hands of his enemies of Leipsic, while the south was as rapidly falling into the power of Wellington, who having signally defeated the army of Marshal Soult in Spain, was now pursuing it across the Pyrenees. On April 6, 1814, Napoleon declared at his castle of Fontainebleau that all was over, and offered his abdication. The allies conceded him the island of Elba, as a residence, and then gave their attention to the problem of the future of France. Not from any enthusiasm for the House of Bourbon, but merely because there was no other way out of the diffi- culties, they finally gave their sanction to the accession to the throne of Louis XVIII., brother of the last king. As regards the extent of the restored kingdom, it was agreed in the Peace of Paris that France was to receive the boundaries of 1792. This important work being completed, a general con- gress of the powers assembled at Vienna to discuss the reconstruction of Europe. The modern age has not seen a more brilliant gathering, all the sovereigns and statesmen who had stood at the centre of public attention during the last momentous years being, with few exceptions, present. But before the Congress of Vienna had ended its labois, the military coalition, which the congress represented, was once more called upon to take the field. For, in March, 1815, the news reached the sovereigns at Vienna, that Napoleon had made his escape from Elba, and had once more landed in France. The Con- gress of Vienna. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 517 The resolution formed by Napoleon in February, 18 15, Napoleon's to try conclusions once more with united Europe was a des- eikJ" perate measure. On March i he landed unexpectedly near Cannes, and no sooner had he displayed his banners, than his former soldiers streamed to the standards, to which they were attached with heart and soul by innumerable glorious memories. Marshal Ney, who was sent out by Louis XVIII. to take Napoleon captive, broke into tears at sight of his old leader, and folded him in his arms. There was no resisting the magnetic power of the name Na- poleon. Louis XVIII. again fled across the border, and the hero of the soldiers and the common people entered Paris amidst the wildest acclamations. The Hundred Days, as Napoleon's restoration is called. The Hun- form a mere after-play to the great drama of the years 181 2, ^"^^A ^^^.^~ 1813, and 1814, for there was never for a moment a chance interlude, of the emperor's success. The powers had hardly heard of the great soldier's return when they launched their excom- munication against him, and converged their columns from all sides upon his capital. That Napoleon might under the circumstances win an encoimter or two was undeniable ; but that he would be crushed in the end was, from the first, certain as fate. The decision came in Belgium. There Wellington had gathered an English-German army, and thither marched to his assistance Marshal Bliicher with his Prussians. These enemies, gathered against his northern frontier, Napoleon resolved to meet first. With his usual swiftness he fell upon Bliicher on June 16 at Ligny, before WelUngton could effect a junction, and beat him roundly. Leaving Marshal Grouchy with 30,000 men to pursue the Prussians, he next turned, on June 18, against Wellington. Wellington, who had taken a strong defensive position The battle near Waterloo, resolutely awaited the French attack. All the f^ Water- loo, June 18, afternoon Napoleon hurled his infantry and cavalry against 1815 5i8 The Modern Period Napoleon sent to St. Helena. The Bour- bon Restor- ation. the iron duke's positions ; he could not dislodge his enemy, and when, toward evening, the Prussians unexpectedly made their appearance on his right, he was caught between two fires, and totally ruined. Precipitately he fled to Paris, and there abdicated a second time. Deserted by all in his misfortunes, he now planned to escape to America, but on being recognized as he was about to embark, he was taken prisoner, and by the verdict of the European coalition con- veyed, soon after, to the rocky, mid-Atlantic island of St. Helena.^ At Paris, meanwhile, the allies were celebrating their victory by again raising Louis XVIII. to the throne (Sec- ond Peace of Paris). SPECIAL TOPICS X. Privileged AND Unprivileged ClassesundertheAncient Regime. Lowell, Sve of the French Revolution. Von Hoist, French Revolution, 2 vols. Callaghan, Chicago. $2.oo. See Vol. I. Taine, Ancient Rigime. z. The Philosophers of the Eighteenth Century. Lowell and Taine as in preceding topic. Morley, Rousseau, 2 vols. Macmillan. Also Vol- taire ; also Diderot aud the Kn^yclopadists, 1 vols. 3. Mirabeau as a Man and Statesman. Von Hoist. Especially Vol. II. Willert, Mirabeau (Statesmen). $x.oo. Macmillan. 4. The Character of Napoleon. Seeley, Napoleon I. $j.oo. Roberts Bros. Madame de R^musat, Memoirs. Sampson Low. Taine, Modem Rlgime. Vol. I., Bk. I. ' At St. Helena Napoleon died (1821), after a captivity of six years. The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 1830 519 CHAPTER XXXI THE HOLY ALLIANCE AND THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 LITERATURE.— Fyffe, Hktory of Modem Eurofe (1792-1878). Popular edition. $2.75. Holt. Ch. XII. -XVI. yiuW^T t History of Recent Times. $2.00. Harper. Periods I. and II. Seignobos, Political History of Europe Since 1814. $3.00. Holt. Of these three narrative histories, Seignobos is the latest and most scientific. Andrew^s, Tke Historical Development 0/ Modem Europe, 2 vols. $5.00. Putnam. Excellent, but useful rather as a commentary than as a narrative text. Translations and Reprints. Univ. of Penn. Vol. I. No. 3 {Tke Ckarte Holy Alliance, etc.). The battle of Waterloo having rung down the curtain on The Con- the great Napoleonic drama, the plenipotentiaries at Vienna ^^nnf could, in all peace of mind, bring their deliberations to a ruled by- close. These were embodied in the Final Act of the Con- ^j^g princi- gress of Vienna, and, than this, no political treaty has ever pies, been more universally condemned, because of the hide- bound conservatism which is its informing spirit. But all things taken into consideration, it was not so very un- natural that governments, which had suffered so severely from revolution, as the governments represented at Vienna, should have inclined toward a reactionary policy. Since revolution had proved an unmitigated evil, the best thing possible was to return to the pre-revolutionary conditions, and to restore the pre-revolutionary sovereigns or their heirs. This dominant principle of the Congress received the name Mettemich of " legitimacy," and its most fanatical champion was the f-"*^ "legit- • • • ,, . , imacy." Austrian minister, Mettemich. Now such a principle certainly had its excuse, but the Extrava- Congress at Vienna made the mistake of applying it g^^c^ofthe blindly and in direct contravention, in frequent cases, to 520 The Modern Period The territo- rial recon- struction of the great powers. the rights of nationality and to the popular demand of free institutions. Only the overmastering longing for rest, which had come over Europe after the unparalleled agitation of the last twenty-five years, explains why the very arbitrary arrangements of the Congress were accepted without pro- test. Sooner or later, however, a protest was sure to be made. The various peoples of Europe would remember the national and liberal ideas, which had been made common property by the Revolution, and then the narrow, reac- tionary policy of the Congress would become the subject of criticism and attack. In fact, the substance of the history of the nineteenth century may be said to be the conflict between the reactionary policy adopted by the governments at the Congress of Vienna and the expanding national and liberal ideas of the people themselves. The Congress of Vienna concerned itself, first of all, with the restoration of the great powers. The two Ger- man powers, Prussia and Austria, acquired a territory as extensive, but not identical with that enjoyed before the era of Napoleon. Though they gave up their claims to some of their Polish provinces, they received ample com- pensation, Austria in Italy, and Prussia in western Ger- many. The Polish provinces surrendered by Austria and Prussia were given to Czar Alexander, who formed them into a new kingdom of Poland, with himself as king. England was rewarded for her share in the victory over Napoleon by a number of French and Dutch colonies, notably South Africa (the Cape) and Malta. Thus each one of the great powers, which had contributed to the overthrow of the Corsican conqueror, was not only restored to its former condition, but received a substantial increase, The Congress encountered its greatest difficulties in ar- ranging the affairs of Italy and Germany. As regards Italy, these difficulties were finally met by the application, The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 521 in a loose way, to the Italian situation of the principle of The "legit- legitimacy. The kingdom of Naples (also called the J-^jg^s re- kingdom of the Two Sicilies) was restored to the " legit- stored in imate ' ' Bourbon king ; the pope got back the States of * ^' the Church ; Tuscany was returned to its legal sovereign, a younger member of the House of Hapsburg ; Piedmont, increased by the Republic of Genoa, was restored to the king of Sardinia ; and Lombardy and Venice, far and away the richest provinces of Italy, were delivered over to Austria. There were also established a number of smaller states — for instance, Parma, Modena, Lucca — but it will be seen at a glance that the dominant power of the peninsula, on the basis of these arrangements, was Austria. As for Germany, the Napoleonic wars had been a blessing Instead of in disguise. To note only one result : they had destroyed ^^y ~|ts the old impotent empire, and had reduced the number the Bund. of sovereign states from over three hundred to thirty-eight.' Certainly this last revolution had vastly improved the chances for a new German unity. But the obstacles in the way of such a movement were still too great to be immedi- ately overcome. From century-old habit the thirty-eight states looked upon each other with ill-favor, and even if the lesser ones could have mastered their mutual distrust, there still remained as a barrier to union the ineradicable jealousy between Austria and Prussia. Under these untoward cir- cumstances, the utmost concession of the sovereign states to the popular demand for unity was a loose confederation called Bund. The constitution of the ^k«^ provided for a Diet at Frankfurt, to which the governments of the thirty- eight states were invited to send delegates, but as the con- ' The thirty-eight states may, for convenience sake, be divided into three groups : i, large states, Austria and Prussia ; 2, middle states, Ba- varia, Saxony, Hanover, Wurtemberg, all raised to the rank of king- donis by Napoleon ; 3, small states, Hesse, Weimar, etc. 522 The Modern Period The Holy Alliance. Reaction in Spain fol- loTved by revolution. stitution carefully omitted giving those delegates any nota- ble functions, the Diet could enact no laws to speak of, and the Bund remained a farce. We have already seen that the point of departure for the deliberations of the Congress of Vienna was the hatred of revolution. This hatred developed into a fanatical faith, and in order to support better the cause of quiet and order against revolutionary disturbers, it was agreed on the part of the more ardent of the reactionary powers — Russia, Austria, and Prussia — to form what is known in history as the Holy Alliance. The Holy Alliance was on its face nothing more than a pledge on the part of Czar Alexander, Emperor Francis, and King Frederick William to rule in accordance with the precepts of the Bible, but as these precepts were understood to be absolutist and reactionary, the Holy Alliance came to mean the determination to fight revolution with united forces wherever it showed itself. The first revolution to shake Europe out of the unworthy stupor, into which she had fallen on the overthrow of Na- poleon, occurred in Spain. The fall of Napoleon had brought back to that country the deposed Bourbon mon- arch, Ferdinand VH. On his return to Spain he thought only of recovering all the autocratic rights of his ancestors, and deliberately set aside the constitution which the patriots had enacted during his absence, and which is always re- ferred to as the Constitution of 1812. Then he started out on a policy which involved the abolition of all the Napoleonic reforms, the restoration of the monasteries, and the persecution of the patriots. By 1820 his government had made itself so intolerable that the liberals rose in revolt, with the result that the king, who was a coward at heart, immediately bowed to the storm, and restored the Consti- tution of 181 2. Before reactionary Europe had recovered The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 18^0 523 from the surprise and indignation caused by the news from Spain, a revolution similar to that of Spain shook the king- dom of Naples. In Naples the Congress of Vienna had Revolution restored another Bourbon king, also named Ferdinand. A ^820^'' ^^' weak-kneed individual he was frightened by a mere public demonstration into accepting a constitution similar to that of Spain. In view of these threatening movements in Spain and Metternich in Naples, Metternich, the Austrian premier, called together g^J^^pg t| a European Congress, first at Troppau (1820), and later at put down Laibach (182 1). At these conferences he put the question "'° " '°°' before the great powers, whether revolutions should be suf- fered, or whether Europe would not be acting more wisely to interpose wherever the sacred rights of a legitimate mon- arch were attacked. Backed by his friends of the Holy Al- liance, he carried his point at these Congresses; Europe formally adopted a policy of repression against revolution, and initiated its programme by charging Austria -vWth the restoration in Naples of what Metternich was pleased to call "order." Of course it was hardly to be expected that the Neapoli- Austria tans would stand up against Austria. At the approach of "^^^f f^" the Austrian army, the liberal government immediately constitution went to pieces, and King Ferdinand was restored as abso- Naples. lute monarch. This first success so greatly delighted Metternich and his France re- reactionary henchmen that they resolved to play a still ®*°r^^ °^^' bolder game. At a new Congress, held at Verona (1822), Spain, 1823. they resolved on intervention in Spain, and this time com- missioned France with the execution of their verdict. As a result King Ferdinand was restored by a French army, and celebrated his return to absolute power by a series of cruel executions. Thus the reaction maintained its grip on Europe. 524 The Modern Period The re- While the west was thus cowed and degraded by a nascence of j-jdiculous tutelage, a little country in the far east boldly 1821. ventured to assert the inalienable right of every people to liberty and self-government. This little country was the historic land of Greece. The very name of Greece had almost fallen into oblivion when, in 182 1, the inhabitants of the ancient peninsula aroused Europe to surprise and en- thusiasm by rising concertedly against the power of the Turks, in whose repulsive bondage they had lain for many centuries. The Sultan, in his rage at the audacity of the little people, allowed himself to be hurried into abominable atrocities (20,000 Greeks^ for instance, were murdered in the island of Chios), but the Greeks resisted the Turkish tyranny every whit as bravely as their ancestors had, at Marathon and Thermopylae, held out against the Persian invasion, and, though defeated, could not be subdued. For a long time the governments of Europe took no part in the struggle, though it was a Christian nation which was fighting against Mohammedans. The European /i?^- ples, indeed, had exhibited a sympathy which stood out in noble contrast with the apathy of the rulers, and many were the volunteers who, joining the Greek ranks, had sac- rificed wealth and life for the sacred soil of the old Hellenic culture; but scattered volunteers do not decide great causes, and the governments, as has been said, remained cold and England, indifferent. At last the English minister. Canning, suc- France, and needed in persuading Czar Nicholas, who had succeeded Kussia in- ^ ° ' terfere in Alexander in 1825, to interpose with him in behalf of the Greece" Greeks. France also lent her aid to Canning's project of intervention, and when the Mohammedans refused to as- sent to the demands of the western powers, the united French Battle of and English fleets attacUfed them at Navarino, and totally ^827""°' ^'^^'^ th^i'^ "^^^1 P°^«'' (1827). The Sultan now saw that he must grant the Greeks their The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 525 independence, but before he had made up his mind to humble himself in so conspicuous a manner, the Czar Nich- olas, impatient of further delay, declared war against him (1828), invaded the Danubian provinces, and forced him to sign the Peace ofAdrianople (1829). By this Treaty Russia the Sultan granted Servia, Moldavia, and Wallachia, the SuftaVt'oa - leading provinces of the Balkan peninsula. Christian gov- knowledge ernors, and recognized the independence of Greece. A pendence of conference of the powers at London, held to settle the af- Greece, fairs of their protege, determined that Greece was to be a "' free monarchy, and offered the crown to prince Otto of Bavaria. This Otto ruled as first king of Greece until the year 1862. The independence of Greece was the first great victory of liberahsm in Europe since the Congress of Vienna. It was destined to be the prelude of a much greater one in the old home of revolution — France. The battle of Waterloo had for the second time brought The danger the Bourbons back to France. But upon the second resto- ?^ "'^ Bour- . ^ Don restora- ration, as upon the first, wise men everywhere looked with tion in apprehension. For, unfortunately, the Bourbons and the ^'■*°ce. emigrant nobles returned with all the old prejudices with which they had departed ; during their long foreign resi- dence they had, as Napoleon said, learned nothing, and forgotten nothing. The allied monarchs themselves entertained grave doubts Louis about the wisdom of the Bourbon restoration. In order ^"^f '• grants a to set the king upon the right path, they insisted, before constitu.