S>mt QlolUge of Agricultutc 
 
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Cornell University Library 
 HV 4193. W8 
 
 The settlement horizon; a naJ,io"f ' f,^*'!"^ 
 
 3 1924 013 788 066 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
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 The original of tiiis book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013788066 
 
THE SETTLEMENT 
 HORIZON 
 
 A NATIONAL ESTIMATE 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT A. WOODS 
 
 AND 
 
 ALBERT J. KENNEDY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION 
 
 1922 
 
copyright) 1922, by 
 Russell Sage Foundation 
 
 WM • F. FELL CO. PRINTERS 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
PREFACE 
 
 THE writers, who began this study at the suggestion of a 
 representative group of fellow-workers in different parts of 
 the country, have to express their deep appreciation of 
 ready and thorough aid received from nearly all the American set- 
 tlement houses. Many head residents have given us the fullest 
 value of personal reminiscence and judgment. A large store of 
 significant private data, in addition to every sort of printed matter, 
 has been placed in our hands. Burdensome questionnaires, and a 
 great variety of special inquiries, have been carefully answered. 
 The visits which it has been our privilege to make to not less than 
 four hundred of the five hundred settlements in the United States 
 have kept us continuously in a rare atmosphere of loyalty to settle- 
 ment aims, while in each instance providing vital information and 
 suggestion in a field of effort qualified so largely by individual 
 vision and power, whether among veterans or recruits. In con- 
 nection with these visits, frequent opportunity of conference was 
 afforded with men and women who possess that decisive acquain- 
 tance with the settlement which comes to its sagacious neighbors. 
 For the past decade, as joint secretaries of the National Federa- 
 tion of Settlements, we have had the opportunity of arranging for 
 and responsibly participating in its annual meetings and of editing 
 its reports; and have thus enjoyed close association with those 
 giving expression, from year to year, to the most recent develop- 
 ments of specific experience and the most timely precipitants of 
 conviction and purpose. Part of the official duties of the enterprise 
 has been to keep in unbroken communication with staff and board 
 members of neighborhood agencies throughout the United States 
 and in many foreign countries. One of us has at different times 
 visited the original as well as the more recent English establish- 
 ments, and has had the privilege of seeing something of the new 
 embodiments of settlement motive that are springing up at various 
 points on the continent of Europe and in the Orient. 
 
 iii 
 
PREFACE 
 
 In addition to all that has come through these more comprehen- 
 sive undertakings, we are specially indebted to Miss Alice E. Rob- 
 bins and Miss Elizabeth S. Williams, who, in the early stages of the . 
 study, gathered and arranged the results of a systematic inquiry 
 into the work of the numerous and widely suggestive settlements of 
 New York City, a field familiar to them through long and success- 
 ful experience. Later we served as editors of a productive national 
 inquiry, in which there was the broadest settlement participation, 
 into neighborhood work among adolescent girls. For New York, in 
 organizing and interpreting the material thus collected, we had the 
 valuable assistance of Miss Harriet McD. Daniels. 
 
 Dr. Jane E. Robbins has reviewed with special care the story of 
 the beginnings on this side of the water. Miss Ethel W. Dougherty 
 has given the presentation of club work among girls and women 
 the benefit of her wide experience. Professor Henry G. Pearson, 
 of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, with practised skill 
 has aided in clearing the reader's path of obstacles in expression 
 and substance. 
 
 Indispensable assistance at many points has come from associa- 
 tion with our immediate colleagues at South End House and from 
 the larger fellowship of the Boston settlements. 
 
 Settlement work, though predominantly localized, covers a range 
 of active interests as wide as civilization, all of them in course of 
 development. It will be understood, therefore, that each phase of a 
 subject so many-sided will have bearings that cannot be covered 
 under any one head. We therefore suggest reference to the Index 
 by those who would follow up any specific topic in the settlement 
 program. A selection of authoritative books and articles on the 
 different phases of settlement work is presented in the Bibliography 
 at the end of the volume. For an ordered outline of the work of 
 individual houses our Handbook of Settlements, published in 1910 
 by the Russell Sage Foundation, should be consulted. 
 
 IV 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 ORIGINS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. Antecedents in England i 
 
 II. English Beginnings 17 
 
 III. American Background 30 
 
 IV. American Pioneers 40 
 V. The Settlement in Being 53 
 
 VI. The Local Impress 64 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD GUILD 
 
 VII. Clubs: Boys and Men 73 
 
 VIII. Clubs: Girls and Wojnen 88 
 
 IX. Mixed Company 100 
 
 X. Summer in the City 1 1 1 
 
 XI. Country Vacation Centers 121 
 
 CULTURE AND REALITY 
 
 XII. Educational Approach 131 
 
 XIII. Training in Handwork 138 
 
 XIV. The Three Arts 146 
 XV. Neighborhood Humanities 162 
 
 NEXT-DOOR TO LABOR 
 
 XVI. The Labor Cause 169 
 
 XVII. Women and Children in Industry ' 177 
 
 XVIII. Below the Poverty Line 189 
 
 XIX. Standards of Well-Being 200 
 
 XX. The Co-operative Man 208 
 
 COMMON WEAL 
 
 XXI. Tammany Leads the Way 223 
 
 XXII. Home and Street 23 1 
 
 XXIII. Health 243 
 
 XXIV. Law and Order 260 
 XXV. School - 274 
 
 XXVI. Recreation 285 
 
 XXVIl. Wartime Regimen 297 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 COMMON WILL ""^^^ 
 
 XXVI 1 1 . Family of Families 305 
 
 XXIX. Institutions and Neighborhood 3 '6 
 
 XXX. Race and Place 326 
 
 XXXI. The Living Center 34' 
 
 XXX 1 1 . The New Synthesis of Locality 3 5 • 
 
 GRASP AND REACH 
 
 XXXIII. Settlement Factors 363 
 
 XXXIV. City Federations 375 
 XXXV. National Outlines 386 
 
 APPENDIX 
 I. Sex Education 4^9 
 1 1 . Playtime Activities for Children 41 1 
 in. Window-Box Gardening 4 1 2 
 IV. Vacant Lot and School Gardens 413 
 V. Vacation Schools 413 
 VI. Cooking Classes, Kitchen Gardens, and Other House- 
 hold Matters 414 
 VII. Settlement Assistance in Legislation 417 
 VI n. Settlement Milk Depots, Laundries, and Sales of 
 
 Clothing . 418 
 IX. Infant Saving in Chicago 418 
 X. An Experimental Definition of the American Stan- 
 dard of Living ~ 419 
 X 1 . Radicalism and Misunderstanding 420 
 XII. Italian Contributions to American Culture 421 
 
 XIII. Records 422 
 
 XIV. Settlement Buildings 422 
 XV. Group Altruism 423 
 
 XVI. Festivals 423 
 
 XVII. Initiating Forces 427 
 
 XVIII. Resident Personnel 428 
 
 XIX. Interplay of Religious Loyalties 435 
 
 XX. Non- Resident Associates 436 
 
 XXI. Boards 437 
 
 XXII. Head Residents 440 
 
 XXIII. Financial Associations 441 
 
 XX iV. Street Trades 442 
 
 XXV. Commercial Amusement Resorts 443 
 
 XXVI. Interpretation Through Conference and Print 443 
 
 XXVI I. Organizations to Promote Local Welfare 444 
 
 Bibliography 447 
 
 Index 475 
 
 vi 
 
I 
 
 ORIGINS 
 
CHAPTER I 
 ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 THE university settlement came as the response of spiritual 
 enlightenment to elemental changes in the life of the English 
 people. 1 1 had its origins in the work of some of the foremost 
 moral leaders of the nation, as singly or in rare fellowship they 
 passed in succession through the last century. These men had pro- 
 found influence in remodeling institutions shaken by the industrial 
 revolution ; they played an indispensable part in devising and es- 
 tablishing new forms of collective enterprise. Gradually there was 
 outlined a project which seemed to epitomize all that they pro- 
 posed. It was one of those conceptions whose simplicity is its 
 power. Though creating in some sort a missionary order of the 
 new humanities, it provided for no apostles; it relied solely upon a 
 discipleship pledged to a way of life. Within two decades this 
 propaganda of deed was commanding the energies of hundreds of 
 loyal companies throughout the English-speaking world. 
 
 The especial mark of the historic processes which led up to this 
 development was the endeavor on the part of men of the highest 
 gifts and training to share working-class interests. 1 1 was thus that 
 factory legislation had its beginnings. In its early struggles some 
 of the best intelligence of the country joined hands with the labor 
 movement. Recurrent and increasing emphasis was laid upon the 
 necessity of a changed community background for working-class 
 life. Several pioneer efforts were made to establish industrial vil- 
 lages among whose inhabitants obligations based on income and 
 education should traverse all grades and distinctions. In the end 
 it was discovered that the most fertile soil for participation between 
 separated groups lay in the midst of working-class neighborhoods. 
 Here, compassed about by all the problems of advancing democ- 
 racy, university men might make their home. Here, under im- 
 
 2 I 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 memorial sanctions, might be formed between scholar and toiler the 
 tie of neighbor. 
 
 The modern humanitarian movement was made possible by the 
 increased material prosperity which appeared with factory produc- 
 tion, even as it was made necessary by evils incident to the new 
 industrial order. Its true impetus, however, came out of the 
 Wesleyan revival, which, during the second half of the eighteenth 
 century, wrought results so elemental in English life. Thoughtful 
 people became more sensitive to the appeal of misery. The achieve- 
 ments of John Howard (1726- 1790) in securing progressive prison 
 legislation, and of William Wilberforce (1759-1833) in bringing 
 about the abolition of Negro slavery, helped to revive the old-estab- 
 lished tradition of protective legislation for workers. A long series 
 of factory bills, promoted chiefly under the leadership of Lord 
 Shaftesbury (1801-1885), gradually gained for wage-earners a suffi- 
 cient foothold, in respect of physical vitality, education, and leisure, 
 to make it possible for them to undertake constructive measures of 
 self-help. 
 
 While laws restricting the exploitation of laborers were being 
 added to the statute book,. Robert Owen (1771-1858), a successful 
 factory manager, was opening up some of the far-reaching possi- 
 bilities of readjustment which lay in the factory itself and in the 
 mode of life of its whole related personnel. Born of humble parents, 
 Owen rose through his own exertions to ever more responsible posi- 
 tions, bought an interest in his employer's business and married his 
 daughter, thus progressing through the orthodox British degrees 
 toward success. 
 
 Owen was far ahead of his time in perceiving that the health and 
 happiness of his operatives and their attitude toward work were 
 important factors in production. He astonished his competitors by 
 raising wages and shortening hours. He reduced child labor to a 
 minimum. Finally he captured the imagination of his force by pay- 
 ing them their wages through a three-month period of unemploy- 
 ment caused by a shortage of cotton. 
 
 For the factory village of New Lanark, Owen outlined and en- 
 forced wholesome sanitary regulations, supplied skilled medical at- 
 tendance, opened a model provision store, established a savings 
 bank, and encouraged the organization of a sick-benefit society. 
 
 2 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 The possibilities inherent in the rising generation also caught 
 Owen's imagination. He worked out and put into operation a 
 scheme of elementary education which, in its emphasis on freedom, 
 on those physical and mental activities best suited to counteract the 
 effects of machine industry on growth of body and mind, and in its 
 demand that children be prepared to earn as well as to spend a 
 living, has never been bettered. He organized evening classes for 
 adults, provided a village park, a playground, a hall for meetings 
 and dancing, and encouraged wholesome recreation. The combina- 
 tion of good pay, provision for healthy family life, recreation, and 
 a sound public spirit practically eradicated the drunkenness and 
 lawlessness characteristic of mill villages. These experiments at the 
 beginning of industrialism were of epochal significance because they 
 proved conclusively that fair conditions of life were by no means 
 incompatible with profitable industry. 
 
 The success of his experiments at New Lanark led Owen to put 
 forth some bold speculations about the causes and cure of vice and 
 poverty. He became convinced that character was largely if not 
 altogether the result of environment and training, and could be 
 formed by a proper system of education. The school, therefore, was 
 always the heart of his broad plans for social regeneration. He also 
 saw the anomaly of a population in danger of starving because 
 machinery enabled goods to be produced faster than they could be 
 consumed. His remedy was a mixed agricultural manufacturing 
 communism organized on a village basis. For he understood the 
 fundamental quality of village organization and its human and as- 
 sociational possibilities as few social philosophers have done. Colo- 
 nies based on his ideas were founded in Ireland and America, none 
 of which, however, was ultimately successful. 
 
 Though the establishment of communistic labor colonies was a 
 chief interest with Owen he gave generous assistance to various 
 other efforts for social reform. He was in a large measure responsi- 
 ble for the Factory Act of 1819, the first in which the state definitely 
 recognized its guardianship of children, and hence one of the most 
 important in the entire series of factory enactments. His school at 
 New Lanark had a profound effect on the development of public 
 education in England and in America. He encouraged groups of 
 workingmen to open co-operative stores as a means of accumulating 
 
 3 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 capital with which to found one of his colonies. These stores laid 
 the basis for later growth of consumers' co-operation. He lent his 
 aid to the pioneer trade unions, and the first proposal for a universal 
 eight-hour day came from him. But his great service consisted in 
 forcing operatives and well-to-do alike to look at industry in terms 
 of its effect on the total life of a nation; in pointing out to wage- 
 earners that the determining factor in the new system cff industry 
 was not machinery but the principle of association; and in making 
 it clear that they could protect their interests only by learning the 
 mastery of that principle.' 
 
 While Owen was thus engaged in working out his plan of a model 
 mill town, the Scottish divine, Thomas Chalmers (1780- 1847), at 
 the beginning of his career was bringing to the organization of 
 a city working-class community a remarkable combination of 
 disciplined evangelical fervor, comprehension of economic law, 
 and power of leadership. In 1819, as a partial response to his 
 declaration that twenty new churches were required to care ade- 
 quately for the people's spiritual life, the Glasgow town council laid 
 off for him a large and needy parish.^ Establishing his home in the 
 midst of it, he gathered about him, principally from the parish, a 
 staff of volunteer assistants. He divided the district into twenty- 
 five small neighborhoods, each containing from sixty to one hun- 
 dred families. To each of these subdivisions he assigned an elder 
 and a deacon; one to look after its spiritual interests, the other to 
 provide for relief of the poor and the education of children. In ad- 
 dition to regular weekday schools, he established here and there 
 throughout the district more than forty small Sunday schools for 
 both religious and secular instruction. 
 
 ' Owen was an autocrat in mind and method, with a basis of theoretical democ- 
 racy of the eighteenth century sort. His limitations were those of the typical 
 captain of industry — he wanted to create his world de novo. His system, founded 
 on village life in New Lanark, was indeed little more than the indefinite multiplica- 
 tion of that community. 
 
 All things considered. Owen achieved an astonishing measure of influence even 
 in his own day. The chief opposition to his proposals grew out of his supposed atti- 
 tude toward religion, which was greatly misjudged. He pointed out the waste and 
 evil involved in sectarianism, and mapped out a kind of church union very similar 
 to that later advocated by Arnold Toynbee. If he could have suppressed some 
 very just but extremely (considering the age) untimely criticism of ecclesiasticism 
 in general, Owen might have carried his plans further. Nevertheless his influence 
 on all classes was very great. 
 
 ' His ministry in Glasgow extended from 181 5 to 1823. 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 In everything Chalmers did he insisted upon the necessity and 
 value of thoroughgoing neighborly relations. He went about 
 through his district constantly in order to be on personal terms with 
 all sorts of men, women, and children. "Man," he said, "will at 
 length learn to be more practical and less imaginative. He will hold 
 it to be a worthier achievement to do for a little neighborhood than 
 to devise for a whole world." ' He urged, in fact, that unless the 
 helpful approach was that of the discerning neighbor, assistance 
 might stifle rather than arouse the initiative of people. His "prin- 
 ciple of locality" was a logical outgrowth of his endeavor to be at 
 once human and thorough. 
 
 Though limited in his views about many industrial problems by 
 theories of the day, Chalmers held it to be the church's duty to 
 meet new issues which the factory system was projecting into the 
 life of the people. He believed that through the neighborly inclina- 
 tion of each to do his part with all others, every working-class com- 
 munity could become sufficient to its own economic needs and 
 pauperism might be abolished; and he well-nigh proved this con- 
 tention. His faculty for fresh practical insights into human nature, 
 inseparable from his power of invention and organization in human 
 relations, gave a peculiarly stimulating quality to the influence 
 which he continued to exert during his later career. 
 
 The concrete suggestions of Owen and Chalmers for meeting new 
 issues of industrialism found reinforcement in the teachings of 
 two great thinkers. Bred, like Chalmers, in the vigorous Scottish 
 tradition, Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881) began to unfold a thesis, 
 pieced out of clues drawn primarily from the German philosophers, 
 at the time both novel and intangible. Carlyle taught that society 
 is a moral organism, a living unity and fellowship; that "all social 
 growths in this world have required organizing; and work, the 
 greatest of human interests, does now require it." He challenged 
 with all his power of thought and purpose the national policy of un- 
 restricted competition, of industrial leadership indifferent to the 
 welfare of the industrial army. Sartor Resartus, first published in 
 1 83 3- 1 834, and Past and Present in 1843, exercised a profound in- 
 
 1 The Christian and Civic Economy of Large Towns, p. 133. Abridged, with In- 
 troduction by C. R. Henderson. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900. 
 
 5 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 fluence upon the younger generation of leaders who were coming to 
 consciousness of the real state of the nation. 
 
 Tendencies thus developing were notably reinforced, especially 
 among conservatives, by the writings of John Stuant Mill (1806- 
 1873), the most broadly human of the classical economists. In his 
 Political Economy, published in 1848, Mill challenged the attention 
 of the universities with a demand for the more equitable distribu- 
 tion of wealth. Every phase of his life work, however abstract, is 
 found upon analysis to have been dictated by his desire to see the 
 lot of working people ameliorated. During his last years he exerted 
 a profound influence in the radical reshaping of the national eco- 
 nomic purpose. 
 
 Meanwhile, reform of factory evils by legislation had been carried 
 triumphantly to the end of its first stage in the Factory Act of 1844, 
 which abolished night work for women and children in spinning and 
 weaving mills; restricted working hours for young persons and 
 women to twelve per day and prohibited their employment on Sun- 
 day; reduced working hours of children between the ages of eight 
 and thirteen to six and a half a day, and required that they attend 
 school three hours daily during the first five days of the week. 
 Lord Shaftesbury, the unflagging leader in this legislation, was 
 moved, not by considerations of philosophy or economics, but 
 through the sense of pity and of duty which went with his evangeli- 
 cal faith. He continued to the end of a long life his many-sided 
 activity throughout the congested centers of poverty and ignorance 
 in London, devotedly, and it must be confessed, solemnly, laying the 
 foundations upon which many later and better considered forms of 
 charity and public education were to build. 
 
 Caring quite as deeply for the same sort of human beings, 
 Charles Dickens (1812-1870) exemplified toward them always the 
 liveliest sense of comradeship. One of his earliest essays was en- 
 titled "The Parish," and this was followed by another on "Our 
 Parish.'" The scene of nearly all his stories was set amid some group 
 of humble neighbors. By imparting to his readers an abiding feeling 
 of having been in and of every circle of life he depicted, he prepared 
 the minds of large numbers everywhere for more personal approach 
 on their part to the unprivileged of all degrees. Even less moved 
 than Shaftesbury by the historic meanings of a changing order yet 
 
 6 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 by the very accumulation of his influence Dickens affected it in 
 supreme degree. No follower of his failed to have a keener sense of 
 the claim of human nature under stress of poverty and of the 
 elemental virtue and nobility, then hardly suspected, that are the 
 treasures of labor. He was an ardent and vital champion of reform 
 in education, in housing, in the administration of relief, and the 
 care of prisoners. Shaftesbury said, "God gave Charles Dickens a 
 general retainer against all suffering and oppression." 
 
 While the upper classes were slowly waking to the extent and 
 seriousness of the suffering brought about by the factory system, 
 the unrest of labor had become i ntense and widespread. Disappoint- 
 ment that improvement in living and working conditions failed to 
 follow the passage of the Reform Bill of 1832, on which so many 
 hopes had been built, and growing distress due to constant crises, 
 created a spirit of revolt which became increasingly self-conscious 
 and vocal during the "hungry forties." The February revolution 
 of 1848 in Paris inflamed workingmen all over the continent and 
 led to profoundly influential demonstrations in the principal indus- 
 trial cities of Europe, some of which were accompanied by violence. 
 Doubtless the most dramatic and, as it turned out, one of the 
 most far-reaching manifestations in behalf of popular rights in Eng- 
 land during the nineteenth century was the attempt on April 10, 
 1848, to convey to the Houses of Parliament, under escort of a great 
 army of workers, a monster petition in favor of a People's Charter. 
 The chief tenet of this document was manhood suffrage with atten- 
 dant representation. The government, at once hampering and em- 
 phasizing working-class expression, filled London with troops and 
 swore in thousands among the upper and middle classes as special 
 constables. 
 
 The threat involved in these several uprisings fixed the attention 
 of the moneyed and governing class of all nations on the seriousness 
 of underlying industrial conditions as nothing else could have done. 
 While the first effect was a conservative reaction, a number of 
 idealistically minded men of education were led, as it were, out of 
 the heart of the revolt, to seek measures of amelioration. 
 
 It is significant that the year 1848 saw the birth of the two most 
 influential forms which the modern movement for social reform has 
 taken. Both were in part designated by the word "socialism," 
 
 7 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 which had first appeared in connection with Owen's model com- 
 munities, and both were to have an influence hardly to be over- 
 estimated upon the subsequent progress of democratic civilization. 
 
 "The Communist Manifesto" of Marx (1818-1883) and Engels 
 (1820-1895), published early in 1848 in London, contains in germ 
 Marx's broad generalization that the political, legal, and social 
 structure of a nation is an outgrowth of its economic organization. 
 Although based largely on English conditions, this theory was of 
 course in no sense the outcome of an English point of view. His 
 continued study of the results of private control even of the instru- 
 ments of production led Marx to prophesy the inevitable concentra- 
 tion of capital in the hands of a few, continued overproduction with 
 attendant crises, ever-growing poverty, the rise in self-defense of 
 wage-earners, and the final nationalization of all land, machinery, 
 and capital. Marx and his disciples despaired utterly of things as 
 they were, and centered their energy on the task of securing a solid 
 working-class front for far-reaching and drastic action. The theory 
 of "class struggle," with its watchword, "Proletarians of all coun- 
 tries, unite!" represented for many years the sole appeal of what 
 has come to be known as Marxian Socialism. Not until after his 
 death did it, with profound modification, become a direct force in 
 English life. 
 
 Christian Socialism was characteristically English, embodying as 
 it did the national genius for compromise. It was less a system of 
 ideas than a moral impulse. Examined closely it turns out to be in 
 the first instance a synthesis of existing beginnings toward social 
 reform. Its exponents were, and continued to be, filially attached 
 to university and church. Perhaps its most important achieve- 
 ments came of the fact that some adherents actually joined work- 
 ing-class organizations and gave time, strength, and money to de- 
 veloping the effectiveness of these bodies and to interpreting their 
 aims to the public. Though it had a relatively brief organized 
 career, its exponents, during the following half century, continued 
 to have a widespread and potent influence in promoting a more just 
 and fraternal ordering of civilization. 
 
 The spiritual guide of Christian Socialism was Frederick Denison 
 Maurice (1805-1872). Influenced directly by Cariyle, and in gen- 
 eral by Hegelian teaching as to the organic unity of mankind, 
 
 8 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 Maurice set forth the Kingdom of God on earth and among men as 
 at once the basis of Christian doctrine and the touchstone of 
 Christian action. He had the high distinction of drawing about 
 himself perhaps the rarest group of young men to be found in any 
 such personal allegiance during the whole nineteenth century. His 
 wide experience and varied connections doubtless helped to soften 
 the reaction against what, in the late forties and early fifties, must 
 have seemed to the stock British mind a monstrous desertion of 
 class and professional ties on the part of barristers and clergy. The 
 personal reverence which he inspired, and the never-swerving 
 loyalty of his followers, frequently made him appear the creative 
 mind in specific activities to which he was by no means whole- 
 heartedly committed. If in the pioneering stage of the movement 
 this fact drew toward him the onus of public blame, it later brought 
 him, in comparison with others, disproportionate praise. 
 
 Next to Maurice, Charles Kingsley (1819-1875) was, because of 
 his power of cogent presentation, the most influential member of 
 the group. But John Malcolm Ludlow, Thomas Hughes, Edward 
 Vansittart Neale, and Frederick James Furnival will always be 
 remembered as having most definitely and persistently carried out 
 the practical proposals of Christian Socialism. While other ex- 
 ponents were soon too absorbed by professional duties to continue 
 active propaganda, these four devoted a large part of their lives to 
 the furtherance, on the basis of educational standards, of working- 
 class organizations. 
 
 The beginnings of Christian Socialism go back to 1846, when 
 Ludlow, a law student at Lincoln's Inn, called on Maurice, who had 
 just been appointed its chaplain, for assistance in " bringing to bear 
 the leisure and good feeling of the Inns of Court upon the destitu- 
 tion and vice of the neighborhood." A system of visiting and relief 
 was undertaken by the students which led to their establishing an 
 elementary day and evening school. The men who assumed these 
 duties were in the habit of meeting weekly at the home of Maurice 
 for discussion and religious fellowship. It may be pointed out that 
 this work, carried on in and limited to a neighborhood, was apart 
 from direct parochial connection, and was engaged in by young lay- 
 men fresh from the universities. Meanwhile Kingsley, who had 
 been attracted from law to the church largely by the writings of 
 
 9 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Maurice, had fairly begun, in a neglected country parish, a pas- 
 torate illustrating in the highest degree the human meaning of 
 Christianity. 
 
 The Chartist demonstration of April, 1848, incited the Brother- 
 hood thus formed to a wider range of activity. Fearing a serious 
 outcome, Kingsley had hastened up to London from his parish at 
 Eversley. With Ludlow and Maurice he sought for some way by 
 which the moral impulse behind Chartism might be saved and the 
 church awakened to a realization of its responsibility. The imme- 
 diate result was a public appeal addressed to the "Workmen of 
 England," pledging assistance of many outside friends and calling 
 the men to a more righteous personal life. An important part of 
 the Christian Socialist program as it began to take form was the 
 allaying of class prejudice through deepening and extending the 
 religious sense of brotherhood and through promoting in new ways 
 the spread of higher standards of culture and conduct. 
 
 A penny paper under the editorship of Ludlow was projected, 
 the first number of which appeared on May 6, 1848, with the title. 
 Politics for the People. Kingsley's " Parson Lot" articles came out 
 in it, as well as much of the freshest and most forceful writing pro- 
 duced by the group. After seventeen numbers, publication was dis- 
 continued. The paper was followed by a series of tracts and a 
 second journal, the Christian Socialist. The stimulus of this kind 
 of writing drew from Kingsley two stirring novels. Yeast, and 
 Alton Locke, Tailor and Poet. The direct and indirect effect of 
 these literary labors in promoting a vital and sympathetic knowl- 
 edge of the hardships suffered by great numbers of working people 
 can hardly be overestimated. 
 
 The unique distinction of the Christian Socialist group was the 
 ingenuity, devotion, and persistence with which members con- 
 stantly tested their large aims by the close-range demands of actual 
 local situations. Kingsley's bitter experience with disease-breeding 
 ways of life in the cottages of his parish, and with bad drains in his 
 own parsonage, prepared him to discern and led him to set forth in 
 terms of human degradation all that went with neglected and over- 
 
 ' " Maurice is in great excitement. He has sent me to Ludlow, and we are getting 
 out placards for the walls, to speak a word for God with." — Kingsley, Charles: 
 His Letters and Memories of His Life, Vol. I, p.i 16. London, C. Kegan Paul and 
 Co., 1880. 
 
 10 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 crowded tenements. Such teachings, continued year after year, 
 helped to raise the reform of sanitation and housing into public 
 necessities that should be undertaken by municipalities and even 
 by Parliament.' Yet when a member of the group, recognizing 
 the importance of organized action, proposed a National Health 
 League, the suggestion was vetoed by Maurice in favor of beginning 
 close at home in an ill-favored neighborhood called Little Ormond 
 yard; and the Brotherhood until the very end continued to em- 
 phasize the moral responsibility of every individual both for drains 
 and conduct.^ 
 
 In January, 1850, a new practical step was taken by the organiza- 
 tion of a Society for Promoting Workingmen's Associations. Lud- 
 low had spent the summer of 1849 in Paris and had come back full 
 of the accomplishments of the Associations Ouvriers. He converted 
 the entire Brotherhood to a system of modified or group capitalism 
 under which workingmen were to own or hire the machinery and 
 money for an enterprise, choose the management from their own 
 number, and divide the returns.' It was recognized that such un- 
 dertakings were not immediately adapted to unskilled laborers, nor 
 applicable to industries demanding large capital. The trades se- 
 lected for experiment, therefore, were tailoring and shoemaking. 
 
 The first Co-operative Tailors' Association was formed in Feb- 
 ruary, 1850, with Walter Cooper, a Chartist, as manager. During 
 the following four years a long series of such enterprises were 
 founded. Early shops failed both in productivity and in morale, 
 
 ' Kingsley wrote to Ludlow that then would come, "National Education, 
 Sanitary and Dwelling-House Reform, the Free Sale of Land, and corresponding re- 
 form of the Land Laws, moral improvement of the Family relation, public places of 
 Recreation (on which point I am very earnest) " Opus cit., p. 194. 
 
 ^ "God will only reform society on condition of our reforming every man his 
 own self, while the devil is quite ready to help us mend the laws and the Parliament, 
 earth and Heaven, without ever starting such an impertinent and 'personal' request, as 
 that a man should mend himself." — Kingsley, Charles: " Letters to the Chartists" 
 in Politics for the People, May 13, 1848. 
 
 ' " I certainly thought (and for that matter have never altered my opinion to 
 this day) that here we had found the solution to the great labor question; but I was 
 also convinced that we had nothing to do but just announce it, and found an associa- 
 tion or two, in order to convert all England, and usher in the millennium at once, 
 so plain did the whole thing seem to me. I will not undertake to answer for the 
 rest of the Council, but I doubt whether I was at all more sanguine than the 
 majority." — Hughes, Thomas: Memoir of a Brother, p. in. London, Macmillan 
 and Co., 1873. 
 
 11 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 chiefly because they were not truly co-operative. Capital was 
 loaned and workmen had no consciousness of stake; anyone who 
 applied was taken, members being in no sense picked men; control 
 of other people's property resulted chiefly in an endeavor to get as 
 much as possible individually out of the enterprise. Later societies, 
 however, profited by the mistakes of early ones and a number had 
 long and honorable careers. 
 
 In 1852, Ludlow and Hughes were able to secure the passage of 
 the first Industrial and Provident Societies Act, under which co- 
 operative organizations received a legal status as trading concerns. 
 For the next four decades, with Neale, they gave time and money 
 unstintedly to national organizations for the promotion of co- 
 operative stores and workshops, to working-class fraternal orders 
 maintaining insurance features, and to independent workingmen's 
 clubs. Their most significant contribution to these interests was 
 the nourishment of missionary zeal among the membership. The 
 educational and civic activities developed locally in many instances 
 by such agencies for self-help were inspired in large part through 
 influences set in motion by these three men. 
 
 The chief line of action through which Christian Socialists en- 
 gaged themselves in the cause of labor was open-handed support of 
 trade unionism in its struggle to exist. A strike, in January, 1852, 
 of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, one of the earliest of the 
 great modern unions, called out the first specific Christian Social- 
 ist efi^ort of this sort. By letters to the newspapers, lectures, discus- 
 sions, pamphlets, and the raising of a very substantial strike fund, 
 they publicly justified the demands of the men for the abolition of 
 piece work and overtime, and the right to organize. Similar help 
 was given again in 1857 and in 1861. Thereafter, for many years, 
 Ludlow and Hughes were recognized leaders in the group of lawyers 
 and literary men who acted as advisers to trade unions. 
 
 The last undertaking of the Christian Socialist Brotherhood as a 
 group was the establishment of the London Workingmen's College. 
 Experience with co-operative societies made it evident that the 
 jealousies, downright incompetence, and constant insubordination 
 against chosen leaders which characterized a considerable portion 
 of the membership could be overcome only by education. Maurice 
 had long dreamed of a college where all fruits of the ripest culture 
 
 12 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 might be placed at the disposal of working people.' Partly as an 
 outgrowth of lectures and classes given during the previous year, 
 and partly in fulfilment of a resolution passed at a conference of 
 delegates from co-operative societies, the college, with Maurice and 
 Ludlow as founders, became a reality in November, 1854. The 
 dismissal of Maurice from King's College, London, on account of 
 his theological and economic beliefs, had fortunately left him free 
 to devote his splendid energies to developing the new under- 
 taking. 
 
 A teaching staff of volunteers was obtained, which included a 
 number of young university men who had already shown marks of 
 high distinction, among them being Ruskin, Burne-Jones, Rossetti, 
 and Watts. It was at once characteristic of the founders of the 
 college and prophetic of a dawning spirit in popular education, that 
 the quality of loyal fellowship which is so integral a part of the 
 true college should have been sought and achieved. The marked 
 success of the venture assured establishment of similar institutions 
 in other English cities and brought about what was later called 
 university extension. 
 
 Ruskin's offer of his services to Maurice in 1854 as instructor 
 in the principles of drawing, marked one of the most significant 
 turning-points in the Whole range of nineteenth century biography. 
 His friends found it difficult to understand his unwearied devotion 
 to what one of his biographers calls " this rough navvy labour of 
 philanthropy." Ruskin continued to meet his classes, however, 
 almost without intermission up to and through the year 1 858. Dur- 
 ing this period he discovered that the wonder of mediaeval cathe- 
 drals was possible chiefly because the craftsmen Who wrought lipon 
 them were happy and free; and it came to him like a revelation 
 that the vast product of modern industry could be made worthy 
 and beautiful only after a prodigious reorganization of the economic 
 and cultural order. The burden of his message shifted from appre- 
 ciation of high artistic achievement as an isolated fact to the neces- 
 sity of constituting ways of national existence that will encourage 
 the whole people to create works of beauty; to what he himself 
 
 ' Maurice was influenced by the previous establishment of the People's College, 
 Sheffield, in 1842, whose antecedents may be traced to the Mechanics' Institutes 
 which go back toward the beginning of the century. 
 
 13 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 called in lectures delivered during 1857 at Manchester, the "politi- 
 cal economy of art." 
 
 Gradually he wrought out his great thesis that the supreme 
 function of the state is to produce "souls of a good quality," and 
 the supreme duty of its citizens to direct all their powers both as 
 producers and consumers to this end.* His attack upon the domi- 
 nant economic system, which so largely? excluded human con- 
 siderations, brought upon him a storm of criticism; but cheered 
 on by the elder prophet Carlyle, he resolutely applied the test of 
 his' principles to one phase after another of contemporary civiliza- 
 tion. From this time until the end of a long life he continued to 
 devote his marvelous analytical powers and creative vision to es- 
 tablishing some of the sure foundations of a more just and more 
 beautiful order.'' 
 
 Ruskin's early criticism of industrialism was reinforced within a 
 decade by an attack from a new angle. Matthew Arnold (1822- 
 1888) pointed out with a wealth of phrase and with varied and 
 pungent insistence, the cultural poverty of modern states. He 
 called for a type of intellectual life suificiently disinterested to face 
 national shortcomings honestly and fearlessly; and sufficiently 
 well disposed to set about laying foundations for democracy by 
 making "the best that has been thought and known in the world 
 current everywhere."' 
 
 After i860 the type of opinion represented broadly by Christian 
 Socialism began to come into power at the universities, where, if it 
 lost some of its force and fervor, it gained in range and authority. 
 Kingsley held the chair of modern history at Cambridge from i860 
 
 1" There is no wealth but life. Life, including all its powers of love, of joy, and 
 of admiration. That country is the richest which nourishes the greatest number of 
 noble and happy human beings; that man is richest who, having perfected the func- 
 tions of his own life to the utmost, has also the widest helpful influence, both per- 
 sona!, and by means of his possessions, over the lives of others. " — " Unto this Last, " 
 Essay IV. First published in Cornbill Magazine, November, i860. 
 
 * "The political economy of today is the political economy of John Ruskin, and 
 not the political economy of John Bright or even of John Stuart Mill." — F. York 
 Powell, Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford. Quoted in The Works of 
 John Ruskin, Vol. XVII, p. cxi. London, George Allen, 1905. 
 
 ' " It [culture] seeks to do away with classes; to make all live in an atmosphere 
 of sweetness and light, and use ideas, as it uses them itself, freely, — to be nourished 
 and not bound by them. This is the social idea; and the men of culture are the 
 true apostles of equality." — Culture and Anarchy: an Essay in Political and Social 
 Criticism, p. 49. London, Smith, Elder and Co., 1869. 
 
 14 
 
ANTECEDENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 to 1869. Arnold was Professor of Poetry at Oxford from 1857 to 
 1867. Maurice became Professor of Moral Philosophy at Cam- 
 bridge in 1866 and exercised a far-reaching influence there until 
 his death in 1872. Ruskin was at Oxford from 1870 to 1878, and 
 again in 1883 and 1884 as Slade Professor of the Fine Arts. Such 
 authority at the nation's educational centers greatly strengthened 
 the appeal for cultural democracy, but also laid upon its exponents 
 a distinctive responsibility. The time had arrived when the uni- 
 versities themselves must find some direct contact with industrial 
 issues, when they must come into terms of continuous interchange 
 with working-class life. 
 
 As a means to this end the artificially organized community 
 form, which since Plato has fascinated prophets of better days to 
 come, was not without advocates. But as the colony could include 
 only certain select and kindred spirits, and these in an age of reality 
 living segregated in monastic isolation, the theory failed to attract 
 men fitted to deal with its problems. None the less, however, the 
 starting point of all dreams of a higher order remained practically 
 the small geographical area with its inter-related homes and its 
 forms of associated industry. The fact that so many of the re- 
 formers mentioned were also teachers of religion definitely rein- 
 forced this tendency. Religion, as well as politics, when brought to 
 a human scale, inevitably finds its focus in the small community. 
 In England there was a strong tradition for developing new types of 
 moral enterprise through extension of parish functions. 
 
 Such incitement began to stir the mind of an occasional ardent 
 candidate for orders. Maurice had asserted that the quintessence 
 of Christian Socialism was to be found in the combined services of 
 clergy and laity for the whole human welfare of a given parish; 
 and Kingsley at Eversley had made a fresh and inspiriting applica- 
 tion of Christian purpose to the round of life in a decadent rural 
 community. Growth of dissent, the industrial revolution, and 
 emigration had sapped the ancient vigor of the English parish and 
 broken down that kinship of interest which once made it a coherent 
 and loyal unit. Although many clergymen accepted the situation 
 and merely carried on the stated functions of religion, a few sought 
 to embody in comprehensive achievement those elemental prin- 
 ciples of moral statesmanship in which parish organization is 
 
 15 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 grounded. The tradition that the rector of a parish should make 
 his home within its bounds was of course unquestioned; and al- 
 most as clearly established was the fact that in less favored com- 
 munities his office should constitute him the first citizen. The new 
 watchword was that he should see in every phase of life about him 
 an avenue for the recovery and exaltation of the human spirit, and 
 for advance of the Kingdom of God upon earth. 
 
 Out of the very strength and persistence of the unrest which they 
 represented, and by means of increased educational opportunity, 
 the broad-scale workingmen's organizations had begun to develop 
 trained and responsible officials. Community life in working-class 
 districts, on the contrary, showed no organized expression, no pre- 
 pared and alert leadership. This was the field which presented 
 itself to disciples of the new teaching among the younger generation 
 not called to the church, but affected by the time-honored English 
 sense for disinterested public service. 
 
 i6 
 
CHAPTER 11 
 ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 THE middle of the century, for England, ushered in a perilous 
 new era. A dear call arose for a revised and more adequate 
 definition of the public duty of the educated young man. 
 The Liberal Party, which had enfranchised the middle class in 
 1832, began during the sixties to unfold its program of universal 
 elementary education as the sound basis for increased extension of 
 suffrage. The Conservatives had opposed the earlier Liberal policy 
 of laissez faire by carrying through the factory acts. Christian 
 Socialists had laid down some of the principles which must guide 
 the new order of industrial society; and they were applying the 
 gifts of statesmanship within certain working-class organizations. 
 Their example and influence were having a profound effect upon 
 a growing number of workingmen leaders. 
 
 At the universities the question now was asked: How can the 
 spiritual possessions of those favored by education be introduced 
 into the ordinary currents of wage-earning acquaintance and inter- 
 course? This query led to two undertakings, each redolent of the 
 university and each proposing to carry its motive into the actual 
 round of life in great industrial strongholds. One undertook to 
 embody in a far-reaching system the purpose of the Workingmen's 
 College for broader training of leaders. The other sought rather to 
 come at the physical and moral foundations of well-being among 
 the rank and file. 
 
 As early as 1867, James Stuart (1843-1913), then a fellow of 
 Trinity College, Cambridge, began the extension of university 
 teaching by giving courses of lectures under definite academical 
 standards in manufacturing towns. In 1873 he was able to secure 
 the adoption of the plan by Cambridge University; and within a 
 short time this service had so clearly proved its value that exten- 
 sion lectures were undertaken by Oxford and London universities. 
 3 17 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 A channel was thus opened for an entirely novel form of contact 
 between representatives of the centers of culture and communities 
 of working people. 
 
 From Oxford, fostering home of great sentiments, the movement 
 across class lines assumed a more personal and a more objective 
 form in the work of the first actual settlement pioneer, Edward 
 Denison (1840- 1870). Denison, coming deeply under the influence 
 of Ruskin, had swung into the now broadening current of intellec- 
 tual sympathy with the aims and hopes of workingmen.i Looking 
 forward to a career in the House of Commons, of which his uncle 
 was speaker, he decided that as part of his preparation for meeting 
 new human issues he must have some measure of personal acquain- 
 tance with the life of toil and poverty. He therefore offered his 
 services to the London Society for the Relief of Distress, which 
 assigned to him duties in connection with one of its East End 
 branches. 
 
 Faithfully as he followed out the tasks appointed to him, he was 
 very far from being blind to the fact that the causes of suffering 
 were deeper than any distress he sought to relieve. Under the date 
 of October 16, 1866, he writes: "These bread and meat doles are 
 only doing the work of the poor-rates, and are perfectly useless; 
 the chief use of this Society and of many others, in my view, con- 
 sists in bringing a considerable number of persons belonging to the 
 upper classes in actual contact with the misery of their fellow citi- 
 zens, and so convincing them of the necessity of social reform."^ 
 In 1867, the second year of a prolonged period of industrial de- 
 pression, Denison resolved to make his abode in the district where 
 
 'The reality of this feeling is attested in a letter written from Lausanne, Septem- 
 ber 22, 1866, in which after some observations on the International Congress of 
 Workmen which had just met in Geneva, he wrote: "There is no good putting one's 
 head behind a stone — martial power has had its turn — money power has had its 
 turn — labor power is now about to have its turn. The transfer of power from the 
 noble lord in Rotten Row to the bald-headed man on top of the 'bus has not ruined 
 the country, nor deprived the august equestrian of any power which he has shown 
 himself worthy of possessing and capable of wielding. The transfer of power from 
 the bald-headed man on top of the 'bus to the man in fustian on the pavement will 
 not be attended with more disastrous consequences. Whether or no the transfer is 
 about to be effected, and it must therefore be for the good of the country that its 
 rulers should be as well informed as possible." — Sir Baldwyn Leighton, Ed., Let- 
 ters and Other Writings of the Late Edward Denison, M. P. for Newark, pp. 19-20. 
 London, R. Bentley and Son, 1872. 
 
 2 Opus cit., p. 21. 
 
ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 he worked as a visitor. In August, therefore, he took lodgings at 
 49 Philpot Street, Stepney. 
 
 Experience quickly showed Denison how large were the oppor- 
 tunities in such districts for a citizen with time to give to public 
 affairs. " My opinion of the great sphere of usefulness to which I 
 should find myself admitted by coming to live here," he writes 
 on August 7, 1867, "is completely justified. All is yet in embryo — 
 but it will grow. Just now 1 only teach in a night school, and do 
 what in me lies in looking after the sick, keeping an eye upon nuis- 
 ances and the like, seeing that the local authorities keep up to their 
 work. 1 go tomorrow before the Board at the workhouse, to com- 
 pel the removal to the infirmary of a man who ought to have been 
 there already. I shall drive the sanitary inspector to put the Act 
 against overcrowding in force, with regard to some houses in which 
 there have been as many as eight and ten bodies occupying one 
 room. It is not surprising that the street in which this occurs has 
 for months been full of small-pox, scarlet fever and typhus. . . . 
 These are the sort of evils which, where there are no resident 
 gentry, grow to a height almost incredible, and on which the 
 remedial influence of the mere presence of a gentleman known to 
 be on the alert is inestimable."^ 
 
 Denison soon came to see that men could best be helped by pro- 
 viding them with means of self-help. " I have been busy and mud- 
 dled and worried lately," he writes under date of December 24, 
 1 867. " Things are so bad down here, and giving money away only 
 makes them worse. 1 am beginning seriously to believe that all 
 bodily aid to the poor is a mistake, and that the real thing is to let 
 things work themselves straight ; whereas by giving alms you keep 
 them permanently crooked. Build school-houses, pay teachers, 
 give prizes, frame workmen's clubs, help them to help themselves, 
 lend them your brains ; but give them no money, except what you 
 sink in such undertakings as above." ^ In Denison' s approach to 
 the problem of poverty and neighborhood breakdown there can be 
 clearly traced, perhaps for the first time, the suggestion that an 
 initial step in the recovery of decayed neighborhoods must be to 
 bring into residence, in addition to the clergy, certain laymen 
 representing the spirit of noblesse oblige. 
 
 1 Opus cit., p. 37. ' ^ Opus cit., p. 59. 
 
 19 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The inherent sanity of Denison's purposes secured a significant 
 response from the clergy. It went indeed with the motives which 
 brought him to Stepney that Denison should have encountered a 
 kindred spirit in the local vicar, John Richard Green (1837- 1883), 
 who was maturing the point of view for his great study of demo- 
 cratic origins in his History of the English People.' Green later 
 confessed that he had feared the newcomer would prove only one 
 more person given to descending on a parish for the purpose of in- 
 structing the incumbent how best to manage it. But after Denison 
 had shown himself determined to acquire a thoroughgoing grasp of 
 the local situation, Green joined forces with him in the fullest 
 degree. 
 
 The inherent possibilities in Denison's venture were fully and 
 sympathetically appreciated by Ruskin, who was seeking a living 
 expression for his economic message. Two of his enterprises bore 
 a similarity to Denison's, seen from different angles. In 1864 
 Octavia Hill (1838-19 12) had applied to him for assistance in her 
 scheme to improve sanitary and moral conditions in tenements 
 through the influence of "lady rent-collectors," some of whom 
 made their abode in the houses where their work lay. Ruskin at 
 bnce placed a portion of his property under her care and followed 
 the undertaking with keen and helpful interest. During these 
 years, also, Ruskin was maturing his vision of St. George's Guild as 
 a pattern of mutual service and loyalty among the more and less 
 favored;* though it was not until some years later that it took 
 form in a small agricultural community, with interesting industrial 
 offshoots.' 
 
 It was natural, therefore, that Denison and Green should meet 
 with Ruskin and a -few others to consult about the new effort in 
 Stepney.* At the time it was agreed that other young men should 
 
 1 4 Vols. Lx>ndon, Macmillan and Co., 1877. 
 
 2 The Guild and Museum of St. George. The Works of John Ruskin, Vol. 
 XXX. London, George Allen, 1907. 
 
 ' Another experiment of this same sort in right community relations was develop- 
 ing in the mind of Thomas Hughes, who had an important part in establishing a 
 colony in Rugby, Tennessee, in 1880. See Hughes, Thomas: Rugby, Tennessee: 
 Being Some Account of the Settlement Founded on the Cumberland Plateau. 
 London, Macmillan and Co., i88i. 
 
 * One of those present wrote: "The proposal commended itself to us mainly as 
 establishing men of culture to influence the life of these parts by working on local 
 
 20 
 
ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 be invited to join Denison and form a colony. The university 
 settlement thus came near to being founded in 1868 instead of in 
 1884. Only the failure of Denison's health within the year pre- 
 vented such a definite and organized beginning. 
 
 The source of Denison's influence lay in his qualities of open- 
 mindedness, sincerity, and modesty, combined with a sterling 
 sense for all the implied obligations of citizenship. Although a 
 forerunner, he mapped out the ground and forecasted important 
 lines of action developed by his successors. More immediately con- 
 cerned with relief of the poor than with assisting working people to 
 organize their own lives happily and productively, his influence 
 was yet wholly toward democracy. His insistence on the thorough- 
 going treatment of poverty, on general popular education, on the 
 need of civic leadership in working-class communities, and on asso- 
 ciation between rich and poor in order that each might mutually 
 and vitally influence the other, was destined to establish the funda- 
 mental tenets of a new form of social faith. 
 
 After Denison's death in 1870, an effort was made by Edmund 
 Hollond* (1841-1900), who had taken part in the conference at 
 Ruskin's house, to continue his work. Hollond lived for a time at 
 Stepney, and for several years was influential in developing larger 
 plans for the improvement of conditions in East London. He was 
 one of the founders in 1 869 of the Society for Organizing Charitable 
 Relief and Repressing Mendicity, later changed to Charity Organi- 
 zation Society, which among its cardinal points definitely estab- 
 lished Chalmers' "principle of locality" in connection with the 
 administration of relief. 
 
 Meanwhile, the current of influence toward democratic neigh- 
 boards, to do which they were to become rate payers. Those were the days when 
 the work in East London was almost wholly religious, in the common conception of 
 the term. There was not the same outlet then for the philanthropy of men who, 
 whatever their religious views, may choose the field of non-religious work." — 
 Brooke, Lambert: Jacob's Answer to Esau's Cry. Contemporary Review, Vol. XLVI, 
 p. 377, September, 1884. 
 
 ^ "Hollond was a Cambridge man, and a member of a wealthy family. His 
 father was the Squire of Saxmundham, in Suffolk, and a prominent member of the 
 Evangelical party. He was a friend of Denison 'sat Cambridge, and, on the latter 's 
 death, went to live in Stepney, on the borders of Whitechapel. He helped A. H. 
 Hill in the Labor News, and identified himself with the beginnings of the Charity 
 Organization Movement. He wrote many letters on the condition of the poor and 
 on means of relief and articles on political economy." — From a letter of Canon 
 Barnett's to the authors. 
 
 21 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 borliness, along with an increasing sense for reality in religious 
 thought within the formal limits of the church, was steadily rising. 
 The first important teacher and exemplar of this point of view 
 was William H. Fremantle (1831-1916), who became vicar of St. 
 Mary's, Bryanston Square, London, in 1866. His book. The World 
 as the Subject of Redemption,' brought to great numbers of clergy 
 and to many laymen the first teaching which presented life in its 
 entirety as the field of Christian service and opportunity. It con- 
 tains one of the clearest and most appealing statements ever written 
 on the parish as a community, and the duty of the church to minis- 
 ter to all sorts of human needs and to elicit the assistance of all men 
 of goodwill.^ 
 
 In 1867 Fremantle selected for curate a recent Oxford graduate, 
 in whom to a peculiar degree the tendencies which have been traced 
 were to be fulfilled. This man was Samuel A. Barnett (1844-1913), 
 who a little later deliberately sought one of the neediest parishes in 
 London in which to spend his life in a ministry Of all that was pure 
 and lovely and of good report. It was he who finally created the 
 agency by which there could be a continuous supply of young uni- 
 versity men living and serving in working-class communities. Be- 
 sides expressing in word and act the fulness of the Christian Social- 
 ist message, from the beginning he undertook to apply directly 
 Ruskin's teaching that art must be made the treasure of the 
 people. 
 
 In the course of his duties as curate at St. Mary's, Barnett 
 was able to be of assistance to Miss Hill, whose little book, The 
 Homes of the London Poor,^ published a year or two later, was soon 
 recognized as a classic by all who were seeking to pass beyond the 
 relief of distress to its prevention. His marriage in 1873 to Henri- 
 etta Octavia Rowland, one of Miss Hill's active young co-workers, 
 was a true union of mind and purpose. Miss Hill and Mrs. Barnett, 
 to each of whom has come the very highest distinction for far- 
 reaching lifelong service, stand as pioneers in a luminous line of 
 women dedicated to modern forms of constructive social work. 
 
 In 1872, at the suggestion of Hollond and spurred rather than 
 
 ' London, Rivingtons, 1885. 
 
 2 Opus cit. See especially Note XXV, "The Parish as a Church," pp. 428-33. 
 
 ' London, Macmillan and Co., 1875. 
 
 22 
 
ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 daunted by the Bishop of London's statement that it was the 
 wretchedest parish in the diocese, Barnett accepted the vicarage of 
 St. Jude's, Whitechapel. He at once undertook the reorganization 
 of poor relief, public and private, and made Whitechapel an im- 
 portant center of the recently established Charity Organization 
 Society. He reopened the parish school, and provided for evening 
 as well as for day sessions, an educational work that became a vital 
 medium of influence throughout the neighborhood. Proceeding 
 quietly to bring about the disintegration of the worst nests of 
 crime and debauchery, he instituted systematic measures for the 
 protection of girls and women. The summer outings in the country 
 that he set on foot laid the foundation of the London Children's 
 Country Holidays Fund. 
 
 Not only because he wished to develop a ministry of all the higher 
 sentiments of life, but because there were so many apparently 
 humble and even repellent tasks which, as he saw them, required 
 and gave scope for highly trained capacity, Barnett took up, al- 
 most where Denison and Hollond left it, the enlisting of young lay- 
 men from the universities. He visited Oxford at frequent intervals 
 for the sake of putting details of life in East London before young 
 collegians and of engaging their active interest. In this effort Dr. 
 Benjamin Jowett, master of Balliol, lent his assistance; and it was 
 on one of these excursions that Barnett first met Arnold Toynbee 
 (1852-1883). 
 
 Toynbee, whose rare charm of mind and spirit was combined with 
 a high zest for moral initiative, entered Oxford in 1873 ^^^ spent 
 the five following years as an undergraduate at Pembroke and 
 Balliol Colleges. He became a favorite pupil of Thomas Hill Green 
 (1836-1882), who was both inspiring professor of philosophy at 
 the University and faithful member of the Oxford Town Council. 
 Under Ruskin's prompting, Toynbee joined a group of students 
 who undertook to mend a road running out of Oxford, so as to ex- 
 press the nobility of even the coarsest labor. Because of fragile 
 health he was made foreman of the gang. Leader of the finest 
 spirits, he was so constantly to the front in urging some new enter- 
 prise in ethics and religion that he was called, only half in jest, the 
 Apostle Arnold. 
 
 Through his acquaintance with Barnett, Toynbee on difi'erent 
 
 23 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 occasions became a guest at St. Jude's vicarage.' During the sum- 
 mer of 1875 he took lodgings nearby, participated in the club and 
 guild work of the parish, and acted as a visitor for the Charity 
 Organization Society. Seeking other and more direct approaches 
 to workingmen he joined an independent society called the Tower 
 Hamlets Radical Club. He easily made common cause with fellow 
 members in politics but was greatly disturbed by their outspoken 
 antagonism to religion. Speaking before this club upon industrial 
 and religious questions, he began to feel in himself, with the stir of 
 discovery, both inclination ^nd power to go before other such 
 groups on a mission partly like that of the Christian Socialists and 
 partly like that of University Extension lecturers. His experience 
 in East London, though limited, dominated his few but fruitful 
 years of active service. 
 
 In October, 1878, he became a Ipcturer and tutor at Balliol, 
 superintending studies in history and political economy of men 
 who, having passed for the Indian Civil Service, came up to Oxford 
 for a year or two before being sent to the East. At this period, 
 according to Dr. Jowett, " he lived in half-furnished lodgings as far 
 as he could after the manner of working-men, joining in their clubs, 
 discussing with them (sometimes in an atmosphere of bad whiskey, 
 bad tobacco, bad drainage) things material and spiritual — the laws 
 of nature and of God." He becjame a poor-law guardian, lent some 
 assistance in managing the Oxford co-operative stores, organized a 
 class of workmen which frequently met on Sunday evenings at 
 his rooms, and once offered himself as a candidate for the town 
 council. 
 
 In 1880 he gave a series of university extension lectures on 
 economic subjects before popular audiences in different cities, and 
 was encouraged by his success to deliver other courses in 1881 and 
 1882. He agreed, in 1883, to give several addresses in criticism of 
 Henry George's Progress and Poverty at St. Andrew's Hall, New- 
 man Street, London. After the second lecture he was seized with 
 
 • " I first saw Arnold Toynbee in 1874, his sister being a school-fellow of Mrs. 
 Barnett's. He came at odd times to stay with us at Whitechapel, sometimes for a 
 night, but never for any long period. He did this at various times during the 
 seventies, and tried a lodging in Commercial Road. But he found the noise too 
 trying, and did not occupy it for more than a week or two. " — From a letter of 
 Canon Barnett's to the authors. 
 
 24 
 
ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 an illness which proved so serious that he had to return to his home 
 in Wimbledon. There, on March 9, he died in his thirty-first year. 
 