- they would leave French soil, that Louis XVIII. pledge *"'°" himself to a constitutional government. Louis XVIII., who was happily the most sensible and moderate member of the royalist party, very willingly acceded, and published a constitution (Ja ckarte'), by which he accepted the situa- tion created by the Revolution, and assured the people 526 The Modern Period Charles X. (1824-30) attempts to restore ab- solutism. The July ordinances, 1830. The July revolution at Paris. a share in the government by means of two legislative cham- bers, the chamber of Peers and the chamber of Deputies. For avi'hile the government did well enough, but when Louis XVIII. was succeeded on his death (1824), by his brother, Charles X., things rapidly went from bad to worse. Charles X. , as count of Artois, had been the head of the noble emigrants, and was as much detested by the people as he was idolized by the feudal party. The reign of reaction was now unchecked. Among other measures, one billion francs were voted to the nobles to indemnify them for their losses during the revolution. Finally, it was planned to muzzle the press and gag the universities. But at this point the chamber of Deputies refused to serve the reaction further, and had to be dissolved (1830). There- upon the prime minister, the unpopular duke of Polignac, urged the king to take by decree what he could not get by law, and on July 26, 1830, there appeared under the king's seal four ordinances, which arbitrarily limited the list of voters, and put an end to the freedom of printing. The ordinances substantially meant the abandonment by the king of legal courses, the revocation of the constitution, and the return to absolutism. Did France have no answer to so monstrous an attempt ? The four ordinances of July 26 caused an immediate tumult in the capital, bands of students and workmen pa- rading the streets and cheering the constitution. But their cheers changed soon to the more ominous cries : down with ministers ! down with the Bourbons ! The king was summering at the time at St. Cloud, and hardly raised a hand in his defence. The few troops in the city soon proved themselves inadequate to restrain the multi- tude, and after a number of sharp encounters withdrew into the country. For a moment it seemed that the capi- tal was delivered over to anarchy. The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 1830 527 In this confusion a number of prominent members of The moder- the middle-class or bourgeoisie met to discuss what was to fhe^crown be done. They were men equally averse to tyranny and to Louis to disorder ; all that France needed and desired according '^'^ ' to them was a genuinely constitutional monarchy. They therefore resolved to concur in the deposition of Charles X. and his heirs, and offer the crown to the popular head of the secondary branch of the House of Bourbon, Louis Phihppe, duke of Orleans. Louis Philippe was the son of that disreputable duke of Orleans, who had voted for the death of Louis XVI., and had been guillotined by the Terror. As a young man he had served in the revolu- tionary army, and though he had abandoned France in 1793, and little had been heard of him since, he was re- puted to be a man of firm, liberal principles. When the self-constituted committee of the Parisian moderates waited upon him to tender him the crown, he at first feigned re- luctance, but was finally persuaded to accept provisionally, until such time as the Chamber of Deputies, representing the country, had come to a final decision. When the Chamber of Deputies assembled it immediately Louis offered the crown to Louis Philippe. He had already ap- ^""'PP'' peared in the city some days before, and had, after pub- king of the licly assuming the tricolor, the emblem of the Revolution, '^''^'**^"' undertaken the government temporarily as lieutenant- governor. Now he hesitated no longer to take the final step ; at the solicitation of the chamber, he solemnly swore to observe the constitution, and adopted the style of Louis Philippe, king of the French. This news blasted the last hopes of Charles X. and he now abandoned the kingdom. Thus France had inaugurated a new experiment in govern- ment which is named from the Orleanist dynasty, now pro- moted to the control of affairs. Meanwhile the report of the July Revolution in Paris 528 The Modern Period The July had travelled abroad. Ever since the seventeenth century a.wakens"an ^'^^''^^^ ^^d assumed in Europe the leadership in political echo in ideas, and every action upon her public stage was watched urope. i^y. j^gj. jjgjgij]3Qj.s -y^jfij eager interest. Therefore the fall of the Bourbons and the victory of the people sent a flutter of eager hope through the peoples which had been injured and shackled by the Congress of Vienna. Evidently the time had at last come to venture a blow, and in the course of the year 1830, country after country, imitating the ex- ample set by the Parisians, raised its v6ice in behalf of freedom and self-government. The revolu- The most immediate stir was caused among the north- Belgium, eastern neighbors of France, the Belgians, than whom per- haps no people had suffered more from the high-handed methods of the Congress of Vienna. Without even the pretence of consulting the wishes of the inhabitants, the country of Belgium had, at Vienna, been incorporated with Holland. The kingdom of the Netherlands, as the fused states of Holland and Belgium were called, was put un- der the government of the ancient Dutch House of Orange, and was expected to keep a close eye, in behalf of the Euro- pean peace, on the old disturber of that peace — Erance. The breach However, the union caused discomfort to the Belgians Dutch iriora the first. They protested against the over-lordship August, which Holland, the smaller partner, was exercising, and finally demanded a separate administration. When King William resisted these claims, they resolved, in August, 1830, to imitate the Parisians, and accordingly revolted. But at this point, the European powers became alarmed, and at a conference held at London resolved to interfere. Although the members of the Holy Alliance would gladly have supported the House of Orange, they had troubles of their own to attend to, and so reluctantly acceded to the proposition of France and England to grant the Belgians The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 1830 529 independence. This matter having been settled without Belgium much difficulty, the powers next approved of a Belgian con- j^jep^Jdent gress to take into its hands the internal affairs of the coun- kingdom. try. When this congress met (November, 1830), it de- clared in principle for a limited monarchy, and then set about constructing an appropriate constitution. When all was done, it offered the crown to Prince Leopold, of the German House of Saxe-Coburg, and Leopold actually as- sumed the government in 1831, with the title of king of King Leo- the Belgians. It is to the credit of King Leopold (1831- ?83i-6s. 65) that, although a foreigner, he should have made him- self entirely acceptable to his new people, and that under his wise rule Belgium prospered, as she had not prospered since the evil day when she fell into the clutches of Spain. As the two great central European countries, Germany Germany and Italy, had received very ungenerous treatment at the Congress of Vienna, it might be expected that the July revolution would create a widely sympathetic movement among them. But although they enjoyed neither national unity nor freedom, and had every cause for discontent, their revolutions of 1830 were, for different reasons, most insignificant affairs. In Germany every important development hinged, naturally, upon the action of the two great states, Prussia and Austria. But owing chiefly to the ancient habit of obedience, the people of these two states did not, in 1830, stir against their reactionary monarchs. However, in a great many of the smaller states, like Brunswick, Hanover, In Germany and Saxony, the cry was raised for a liberal constitution, gtate™^'' and in each instance the princes had to give way, and become con- establish a modern representative government. As the ^'■""*'°"*'- south German states, the most notable of which were Ba- varia, Wurtemberg, and Baden, had, by the free act of their sovereigns, been granted liberal constitutions soon 530 The Modern Period The Italian revolution of 1830 of no conse- quence. Poland in 1830. after 18 15, the result of the commotions of 1830 for Ger- many may be summed up thus : With that year practically all the smaller German states had declared for sensible con- stitutional progress, Austria and Prussia, the natural leaders, alone persisting in the antiquated absolute system. If in Italy there was aroused no great commotion by the July revolution, it was due to the lingering memories of the unfortunate Neapolitan insurrection of 1820, and of the armed intervention of Austria which had followed. Ever since, Metternich was keeping a close watch upon the peninsula, and holding himself ready to fall, at a mo- ment's notice, from his vantage-point of Lombardy upon any disturber of the peace. Thus the liberals could no- where make a successful beginning, and the total result for Italy of the revolution of 1830 was an increased hatred of the Austrian master and meddler. The agitations of Germany and Italy were mere trifles compared to the great insurrection which took place in Poland. The reader will remember that at the Congress of Vienna Poland was partially restored. Prussia and Aus- tria having surrendered for an adequate compensation cer- tain of their Polish spoils to Russia, the Czar Alexander, who was a man of extremely generous disposition and full of kindly feeling toward the unfortunate Poles, seized the opportunity, afforded by this acquisition, to re-establish, with somewhat restricted boundaries, the old kingdom of Poland. Although a despot in Russia, he gave the king- dom of Poland a constitution, and promised to rule there as a constitutional king. Under him Poland had a sepa- rate administration and its own army. This was certainly something ; but unfortunately it was not enough for the proud nation, which remembered that it had been a great power when Russia, its present master, was no more than a mean and snow-bound duchy of Muscovy. The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 53^ Everywhere there were murmurs of discontent, and Discontent, when the magnanimous Alexander died (1825), and was succeeded by his severe and unpopular brother, Nicholas, they swelled to ominous proportions. In November, 1830, under the leadership of a few young enthusiasts, the cap- ital, Warsaw, suddenly rose in insurrection. The rest of The rising the country followed the example of the capital, and before i°30- many days had passed, the Poles were masters in their own land and had set up a provisional government at Warsaw. And if mere valor could have availed, the Poles would now have maintained their independence. But they had to face disciplined Russian armies which overwhelmingly outnumbered their own, and after a year of stiff resistance were forced to surrender. Thus the seal of fate was set upon iht finis PolonicB pronounced in the previous century. When Czar Nicholas again took hold, it was with the The rising grim resolve to remove all chances of another Polish rev- ^^''s. olution. He firmly believed that he had been trifled with by the Poles because he had proved himself too kind. He would not err in that way any more, and now deter- mined that Poland should be merged with Russia as a Russian province; the very language of the Poles was to Poland be replaced by the Russian tongue ; and their Catholic definitely absorbed by faith was to make room for the Greek Orthodox Church, Russia. of which the Czar was the head. Poland now fell into a sad eclipse. Bound and gagged she lay at the feet of Russia ; but as long as there was life, her people were de- termined to cling to their national memories. And they have clung to them to this day. SPECIAL TOPICS I The Final Collapse OF THE Bourbons. Seignobos, Ch. V. FyfFe Ch. XVI. Andrews, Vol. I., Ch. IV. IT. Metternich and the Holy Alliance. Text of Holy Alliance in Transla- tions and Reprints, University of Pennsylvania. Vol. I., No. 3. FyfiFe Ch. XII. -XIII. Andrews, Vol. I., Ch. III. 53: The Modern Period Louis Phil- ippe, the citizen- king. CHAPTER XXXII THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 (a) The French Revolution of 1848 LITERATURE.— Fyffe, Chs. XVII. -XIX. (passim). Mtlller, Period III., Division 15. Seignobos, Chs. V. and VI. Andrews, Vol. I., Chap. VIII. Meanwhile France, the country in which the revolution- ary movement of 1830 had begun, was experimenting with its new Orleanist government. Clearly the success of the venture depended, first of all, on the character of the new king and his power to conciliate the numerous opposition. And at first glance Louis Philippe, who was shrewd and well-meaning and quite without the ancient affectations of royalty, did not seem an unsuitable man for the royal office. But his situation was extremely perilous, for France was divided into four parties, three of which could not possibly be reconciled with the reigning government. The Bona- partists, the Bourbonists (or Legitimists), and the Republi- cans, although differing radically among themselves, existed by virtue of governmental principles which were antagon- istic to the Orleanist dynasty, and so there remained noth- ing for Louis Philippe to do but to identify himself with the party of quiet Constitutionalists which recruited its num- bers from the well-to-do middle class or bourgeoisie. By that step, however, he declared himself not the head of the country, but the head of a party, and gave an undeniable basis to the derisive sobriquet of roi-bourgeois (citizen-king) fixed upon him by the opposition. And there was another and unexpected reason why this championship of the capitalist middle class was likely to The Revolutions of 1848 533 prove threatening. As is well known the most important Growth of social fact of the nineteenth century is its industrial devel- justrial opment. The growth of manufactures has drawn together classes, in the cities vast aggregations of workmen, and the growth of intelligence has led these workmen to combine in trades- unions and political parties, and to demand increasing social and political benefits. The result has been the con- flict of capital and labor, for which we have found no solution to this day. Now, at the time of Louis Philippe this conflict was just beginning, and the phenomenon being new, his government was thoroughly dismayed by it. What was to be made of the enthusiasts called socialists who were advancing all kinds of humane but dangerous programmes ? That Louis Philippe should have treated these people with harshness is not particularly strange, but he ought to have considered that he was thereby alienating from his dynasty the whole working population of France, and turning them over to the Republicans. Because of the natural preference of Louis Philippe for Guizot and the middle class, the whole period of his government 7^^^"' ^^ (1830-48) has been called the reign of the bourgeoisie, visers. And most of the prominent advisers of the king were men of that estate. Their programme, as is usual with persons of the thriving middle class, had, on the whole, an honest, virtuous character, but was disfigured by occasional narrow prejudices. The leading men of the Chamber of Deputies were Guizot and Thiers, distinguished alike in their day for their literary labors, and filled equally with eager pa- triotic zeal. They became determined rivals, dividing the Chamber between them, and occupying in turn the chief place in the ministry. Both were equally resolute in stand- ing by Louis Philippe and in fighting the plots of the Le- gitimists, the Bonapartists, and the Republicans, but they fell out over the important question of the enlargement of 534 The Modern Period The ques- tion of the extension of the suffrage. The break- down of the Orleanist monarchy, February, 1848. the voting body, which came more to the foreground every year, and finally caused a new revolution. Now the franchise situation was anomalous and stood as follows : among a population of 30,000,000, there were, ow- ing to a high property qualification, only 200,000 voters. The discontent of the masses at so absurd a situation was rapidly becoming ominous. Thiers, having a warmer feeling for the people than most Orleanists, proposed in the chambers again and again an extension of the suffrage. Guizot, who in the year 1848 was prime minister, and narrow-minded in proportion to his respectability, would not even listen to the new demands. Thiers and his friends thereupon resolved to stir up public opinion, and so force the minister's hand. They held political meetings, coupled with banquets, all over the country, and set February 22, 1848, for a so-called Reform Banquet in Paris. When its arrangements were interfered with by the police, the meeting was given up, but the great crowd which had gath- ered for the celebration thereupon took to parading the streets and shouting for the deposition of Guizot. The next day (February 23), the king dismissed the ministry and made an effort to conciliate the opposition, but a company of soldiers having fired at the mob, killing and wounding some fifty men, caused the passions of the people to flame up anew. Houses were sacked and the pal- ace of the Tuileries surrounded by armed men. Finally, on February 24, Louis Philippe, convinced that discretion was the better part of valor, fled from his capital to take refuge, as Charles X. had done eighteen years before, in England. The cause of monarchy might yet have been saved if the deputies, among whom the Constitutionalists had a clear majority, had stood their ground like men, and pro- claimed the succession of the young grandson of Louis Philippe, the count of Paris. But when the rioters broke The Revolutions of 1848 535 into the parliamentary hall, the frightened members surren- dered the field, and sought safety in flight. Thus the rab- ble, with the poet Lamartine at its head, found itself mas- ter of the situation. Spurred on to act with promptness, A republic it declared for a republic, and appointed a provisional '''Jit'i a pro- government of which Lamartine became the moving spirit, government. Thus on February 24, 1848, the republicans had won the day. But they were far from being a unanimous party, for the Socialists formed an important wing of the republi- The so- can fold, and that they were not going to permit themselves "^'^"^t de- to be simply merged with the majority appeared from the first. They secured a representation in the provisional government, and straightway demanded the proclamation of their Utopian programme. The provisional government had to give in so far as to proclaim the so-called " right to labor " and to establish " national workshops," where the unemployed of Paris were guaranteed a living in the service of the state. Meanwhile elections had been ordered for a National Republicans Assembly to settle in detail the forms of the new republic. _ 7^- It met at the beginning of May, 1848, and straightway taking the control into its own hands, dismissed Lamartine's provisional government. Being composed largely of solid, order-loving republicans from the country, the Assembly was imbued with the strongest antipathy toward the socialist city faction, which spired to manage the state. Sternly it made ready to put an end to the prevalent confusion, and win Paris back to the principles of law and decency. Great masses of troops were concentrated in the city ; then the most virulent of the disturbers were put under lock and key ; finally (June), the Assembly attacked the root of all the difficulties, and dissolved the " national workshops." At this juncture the socialists barricaded themselves in their quarters, and for four days (June 23 to 26) made a 536 The Modern Period The social- ists over- thrown, June, 1848. The new republican constitu- tion. Louis Napo- leon, presi- dent. Danger lurking in the election of Prince Napoleon. heroic stand against the troops under General Cavaignac, who in this crisis had been appointed dictator. Never had Paris, accustomed as it was to rioting, witnessed street- fights of such dimensions as it witnessed now : the Social- ists were not put down until ten thousand men had been stretched dead or wounded upon the pavements. The National Assembly, now at last in unquestioned au- thority, turned next to its business of making a republican constitution. It voted that the legislative function should be intrusted to a single chamber, elected on the basis of universal suffrage, and it assigned the executive, to a pres- ident, elected directly by the people for a period of four years. When the constitution prepared on the above lines was ready, the Assembly ordered the presidential election (December 10, 1848). To the surprise of Europe, Cav- aignac, who had been most in sight during the previous months, received only a comparatively few votes ; the vast majority of ballots were cast for Prince Louis Napoleon. Prince Louis Napoleon was the nephew of the great Napoleon and the heir of the Napoleonic traditions. His life had been largely spent in banishment, but the revolu- tion of 1848 had built a bridge for his return. If he now won an astonishing victory at the polls, that was not due to any known virtues of his own, but solely to the prestige of his famous uncle. However, the election victory of the imperial pretender clearly revealed, that although France had a republican constitution, a large majority of her people were still attached to the principles of monarchy. The Revolutions of 1848 537 {6) The German, Austrian, and Italian Revolutions OF 1848 LITERATURE Fyffe, Chap. XIX. Miiller, Period HI. (passim). Seignobos, Chaps. XII.-XIII. Andrews, Vol. I., Chaps. IX. -X. Thayer, Da-wn of Italian IndipendetKe. 