 Toynbee believed in and cared for working people as men and 
 women, and was eager that they should inherit all good and beauti- 
 ful things. While devoutly religious, his Christianity reached its 
 depths in the search for universal fellowship rather than in dog- 
 matic forms. His contribution to the settlement lies in his in- 
 sistence upon the spread of reciprocal first-hand contact between 
 university and working men for fulfilment of the life of each as well 
 as for salvation of the nation. This note had been struck before, 
 but Toynbee re-echoed it with peculiar fulness and sweetness. In 
 the minds and hearts of devoted student friends at Oxford it grew 
 into a haunting strain. 
 
 Meanwhile, Barnett's efforts in other ways to secure a kindling 
 interest on the part of Oxford men in the life of East London had 
 been increasingly successful. The hospitality of the vicarage began 
 to prove inadequate to demands made upon it, and rooms had to 
 be found in the neighborhood.^ Assisted by some of these envoys, 
 he had undertaken, in 1876, to secure the benefits of a university 
 extension center for Whitechapel. Although the initial movement 
 came from St. Jude's, it was kept free from sectarian influence, and 
 in October, 1877, the Tower Hamlets Branch of the newly or- 
 ganized London University Extension Society was formed. 
 
 The unprecedented experiment of university lectures in White- 
 chapel precipitated a newspaper discussion about the utility of the 
 higher education for working people, and this controversy became 
 of almost national importance. Not at all deterred by the doubts 
 expressed, Barnett proceeded to carry further the logic of uni- 
 versity extension by establishing an annual Whitechapel Picture 
 Exhibition. Parallel with these activities, thoughtful men and 
 
 '■ " It was our custom before the establishment of the settlement, to have fre- 
 quent guests from Oxford staying in the vicarage. They came generally for very 
 short times, and made themselves useful in all sorts of directions. Five or six took 
 lodgings, as Toynbee did (among whom were James Bonar, a well known economist 
 and master of the Mint in Montreal; N. C. Chalmers, now permanent secretary at 
 the Treasury; F. C. Mills, who moved into the Friary and lived on many years; and 
 E. L. Leonard, who went down with us in 1873 and laid the foundation of the C.O.S. 
 work on human lines). Few men stayed for any length of time. It was because 
 many showed this disposition to take up residence that first of all the little place 
 called 'The Friary' was established, and subsequently Toynbee Hall." — From a 
 letter of Canon Barnett's to the authors. 
 
 25 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 women were developing a comprehensive policy for dealing with 
 the crude handicaps of life in the district. Provisions of the Arti- 
 sans' Dwelling Act^ were enforced; model houses were erected; 
 -new tenements brought under Miss Hill's direction; a cafe com- 
 pany organized to combat the drink evil. 
 
 Thus did Barnett begin to give form and substance to the con- 
 ception whose high antecedents we have traced. This plan called 
 for nothing less than reconstruction of the conditions and interests 
 of an entire neglected city district after a pattern compacted of 
 what was best in English civilization in its diflFerent elements, in- 
 cluding all of them, omitting none. It called for help from some of 
 the nation's chief sources of power. It gave intimations of a ten- 
 dency which might lift many a local community throughout 
 the nation to a distinctly higher fulfilment of the collective well- 
 being. 
 
 The opportunity to make a definite draft upon the universities 
 which Barnett had long desired came in 1883. A group of young 
 men at St. John's College, Cambridge, asked assistance in outlining 
 and starting an educational institution for working people which, 
 unlike the missions established by schools and individual colleges, 
 should not be sectarian. Barnett in a letter pointed out to them 
 that English local government is based on the assumption of a re- 
 sponsible privileged class, and suggested that a complement of 
 educated people be provided artificially in those regions where the 
 movement of modern civilization had drawn off the resourceful 
 citizenship of the district. He advised that a house be hired where 
 men could live for longer or shorter periods and study the life and 
 problems of an industrial neighborhood, in order to gain that close 
 personal acquaintance with individuals which must precede any 
 wise public action for meeting working-class needs^ This letter, 
 expanded into a paper and read at St. John's College, Oxford, is 
 the charter of the settlements. Its keynote is in the following 
 quotation : " Many have been the schemes of reform 1 have known, 
 but, out of eleven years' experience, I would say that none touches 
 the root of evil which does not bring helper and helped into friendly 
 relations. Vain will be higher education, music, art, or even the 
 Gospel, unless they come clothed in the life of brother man — 'it 
 ' Passed by Parliament in 1875, partly as a result of the work of Miss Hill. 
 
 26 
 
ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 took the Life to make God known.' Vain, too, will be sanitary 
 legislations and model dwellings, unless the outcast are by friendly 
 hands brought in one by one to habits of cleanliness and order, to 
 thoughts of righteousness and peace. 'What will save East Lon- 
 don?' asked one of our University visitors of his master. 'The 
 destruction of West London,' was the answer and, in so far as he 
 meant the abolition of the influences which divide rich and poor, 
 the answer was right. Not until the habits of the rich are changed, 
 and they are again content to breathe the same air and walk the 
 same streets as the poor, will East London be ' saved.' Meantime, 
 a settlement of University men will do a little to remove the in- 
 equalities of life, as the settlers share their best with the poor and 
 learn through feeling how they live."' 
 
 Response to this summons was immediate. An organization was 
 formed, representing both universities, to raise money for estab- 
 lishing the proposed settlement. As the death of Arnold Toynbee 
 was still fresh in the minds of his friends, it was suggested that the 
 new house bear his name. After the university manner Barnett 
 was called the warden. A small group of men, moved by an ardent 
 and new kind of devotion and not without a touch of the English- 
 man's sporting spirit, took up residence in Whitechapel, availing 
 themselves of improvised quarters in a disused public house. 
 Ground was soon secured adjoining St. Jude's, a building was 
 erected, and on Christmas Eve, 1884, residents first slept in Toyn- 
 bee Hall. 
 
 The germinating power of the idea, and all the new contrasts 
 and harmonies which its expression set free, had an instant efl'ect 
 upon the finer minds among difi^erent resourceful groups and led to 
 establishment of similar colonies in a number of dreary London 
 districts. The new power of devotion and aspiration which earlier 
 in the century had come of the Oxford movement, so remarkable in 
 quickening the inner life of the established church, was beginning 
 definitely to seek its secular application. Oxford House (1884) in 
 Bethnal Green was opened only a few months after the establish- 
 ment of Toynbee Hall. The Women's University Settlement (1887) 
 
 1 From "Settlements of University Men in Great Towns." (A paper read at 
 St. John's College, Oxford, November, 1883.) Practicable Socialism, New Series, 
 pp.104-05. London, Longmans, Green and Co., 1915. 
 
 27 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 in Southwark, representing newly established colleges for women 
 at Oxford and Cambridge, followed hard after. Mansfield House 
 (1890) in Canning Town, four miles down the river, became the 
 outpost of the spiritual descendants of Puritans who had lately 
 regained an institutional foothold at Oxford. University Hall 
 (1890) was established under Unitarian auspices by Mrs. Humphry 
 Ward. Bermondsey Settlement was founded ( 1 89 1 ) under Wesleyan 
 leadership; and Newman House (i 891) by Roman Catholics. 
 
 It was recognized at once among thoughtful Englishmen gen- 
 erally, that this unexampled enterprise was a matter of high 
 potential significance for the nation's unfolding moral life. Aside 
 from direct service to all human needs within a neglected com- 
 munity, the settlements gave hope that friendly relations between 
 separated classes might come about. The incipient program seemed 
 so pregnant with significance that the idea began to be considered 
 in its widest implications. It was wholly natural that some of the 
 pioneers should meet with Barnett at St. Jude's and set forth, 
 under the form of a radically remodeled established church, the 
 conception of a hospitable spiritual fellowship including all people 
 of goodwill from parish to parish, which should constitute "the 
 whole nation organized for righteousness." 
 
 Across the ocean, almost immediately a feeling was precipitated 
 that the settlement was a genuine and highly important creation 
 which, properly adapted to American conditions, could provide a 
 new and inspiriting avenue for freer and wider dissemination of the 
 services of higher education, and a peculiarly hopeful approach to 
 great new problems of American cities which the American mind 
 had hardly yet envisaged. 
 
 The fact that groups representing the best product of the uni- 
 versities had established themselves in neglected backgrounds of 
 London to be neighbors and fellow-citizens, there to develop skill 
 in study and service; to reinforce the agencies of sanitation, of 
 charity, and of education; to give fine and varied form to the 
 pursuit of recreation; to enter into direct and sympathetic inter- 
 change with the spokesmen of industrial unrest and to take the 
 chances of the local political reformer; to seek to elicit for better 
 things the collective and corporate initiative of the people, made 
 an invincible appeal to the combined spirit of culture and of moral 
 
 28 
 
ENGLISH BEGINNINGS 
 
 adventure which was coming to be quite as eager in American life 
 as in the maturer civilization of the mother country. 
 
 To inquirers from the chief centers of population in the United 
 States with their baffling confusion of religious and racial loyalties, 
 Toynbee Hall was a particularly reassuring example. Not only 
 were its generous avenues of service being entered by workers of 
 various forms of faith, but its residents had at once included in 
 their sphere of influence the large Irish colony along the nearby 
 docks, as well as Russian Jews, who, almost under the eaves of the 
 settlement, were at that moment beginning to make Whitechapel 
 no less than New York's lower East Side, their own. 
 
 29 
 
CHAPTER III 
 AMERICAN BACKGROUND 
 
 IT WAS clear that the settlement expressed a certain feudal tra- 
 dition and asserted profound inequalities among citizens in the 
 very act of traversing them. Responsible Americans could 
 hardly have espoused the project had they not been convinced 
 that radically new departures in the direction of collective responsi- 
 bility had come to be essential to national well-being. The keen 
 self-sufficiency of the individual citizen, carried to its extreme amid 
 the needs and possibilities of pioneer days and wrought into the 
 fiber of our institutions, had begun on the one hand to overreach 
 itself, and on the other to break down. 
 
 The tendencies which produced this result, and the reaction of 
 moral forces of the community upon them, in this country are not 
 to be traced in gradual and cumulative succession, as are corre- 
 sponding factors in the classic land of modern industry, with its 
 homogeneous population, its matured cultural and religious sys- 
 tems, and its gradually unfolding type of democracy. Industrial- 
 ism in America came to full expression within a period of two 
 decades, bringing in its train overwhelming and unprecedented 
 political and moral problems. It was, however, America's good 
 fortune to be spared many of the evils which in England accom- 
 panied the change from manual labor to machinery. A considerable 
 share of the national inventiveness was expended in devising and 
 perfecting farm machinery, the results of which strengthened 
 rather than hindered our dominant individualism. In industry, 
 successive waves of immigration served to reduce labor friction by 
 providing new recruits continuously to perform the more disagree- 
 able kinds of work. 
 
 While there have been numerous individual prophetic leaders 
 making powerful appeals on behalf of specific causes, there has 
 been no such continuing succession of statesmanlike reformers, 
 
 30 
 
AMERICAN BACKGROUND 
 
 embodying the meaning and progress of a new human order, as 
 England presents. It is to be noted, also, that although the 
 American situation needed precisely what the settlement offered, 
 and although many phases of American experience prepared the 
 way for some such stroke of invention, it yet had to be discovered 
 for us through the moral initiative of an industrial order both more 
 experienced and more hard pressed. 
 
 None the less the essence of communal responsibility and con- 
 trol in this country was strongly alive, drawing its energy from 
 the deepest roots of national existence. The Puritan tradition of 
 moralized community action. New England village life out of 
 which the fabric of our civilization was built, the town-meeting 
 which contains the germ of American government, supplied motives 
 the authority and power of which were everywhere felt. New Eng- 
 land transcendentalism as interpreted by Ralph Waldo Emerson 
 (1803- 1 882) infused deeply into American thought the same great 
 principles which Carlyle was so aggressively expounding. Em- 
 phasizing the forgotten first tenet of democracy, " perfectibility of 
 human nature," and carrying it to its culmination in the broadest 
 human fellowship, this general teaching led to the founding of sev- 
 eral ideal village communities, of which Brook Farm^ was the best 
 known ; inspired the ever more fully developing system of universal 
 education wrought out by Horace Mann (1796-1859); brought 
 about manifold scattered enterprise in charity and philanthropy; 
 suggested the sympathetic overtures made to the incipient labor 
 movement by William Ellery Channing (1780- 1842) and Theodore 
 Parker (1810-1860); and finally created the seemingly chimerical 
 agitation for the abolition of slavery under the lead of William 
 Lloyd Garrison (1805-1879) and Wendell PhiUips (1811-1884). 
 
 Precipitation of civil war as a means of solving the problem of 
 slavery created a well-nigh complete and absolute diversion from 
 the nation's own inherent and organic problems to one which in a 
 sense had been artificially foisted upon it. The normal develop- 
 ment of all issues involved in industrialism was thus delayed almost 
 a generation. But the great common experience of the war had a 
 profoundly humanizing influence upon the spirit of the people. 
 Democracy came to be more than a political faith. The broad 
 
 1 1842-1847. 
 3J 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 principle of solidarity in human terms was now finally placed on a 
 footing with liberty itself. 
 
 In some respects the moral momentum of abolition projected 
 itself definitely into issues of the future. The anti-slavery poems of 
 John Greenleaf Whittier (1808-1893) and James Russell Lowell 
 ( 1 819-189 1 ) often strikingly suited the mood of the following 
 decades. Phillips found it a natural step to turn at the close of the 
 war from the labor system of the South to the problem of factory 
 employes of the North. The fact that the Anti-Slavery Society, 
 formed in 1833, could be dissolved in 1870, its end accomplished, 
 strongly reinforced the belief that there were grounds for Utopian 
 hopes in American life. This reassurance not only gathered up and 
 established conclusively the fundamental principles of human 
 rights, but in a special degree it made consideration for human wel- 
 fare an inseparable factor in the temper and spirit of the nation. 
 
 That balancing of the Puritan sentiment for reform by all that 
 goes with the spirit of unaffected good fellowship which is so 
 typically American found its completest and noblest expression in 
 Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865). The natural democracy bred of the 
 pioneering spirit, the typical capacity for, and delight in, neighbor- 
 liness which characterizes the frontier, each is found at its best in 
 him. With a special innate capacity for individualizing men and 
 women, finding the deepest satisfaction in being among people of 
 whatever sort or degree; sacrificing his own interest in ways small 
 or large, almost without consciousness of personal cost; holding 
 easily in his mind an inexhaustible range of decisive anecdote 
 through which, by homely, humorous phrase, he brought into every 
 situation the living spirit of human kind; he was a reformer be- 
 cause he was first and always one of the neighbors. 
 
 Could Lincoln have lived a decade longer, his influence would no 
 doubt have moderated the public mind, made rigid to a degree by 
 the appalling struggle for the preservation of the Union and filled 
 with a formal vision of established nationality. Out of the unhappy 
 reconstruction period, however, there came the sense of continued 
 responsibility for the freedman. The time had arrived when to the 
 conscience of the North the Negro ceased being a cause and be- 
 came a person. From this turn in affairs dates one of the most sug- 
 gestive of American humanitarian undertakings, the establish- 
 
 32 
 
AMERICAN BACKGROUND 
 
 ment of schools designed especially to train young colored men and 
 women for community leadership among their own people. Most 
 to be remembered in this connection is that knightly character, 
 General Samuel C. Armstrong (1839-1893), of Hampton Institute 
 in Virginia. 
 
 The unparalleled resources of the country for higher education 
 began now to come fully into existence. Hundreds of colleges were 
 either newly established or strongly reinforced, principally by 
 various branches of the church. Provision was thus deliberately 
 made for the trained, adaptable initiative which the protean 
 growth of the country was demanding. Prosperous citizens showed 
 themselves ready in a way new to the world to furnish funds for 
 wide expansion of advanced educational privilege. They builded 
 better than they knew. They did not realize how different a gen- 
 eration would come upon the scene, after modern enlightenment 
 had begun to have its effect, and had descried the full range of the 
 issues of democracy. The old patriotism, in its eagerness for a large 
 increase of liberally educated men and women, was unwittingly 
 opening the way to the new. 
 
 The historic achievement of the third quarter of the century, 
 however, was the opening of the West. The movement of popula- 
 tion into the fertile unoccupied lands of the Mississippi Valley and 
 across plain and mountain to the shores of the Pacific Ocean called 
 out in high degree that vital flux of economic and moral enterprise 
 which is typically American. It cannot, however, be left out of 
 account that the building of this new part of the national fabric 
 and the prodigious material opportunities thus presented to the 
 nation as a whole, drew deeply upon energies which would other- 
 wise have gone toward meeting new issues in the established com- 
 munities of the East. Such loss, however, was more than offset 
 by the broader sense of fraternity contributed by this later gener- 
 ation of pioneers to the national character. 
 
 Meanwhile, beginning immediately after the war, industrialism 
 and the growth of population, in a baffling complication, were 
 changing the face of American civilization in the East. The way 
 had been fully opened for vast industries insistently stimulated by 
 the seemingly unlimited resources of the country. The years be^ 
 tween 1880 and 1890 showed all the marks of the modern economic 
 4 33 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 order. The number of employes and the value of products became 
 twice that of the previous decade. Capital was massed and indus- 
 trial management concentrated in the hands of a relatively de- 
 creasing number of leaders. Such an expansion of industry within 
 so short a time could obviously have been accomplished only by 
 means of an easily available and practically unlimited supply of 
 labor. During the twenty years preceding the new century nearly 
 9,000,000 immigrants sought our shores, or as many as had en- 
 tered the country during the previous six decades. The change in 
 the racial character of immigration which began about 1890 
 greatly intensified the difficulties of national assimilation. In many 
 cases whole districts passed in a few years from the Irish, who were 
 typical of the early influx, to the Russian Jews, who as they landed 
 represented the extreme of all that was in contrast with the 
 American way of life. The need of a determined and far-reaching 
 policy of assimilation was vaguely felt, although a strangely 
 hypnotic optimism, a sense of "manifest destiny" prevented any 
 adequate realization of the nature and difficulty of the task.^ 
 
 Here, then, in a country whose dearest tradition was a common 
 sentiment of loyalty among citizens as each confidently pursued his 
 individual enterprise of well-being, were great segments of popula- 
 tion at the chief centers of the nation set apart from the older ele- 
 ments of our citizenship. The more capable and adventurous 
 among the native population rose rapidly to positions of unpre- 
 cedented financial power; while the opportunities of American life 
 became relatively less available to the people as a whole. The re- 
 sult was an anomalous class system based predominantly on in- 
 come, embittered by prejudices of instinct and tradition, and 
 becoming only more real as its existence was patriotically denied. 
 
 It was inevitable that such cleavage in status and sentiment 
 should soon express itself in ways that were disturbing. The rise of 
 the Knights of Labor during the late seventies, under an emotional 
 impulse, banded together skilled and unskilled workers indiscrim- 
 inately in local territorial units.'' The recurrent conflicts between 
 
 ' Fiske, John: American Political Ideas, pp. 101-52. New York, Harper and 
 Bros., 1885. 
 
 2 Hoxie, R. F.: Trade Unionism in the United States, p. 86. New York, D. 
 Appleton and Co., 1917. 
 
 34 
 
AMERICAN BACKGROUND 
 
 capital and labor which followed seemed to the great body of 
 citizens a thing unconscionable. The railroad strikes of 1877 taken 
 together almost reached the intensity and dimension of a revolt. 
 Revolutionary socialism began to appear in American cities. The 
 Chicago riot of 1886, brought on under the leadership of a group 
 of anarchists and resulting in the death of several police officers, 
 registered in an extreme degree the presence of seeds of a new kind 
 of internal strife, growth of which might cleave the very joints and 
 marrow of our civilization. 
 
 The rise of industrialism manifested itself in our cities, as in 
 British urban communities, by a progressively low standard of 
 living, congestion of families in tenements, and crowding of houses 
 on land, unemployment, nesting of vice near the homes of those 
 least able to protect themselves, widespread misery recurring like 
 an epidemic after every trade depression, and increasing isolation 
 of well-to-do and poor from each other. A large part of each suc- 
 cessive wave of immigrants sunk back more helplessly into the 
 meanest streets and into houses that became less and less fit for 
 human abode. Here they were left in solid masses, so far as their 
 welfare as citizens was concerned, to shift as they might. This 
 residual population, living in clan formation, became the fertile 
 soil in which a uniquely powerful and corrupting political regime, 
 with the complicity of various biisiness interests, developed a type 
 of municipal administration more degraded than any other civilized 
 nation in modern times has known. 
 
 In the retrospect it seems almost inconceivable that up to 1885 
 only a few of all the responsible leaders in difi^erent walks of life 
 were conscious that there was, in any real sense of the term, a 
 social question. Every attempt at association among laborers was 
 looked upon as an irrelevant and dangerous intrusion from out the 
 decaying civilization of Europe. The thought of any form of con- 
 trol over industry and commerce by government, except through a 
 protective tariff, was hardly in the national mind. That the 
 municipality should assume responsibility for conditions under 
 which its citizens lived, aside from elementary defense against dis- 
 ease and disorder, was considered subversive of the principles under 
 which alone American citizenship could thrive. It was still a 
 matter of settled public confidence that the opportunities of Ameri- 
 
 35 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 can life were sufficient for everyone and would satisfactorily 
 assure national well-being. It is suggestive of the state of the times 
 that Francis A. Walker, whose volume The Wages Question, ^ issued 
 in 1876, contains one of the earliest and best statements in favor 
 of the principle of association among workingmen, should have 
 been even among economists a voice crying in the wilderness, and 
 that appreciation of his book in this country should have spread as 
 a reflection of praise more freely bestowed in England.^ 
 
 Against the threat involved in the labor problem in general, 
 serious and enlightened thought was appearing. An occasional 
 suggestion arose that some new way must be found by which the 
 old-time personal interchange between master-workman and jour- 
 neyman could be restored. But the sweating system in the large 
 cities under which great numbers of men, women, and children 
 turned homes into workshops, as yet met with only an occasional 
 protest. 
 
 So deep-seated had corruption of city government become that 
 large numbers of otherwise patriotic people viewed politics with 
 settled cynical indifference, while others sought to forget that such 
 a thing existed, quite as honorable women have for ages ignored 
 the fact of prostitution. The underlying nature of the difficulty 
 had been vaguely suggested by several unsuccessful campaigns to 
 secure a business man's government. Every effort toward reform 
 on this basis was baffled by a detailed and comprehensive system 
 of political patronage which readily exploited the needs and loyal- 
 ties of hand workers and immigrant voters. 
 
 A responsible order of society, amid such a complication of evils, 
 instinctively turns to its agencies of religion and education. The 
 Protestant churches, maintained by established elements in the 
 population, either had removed entirely as immigrants came in, 
 
 ' Wages Question; a treatise on wages and the wages class. New York, Henry 
 Holt and Co., 1876. 
 
 2 Walker, in 1891, indicated his conviction that American economists had been 
 more arbitrary than the English in their use of assumptions based on the "economic 
 man, " and in the degree to which they pressed the doctrine of laissez faire. See 
 "Political Economy in the United States," Fortnightly Review, 1880. Essays, 
 p. I54ff. 
 
 The reader is also referred to Mrs. Florence Kelley's pungent account of the 
 state of academic instruction in economics and sociology in the United States: 
 Modern Industry in Relation to the Family, Health, Education, Morality, pp. 81-82 
 New York, Longmans, Green and Co., 1914. 
 
 36 
 
AMERICAN BACKGROUND 
 
 or had remained in the guise of missions holding the loyalty of a 
 steadily decreasing number of families, and often creating resent- 
 ment when they sought to exert any influence, however fairly 
 intended, upon the community as a whole. By a sad irony, in 
 numerous instances the church had thus become in a sense an anti- 
 social influence. It was held by immigrant forms of faith to 
 cherish a hostile purpose which could be countered only by the 
 most watchful loyalty. An occasional local church undertook, 
 through special sources of support, to initiate varied forms of ser- 
 vice adapted to the needs of a downtown district, and was able, by 
 means of the direct approach of resident clergy and parish workers, 
 to discover and hold a considerable loyal following. A few of these 
 early " institutional churches," as object lessons, had an important 
 influence in remolding American Christianity after the new pattern 
 of community need and opportunity. But such instances only 
 emphasized the fact that Protestant churches were not able to 
 bring about moral unity among distracted urban population 
 groups. 
 
 As against a situation so baffling was the conviction in some 
 quarters that the public schools would be a sufficient anchor of 
 safety. Educators here and there succeeded in adapting the work 
 of the schools in remarkable degree to their new constituency. But 
 some leading immigrant groups brought with them their own sys- 
 tems of education allied to specific phases of religion. Thus one of 
 the chief aims of the American educational system, that of building 
 up a unified public sentiment, was to some extent frustrated. 
 
 The natural next recourse was to the agencies of charity. 
 American cities had not been lacking in men who had striven to 
 sustain the responsibility of well-to-do people for the extremity of 
 need among the poor. Joseph Tuckerman in Boston, during the 
 second quarter of the century, laid the foundations of a charitable 
 system which should reach freely across racial and sectarian bounds. 
 Edward Everett Hale (1822- 1909), whose humanitarian out- 
 reachings had been stirred by Maurice and reinforced by a visit in 
 1859 to the London Workingmen's College, made the beginnings 
 in Boston of a system of relief by districts and neighborhoods. In 
 the seventies, as the problem of relief became vast and complicated 
 and old methods failed, associations were formed in several large 
 
 37 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 cities for the purpose of adopting the broad and helpful principles 
 of the London Charity Organization Society. Such undertakings, 
 aside from their value in instituting, a more comprehensive and 
 thoroughgoing system for meeting the immediate issue, meant that 
 not a few Aipericans of means and education were going across 
 town to come in touch with struggling immigrant groups; and that 
 separate bodies of visitors were devoting themselves each con- 
 tinuously to families in a given small district. Thus for one human 
 purpose at least, a plan of voluntary service as comprehensive and 
 exhaustive as municipal administration itself, was framed in out- 
 line and for its specific function. 
 
 The sense of intelligent responsibility for the unprivileged thus 
 expressed was closely associated with the steady growth of a more 
 emotional sympathy, which took form chiefly in renewed efforts 
 for the protection and care of neglected children. Many scattered 
 publications of indifferent merit served to stir such sentiment; all 
 of them together, however, had much less influence on American 
 readers than had the works of Charles Dickens. The leader in wise, 
 far-reaching guidance of this motive was Charles Loring Brace 
 (1826-1890), who, through the establishment in 1853 of the New 
 York Children's Aid Society, revealed the principles upon which all 
 sound child-saving work was later to be developed. 
 
 The whole city situation in its complexity and elusiveness was 
 distinctively a challenge to the capacity of the American people. 
 Fortunately, unlimited economic initiative gave promise of provid- 
 ing its own corrective by increasing the number of young people 
 able to take advantage of higher education. The strong Puritan 
 cast of leadership caused marked emphasis to be placed upon the 
 peculiar moral responsibility of the college graduate. A succession 
 of young men and women came under the teachings of Carlyle, 
 Ruskin, Arnold, and other leaders of European culture. A broad 
 region for moral adventure whose possibilities could not be reached 
 by the formal ministry of religion, by established educational method, 
 or through the specific relief of distress, began to be perceived. 
 
 A degree of clear definition and fine distinction was imparted to 
 these aspirations by reaction from the low political standards with 
 which the country had long been afflicted. A first fruit of emphasis 
 on the higher education as preparation not merely for the old- 
 
 38 
 
AMERICAN BACKGROUND 
 
 established professions, but for life, was the growing conviction 
 that trained men must in far greater numbers than formerly devote 
 themselves to public affairs. "The scholar in politics" was the 
 somewhat abstract watchword under which this reform movement 
 definitely changed the course of national administration. The same 
 tendency becoming more objective and more human, showed itself 
 as the earliest sign of hope in the dark scene of municipal politics. 
 
 The first news of the settlement project suggested something 
 quite elemental in its union of simplicity and comprehensiveness. 
 The settlement proposed that the best equipped youth in a high 
 spirit of devotion should undertake a mission toward building up 
 the state at the precise point of its greatest disintegration. They 
 were to make their approach not through any sort of office, nor 
 even through any program, but in natural, downright, continuous 
 association with the humblest citizens. 
 
 39 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 AMERICAN PIONEERS 
 
 ALL those circumstances which called for the settlement 
 might in themselves have been powerless in American cities 
 ^to bring it into existence. The impulse here, as in England, 
 came partly out of the struggle of religious leaders to apply the 
 gospel to the imperious demands of the new order of life, partly out 
 of the new humanizing influences of higher education. 
 