2 vols. $4.00. Houghton. From 1830 to 1848, Germany and Italy, divided and Central impotent, were delivered over to reactionary influences, prepared to But because the liberal and national spirit, fostered by the lollow the poets and writers, had been steadily growing, the news jj- prance. of the Paris Revolution of 1848 straightway set both eastern neighbors of France on fire. In Germany, the month of March saw revolutions every- The tri- where. These revolutions were of especial importance at stSrtion*^-" Vienna and Berlin, capitals respectively of Austria and ism at Prussia, for by means of the movements in these two cities BerUn^ ^ absolutism was abolished and constitutionalism established March, in its place. Thus the liberal party had suddenly realized ' one-half of its programme — the victory of constitutionalism ; no wonder that it now gave its attention to the other half — ^national unity. That Germany must be united became Desire for the resolution of all the progressive elements, and in order ""'^7 '• ^^^ to establish that unity there was now called together a Parliament, general German Parliament. The German Parliament, elected by universal suffrage. The posi- met in May, 1848, at Frankfurt-on-the-Main. It was ctraln'"^ composed in large part of the most distinguished men of Parliament, the land, and was animated with a generous zeal for Ger- man unity. But intelligence and zeal alone do not suffice for lasting performances ; what heart and mind conceive, force must realize. Thus the great question before the German Parliament was not so much : would it prove itself 538 The Modern Period Certainty of struggle between the Parliament and the gov- ernments. The ques- tion of Schleswig and Hol- stein. wise enough, but rather would it have the force to effect the changes which it was about to advocate ; in other words, could it make good the claim which it was putting forward of being the sovereign body in Germany ? For the first few months the German Parliament ejcpe- rienced no difficulties, and even the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia seemed to have resigned their sovereign rights to the democratic body sitting at Frankfurt. But suppose the case that, on the lessening of the popular press- ure at Vienna and Berlin, one or the other of the great monarchs refused to accept a decree forwarded from the Parliament — what then ? There would then be a conflict of authorities which would furnish a test of the relative strength of the new national assembly and the old state governments. The test was offered, and that soon enough, by the Schleswig - Holstein complication. The two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein occupy the southern half of the peninsula of Jutland, and are inhabited for the most part by a German-speaking people. They were at that time united with Denmark in a personal union, that is, their duke was also king of Denmark ; but they lived, in spite of that fact, under their own laws, of the observance of which by the king of Denmark they were exceedingly jealous. Now it had lately become apparent that the Danish royal house would soon die out in the male line. The Danish law provided that, in such an event, the crown should pass to the female line ; by the law of the duchies, however, the succession to Schleswig-Holstein would fall to a secondary male branch. In fear of this separation, the king of Denmark pub- lished for Schleswig-Holstein, in the year 1846, a new law of succession, by virtue of which the union of Denmark and the duchies was secured for all time. The disaffection The Revolutions of 1848 539 aroused thereby throughout the duchies was general, and The revolt in 1848 the Schleswig-Holsteiners, encouraged by the gen- juchies, eral confusion in Europe, boldly cast off the Danish yoke. 1848. Since as Germans they appealed to the Parliament at Frankfurt for help, that body, claiming to represent the German name, could not remain deaf to their cries. It The Parlia- ordered Prussia and some other states of the north to march " their troops into the duchies, and in the name of Germany drive the Danes out. That feat was soon accomplished, for the Danes are not a powerful nation ; but the Danes took revenge by destroying the Prussian shipping of the Baltic. This the king of Prussia stood for awhile, but when in the course of the summer it seemed to him that the tide of revolution in Germany was running lower, he took heart, and, without consulting the German Parliament, signed a truce with the Danes which practically delivered the brave Schleswig-Holsteiners over to their Danish mas- ters (August 26, 1848). When the Parliament heard of this act it was furious against the disobedient king. There Prussia was talk for a time of civil war; but the talk subsided ™arate very quickly, and, on second thoughts, the Parliament en- peace, dorsed everything which Prussia had done. The long and jg^^ ' short of the situation was that Prussia had an army and the Parliament not. But Prussia having by this occurrence The Parlia- discovered the essential impotence of the Parliament, ^^prjigia^ would not the other governments before long discover it too? In fact, the local governments began gradually to pick up courage, and as early as September, 1848, it was plain that the national Parliament at Frankfurt was a beau- tiful illusion. While the local revolutions, the national Parliament at Frankfurt, and the Schleswig-Holstein war were engaging the attention of Germany, Italy was stirred from Sicily to the Alps by a similar political movement, for at the first 540 The Modern Period Milan and Venice rise against Austria, March, 1848. All Italy resolves to help. The Aus- trians crush the king of Sardinia and his Italian al- lies, 1848- 49- Sardinia makes peace, March, 1849. Lombard^ and Venice recon- quered. news of the revolution at Vienna, Milan and Venice had risen against the Austrians, driven out the troops, and de- clared for independence (March, 1848). Then they had set up provisional governments and called upon Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, and the other Italian governments to come to their help against the foreign tyrants. As the revolutionary fever had already seized Tuscany, Rome, and the other states, and the liberal spirit was everywhere tri- umphant, assistance was freely promised from all sides, and in the spring of 1848 Italian troops, contributed by all the provinces of the peninsula, converged in long lines upon the middle course of the Po. The expected war of all Italy against the Austrian oppressor was at length engaged. Of the motley Italian army thus hurriedly mobilized to assist the Lombards and Venetians, Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, assumed the command. The fact that he was the head of the house of Savoy, the oldest ruling family of Italy, and that he had expressed his sympathy with the con- stitutional and national aspirations of his countrymen, pointed him out to all Italians as their natural leader. But when the clash came at Custozza on July 25, 1848, the Austrians won, scattered the Italian forces, and straightway re-entered Milan. Sick at heart, Charles Albert now ab- dicated, and was succeeded by his son, the famous Victor Emmanuel II. (March, 1849). When young Victor Ein- manuel professed his willingness to sign a peace, Austria, harassed sufficiently in other quarters, made no objections. By the terms of the peace agreement the defeated monarch of Sardinia-Piedmont paid a money-fine to Austria, but did not lose a foot of territory. Before that document was signed, Austria had already re- established her hold on Lombardy, and now, after a brave resistance on the part of the people, she put her yoke on Venice as well. Thus, only a little over a year after the The Revolutions of 1848 54 1 hopeful rising of March, 1848, the Austrian soldiers had again laid the Italian north at their feet. But to the Ital- ians the war had nevertheless brought a benefit. Through stinging disaster they had learned the lesson that they must stand shoulder to shoulder if their righteous cause was ever to triumph ; and they had become persuaded by a com- radeship of arms, no less sacred because disastrous, that the house of Savoy was their natural point of union. While Sardinia was fighting a futile battle for Milan and Liberal in- Venice in the north, the states of the centre and south, ^■^^ centre Tuscany, Rome, and Naples, had also been shaken by and south revolutions. Everywhere, the liberals had been successful reaction, for awhile, but when the Austrians had triumphed in the north, the reaction thus begun, perforce affected the south and swiftly brought back all the old petty despots. In Rome alone did this game of revolution and reaction as- sume a form that makes it worth attending to. In the year 1848, Pius IX., a very earnest and affable The Pope, man, who had won the favor of his subjects by a number of between ' generous measures, was sovereign Pontiff and lord of the t^o fires. States of the Church. He sympathized somewhat with the liberal party, and on the first stirrings of the revolution granted his people a constitution. Only when it came to joining in the national war with the rest of Italy against Austria did he call a halt. A universal pope, he argued, leading Catholics to be slaughtered by other Catholics was a ludicrous and impossible figure. On the other hand, the Romans generally maintained, and with as much show of reason, that an Italian prince who contributed nothing to the overthrow of the tyrants of Italy was no better than a traitor. Now it was that the pope began to experience the calamity of his double position as a spiritual and a temporal ruler. In his dilemma he adopted contradictory measures ; but the Romans, who wished passionately to help their 542 The Modern Period The Pope flees, No- vember, 1848. The Roman republic. The Pope restored by the French. Austria apparently in dissolu- tion. Lombard brethren against Austria, grew so dangerously restless that Pius IX. finally fled from the city, and took refuge in Gaeta, on Neapolitan soil (November 24, 1848). Thereupon Rome fell completely into the hands of the revolutionists under the leadership of the famous agitator Mazzini, and at Mazzini's instigation, the pope was de- clared to have forfeited his temporal dignities, and the papal dominions were proclaimed a republic. Mazzini's new Roman republic never had more than a fighting chance to live. Catholic peoples the world over were horrified at its high-handed treatment of the Holy Father, and Louis Napoleon, the new president of the French republic, was delighted at the opportunity offered by the Roman events to curry favor with the Catholic clergy and peasantry of France. He now sent an army to Rome to sweep Mazzini and his republicans out of the city. General Garibaldi, who had been made commander-in- chief, made a gallant fight, but in the end had to give way to numbers. In July, 1849, the French entered the conquered city, the old papal rule was re-established, and a few months later the hated Pope himself returned to the Vatican. But while the reaction was winning these victories in Italy, it was making ready to celebrate great triumphs also in Germany and Austria. And first as to Austria. In the spring of 1848, Austria, that empire of many races, seemed to have gone to wrack and ruin, for hardly had the Ger- mans revolted at Vienna, when all the other Austrian peo- ples followed suit. In a few weeks there were separate revolutions among the Slavs (Czechs) at Prague, among the Hungarians at Budapest, and among the Italians at Milan and Venice ; Austria seemed destined to fall into four independent states corresponding to the four lead- ing races of which she was made up. If that dissolu- The Revolutions of 1848 543 tion did not actually occur in 1848, it is due solely to Salvation one institution — the Austrian army. During all the dis- the armv°° turbances the army held loyally together under its natural head, the emperor, and gradually restored quiet. The army fiist put down the revolution of the riotous The army- Slavs at Prague, and then the revolution of the Germans at r echs the Vienna. This was comparatively easy work, real difficult- Germans, ies arising only when the army approached the problem of i"aiian^s in reducing to order the Italians and the Hungarians. How- quick order, ever, when, at Custozza, the submission of the Italians, too, had been secured (July 25, 1848), the government and army could concentrate their attention upon Budapest. Although the Hungarians had bowed for centuries to the The Hunga- yoke of the Hapsburgs, they had never lost their proud in- ^'^^| rulT* dependent spirit. Under their leader, Louis Kossuth, they had now, in the summer of 1848, made themselves as good as independent. They did not object to a ruler of the house of Hapsburg, but they wished to be free of the con- nection with the other parts of the many-tongued empire. As the programme of the emperor and his ministry was, in sharp contrast to the Hungarian idea, the maintenance of the indivisible Hapsburg realm, an Austrian general moved in the winter into Hungary at the head of 100,000 troops. The Hungarians fought splendidly for their freedom, and Russia and at first actually drove the Austrians back ; but Kossuth, Austria 1 J 1- , , . check the over-elated at his success, made the mistake of proclaiming Hungarian Hungary independent (April, 1849), and immediately Czar ^''^"'°°' Nicholas, in alarm at the progress of the democratic spirit 1849. at his very border, offered to help out his brother of Aus- tria with a flank attack. In the summer the Austrians from the west and the Russians from the east caught the Hungarians between them and quickly made an end of their resistance (August, 1849). Hungary, broken in spirit and resources, stohdly reassumed the Austrian yoke. 544 ^^ Modern Period Austria As for Austria, she had, after a year of terrible commo- fe^s^ °" tions, successively subdued the revolution among her Slav, her German, her Italian, and her Hungarian subjects, and was now again a great power under the absolute govern- ment of her young emperor, Francis Joseph, who had only just succeeded his uncle, Ferdinand, on the throne (De- cember, 1848). The reac- The victory of the reaction in Austria was sure to affect to°Germa.ny! greatly the affairs of Prussia and Germany, for just as revo- lution begot revolution, so reaction begot reaction. Hardly, therefore, had the reaction begun to triumph in Austria, before Frederick William IV. of Prussia dismissed the Prussian Diet at' Berlin, which was at work making a con- stitution for the kingdom. However, Frederick William Prussia gets showed some moderation. Of his own free will he pre- tion"i84Q' sented the people, in February, 1849, with a constitution, and although it was not as democratic as could have been wished, it at least secured the Prussian people a share in the government. Revolution was thus put down in Prussia as elsewhere, but here, almost alone, the king had been wise enough to accept the more moderate popular demands. We left the German Parliament at Frankfurt at the time of its first great discomfiture, in the matter of the Schles- wig-Holstein war (September, 1848). That difficulty had The German proved that the Parliament could not exact obedience from eifda'n^red ^ great state like Prussia. But if that was the case before by the the triumph of the governments at Vienna and Berlin over the revolutionists, how would matters stand after these governments had recovered their strength ? The crown Although the members of the Parliament were themselves Frederick bitterly conscious that their power was waning, they kept William IV. bravely to the task for which they had been called together. In the course of the winter (1848-49) they completed their constitution for united Germany ; there now remained The Revolutions of 1848 S4S only the difficult matter of finding a head for the new constitution — an emperor, for which honor the choice nat- urally lay between the two greatest German princes, the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia. The question of their respective merits was hotly debated, but the fact that Prussia was more of a German state than disjointed Austria, finally won a majority for Frederick William IV. When, however, a deputation from the Parliament waited The crown upon the king to offer him the crown of Germany, he re- r^n^n 1840), fused to accept it, first, because of its democratic origin, and secondly, because of the threat of Austria that she would make war rather than see Prussia assume the head- ship of Germany. The refusal naturally annihilated the Parliament. There The Bund were a few final convulsions of the revolutionary monster ^ here and there, and then there was quiet. Fate seemed to have decided that there should be no united Germany. Taking advantage of the feeling of resignation which seized upon the land, Austria now proposed to the governments to reinstate the old ludicrous Bund, which the events of 1848 had swept out of existence. The Bund, with its Diet, in which the various government delegates met, talked, and decided nothing, seemed the best thing Ger- many was capable of. In this general collapse of German hopes and illusions Schleswig the Schleswig-Holsteiners, who had built their revolution gtdn ° on the prospect of a united Germany, could not escape crushed, disaster. Abandoned by Prussia in August, 1848, they continued to fight manfully against the Danes for their freedom. Finally, Russia and England were moved to interfere. They called a conference of the powers at Lon- don (1850), which determined that the unruly duchies of Schleswig and Holstein were to be inseparably connected with the Danish crown. Outwardly the duchies now bowed 546 The Modern Period Another reign of re- action. to the inevitable, but an inner acceptance of the unjust decree no amount of pressure could wring out of them. It was evident that they would rise again at a more auspicious moment. With the German Parliament dissolved, the Schleswig- Holsteiners delivered over to the Danes, the Bund recon- stituted at Frankfurt, it seemed, in the year 1851, that the Metternichian era had come again. The patriots were filled with despair. But as far as they were thoughtful men, they must have made this observation : the move- ment of 1848 had failed because it was a merely popular action, which took no account of the established authori- ties. The established authorities had, therefore, been its enemy, and had ruined it. If, in the future, the govern- ments themselves would take up the national movement, and direct it into sensible channels, would there not then be more chance of success ? SPECIAL TOPICS The ** National Workshops" and the French Socialists of 1848. An- drews, Vol. I., pp. 339-357. Seignobos, pp. 159-165. On Socialism see Cossa, Political Econofny, p. 389 ff. Mazzini's Roman Republic. Andrews. Vol. I., p. 392 ff. , p. 413 ff. Still- man, 7/^/}' (1815-95). $1.60. Macmillan. Sh. IX. Thayar, Dawn of Italian IndepeTidetice^ Vol. II. CHAPTER XXXIII FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON III.— THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY The Napo- leonic prop- aganda. LITERATURK.— Fyffe, MuUer, Seignobos, Andrews (as before). Stillman, C/««j«^//fl/j' (1815-95). $1.60. Macmillan. Prince Louis Napoleon, on being elected to the presidency of the French Republic (December, 1848), justified very quickly the suspicions entertained against him. One of his first acts was to put down, with French troops, the France under Napoleon III. $47 Roman Republic of Mazzini and Garibaldi (June, 1849). Republics evidently were not his hobby. He then sys- tematically undermined the constitution, and when every- thing was ready, he overthrew it on December 2, 1 851, by a coup a'itat. Shortly after he gave the country of his The coup own gift a new and strongly monarchical constitution, and December 2 exactly a year after the coup d'etat, on December 2, 1852, 1851. he assumed the title of Emperor Napoleon III. The new constitution assured a share in the government to a senate and a legislative body, but the share was hardly more than nominal. A Napoleonic empire could only be maintained by mili- Napoleon's tary successes which flattered the vanity of the French yentm-e^**^" people. So at least Napoleon argued, and directed in consequence all the efforts of his reign toward attempts at harvesting what is ordinarily called "glory." These at- tempts won him at first an enviable position ; they ended by plunging him and his country into defeat and misery. The first opening for Napoleon's policy of adventure was The Cri- offered in the east. Czar Nicholas had lately made the "if^" War, 1854. somewhat obvious discovery that the Sultan was " a sick man." Being convinced that he, Nicholas, was the Sultan's natural heir, he held it to be a piece of unnecessary polite- ness to wait for the "sick man's" death before he took possession of the heritage, and suddenly demanded of the Sultan to be recognized as the protector of all the Greek Christians resident in Turkey. When the Sultan refused, Nicholas invaded Moldavia (July, 1853). Europe being filled with indignation at this high-handed measure, Eng- land and France joined hands and presented a solemn pro- test to the Czar. When Russia gave no heed to the joint remonstrance, the two western powers made an alliance with Turkey, and declared war (March, 1854). The Russian campaign of 1854 was a complete failure. 