 In the year 1879, William J. Tucker, who later became president 
 of Dartmouth College, gave up the pastorate of the Madison Square 
 Church, New York, for a chair at Andover, with the definite pur- 
 pose of training future ministers to meet the new human problems 
 growing out of working-class needs and strivings. There he sought 
 to equip the missionary spirit characteristic of the seminary with 
 means for meeting the ultimate challenge of duty in terms of human 
 service. About the middle of the eighties, Francis G. Peabody 
 began to offer courses in social ethics to undergraduates of Harvard 
 College "with a view to making the burning questions of the time 
 appropriate to a liberal education."* At Hartford Theological 
 Seminary, associated with more conservative tradition, Graham 
 Taylor made the beginning of his career as a teacher and exemplar 
 of new forms of Christian service. Since 1 892, as Professor of Social 
 Economics at Chicago Theological Seminary, he has occupied the 
 first chair to be wholly devoted to such teaching in any theological 
 seminary. Felix Adler, trained as a Jewish rabbi, in 1876 organized 
 the Society for Ethical Culture and gathered about him a rare 
 group of young men who, though detached from religion by 
 
 ' " I must confess that on looking back I recall little sympathy from any academic 
 colleague. One distinguished professor said to me that he did not see how such 
 subjects could be 'seriously pursued.' Such a view seems somewhat antiquated 
 now that these subjects are almost the only ones which any young college man cares 
 much to study. There were at that time no books of any general importance, and 
 the reading had to be derived from reports, magazine articles, and fragmentary 
 chapters."— From a letter of Dr. Peabody 's to the authors. 
 
 40 
 
AMERICAN PIONEERS 
 
 scientific doubt, yet wished to learn, teach, and courageously apply 
 the most significant ethical meanings of American life. 
 
 Awakening at the colleges came through the departments of 
 philosophy, history, and economics. The organic conception of 
 nature, humanity, and the universe; the dignity of every man as a 
 member of society; decrease of rights, increase of duty; identity 
 of worship and service; divine possibilities of direct fellowship 
 with men wherever found; revelation that may issue out of ap- 
 parent insignificance — these were principles instilled into the eager 
 minds of youth by teachers of philosophy to whom the freshness of 
 such truths gave them compelling reality. The evolution of mod- 
 ern England had a considerable place in the curriculum, and 
 Green's History of the English People was often in the students' 
 hands. Thus the new historical and ethical interpretation of 
 economic facts began to replace the classical political economy and 
 endless discussion of protection and free trade. 
 
 It is significant that the impulse which led to the establishment of 
 the settlement found its first stirrings in the women's colleges. 
 Aside from the natural outreaching of their imagination toward 
 humanitarian enterprise, early women collegians possessed a pecu- 
 liar zeal for such wider forms of service as would both justify and 
 reinforce their admission to the realm of learning. Early in the 
 eighties several members of the classes of 1883 and 1884 at Smith 
 College, influenced by the teachings of Ruskin and Tolstoy, were 
 spurred to undertake some far-reaching work of self-sacrifice. A 
 " new Franciscanism," or world-wide order of women who should 
 devote their energies to the service of working people, was out- 
 lined to a group of kindred spirits by Vida D. Scudder. Jane 
 Addams, at Rockford College, Illinois, had begun to meditate in 
 different form a similar purpose. 
 
 The first American settlement was established by Stanton Coit, 
 a graduate of Amherst College, where strong missionary influence 
 was fused with the new philosophy of human relations. In the 
 summer of 1885, while pursuing graduate studies in the University 
 of Berlin, he learned about Toynbee Hall through its first American 
 resident, Howard S. Bliss. * As soon as Coit had received his Berlin 
 degree he sought from Barnett the privilege of residence, living at 
 1 Later president of the Syrian Protestant College, Beirut. Died, 1920. 
 
 4' 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Toynbee Hall from January, 1886, until his return to New York in 
 March to become an assistant to Dr. Adler. While at Toynbee, 
 Coit determined to undertake a similar enterprise in New York, and 
 during the spring of 1886 he spent some time in searching out that 
 particular part of the East Side in which family life most obviously 
 lacked the moral initiative a group of young resident educators 
 and reformers might bring. 
 
 Coit's experience while seeking a habitation was not unlike what 
 befell most of the founders. At first he was inclined to take rooms 
 in a great barrack of a tenement with an especially evil reputation 
 in a neighborhood notorious for crime. At the solicitation of friends, 
 he visited the local police station and inquired whether there was 
 any likelihood of danger to a manifest outsider. The officials in 
 charge refused to guarantee a fair degree of safety. He therefore 
 selected a smaller and quieter building at 146 Forsyth Street, 
 which in its five stories sheltered some twenty families. 
 
 The expressman called to move Dr. Coit's goods downtown pro- 
 tested at first that his client was in error concerning the address, 
 and later was inclined to question his sanity. Neighbors were 
 hardly less puzzled. A myth sprang up that he was a cast-oflf son 
 of wealthy parents, who had sought the East Side in the last 
 descending stages of want. Popular sympathy was altogether with 
 the supposed victim, and his family was hotly criticized for driving 
 into such an environment anyone tenderly brought up. Only a 
 dime novel plot seemed adequate to explain so unusual a situation 
 as his presence in the district. 
 
 During the summer and early fall of 1886, Dr. Coit devoted him- 
 self to the cultivation of neighborly acquaintance. Picnics for the 
 young people were his first means of securing a following. In No- 
 vember a group of eighteen-year-old boys, who had been meeting 
 in the dismal living room of an old blind apple woman, was offered 
 the freedom of his quarters. The club signalized its new estate by 
 changing its name from the Lily Pleasure Club to the O. 1. F. 
 Club, a mystic title signifying Order, Improvement, Friendship. 
 A banner with a lily embroidered on its ground, a cherished pos- 
 session, was given renewed lease of life by retaining that flower as 
 the club emblem. New members were recruited, and the group 
 grew so rapidly that the basement of the tenement was rented for 
 
 42 
 
AMERICAN PIONEERS 
 
 a club room. Possession of this additional space led at the begin- 
 ning of the new year to the establishment of a kindergarten. 
 Shortly afterward the first group of girls, known as the Lady 
 Belvedere Club, composed of young women between sixteen and 
 twenty-two years of age, began its collective career. 
 
 In October, 1887, a second group composed of thirty school girls 
 between the ages of ten and fourteen was gathered into a club. 
 Before the winter of 1887, five clubs, each representing enterprise 
 new and strange beyond present-day possibilities of conception, 
 were holding regular meetings, and a federation of the young 
 people's clubs had been organized. From this "Neighborhood 
 Guild" the enterprise took its name. 
 
 Among the men who came to the aid of Dr. Coit as resident col- 
 leagues was Charles B. Stover. It is significant of the stirrings of 
 the times that Mr. Stover had from boyhood desired to devote his 
 life to the service of working people. With this purpose in mind he 
 set aside the leadings of denominational loyalty and attended a 
 theological seminary in New York rather than one of his own sect 
 nearer his home. While a student he had gone into Rivington 
 Street as a missionary and spoken in the open air. In May, 1887, 
 he visited the Guild, and in August moved into the apartment ad- 
 joining Dr. Coit's, which he occupied for twenty years. ^ 
 
 Practical efi^orts toward the improvement of local conditions 
 originated during the summer of 1887 in a campaign for clean 
 streets. It failed because of the bitter antagonism of the small 
 dealers in the neighborhood. A substantial amount of time was 
 also devoted to studying the causes of political corruption, and an 
 unsuccessful attack was made upon the local boss, popularly called, 
 because of the precious inlay in the floor of his saloon, "Silver 
 Dollar" Smith. 
 
 Although the original residents of Neighborhood Guild had 
 
 fancied that they were burying themselves when they went to live 
 
 on the East Side, newspapers found them excellent copy. The 
 
 publicity which ensued led to a multitude of opportunities for 
 
 presenting their points of view to individuals and societies. This 
 
 ' Other men of this time, resident for short periods in the same tenement or in the 
 dwelling house taken later at 147 Forsyth Street, were: Elmer S. Forbes, Morrison 
 I. Swift, P. C. Hale, John MacGregor Goodale, Arthur B. Davies, Edward King, 
 W. B. Thorp, and James K. Paulding. 
 
 43 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 experience registers the beginning of the attempt to interpret to 
 the well-to-do the life of economic and racial types far separated 
 from them. Within a twelvemonth several residents had applied 
 their experience to problems of the organization of city life. Mr. 
 Stover, in particular, entered avenues of large public service which 
 he has since followed unswervingly. Among the efforts begun thus 
 early, and ultimately successful, were those toward a businesslike 
 municipal administration of rapid transit franchises, and the pro- 
 motion of district parks and neighborhood playgrounds. * 
 
 From the beginning of his experiment Dr. Coit had the resource- 
 ful assistance of women volunteers, among the first of whom were 
 Jane E. Robbins, a physician, and Jean Fine.^ During the winter of 
 1887 and 1888 Dr. Robbins, stirred by stories of Russian college 
 girls who had gone to live with the people, determined to establish 
 herself in a tenement. In November, 1888, she rented and fur- 
 nished rooms at 130 Forsyth Street, and Miss Fine, then teaching 
 in an uptown school, joined her for week-ends. Here the girls of 
 the Guild resorted in ever-increasing numbers for sociability, classes, 
 and parties. 
 
 The first stage of this venture came to a sudden end one day in 
 April, 1889, when on returning to her rooms. Dr. Robbins found a 
 dispossess notice attached to the door. One reason given by the 
 landlord, the notorious " Silver Dollar" Smith himself, though it 
 was perhaps least important in his eyes, was wear and tear on the 
 stairs. The event, however, very happily hastened further and 
 larger developments which were already brewing. 
 
 During the summer of 1885 Miss Scudder, whose new Francis- 
 canism had gained somewhat in definiteness, approached friends 
 among graduates of Smith College with a plan of establishing a 
 resident group from their number in a working-class neighborhood 
 of a large city. In the fall of 1887 four members of the classes of 
 1883 and 1884' met in Boston and constituted themselves a com- 
 mittee to secure the necessary support. Dr. Robbins and Miss 
 
 ' After two years Dr. Coit removed to London to become lecturer for South 
 Place Ethical Society and director of Leighton Hall Neighborhood Guild. In 
 1892 Neighborhood Guild became University Settlement, and a new building was 
 erected for it at 184 Eldridge Street. Mr. Stover now lives in the settlement. 
 
 ' Mrs. Charles Spahr. 
 
 ' Clara French, Mary H. Mather, Helen C. Rand, and Vida D. Scudder. 
 
 44 
 
AMERICAN PIONEERS 
 
 Fine, both Smith College alumnae, contributed the results of direct 
 experience. The project broadened and an association for "the 
 support and control of College Settlements for Women" was or- 
 ganized, with representatives from Bryn Mawr, Smith, Vassar, and 
 Wellesley. In the spring of 1889 a house at 95 Rivington Street, 
 New York, was leased and renovations begun. Here in October 
 residents of the first college settlement took up their abode. Miss 
 Fine becoming headworker. The name, which now seems so 
 generic, was at this early stage quite definite and individual. 
 
 It was the original intention of the founders to devote them- 
 selves to girls and women, and to work largely in co-operation with 
 other local agencies, especially Neighborhood Guild, whose head- 
 quarters were a short distance away. During the first year, 
 therefore, residents took charge of girls' clubs which had been or- 
 ganized in Forsyth Street, and gathered new clubs of their own, 
 installed two baths for the use of women and children, established 
 a small library, and assisted in nearby Sunday schools. In spite of 
 a resolution to the contrary, three boys' clubs could not be denied. 
 In the second year, contacts with home interests in the neighbor- 
 hood were focused in a women's club; and the momentum of the 
 winter was carried over into a summer enterprise, the first settle- 
 ment vacation cottage. In giving emphasis to personal friendly 
 implications of neighborliness, organizing distinctive forms of work 
 for girls, making the beginnings of a highly significant vacation 
 scheme, and arousing the city to the significance of the low stan- 
 dards of life which obtained on the East Side, College Settlement 
 rendered important pioneer service.^ 
 
 It is only as College Settlement is considered a development of 
 
 the foothold gained by Dr. Robbins and Miss Fine on Forsyth 
 
 Street that its origins antedate a similar though wholly separate 
 
 series of steps taken by college women representing the spirit of the 
 
 Middle West. The Chicago of three decades ago, along with lively 
 
 metropolitan aspirations, retained much in environment and cus- 
 
 ' Head residents of College Settlement who have had continued influence in the 
 progress of settlement work have been: Dr. Jane E. Robbins; Mary Kingsbury, 
 now Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch, founder and head resident of Greenwich House; Eliza- 
 beth S. Williams, head resident for more than fifteen years. Dr. Robbins, tem- 
 peramentally a pioneer, has devoted her fine energies to taking charge of different 
 settlement houses in various parts of the country for a year or two during periods 
 of strain or transition. 
 
 45 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 torn reminiscent of the frontier. Sanitary and housing difficulties 
 which grew out of hastily improvised equipment for urban living 
 were further complicated by the presence of great numbers of immi- 
 grants imported to do the unskilled and peculiarly unpleasant work 
 called for by certain industries. Manufacture and commerce, with 
 their great stakes, held men of the city to the most exacting and 
 unremitting attention. Women received the gift of a margin of 
 leisure several decades in advance of their husbands and brothers, 
 and for the time became the responsible guardians of local moral 
 initiative. When they came to deal with the problem of immigrant 
 neighborhoods, the group of educated young women who started 
 settlement work applied the same discernment and the same ability 
 to gauge and meet situations that had made their forebears winners 
 of the West. 
 
 The most representative daughter of the Middle West, and in 
 many senses of the nation, is Jane Addams. Profoundly influenced 
 by the rare public spirit of her father and by his admiration for 
 Lincoln, Miss Addams definitely determined, on graduating from 
 college in 1881, to "study medicine and live among the poor." 
 While in medical school her health failed, and, in obedience to a 
 physician's orders, she resided abroad for a number of years. Her 
 search for health was carried on no more zealously than her en- 
 deavor to discover a basis of personal relation to the outstanding 
 human order whose inequalities and infelicities increasingly became 
 to her a source of anxious thought. 
 
 Happening on an account of Toynbee Hall in the back pages of 
 a magazine, she made a memorandum of its street address against 
 a projected trip abroad. On the Continent in the spring of i888, 
 she explained her long-cherished purpose to Ellen Gates Starr, 
 classmate and friend, who from that time became a spirited par- 
 ticipant in it. Together they made a pilgrimage to see Toynbee 
 Hall and to meet Mr. Barnett. In January, 1889, Miss Addams 
 and Miss Starr began to look about in Chicago for an appropriate 
 field and a suitable house. After much searching an old mansion on 
 Halsted Street which had reached a low estate as a lodging house 
 was found, and here on September 18 they took possession of a few 
 rooms. 
 
 The founders of Hull House, perhaps more consciously than any 
 
 46 
 
AMERICAN PIOISEERS 
 
 Other prime movers of the settlement in America, set out definitely 
 to share with neighbors both their choicest possessions and the 
 ripest results of their intellectual training. Their rooms were made 
 as beautiful as their means allowed, and the considerable stock of 
 pictures, photographs, and books which Miss Starr had collected 
 in studying the history of art were used to create and hold neigh- 
 borhood acquaintance. Reproductions of great masterpieces were 
 framed and lent to neighbors. Groups were formed to study art, 
 literature, and science. The first specially erected building in- 
 cluded an art gallery, a studio, and a library. The beginnings of a 
 music school and a crafts guild were made within the first two 
 years. A series of parties and festivals commemorative of immi- 
 grant customs and traditions was arranged, which drew with the 
 ingenuity of tact upon deep springs of racial loyalty in the different 
 groups locally represented and imparted a clear sense of common 
 heritage in a new national fellowship. 
 
 The ministry of culture, however, far from being allowed to be- 
 come an anodyne, was rather the foil against which civic neglect 
 showed its somber and even tragic results. Parallel with organiza- 
 tion for beauty went the relief of poverty and distress and efforts to 
 secure proper cleaning of streets and collection of garbage. Close 
 acquaintance with the hardships suffered by men, women, and 
 child workers in the sweatshops, led directly to requests for pro- 
 tective action by the state. 
 
 East Side House, New York, in the founding of which Everett P. 
 Wheeler, attorney and publicist, took the initiative, was the 
 fourth settlement.^ In April, 1890, after hearing about English 
 settlements, the Church Club, an association of Episcopal laymen, 
 of which Mr. Wheeler was an active member, authorized its 
 philanthropic committee to establish an enterprise on a like pat- 
 tern. It was proposed to begin, as Dr. Coit had done, with a single 
 tenement, and- to take new apartments as fast as young men could 
 be induced to join. Fortunately this plan was abandoned in favor 
 
 ' Maxwell House was founded in September, 1889, by the Brooklyn Guild Associ- 
 ation as an outgrowth of work of the Second Unitarian Church, several of whose 
 members had visited Toynbee Hall; but there were no resident workers until 1896. 
 Two Boston centers, Ellis Memorial and Lincoln House, established still earlier as 
 boys' clubs, gradually broadened their schemes of service and in recent years have 
 added residence houses. Mr. and Mrs. B. Preston Clark have been volunteer 
 leaders in the work of Lincoln House from the beginning. 
 
 47 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of a fine old house on the river front at the foot of East Seventy- 
 sixth Street, in a neighborhood of Irish, Germans, and Scandina- 
 vians. Thesettlement opened its doors in June, 1 891.1 Among its 
 early and, at that time, novel achievements were a tidewater swim- 
 ming pool and an important club of men.^ 
 
 Northwestern University Settlement, Chicago, was established 
 in December, 1891, by Charles Zueblin. Upon his return from grad- 
 uate studies at the University of Leipsic, Mr. Zueblin accepted 
 an appointment under the Methodist City Mission, and was as- 
 signed to a locality of Scandinavians, Poles, and Germans. To 
 understand their life and problems he took lodgings in the colony. 
 His activities not being sufficiently evangelistic to meet the desires 
 of his denominational backers, support was soon withdrawn. In- 
 fluenced by what he had seen at Toynbee Hall and Hull House, 
 Mr. Zueblin determined to found a settlement, and appealed to his 
 alma mater, Northwestern University, for assistance. It is indica- 
 tive of the progress of the settlement idea that Stanton Coit's book 
 on Neighbourhood Guilds' was circulated as a means of arousing 
 interest. Among Mr. Zueblin's earliest converts was a fraternity 
 brother, Clarke Tisdale, who, with his bride, joined in establishing 
 the settlement. Situated in what is perhaps the largest Polish 
 community in America, the house has served as an experiment 
 station for social work among Slavic peoples. Although for the 
 first fifteen years of its existence headworkers succeeded each other 
 every few years, the caliber of the men who gave themselves to the 
 task was so exceptional that steady progress was made.* 
 , The sixth settlement, Andover House, Boston (since 1895 South 
 End House), came into being through the influence and leadership 
 of Professor Tucker of Andover. In 1 885 he established the custom 
 
 1 In January, 1891, Prospect Union was founded in Cambridge by Robert E. 
 Ely, with the support of Professor Francis G. Peabody and a group of Harvard stu- 
 dents. It has always had more the character of a university extension center than 
 of a settlement. 
 
 ' Since 1908 the house has been in charge of Mary DeG. Trenholm. 
 
 'Neighbourhood Guilds: An Instrument of Social Reform. London, Swan Son- 
 nenschein and Co., 1891. 
 
 * Harry Ward, Professor of Christian Ethics at Union Theological Seminary. 
 New York; William Hard, a well-known magazine writer and editor; and Ray- 
 mond Robins, true modern knight errant. Since 1907 the house has been under 
 the leadership of Harriet E. Vittum. 
 
 48 
 
AMERICAN PIONEERS 
 
 of sending a graduate of the seminary abroad to study new forms 
 of church work, and the report of the first incumbent under this 
 traveling fellowship contained a brief account of the beginnings of 
 Toynbee Hall and Oxford House.^ In 1890 Robert A. Woods went 
 to England as the representative of the seminary and lived for six 
 months at Toynbee Hall. The results of his studies were given in a 
 course of lectures at Andover and were later published in a volume 
 which presented to American readers the first extended account of 
 the origin and working program of English settlements.^ The way 
 was thus prepared for the organization of a settlement association 
 in October, 1891, and for the opening of Andover House under Mr. 
 Woods' direction, January 2, 1892. 
 
 The five years between 1886 and 1891 constituted the intro- 
 ductory stage of American settlement enterprise. The six houses 
 which had their beginnings during this period were established by 
 persons who were moved, on the one hand, by a separate and dis- 
 tinct original impulse coming out of tendencies in American life, 
 and on the other, by the example of Toynbee Hall. Within a short 
 time representatives of these enterprises had placed themselves on 
 terms of helpful consultation with one another. There were not 
 only individual settlements but a settlement spirit and an urgency 
 to fresh endeavors. As other houses were planned, experienced 
 leaders arose prepared to assist with advice and instruction. A 
 measure of the compelling power of the idea is the fact that fifty- 
 seven houses opened their doors during the second half of the first 
 decade. The leaders who sprang up during this period received 
 their inspiration largely from American pioneers who, from the 
 very beginning, had sought recruits among promising undergrad- 
 uates at colleges and wherever they could meet young people of 
 ability and democratic instinct.' 
 
 Settlements of this second group began their existence in the 
 midst of one of the most serious panics that has ever afflicted this 
 country. In a sense it called them into existence. Once in being, 
 however, it placed their advocates under severe burdens and con- 
 
 • Modern Cities, by Rev. Samuel Lane Loomis. Baker and Taylor Co., 1889. 
 
 ^ English Social Movements. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891. 
 
 ' For detailed bibliography covering the history and activities of each of the 
 houses mentioned in this chapter, see Woods, R. A., and Kennedy, A. J. : Handbook 
 of Settlements, New York, Charities Publication Committee, 191 1. 
 
 5 49 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 tinually imperilled the supply of modest necessities for existence. 
 This condition lengthened the stage of pioneering by nearly a 
 decade and very definitely, in respect of hard experience, brought 
 leaders of the second period into the same group with the founders. 
 
 Early in 1892 the College Settlements Association followed up 
 the house in Rivington Street with College Settlement in Philadel- 
 phia, and in December of the same year opened Denison House in 
 Boston.' 
 
 Wrought out with a large degree of independence and originality 
 was the Nurses' Settlement, established in 1893 by Lillian D. Wald. 
 Graduating from the New York Hospital training school for nurses 
 in 1893, Miss Wald determined to devote her professional skill in 
 personal ways to working people. While looking for rooms on the 
 East Side, she and an associate, Mary Brewster, discovered College 
 Settlement. Here they stayed for a short time making ready a 
 place in which to live. The house taken later in Henry Street be- 
 came almost at once a headquarters for district nursing, an experi- 
 ment station in the application of nursing science to the needs of 
 tenement neighborhoods, and an original and inspiring center for 
 the development of local cultural interests. 
 
 The next enterprises in New York City were definite expressions 
 of two forms of faith: Union Settlement, established in 1895 by ' 
 graduates of Union Theological Seminary and since closely identi- 
 fied with it;^ and in the same year Hudson Guild, sustained by the 
 New York Society for Ethical Culture, and from the beginning 
 infused with a rare quality of applied Americanism by its leader, 
 John L. Elliott. 
 
 In Chicago, after Hull House and Northwestern University Set- 
 tlement had represented the cause for a period of five years, rein- 
 forcements appeared in University of Chicago Settlement, of which 
 Mary E. McDowell, another strikingly American figure, soon be- 
 came head resident, and Chicago Commons, whose headworker 
 since its founding has been Graham Taylor.' Growth in Boston 
 
 'The leaders chiefly associated with the Philadelphia settlement have been 
 Katharine B. Davis, later Commissioner of Corrections of New York City, and 
 Anna F. Davies, who has been in charge since she left. Helena S. Dudley was for 
 many years head resident of Denison House. 
 
 ' Gaylord S. White has been head resident since 1901. 
 
 ' Both settlements were established in 1894. 
 
 50 
 
AMERICAN PIONEERS 
 
 came with the establishment in 1895 of Hale House, opened by a 
 group of young men inspired by Edward Everett Hale, and Eliza- 
 beth Peabody House, founded in 1896. This latter, organized about 
 interests of the kindergarten, was named for one of its first expo- 
 nents in the United States.^ 
 
 Meanwhile, cities of the second magnitude were assuming an 
 important share in the development of settlement policy and influ- 
 ence. Kingsley House, Pittsburgh, founded in 1893 by George 
 Hodges^ in connection with a pastorate illustrative of the principles 
 of Fremantle, and developed with conspicuous intelligence and 
 determination by William H. Matthews and Charles C. Cooper,' 
 has shown what may be accomplished for protection of family life 
 in a neighborhood beset with persistent forms of degradation.* 
 Whittier House in Jersey City, New Jersey, founded in 1894 and 
 still guided by Cornelia F. Bradford, soon became an important 
 influence for social improvement not only in the neighborhood but 
 in city and state. Westminster House (1895) and Welcome Hall 
 (1897), in Buffalo, were established by congregations of Presby- 
 terians in fulfilment of responsibilities assumed under the church 
 district plan.^ Westminster House was, for many years, under 
 the devoted leadership of Emily S. Holmes. Welcome Hall, in 
 spite of the short tenure of its early headworkers, has made sub- 
 stantial contributions to the life of neighborhood and city.* In 
 Cleveland, Hiram House was opened in 1896 by George A. Bellamy, 
 who has shown striking purpose in providing adequate institutional 
 resources for neighborhood education, recreation, and association. 
 
 The first ten years of settlement history in America are gathered 
 up in the early strivings of these and a few other enterprises. Dur- 
 
 ' Since 1908 under the leadership of Mrs. Eva W. White. 
 
 ' Afterward dean of the Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, and president 
 of South End House Association. Died in 1919. 
 
 ' Mr. Matthews, now director of Department of Family Welfare of the New 
 York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, was headworker from 
 1902 to 191 1 ; Mr. Cooper has been head resident since. 191 1. 
 
 * The population having become chiefly colored, the plant in the fall of 1919 was 
 turned over to a group of churches which will maintain it as a Negro social settle- 
 ment. Kingsley House has relocated itself in an Italian neighborhood. 
 
 ' Devised by the Buffalo Charity Organization Society and put into operation in 
 1895. The city was divided into districts of a few thousand people. The needs of 
 each territory became a charge upon the church accepting it. 
 
 ' Since 1909 under the leadership of William E. McLennan. 
 
 51 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ing this period the reality of the undertaking was almost entirely 
 in its inward power. Various projects seemed to spring up out of 
 the ground, no one of them, with the exception of those undertaken 
 by the College Settlements Association, being connected with 
 any other. In most cases one or two individuals came forward to 
 assume the new and peculiar responsibility of leadership. G>n- 
 ferring but little with established forms of charity or education, 
 unable in advance to make sure of working colleagues, with even 
 the outline of their method lying vaguely in the future, they took 
 their courage in their hands and adventured. Cherishing merely a 
 hopeful prospect of meager financial assistance, carrying with them 
 moral support of only a trusting few, almost sure to encounter recoil 
 against their overtures, they none the less pressed forward. All 
 these difficulties, partly because they had not been fully faced, 
 seemed but to stiffen the youthful confidence of the pioneers, nearly 
 all in their mid-twenties. They possessed assurance of faith in the 
 human value of what they had to bring; in the kindly, considerate 
 goodwill of many of the people among whom they were to live; in 
 the simplicity, freedom, not-to-be-denied validity of the neighborly 
 relationship. 
 
 52 
 
CHAPTER V 
 THE SETTLEMENT IN BEING 
 
 FOR its foot on the earth the new project was restricted in 
 nearly every instance to the dwelling house in which its 
 small group of recruits established their abode. Appliances 
 and methods were to be at a discount; the theory of work was "to 
 be lavish of personal influence." But the cultivation of hospitality 
 on a rather ample scale and the use of its rooms for groups which 
 met regularly, soon began to set the household off by itself. Eng- 
 lish experience had shown that in serving some of the purposes of a 
 communal establishment the settlement, through the command of 
 ample quarters, could attain a certain marked distinction and 
 dignity. But at every American settlement there was jealous 
 watchfulness to keep the house as far as possible like a family resi- 
 dence and to prevent institutional developments from embarrassing 
 any overture made by those who had come above all to be neighbors 
 among other neighbors. 
 
 In an enterprise definitely committed to be in the nature of a 
 measuring rod applied to industrial society the unbiased fair-mind- 
 edness, intellectual freedom, and moral initiative of its responsible 
 exponents are a first consideration. Canon Barnett held that men 
 of independent means, university training, and social vision living 
 in a kind of residential club, would escape both suspicion of class 
 affiliation and the tendency to degenerate into a charitable machine 
 which goes with the necessity for soliciting funds. Hardly less a 
 cause for asking residents to live at their own charges was the feel- 
 ing that young college people would receive in knowledge of life and 
 training in human association more than they could repay in service. 
 Leaders of early American settlements set out to recruit associates 
 among men and women not under the necessity to earn their living 
 or whose regular occupations left them a substantial amount of 
 free time. Miss Addams suggested that there were in every large 
 
 53 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 city a number of educated and well-to-do young women languish- 
 ing for occupation and for participation in the workaday life of the 
 common people. The settlement was to be a means through which 
 these healing desires might find outlet. 
 