548 The Modern Period The siege of The Russian forces tried to take the Danubian fortresses, bebastopoi. ^^j. ^^ being repulsed by the Turks, withdrew in June from the invaded territory. When the French and English ar- rived upon the scene, they resolved to attack the great Russian stronghold in the Crimea, Sebastopol. But unfort- unately for the western powers the capture proved no easy matter. Sebastopol, admirably defended by the Russians, was taken only after a siege which lasted a whole year, and is one of the most memorable events of the kind in his- tory. But the final surrender of Sebastopol in September, 1855, thoroughly discouraged the Russians. As the war- The Peace like Nicholas had died in March of the same year, and been °R^*"^' succeeded by his son, Alexander II. (1855-81), there was now no further obstacle to peace. At a Congress held at Paris, Russia, in exchange for Sebastopol, gave up her pre- tensions in Turkey, and the Sultan was received among the great powers and solemnly guaranteed against inter- ference from without (March, 1856). Napoleon The Peace of Paris, dictated by Napoleon in his own enterprises, capital, won for the empire the place of first power in Europe. But Napoleon was not satisfied. Attracted by the prospect of- a military glory still greater than that won in the Crimea, he now began to turn his attention to Italy. Policy of A welcome excuse for interesting himself in the affairs of Emmanuel '•^^ transalpine peninsula was furnished Napoleon by the and Cavour. fact that Sardinia-Piedmont, the largest native state of Italy, had voluntarily sought his friendship and alliance. Since the War of 1848, King Victor Emmanuel was firmly held by all Italians to be the future unifier of Italy. The practical question before the recognized champion of Italy was : what measures would speed the liberation of his country ? Luckily Victor Emmanuel found a gifted adviser in Count Cavour, and under Cavour's guidance, Sardinia France under Napoleon III. 549 entered, about the middle of the century, upon a poHcy which led finally to the complete gratification of the na- tional desires. Cavour argued simply that the leading obstacle to Ital- Alliance of ian unity was Austria — Austria, which held Lombardy and ^^j France Venice, and dictated her policy to all the little tyrannical against princes of the peninsula. Alone Sardinia could not defeat the Danubian empire; the year 1848 had proved that. It was therefore necessary to find an ally for the inevitable future war. Cautiously Cavour sought the friendship of Napoleon, and in the year 1859 signed with him a close alli- ance. When Austria, guessing the purport of the alliance, ordered Sardinia to disarm, and on her prompt refusal oc- cupied her territory, the war which Cavour so ardently de- sired broke out (spring, 1859). The real campaign did not begin till June, 1859, and The Italian then was over in a few weeks. By the two great victories ^^^ ° ^"' of Magenta and Solferino, the French and the Sardinians drove the Austrians back from the Lombard plain into their strongholds. Italy was ablaze with bonfires ; Napoleon evoked, wherever he appeared, a boundless enthusiasm. But just as everybody was expecting that he would now finish the good work by driving the Austrians completely across the Alps, he suddenly turned round, and, without consulting the Sardinians, signed a truce with the enemy. To this step he was urged by a variety of considerations. First, the Italian situation, with the Italians themselves loudly clamoring for unification, was full of danger, and secondly, Prussia might at any time join Austria and at- tack France on the Rhine. Everything considered, Na- Sardinia poleon judged that he had better be satisfied with the glory L^*'"if^^j gained and retire. Of course Victor Emmanuel was furious, but what could he do ? In the peace that followed, he got Lombardy as his share in the victory, but had to leave 5 so The Modern Period France ac- quires Nice and Savoy. Garibaldi conquers Sicily and Naples, i860. The States of the Church, ex- cept Rome, declare for Sardinia. Victor Em- manuel be- comes king of Italy, 1861. Venetia in the hands of the Austrians. Napoleon, in re- turn for the French assistance, obtained from Sardinia the cession of Nice and Savoy. But the first step in the unification of Italy had been taken, and the process once begun was not likely to be checked. In fact, Victor 'Emmanuel and Cavour, with the north in their hands, now considered themselves strong enough to do something on their own account, and secretly permitted General Garibaldi, the bold leader of volunteers, to fit out a small expedition for the conquest of the kingdom of Naples. In May, i860. Garibaldi proceeded by sea, with an escort of only 1,000 men, to Sicily. The Island was conquered at a rush ; Garibaldi, the liberator, had only to appear, and the tyrannical government of the Bourbon king of Naples, whom everybody hated, fell to pieces. In September, he entered the city of Naples, and the Bourbon king, Francis II., having fled in terror from his capital, was declared deposed and his country annexed to Sardinia. At the same time, all the papal provinces, except the ter- ritory immediately about Rome, which was held by the French troops, followed the example of the king of Naples, and declared for Victor Emmanuel. Italy was now complete but for Venetia in the north- east, held by Austria, and Rome, in the centre, held by the Pope with the assistance of the French. For Garibaldi to attack either of these two provinces meant a declaration of war against a great power, and Victor Emmanuel and Cavour wisely decided that they were not yet ready for such an undertaking. They therefore resolved to consol- idate first what they had got, and bide their time. Ac- cordingly, in February, 1861, there met at Turin, the capital of Piedmont, the first general Italian Parliament. It was a proud moment for Italy when the king in his opening speech recounted the auspicious events of the past Frayice under Napoleon III. 551 years, and then, in obedience to the wishes of the Parlia- ment, assumed the style of king of Italy. Of couise the hot-blooded Garibaldi, backed by a con- The king siderable party of patriots, urged the government to take ^°^]^^ Rome and Venice by an immediate war. But the king policy, and his minister Cavour would not hear of this advice, and even after the king's great counsellor had died (June, 1861) Victor Emmanuel clung to a waiting pohcy. And in the end it bore its fruits. In the year 1866 there broke out the long-threatening The war of war between the two German powers, Austria and Prussia. That was a legitimate opportunity for Italy, and Italy and Prussia straightway formed a close alliance, and together proceeded to attack Austria from the north and south. Although the Italian part of the joint campaign was very unfortunate, the Italian army being defeated at Custozza (June), and the Italian fleet even more signally off Lissa, in the Adriatic (July), the great Prussian victory of Sadowa made good these Italian calamities, and forced Austria to accept the terms submitted by the allies. Venetia, the last Austrian foothold south of the Alps, accordingly be- Italy ac- came a part of Italy, and in November, 1866, Victor Em- 9^*''es Ven- manuel made his triumphal entry into the City of the Lagoons. Rome alone now remained to be won. And if the Italy ac- Romans had been left free to choose, there is no doubt §""^^s Kome, 1870. what course they would have pursued. But Napoleon's troops held the city for the Pope, and neither the Romans nor Victor Emmanuel dared encourage a revolution in the papal capital out of fear of provoking a French war. At length patience, here as in the case of Venice, brought the duereward. On the outbreak, in 1870, of the great Franco- German War, Napoleon saw himself reduced to the ne- cessity of recalling his Roman troops in order to put them 552 The Modern Period into the field against Germany. Immediately Victor Em- manuel, disembarrassed of the French, marched his army to the gates of Rome, and seized the city (September, 1870). The Pope protested clamorously, but in spite of his un- compromising attitude was not disturbed by the victorious Italians in his quarter of the Vatican. There he has since resided, but the glorious City of the Seven Hills, definitely lost to him, became, as the great majority of the nation ardently desired, the capital of the reborn Italian state. SPECIAL TOPICS I Napoleon*s CouptVHat of 1851. Andrews, Vol. II., Chap. I. Seignobos, Chap. VI. Forbes, Life of Napoleon III, $3.00. Chatto & Windus. a. Cavour as a Statesman. Cesaresco, Cavour (Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan. Mazade, Cavour. $4.00. Chapman & Hall. CHAPTER XXXIV THE UNIFICATION OF GERMANY LITERATURE.— Fyffe, Muller, Seignobos, Andrews (as before). Von Sybel, Founding of the German Empire under JVilliam I. 7 vols. $14.00. Crowell. The lesson The year 1848 had not passed over Germany without 1848^ ^^^^ result. It was a real gain, for instance, that Prussia, by acquiring a constitution (1849), had confirmed the princi- ple of constitutionalism in Germany, and it was a cause for congratulation that the national spirit had, at least for a moment, commanded all hearts. But it was also undenia- ble that the national aspirations would have to be realized by more practical measures than the paper resolutions of the popular Parliament at Frankfurt; they would have to be realized by an organized force. So at least argued William The Unification of Germany 553 of Prussia, who in the )ear 1858 succeeded ' his brother, Frederick William IV. William was a practical, soldierly gentleman, quite the opposite of his romantic, ineffective brother, and had hardly arrived at power when he resolved to create a strong army. But in his attempt to fashion a strong army, the sovereign stumbled upon an obstacle. The liberal majority in the Prussian Diet objected to the army expenditures, re- fused to authorize them, and thus created a sharp conflict between the king and the legislature. But the king was a soldier without fear ; the reform which he knew to be good he was determined to carry out in spite of his Diet, and, therefore, in the year 1862, he called to his support as prime-minister a resolute adherent of royalty. Otto von Bismarck. This naturally did not improve the relations of king and legislature, and things were going from bad to worse, when there occurred a number of events which drew the attention of the people away from internal affairs. In the year 1863 King Frederick VII. of Denmark died and was succeeded, with the acquiescence of all the Euro- pean powers, by his relative. Christian IX. Christian IX. was at first recognized in Schleswig-Holstein also, but when he ventured to publish a constitution, by which he incor- porated the northernmost duchy, Schleswig, directly with Denmark, he was straightway repudiated by the whole Ger- man population of the two provinces. Of course all Ger- many was greatly agitated in behalf of its Schleswig-Hol- stein brothers, and, as in 1848, threatened a national war against Denmark. Taking advantage of the situation Bis- marck now persuaded Austria to associate herself with Prus- sia, in order that the Danish difficulty might be settled in William builds his plans on a strong army. Trouble between king and legislature. Bismarck. The second revolution of Schleswig- Holstein, 1863. The Schleswig- Holstein war, 1864. ' William was at first only regent for his brother ; he became king in 1861. 554 The Modern Period Bismarck quarrels with Austria over the division of Schleswig- Holstein. Meaning of the war of 1866. Sadowa, July 3- an orderly way. Accordingly, in January, 1864, Prussian and Austrian troops entered the duchies side by side. In a quick campaign Denmark was disarmed, and in Octo- ber she saw herself reduced to the necessity of ceding Schleswig and Holstein to the victors. Now that Prussia and Austria possessed the duchies, the question was how to divide the spoils. Of course the di- vision turned out, to Bismarck's great delight, a difficult matter. Austria not being willing to give up her position in Germany, the Prussian prime-minister had long been planning to make her give it up by force, and here was the Schleswig-Holstein booty, the very matter over which to pick a plausible quarrel. Finally, in the spring of 1866, Prussia signed a close alliance with Italy, while Austria, for her part, sought the support of the smaller German states. These dispositions made — Prussia having secured the support of Italy, and Austria the alliance of Bavaria, Sax- ony, and most of the other German states — in June, 1866, the two apparently well-matched combatants took the field. The contest was the culmination of the rivalry, in- augurated over a hundred years ago, at the time of Freder- ick the Great and Maria Theresa ; the prize of the winner was to be the supremacy in Germany. Now it was seen that King William's plan of a strong and modern army had its merits. The Prussians were ready sooner than the Austrians, and showed themselves to be much better armed and disciplined. By the admirable arrangements of the great strategist, Moltke, three Prussian columns were made to converge upon the Austrians, and enclosing them at Sadowa, in Bohemia, on July 3, as in a vise, crushed them utterly. The war had hardly begun when it was oyer. It was of little consequence that the Austrians in Italy defeated the Italians at Custozza or that the Prussians defeated the South Germans. Austria proper The Unification of Germany 555 lay at the feet of Prussia, and had to make peace. A truce in July was followed in August, 1866, by the definitive Peace of Prague. By the Peace of Prague Austria accepted her exclusion Prussia from Germany, and agreed to any reconstruction of Ger- ™^''^s . many which Prussia should carry out. Territorially she Austria and was not heavily punished : she had to cede Venetia to German Italy, and her share in Schleswig-Holstein to Prussia, states. These arrangements made, Bismarck proceeded to make peace with the German allies of Austria. Bavaria, Wur- temberg, and the South German states in general were let off with a money fine, but most of the hostile North Ger- man states, as for example, Hanover and Nassau, were in- corporated with Prussia. Then Bismarck proceeded to replace the old Bund by an Bismarck effective central government, and formed among the states S'^^l^i^ north of the river Main, the North German Confederation, man Con- with Prussia at its head. With wise moderation, he made ■^"^"■^t'on- no effort to force the South German states into the new union ; they were, for the most part, Catholic and opposed to Protestant Prussia ; then they had just been defeated in a bitter civil war. From 1866 to 1870, Germany, there- fore, consisted of two distinct parts — a strong united north under the leadership of Prussia, and a feeble south of the four detached states, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and Hesse. Then there happened something which spontane- ously brought the two parts together, and completed the unification of Germany : France declared war and threat- ened Germany with invasion. We met the Emperor Napoleon last in the Italian cam- The decline paign of 1859. That campaign marks the zenith of his of Napoleon life, for after 1859 he no longer prospered. His occupation of Rome lost him his popularity among the Italians. Then in an evil hour he turned his desires upon the New World. 556 The Modern Period The Mexi- can muddle. France grows jeal- ous of Prussia. The Spanish in- cident of 1870. He was led to interfere in the internal affairs of Mexico, and finding that that republic made but a feeble resistance, he overturned it, and set up an empire under the archduke Maximilian, brotherof the emperor of Austria (1863). But the Monroe Doctrine, cherished by all Americans, had been flagrantly set aside by the French invasion, and as soon as the Civil War, which was then embarrassing the United States, was over. Secretary Seward gave Napoleon to under- stand that he must withdraw immediately. Napoleon shuffled awhile, but in the end did not have the courage to refuse. The French sailed for Europe, and Maximil- ian, deserted by his allies, was captured and shot (1867). Thereupon the Mexicans re-established their republic. The shame of this disgraceful ending was not the worst feature about the Mexican adventure. Owing to the ab- sence of the best French troops in the New World, the Emperor Napoleon could exercise no influence on the issue of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. Thus it happened that Prussia came out of the war with a greatly increased territory, but France won from the embarrassment of the German powers nothing whatever. Now the French hav- ing for centuries entertained the hope of extending their territory to the Rhine, were angry with Napoleon for hav- ing missed the opportunity offered by the Austro-Prussian War to gain that end. More and more passionately public opinion began to clamor for some territorial increase to off- set the growth- of Prussia. Consequently the relations between France and Prussia became gradually worse. A little incident sufficed to precipitate war. The Spanish throne happening in the year 1870 to be vacant, the Cortes — that is, the Spanish Parliament — offered the throne to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern. As this prince was a relative of King William of Prussia, the can- didature caused great excitement at Paris. Largely on The Unification of Germany 557 this account, Leopold withdrew ; but Napoleon, not sat- isfied with the withdrawal pure and simple, wanted a promise from King William that he would never permit Leopold to be a candidate in the future. This demand King William curtly rejected. Thereupon Napoleon, with the full consent of his legislature, declared war (July 19, 1870). In the struggle which now ensued. Napoleon hoped that South Ger- the South German states would, out of hatred of Prussia, "j"^"" *'"' side with him. But these states, remembering in Gefma- Prussia, ny's hour of need both their written and unwritten obliga- tions, put their forces under the command of the Prussian king. Not Prussia merely, but for the first time in cen- turies a united Germany marched to meet the German foe. The German forces in the beginning of August invaded The German France. On August 6 the Crown Prince Frederick of ""°''ies. Prussia came up with the army of Marshal MacMahon at Worth, and defeated it so roundly that it had to abandon Worth. Alsace. The second French army, stationed in Lorraine, now fell back on the great fortress Metz. There the great German strategist, Moltke, determined on shutting it in, and after fighting the murderous battle of Gravelotte (Aug- Gravelotte. ust 18), succeeded in doing so. One-half of the German forces were now detailed for the investment of Metz, while the other half pushed westward to find MacMahon, who, having recovered from his defeat at Worth, was hurrying on to relieve Metz. At Sedan, on September ist, MacMahon's forces once The surren- more met the Germans, and on the next day, seeing that oe"^ f^^tf^"' resistance was hopeless, the whole French force surren- 2, 1870. dered. Napoleon, who was present with his army, was sent as a prisoner across the Rhine, while the victorious Germans continued their march westward, and toward the end of September undertook the investment of Paris. SS8 The Modern Period The Third Republic. Capitula- tion of Paris, followed by peace. The crea- tion of the German Em- pire, 1871. The consti- tution of the new empire. Meanwhile, important things had happened in the capi- tal of France. The calamity of Sedan was hardly known when the whole city of Paris rose in indignation against the luckless imperial government. The Empress Eugenie was driven from her palace, and France once more declared a Republic (September 4). At the same time, a number of men, the most prominent of whom was Gambetta, set up, for the purpose of effectively prosecuting the war, the Gov- ernment of the National Defence. The siege of Paris marks the last stage of the war. Gambetta made a most active and honorable resistance, but his raw levies were no match, in the long run, for the disciplined soldiers of Germany. On January 28, 1871, Paris, disheartened by the surrender of Metz (October), and reduced to the last extremes of misery and hunger, capitulated, and the war was over. France had to buy peace from her enemies by paying a war indemnity of one billion dollars, and by ceding to them the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. As for Germany the war effected as important a change of government as in France. The great victories, won by the united efforts of north and south, created the desire for a permanent union, and accordingly, on January 18, 187 1, at Versailles, King William of Prussia was proclaimed German Emperor. About the same time there was completed a constitution for the new German Empire which was merely the con- stitution of the North German Confederation, so enlarged as to embrace the South German states. By virtue of this instrument Germany was organized as a federal gov- ernment like the United States of America. The con- stitution recognizes twenty-five states of various size. The governments of these twenty-five send delegates to an up- per house, called the Bundesrath, while the people elect, The UnHication of Germany 559 on the basis of direct and universal suffrage, the members of a second house, called the Reichstag. Bundesrath and Reichstag together make the laws ; the king of Prussia, in his capacity of German emperor and head of the confed- eration, executes them. By this union Germany after long centuries again became a great power. France, in the months immediately following the peace The riots with Germany, went through a terrible crisis. The Re- nj„„g 1871. public being at that time not yet fairly on its feet, the lawless elements of Paris made an attempt to set up a gov- ernment of their own, which they called the Commune. The Commune actually acquired possession of the capital, and by confiscations, murders, and other atrocities main- tained its hold upon it for two months (March-May, 187 1). But in May the patriot Thiers, who was appointed first executive of the new Republic, having collected a consid- erable force about him at Versailles, sent forth Marshal MacMahon to take the offensive against the Parisian revo- lutionists. After a long siege and fearful street-fights, last- ing a whole week, the forces of the Commune were shattered to pieces. In their fanatical hatred of the established order of society, the Communists vowed that the victors should possess only a heap of ashes, and destroyed by fire the Tuileries and the Hotel de Ville, and tried to destroy the rest of Paris. There followed a period of arrests and ex- The up- ecutions, and then France settled down earnestly to the ^"""'°g °^ work of repairing the fearful ravages of the war. The pres- ent flourishing condition of the country is a witness of her success, and a testimony to the strength of the Third Re- public. The rest of the European powers had been no more than The dual onlookers during the Franco-German War. The emperor Empire of of Austria, mindful of 1866, was at first half inclined to Hungary. take a hand, but for various reasons was persuaded to desist. 