 American sentiment was, however, peculiarly intolerant of those 
 who seemed to be stepping aside from the established careers upon 
 which the main growth of national life depends. The new form of 
 service, therefore, had soon to be placed upon a vocational basis. 
 After the first few years, new residents were drawn quite largely 
 from among recent graduates, with their living to make, for whom 
 a modest financial provision was necessary. This development, 
 disappointing though it was in the beginning, has been not with- 
 out advantage. Most settlements shortly included young men 
 and women who had grown up in the wholesome intermixture of 
 acquaintance that goes with the typical American town or village 
 and had the zest of it upon them. Residents who had the. gift by 
 nature were now to develop its potency in wholly new directions. 
 
 Those who came of their own initiative or through informal ways 
 of solicitation to fill out early resident groups were nearly all urged 
 by the same wave of feeling that had aroused and stirred the 
 founders. In the beginning it was the residents as individuals who 
 felt out after right approaches to be made to a strange and sus- 
 picious neighborhood. Only gradually did the headworker emerge 
 as leader; though, even then, the principle of free initiative on the 
 part of residents of differing experiences continued strong and clear. 
 
 Very early, also, the question arose whether the privilege of 
 service in a settlement should be restricted to college graduates. 
 The issue was a real one, because it was of the essence of things 
 that higher educational institutions should feel responsible for the 
 project, and that the novel conception of life among working people 
 as opportunity for persons of highest training should lose none of 
 the sharpness of its edge. The matter settled itself out of hand by 
 the necessity under which settlement groups found themselves of 
 drawing on the knowledge and skill of all sorts and conditions of 
 people in order to meet continuously emerging needs. Kindergarten 
 teachers, nurses, graduates of normal and art schools, representa- 
 tive working men and women, were invited to residence or them- 
 selves sought entrance. It was soon felt that the term "college" 
 
 54 
 
THE SETTLEMENT IN BEING 
 
 or " university" settlement could be retained as indicating a motive 
 and a standard without offering a rebuff to qualified persons. Hull 
 House, however, avoided the academic epithet, substituting the de- 
 scriptive term "social" settlement which ere long began to have 
 a certain measure of general use. The present tendency is to dis- 
 pense with any qualifying word. 
 
 The proportional share which men and women were to take, and 
 the methods by which they should work together were naturally 
 questions of much interest. For the first decade, with a few slight 
 exceptions, households were restricted either to men or to women. 
 After that, in many instances under the lead of western settlements 
 with their co-educational traditions, resident groups were made up 
 of men and women. Houses which had been composed entirely of 
 men soon felt the necessity of help from the other sex, and all of 
 them in one way or another gave up their policy of monastic isola- 
 tion. In this country women have played a larger part in the devel- 
 opment of settlements than in England; from the beginning the 
 number in residence began to exceed that of men, and new houses 
 .were in most cases opened by them. 
 
 In these early days there were men and women who, while living 
 in well-to-do neighborhoods, yet spent much time in sharing the 
 round of work and administrative responsibilities of the settlement 
 household. Many of these non-resident colleagues belonged among 
 the charter members of the settlement to which they were attached. 
 The original situation required members of boards and large donors 
 to be flexible-minded and receptive to new ideas. Such supporters 
 committed themselves to face whatever a strange admixture of 
 reagents might reveal : they accepted in advance a pace to be set 
 by the growing and creative vision of a group of young people 
 through whom indications for action must come. These early 
 friends in the background not only gave strength to the settlement 
 but much of its vital freedom. 
 
 Although getting its specific clue from England, the American 
 settlement was compounded of qualities and sentiments distinc- 
 tively of the soil. The first of these was religious, freed of intellec- 
 tual fetters and focused on character and service. Then came 
 closely related aspirations toward unaffected human intercourse 
 and outreaching mutual aid. Next, ardor for the pursuit and dis- 
 
 55 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 semination of the results of higher education. Finally, faith in 
 American political principles and assurance that their thorough- 
 going application would bring a higher and better order of society. 
 These convictions enveloped the undertaking like a luminous 
 atmosphere. 
 
 Original American settlement groups, in nearly all cases, came 
 to their tasks under the dominating religious motive of the King- 
 dom of God as a new earthly order to be built out of broader and 
 deeper human relationships. Adaptation of the religious motive 
 to objective conditions of everyday life was doubtless hastened 
 by the intense heart searching which during these years the con- 
 flict between science and dogma compelled all thoughtful young 
 people to undertake. The very fact that tenets of faith could be 
 shaken so profoundly served to shift the emphasis to life; and life 
 they felt must adapt itself to the terms upon which its fellowships 
 can proceed. Yet new devotion had its ultimate analysis of duty 
 as truly as the old. Habitat and ties were to be uprooted quite 
 after the manner of the foregoings of those sent on a mission. 
 The inner life of long and far separated brethren was to be 
 mutually revealed so that their hearts should burn within them; 
 the signs of the times and the hidden aspects of contemporaneous 
 history, rich in spiritual content, were to be discerned and made 
 manifest. 
 
 It was to be expected that an enterprise of devotion calling for 
 the actual sharing of life among the people should manifest a lean- 
 ing toward asceticism. Some of the first residents of Neighborhood 
 Guild attempted to approximate living conditions in the district 
 by limiting their furniture to the scantiest, allowing themselves 
 only such food as local shops provided, and eating it from coarse 
 utensils. The original group at the New York College Settlement 
 " came to the work not only with a desire to serve, but in a spirit of 
 real abnegation." It seemed to them entirely appropriate that 
 they should carry on the greater share of the housework. Such 
 practice, however, was viewed in a larger light than that of self- 
 discipline, being intended to manifest the nobility and spiritual 
 healthfulness of every form of labor, as well as to reduce the dif- 
 ference between the settlement and its neighbors in the scale of 
 living. Here and there a few persons went so far as to pass from the 
 
 56 
 
THE SETTLEMENT IN BEING 
 
 settlement house and make their abode in a nearby tenement. It 
 soon became dear, however, that the most generous service could 
 be rendered and the most natural response secured by those living 
 under what to them were normal conditions. 
 
 In the midst of all their new ethical problems and aims, early 
 residents had the staunch and unqualified support of many progres- 
 sive leaders in different branches of the church. They were com- 
 pelled, however, to endure the cold aloofness if not the outright op- 
 position of representatives of the great majority of religious people. 
 In season and out of season they were met by eager evangelicals with 
 the imputation of disloyalty to denominational standards. Some- 
 what scornfully their enterprise was referred to as " a philanthropic 
 picnic in a wilderness of sin." At best, they were charged with 
 overemphasizing the incidental phases of the Christian life to the 
 neglect of its higher, more decisive appeals. 
 
 A slow and often anxious process had to be gone through before 
 founders were able to convince their own households of faith that 
 the vast arrearages of human service and fellowship found in city 
 working-class neighborhoods were, on the one hand, a natural re- 
 sponsibility of the educated and well-to-do, and on the other, a 
 clear call for a new type of dedication and special form of loyalty. 
 They were ere long, out of their own experience, able to show 
 doubters that not until profound changes had been wrought in 
 the outward ways of such communities could summons to higher, 
 inward purpose find access; that, instead of merely plucking 
 brands from the burning, they were endeavoring to put out the 
 fire; instead of seeking to lead a scattered few to righteousness, 
 they were striving toward a more abundant life for all. 
 
 The central and essential significance of the new movement re- 
 sided in the interpretation and application of the Christian principle 
 of the dignity of human nature, which had been set forth with 
 strong and even thrilling emphasis in the progressive religious teach- 
 ing of the day. In establishing a home among working people, res- 
 idents sought to be oh a basis of respectful familiarity with them. 
 It was often repeated that what men and women of the settlement 
 undertook chiefly to do in their new environment was, in the full 
 sense, to live in it; to enter with perception of high privilege into 
 its daily walk and conversation. And this not merely as a means to 
 
 57 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 some worthy end, but, with its implications, as the end above all 
 
 others. 
 
 Two special qualities of democratic fellowship as taught by 
 pioneers stand out because of their effect on settlement structure. 
 One was a certain restless curiosity about the life of which they had 
 become a part. Residents were to throw their full being into the 
 neighborhood interplay, to seek the shock that comes from inward 
 revelation of the life of exacting toil, of straitened resources, of 
 hard-fought purpose. They were to submit themselves to be 
 tested mercilessly by local standards, that there might be free 
 trade between them and their neighbors iri the costly products of 
 experience. This fresh interchange, continuously growing and 
 deepening, stimulated by the surmounting of barriers of race and 
 religion, was more than anything else to give form and body to 
 the human democracy of the settlement. 
 
 The second quality was a conviction that each element of culture 
 might be made a means of grace; that every good gift among 
 things of the mind and heart should be imparted freely and broadly 
 to the people. The settlement was almost as much an expression of 
 intellectual as of moral striving. It seemed to the founders that 
 evils which exist in working-class neighborhoods are as serious a re- 
 flection on universities as upon church and industry. Where culture 
 is reserved chiefly for the pleasure and aggrandizement of the well- 
 to-do, it is likely to become narrow and exclusive or fortuitous and 
 bizarre. Its results are uninteresting to a large portion of the com- 
 munity, and may even be despised by the majority of virile and 
 productive people. 
 
 These incipient phases of a new humanism at once had the 
 sympathy and help of persons of literary and artistic tastes repre- 
 senting the new type of goodwill. The ministry of culture began to 
 win to its cause men and women who had never been attracted to 
 the work of relieving the poor, who had been waiting for the sort of 
 service which should deal in the maximums rather than the mini- 
 mums of human desire. As exponents of truth and beauty they re- 
 joiced to appeal to the finer instincts of human brotherhood, with- 
 out requiring either the disclosure or invasion of the subtle reserves 
 of personality which makes the religious approach of man to man 
 at best so difficult. 
 
 58 
 
THE SETTLEMENT IN BEING 
 
 The settlement was to carry the university into the heart of the 
 city's industry. As true representative of the higher learning, 
 members of its family would naturally both observe their neighbors 
 and learn from them, quite as they stood ready to impart from the 
 settlement's stores. To secure acquaintance and knowledge so 
 complex, detailed, and intimate meant involving one's self with 
 people sufficiently to be taken within the reserves of family and - 
 neighborhood life and thought. It called for accurate and minute 
 familiarity with the local pattern of streets, houses, and institutions, 
 as well as sustained participation in many-sided associations and 
 interests. Science itself demanded that such an onset be character- 
 ized not only by alertness but by sympathy. Only those who can 
 go among men and women with affection can understand the tissue 
 of objective causes and inward motives which bind people together. 
 Scientific disinterestedness calls for, not the separateness of the ob- 
 server, but suspended judgment in the midst of action. The ex- 
 plorer of society must gain his facts largely as a by-product of 
 humanized participation in enterprises formerly quite alien to him. 
 For the time being residents were to identify themselves so directly 
 with their problem that by a new method of penetration they should 
 be in and of it. 
 
 Early residents brought to their tasks special educational equip- 
 ment. Many had carried on graduate studies both at home and 
 abroad. They represented the first generation of students whose 
 thinking was molded by the principle of natural science that the 
 mass is to be identified and affected through the molecule or atom, 
 and the living organism through the cell. They were prepared for a 
 similar point of view in social science. This appeared in the treat- 
 ment of the ancient village community as the nucleus of state and 
 civilization. Such teaching, far from minimizing the significance 
 of the family, marked it out in its community setting. The city 
 neighborhood had already been recognized as a distraught survival 
 of the ancient communes, which were in a real sense the menstruum 
 in which family life might float. It was "the family of families," 
 when its present-day mysteries were penetrated, that was to be- 
 come the reinforcement both of character and of citizenship. 
 
 At each of the settlements in American cities were men and 
 women who not only had visited London houses, but had learned 
 
 59 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 at first hand of other vital phases of English social readjustment. 
 Especial interest was felt in the sympathetic participation of resi- 
 dents at Toynbee Hall in the labor organizations which grew out of 
 the great dock strike of 1889. Charles Booth's painstaking exam- 
 ination of working-class living conditions for a great city district, 
 family by family, house by house, block by block; and his minute 
 analysis, graphic representation, and statesmanlike treatment of 
 results imparted strength and inspiration to struggling American 
 students determined to be thorough in understanding their neigh- 
 borhoods. The Fabian Society, a direct outgrowth of Christian 
 Socialist influences, espousing specifically a type of municipal social- 
 ism which should undertake to prove its case experimentally, step 
 by step, was distinctly a factor in rousing and guiding certain Amer- 
 ican residents amid dawning issues of more humanized city govern- 
 ment. The visits of William Clarke and Graham Wallas to this 
 country brought illumination and inspiration to more than a few 
 hard-pressed leaders. The work of the London County Council 
 suggested a policy for the recovery of standards of administration 
 and of citizenship in our large cities through a downright, humanly 
 serviceable development of civic democracy. 
 
 The patriotic purpose of the settlement carried with it a new 
 method. The war for the Union had overcome the danger to the 
 nation inherent in geographical sectionalism. The new threat lay 
 in the isolation of classes and nationalities. The settlement inti- 
 mated that the problem might be approached on the basis of an 
 inner understanding of those human facts which conduce to evjl 
 political conditions. In this connection residents received pro- 
 found encouragement from the example of Theodore Roosevelt, 
 who became police commissioner of New York in 1895. This was 
 the first notable attempt by a university man to administer muni- 
 cipal office in a spirit of good sportsmanship directed to the fulfil- 
 ment of ideals, and the clear purpose of serving those elements of 
 the people least likely to be taken into account. 
 
 The settlement conception of an educational program for citizen- 
 ship included inculcation of our historic national principles and 
 preparation of new citizens in immigrant districts for the honorable 
 exercise of suffrage. But it also encouraged tenement dwellers to 
 demand and to secure from city governments just and necessary 
 
 60 
 
THE SETTLEMENT IN BEING 
 
 consideration of their living conditions. At first, improvement of 
 these seemed to need only more efficient and more equitable admin- 
 istration of existing laws. It soon appeared, however, that a much 
 broader and more human type of municipal administration would 
 have to be devised. The era of the individual's reliance upon his 
 own initiative, based on the assumption of illimitable opportunity, 
 was coming to an end. Residents of settlements were among the 
 first to see the patriotic necessity of applying public resources to 
 meet a great body of new collective needs. 
 
 Study of industrialism as represented by working-class individ- 
 uals, families, and neighborhoods was approached by early resi- 
 dents with two prepossessions. The first of these had been expressed 
 in Ruskin's axiom that industry should be organized so as to con- 
 serve and build up human life. For certain residents the clear wine 
 of the English prophet's idealism was tinctured by Tolstoy's 
 stringent doctrine that each person should devote part of the 
 day to manual labor, as well to know his own soul as to relieve the 
 intolerable burdens of others. The desire that everyone should find 
 work at once congenial and humanly developing, yet without neg- 
 lect of necessary hard and distasteful tasks, remains among the 
 most compelling and influential undercurrents of settlement 
 thought. The second prepossession, in the minds of nearly all 
 settlement people of that day, was more radical than the first. It 
 was nothing less than the belief, at first taken over from England 
 but quickly confirmed out of experience, that workingmen not only 
 have the right but are in duty bound to organize for the protection 
 of their interests as wage-earners.' 
 
 The panic of 1893-1897, which compelled residents to devote 
 themselves so largely to problems of unemployment, brought signi- 
 ficant relations on the one hand with broad-minded employers, and 
 on the other with leading representatives of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor, then coming into large success through the linking of 
 trade unions. The distress with which settlements were so con- 
 
 ' "The residents came to the district with the genera! belief that organization for 
 working people was a necessity." — Hull House Maps and Papers, p. 184. New 
 York, Thos. Y. Crowell Company, 1895. The Articles of Association of Andover 
 (South End) House includes the purpose "to co-operate with . . . . labor 
 organizations, and other agencies acting for the improvement of social conditions. " 
 
 61 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 stantly concerned during this long and bitter period naturally 
 aroused much socialistic agitation. The ineradicable sense of neces- 
 sity for profound change which the situation wrought into the 
 consciousness of settlement workers was goaded by exponents of 
 radical working-class opinion with whom, for the first time, edu- 
 cated young people came into direct intellectual conflict. Through 
 such contacts settlement houses came to be known as hospitable 
 meeting places for all sorts and conditions of men. 
 
 Confirmation of emotions aroused by daily experience came 
 from continental prophetic spirits as varied as Mazzini, Damien, 
 Millet, Zola. Henry George, with his warnings against the en- 
 croachment of population upon the land and increase of poverty, 
 was having in his own country that recognition which for some years 
 had been accorded him in England. Richard T. Ely had presented 
 the first American academical interpretation of the labor movement 
 and of socialism. Edward Bellamy had set forth a vision of Utopia 
 in terms of Yankee mechanical ingenuity. Albert Shaw was inter- 
 preting the new type of municipal enterprise growing up in Great 
 Britain and on the Continent. Jacob A. Riis at the beginning of 
 his long career was indicating through the actual mise en scene of 
 life among tenements what the anti-tenement strategy must be. 
 John Graham Brooks, patient, discerning analyst of a particular 
 present which foreshadows the future, was becoming known as 
 peripatetic catechist and counsellor. Henry D. Lloyd was embark- 
 ing upon his truly prophetic mission as exponent of good and evil 
 in the modern synthesis, whether of trust, industrial co-operation, 
 governmental enterprise, or the shaping of an unexampled national 
 culture to include contributions from all the racial instincts and 
 traditions of the world. 
 
 Aside from the general sense of interest and responsibility which, 
 as forward-looking citizens they felt in broad programs of social re- 
 form, residents had a definite belief that settlement work would 
 spread to large numbers of city neighborhoods similar to their own, 
 and that the idea would find expression in many other sorts of 
 communities. They dared to hope that an influence might be 
 created which would affect church, university, industry, and poli- 
 tics. 
 
 The various but related motives which underlay the settlement 
 
 62 
 
THE SETTLEMENT IN BEING 
 
 enterprise, running counter as they did to some of the most cher- 
 ished habits of prevailing evangelical Christianity and to some of 
 the deepest convictions of the dominant economic individualism, 
 could not but seem questionable to the majority of prosperous 
 people. The idea was tolerated because the motive of renunciation 
 through service made an exceptionally strong appeal on ethical 
 and patriotic grounds to important centers of opinion. The dangers 
 in the situation were mitigated to the judicious observer by certain 
 outstanding facts. Each settlement was deliberately and persist- 
 ently involving itself in the affairs of a single neglected neighbor- 
 hood. With the interests of this neighborhood it must rise or fall. 
 Here was the constituency by them to be won, by them in some 
 sort to be led in the ways of a better order. 
 
 63 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 THE LOCAL IMPRESS 
 
 THE choice of a territory in which to locate, although in each 
 case the subject of some study, was never so seriously en- 
 tered upon as later and fuller experience would have sug- 
 gested. There was a well-defined tendency to select the district 
 most notorious for extremes of misery and even of crime. The 
 widest reach possible to the new enterprise was needed to satisfy 
 the moral imagination of certain founders. While it was thoroughly 
 understood that each settlement would, in considerable degree, be 
 made by its immediate environment, it was not understood that in 
 some cases the settlement would be compelled to undergo radical 
 transformation in order to adapt itself to conditions which were 
 gradually to appear. 
 
 This laying hold upon a neighborhood in the city for purposes of 
 deliberate community reconstruction was the inspiration of Stan- 
 ton Coit, who effectively adapted the English parochial concept, 
 with its ecclesiastical suggestion, to American conditions under 
 which religious prejudices were in danger of bringing local responsi- 
 bility to complete disintegration. He clearly saw that it was 
 through the home that neighborhood no less than church must 
 have its being and make its growth. Conversely, the endeavor to 
 understand and compass the family gradually emphasized the 
 fact that sound family life depends, in large measure, on extraneous 
 forces. The family was by outside acquaintance either supported in 
 its loyalties and standards or its foundation was being undermined 
 by them. Where wholesome neighborly relations were lost, it was 
 almost inevitable that family morale should go with it. 
 
 Among the causes of local disintegration, weakening of the in- 
 stinct for fellowship in cities has always been recognized as im- 
 portant. ^ When, as in the case of certain parts of Boston and New 
 
 1 "It had been hard for him that spake it to have put more truth and untruth to- 
 gether m few words than in that speech : 'Whosoever is delighted in solitude is either 
 
 64 
 
THE LOCAL IMPRESS 
 
 York, 1,200 people are crowded on an acre, it is difficult to in- 
 dividualize one's immediate neighbors sufficiently to be on human 
 terms with any considerable proportion of them. What is more 
 significant, perhaps, is the fact that many families do not stay long 
 enough in one place to establish neighborly relations, even if other 
 conditions are favorable. The extreme specialization of modern 
 industry makes great numbers of human beings almost inter- 
 changeable. Constant readjustments in economic organization, 
 fluctuation in economic prosperity, and the spirit of enterprise and 
 ambition have created a class of nomadic factory hands who form 
 no neighborhood ties, join no local associations, and involve them- 
 selves in no effort for community betterment. In many districts 
 the yearly rate of movement as shown by changes in the public 
 school enrolment approximates one-third of the entire population. 
 In such a case the small proportion of families who remain are 
 likely to think of themselves as living on tiny islands in a more or 
 less swiftly moving stream. 
 
 But the peculiarly American cause of disintegration in neighborly 
 relations, which seems to sum up the others, is immigration. Even 
 in the nineties it was not uncommon for a working-class district to 
 contain representatives of more than twenty nationalities, each 
 with its own dialect, customs, manners, prejudices, fears, loyalties 
 — racial, national, and religious — degrees and types of education, 
 and outlook on the world. Deep-seated antagonisms, bred through 
 centuries of provincial as well as national experience in Europe, 
 created to the outsider almost incomprehensible currents of feeling. 
 
 Appreciation of the fact that great populations, far from being 
 freed from the need of neighborhood relations are even more de- 
 pendent upon them than villagers, was the basis of the settlement 
 program of local organization. It recognized, however, that urban 
 achievement of the blessings of local life was decidedly difficult. 
 It soon was evident that tenement people were evolving a form 
 
 a wild beast or a god' But little do men perceive what solitude is, 
 
 and how far it extendeth. For a crowd is not company, and faces are but a gallery 
 of pictures and talk but a tinkling cymbal, where there is no love. The Latin adage 
 meeteth with it a little : Magna civitas, magna solUudo (a great city is a great solitude) ; 
 because in a great town friends are scattered, so that there is not that fellowship for 
 the most part which is in less neighborhoods." Bacon's Essays. Of Friendship, 
 p. 106. London, Macmillan and Co., 1887. 
 6 65 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of society adapted to the precise conditions of city life; and that 
 in spite of all untoward influences there was in every instance a 
 real substructure upon which to build. Amid the struggling, be- 
 wildered immigrant humanity there survived a keen sense of the 
 villages out of which members had come; and, by a curious irony, 
 the intense inter-village rivalries which they brought with them 
 emphasized their readiness for neighborly approach. In smaller 
 or larger sections given over to particular foreign nationalities the 
 beginnings of neighborly initiation for scattered families of other 
 racial antecedents were discernible. 
 
 The fulfilment of a program calling for systematic spread of 
 democratic fellowship from person to person, house to house, and 
 street to street, demanded the creation of instruments capable of 
 the utmost variety and nicety of application. In seeking to meet 
 this challenge two motives, both freighted with weighty, though at 
 the time largely unrealized possibilities, were introduced into the 
 science of city organization. One involved all those varied forms of 
 acquaintance and voluntary responsibility that may go with life 
 in a local community.* The other looked toward ends political and 
 administrative. 
 
 With the purpose of comprehending so far as possible all people 
 within a given circuit, it was obvious that the invitation must be 
 to underlying, universal motives, and not to those which for better 
 or worse were exceptional. Prejudices must be crossed and re- 
 crossed with activities having an unmistakable appeal. Racial and 
 religious ties which set people in groups apart must all be re- 
 spected, but there must be deliberate cultivation of such general 
 interests as give reality and identity to the neighborhood. This 
 purpose compelled the settlement to avoid having its influence 
 restricted within any shade of economic distinction. It could not 
 give special attention to men and women goaded by hard necessity; 
 on the other hand, the temperamental interest of founders in the 
 ambitious student or toiler met a radical corrective as it grew clear 
 that only a thin and loosely attached upper crust would be reached 
 through them. Thus gradually and by a somewhat bitter dis- 
 
 ' Directors of missions and institutions had sometimes lived in the buildings in 
 which their work was housed, but they were propagandists and specialists who cen- 
 tered their interest on a single issue. 
 
 66 
 
THE LOCAL IMPRESS 
 
 ciplinary process, the settlement became above all an enterprise in 
 appreciation and exaltation of common human loyalties. 
 
 Members of the new and peculiar households were accepted by 
 one neighbor and another on that basis of human give and take 
 which informs the neighborly instinct. Children, with characteris- 
 tic curiosity and venturesomeness, entered into parleys, and ere 
 long were ready to storm the house as they became conscious of 
 welcome. And through the children, residents began to be accred- 
 ited to older brothers and sisters, to mothers, and sometimes to 
 fathers. 
 
 It was soon discovered, however, that though it is relatively 
 easy to establish human relationships with a few adults and with 
 groups of children, a solid residuum of the inhabitants would with 
 difficulty understand why persons should live in a district less 
 agreeable than that warranted by their incomes. The most fre- 
 quent and confident guess was that the newcomers were mission- 
 aries. The inquiry, "When is the prayer-meeting snap to be 
 turned on," represented a common defensive attitude. Almost 
 without exception it was taken for granted that an ulterior motive 
 existed. In certain immigrant sections residents were accused of 
 being government spies. Even worse possibilities were whispered. 
 Settlement households of young women were in several cases 
 visited by local roundsmen with a request for hush money. 
 
 As soon, however, as a representative group of people had satis- 
 fied themselves about the good faith of the newcomers toward 
 local moral, religious, and economic loyalties, their response was, 
 almost without exception, kindly and generous. Naturally enough, 
 a certain fraction both of neighbors and residents lacked the sym- 
 pathy, capacity for sustained experience, freedom and flexibility of 
 spirit needed to work out the possibilities of this delicate situation. 
 Almost unperceived, racial, class, and religious prejudices occa- 
 sionally wrecked or greatly embarrassed the beginnings of enlight- 
 ening acquaintance and effectively organized activity. In every 
 neighborhood some people held aloof just because the overture 
 came from a different region of life. Often this attitude com- 
 manded respect. It represented a constant and wholesome chal- 
 lenge to residents to cultivate a broadly human attitude. 
 
 As, at first, a program only very gradually came into being, 
 
 67 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 workers with peculiar eagerness struck out directly into relations 
 which should bring them into the atmosphere of common humanity 
 with their neighbors. The fact that working people have few intel- 
 lectual devoirs and are not much concerned with questions of 
 property causes their talk to circle about the great primary rela- 
 tions and experiences and the direct impact of personality on per- 
 sonality. Mere residence automatically gives the right of first- 
 hand comment about local interests, traditions, and prospects. The 
 exchange of details about the health, achievements, and hopes of 
 local acquaintance made residents, as it were, sustaining partners 
 in neighborhood affairs. Those with the special gift of discovering 
 the simple downrightness of home life in back streets set it forth as 
 a precious contribution, racy of the soil. A quite definite tendency 
 to form groups on the basis of immediate contiguity was disclosed. 
 Broad, flat methods of approach, if ever considered, were aban- 
 doned in face of the differentiated human texture of things. 
 
 On occasion, however, all separative classifications disappeared. 
 The settlement was often unable to dispose of the smouldering 
 apprehension that its presence was casting aspersion over the en- 
 tire face of the neighborhood, or that it cherished a covert purpose 
 of opposition to local industrial interests or racial traditions. That 
 pride which is strong even under the most untoward conditions 
 could almost overnight contrive a united resistance which, for a 
 time, baffled all overtures. One of the essential facts in the situa- 
 tion was that the settlement had given exceptional hostages to 
 fortune. It stayed on, to realize that there was in such nascent 
 gregarious power the indispensable underpinning for neighborhood 
 reconstruction which was the very substance of its hopes. 
 
 Advancement of first-hand grasp and mastery. of neighborhood 
 facts came largely through every sort of casual interchange ; though 
 from the beginning, systematic and comprehensive pursuit of local 
 data through some sort of undisclosed canvass, with persistent 
 gleaning of information from responsible and well-informed local 
 citizens, was not lacking. Sources of information compiled in broad 
 terms by municipality or state were forced, usually through dint of 
 great labor, to tell a local story. Graphic exhibits showing distri- 
 bution of nationality, income, and institutions were prepared as a 
 means of visualizing local problems and recording progress. 
 