560 The Modern Period Perhaps predominant among them was that his country had only just been internally reorganized. The year 1866 had, in fact, introduced an era of reform, for his terrible defeat at the hands of Prussia had not passed over the Emperor Francis Joseph without results. He knew now that he must conciliate his various peoples, and establish a popular government ; especially he must win back to allegiance the Hungarians. He, therefore, divided the Hapsburg domin- ions into an Austrian and a Hungarian half, and made them independent of each other, except for such matters as diplomacy and war. At Vienna, Francis Joseph would be emperor of Austria, at Budapest, king of Hungary, and in each half of his realm, he was to reign under a separate constitution, legislature, and administration. This dual empire of Austro-Hungary was created in the year 1867, and has proved a greater success than could have been ex- pected. A great danger to the dual empire, however, arises from the Slavs, who are constantly demanding for them- selves the exceptional position already granted to the Hun- garians: instead of a dual empire, they want a. federal one. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Napoleon's Mexican Scrape. Andrews, Vol. II., p. 173 fF. Lothrop, William H. Seward (American Statesmen), pp. 357-62. $1.25. Hough'- ton. H. H. Bancroft, History 0/ Mexico. 6 vols. History Co., San Francisco. See Vol. VI. :. Bismarck AS A Statesman. \jQvi&, Prince Bismarck^ 2 vols. $3.00. Cassell. Busch, Our Chancellor. 2 vols. $3.00. Macmillan. See also Von Sybel, Founding of the German Empire. Great Britain and Russia 5^1 CHAPTER XXXV GREAT BRITAIN AND RUSSIA (a) Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century LITERATURE.— Seignobos, Chaps. II.-IV. McCarthy, History o^ Our Own Tifms. 3 vols. $4.25. Erskine May, The Constitutimial History 0/ England i^ijbo-iSjf). 3 vols. $4.00. Longmans. MuTdkOch, History 0/ Constitutional Re/ormt $1,50. Blackie. No country had fought the French Revolution more Tory gov- bitterly or more persistently than Great Britain. Naturally after ^181'; therefore when the long war (1793-1815), which had in- spired the subjects of King George III. with a fanatical aversion to revolutionary ideas, was once over, England, like the Continent, entered upon a period of reaction. The Tory party, led by Lord Castlereagh, the duke of WelKng- ton, and other haters of innovations, took control of the British state, and directed it for many years strictly in the aristocratic interest. But just as the Continent of Europe The begin- bore the reactionary yoke of Metternich and the Holy Alii- °'?^ °^ ance unwillingly, and quietly made ready to throw it off, so England gradually roused herself from her lethargy, and prepared to enter the road of reform. And that there were many things imperatively demanding reform, became clear as dayUght the moment the idea had been once admitted. First of all, there was the anomalous religious situation. The Toleration Act of 1689 had practically given the Dis- senters freedom of worship, but by the Test Act, which Religious was still in vogue, they were debarred from holding ofiSce. ^'^°J"i' ^^ Finally, in 1828, Parliament was persuaded to repeal the repealed Test Act, and thereby first made the numerous bodies of (^^28)- Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists full-fledged English 5 62 The Modern Period Relief of the Catholics (1829). The spirit of reform vic- torious after 1830. The Parlia- mentary abuse. citizens, as eligible to fill a position of public trust as any Anglican. It still remained to perform a similar act of justice tow- ard the Catholics, who were not relieved by the repeal of the Test Act, owing to a special provision compelling every office-holder of England to abjure the Pope. Perhaps the severely Protestant Parliament would not have taken up the matter of the liberation of the Catholics at all, if it had not been urged thereto by a dangerous agitation stirred up in Ireland by the patriotic orator, Daniel O'Connell, who inspired the Catholic Irish to protest against the outrage- ous enactments which deprived them, as adherents of the ancient faith, of representation at Westminster. Welling- ton and his Tory friends were inclined at first to sneer at O'Connell's loud words and threats, but when the Iron Duke saw that Ireland to a man was backing her leader, and resolute in her demands to the point of revolution, he had the statesmanlike sagacity to give in. He passed, in 1829, a Catholic Relief Bill, by which Catholics were admitted to all but the highest offices of the realm. These two liberating acts of 1828 and 1829 were the first breaches made in the conservative defences. But other assaults were sure to follow, and when, in 1830, a Whig or Liberal ministry had displaced the Tories or Con- servatives, the Parliament was bold enough to proceed straightway to the most necessary of all reforms — to the reform of its own membership. The seats in Parliament were distributed, in the year 1830, in accordance with a plan which had suffered no material alteration for two hundred years. But the last two hundred years had wrought great changes in the society of England ; towns which had once flourished had de- cayed, mere villages had become prosperous towns. Thus it happened that a number of boroughs which were practi- Great Britain and Russia 563 cally extinct, by old custom still sent representatives to Parliament. Such boroughs were justly denominated " rotten," because the members who sat in Parliament in their behalf were the nominees of a mere handful of men, nay, frequently of a single person. And as if to crown this crying injustice the right to vote was reserved to a few thousands of the rich. Thus it was clear that the House of Commons, as constituted in 1830, had become a mock- ery, and that it was a shameful lie to claim that it repre- sented the English people. The question of Parliamentary reform, brought forward by the Liberals in 1830, involved them in a severe conflict with the Conservatives, but backed by the country, they carried their point. The Reform Bill (1832) became a The Pas- law ; the "rotten" boroughs were disfranchised, and at |rst^ Reform the same time the right to vote was extended to addi- Bill, 1832. tional classes of citizens. The Reform Bill of 1832 maybe said to have trans- The second ferred the power in England to the middle class. But it pjifof^ did nothing for the industrial and farming classes, and Bills, sooner or later, such was the levelling tendency of the age, these would have to be admitted to a share in the govern- ment. As the practical need arose, Parliament, from time to time, extended the franchise ; by two additional reform bills — the one of 1867, the other of 1884 — it has rounded off the Act of 1832, and given the right to vote to such numbers, that England may almost be said to maintain at present the system of universal suffrage. Hand in hand with these Parliamentary reforms have gone a great number of others affecting almost every branch of the public service. Perhaps the most impor- tant is the repeal of the Corn Laws. The Corn Laws Repeal of were intended to protect the land-holding class, who, of Laws°'i846 course, are the aristocracy, by means of a large duty upon 564 The Modern Period England adopts free trade. The Irish problem. The Episcopal Church disestab- lished, 1868. The two present grievances. grain.' Naturally that duty, by raising the price of bread, fell heavily upon the English laborer. After a long edu- cational campaign, headed by the economist, Richard Cobden, the Corn Laws were repealed (1846), and with them the whole system of protection was dropped. In lieu of it, England adopted the system of free trade, under which she has tremendously extended her commercial re- lations with the whole world. Although the policy of sensible reform has removed most of the internal difficulties which have arisen in Great Brit- ain during the nineteenth century, one problem remains as perplexing and hopeless at the end of the century as at the beginning. The name of that problem is Ireland. We have seen that the British Parliament had not remained blind to all the various forms of Irish misery, and that by the Catholic Relief Bill of 1829 the Catholic Irish had at length been admitted to office. A benefit along the same line was conferred when, in the year 1868, the Protestant Episcopal organization, which the Irish had been obliged to call their national Church, was deprived of its privi- leges. But these religious grievances of the Irish, it was com- paratively easy for Parliament to settle in an age of in- creasing tolerance. For two other grievances, however, far more injurious to the welfare of the Irish people, it has been impossible to find a remedy. Owing to the confisca- tions of the seventeenth century, the Irish soil is, for the most part, in the hands of a few hundred Enghsh land- lords, the Irish themselves being mere tenants and day- laborers ; furthermore, Ireland, since the Act of Union of 1 80 1, is without the benefits of self-government. Under these circumstances, the efforts of the Irish party ' The word " corn," as used in England, embraces all kinds of grain. Corn Laws mean Grain Laws. Great Britain and Russia 565 in the House of Commons have been directed toward two The efforts aims : First, to enable the Irish tenants to acquire from party "^ the English landlords the ownership of the land they till ; backed by and secondly, to secure for the Irish an Irish Parliament at Liberal. Dublin, with power to manage local affairs very much like an American state-legislature. Although the great Lib- eral party, inspired by William E. Gladstone, attempted to help the Irish achieve the above programme, and al- though several Land Acts have been passed for the relief of the Irish tenants, and a Home Rule Bill has frequently been debated in the House of Commons, the Irish are still far from being satisfied, and the thorny Irish problem is as far removed as ever from adjustment. No sketch of the development of England in the nine- England teenth century can afford to leave out of account her mar- * world- ■' empire. vellous colonial expansion and some of the attendant bene- fits. Above all, the colonies have created that vast trade tlirough which has been amassed the fabulous wealth of contemporary Britain. But the benefits of expansion are not unmitigated. By the creation, all over the world, of interests which require to be defended when threatened, England has become involved in the nineteenth century in numerous wars. Indeed war may be said to have become a permanent feature of English politics. If her troops are not fighting in South Africa, they are engaged on the Nile, and if not on the Nile, then one may be sure that they are forcing the passes of the Himalayas. But these are conflicts with minor powers. Of great Rivalry of powers England has, in the nineteenth century, fought only En~iand'at one — Russia, in the Crimean War (1854-56). She en- Constan- gaged in this war because she wished to keep Russia out of '""P ^' Constantinople, and ever since the rivalry of these two powers over Turkey has troubled their relations. And to this difficulty another has been added in Asia. The largest 566 The Modern Period Rivalry of and richest province of England being Indiai that territory England ^* guarded by England with exceeding jealousy. Now in Asia. Russia has for a hundred years been steadily extending her possessions over central and western Asia, until the English in India feel that they are no longer safe. Border disputes between England and Russia have not been unfrequent of late years, and may at some time involve the two countries in war. Altogether it may be asserted that the greatest danger to the English colonial empire threatens from Rus- sia, and chiefly at the two points mentioned — in the eastern Mediterranean, where the object of rivalry is Constantino- ple, and in India. Her " splen- But Russia is not the only power which puts a restraint don "°'*' upon Great Britain, for France and Germany, and even the United States, have of late years been engaged in frequent diplomatic disputes with the great sea-power. And it must be granted that the habit of promiscuous land-grabbing, which has long distinguished the policy of Great Britain, is very provoking to high-spirited nations. Thus by her oc- cupation of Egypt, in 1882, she indeed secured for herself the control of the Suez Canal and the other waterways to India, but at the same time delivered a blow to the influ- ence of France in the Mediterranean which will not be easily forgotten by that nation. However, up to the pres- ent day, this and other disputes have not led to war; Great Britain being a commercial power, is not anxious to engage in military enterprises, and the other European powers, torn by disputes of their own, have never been able to combine against her. Great Britain and Russia 567 {b) Russia in the Nineteenth Century LITERATURE. -Seignobos, Fyffe, Mailer, and Andrews (as before). The study of the foregoing pages must, on more than The rise of one occasion, have impressed the reader with the increasing "^s**- importance in the world of Russia. We saw Russia under Peter the Great (1689-1725) estabhsh herself as a Euro- pean power; under Catharine the Great (1762-95) we observed her accomplish the destruction of Poland ; and under Alexander I. (1801-25) ^^ noted her assumption of the leadership of the European nations in the overthrow of Napoleon. From the death of Alexander I. to the present day the principal objects of the policy of the Czars have been the overthrow of Turkey and the extension of Rus- sian rule in Asia. To understand the character of the conflict between The empire Russia and Turkey it is necessary to grasp the condition Turkey, of the Ottoman empire. This state was created chiefly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by the military triumphs of fanatical Mohammedan hordes, called Turks, and embraced at its height the north coast of Africa, Syria, Asia Minor, and southeastern Europe. The head of the empire of Turkey is its absolute master, and is called Sul- tan. Under him as heads of the provincial divisions of the empire are the pashas. The Turks have made no effort to assimilate the many peoples they have conquered, and have never appeared in any other guise than that of a privileged class of military despots encamped among conquered nations of slaves. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the des- The revolt potic character of the Turkish rule began to excite shame tfan'pe^ples" and horror among the Christian subjects of the Sultan, of the Bal- The bulk of these were resident in southeastern Europe, *°^' and were racially either Greeks or Slavs. The Greeks 568 The Modern Period The inde- pendence of Greece and the Turco- Russian War of 1828-29. The Crimean War. Tur- key helped by England and France. dwelt approximately within the confines of ancient Hellas and on the .