 68 
 
THE LOCAL IMPRESS 
 
 Early studies were largely engaged with the meaning and meth- 
 ods of the people's self-supported and self-managed collective 
 undertakings. Residents had already pledged themselves to par- 
 ticipate, so far as they might find welcome, in the major institu- 
 tions of the neighborhood. They shortly came to know in terms of 
 actual life how deeply family, racial, and national traditions are 
 grounded in the doctrines and symbolism of the church; how 
 multifarious are the forms of help which individuals and house- 
 holds striving to meet economic hardship, to solve moral difficulties, 
 or simply to enter into the sense of fulfilment which is the reward 
 of common devotion, draw from clergymen, teachers in religious 
 schools, leaders of sodalities, guilds, and other parish societies. 
 They observed the actual process through which Catholic parish 
 organization preserves and builds up local standards of temperance, 
 clean speech, and chastity; and the degree in which celebration of 
 Jewish feasts and festivals holds parents aiid children together un- 
 der the stress of different rates of adjustment to a new civilization. 
 They watched the church unifying immigrant groups during the 
 trying period when its members are as a people without a country. 
 Deterioration or breakdown in the structure of religious tradition 
 and practice was seen carrying tragedy in its train. 
 
 The theory of sectarian neutrality with which founders started 
 passed beyond the mere attitude of laissez faire: it became a posi- 
 tive sentiment of respect for and sympathy with each different 
 form of faith, and for the ties by which its followers are held to it 
 and to one another. 
 
 In somewhat the same way, racial and national loyalties found 
 in the neighborhood were seen as something amiable and precious, 
 instead of quite apart from, if not hostile to, that Americanism 
 of which settlements were exponents. Here, then, was the 
 promise of spiritual interchange between settlement and neighbors 
 which the harshness of religious differences forbade; and the vague 
 foreshadowings of native American culture substantially diversified 
 and enriched by what immigrants might bring began to seek ex- 
 pression and embodiment. 
 
 Often following racial lines, but in any case creating a stern new 
 alignment, the organization of labor presented combined challenge 
 and appeal to those who in large measure had come to put them- 
 
 69 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 selves, in ethical terms, in the workman's place. It was among the 
 most cherished hopes of early residents that the tradition of good- 
 will between democratically inclined university men and trade 
 union organizers which obtained in England, might be duplicated in 
 this country. Friendly approaches were therefore made to leaders 
 of city federations of labor. Some of these welcomed the sympathy 
 and intellectual companionship of educated people, and oppor- 
 tunity to discuss, with a certain measure of detachment, broad 
 questions of economic reform. A few among this number affiliated 
 with settlement households. They pointed out to residents sore 
 spots in the administration of industry and the exact conditions 
 under which injustice pressed heaviest. They also showed how the 
 local union supplies fellowship, lends a helping hand in distress, 
 serves as an employment bureau, helps immigrants to become 
 acquainted with some of the fundamentals of American life, and 
 creates that feeling of power behind an industrial group without 
 which the individual is alone and lost. This first-hand contact with 
 the "pith of working-class intellect" gave those who experienced it 
 an illuminating sense for the angle of incidence which establishes 
 the distinctive labor view of affairs. 
 
 Residents, on their part, were able to be of assistance to such 
 leaders by interpreting the longer course of economic thought and 
 industrial history, and specifically by pointing out some results of 
 English trade union experience. Beginnings were made in collect- 
 ing material on the history of American trade unionism and in secur- 
 ing data about industrial conditions at home and abroad for use by 
 trade union legislative committees. Labor leaders were drawn into 
 the residents' larger range of interest in the general community. 
 
 The arena of the labor leader, as a rule, is not within the neigh- 
 borhood. Another sort of leader, with authority at once more 
 compact and more varied, filled the center of the distinctively local 
 scene. For some time it was felt by the settlement that the ward 
 boss was a man almost of different nature from others. The fact 
 that local improvement so largely depended on political action 
 drove workers deliberately to study the sources of political power 
 in their localities. Meanwhile they acted with such wisdom as 
 they possessed. It was clear in the great strongholds of ward 
 machines that headway toward improved municipal administra- 
 
 70 
 
THE LOCAL IMPRESS 
 
 tion would proceed with painful slowness. The need for it was 
 appealingly expressed in districts inhabited by a great mass of 
 docile and helpless immigrants, where such public influence as the 
 resident group gained was eagerly drawn upon by occasional men 
 or women seeking help under intolerable burdens. 
 
 These demands brought settlements into productive working re- 
 lations with the organized beneficent resources of the city. The 
 parochial tradition, so important a part of the settlement impulse, 
 caused pioneers definitely to constitute themselves a clearing house 
 to which puzzled and distraught neighbors might apply for guid- 
 ance. They interpreted to these, in terms of the fullest and most 
 friendly appreciation and understanding, the various specialties of 
 service in district and city. The fact that their motive embodied a 
 revolt against institutionalism caused residents to be specially sen- 
 sitive to the temper and spirit of local administration and the 
 thoroughness with which each agency met the human needs it was 
 set to satisfy. The shortcomings they observed were inherent in 
 any scheme for the treatment of human beings in aggregates unless 
 carefully safeguarded. Men and women who applied to local 
 charitable agencies, both public and private, were often emptied 
 of individuality and thought of as "cases." As the scope of their 
 undertaking became increasingly defined in the minds of managers, 
 and stereotyped through inertia and precedent in staff practice, 
 originality and ingenuity of treatment often disappeared and with 
 it due personal consideration of the recipient. The more residents 
 saw of philanthropic institutions, the more. they were impressed 
 with the fact that lack of economic power to enforce one's right to 
 be regarded as an individual is among the bitterest hardships of 
 poverty. The loyalty and regard, raised into tradition, which 
 neighbors displayed for the few doctors, clergymen, educators, 
 nurses, and relief agents who dealt with men and women as human 
 beings, and met unusual situations with inventiveness and re- 
 source, constituted an impressive criticism of the opposite practice 
 that so often prevailed. 
 
 From this point of view, settlement work and study began to 
 measure the degree in which popular leaders were expressive of the 
 local mind. Once residents had learned to distinguish between the 
 apparent service of a buccaneering politician or saloonkeeper and 
 
 71 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 that of a truly representative officeholder or responsible citizen, 
 they set out to secure greater scope for the better initiative. The 
 multiplication of organization, the broadening of interests, the in- 
 creased demand for detailed and disinterested public service which 
 developed in the settlement was directed so as to call forth this 
 sort of leadership and to offer it opportunity to demonstrate its 
 capacity. 
 
 It was discovered, however, that people were but little concerned 
 with any form of secular organization. Even their indigenous soci- 
 eties were chiefly in control of outsiders or of self-constituted 
 dictators. Collective initiative in many tenement communities 
 was on the way to be altogether stifled. The reaction of a stubborn 
 environment had a surprising effect upon such theories of reform 
 as early residents brought with them. First made more radical 
 by the pressure of the great need around them, they found them- 
 selves urging policies that were not only unsupported by working 
 people but presupposed capacities not yet apparent. Neighbors 
 were disappointingly unready for responsible, continuous endeavor. 
 The process of associated action, which was the matter and stuff of 
 their program, was by test long and slow. Theoretical conclusions 
 had to be reshaped from a new point of view. 
 
 The conviction that it was possible to establish neighborly rela- 
 tions with many in the locality came to pioneers with a sense of 
 new power. The informal brotherhood which grew out of de- 
 tailed knowledge of men and women in their daily walk and con- 
 versation made an increasing circle of people unwilling that their 
 comfort should be based in the hardship of their fellows. It left 
 them anxious and unhappy unless they felt some part of the bur- 
 den of contemporary life resting down on them. Members of the 
 first small households were privileged to become the nucleus, of this 
 life-giving tendency. With the devotion of a new age upon them, 
 domiciled within the shadow of hardships and confusion which it 
 had brought, with their minds strangely reoriented by initiation 
 into industrial unrest and aspiration, tinctured with alien outlook 
 upon their native land, straitened with the sense of an urgent mis- 
 sion to those groups out of which they had come, they urged forward 
 their pragmatic appeal for the more human administration of educa- 
 tion, industry, and government; for the "nationalization of good." 
 
 72 
 
II 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD GUILD 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 CLUBS: BOYS AND MEN 
 
 HAD they been left to their own choice, the newly arrived 
 settlement corps would doubtless have continued for some 
 time to give prior claim to what they considered their more 
 important function of meeting with men and women who were 
 accredited leaders of neighborhood sentiment, and after that, seek- 
 ing acquaintance with young people and children. But they 
 were not. Boys approaching adolescence welcomed so eagerly any 
 overture that might be interpreted as friendly, followed up ac- 
 quaintance with such unwearying persistence, and teased with such 
 winning good nature to be included in whatever good times were 
 arranged, that they gained the freedom of the settlement almost 
 against the underlying desires of residents. 
 
 In the first instance settlement work among boys differed little in 
 intention from that of the mass clubs which had already been es- 
 tablished as separate organizations in a few cities. The negative 
 purpose of juvenile recreation expressed in the watchword "get the 
 boys in off the streets" was adopted bodily. As soon as boys were 
 admitted to the house they were assigned to groups, more or less 
 arbitrarily, by residents. These groups from the very beginning 
 were kept small. It was a general conviction of the founders that it 
 is better to know a few children well than many superficially.^ The 
 educational productiveness of the small group under the guidance 
 of leaders of character and ability has always been appreciated. 
 Certain institutions, notably Protestant Sunday schools, had em- 
 ployed the principle with conspicuous success. But quite apart 
 from any theory, space was limited. The necessity which most 
 
 ' "Stanton Coit had been really eloquent on the subject of form- 
 ing close friendships and of grappling these young people to us with hoops of steel. 
 We caught the idea and as a result some of these twelve-year-old girls have grown 
 up to be our closest friends. " — Robbins, Jane E. : First Year at the College Settle- 
 ment. In Survey, Vol., XXVII, p. i,8oo, 1912. 
 
 73 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 settlements were under of holding meetings in dining room, parlor, 
 or even in bedrooms of the residence house meant in each case a 
 close circle. It also indicated inactive occupations such as par- 
 liamentary law, debating, table games, story-telling, singing, and 
 general conversation. The intimate relations fostered by such rec- 
 reations led boys to boast of their adventures, to discuss the rules 
 which governed their dealings with one another, and thus to reveal 
 the way their minds were made up. Deep-seated hopes and aspira- 
 tions were laid bare in the plans they outlined. 
 
 The desire of boys to invite their friends to these meetings 
 shortly threatened the practice of arbitrary assignment to the sev- 
 eral groups. To permit them to choose their own mates meant 
 "gangs." Thirty years ago boy gangs were in most tenement 
 localities, as indeed they are still in some, a menace both to their 
 members and to the community at large. The slogan, " break up 
 the gang," was not only a principle among boys' workers, but an 
 article of faith among harassed citizens. Even residents, in their 
 short experience, had come to realize how thoroughly demoralizing 
 such groups might be, and they were to learn vastly more. Three 
 discoveries turned the balance in favor of the boys' own form of as- 
 sociation. The first was that practically all boys were members of 
 gangs; the phenomenon was almost universal. Experience re- 
 vealed the fact that not all gangs were bad; certain sets of boys 
 were attracted in a body to the settlement because it represented 
 something high and unusual. Participation in boys' groups made 
 clear beyond possibility of doubt the capacity of the gang to create 
 loyalty, to become an actually going concern. Here were a series 
 of facts that educator, moralist, and student of society could not 
 afford to neglect. 
 
 Organization of the natural group or gang is the outgrowth of 
 untold generations of experience in what constitutes workable asso- 
 ciation. An average membership of from eight to fifteen is pre- 
 scribed. Members are usually of equal age and live within a short 
 distance of one another. A certain like-mindedness and corre- 
 spondence of powers is generally discoverable, offset by differences 
 based on capacity for leadership, skill in games, and possession or 
 control of materials for common enterprise. The activities of any 
 specific gang are marked out by the immemorial interests of 
 
 74 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 adolescence,' by the opportunities which environment affords, by 
 the natural instincts of leading spirits. 
 
 Adoption of the alliance which boys make for themselves as the 
 most satisfactory foundation for group activity, and appointment 
 of an adult leader for each group, who shall be a real participant in 
 its life, constitute the two distinctive principles on which the settle- 
 ment club is based. Resourceful directors recruit clubs by com- 
 missioning boys with a burning for leadership to gather their own 
 groups, or by offering directly the facilities of the settlement to 
 gangs gathered in from cellars, alleys, or street corners. Experi- 
 ence has shown that all stages of the process of testing out one 
 another, through which prospective members of a new organiza- 
 tion finally reach working agreement, are best carried on without 
 adult interference. Some settlements, indeed, admit clubs to house 
 privileges only after they have elected officers. 
 
 Agreement upon rules of conduct and the exercise of embodying 
 them in a constitution mark the passage of a gang into a club. The 
 almost universal tendency on the part of individuals to take a 
 stronger ethical position before others than in the privacy of their 
 own souls or in the presence of a single boon companion, usually 
 leads members formally to adopt as a basis for government the 
 highest moral ideal known to them. 
 
 Effort to live up to a standard written into a constitution and 
 subscribed to, sets in motion new and compelling influences. A 
 little experience makes it evident that distinction within the group 
 depends on effectiveness with one's fellows; that he who serves 
 leads. The cost of untruthfulness, irresponsibility, and lack of ap- 
 plication, especially in others, is seen in deeper blackness when 
 silhouetted against group interest. The fact that the club is 
 financially responsible for the action of individual members creates 
 a new attitude on the part of the majority toward wanton destruc- 
 tion. The weak are bolstered, the strong confirmed, and the re- 
 bellious coerced by the most telling force members know, the pub- 
 licly expressed judgment of a group of their peers. In the club, the 
 fact that the moral law represents the sole practicable scheme of 
 human intercourse, finds demonstration in the understood terms of 
 life itself. 
 
 The raising of money, possession of a surplus, the setting aside of 
 
 75 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 funds to pay for rent and other privileges, investment in common 
 property, the organization and financing of feasts and good times, 
 represent profoundly unifying experiences and are important fac- 
 tors in the beginnings of true teamwork. The real rise of the 
 club into collective selfhood may be said to take place when mem- 
 bers learn that by acting together in harmony they can accomplish 
 results in quantity and quality above the range of their total in- 
 dividual efforts. Once the moral principle that the whole is more 
 than the sum of its parts is definitely grasped, club members 
 jointly and severally have a practical motive for co-operation, the 
 intrinsic force of which is never thereafter lost. 
 
 Independence, self-control, and courtesy, when called forth 
 under conditions of enjoyable self-expression combined with self- 
 imposed restraint, develop often with surprising and rewarding 
 rapidity. Out of the discipline acquired from constant meeting 
 comes power to check one's impulses, ability to retain ideas in solu- 
 tion and to state them with tolerance and respect for an opponent, 
 willingness to acquiesce in the judgment of fellow-members, a new 
 feeling for order in human relations, capacity to unite easily and to 
 work swiftly and surely. Each recognizes that his associates be- 
 come by virtue of the common bond and the common accomplish- 
 ment, a new and special loyalty. Organization is thereafter seen as 
 a system of broadened and deepened responsibility. A club which 
 has held together during several years demonstrates the actual 
 capacity of its members to steer a straight course in elementary 
 good living amid the multiplicity of counter-currents in city neigh- 
 borhood life. 
 
 The winning of ends so desirable as these depends in very large 
 part on the generalship of club directors and leaders. ^ Under a 
 leader lacking in force and skill the average group explodes into 
 mischief and destruction, or wastes away because it can find 
 nothing worth doing. Right counsel and incentive are necessary to 
 help members make productive use of energies through discovering 
 their common desires and interests. 
 
 The personal qualities needed in the man who sets out to be 
 
 'The word "director" is used to designate the resident in general charge of or- 
 ganized club work. See pages 86, 344 ff. "Leader" indicates the volunteer, resi- 
 dent, or paid associate who meets regularly with the club. 
 
 76 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 guide and friend to a club of boys so nearly exhaust the virtues that 
 a catalogue becomes meaningless. Certain qualities are indispen- 
 sable. 1 n addition to well-marked individuality, such a man should 
 be fond of people for their own sakes, able when the situation de- 
 mands to generate enthusiasm for high interests, and capable of 
 dealing resourcefully with each new situation on its merits. Be- 
 yond all else he must be genuinely concerned with the happy moral 
 growth of youth. 
 
 The successful leader steeps himself in the activities, hopes, fears, 
 dreams, and endless conversation of his charges, and is thus pre- 
 pared to encourage each one in the several most vital aspects of his 
 life. By visiting the boy in his home environment, and getting 
 that almost certain response from parents which comes of sharing 
 their concern for their child; by bringing the club within the range 
 of his personal interests and sharing to the greatest possible meas- 
 ure his own family and friends; and by establishing between club 
 members an ever wider range of reciprocal human intimacies, he 
 builds up standards and sanctions which make the club a watch- 
 word of safety and an abiding stimulus to a higher ethical life. 
 
 Constant consideration has to be given to the influence of 
 natural leaders and the tendencies of cliques in club membership. 
 Two contrasted qualities which grow out of the awakening of dif- 
 ferent individualities during adolescence have serious effects on 
 both boy and club; namely, a tendency toward too precipitate 
 seizure of responsibility and a too lagging faith in actual and 
 potential powers. The first type of boy assumes a degree of author- 
 ity beyond his years and his capacities. He mistakes whim for con- 
 viction, and jumps heedlessly from one impulse to another. He 
 often drags his companions after him into ill-considered adventure. 
 The influence of the second type of boy on his fellows is almost 
 worse than that of the first. Childish, timid, conservative, unin- 
 ventive, he checks the progress of his mates by clinging to a pro- 
 gram of infantile mischief and badinage. The presence of several 
 boys whose individuality is undeveloped or arrested constitutes a 
 serious danger for normal boys of the same group. It is sometimes 
 necessary to encourage the abler associates to form a new club, 
 though it is a clearly acknowledged part of settlement duty to 
 follow up the cases of those who seem to be temporarily or 
 
 77 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 permanently incapable of meeting the demands of club mem- 
 bership. 
 
 It may be put down as among the important results of settlement 
 experience that membership of clubs of adolescent boys must be 
 well unified as to years and interests. Clubs frequently solicit too 
 large a membership, in which case two groups, formed on the basis 
 of age, develop. Or the split may occur because new members are 
 accepted without due regard to their fitness. Boys from twelve to 
 sixteen have a way of becoming new creatures overnight, as they 
 are caught in some powerful current of awakening life. The 
 emergence of interests which call for readjustment and expansion 
 should be anticipated and met almost before club members are 
 conscious of them. 
 
 Home, school, and industry are important factors in determining 
 the kind of work and association adolescent boys require. There 
 are in most tenement neighborhoods a group of households wherein 
 the standard of family care for childhood approaches that of the 
 best type of middle-class home. Parents retain mastery of their 
 children's leisure, scrutinize their companionship, and limit their 
 activities away from home. Boys from such households usually go 
 through high school, and are, therefore, better disciplined mentally 
 than working boys of the same age. For this type of boy many of 
 the programs devised during the past decade by organizations 
 such as the Boy Scouts, Woodcraft League, Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Associations, and by teachers of classes in mechanical and 
 artistic activities, are successful. The major proportion of youth, 
 lacking continuous family oversight and discipline, already in- 
 volved in gang association, are not easily captured for education. 
 To his working brother the high school boy, as a human being, 
 seems immature and amateurish and his interests and activities 
 academic and dull. The industrial recruit, projected without tran- 
 sition or preparation into an unaccustomed and perplexing en- 
 vironment, finds himself forced to meet and to solve a great num- 
 ber of highly disturbing situations. He makes a whole series of new 
 acquaintances with experiences and standards different from his 
 own. His time for recreation changes from day to evening. The 
 range and scope of his adventuring after pleasure are enlarged by 
 the possession of additional income. He evolves new tests for 
 
 78 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 opinion and conduct based on what he regards as a more worthy 
 and successful order of things. Association with those passing 
 through like experiences is greatly craved. Exploring fields, hith- 
 erto unranged by himself or his fellows, and discovering new things 
 about himself, about others, about industry, and about the world, 
 he is anxious to exchange data concerning these fresh and vital 
 phenomena. 
 
 Comparison of the gang, club, and home life of working and 
 high school boys makes it clear that the economic dependence of 
 children between fourteen and seventeen years of age is far more 
 normal than the precocious worldliness of the employed boy. The 
 increased investment which parents are called upon to make auto- 
 matically assures him greater oversight and care. The added train- 
 ing he secures in school helps to develop initiative and makes him 
 more of an individual. He comes to have definite worthy interests, 
 capable of being justified against the gang. He meets boys from 
 different parts of the city and from other economic classes and dis- 
 covers new types and standards of success. His knowledge of 
 reality is thus broadened at important points and becomes a factor 
 of the utmost significance in his picture of the World, its responsi- 
 bilities, duties, and pleasures. 
 
 Among the most recurring phenomena of gang and hence, in its 
 early stages, of club activity, is the tendency to break into some- 
 thing which approaches anarchy. Outlet must be provided for the 
 superabundant energy of boys and youth in order to secure the 
 best results'that come from quieter forms of association. The back 
 yards of settlement houses in the early years were fitted up with 
 simple playground apparatus, and the cellars, attics, and sheds 
 adapted to indoor sports. Club meetings began to be prefaced by a 
 series of exercises. It soon became abundantly clear that athletic 
 games, especially when reinforced by group loyalty, duplicated on 
 the side of action the moralizing training that comes through par- 
 ticipation in meetings. The boy learns, under a new set of condi- 
 tions, to curb his impulses, control his appetites, respond to orders 
 qufckly, accurately, thoroughly, and to understand the meaning of 
 fair play. Citizenship, not less than soldiery, secures an important 
 part of its training on the playground. 
 
 Before the settlement, the gymnasium was a luxury, maintained 
 7 79 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 outside of colleges and clubs of the well-to-do only by religious 
 agencies whose facilities in eflFect were limited to a relatively small 
 constituency among business and professional men. Settlements 
 placed gymnasium privileges without restriction of creed within 
 reach of working-class children and young people. Money for such 
 equipment, in the beginning, was secured with difficulty. Even the 
 most liberal and humanly disposed givers were inclined to feel that 
 children under fourteen were amply occupied in public school, and 
 that employed boys were suflTiciently exercised by their work. Not 
 until 1900 did settlements find themselves able to erect gymnasium 
 buildings. 
 
 Settlement gymnasiums have come to be centers of personal 
 hygiene for the expansion and fulfilment of physical health and 
 power throughout local neighborhoods. All boys using the floor 
 are examined by a physical director. Instruction is given about 
 diet, bathing, sleep, posture, and regimen. Abnormalities are cor- 
 rected through exercise. Boys found to be in need of medical treat- 
 ment are directed to proper clinics and followed up to see that they 
 go. The foolhardy attitude of contempt toward physical defects 
 and ailments which many boys affect is gradually overcome by 
 kindly interest and reasoned argument. 
 
 Possession of a gymnasium makes possible that training in the 
 technique of federated action which is so important a motive in 
 settlement education. Competition between clubs very shortly 
 leads to organization of house athletic leagues. ' Acting in an ad- 
 visory capacity with the gymnasium director, the executive com- 
 mittee of the league establishes regulations governing the conduct 
 of all who use the floor or compete at meets, arbitrates disagree- 
 ments between contestants, organizes and manages teams, holds 
 dances, receptions, or parties both for the pleasure of such events 
 and in order to raise funds. Members are frequently delegated to 
 act as leaders of gymnasium clubs of small boys; and prizes are 
 offered to be competed for by afternoon clubs. In several instances 
 a league has rendered important service by creating public opinion 
 in favor of a municipal playground, or has helped to secure tem- 
 porary use of vacant lots. 
 
 1 These organizations date from about 1903. Each club elects delegates to an 
 executive committee. 
 
 80 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 Settlement athletics are not, however, without their difficulties. 
 The lust for prizes which characterizes modern athletic contests is 
 constantly encountered, Competition with outside teams also 
 presents many of the difficulties inherent in intercollegiate athletics; 
 and as in the case of colleges, there is a well-directed tendency to 
 reduce outside competition and to increase inter-club and inter- 
 class contests. This plan increases the number of participants in 
 certain forms of physical activities. Some houses encourage in- 
 dividual effort by giving badges which represent a particular stand- 
 ard of physical attainment, thus providing for competition with 
 one's own record. 
 
 For almost a decade there was a marked divergence of opinion 
 between advocates of the mass boys' club, which received large 
 numbers from a considerable radius into general rooms and pro- 
 vided rather broad forms of recreation and instruction, and settle- 
 ment advocates of a neighborhood boys' organization made up of 
 natural groups each under an adult adviser and leader. A con- 
 siderable number of mass club leaders now agree that the natural 
 group offers great possibilities of close and thorough acquaintance 
 with boys, influences association, gives access to those spontaneous 
 neighborhood interests by which the lives of boys are conditioned, 
 provides an easy and natural approach to the home, exerts an in- 
 fluence in establishing standards through participation, and edu- 
 cates the public through the first-hand interest of volunteer leaders. 
 Settlement club leaders on their part recognize that good equip- 
 ment, a wide range of activities, contagion of large numbers, and 
 the technically skilled leadership of the mass club are properly 
 attractive to boys. 
 
 The effort to combine both types of club is gradually making 
 headway. The plan first tried by certain mass club leaders of 
 dividing membership into small bodies was, of course, unsuccessful. 
 Resort to the more natural method of asking boys to form them- 
 selves into small groups has had a measure of good result. In- 
 creased equipment, influence of the mass club, growth of expert 
 leadership, and the departmental tendency within the settle- 
 ment itself are now leading to an organic type of boys' club 
 which takes the natural group as unit and makes the larger body 
 by affiliation of gangs. This development represents the latest 
 
 8i 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 results of long thought and effort, and in its full significance 
 belongs with the growths of neighborhood consciousness described 
 further on. 
 
 Practically all tenement districts show a considerable series of 
 loosely organized groups of young men in their late teens and early 
 twenties which meet occasionally and give one or more semi-public 
 dances during the winter. Profits are used to pay rent of a shack 
 at some nearby resort or to finance a series of good times, or they 
 may be divided among members. These clubs are the creation of a 
 somewhat capable minority among youths of the locality, and 
 while their activity proves the possession of initiative and a degree 
 of ability to carry out common enterprises, the by-products" of 
 unregulated association are often far from happy. 
 
 Most neighborhoods also have a few associations sufficiently re- 
 sourceful to hire a store or a tenement suite for use as a club room* 
 Groups which manifest this degree of organizing capacity are likely 
 to be approached by local politicians and their party loyalty 
 solicited through gifts or subsidies. The usual fate of such clubs is 
 that the rooms attract a few confirmed loafers who live on the 
 sufferance of parents, brothers, and sisters, or on their wits; in 
 which case the more thrifty, finding themselves providing in undue 
 proportion for the comfort and convenience of a parasitic group, 
 finally withdraw and the club dies. 
 
 These indigenous groups have marked influence in the neighbor- 
 hood, not alone because of the number of boys who belong and are 
 influenced during their formative years, but because younger boys 
 regard such associations as highly desirable and take them as 
 patterns. It is, however, an important part of settlement policy 
 that the general director of clubs should keep in close touch with 
 all other boys' groups in the neighborhood, whether self-formed or 
 graduated from the house. Assistance is given to such extraneous 
 clubs in arranging parties, athletic meets, and summer outings. 
 The settlement, in return, calls upon members for help in organiz- 
 ing athletic events, in securing local improvements, and in efforts 
 to raise the moral tone of neighborhood life. The loyalty of these 
 groups toward the neighborhood is thus kept in greater or less 
 degree worthy and productive. 
 
 A growing number of settlement directors of boys' work are con- 
 
 82 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 vinced that it is sound policy to provide quarters, at rental slightly 
 lower than the local price of rooms, for the exclusive use of a club 
 of working boys. In a few instances houses have taken a tenement 
 or dwelling and let rooms to their own clubs as each became able to 
 assume the financial burden. Most groups are more than willing to 
 include a volunteer leader iA their membership, and the settlement 
 as landlord keeps informed about the standard of activity reached 
 by its tenants. Such a building makes a center of wholesome and 
 forward-moving interests among older boys and young men. 
 