^Egean Islands, while the Slavs, among whom we must distinguish the families of the Serbs, the Rouma- nians, the Bulgarians, and the Montenegrins, were scat- tered, often without any clearly marked geographical boun- daries, over the Balkan peninsula. From the beginning of this century the Greeks and the Slavs, growing more and more restless under the Turkish rule, have risen repeatedly to gain their independence. In these risings they have al- most invariably enjoyed the sympathy and aid of Russia, for, in the first place, the rise of the subject nationalities of the Balkans has fallen in with the Russian policy, which aims at the abasement of Turkey ; and in the second place, the Russian people are linked with the Slav and Greek peoples by the common bond of the Greek Church. The reader has already been made acquainted with some of the movements of the Balkan peninsula and with some of the conflicts between Russia and Turkey resulting there- from. In the year 1821 the Greeks rose against their mas- ters, and maintained themselves for years against them in a struggle as heroic as any in history. The interference of the western powers at Navarino (1827), followed by the still more emphatic interference of Russia in the war of 1828- 29, inclined the scales in favor of the Greeks : they be- came independent under a constitutional monarchy. In the peace signed at Adrianople (1829) the Russians fur- ther secured for the principalities of Servia, Moldavia, and Wallachia, a fair degree of self-government. It was Czar Nicholas I. (1825-55) ^''^o ^^^ waged the war of 1828-29, and during the following years he be- came more and more convinced that the Turkish empire was falling apart. He invented the famous phrase by which he designated the Sultan as "the sick man," and, in 1853, occupied the sick man's territories. The result Great Britain and Russia 569 was the Crimean War, in which Turkey was allied with France and England, and in which, because of this alliance, she came out victorious. But in spite of the Russian de- feat the Christians of the peninsula suffered no loss, and the Turks gained no advantage. The leading Danubian principalities, Servia, Wallachia,* and Moldavia, were con- firmed in the rights (self-government under the suzerainty of the Sultan) which had been granted them in the Peace of Adrianople. The situation in the Balkan peninsula did not enter The revolt another crisis till 1875, when a revolt broke out in of Bosnia, Bosnia owing to the insufferable oppression of the Turkish tax-collectors. The brave Bosnian insurgents main- tained themselves with success in their mountains, and for a time the situation of the Turks was critical. While fighting the Bosnians in front of them, they had to reckon with the possibility of a rising among the Bosnian sympa- thizers in their rear, for the consequence of the Bosnian struggle was a tremendous ferment among all the Christian races under Turkish rule, accompanied by the desire to effect a common rising against the Mohammedan master. Fearful of this' movement the Turks resolved to forestall it by a characteristic method. They sent irregular troops among the Bulgarians, with orders to kill whomsoever they encountered, and these troops throwing themselves upon the defenceless Bulgarian villages, massacred in cold blood thousands and thousands of men, women, and children. The Bulgarian atrocities filled Europe with horror. The The Sultan made glib excuses, and the diplomats arranged all masfac^s kinds of compromises, but the difficulties between Europe 1876. and Turkey had already got beyond adjustment by paper conclusions. In Russia, where the people were related to ' Wallachia and Moldavia were in 1861 united under the name of Roumania. S70 The Modern Period Russia de- clares war, 1877. The Russian invasion. Plevna. The Peace of San Stefano. England protests. The Con- gress of Berlin, 1878. the Bulgarians by ties of race and religion, the popular sentiment was soon excited beyond control, and in April, 1877, Czar Alexander II. (1855-81), unable and unwill- ing to resist longer the public pressure, declared war. In June the Russians crossed the Danube, and a month later occupied the principal passes of the Balkan Mountains. But at this juncture they met with their only serious check. In the rapid overthrow of the Turkish empire one man ap- peared, resolved to save at least the military honor of the nation. This was Osman Pasha. He gathered such forces as were available, fortified himself at Plevna, and for five months directed a defence against the Russians which stopped completely the forward movement upon Constan- tinople, and invited the admiration of the world. But in December, 1877, Plevna was taken, and Osman, " the lion of Plevna," with the worn-out remnant of his troops, had to surrender. Immediately on the surrender of Plevna the Russians took up again their march to Constantinople. Turkey offered no further resistance, and in sight of the minarets of the Turkish capital, the Russians forced from the Turks the Peace of San Stefano (March, 1878). The Peace of San Stefano practically decreed the dissolution of the Turk- ish empire, but it was no sooner signed than England made the demand that it be submitted to the European powers for revision. Russia at first protested, but as England, then governed by Lord Beaconsfield (Disraeli), threatened to go to war in order to get satisfaction, the Czar gave way. In consequence there assembled for the revision of the Peace of San Stefano the Congress of Berlin (June, 1878). The Congress of Berlin was largely dominated by sus- picion of Russia, and adopted in consequence the policy of strengthening the small states of the Balkan peninsula, in the hope that they might prove an effective barrier, in the Great Britain and Russia 571 future, between Russia and her prey on the Bosporus. It ratified the following measures: i. Montenegro, Servia, and Roumania were declared independent. 2. Bulgaria was constituted a self-governing principality, subject mere- ly to the payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan. Its boundaries were drawn on the north by the Danube, and on the south by the Balkan Mountains. 3. The southern part of ancient Bulgaria — the part south of the Balkans — was constituted as the province of East Roumelia, and though given an independent civil administration, was left under the military authority of the Turks. 4. Austria was commissioned to occupy and administer Bosnia and Herze- govina. 5. Russia received Bessarabia and a number of territories in Asia Minor. As the reader will observe, Russia came out of the Congress of Berlin damaged in prestige and shorn of her triumphs, and has ever since looked upon the BerUn settlement with wrath and indignation. Since the Congress of Berlin a number of changes have Roumania, occurred, most of which point to the increasing vigor of the g iP^Jia Balkan "buffer" states and to the success of the Berhn since the policy. In 1881 Roumania declared herself a kingdom under King Charles I. of the German House of Hohen- zoUern-Sigmaringen. Servia followed suit in 1882, her first king being Milan I. of the native Servian family of Obrenovitch. Bulgaria, however, has seen even greater changes. In 1885 East Roumelia, which had by the Con- gress of Berlin been separated from Bulgaria against its will, revolted against Turkish rule, and united itself with its sister state. Soon after this event Alexander of Battenberg, who had been elected prince of Bulgaria in 1879, was de- posed by a Russian conspiracy, but the affairs of the coun- try were not greatly disturbed by this mischance, for Fer- dinand of Coburg was elected prince in Alexander's stead, and the country has since enjoyed comparative quiet. war. 572 The Modern Period Russia in Asia. The eman- cipation of the serfs, 1861. Nihilism. If by means of the three wars which Russia has waged against Turkey since the Congress of Vienna, she has made considerable acquisitions from that country, she has fared still better in another quarter. In central and eastern Asia, she has had no very important foe to face, and has in consequence, by a system of gradual encroachments, added to Siberia, which she already held, a great number of border provinces. Before we close the chapter on Russia, a number of inter- nal matters deserve a passing mention. Czar Alexander II. (1855-81) was rather more humane than his predecessor, and introduced at least one praiseworthy reform. In 1858 he granted freedom to the 20,000,000 serfs on the crown domains, and in 1861 he ordered also the liberation of the 20,000,000 serfs resident upon the lands of the nobles, making the peasants by these decrees free proprietors. This high-minded measure raised great expectations among the educated classes, who fancied that the Russian millennium was at hand, and demanded a constitutional government. When the Czar turned a deaf ear to their request, the more radical elements plotted secretly against the government, and drifted gradually into nihilism. The nihilists have kept up an active propaganda for many decades, and have done many deeds of horror, even assassinating, in 1881, the Czar. These excesses the government has met by wholesale execution and exile to Siberia, but thus far with- out crushing the nihilist agitation. SPECIAL TOPICS I. The Irish Land Question. Seignobos, Chaps. II. -IV. (passim). McCarthy, Ireland Since the Union. $1.50. Chatto & Windus. Es- pecially Chap. XVI. •i. The Congress of Berlin. Andrews, Chap. VIII., p. 321 ff- Fyfe, p. 1045 ff. HoUand, The European Concert in tlie Eastern Question, $3.75. Clar- endon. (Contains treaties of San Stefano, Berlin, etc.) Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 573 CHAPTER XXXVI THE GENERAL SITUATION AT THE CLOSE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE.— CuTzon, PraiUmsoyt/ie Far £ast. $2.00. Longmans. VliXtisr , En^laTid in Egypt. $1.50. Arnold. Landell, Russian Central Asia. 2 vols. $6.00. Sampson Low. V^orcesieXt The PhilipJ>in£ Islands. $3.00. Macmillan. In the last few decades of the nineteenth century it has become apparent to every observer that the efforts of European cabinets are no longer confined to the Continent of Europe, but are largely devoted to problems lying out- side of Europe, beyond the seas : the policy of the powers of Europe has become a world-policy. This important change is not so sudden as it looks, in The expan- fact, its origin may be traced back to the momentous voy- ^'"^ ' ages of Columbus and Vasco da Gama at the end of the fifteenth century. Through these and through others which followed in the wake of these, the leading European powers established commercial interests at various points of the globe, and many of them even planted seedlings of the old stock in the new lands. The result has been that Europe has become in a real way interlaced and identified with Asia, Africa, Australia, and America, and the connection, slight and faint at first, has gradually acquired such huge proportions and such immense vigor that its severance would appear to mean for the home country nothing less than the annihilation of the authority which that country enjoys in the council of the nations. If all the European powers are involved in these world interests, they are not all involved in the same degree. Some entered earlier and some later upon this development, and since it requires time for commerce to grow and col- 574 The Modern Period Portugal and Spain. Holland, England, and France. onies to spread, the nations that early gave their attention to the problem of trans-oceanic expansion have acquired a lead, which the younger rivals have overcome either with difficulty or not at all. Now the order in which the European nations took up a world-policy seems to have been largely determined by the following political law : they took to the sea approximately in the order in which they arrived at their national consoli- dation ; that is to say, in the order in which their govern- ments became strong enough to claim new territory and to hold it against all comers. We have seen in an earlier chapter that Portugal and Spain were the first to direct their attention from Europe to the outer world. They acquired and settled a good deal of territory east and west. But, victims soon of grave internal disorder, they found themselves lacking in the requisite strength and health to persist in their forward movement. The nations which in the seventeenth century supplanted them were Holland, England, and France. But the colonial vitality of Holland hardly extended over more than one astonishing century, and was largely due to the exaltation of the struggle with Spain, and to the temporary eclipse of England and France under the burden of their civil wars. When in the second half of the seventeenth century England and France, command- ing resources that little Holland could not match, entered the field of competition, the Dutch had, in their turn, to desist from further gains and be satisfied with what they already possessed. That left only England and France in the colonial race, and in the course of the eighteenth century these two powers met in a memorable contest, winning in which England reduced France to a few trivial holdings, mere points of support for her merchant marine in various parts of the earth. Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 575 Thus the nineteenth century opened with England enor- Leading co- mously in the lead as a world-power. But of course it was °^^^f ^^' impossible to bar the other European nations from farther day : Eng- attempts at world-empire, and consequently they have p^ance"^^'*' made, in the order in which their internal consolidation permitted, new efforts to establish themselves along the great lines of travel. Russia, above all, and France, in measure as she recovered her national vitality, have at- tempted to raise their flags over unclaimed territory, and latterly Germany and Italy, having at length achieved their long-desired unity, have bestirred themselves to make up for their long impotence. But of course the lead gained by England has not been and could not be overtaken, and therefore in the enumeration of colonial interests and pos- sessions the great island-kingdom deserves easily the first place. By virtue of her success in the Seven Years' War (1756- The colonial 63) England became undisputed mistress of North America g^Jaf j ° and India. The successful revolt of the Atlantic colonists, who formed the government of the United States of Amer- ica, deprived her soon after of the better part of her Amer- ican holdings, but the peace of 1783 which acknowledged the new nation did not disturb the English possession of Canada, and Canada remains to this day the most impor- tant English possession in the west. In India, the author- ity of England, uninterrupted since 1763, has become constantly more consolidated, and her material interests, carefully nursed, have swelled to gigantic proportions. During the Napoleonic Wars England acquired from the Dutch, who had been obliged to side with the French em- peror, the territory in South Africa known as the Cape, and in the first half of the nineteenth century she acquired by settlement the vast continent of Austraha. Her latest large acquisition is Egypt, which the government in 1882 took 576 The Modern Period The holdings of Russia. The holdings of France. in an occupation announced at the time to be temporary, but apparently intended since to be permanent. In addi- tion to these substantial provinces on the great continents of America, Asia, Africa, and Australia, England holds an almost incalculable number of islands, scattered over all the seas, by which her continental possessions are conven- iently bound together. The greatest rival of England for world-empire is Russia. As early as the seventeenth century this power had begun to expand over the north of Asia, and all through the eigh- teenth and nineteenth centuries the absorption by Russia of eastern and central Asia has continued, until her en- croachments eastward have reached the Chinese Wall, and her progress southward has brought her to the Himalayas, the northern boundary of British India. Certain small central Asiatic states like Afghanistan and Persia still pre- serve their independence; but they are exposed to the danger of almost hourly extinction in the great conflict waged between English and Russian diplomacy for the con- trol of their governments. In addition Russia has steadily reached out in the direction of the Black Sea, and in her progress has gathered up province after province which the moribund Sultan has been obliged to release from his grasp. France, which suffered such a grievous colonial setback in the eighteenth century, has in the nineteenth century once more bravely attempted to retrieve her losses. In the year 1830 she seized a favorable opportunity to conquer Algiers, and she has since extended her power over Tunis and the whole Sahara region. Besides this African terri- tory she enjoys a considerable position in Asia by virtue of her occupation of southern China (Tonquin) and the eastern half of Farther India. Germany and Italy were of course in no position to en- Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 577 gage in colonial enterprises till within a very few years, The when all the best parts of the earth were already spoken JS,°'"'"gs of for. Still the national pride urged them to fly their flag and Italy. somewhere and over something, and so when in the eigh- ties the general scramble of the European powers for the last and most worthless continent, the scramble for Africa began, these two nations took a hand in the game with England and France, and acquired considerable terri- tory, Germany on the west and east coast (Kameroons, German Southwest Africa, German East Africa), and Italy in the neighborhood of Abyssinia. A close study of these vantage-points held by the Euro- The pean powers will greatly help in the understanding of their affinities of relations toward each other since 1870. But these rela- the Europe tions will not be wholly understood thereby, for they have expressed also been determined by the clash and adjustment of in- by the terests more nearly at home, that is, in the old historical Dual Al- field of Europe itself. And especially does this hold of the IJances. now famous grouping of the powers under a Triple and Dual Alliance. In fact, however much the maintenance of these alliances may be due to the protection which they extend to the colonial pretensions of their members, they owe their inception to circumstances strictly and narrowly European in their bearing. Let us follow this argument briefly. The leading idea of Bismarck's policy after the creation The origin of the German Empire in 187 1 was to keep Germany suf- Aiiia^Je"^ ficiently strong and France sufficiently isolated for the latter power to feel disinclined to risk a war of revenge for the purpose of wipirig out the memory of her great defeat, and of reconquering the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. Accordingly, Bismarck fostered the friendship of Germany with Austria and Russia, and established the alliance which became popularly known as the League of the Three Em- 5/8 The Modern Period perors. The good understanding of Austria and Russia, however, was badly impaired by the jealousy aroused in . Austria by the Russian successes in the Turkish war of 1877, and when, at the Congress of Berlin (1878), Rus- sian diplomacy became convinced that Germany was not supporting Russia with sufficient heartiness, the League of the Three Emperors received its death-blow. Bismarck now felt obliged to protect German interests by some other arrangement, and in the year 1879 he signed a close de- fensive alliance with Austria. This Dual Alliance was in the year 1882 converted into a Triple Alliance by the ad- dition of Italy, which power was impelled to this step by the fear of French aggression in the Mediterranean, aroused on the occasion of the French occupation of Tunis (1881). The Triple Alliance is at the close of the century still in- tact, and seems to have fulfilled honestly its purpose, an- nounced on a hundred different occasions, of maintaining the peace of Europe. The origin The isolation which marked the position of France after Alliance"* 1870 was due to two causes. First, there was Bismarck's diplomatic success in drawing most of the European pow- ers around himself in a league of peace, and secondly, there was the natural aversion felt by monarchical governments to a close union with a republic, presumably revolution- ary in its tendencies. But the coolness arising between Russia and Germany at the Congress of Berlin inevitably played into the hands of France. She sought the friend- ship of Czar Alexander III., and although the monarchical prejudices of this sovereign caused him to proceed very cautiously, she finally succeeded (1891) in establishing amicable relations, which under Czar Nicolas II. (1894) seem to have assumed the character of a formal alliance. This Dual Alliance, like the Triple Alliance, claims to be pursuing only peaceful purposes, and has not yet given oc- Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 579 casion to doubt its word. These two great European de- fensive alliances have been formed with reference to antag- onisms in Europe, and are pledged, as far as is known, solely to the maintenance of the stafus quo on the Con- tinent. They do not seem to concern themselves with the extra-European ambitions of the powers, but have nev- ertheless had some influence in the solution of the various rivalries and conflicts of the last twenty-five years. Now these European rivalries and conflicts have gathered The present around the following leading storm-centres : Africa, Tur- tres^Afrfca key, and China. None of these territories is able to offer Turkey, much resistance to attack, and hence their exposure to the *" ^'*' aggression of the strong. First, as to the African difficulties. These are now luck- The African ily approaching a solution, since the conflicting claims, P"'""'^™- inaugurated by the general scramble of the eighties, have been adjudicated by the adoption of the sensible policy of mutual concessions. There were, however, many black moments in the history of the African negotiations, for in- stance, the conflict between England and France in 1898 for the possession of the Niger and the Upper Nile, which was, after dangerous haggling, settled by the withdrawal on the part of France of her pretensions. Peril still threatens Egypt and chiefly at two points :• first, in Egypt, where France watches ^^^j ''*°®" with undisguised aversion the English occupation ; and sec- ond, in the Transvaal (South African Republic), where England's attempt to get citizen-rights for her emigrants called outlanders, and President Kruger's counter-propo- sition for complete and unlimited sovereignty, involved the two countries in long negotiations, and led, in Octo- ber 1899, to war. The Turkish muddle is older than the African one, and The Turk- offeis much tougher resistance to the solvents that have *^ P*^" ^"' been applied to it. Turkey, or the Ottoman Empire, has 58o The Modern Period long been in dissolution, and would have vanished, at least off the face of Europe, decades ago, if the European powers could only have agreed as to who should inherit from the Sultan. At the important Congress of Berlin (1878) they agreed to the principle of fostering the Christian national- ities of the Balkan Peninsula, and although this principle can hardly be expected to meet with the hearty approval of Russia, it has been maintained ever since, with the re- sult that Greece, Roumania, Servia, Montenegro, and Bul- garia have acquired a constantly increasing vigor. In fact, the fierce rivalries of these small states have become as great a threat to the European peace as the progressive decay of Turkey. Thus when in 1885 East Roumelia revolted from Turkey and begged to be incorporated with Bulgaria, Servia, -jealous of this increase of her neighbor, engaged in a war in which she was defeated. The con- flagration was only kept from spreading over the whole Peninsula by the interference of the powers. Meanwhile the decay of Turkey has continued, and at two points in particular has led to the old game of revolt by the' subjects, answered by massacres on the part of the Turks. These two points are Armenia and Crete or Candia. Armenia. The territory of Armenia in eastern Asia Minor is partly Russian and partly Turkish. The Armenians are of Semitic stock, but have long been converted to Christianity. Be- ginning with 1890, the Armenians resident on Turkish soil began organizing a revolt for the purpose of acquiring their independence after the manner of the Balkan nationalities. In 1894, 1895, and 1896, grave outrages were committed by the Turks as an answer to the revolutionary propaganda, and although the powers in response to the clamorous senti- ment of Europe interfered and put an end to the disturb- ances, they did not succeed, owing to the opposition of Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 581 Russia, in carrying out the only permanent measure of re- form — the separation of Armenia from Turkey. In Crete there arose even greater difficulties, but they Crete, were luckily brought in the end to a more satisfactory con- clusion. The Island of Crete is inhabited by Christians and Mussulmans, the Christians being of Hellenic race. As far back as 1868 the Sultan had been obliged by the powers to promise reforms in Crete, but these were carried out with so much delay and equivocation that the island never obtained any real peace, and was perpetually disturbed by outbreaks between the Christians and Mussulmans. In 1894 the Christians, secretly aided by their brethren in the kingdom of Greece, began a systematic revolt which the Sultan was not able to suppress. In 1896 the Sultan, under pressure from the powers, again promised reforms and a Christian governor, but the distrust of him was by this time firmly rooted, and neither the Cretans nor the Greeks were appeased. Finally, in February, 1897, the Greeks, -pjjg Xurco- carried away by the pan- Hellenistic passion, sent a flotilla Greek War of torpedo-boats to aid the Cretans, and thereby practically declared war against Turkey. During the next weeks there were feverish preparations on both sides, and in April Turkey actively took the field. In a short campaign she completely overwhelmed the Greeks, but was hindered by the interference of the powers from getting any great ad- vantage from her victory. One important result of the war, however, was that Greece and Turkey alike agreed to the principle of autonomy for Crete, and promised to ac- cept the Christian governor, who was to be named by the powers. After wearisome negotiations. Prince George of Greece was at last (1898) appointed to this office. Crete is therefore at present only nominally under Turkey, and her self-government under a Greek prince would seem to indicate that the future will bring her into the fold of the Christian kingdom. 582 The Modern Period The Chinese Problem. The war with Japan, 1895. The ques- tion of the dismember- ment of China. The weakness of China is an old story. On several oc- casions (1842, i860, 1868) she has been compelled by England or France or Russia to make commercial and even territorial concessions. But it was not till her war with Japan in 1895 that her whole weakness was revealed. In this war, Japan, commanding an army and a navy organ- ized on modern principles, won an easy victory, and would have acquired a substantial piece of Chinese territory, if Russia, France, and Germany had not interfered and obliged her (Treaty of Shimonoseki) to be satisfied with the island of Formosa and a money indemnity. But besides the weakness of China, there were also brought to the at- tention of Europe on this occasion her immense undeveloped resources, which soon aroused the avidity of the powers to striking pitch. In 1897 Emperor William II. of Germany seized the port of Kiao-Chow, and immediately after Rus- sia got possession of Port Arthur, and England of Wei-hai- wei. Thus the scramble for China has begun. France and Italy have not failed to demand special privileges for themselves, and in 1898 the problem became still further complicated by the advent in the Orient of a new power, the United States, through the acquisition from Spain, in a successful war, of the Philippine Islands. At present the powers seem all to be inclined toward a liberal commercial policy, are alike profuse with protestations of good inten- tions toward China and toward each other, but nevertheless are watching every new move with suspicion. The inter- esting question for every student of contemporary politics is whether China will maintain herself or will be partitioned among the powers. SPECIAL TOPICS Bismarck and the Triple Alliance. Seignobos, Chaps. XXVIII. An- drews, Vol. II., p. 323 fF. Lo\ve, Prince Bistnarck. Vol. II. The Transvaal Dispute. Hillegas, Oom Paulas People, $1.25. Ap- pleton. Bryce, Impressions in South Africa. $2.50. Century Co. North American Review^ November, x8g9-March, 1900 (especially article by Bryce). Also Nineteenth Ceniury^ Fortnightly, etc., of same period. CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES I.— EMPERORS AND POPES Note i.— The table of Emperors is complete from Karl the Great on; the table of Popes contains only the more important names. Note 2. — ^The names in itaUcs are those of German kings who never made any claim to the imperial title. Those marked with an * were never actually crowned at Rome. Charles V. was crowned by the Pope, but at Bologna, not at Rome. Vearof Accession. Popes. Emperors. Year of Accession. A.D. A.D. 314 Sylvester L (d. 336). Constantine (the Great), alone. 323 Julian the Apostate. 361 Theodosius I. 379 Arcadius (in the East), Honorius (in the West). 395 Theodosius II. (E.). Valentinian III. (W.). 424 440 Leo I. (the Great), (d. 461). Romulus Augustulus (W.). 47S (Western line ends with Romulus Augustulus, 476.) [Till 800 there are Em- per t-i A Cd S y w rt -'g g'H 13 S" "0*0 bAU .s.s ^5 ..f o bo bcc .S2 30. ~.£ M US- D'S^ 2m o 5ji ^ »n "^ "1. in M ■-"S-s 3" S "^ M O CvO OS" ■§2 -a w.S e.5 s + II — -Jo? |l2£- rti4 2 m" _^u.7- M o.s ■" B " S<1 < O w a s ui g 3 0) M .2 .sf 'm #.'5 Sa . ^S . ssd as -o OJ o "1 « o »n 5 J2 -s- si ■ S E "^ Q + s ^0 jT su ^-ff- ■p+ avo t s 588 Chronological and Genealogical Tables C5 Z ^ A < M W w K f4 H PL, H ^ w w o w K a e; 1 5 J? 1— 1 < o •A ^ 12 -^r^- ^ Q 3 , o * ■si- > bfl ■♦ -■~'Si,_m. o m It in ^ ^ rt hljop ■■S S" Q\ CO 2 o ■S-o SB 0.^ ■5:: + J" s Chronological and Genealogical Tables S89 ~i m ^ a ? fl H c •-> sa^ tn ■SrB s" 1^ c m W Z 1' -3 |i1 w 1 a 1 X ^ 4:s ^1 ^ K s^'i, ^f M < 5 t < z o o < b, Z O X ""■« •:§" ^" -So, 5 ? V- i>32 sis 1(5 ■so s \> 03 ■si- ll) >*• . o m . ni-i <^ >. 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S 1 « i 00 1 II 4^ 1^ ^ + > -rt" -i .2 -•S-S_E [■^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ s s ti ' ^ ^ 596 Chronological and Genealogical Tables o -=• 3 .2 as o N \o<3 u'SJ so i-S •=■ I bU 0< Z < CO d Q — rt- s u O < 2 pfc, l§ m m z — O — u- ^ ■£ Z 7 Ed 1 II- ^ o 11 U ^5 ~1 « M i 4! 2-5 §1 Is ■o.-a >o Chronological and Genealogical Tables 597 t: t u, :;. =0 < S i 2 U 2 -3i °5 «i2 i^S Id a ^; o u < O H s O - fa J^ I «- 5 B I ^ J- II S c K .2, W ^: s ■Ss ■ti s = b) ■■5^ "^s •^ 2- ng > _> >> ■so ■" ■Ho s c ^ n ^ S H H H \ \ -iS- \a s \ 1 s" s \| cS i- 11 1^ m •s 1 B - S ■gl 1 ^ + i^o"^ .a •S •§!>> « 1 ■s s c^-ig— 3 3 Owe arlof Catha H or, E W . -a i! s 5 •°s S " p^ ■e + wr~ -s-g" II ^ II P4 4> . -g«o o o 3 E-g i_S; 3 • en oo-g S S u 598 Chronological and Genealogical Tables o H U M z o U £ H o o > o < X Q <; & H in O Q D H O O bAg lO g -Ji « p «-' ■* •a " s" c o ;;2 _rt *f ^air 1 -H L o bo c > 1 Jl" > -s B M ot eg V to « -^ s ■^ »o > M $?l VS «M S Q .3 __ bo tm ^"c s i' ? m >-: II- -•°" 1 "S n ^ ss V > = >,~ M •Cm -c u w 11- -S"!. 1 wc ^ V a'c 'I V IS o o £ o w > .2.3 §5 II — rt ro — aS— S u> F ^ •og U SogS. »4 INDEX Aachen, 94 Abbassides, 188 Abelard, 146, 168, 198 Absolutism^ growth of, in Europe, 279 Abu Bekr, 184, 188 Abukir Bay, battle of, 500 Acco, siege of, 200 ; taken by Mo- hammedanSj 203 Act of Settlement, 459 Act of Supremacy, 331 ; abolished, 336 ; restored, 340 Act of Uniformity, 340, 413 Adelaide, 97 Adolph of Nassau, 249 Adrianople, battle of, 23 ; peace of. Mlhed the Great, 70-72 ^thelberht, king of Kent, 31 jEthelred the Redeless, 73 f. ^thelstan, 72 ^thelwulf, 70 ^tius, 25 ; defeats Attila, 26 Agincourt, battle of, 239 Aix-la Chapelle, peace of, 424, 451, 46s Alamanni, 25, 44 Alaric, 23 f. Alberic, 98 Albigenses, 161, 162, 224 Albomoz, 221 Alcuin, 56 Alexander II., Pope, 80, 135 f. Alexander III., Pope, 152-6 Alexander v.. Pope, 271 Alexander VI., Pope, 273, 292 Alexander I. (Czar), 508 ff.; 530 Alexander II. (Czar), 569, 572 Alexander of Battenberg, 571 Alexis (son of Peter), 439 Alexius, 105, 195 Ali Khalif, 184, 188 Alsace, cession of, 388 ; to Ger- many, 558 Alva, duke of, 352 S. American Revolution, 467 Amiens, Peace of, 503 Andrew of Longjumeau, 208 Angelo, Michel, 266 Angles, 28 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 72 Anglo-Saxons, 28 ff.; missionaries, 127 Anne, queen of England, 460 f. Anne of Austria, 420 Anne Boleyn, 329 ; proclaimed queen, 330 ; execution of, 333 Anne of Cleves, 333 Anselm, 80, 83 Antioch, 124, 195, 203 Antoine, king of Navarre, 364, 367 Arabic civilization, 189 ff. Arabs, 182 ff. Arcadius, 21 Architecture, Arabic, 190 Areola, battle of, 498 Arianism, 33 Aristotle, 190 Armada, Spanish, 322, 345 Arnold of Brescia, 156 ff. , 198 Arnold of Winkelried, 251 Arnulf, 67, 91 599 66o Index Art, Byzantine, 37 Assembly, National, 477 ff.; Legis- lative, 483 ff. Assize of Clarendon, 234 Athanasius, 174 Athaulf, 173 Athens, University of, 38 Attila, 25 f. Augsburg, Diet of, 306 ; Confession of, 306 ; Religious Peace of, 309 August the Strong '(Poland), 437 Augustine, sent to England, 31 Augustine, St., 174 Austerlitz, battle of, 506 Austrasia, 45, 46 • Austria,' 48, 248 ; Seven Years' War, 452 ff.; War of Austrian Suc- cession, 449 S. ; and French Revo- lution, 484, 496, 497, 506: 512, 515 ; territorial reconstruction of, 520 ; revolution of 1848 in, 537, 542 ff. ; war of 1866, 544 Austrian Succession, war of, 449 ff. Austro-Hungary, 559 Avars, 41, 48 Avignon, 228, 270 f. Azov, Port of, acquired by Peter, 433 Bacon, Francis, 347 Bagdad, seat of Khalifate, 188 Baldwin I., 194, 196 Balkan Peninsula, 567 ff. Bannockburn, battle of, 237 Barneveld, 357 Bastille, fall of, 478 Batavian Republic, 495 Battle of the Spurs, 327 Bavaria, in Thirty Years' War, 379 ff. ; favored by Napoleon, 506 Bavarians, 42, 54 Beaconsfield, Lord, 570 Bede, 31 f. Bedford, Duke of, 239, 242 Becket, Thomas, 235 Beggars (in Netherlands) 352 Begging Friars, 167 Belgium, 25s f.; ceded to France, 498 ; revolution in, 528 f Belisarius, 40 Benedict II., 269 Benedict of Aniane, 176 Benedict of Nursia, 175 f. Benedictine rule, 176 f. Benevento, Duchy of, 42, 96 Beowulf, 28 Berengar of Friuli, 67 Bernard of Clairvaux, 144, 199 Bertha of Kent, 31 Besancjon Episode, 148 ff. Bill of Rights, 418 Bishoprics, established by Karl the Great, 48 ; by Otto I., 96 Bishops' Wars, 402 f. Bismarck, Otto von, 553 ff., 577 ff Black Prince, 238 Blanche of Castile, 225 Blenheim, battle of, 429 Blucher, Marshal, 517 Boemund, 105, 194 ff. Boethius, 72, 190 Bohemia, 48, 96, 99, 250, .252; and Thirty Years' War, 378 f. Bonaparte, Jerome, 508 Bonaparte, Joseph, 510 Bonaparte, Louis, s°5 '< see Na- poleon Boniface, 127 ff, 176 Boniface VIII., 228, 268 f. Book of Common Prayer, 334, 340 Bosnia, revolt of, 569 Boso, 67 Bosworth, battle of, 245, 295 Bothwell, Earl of, 344 Bourbon, House of, in Civil Wars, 364 ; restoration of, 516 Bouvines, battle of, 224 Boyne, battle of the, 458 Braganza, House of, 323 Brandenburg, growth of, 389 ; see Prussia Brazil, 283 Index 60 1 Breitenfeld, battle of, 385 Bretigny, Treaty of, 239 Brille, taking of, 354 Brissot, 489 Britannia, 28 Bruce, David, 238 Brunhilda, 45 Brunswick, duke of, 485 Buckingham, duke of, 398, f ; mur- der of, 400 Bulgaria, 569, 571 Bulgarians, 41 Bund, the (German), 521, 545 Bunyan, John, 419 Burgundians, 24 f Burgundy, 45, 67, loi, 253, 256; House of, 348 Bute, Lord, 467 Cabot, John, 284 Cffidmon, z8 Cairo, 189 f. Calais, loss of, 337 Calendar (republican), 494 Calvin, 313 ff. Calvinisin, spread of, 314 Cambray, peace of, 306 Campo Formio, peace of, 498 Canning, 524 Canossa, 141 Capetian dynasty, 87 Cappel, battle of, and peace of, 312 Caracalla, 8 Cardinals, 134; college of, 135, 142 Carnot, 495, 497 Cassiodorus, 176 Castlereagh, Lord, 561 Catalaunian Fields, 26 Cateau-Cambresis, peace of^ 351 Catharine II., of Russia, 440 f ; 455 Catholic Relief Bill, 562 ■ Catholicism in England, 340, 414, 417 Cavaliers, 404 Cavour, 548 if. Charles Albert of Sardinia, 540 Charles Edward (Pretender), 464 Charles L (Eng.), 397 fif;; flight from London, 404 ; surrender to Scots, 406 ; beheaded, 408 Charles IL (Eng.), 412 ff ; and Louis XIV., 414 ; death of, 416 Charles the Bald, 63 ft Charles the Bold, 246, 253, 256 Charles the Simple, 84 f. Charles I., of Roumania, 571 Charles II., of Spain, 427 Charles IV., of Spain, 510 Charles V., Emperor, king of Spain, 254, 295, 319; French-Spanish Wars, 30s ; crowned Emperor, 306 ; war in Germany, 308 £ ; ab- dicates, 310 ; and the Netherlands, 349 f- Charles IV. , of Bohemia, 250 Charles IV., of France, 231 Charles VI., Emperor, accession, 429 ; death of, 448 Charles VI., France, 239 Charles VII., France, 239 f£ Charles VIII., France, 222, 246 Charles IX. , France, 345, 367 f Charles X. , France, 526 Charles XII., Sweden, 436 ; in Po- land, 437 f. ; Pultava. 438 ; death of, 439 China, 582 Chioggia, battle of, 219 Chivalry, 119 Chlodwig, 44 S. Christian IV. (Denmark), 381 Christianity, 3 ff. ; legalized, 19 f ; in Ireland, 30 f. ; m England, 31 ff. ; in Hungary, 257 ; in Poland, 257 f. Christina of Sweden, 386 Christopher Columbus, 282 Church, under Gratian, 21; Con- stantine and, 20 ; under Justinian, 37 ff. ; in England, 31 ; and Chlod- wig, 44: under Karl the Great, 51, 58 f. ; under Otto I. , 96 ; under Henry III., 103 f ; and feudalism, 602 Index III, 120 ; organization of, 123 ; conquest of the West, 126 f. ; worldliness of, 173 ; and Louis IX. , 227 ; and Wyclif, 243 ; in Middle Age, 261 ; States of tlie, 292, S4I Cisalpine Republic, 498, 506 Cities, 117 ; growth of, 209 ff. ; in Germany, 215 f. ; in Netherlands, 25s f. ; in Italy, 217 ff. Civil Wars, England, 404 ff. ; 407 Clarendon, constitutions of, 234 Clement III. , 155 f. Clement V. , 228 ; at Avignon, 270 Clergy, 120 ; celibacy of, 142 ; regu- lar and secular, 177 Clermont, first crusade, 193 Clive, Lord, 466 Cluniac reforms, 98, 102, 177 f Code Napoleon, 505 Colbert, Jean, 422 Colet, John, 325 f. Coligny, Gaspard de, 364 ; murder of, 369 Colonies, Spanish, 283; English, 2B4 ; French, 285 ; Dutch, 285 Columba, St. , 30 Commerce, 206 f , 211 Committee of Public Safety, 490 ff. Commonwealth, creation of, 408 Commune of Paris, 559 Concordat, the (French), 504 Cond^, Prince of, 364 Confederation of the Rhine, 506 Congress of Berlin, 570 1. Congress of Laibach, 523 Congress of Troppau, 523 Congress of Verona, 523 Congress of Vienna, 516, 519 Conrad I., 92 Conrad II. , loi Conrad III., 144 £, 199 Conrad IV. , i68 Conradino, 168 f. Constance of Sicily, 154 Constance, Treaty of, 154 Constantine, 19 ff Constitution of the year III., 496 Consulate, the (French), 502 Continental system, 509 ff Convention (French), 487 ff. Corday, Charlotte, 491 Corn Laws, repeal of, 563 f. Corporation Act, 413 Corsica, 499 Cortez, 320 Cosenza, 23 Council of Blood, 353, 3SS Council of Nicaea, 123, 158 ; of Alt- heim, 92; of Sutri, 102; of Sar- dica, 125 ; of Constantinople, 125 ; of Chalcedon, 125 ; of Pavia, 131 ; of Worms, 138 ; of Clermont, 193 ; of Constance, 222, 252, 272 ; of Pisa, 271 ; of Basel, 272; of Trent, 317 Counter-Reformation, 315 ff Cranmer, Archbishop, 330, 334, 337 Crecy, 238 Crete, 581 Crimean War, 547 f. Cromwell, Ohver, 405 ff ; Protector, 410; death of, 411 Cromwell, Richard, 412 Cromwell, Thomas, 330, 332 Crusade, Frederic I. , 155, 199 f. ; first, 193 ff ; second, 198 f. ; third, 199 f. ; of Henry VL , 200 ; fourth, 201 ; Children's, 202 ; last, 203 Crusaders, 193 £ ; motives of, 194 Crusades, 193 S. Curials, 9 ff. Curia Regis, 233 Custozza, battle of, 540, S5 ' Cuthbert, St, 30 Cyprus, 200, 203 Dagobbrt, 46 Damascus, 188, 199 Danelaw, 71 Danes, 13, 70 ff. ; 99 f • Danton, 486 ; death of, 493 Index 603 Darnley, Lord, 344 Declaration of Independence, 467 Declaration of Indulgence, 415, 417 Denmark, 256; accepts Lutheran- ism, 311 ; league with Poland and Russia, 436 ; and Schleswig, 538, SS3 Desiderius, 48 Diocletian's reform, 18 t Dionysius Exiguus, 126 Directory, 497 ft Dissenters, 414 Domesday Book, 233 Dominic, St, 179 Dominicans, 179 Don John of Austria, 323, 356 Do nothing kings, 46 Dover, treaty of, 415, 424 Dresden, peace of, 450 Dryden, John, 419 Dual Alliance, 578 Dunstan, 73 Dutch, in Netherlands, 348 ff.; wars with England, 411, 414. 4^5 £ I and Louis XIV., 424 ff. Dutch Colonies, 285, 360 Dutch Republic, origin of, 356 Eadgas Atheling, 81 Eadmund, 70, 72 Eadmund Ironside, 74 Ecclesiastical Reservation, 309 Ecgberht, 28, 69 £ Edessa, ig6 f. Edict of Restitution, 382, 388 Edict of Worms, 303 Edward the Elder, 72 Edward the Confessor, 75 Edward I. , 237 Edward II., 237 Edward III., 231, 237 f. Edward IV. and V. , 239 Edward VL, 333 f. Egmont, Count, 351, 353 Egypt, Napoleon in, 500 Einhard, 60 Ekkehard, 99 Eleanor of Aquitaine, 223 EUzabeth, character, 338 1 ; religiotis policy, 339; and Mary Stuart, 341 ff Elizabeth of the Palatinate, 380 Elizabeth of Russia, 455 England, 28, 33 ; and the Norse- men, 69 ff; after 1070, 232 ff. ; under the Tudors, 296 ; establish- ment of Church of, 334, 339 f.; ex- pansion of life, 347 : in seventeenth century, 395 ff. ; Commonwealth and Protectorate, 408 ff.; restora- tion, 412 ff; under William and Mary, 457 S.; seven years' war, 4S2 ff. , 465 £.; and Ireland, 458, 564 f.; war of Spanish Succession, 428 f., 460; union with Scotland, 461 ; and Napoleon, 499 ff. ; a world empire, 565, 574 f. Enzio, 167, 169 Erasmus, 299 Esthonians, 15 Eugene, prince of Savoy, 428 Europe, physical character of, 56 B. Fairfax, 406 Fatima, 1S9 Fawkes, Guy, 394 Ferdinand and Isabella, 294 Ferdinand I. (Emperor), 310 Ferdinand II. (Emperor), 379 f. Ferdinand III. (Emperor), 387 £ Ferdinand (Brunswick), 466 Ferdinand (Coburg), 571 Ferdinand (Naples), 323 Ferdinand VII. (Spain), 522 Feudal armies, 113 ; dues, 113 f. justice, 115 ; society, 116 ; castles, 120 Feudalism, 107 ; origin of, 108 ; and the Church, in ; terms, in ; and serfs, 116 ; chivalry, 119 ; clergy, 120 : decay of, 121 Fief, III 6o4 Index Finnic-Turkish tribes, is £ Flodden Field, battle of, 327 Florence, 220 f., 291 France, 64; cities of, 209 ff. ; after 1108, 223 ff.; English wars with, 237 ff. ; army of, 244; unification of, 245, 293 ; reformation in, 362 ff. ; under the Guises, 363 S.; war of the three Henries, 370; under Richelieu, 373 ff. ; in Thirty Years' War, 384, 386 ; under Louis XIV. , 421 ff. ; Seven Years' War, 432 ff. , 465 f. ; in eighteenth century, 469 ff.; revolution, 475 ff.; under Louis Philippe, 53^ ff.; Second Republic, 535 ; under Napoleon III., S46 ff.; third republic, 558 Francis I. (France), 361 ; French- Spanish wars, 294, 305 f.; rivalry with Charles V. , 361 ; a persecu- tor, 362 Francis II. (Emperor), 484, 503 Francis II. (Naples), 550 Francis II. (France), 363, 365 Francis Joseph, 544, 560 Francis, St. , 178 f Franciscans, 178 f., 270 Franco-Prussian War, SS7 ff' Franks, 13, 28, 44 ff. Fredegonde, 43 Frederick I. (Emperor), 145 ff. Frederick II. (Emperor), 158 ff., 230 ; crowned, 163 ; and the pa- pacy, 163 ff. ; in Sicily, 164 ; char- acter of, 167 ; on crusade, 163, 202 Frederick I. (Prussia), 446 Frederick Wilham, the Great Elec- tor, 444 ff. Frederick the Great, 448 ff. ; and Voltaire, 452 ; Seven Years' War, 4S3ffi Frederick William I. , 446 f. Frederick William II., 484 Frederick William III., 508, 514 Frederick William IV., 539, 544, 553 Frederick of the Palatinate, 378 ; King of Bohemia, 380 ; and James I.,38of. Friedland, battle of, 508 Fronde, the, 421 Gambktta, 558 Garibaldi, 542, 55° Gaul, invasions of, 24 & Gefolge, 13 f. , 109 Geiseric, 24 Geneva, 313 ft Genoa, 219 George I. , 461 George II., 463 George III. , 467 Gepidse, 42 Gerbert, 100, 191 German Empire, Constitution oi^ SS8 German, order of knights, 180 German Parliament, S37 ff- , 544 f Germans, 12 ff. ; reaction against, 35 ff- Germany, 52 f- , 64 ; expansion of, 96 ; great interregnum in, 248 ; cities of, 215 f., 285 f. ; reformation in, 298 ff. ; Thirty Years' War, 37611 ; and Congress of Vienna, 521 ; ef- fect of July revolution, 529 ; revo- lution of 1848 in, 537 & ; unifica- tion of, 553 ff. Ghengis Khan, 189 Ghibelhnes, 145, 154, 218 Gibraltar, 530 Gironde, 483, 484, 488 i. Gladstone, 565 Godfrey of Bouillon, 194, 197 Godwin, Earl, 75 Golden Bull, 250 Goths, 12 Goths, East, 24; invade Italy, 27; kingdom destroyed, 27 f. Goths, West, 23 {. Gratian and the Church, 21 Gravelotte, SS7 hidex 605 Greek Revolution, 524 f. Gregory I., 31, 176 Gregory II., 130 £. Gregory VII., 89, 105, 131, 136 ffi, 177, 198 Gregory IX. , 165 Gregory X. , 203 Gregory XI., 271 Grimoald, 46 Grouchy, Marshal, 517 Guelfs, 14s, 154, 157. 