 The young manhood of the neighborhood, almost more than its 
 adolescent youth, captured the imagination of early residents. 
 Several among them had high hopes that it might be possible to 
 establish clubs for workingmen in their early twenties which in 
 time would be analogous to the associations that have proved, on 
 the whole, so important a phase of progress in England.^ While a 
 few such clubs prospered, the majority after a few years failed. 
 Although several more or less obvious reasons, and others not so 
 clear, are advanced to account for this lack of success, no attempt 
 at a thoroughgoing analysis of the interests, the amusements, and 
 the associations, local and otherwise, of men has been made. The 
 prevailing type of settlement men's organization, so far as it exists, 
 has come to be a mixed recreative and civic club, with rooms of its 
 own open at least during the evenings. Lines of gang loyalty hav- 
 ing faded, members are taken in under a broadly hospitable test. 
 The number who belong varies from thirty to a hundred or more. 
 The question of equipment, beyond that of a modest degree, is 
 less important than leadership and the public work undertaken. 
 Experience of a few settlements which have had the gift of elab- 
 orate and costly quarters, pervaded as these are bound to be by an 
 atmosphere of resource and largesse, has not been altogether 
 happy. Workingmen are most at home in surroundings not too 
 unlike those to which they are accustomed. 
 
 ' It is a fact to be remembered that the idea of the workingmen 's club was im- 
 ported from England, where there is a large number of such organizations. Though 
 the initiative was originally given by the Christian Socialists, the clubs are now 
 usually independent. In this country independent men's clubs are extremely rare, 
 showing that American workingmen do not incline to them under any conditions. 
 The British workingman's love of debate is to a large extent the secret of his liking 
 for the club. 
 
 83 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Athletics is still usually the chief interest of such a club, although 
 billiards and pool, a small library, occasional lectures, dances, and 
 an annual picnic constitute an important part of the recreational 
 program. Some members are likely to be influential in ward politics. 
 The club usually takes a hand in local improvements, and often sup- 
 ports the better candidates in reform elections. A regular duty 
 of distinctive interest to members, such as editing a newspaper, 
 managing boys' clubs, or initiating and carrying on athletic 
 competitions, is often placed on the group as a continuous respon- 
 sibility. 
 
 The most diificult question which promoters of a settlement 
 men's club face is that of administration. Financial agreements 
 must be crystal clear and set in writing; otherwise groundless 
 complaints may break out into open antagonism. The club should 
 have a range of control over equipment and activities correspond- 
 ing to the financial responsibility which it assumes, but no more. 
 Residents are concerned, as we have seen, not merely in providing a 
 resort for a group of individuals, but in building up a semi-public 
 instrument for mutual aid in a soundly motived and well co-ordi- 
 nated movement of neighborhood life. The settlement must, in 
 order to protect itself, carefully guard not only its equipment but 
 its aim. If a club conducts its affairs in the interest of a few mem- 
 bers, becomes self-centered and intolerant, or develops bad habits 
 it is a failure as a settlement enterprise. 
 
 The heart of the workingmetf s club is that small but potent 
 minority among the rank and file which is actuated by high ideals 
 of fair play and instinct for public service. The chief duty and 
 opportunity of the settlement is to discover in the neighborhood 
 individuals of this sort. When the proportion of this type of mem- 
 bers is large enough, and it need not number more than five or ten 
 per cent of the roll, and constant enough in its attendance, the 
 club succeeds. While capable volunteer guidance is decidedly use- 
 ful, it should be ingeniously tactful. A leader who fails to win and 
 deserve respect of club members is a constant thorn in the side of 
 club and of residents. Perhaps the most decisive word to be said 
 in this connection is that the kind of man able to sustain working- 
 men's clubs at a proper pitch has hardly yet caught the vision of 
 his opportunity. 
 
 84 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 Men of middle age and beyond have been formed into clubs at a 
 few settlements. Experience has shown that the majority of fathers 
 of families are unwilling to belong to organizations that even by 
 implication seem to call for frequent and regular attendance. A 
 large proportion of workingmen are so tired at the end of the day 
 that they gladly stay at home. An occasional excursion to a 
 "movie," church entertainment or lodge, satisfies their desires for 
 extra-family sociability. Another large proportion will attend re- 
 quired meetings of a trade union or monthly gathering of a lodge or 
 benefit order. Such men will also be found at occasional political 
 rallies and at settlement gatherings for celebration of holidays and 
 festivals, or for discussion of public questions. Most fathers of 
 families can be depended on to be spectators at performances in 
 which their children take part. 
 
 All neighborhoods contain a small proportion of men who are 
 natural mixers. Some are active in the district political machine, 
 in which connection they also make it a point to be part of other 
 local associations. Running through these various groups are al- 
 ways a few men with the instinct for public welfare who can be 
 drawn out only by some specific demand for their services. They 
 will assist in managing and carrying on parties and celebrations, 
 and will meet during a limited period for the accomplishment of 
 some practical end, such as obtaining a neighborhood bath or 
 playground, or bringing about improvement in public service. 
 Most settlements every few years organize such groups, which meet 
 regularly so long as there are actual things to be done. Once these 
 thin out, interest weakens. 
 
 Many residents believe that the time is ripe for a new attack on 
 the problem of local organization among men. In numerous settle- 
 ment neighborhoods a generation of boys trained in the art of 
 working together has already matured. It is now easier to set apart 
 quarters free from the presence of women and children. The 
 elimination of the saloon is putting milHons of men in possession of 
 their faculties for the first time in their adult lives. It has not been 
 an accident that the response of women to finer interests and 
 their capacity to co-operate has been greater than that of men. 
 As long as so many men were alcoholized after work to a point 
 below the level of continuous team-play, little in the way of group 
 
 85 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 action could be expected. * Much of the effort which might have 
 gone into devising association for men has had to be devoted to 
 helping the victims of inebriety. Manhood in possession of its 
 powers will, in some normal way, be ready for responsible neigh- 
 borhood loyalties. 
 
 In the evolution of the settlement program, preadolescent boys 
 were last to be considered. The desires and needs of boys between 
 five and eight years differ hardly at all from those of little girls. At 
 the seventh or eighth year small boys exchange the loose gregari- 
 ousness of mixed groups such as the kindergarten band and chil- 
 dren's play classes with their gentle suggestion, for the male herd. 
 The boy's individualism increases, and with it his aggressiveness. 
 He frequently desires to pull against the group. He becomes in- 
 terested in construction and finds outlet for his powers in carpentry, 
 clay modeling, drawing, and other forms of handwork. He likes to 
 do these things with his fellows, however. His games, though in 
 the group, are of the intercepted sort, filled with interruptions, with 
 splits, with dissensions. Training in formal association begins at 
 the settlernent through group games played with a ball, boxing, 
 and sometimes dramatics and dancing. During the latter part of 
 this period the small boy finds that his desires increasingly accord 
 with those of certain among his fellows. He makes a bejginning of 
 caj-rying out common enterprises with them. He strikes out the 
 idea of a gang or club long before he is able to manage the actuality. 
 
 The importance of this period to the neighborhood organizer 
 grows increasingly evident. A large share of the mistakes and 
 failures of adolescence can be traced to conditions which were final 
 for good or evil in preadolescence. No analysis of the needs of little 
 boys under city tenement house conditions comparable to those 
 which deal with his adolescent brother has yet been made. More 
 scientific and thoroughgoing study and experiment constitutes a 
 next stage of pioneering in social-educational enterprise. 
 
 Neighborhood organization calls for the discovery and training of 
 men who will make organized activities among males a profession. 
 Twenty-five years ago the .type of club director most sought was 
 the man who by virtue of physical strength, personal magnetism, 
 
 ' Exception must be made of the Jews, who are notable for temperance and ca- 
 pacity to get together. 
 
clubs: boys and men 
 
 and that ready understanding and sympathy which grow oiit of 
 ability to recall youthful feelings and experiences, knew how to keep 
 boys within bounds and to direct their desires. In the period of 
 getting acquainted, which all neighborhood agencies have to go 
 through, these qualities have paramount value. 
 
 As clubs multiply and resources become more adequate, the edu- 
 cator in the field of social work comes to the fore. He must be 
 acquainted with the findings of modern psychologic research and 
 pedagogic experiment, able to apply the lessons of these sciences to 
 group work for all ages, and to train staff assistants and volunteer 
 associates who will carry out his program. He undertakes a neigh- 
 borhood census of group activities, and knows where the several 
 gangs are likely to be found at almost any hour of day or night, 
 the relative mentality of each, and the quality of its inherent lead- 
 ership. He follows up younger boys who manifest signs of power to 
 direct others. As work to be done develops, he keeps recruiting his 
 forces. He discovers the exceptional men who can play games, 
 sing, perform on instruments, tell stories, make a speech, assume 
 responsibility, organize group meetings, create public opinion; 
 and induces them to give regular or occasional service in the or- 
 ganized life of the neighborhood. 
 
 The enlistment in increasing numbers of men with the personal- 
 ity, training, and devotion needed to appraise the human capacity 
 of a tenement district and to direct the powers of individuals and 
 groups toward wholesome fulfilment, constitutes one of the most 
 important adventures of the second quarter century of settle- 
 ment work. 
 
 87 
 
CHAPTER VI 11 
 CLUBS: GIRLS AND WOMEN 
 
 A SSOCIATED action among women, down to the founding of 
 Za settlements, was almost non-existent. Membership in or- 
 i Vganizations other than those connected with the church was 
 regarded as conferring not honor but mild reproach. ' The settle- 
 ment, especially in the United States, in itself represented an im- 
 portant outreaching toward a broader sphere of activity and influ- 
 ence. It brought forward under a distinctive motive the early 
 beneficiaries of that spiritual emancipation which followed the 
 opening to women of the treasures of a liberal education. It was 
 natural to expect, therefore, that these exemplars of what was best 
 in the possibilities of progress for their sex should loyally seek to 
 impart something of the new spirit to women, and perhaps even 
 more fully, to girls, of the neighborhoods into which they went. 
 
 Early girls' groups, though dignified by the name of clubs or 
 societies, were in nearly all essentials classes. The special faculty 
 which women have of uniting work and sociability gave to such 
 groups an aspect of joyous good-fellowship which seemingly met 
 not only the needs but the desires both of girls and young women. 
 More important still, girls themselves appeared to manifest little 
 interest in organization. There had been no local collective forma- 
 tion among girls and women comparable to that found in almost 
 all neighborhoods among the opposite sex. Feminine sets or cliques 
 were composed of fewer members, were decidedly less coherent, less 
 
 ' Before 1880 the chief outlet of women into the world was through church auxil- 
 iaries and through charities usually connected with the church. Women's clubs, 
 beginning about 1870 among the moderately well-to-do, were for many years 
 hardly different from an adult modification of school-day literary societies. Grad- 
 ually, however, these associations began to give expression to the woman's instinct 
 to protect and refine her special vocation of housewife and neighbor. Early in 
 the eighties a few useful recreative clubs for working girls were established. The 
 rise of the auxiliaries of the Knights of Labor, and in some measure the movement 
 for equal suffrage, began to indicate the will of a growing minority of women to 
 protect their interests in property and industry. 
 
 88 
 
clubs: girls and women 
 
 resourceful, and more ephemeral than those of their brothers at 
 like age. Self-government, therefore, was not considered an ideal 
 to be striven for or taught. Training in rules of order, committee 
 work, and group activities had taken so little share in the life 
 of women leaders that it seldom formed part of their plans for 
 settlement groups. 
 
 The emphasis placed upon some directly useful form of training, 
 which at a later stage became so powerful a motive in the organiza- 
 tion of boys' work, from the beginning occupied the minds of 
 women residents. Such a policy was practicable partly because 
 girls are more amenable than their brothers, and partly because it 
 was not difficult to secure reasonably capable volunteer teachers. 
 Leisure, and with it culture, is one of the most important pre- 
 rogatives of American women. The number of college trained 
 women increased greatly during the last quarter of the nineteenth 
 century, and the goodwill of graduates and undergraduates re- 
 sponded to almost any real call for service. It was certainly an 
 innovation in education to have a teacher who would play with 
 pupils, who might be met by them at odd times in the neighbor- 
 hood, who invited them to her home, who gradually became an 
 informal and welcome guest at theirs, and whose acquaintance was 
 valued by older members of families. Thus out of the thick of 
 what might have been a high and dry instructional scheme, was 
 elicited a distinctively human relation between teacher and pupils, 
 among pupils themselves, and between the teacher and the homes 
 from which pupils came. 
 
 There is, in the matter of fundamental domestic activities a 
 community of interests among all womankind which constitutes a 
 precious and powerful public asset. The program of work among 
 girls and women established by early workers was far more com- 
 prehensive in its range and far more intensive in its practical appli- 
 cation than was that devised for the other sex. Two chief causes 
 were responsible for this superiority. One had to do with equip- 
 ment; the other with leadership. The settlement in its first stage 
 was primarily a home and only secondarily an institution. Resi- 
 dents found it difficult to tolerate with equanimity the excessive 
 wear and tear on household furnishings which is inevitable in boys' 
 club work. 
 
 89 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The residence house provided, however, not only the traditional 
 background for feminine interests, but one just different enough 
 from the homes of the neighborhood to pique the interest and 
 stimulate the imagination of those who came in. Cooking, sewing, 
 dressmaking, music, conversation, even committee work, gained 
 through the atmosphere of domesticated hospitality which members 
 consciously created. It is an interesting, fact that the development 
 of girls' work has been in constant reaction against the institutional 
 background brought in through laboratory kitchen, gymnasium, 
 and public hall. An environment as nearly as possible like a home, 
 meets the deepest instincts both of pupils and teachers. 
 
 By the end of the decade, however, it became clear that there 
 are in every neighborhood two types of young girl': one who pre- 
 fers to be occupied about the traditional concerns of women; a 
 second, hoydenish and adventuresome, who desires to express her- 
 self actively among masses of her own kind and to whom traditional 
 forms of group work are far from satisfying. This latter type 
 shook residents out of their complacency, and led to the develop- 
 ment of a program fitted not alone to her needs but to the latent 
 and unexpressed powers of her gentler sister. 
 
 Boys have benefited in high degree through the fact that, 
 whether for good or evil, get together they would. The cost to 
 householders, in property and nervous force, of gang activities, rein- 
 forced in no mean degree the more usual arguments in favor of 
 playgrounds, gymnasiums, and clubs. The delinquencies of the 
 girl, on the contrary, were not directed against property, and 
 hence were not reported in police dockets, newspapers, and statis- 
 tical tables. 
 
 Retardation of the social impulses of adolescence in the case of 
 girls between fourteen and sixteen, even more than of boys, is a 
 fundamental motive of group work. Most settlements, therefore, 
 seek to hold the interest of girls just entering young womanhood as 
 far as possible in handicraft and other forms of occupational 
 activity. Children are usually not permitted to attend evening 
 clubs until their fourteenth year. Girls of fifteen and sixteen are 
 encouraged to find interests among themselves. Their social in- 
 stincts and outreachings are satisfied through the dinners, parties, 
 exhibitions, excursions, and dances incident to courses in home- 
 
 90 
 
clubs: girls and women 
 
 making, art, music, literature, dramatics, and pageantry. During 
 this period the soundest preparation for actual association with the 
 other sex is transmutation of girlish sentiments into womanly 
 ideals. 
 
 The creation of an adequate program of association and recrea- 
 tion for young working girls in their seventeenth to twentieth 
 years provides one of the most difficult problems of the neighbor- 
 hood organizer. In addition to disadvantages which grow out of a 
 congested environment and early wage-earning, already mentioned 
 in the case of boys, the girl developing into womanhood labors 
 under certain handicaps which affect her with special seriousness. 
 Lack of vocational training is even more pronounced than in the 
 case of her brother. The strain of new and unaccustomed tasks in 
 her work, and the carelessness of industrial managers in arranging 
 conditions under which she performs them, frequently make her 
 the victim of hardship and temptation. A low standard of family 
 life, with overcrowding, poor and insufficient food, and lack of 
 privacy undermine bodily strength and character. The girl, too, 
 is more subject to neighborhood moral traditions than the boy, and 
 finds it more difficult to rise above them finally and definitely in so 
 far as they are bad. Lack of sufficient recreation, the necessity to 
 rely upon men for costly and desired pleasures, easily become a 
 cause of moral breakdown. The seriousness of the situation lies in 
 the fact that the girl is a more sensitive subject than the boy, has 
 not so many chances to rehabilitate herself if she slips, and must be 
 depended upon as the chief factor in establishing standards of life 
 which shall govern her own future family.' 
 
 It is the consensus of opinion among club leaders that the most 
 useful service they can render adolescent girls is to hold them 
 together in forms of effective associated action. Home ties with 
 which the girl may have reasons for being impatient are dis- 
 
 1 Until 1 9 1 o there were no studies of the desires, needs, and diflficulties of adolescent 
 girls as detailed and thoroughgoing as those made for boys, and no broad-scale 
 program of work in their behalf. A comprehensive investigation of this problem was 
 carried on during 191 1 and 19 12 by the National Federation of Settlements, and 
 published under title. Young Working Girls. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Co., 
 1913. Harriet McD. Daniels made a study for the New York settlements, published 
 under the title. The Girl and Her Chance; a study of conditions surrounding the 
 girl between fourteen and eighteen years of age in New York City. New York, 
 F. H. Revell Co., 1914. 
 
 91 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 criminatingly reinforced, and the attempt is made to focus about 
 her all worthy neighborhood traditions and attachments. Alert, 
 sympathetic direction is provided for her new personal and occu- 
 pational outreachings. The larger and finer interests of life, elevat- 
 ing thoughts, and noble ideals are made existent in her own terms. 
 
 The extreme individualism which girls manifest during this 
 period makes them desire either a small clique or a large and gen- 
 eral club. The most successful clubs have a membership of fifteen 
 and upwards, the nucleus of which is a few charter members with 
 whom acquaintance on the leader's part was well established during 
 the members' childhood. In a club of this size there is opportunity 
 for congenial spirits to fall into those shifting sets or cliques of two 
 or three which are the girls' form of natural group, and sufficient 
 native ability and natural leadership to assure entertainments by 
 home talent. Those in charge of work among girls must be able to 
 perceive and meet continuously and resourcefully the developing 
 needs and longings of members, resolve inner dissensions bred of 
 absorption in personal hopes and heart burnings, foster establish- 
 ment of a generous policy in admitting new members, and secure 
 the growth of a broad, genuine club spirit. 
 
 The desired qualities in club programs are variety and unex- 
 pectedness. The main energy of the group usually goes into dra- 
 matics, dancing, parties, and vacations. Some form of class work is 
 likely to be included as part of the club program, though attendance 
 is often optional. Possessions such as membership pins, club furni- 
 ture and fittings, and a formal enterprise like a co-operative vaca- 
 tion scheme, are valuable adjuncts. Several settlements stimulate 
 competition between clubs for originality and excellence of enter- 
 tainments, plays, and parties, pitting girls against boys of similar 
 age. Opportunities for group altruism, through gifts of money, en- 
 tertainments for parents, good times for small girls, have a particu- 
 larly beneficent influence. Every possible chance to turn the girl's 
 attention from herself to the outer world should be utilized. 
 
 Although adolescent girls do not manifest the desire shown by 
 boys to combine in considerable companies, many club leaders 
 believe that the effort should be made to assure them this form of 
 discipline. The informal method consists in reserving the entire 
 settlement on one or more evenings a week for girls. The first 
 
 92 
 
clubs: girls and women 
 
 hour is devoted to small group meetings for education and business ; 
 the remainder to a program of entertainment, dancing, and socia- 
 bility in which all mingle, responsibility for carrying out the pro- 
 gram being assumed by different small groups in turn. This plan 
 works best in fairly homogeneous neighborhoods and presupposes 
 thoroughgoing work by the settlement staff during at least half a 
 decade. Once accomplished, such an informal alliance offers whole- 
 some chances for that somewhat sporadic acquaintance, observa- 
 tion, comparison, and stimulus which is the girl's method of 
 encompassing facts of human environment. It mitigates economic 
 and race prejudice between groups having different standards and 
 nationality. In its broader action it even serves to overcome the 
 little snobberies of adolescence. As the ablest girls of each group 
 come into larger responsibilities, they are brought under the leader's 
 special influence without danger of favoritism and help to draw out 
 and mold collective sentiment. By playing up limited club inter- 
 ests into something generous and human, each organization be- 
 comes a real factor in deepening neighborhood spirit and in creat- 
 ing a sense for a well-knit and wholesome common life. 
 
 Since 191 o an increasing number of settlements are providing 
 formal training in federated association by organizing girls' club 
 councils. These fix rules governing admission of new clubs, dues, 
 discipline, and other matters of detail affecting the girl, her club, 
 and the settlement. Committees of the council organize enter- 
 tainments, parties, dances, plays, picnics, and groups for discussion 
 with other houses. 
 
 The uphill progress made in endeavoring to interest young work- 
 ing girls in their industrial problems, combined with new pedagogic 
 insight, gradually brought settlement workers to realize that in the 
 future women must be assured some of the same vigorous initiative 
 in working together through which the power of association is 
 passed on among boys and men. The foundation of training and 
 influence must be laid in those years when the whole being is "wax 
 to receive, marble to retain"; when a priceless clarity of feeling 
 may be surely confirmed or hopelessly clouded. Experience and 
 experiment gradually showed that between ten and fifteen years of 
 age the sense for group loyalty is ready to be aroused, and that 
 under proved leadership girls delight almost equally with boys in 
 
 93 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 drawing up constitutions and by-laws, electing officers, serving on 
 committees, carrying on meetings, and planning new work. Since 
 this interest tends to weaken during later adolescence, it is clear 
 that preadolescent girls should be encouraged to form clubs just as 
 soon as they desire to play group games; that such clubs should be 
 homogeneous as to age, station in life, and range of powers ; that 
 membership should be kept small. 
 
 The Girl Scout and Camp Fire programs are based on instinc- 
 tive desires for loyal ends which characterize preadolescence; and 
 many settlements organize groups under both of these systems. 
 There is, however, in every neighborhood a large number of girls to 
 whom the rituals do not appeal. Their independence dislikes to be 
 labeled, their self-consciousness forbids success under such condi- 
 tions. For these the settlement club provides a form within which 
 imagination, creative ability, love of law and order, responsibility 
 and self-government can develop untrammeled by too much de- 
 tailed control. The majority of residents feel that the tenement 
 girl particularly needs the training secured by belonging to a self- 
 governing group. 
 
 An important result of continuous interest in children is the con- 
 viction of residents that a more precise adjustment of community 
 resources in leadership and equipment to the needs of little girls 
 between the ages of six and fourteen is called for. A study carried 
 on during the years 191 5-19 19 by the National Federation of 
 Settlements made clear the effect on physique and nerves of over- 
 crowding within the home, lack of proper medical and dental care, 
 bad habits uncorrected. Failure of true neighborhood vigilance 
 makes it possible for certain types of loafers to mark the little 
 girl as their prey. Her apparent attitude of mere spectator before 
 the pageant of street, entrance to motion pictures, dance halls, 
 and amusement places has been wrongly interpreted as passivity. 
 Actually, she is storing impressions, assimilating them in reverie, 
 making plans to put dreamed of ideas to the test. Case work with 
 adolescent girls who have fallen into evil ways shows how great is 
 the influence Of suggestion received in childhood. Clean youth 
 can be nourished only in clean neighborhoods. 
 
 The very heart of the little girl's need is enough house room to 
 preserve the bloom of innocence and the sympathetic mothering 
 
 94 
 
clubs: girls and women 
 
 that surrounds her as with a wall against unclean and harmful sug- 
 gestion. Small groups under leaders of attractive personality must 
 be multiplied. Along with friendship must go a full round of 
 recreation specifically devised to meet the little girl's instinct for 
 active, but at the same time imaginative and sociable, play. Much 
 more in the way of miniature home-making, entertaining, spon- 
 taneous and self-expressive dramatics and pageantry is called for. 
 The unfortunate absence of relationship between the teaching force 
 and the mothers, and a lack of kindly interest on the part of 
 Sunday school workers who are also neighbors, removed a source 
 of potential guardianship and incentive. No merely public care for 
 children can take the place of that conspiracy between family, 
 teacher, and friends through which well-conditioned households 
 safeguard the delicacy of a child's perceptions and her relationship 
 with others. The settlement must continue its work of protecting 
 her goings and comings. The neighborhood must be combed of 
 loafers and degenerates, of coarse men and women. Shopkeepers 
 who assist children to deceive parents must be publicly scored. 
 
 As the facilities and staff of the settlement became increasingly 
 adequate, girls often have the privileges of a gymnasium and 
 playground.! Athletics in the old days found no ready-made de- 
 mand, and always encountered some special problems.^ Today, 
 however, the playground-trained girl takes readily to the gymna- 
 sium, and possibly because she has had play exercise in the years 
 just previous she takes more and more kindly to formal floor work 
 and marching drill. After the eighteenth year all gymnastic inter- 
 ests center around basketball. Programs of inter-club and inter- 
 settlement games hold the athletic girl until she marries. 
 
 With the advancement, through childhood and adolescence, of 
 such a program as that outlined, the likelihood is enhanced of a 
 
 ^ Girls from six to eight enjoy the vigorous enacting of stories and the running of 
 relay races; from eight to twelve, drills of any kind, marching, simple floor work, 
 and folk dancing; from twelve to fifteen, drills with Indian clubs and wands, folk 
 dancing, apparatus work, ball games of all kinds, and the like. 
 
 ' A frequent source of administrative embarrassment is found in the fact that 
 girls and women insist upon larger lockers ^nd a greater degree of personal privacy 
 within the dressing rooms and shower baths than a gymnasium built for men ever 
 provides. The matter of gymnasium suits sometimes creates difficulty, which may 
 be solved by buying material at wholesale and letting the girls make the garments 
 under the direction of the settlement sewing teacher. 
 
 8 95 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 normal approach to womanhood. The years between nineteen and 
 marriage are pre-eminently a time of hunting the other sex and of 
 being hunted. The vision of a home of her own is a recurring and 
 disturbing factor in work, in recreation, in family and social rela- 
 tionships. The undirected girl becomes increasingly individualistic, 
 and although she enlarges the variety of her associations they are 
 likely to be less purposeful, less responsible, and less continuous. 
 As instinct and experience indicate that in the great adventure of 
 matrimony those who enter the lists boldly and stake something on 
 the event most often bear off the prize, and as the very spirit of 
 romance itself involves reaching out into the unknown and unex- 
 plored, the girl is inclined more and more to range away from her 
 home locality. 
 
 Club organization, in its program and its accomplishment for 
 girls in this latter period, is still relatively undeveloped. In a gen- 
 eral way its postulates are that dancing and dramatics furnish 
 desired and valuable recreations, that the sense of responsibility 
 properly appealed to brings response, that the feeling for beauty 
 lies near the surface and is readily engaged, that initiative is not 
 lacking and comes almost for the last time within the scope of 
 educational encouragement. The best settlement leadership fol- 
 lows many clues in order to keep about these young women per- 
 sonally, in their small sets and in their relations with young men, 
 as much as possible of the atmosphere of wholesome camaraderie. 
 It is a question whether in most cases continued association of con- 
 siderable companies of girls by themselves is to be expected at this 
 stage. Group organization inevitably breaks under loss of members 
 through marriage or other forms of life activity. The gradual dis- 
 integration of the group leaves members with an unsettled feeling 
 which hastens the end. Even where a portion of the group con- 
 tinues to meet, its grasp is broken; it either dies of an unconscious 
 dissatisfaction or develops an aloofness from the neighborhood. 
 A contributing factor in this general evolution is the natural sober- 
 ing of the girl's interest. The method of federation which is inter- 
 esting girls in the larger group, the neighborhood, and city may 
 in the future save these shattered clubs. At present their only hope 
 is an open door policy which shall bring in new life as fast as the 
 old goes out. 
 
 96 
 
clubs: girls and women 
 
 At nearly all settlements are one or two clubs of young women in 
 the third decade of their lives who have long been affiliated with 
 the house and, not marrying, are encouraged to keep an unbroken 
 connection with it. Fear is occasionally expressed that these mem- 
 bers represent a type with standards apart from the great majority 
 of people among whom they live. Power to appreciate and to enjoy 
 the best sometimes increases more rapidly than capacity to earn 
 that wherewith to gratify it. The upshot of this maladjustment 
 may take the form of a deep-seated sense of dissatisfaction and 
 unhappiness in present surroundings and of recoil from the type of 
 home life which the future offers. As time has gone on, settlements 
 have become keenly alive to the situation, and, while still encourag- 
 ing self-development and aspirations, strive to turn members' 
 minds toward exceptional achievement with the given facts of life. 
 In any case these young women work out the best possibilities of 
 their lot, as they see it, nearly always with nobility of character, 
 and regard their club experience as a reinforcing influence to that 
 end. 
 