218 Guido of Spoleto, 67 Guilds, 210, 213, 21S Guise, duke Francis of, 363, 366 Guise, Henry of, 368, 370 Guizot, S33 f. Gunhild, 74 Gunpowder Plot, 394 Gustavus Adolphus, 383 it Guthrum, 71 Hadrian I., 59 Hadrian IV., 147 fF. Hampden, John, 402, 404 Hanover, House of, 459 Hapsburgs, 248 ff. ; two branches, 310 ; and Richelieu, 374, 378, 386, 388 Hardenberg, 514 Harold, elected king of England, 76 ; and William, 80 f. Hebertists, 492 Hegira, 184 Heliand, 100 Henrietta Maria, 397 Henry I. (England), 232 f. Henry II. , 127, 233 ff. , and Beket, 235 Henry III. , 236 I. Henry IV., 237, 239 Henry V., 237, 239 Henry VI., 237, 239 Henry VII., 245, 296 Henry VIII., 325 f. ; foreign poUcy, 327: marriages, 328, 333 ; head of church, 330 i. ; protestantism of, 331 Henry I. (France), 88 f. Henry II., 362, 363 Henry III., 369 ff Henry IV. (Henry of Navarre), 367, 369 ff.; abjures Protestantism, 371 ; and House of Hapsburg, 372 ; assassinated, 372 Henry I. (Germany), 92 f. Henry 11., loi Henry 111., 102 f , no; and papacy, 131 f. ; died. 134 Henry IV., 103, 105, 134 ff. Henry V., 143 " Henry VI, , 155 ff. , 200 Henry VII., 249 Henry the Lion, 145, 153 ff Hermits, 173 Hildebrand, 133 ff. ; Pope, 136 Hohenfriedberg, battle of, 450 HohenzoUern, 252. See Prussia Holland, 255, province of, 356 f. ; becomes Batavian repubUc, 495; and Napoleon, 505 ; n. breach with Belgium, 528 Holy Alliance, 522 Holy League, 289 ; (France), 369 ; (Germany), 377 Holy Roman Empire, 285; disrup- tion, 388 ; end of, 507 Honorius, Emperor, 21 Honorius III., Pope, 163 House of Commons, beginning of, 237 ; separated from House of Lords, 241 Hubertsburg, 45s Hugo Capet, 86 t Huguenots, 363 ff. ; and Edict of Nantes, 371 ; Curbed, 373 Humanists, German, 299; English, 32s Hundred Days, the, 517 Hundred Years' War, 237 ff. Hungary, 95 £, 253, 257 f. ; in 1848, S43 ; in 1867, 559 Huns, IS, 23, 25 f. Huss, John, 252, 271 Hutten, Ulrich von, 299 6o6 Index ILLYRIA, 23 Independents, rise of, 406 India, English win, 466 f. Indulgences, 300 Innocent II. , 144 Innocent III., 158 fC, 201, 236 Innocent IV., 176 ft, 268 Inquisition, in Spain, 295 ; first organized, 318 ; in the Nether- lands, 350 f. Interregnum in Germany, 170, 248 lolanthe, 163 lona. Isle of, 30 Ireland, 30 f., 127, 235 ; colonization of Ulster, 396 : subdued by Crom- well, 409 ; Act of Union, 468 ; relation to England, 458 f., 564 f. Irene, Empress, 50 f., 58 Irish Missionaries, 30, 127 Ironsides, 405 Isabella, 255 Italy, in time of Otto I., 97 f. ; and Normans, 103 ; to 1494, 217 ff. ; and Renaissance, 267, 288 ff, ; and Holy Alliance, 520 f. ; July revolution in, 529 f. ; revolution of 1848 in, 539 ff. ; unification of^ 548 ff. Ivan III., 258 Jacobins (club), 480 James I. (England) , 392 ff. James II., 417 ff. ; in Ireland, 458 James (Pretender), 462 Jane Grey, 335 Jeanne D'Arc, 240 f. Jena, battle of, 508 Jerome, St., 174 Jerusalem, 124 ; taken by Crusad- ers, 196 f., 199, 202 Jesuits, 316 f. John of England, 163, 235 1. John XII. (Pope), 98 Joseph I. (Emperor), 429 Josephine (Empress), 505, 312 Jourdan, 49S> 497 Jubilee of 1300, 269 Julius II., 273, 292 July Revolution, 326 f. ■Justin I., 35 Justin II., 42 Justinian, 27, 35 ff. Jutes, 28 Karlings, origin of, 46 ; last of, 92 Karl the Great, 48 ff. ; as lawgiver and builder, 55 ; and learning, 56 £ ; and the Church, 57 f. ; and Ecgberht, 69; and feudalism, 108 f. ; and the papacy, 130 ; and the cities, 209 f. Karl the Fat, 67, 91 Karl Martel, 47, 128, 130 Kaunitz, 452 Kellermann, 487 Kelts, II £, 37 Kerbogha, 195 f. Khaliffs, 188 Knights of St. John, 180, 203 Knights Templars, 180, 228 Knights, German Order of, 180 f. Knox, John, 342 Knut, 74 Kolin, battle of, 453 Koran, 186 Kossuth, 543 Kunersdorf, battle of, 454 Lafayette, 477, 478, 479 Lamartine, 535 Lanfranc, 80 Langton, Stephen, 160, 236 La Rochelle, siege of, 374 Lateran Council, 161 Laud, 401, 403 Law of Suspects, 490 Laws, Anglo-Saxon, 28, 72 ; codifi- cation of Roman, 36 League, Hanseatic, 216; Rhenish, 248 ; of Schmalkalden, 306, 308 ; Suabian, 216 Lef^bre, 362 Index 607 Legislative Assembly (French), 483 f. Legitimacy, principle of, 519 Legnano, battle of, 154, 217 Leicester, Earl of, 357 Leipsic, battle of, 515 Leo L, the Great (Pope), 126, 131 Leo in., 49£, 62, 135 Leo IX., 104, 132 Leo X., 273, 292 Leo in. (Emperor), 130 Leofric of Mercia, 75 £ Leopold II. (Emperor), 484 Leopold of Belgium, 529 Leopold of HohenzoUern, 556 Lepanto, battle of, 322 f. Lesczinski, Stanislaus, 438 Letts, 15, 170 Leuthen, battle of, 454 Leyden, siege of, 355 Ligny, battle of, 517 Ligurian Republic, 498, 503 Lindesfarne, 30 Lissa, battle o£ 551 Literature, of Middle Age, 261 ; Arabic, 191 ; in Germany, 99 Liutprand, 99 Lombard League, 153 Lombards in Italy, 42 ; and Karl, 48 : and the papacy, 130 Lombardy, 97, 145, 218, 220 ; ac- quired by Italy, 549 Lorraine, 64 ; acquired by France, 465 ; by Germany, 558 Lothaire, 86 Lothar, 63 ft Lothar the Saxon, 143 f. Louis II., the Stammerer, 66 Louis III., 66 Louis IV. (d'Outremer), 86 Louis VL, 90, 198, 223 Louis VII., 198, 223 Louis VIII., 225 Louis IX., 203, 21S, 22s ff., 231 Louis XI. , 222, 246 Louis XII., 294 Louis XIII., 373 Louis XIV., accession, 421 ; per- sonal government of, 422 ; wars of, 423 ffi Louis XV. , 464 £ , 470 Louis XVI. , accession of, 475 ; calls States-General, 475 ; death, 488 Louis XVII., 491, 11. Louis XVIIL, 516,525 Louis Napoleon, 536 Louis Philippe, 527, 532 S. Loyola, Ignatius, 315 £ Lubeck, Peace of, 381 Ludwig of Bavaria, 249 £ , 270 Ludwig the Child, 91 £ Ludwig the German, 62 ff. Ludwig the Pious, 62 £ Luneville, Peace of, 503 Luther, Martin, 300 fE Lutzen, battle of, 358, 515 Machiavelli, 265 MacMahon, Marshal, 557, 559 Magdeburg, 95 ; sack of, 384 Magellan, 282 Magenta, battle of, 549 Magna Charta, 236 Magyars, 15, 93ff-, 170 Maintenon, Madame de, 426 Major Domos, 45 f. Malplaquet, battle of, 429 Manfred, 68 Marat, 486, 491 Marco Polo, 208 Marengo, battle of, 503 Margaret of Valois, 367 Maria Theresa, 448 ff Marie Antoinette, 475 ; death of, 491 Marie Louise (Empress), 512 Marignano, battle of, 294 Marlborough, duke of, 428 £ Marston Moor, battle of, 405 Mary of Burgundy, 253, 256 Mary of England, 335 ffi, character of, 337 Mary Stuart, 341 ff ; execution of, 345 6o8 Index Mathematics, 190 f. Matilda of England, 233 Matilda of Scotland, 233 Matilda of Tuscany, 139 Matthias, Emperor, 378 Maurice de Nassau, 358 Maurice of Saxony, 308 £ Maximilian I., 253, 256, 285 S. Maximilian, duke of Bavaria, 379 f Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, SS^ Mayfields, 53 Mazarin, 420 f. Mazzini, 542 Mecca, 183, 185. Medici, 221 ; Lorenzo de', 221, 291 Medici, Catharine de', 363, 365, 368 Medici, Marie de', 373 Merovingian kings, 44 £f. Metternich and Napoleon, 515, 519, 523 Mexico, French in, ss^ Milan, 146 ; destroyed, 152 ; rebuilt, IS3 ; after 1300, 218, 220, 289 ; rises against Austria, 540 Milton, John, 419 Mirabeau, 477 ; death of, 481 Missi Dominici, 54 Missionaries, Anglo - Saxon, 127 ; Irish, 30, 127 Mohammed, 182 ff. Mohammedanism, 185 ff. ; Turkish, 187 ; in Spain, 189 ; in Africa, 189 Mohammedans, and Karl, 48 f. ; in Sicily, 96 : and Venetians, 201 ; reconquer Syria, 203 ; in Spain and Portugal, 254 ff. ; in Balkan Peninsula, 258 f. MoUwitz, battle of, 449 Moltke, von, 554, 557 Monasteries, suppression of, 331 Monasticism, 172 ff. ; Cluniac pro- gramme, 177 ; benefits and faults of, 179 f. ; miUtary monkish or- ders, 180 f. Monk, George, 412 Monte Casino, 175 Montenegro, 57° Moors, 254 f. , 294, 324 More, Sir Thomas, 326, 331 Moreau, 497, 502 Morgarten, battle of, 251 Moscow, burning of, 513 Mountain, the, 483, 486, 489 Muhlberg, battle of, 308 Murat, SIX Nancy, battle of, 253 Nantes, edict of, 371 f. ; revocation of, 426 Naples, 222, 257 ; university, 167, 289 : revolution in, 523 ; acquired by Italy, 550 Napoleon Bonaparte, and conven- tion, 496 ; in Italy, 497 f. ; First Consul, 502 ; centrahzed adminis- tration, 504 ; Emperor, 505 ; and Prussia, 508 ; and Alexander, 508 f. ; abdication of, 516 ; return from Elba, 517 Napoleon II., 512 n. Napoleon III., 546 ff., 555 ff. Narses, 42 Narva, battle of, 437 Naseby, battle of, 406 National Assembly (French), 476 ff. National guard (French), 478 National workshops, 535 f. Navarino, battle of, 524 Navigation Act, 411 Necker, 47S Nelson, 500, 509 Netherlands, 2SS f- ; under House of Burgundy, 348 ; revolt of, 351 ff. ; seven united Provinces, 356 ff. ; Thirty Years' War, 338 ; declared free, 389 Netherlands, Spanish, 360 ; war with Louis XIV., 423 Neustria, 45 f. Ney, marshal, 517 Nibelungen lied, 24, 57 Index 609 Nicasa, council of, 58 f., 125 ; siege of, 195 Nice, sso Nicholas I., Pope, 131 Nicholas II., 104, 134 f Nicholas, Czar, 524, 531, 547, 568 Nimwegen, treaty of, 425 Noricum, 23 Normandy, 79 Normans, in England, 75 S. ; in It- aly, 104 ff. North German Confederation, 555 Northmen (norsemen), in West Frankland, 66, 84; invade Eng- land, 69 f. ; pirates, 77 £ ; charac- ter of, 77 ; in the East, 78 ; in the West, 79 ; in France, 79 Northumberland, duke of, 334 1. Norway, 256 f. Norwegians, 13 Nystadt, Treaty of, 439 O'CoNNBLL, Daniel, 562 Odo, 67, 84 Odovaker, 22, 26 f Olaf, 73 Omar, khalif, 184, 188 Ommeiades, 188 f. Orange, house of, 353, 11. ; rein- statement of, 424, 528 Orestes, 22 Orleans, regent, 464; duke of, 492, 527 Osman Pasha, 570 Othman, khalif, 184, 188 Otto I., 94 f£ ; importance of his reign, 99 £ ; and the papacy, 131 Otto II., loo Otto III., 86 f , 100; and the papacy, 131 Otto IV., 167 f. Otto, king of Greece, 525 Oxenstiem, chancellor, 386 Oxford reformers, 267, 325 £ Pacification of Ghent, 355 Palatinate, and Thirty Years' War, 380 ; war of, 427 Pannonia, 26, 27, 42 Papacy, ninth and tenth centuries, 96 f. ; reformed by Henry III., 102 ; and William the Conqueror, 83 ; and the Normans, 104 £ ; origin and growth of, 123 f£ ; struggle with emperors, 134 ff. ; under Gregory VII., 136 ff. ; and Frederick I. , 148 ff. ; concordat of Worms, 143 ; character changed, 162 ; and Frederick II. , 163 ; in- fluence of crusades, 205 ; at Avig- non, 270 ; secularization of, 221 ; struggle with Ludwig of Bava- ria, 249 £ ; after 1250, 268 IE ; schism, 271 £ ; conciliar idea, 271 £ Paris, peace of, 467, 516, 548 Parlement, 227 ff Parliament, 237, 241 ff. ; under Eliz- abeth, 339 ; under James, 394 ; under Charles, 397 ff. ; long, 403 ff. ; cavalier, 413 ff. ; ascend- ency, 460 Parma, duke of, 356, 358 Partition treaty, the, 427 Patriarch, office of, 124 Patrick, St 30 £ Paulus Diaconus, 56 Pavia, 42 ; battle ol^ 305 Peasants' revolt (Germany), 304 £ Persia, 41 Peter the Great, 432 ff. ; at Nerva, 437 ; at Pultava, 438 Peter III. (Russia), 455 Peter the Hermit, 193 Peter of Pisa, 56 Petition of Right, 399 Petrarch, 265 Philip II. (France), 199, 223 £, 167 ; and John, 23S f. Philip III., 227 £ Philip IV., 228 S. \ and Boniface, 268 £ ; and Clement V., 270 Philip V. 231 Philip VI. 231 £, 238 6io Index Philip of Anjou, 427 ; as Philip V., of Spain, 430 Philip II. (Spain), 320 ff. ; war with Dutch, 322, 350 if. ; armada, 322, 34S ; acquires Portugal, 323 Philip III., 324 Philip of Suabia, 159 Pichegru, 495 Piedmont, and Napoleon, 498 ; re- stored to Savoy, 521 Pippin, 47, 128 ; and the papacy, 130 Pippin the elder, 46 Pippin the younger, 467 Pitt, William, Earl of Chatham, 466 f. Pitt, William, the younger, 468 Pius IX., 541 f. Plague, 241 Plevna, battle of, 570 Podesta, 218 Poictiers, battle of, 238 Poland, 257 f. ; anarchy of, 437, 441; partition of, 441, 456 ; revolution in, 53° t Polish Succession, war of, 464 Pompadour, Madame de, 466, 475 Portugal, 255 ; falls to Spain, 323 ; and Napoleon, 510 Pragmatic Sanction, 448 Presbyterianism, origin of, 314 Pride's Purge, 408 Privileged orders, in France, 471 Protestantism ; see Reformation Prussia, 96, 252 ; increase in power, 444 ff. ; and French Revolution, 484, 496; and Napoleon, 507 f.; revival of, 514 ff. ; war of 1866, 554 ; war of 1870, 556 ff. Prussians, 15 Pultava, battle of, 438 Puritans, origin of, 340 ; and James I., 393 f.; and Charles I., 397, 406 Pym, 404 Pyrenees, treaty of, 421 Quebec, capture of, 466 Quiberon, battle of, 466 Rastadt, peace of, 430 Ratger, 24 Ravenna, 43 Raymond, Count of Toulouse, 194, 196 Reform Bills (England), 562 f. Reformation: in Germany, 29B If.; in France, 362 ff. ; in Switzerland, 312 ff. : in Scandinavia, 311 ; in England, 330 ff. Reichstag, 559 Rembrandt, 360 Renaissance, in England, 245, 267; in Italy, 262 ; in France, 267, 278 Requesens, 354 f. Restoration, the (English), 412 ff, Reuchlin, 299 Revolutionary Tribunal, 490, 494 Richard I., 157, 189 f., 235 Richard II., 237, 239 Richard III., 244 f., 267 Richelieu, 373 ; enters thirty years' war, 386 Rienzi, 221 Rizzio, murder of, 344 Robert I. (France), 85 Robert II., 88 Robert the Strong, 84 Robert Guiscard, 104 f., 134, 142, 195 Robert II. of Sicily, 144 Robespierre, 477 ; and Jacobins, 480; and Committee of Public Safety, 490 ; fall of, 494 Roland, Madame, 492 Rolf, the Norman, 79 Roman Empire, 8 ff.; government divided, 21 Romanoff, house of^ 431 Rome, sacked by West Goths, 23 £ ; church at, 124 f.; sack of, 305; republic, 540 ; acquired by Italy, SS7 Romulus Augustulus, 22 Roncaglian Diet, 145, 151 Rossbach, battle of, 453 Index 6ii Roumania, 569, 57° f- Roundheads, 404 Rousseau, 474 Rudolf, count, 67, 85 Rudolf I. (Hapsburg), 248 f. Rudolf II. , 377 Rugians, 27 Rugilas, 25 Rump Parliament, 408 f. Rupert, 252 Rupert, Prince, 405, 406 Rurik, 78 Russia, 258 ; under Peter, 433 ff. ; under Catharine II. ; 440 f. ; and French Revolution, 508, 512 ; and Greek Revolution, 525 ; and Po- land, 530 f. : and Crimean War, 547: and Balkan Peninsula, 568 ff. Ryswick, peace of, 427 Sadowta, battle of, SS4 St Bartholomevi', massacre of, 36S f. Saint Germain, peace of, 366 St. Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 446 St. Just, 493 Saladin, 189, 199 San Germano, 164 San Stephano, treaty of, 570 San Yuste, 310 Saracens in Sicily, 103 Sardinia, 54°; under Victor Em- manuel, 548 ft Savonarola, 222, 291 Savoy, 218, 292; acquired by France, 550 Saxons, 28, 48 SchamhorsL 514 Schism, 271 £ Schleswig-Holstein, 538, S4S. SS3 Scotland 30, 327 ; and Mary Stuart, 341 S. ; and Charles I., 402 f. ; subdued by Cromwell, 409 ; union with England, 392, 461 Sebastopol, 548 Sedan, battle of, 557 Sempach, 251 Senators, 9 Separatists, origin of, 341 September massacres, 487 Serfs, 116 Servia, 569, 570 f Seven Years' War, 433 ff. , 465 ff. Sforza family, 220 Shakespeare, 347 Ship-money ordinances, 401 {. Sicilian Vespers, 268 Sicily, under Saracens, 103 ; under Normans, 104 ff. ; and Henry VI., 157 ; under Frederick II., 164 f. Sigismund, 252 Silesia, Frederick invades, 449 Simon de Montfort, 237 Slavs, 14 f., 48 f. , 56, 96, 143, 170 Socialists (French), 533, 535 f. Soissons, 47, 85 Solferino, battle of, 549 Solyman II., 257 Somerset, duke of, 333 f. Sophia (Hanover), 459, 461 Sophia, St. , church of, 37 Soult, marshal, 516 Spain, 23, 254 f. ; unification of, 294; under Charles I., 319 ; under Phijip II., 320 ff. ; and Napoleon, 510 f. ; revolution in, 522 Spanish colonies, 283 f. Spanish Succession, war of, 427 ff. , 460 Spinoza, 360 Spoleto, 42, 96 f. States of the Church, 292 States-General, 229, 375, 47s t Stein, 514 Stephen of Blois, 193, 233 Stephen IV., 62 Stephen VI. , 97 Strafford, earl of, 401, 403 Stralsund, siege of, 382 Streltsi, the, 434 Suevi, 24 Suger, 223 Sully, 372 6l2 Index Supreme Being, religion of, 494 Sweden, 256 ; accepts Lutheranism, 311 ; in Thirty Years' War, 383 ff. ; under Charles XII., 43s ff. Swedes, 13 Swein, 74 Swein of Denmark, 82 Swiss guards, 485 Switzerland, 250 (. , 253 ; reforma- tion in, 312 ; independence of, 389 Sword Brothers, 181 Syagrius, 44 Sylvester II., 100 Tancred, 156 f. Tancred, 194 f. Tchuds, IS Terror, reign of, 490 ff. Test Act, 416 ; repealed, 561 Tetzel, 300 Teutonic Knights, 180 f. Thanes, 22 Theoderick the Great, 27, 190 Theodora, empress, 40 Theodore of Tarsus, 32 Theodosius, 21, 23 Thermidoreans, rule of, 494 Thiers, 533, 534, SS9 Third coalition, 506 Third Estate, 230, 472 f. Thirty-nine articles, 334, 340 Thuringia, 45 Tilly, 381, 38s Tilsit, peace of, 508 f. Togrul Beg, 188, 193 Toleration Act (England), 419 Tories, origin of, 416 Tours, battle of, 47 Tower of London, 82 Trafalgar, 509 Transvaal, 579 Trent, council of, 307, 317 Tribonian, 36 Triple Alliance, 577 Tunnage and Poundage, 400 f. Turanians, 15 Turgot, 47S Turks, 188, 192 f., 202, 258 f.;and Venice, 290 ; in Germany, 207 ; war with Philip II., 322 £; war with Catharine, 490 ; war with Greeks, 524 f. ; wars with Russia, 525, s68 ff. Union, Protestant, 377 Union of Utrecht, 356 Ural-Altaic peoples, 15 Urban II., 142, 193, 205 Urban III., 156 Urban VI., 271 Utopia (More), 326 Utrecht, peace of, 430 Valens, 23 Valmy, battle of, 487 Vandals, 24 Varennes, flight to, 482 Vasa, house of, 311 Vasco da Garaa, 281 Vassalage, 107 Vassy, massacre of, 366 Vatican library, 273 Venetians, 105, 201 f. Venice, 201 f., 219, 290 ; rises against Austria, 540 ; acquired by Italy, SSI Verdun, treaty of, 63 f. Vergniaud, 489 Versailles, peace of, 408 Vervins, peace of, 372 Victor Emmanuel II. , 54°! 548 ff. Vienna, congress of, 516, 519 (■ Vinci, Leonardo da, 266 Visconti family, 220 Voltaire, 452, 474 Voyages of discovery, 280 ff. Wagram, battle of, 512 Wales, 237 Wallenstein, 381, 386 Walpole, Sir Robert, 462 Index 613 Wars of the Roses, 244 f. Warsaw, grand duchy of, 508 Washington, 466, n. , 467 Wat Tyler's Rebellion, 242 Waterloo, battle of, 317 f- Wedmore, treaty of, 71 Wellington, duke of, 516 ; in Spain, 511 ; at Waterloo, 517 f., 561 f. Wentworth, Sir Thomas, 401 Westphalia, peace of, 388 f. Whigs, origin of, 416 ; rule of, 462 Whitby, council of, 31 White Hill, battle of, 380 Widukind, 99 William I., the Conqueror, 80 ff., 89, 138, 142, 332 William II., 232 William of Holland, emperor, 167 William of Orange, 351, 3S3 ff-l death of, 357 William III. , accession, 424 ; cham- pion of Europe, 426. See William and Mary William I. (Prussia), 553 ff.; em- peror, 558 William and Mary, 418, 457 ff. ; con- stitutional developments under, 460 Witenagemot, 73, 232 Witt, John de, 423, 424 Wolfe, 466 Wolsey, Thomas, 327, 330 Worcester, battle of, 409 Worms, Council of, 13S ; concordat of, 143 ; diet of, 302 ; edict of, 303 Wyclif, John, 243, 271 YoKK, Rouse of, 295 Yorktown, 467 Zacharias, pope, 47 Zenki, 197, 199 Zeno, 22, 35 Zorndorf, battle of, 454 Zwingli, Ulrich, 312 Longitude Wcul \\)^fTQm Green incli l( F.uat 10' from Greenirlch Aftur 507 llR' Kius^lom oflbe 'West fiolli^ 1" G"' imited to a small aoutliern strip 'S<;pTiiiiaijia KIN'GDOil OF THE MEROVIXGIAXS, etr Cuiiqiic^t^. E OF MILEfl, Thejl.-N. Co., BuffAU. S. Y. Lontiitude 5 West from Greenwich U^~^^- The TU.-N. Co., 'Buffalo, K. T. ^ tilt Id'/rom Or^^nirich. Lo-ngitvJe !&" Weat from lu" Qrcenwkh Lun^itude TM yr.-KCo.. Jiiiffalo X Y. in 9 Q •H < p ^ w c< a H H a lij S ^ H «s) Seclef'axtloal Stales i' Da.'inlhe Aanrfs [ j of Culh.lic^ \ ! hodftlant Lay Stata [71] Luii'jiiudt! Eaut D" //-om (j'reefi EUROPE at the Time of the Greatest Expausiau of NAPOLEON'S POWER, 1812. SCjile of milks. a Co I eigne phnpelli; F R m m CliaiLlilri- A,VD0RR,4Q iV ^I E D £ X E R\li A N E A N Th^ M.-y. Co.,Biiffalo, ^\ v. Bouudary of German Conri'di'i-yiiDii, Lliiiji: Prussia in 1815, tbus: Olht:r Gormao Territory, lliua: L-nti-itu