 So much for the fate of the girl who is left behind ; the girl who 
 marries has her own problems. For many young women wedlock 
 marks the transition from a way of life unduly exciting to one 
 which is, in comparison, prosaically and even painfully dull. The 
 years before mating are compounded of work amid scenes of rest- 
 less movement, expanding standards of pleasure, adventure of 
 varied association with the other sex. The comparative tameness 
 of home life in a tenement with its routine of unaccustomed house- 
 work, cut off from working associates and gaiety of dances and 
 parties, frequently carries the bride back into the factory. Since 
 club members when they marry are, as a class, likely to establish 
 themselves elsewhere, so young wives of the district often come 
 from other localities. Thus a restricted lot is often made harder for 
 the newcomer by a feeling of isolation. Settlement residents are 
 therefore inclined to seek out young married women in their neigh- 
 borhood and to include them in the more general activities of the 
 house. Here and there clubs have been formed devoted to socia- 
 bility and to the discussion of problems vital to novices in home- 
 making. 
 Young married mothers are, in most cases, tied down to home 
 
 97 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 and babies and must be reached as individuals. The resident nurse 
 and the staff of the baby hygiene and children's dietetic clinics 
 maintain cordial professional and personal relations with them. 
 When the oldest child reaches the fourth year they re-enter group 
 life through the kindergarten mothers' club. In immigrant neigh- 
 borhoods the club reaches newcomers with small children and does 
 much to establish families in right relations. 
 
 In every settlement a number of mature women find the club 
 form rich in possibilities for developing collective capacity and re- 
 sponsibility. In early settlement days the rather simple beginning 
 of group life was made through what is sometimes called a " poverty 
 club." Members were stolid, apparently indifferent to one another, 
 unsure of their surroundings and of themselves. Leaders impressed 
 into service were hard driven to create interest and to secure even 
 a grudging response. Had not the settlement decisively given 
 hostages to fortune, despair might have had its way. Crude activ- 
 ity such as weaving rag rugs or making over old garments, and 
 very simple forms of recreation in which cake and coffee played an 
 important part, were the chief interests. Gradually the sense of 
 release from the tenement into an ampler, more restful and genial 
 atmosphere, created in individuals and finally throughout the group 
 an attitude of response to the leader and of confidence toward one 
 another. . No one can watch a process of this kind without being 
 profoundly impressed by the evolution and emancipation of char- 
 acter which it produces. 
 
 Somewhat the same experience holds among groups of recent 
 immigrant women of one or another nationality, struggling to 
 maintain the sanctions of their homes against the sweep of a new 
 and alien order. In an atmosphere of appreciation residents draw 
 out memories and traditions of these new acquaintances, and pro- 
 vide them with allies both from their own race and from the new 
 civilization. They listen to hopes and fears for the welfare of chil- 
 dren, and assist mothers to understand and deal with problems of 
 education and recreation. Frequently they are able to clear away 
 some of the misunderstandings and obstacles which beset strangers 
 in a strange land, cut off from opportunity of learning new ways by 
 the necessity of staying within doors. 
 
 These rudimentary and provisional forms of association among 
 
 98 
 
clubs: girls and women 
 
 mature women are designed to lead members toward participation 
 in what is generally referred to at most settlements as the Women's 
 Club. With an ample nucleus of relatively more alert and capable 
 mothers, this organization undertakes to bring tenement house- 
 wives within range of the substantial central interests of the great 
 modern women's movement, creates a circle wherein closely tied 
 and hard-working women may cultivate the amenities of life, and 
 even on occasion revive with almost forgotten abandon some of the 
 gaieties of girlhood. Its meetings offer intelligently framed informa- 
 tion about newer aspects of housework, rearing of children, methods 
 of reinforcing the school, jobs for present and prospective wage- 
 earners, relations between mother and daughter when the two are, 
 as sometimes happens, at least an era apart. 
 
 Pioneer women residents very generally made adult mothers 
 their special charge, and in consequence women's clubs in the main 
 have had the most resourceful leadership, professional and volun- 
 teer, which the settlement has possessed. It would be impossible to 
 overestimate the value of services rendered by a number of able, 
 broad-minded women who have maintained their connection with 
 such clubs year after year. As a result it is perhaps true that a 
 more careful and capable analysis of the married women's interests 
 and outlook has been made than of any other phase of neighbor- 
 hood life. 
 
 Being generally a large group, with increasing diversity of inter- 
 est, the club often breaks up into smaller homogeneous sections for 
 carrying on enterprises such as co-operative buying, canning, sew- 
 ing circles, and dramatics. From time to time the club makes spe- 
 cial contributions of money and service for enlarging the equipment 
 of the settlement, especially as it affects the welfare of children. 
 
 The club has its recognized ways of honoring ability and char- 
 acter in its ranks. A sense of the dignity of motherhood from begin- 
 ning to end is created even against a pitiful cynicism. A spirit of 
 tolerance and mutual respect gradually replaces the backbiting and 
 worse which can so easily go with the general atmosphere of mean 
 streets. Members return to their households from club meetings 
 with a new confidence based upon knowledge, sustained by a com- 
 mon sentiment, freed from some unrealities of the old status but 
 disclosing more surely than ever its deep essential meaning. 
 
 99 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 MIXED COMPANY 
 
 DURING the first decade of their adventure settlement 
 workers seem hardly to have envisaged the range and 
 complexity of things about them which had to do with the 
 interplay of sex. Residents were chiefly young and unmarried; 
 local sentiment and that of society at large debarred them from di- 
 rect consideration of such problems. But though they might not 
 speak they could not but observe the behavior of youth on the 
 streets, in dance halls, and specifically at picnics and parties which 
 they undertook to supervise.^ 
 
 The establishment of reasonable rules of deportment for, gath- 
 erings at which youth of both sexes were present, and their en- 
 forcement once defined, inspired early residents with something 
 approaching dread. The American standard of association for 
 adolescent young people, with its considerable freedom of move- 
 ment and its minimum adult oversight and interference, was 
 worked out in a homogeneous village society. It was based on 
 early maturity of powers growing out of participation in produc- 
 tive labor, early assumption of moral responsibility, early mar- 
 riage. During the eighties, among better-to-do classes in cities, 
 the period of tutelage and education lengthened, and conditions 
 under which young men and young women associated were scrutin- 
 ized more carefully, their indoor play surrounded by safeguards, 
 
 ' "As an illustration of this difference in standard," wrote Miss Addams in 
 Twenty Years at Hull House, " 1 may instance an early Hull House picnic arranged 
 by a club of young people, who found at the last moment that the club director 
 could not go and accepted the offer of the mother of one of the club members to 
 take charge of them. When they trooped back in the evening, tired and happy, 
 they displayed a photograph of the group wherein each man's arm was carefully 
 placed about a girl; no feminine waist lacked an arm save that of the proud chap- 
 eron, who sat in the middle smiling upon all. Seeing that the photograph somewhat 
 surprised us, the chaperon stoutly explained, 'This may look queer to you, but 
 there wasn't one thing about that picnic that wasn't nice,' and her statement was a 
 perfectly-^:ruthfu] one." New York, The Macmillan Company, 1910. 
 
 100 
 
MIXED COMPANY 
 
 their traditional liberty away from home decidedly curtailed. 
 Enlightened parents united in the endeavor to create restricted 
 circles with regulations and chaperonage suggestive of older 
 civilizations. 
 
 In tenement neighborhoods, on the other hand, the tendency was 
 all the other way. Immigrants coming to America with traditions 
 about guardianship of youth found them currently looked upon 
 as outworn. Boys and girls, leaving school on the hour per- 
 mitted by compulsory education laws, absolved themselves with 
 their first pay envelope as much as possible from family control. 
 The passing of the home as a place of entertainment for young people 
 made contest with the situation a baffling one. The trying out 
 which under normal conditions the girls' male acquaintances are 
 compelled to undergo at the hands of brothers and sisters, as well 
 as of father and mother, was disappearing. While many parents 
 were cognizant of the significance of these, facts, the majority 
 lacked spirit to rebel and accepted all too easily a situation which 
 left them hardly participants in the fate of their children. 
 
 Decay of family responsibility was paralleled by breakdown of 
 neighborhood moral standards. Communal resources for recreation 
 were in the hands of irresponsible persons who organized them 
 solely on the basis of money making. Play increasingly took the 
 form of mass gatherings. The serious consequence of this change 
 was not alone the poor quality of recreation provided, but loss of the 
 power which young people gain through organizing and carrying 
 on common enterprises. Serious damage would have remained 
 even though commercial recreation places had provided satisfactory 
 environment and worthy performance. But they did not. Stan- 
 dards of conduct in public resorts, with the connivance of proprie- 
 tors and baser patrons, had sunk to a level just above that required 
 by police regulations, or even below it where officers were compla- 
 cent. ' Lurid melodrama, popular songs with sappy words carried to 
 the edge of vulgarity and linked with puerile melodies of barbarous 
 and insistent rhythm, dance halls where sex suggestion was often 
 reinforced with liquor, seemed created but to play upon ill-curbed 
 instinct. At best, the recreational atmosphere of working-class 
 localities had become surcharged with sensuousness. Even giving 
 full weight to the fact that manual laborers marry from five to ten 
 
 lOI 
 
THE , SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 years earlier than professional and business classes, and that the 
 sentimental cycle in some measure must be set ahead, it neverthe- 
 less remained true that the emotions of tenement" young people were 
 overstrained and coarsened. 
 
 The necessity for alternatives which should have real drawing 
 power became increasingly evident as personal acquaintance be- 
 tween residents and neighborhood young people enlarged. Them- 
 selves fresh from participation in college festivities and adventuring, 
 residents understood in peculiar measure the innate recreational 
 desires of adolescent boys and girls. They recognized the degree 
 in which play-going, novel reading, gossip, intense and voluble dis- 
 cussion of moral problems, may be made to reveal means for the 
 expression and fulfilment of romantic affection.^ They were able 
 to anticipate questions about the spirit and procedure of love- 
 making that youth hesitated to ask. They welcomed understand- 
 ingly that favorite device of adolescence for tapping incognito 
 a possible source of counsel, the hypothetical instance, and 
 answered questioner not less than question. 
 
 Some years passed before settlements definitely took what seemed 
 to be the plunge of making positive provision for young people of the 
 two sexes to meet together. After a preliminary stage of small 
 gatherings of a rhore or less serious sort, it appeared that the activ- 
 ities most avidly sought were those which afforded the largest 
 possible variety of acquaintance with the other sex and with the 
 community at large, such as dances, parties, picnics, and dramatics. 
 Dancing, because it was at once the most desired, most active, most 
 hazardous, and most commercialized form of recreation open to 
 tenement bred young men and women, became the crux of the local 
 program of play. 
 
 The early attitude of settlement residents toward dancing ranged 
 from antagonism, through rebellious toleration to complete accep- 
 tance by a small minority.'' 1 1 finally became clear that the question 
 
 ' Settlement residents are frequently asked to recommend a book "that will 
 tell you how to make love properly." The success of "Advice to the Lovelorn" 
 column in daily papers and women's magazines shows how widespread is the desire 
 for help in this vortex of human association. 
 
 'At present there are three attitudes toward dancing. Houses founded and 
 maintained by some religious bodies rule it out altogether. A second group of set- 
 tlements tolerate it as little as possible, while the great majority of houses, which 
 includes all those best known, now offer a reasonable amount of dancing. 
 
 102 
 
MIXED COMPANY 
 
 whether or not young people should dance was academic; dance in 
 any case they would. The sole issue was in what surroundings and 
 with what associates they should disport themselves. Dancing 
 therefore began to be permitted at practically all settlements. 
 Some of the simple rules adopted were that responsible chaperons 
 of residents in sufficient number to deal with any emergency should 
 be on hand and that guests must be known to residents or be intro- 
 duced by a responsible club member. Standards of cleanliness, 
 neatness, deportment, courtesy, and position required by reputable 
 dancing instructors were insisted upon, and reproof and discipline 
 for infringement of rules exercised swiftly and freely.^ 
 
 Entering whole-heartedly into this form of recreation and be- 
 coming, at first, part of a scene which leaves very much to be 
 desired, the settlement director suggests by humorous by-play, 
 emphasis of approval or suggestion, increasingly pointed rebuke if 
 need be, and above all by thoroughly alert, absorbed, personal ex- 
 ample, one gradual move after another toward better and finer stan- 
 dards of speech and conduct. 1 n the publicity of a chosen group, the 
 instinctive impulse of young people to be correct gives the resident 
 in charge especial leverage. Under the head of deportment, points 
 in character can often be made which no deliberately ethical attack 
 could ever reach. A strong tendency gradually develops to have 
 dances become ranking, and to a degree exclusive, affairs, in which 
 persons or attitudes of the baser sort are, to say the least, unwel- 
 come. This is an instance where settlement policy of reaching out 
 toward all sorts and conditions in the local community is honored in 
 the breach. Some houses, when this stage is gained, institute under 
 the residents' full control and under the sanction of obvious hospi- 
 tality, a type of party which embodies standards that obtain at a 
 college "prom." The list, on such occasions, is likely to be made 
 up more tolerantly than that of the usual small dance, and it is often 
 both encouraging and amusing to see less responsible guejsts seeking 
 earnestly to get the pace. 
 
 With growth of clubs and increase of organized responsibility on 
 the part of the neighborhood, young people are permitted and even 
 
 ' The problem of objectionable forms of dancing, for which sanction of the rich 
 is always alleged, is at best a difficult one. In general, complete prohibition is 
 placed upon them. 
 
 103 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 encouraged to arrange and conduct dances. First essays in self- 
 management usually show a lamentable falling off from settlement 
 standards. Those that follow often err on the side of too crude en- 
 forcement of rules. In time, however, floor managers learn to im- 
 part to the dancing company much of the same tone as that which 
 obtains under direct settlement guidance. The high importance of 
 such parties grows out of the fact that the code of adolescent 
 manners in any locality is set not by outsiders or adults, but by 
 actual procedure of the most admired peers. By making their 
 dances ranking events settlement young people are themselves held 
 within a high range of conduct and their accomplishment sets the 
 pace for other groups in the house and neighborhood. It has be- 
 come a widespread custom to allow clubs the use of the settlement 
 hall for one, two, or three parties each year, to which they invite 
 the guests and supply music and refreshments. 
 
 Once the negative stage of providing an alternative to objection- 
 able dancing resorts has been passed, the settlement naturally 
 turns its attention to offering good instruction in the art for the 
 next younger groups. Quite as athletic games train boys and girls 
 in that co-ordination between thought and movement which is the 
 basis of physical grace and precision, dancing affords a like adjust- 
 ment between the physical and emotional impulse and those forms 
 of speech and action which impart ease of relationship with one's 
 kind. Boys discover that the degree of cleanliness and neatness ex- 
 pected by dancing masters is not only a matter of regulation, but is 
 enforced by feminine possessors of clean frocks. The girl on her 
 part, as she masters the code of manners taught in the dancing 
 class, becomes more restrained in speech and actions, more critical 
 of boorishness, more self-respecting. The forms demanded by in- 
 structors often crystallize into habit and character. 
 
 As a rule, settlements carry on at least two dancing classes a 
 week; one for beginners, and an advanced class which meets as a 
 social club. These classes, open freely to the sons and daughters 
 of new racial types, help to bring a properly democratic view into 
 neighborhood society. By the time the season's lessons are com- 
 pleted strangers are often able to qualify in the minds of the es- 
 tablished circle for full participation in clubs and in general rec- 
 reative gatherings. As a rule, also, those who have learned to, 
 
 104 
 
MIXED COMPANY 
 
 dance well, feeling some of the responsible loyalty of the young 
 graduate, go forth prepared to uphold on all occasions the teachings 
 of the class. 
 
 Practically all localities contain a minority, sometimes very 
 considerable numerically, which seeks to play under conditions 
 approaching license. In tenement districts the number in this 
 group is increased by the kind of training given at commercial 
 dance halls. Several settlements, so situated, carry on public 
 dances. These bring residents into contact with some of the 
 community's least disclosed problems. It gives the director of 
 work with young people a basis for the extension of personal ac- 
 quaintance. On the other hand, constant endeavor is required to 
 enforce proper deportment, and the possibility is ever present that 
 a small number of irresponsibles may demoralize an otherwise 
 orderly assemblage. Patrons have frequently to be asked to leave. 
 Gradually a sifting process takes place as required standards come 
 to be understood and gentle but persistent pressure is kept up 
 toward better things. Once this stage is reached, the dance hall 
 becomes a definite instrument for raising the tone of local recre- 
 ational interests. 
 
 Among successful activities other than dancing which have dem- 
 onstrated their suitability for groups of young people, are 
 charades, debates, visits to museums, theater parties, attendance 
 on lectures, and dramatics. Clubs of young men and women which 
 meet regularly and carry on a variety of activities, educational and 
 recreational, are fostered at a few settlements. The success of such 
 groups depends on the quality of supervision and on the resourceful- 
 ness of director and leaders. The leader must be discerning, 
 gentle, and facile in planning games and other occupations that 
 have a common interest, but still firm on questions of deportment. 
 
 Mixed clubs are not regarded with favor by the majority of resi- 
 dents who feel that unjustified risks have to be taken in bringing 
 young men and women together regularly, not because of what may 
 happen while members are with the leader, but because it is inev- 
 itable that those least self-restrained will arrange to meet when 
 there is no supervision. On the other hand, the tendency is growing 
 to provide occasional gatherings between boys' and girls' clubs for 
 informal entertainment and choral singing. In some settlements, 
 
 105 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 clubs of boys and girls take turns in entertaining one another. In a 
 few instances a room in the settlement house has been set aside 
 where girls may receive young men, a plan successful under especial 
 conditions of chaperonage and club loyalty. 
 
 The creation Of a sound and fine setting, protective, spirited, and 
 absorbing, wherein those whose minds are converging toward the 
 great adventure of establishing new family groups may proceed to 
 the rightful exultation of their heyday, represents to the settlement 
 a special field for delicate effort. The solution is not essentially 
 different froni that devised by matrons of the city's elect. It in- 
 volves a round of enterprises capable of thoroughly and continu- 
 ously engrossing, while they are together, the mental and physical 
 energies of a selected but gradually widening constituency of young 
 people. It calls for the presence of adults, some of them matrons of 
 the neighborhood and mothers of house members, pledged to see 
 that these functions are managed wisely and carefully, and that 
 something of positive idealism respecting human relations is elicited. 
 Such a program seeks to exalt the neighborhood circle and to set it 
 against the lure of the downtown commercial amusement center. 
 The fact that each person is known to chaperons and to participants, 
 that his or her behavior is watched and commented on with the 
 possibility of a report to parents, recaptures the moral quality 
 which runs through well-conducted village life. 
 
 At the very best, however, accomplishment in the difficult field of 
 association between young men and young women falls short of 
 what residents would wish, and considerably below their dreams. 
 As in so many other matters, they find themselves seeking to train 
 a generation of children which shall exemplify as adolescents a more 
 finely attuned intelligence and a soundly romantic emotional life.' 
 Such work involves starting as nearly as possible at the foundations. 
 Little children between four and eight years of age need for their 
 proper physical and moral development opportunity to participate 
 in a rich and varied scheme of games. Not least among the de- 
 ficiencies of a tenement environment is the poverty-stricken play 
 tradition handed on to boys and girls. It would be hard to invent 
 a commentary on a civilization more caustic than the episodes 
 .dramatized upon the streets by little children. Lady Bum and 
 ' See Appendix, p. 409, Note I.— Sex Education. 
 106 
 
MIXED COMPANY 
 
 Cop, Police Patrol, Burglar, the latest crime or sex scandal, are 
 significant not so much in their immediate vulgarity as because 
 they are material with which mind and memory are being outfitted. 
 
 Settlement residents have their own evidence for believing that it 
 is unfortunate when custom, through toys, stories, and precept 
 too early centers the interest of girls on games of the quieter sort. 
 .During this period they have much the same instincts, desires, and 
 modes of expression as little boys. It is a growing custom in settle- 
 ments to bring small boys and girls together in active play. Those 
 in charge of playground, playroom, kindergarten graduates' club, 
 game room, story hour, and similar enterprises teach the imme- 
 morial pastimes which have nurtured childhood. Pains are taken, 
 in the midst of such activities, to explain the principles that should 
 rule the relation between boys and girls and girls and boys, and to 
 see that they are exemplified.' 
 
 A somewhat late development, getting its motive partly out of 
 the logic of work with adolescent boys and girls, is the children's 
 dancing class. It is a commonplace that those forms of education 
 which involve active co-ordination of muscle and mind are best 
 taught as early as training can profitably be given. Establishment 
 of good canons of conduct, worked into the child's muscular and 
 nervous system partly by his own keen and eager choice, partly 
 by importunity of elders, provides firm safeguards against the 
 future. In well-to-do communities the dancing school directly 
 under the patronage of parents and neighbors has long been an 
 important instrument for juvenile discipline. Settlement workers 
 believe that similar instruction for tenement children is among the 
 most valuable instruments for bringing out the attitude and senti- 
 ments which should go with the relation of the sexes. It is one of 
 their hopes that the folk dancing which constitutes an important 
 part of all children's classes may have some real effect upon future 
 dancing forms." 
 
 The years between eight and twelve are distinguished by high 
 individualism and by a certain apathy rather than attraction be- 
 
 ' A few houses have a loan collection of games from which materials for play 
 are withdrawn for use in the settlement and at home. The game rooni frequently 
 becomes a recruiting station, where new acquaintance can be made with children 
 and new groups formed. 
 
 2 See Appendix, p. 41 1, Note II.— Playtime Activities for Children. 
 
 107 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 tween boys and girls. The work of the educator is fulfilled by pro- 
 viding that modest degree of association called for in festivals and 
 occasional gatherings. This lull immediately before the stormy 
 weather of adolescence is therefore best given to training boys and 
 girls in separate groups. The experienced club director, as this 
 stage nears its close, anticipates the crude re-establishment of ac- 
 quaintance on street corners by arranging parties, plays, or picnics. 
 
 Such a program demands a very considerable degree of resource- 
 ful supervision on the part of residents and directors of club work, 
 and can be accomplished only when the settlement has come into 
 close quarters with its locality and knows a good proportion of 
 neighborhood children intimately. 1 1 also involves a scheme of club 
 and class work which progresses from stage to stage and offers a 
 variety of interests. Where there is a parallel scheme of boys' 
 clubs and girls' clubs, and right collective sentiments have been 
 established in dancing classes and large-scale events, the transition 
 usually comes about naturally enough, though even here there is 
 always need for careful work with exceptional individuals and 
 groups. 
 
 Minds of children and youth are in important, though by no 
 means overwhelming measure, formed by adults with whom they 
 are surrounded. The narrow traditions and undeveloped senti- 
 ments which so generally govern relations between husband and 
 wife in tenements came to early residents almost with a sense of 
 shock. The policy of trying to involve both father and mother in 
 the affairs of their boys and girls was struck out not merely to help 
 the child, but through him to discover motives that appeal first to 
 each parent and then to both together. Adult life centers to a 
 peculiar degree about its hopes and pleasures in offspring. While 
 the child finds it difficult to understand his elders, the adult compre- 
 hends in himself all that has gone before. His nature craves some 
 echo of former experience. Separated from the activities of their 
 children, parents are too likely to relapse into something approach- 
 ing stagnation. 
 
 Progress in bridging the gap of years continues to be discourag- 
 ingly slow. Attendance on meetings with the younger element is 
 in the main a monopoly of mothers. It should be said, however, 
 that in many cases the father is committing himself to the situation 
 
 .108 
 
MIXED COMPANY 
 
 by spending the evening at home taking care of smaller children. 
 When so much ground has been gained a way is opened by which 
 the tactful resident can begin to establish a direct personal foot- 
 hold with men, which often leads in informal ways to more or less 
 continuous consultation and co-operation. 
 
 The cumulative effort of years to bring boys and girls into 
 rightly conducted association is having an effect on adult recreation. 
 A few houses carry on dancing classes for parents. Clubs, the 
 membership of which goes by families, and the program of which 
 includes music, talks, games, as well as dancing, are in existence at 
 a few houses. The parties which so generally go with club dram- 
 atics are participated in by adults as well as youths. Parents of 
 boys and girls affiliated with the house are in the course of a year 
 brought into relations with one another. Festivals, old home par- 
 ties. New Year's, and other holiday celebrations often bring large 
 numbers of adult neighbors of both sexes together. Under stimulus 
 of old music and traditional dances the company revives, often- 
 times with astonishing accuracy and vivre, the spirit of its own 
 youth. These red-letter events for the elders keep alive a glow 
 of fellowship among like conditioned and give recurrent evidence 
 of the settlement's reach in the neighborhood. Some efforts are 
 made to induce that sort of comradeship among young married 
 couples often so delightful a phase of life in well-to-do communi- 
 ties; but this seems to presuppose a kind of relation between men 
 and women of which, as has been suggested, even the beginnings are 
 rarely found in tenement neighborhoods. 
 
 As the settlement program broadens and deepens, coming into 
 close touch with husbands and wives in their problems of physi- 
 cal well-being, of livelihood, and of general local good, their readi- 
 ness to enter jointly as neighbors into plans combining entertain- 
 ment and sociability grows by what it feeds upon. In this number, 
 almost universally among the settlements, are at least a few 
 couples who, as club members from early childhood, have risen 
 through a full ascending scale of purposeful group life. Marriage 
 has been the culmination of happy association in varied interest 
 which brought together young men and young women. Different 
 couples who have gone through this succession of experience, 
 more or less as contemporaries, begin to constitute a convinced and 
 
 109 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ready supporting element, not only for promotion of occasional 
 liberating gatherings of younger married people, but for all that is 
 undertaken at the settlement toward the creation of a wholesome 
 and enlightened scheme, in the sense which this chapter suggests, 
 of neighborhood society. 
 
 no 
 
CHAPTER X 
 SUMMER IN THE CITY 
 
 TWENTY-FIVE years ago the attitude of many Americans 
 toward tenement neighborhoods during the summer was 
 comparable to that of an Oxford undergraduate who opened 
 conversation with a member of the Toynbee Hall Men's Club on a 
 day's outing in August by asking, "Are there many people in town 
 now?" "Only about five millions," was the laconic reply. From 
 June until October the well-to-do, and those middle-class families 
 whose comings and goings were governed by the educational year, 
 transferred their consciousness into the country. The machinery 
 of religious, educational, and philanthropic organization which they 
 controlled slowed down or stopped altogether. In the beginning, 
 settlements, with some notable exceptions, partly acquiesced in 
 this procedure. Club and class meetings were discontinued early in 
 the spring, a considerable proportion of residents left the city, and 
 there was a tendency to mark time until autumn. 
 
 Fortunately, through human interest as well as obvious duty, 
 responsible leaders stood by. They quickly became aware that 
 among the tenements summer is pre-eminently "the season." 
 Family life is transferred to windows and doorsteps. Streets and 
 particularly public squares become general evening rendezvous. 
 People visit friends and relatives, seek out popular beaches, amuse- 
 ment parks, and open-air dance halls. With endless variations 
 youth sets out on the great adventure. 
 
 The quality of geniality and expansiveness which goes with out- 
 door life offered a precious opportunity for initiation into some of 
 the freest and most spontaneous manifestations of working-class 
 sociability. Residents who paused to offer a first hesitating saluta- 
 tion at the doorstep, found the way opened to acquaintance with 
 families as families. They easily came to be on speakjng terms with 
 other households domiciled in the same or adjacent buildings. 
 9 III 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The structure of family life and of neighborly interplay took on new 
 reality in the open. Summer revealed itself an ideal time for carry- 
 ing on those forms of unconventional influence which are best im- 
 parted in the course of small talk, anecdote, and personal reminis- 
 cence. 
 
 The settlement motive of sharing experience and opportunity, 
 during seasons of extreme heat became a positive and even a pain- 
 ful actuality. The burden of high temperature, lifeless air, foul 
 odors, never-ending noise, and worst of all, the depressing sense of 
 adjacent privation, suffering, and shame was accentuated by 
 thoughts of the open country. While winter activities were in part 
 determined on the basis of reflection, the summer program sprang 
 out of downright fellow-feeling. 
 
 Several very simple forms of helpful overture directed toward 
 lessening, particularly for small children, the physical discomfort 
 of heat, were an important means of bringing residents into working 
 relations with neighbors. The affinity between children and drink- 
 ing water is proverbial. The cup having once been literally offered, 
 boys and girls congregated about the front door in continuous 
 supplication. Among the first pieces of special equipment at most 
 settlements were drinking-fountains. Young and old who drank 
 were usually ready for their part in further enterprises. Residents 
 and neighbors joined in successful overtures to civic organizations 
 and municipalities for the establishment of public fountains. 
 
 Hardly, if at all less obvious, was the necessity for bathing facili- 
 ties, with the habits that, under training, go with them. Hot, 
 dirty, uncomfortable children playing about settlement doorsteps 
 were haled in by sympathetic residents and bathed. Use of the 
 settlement tub was offered to a few neighboring women and their 
 broods. Where room could be found extra tubs were installed and 
 a small charge made to cover cost of soap and towels. The educa- 
 tional result stood out unmistakably. The habit of cleanliness is 
 most easily established at a time when its opposite is physically 
 very uncomfortable. Once the body registers its satisfaction in 
 soap and water, the momentum of an inner impulse in favor of a 
 clean skin has been created. 
 
 Difficulties experienced by children in playing games constantly 
 interrupted by traffic, and the aimlessness of that major proportion 
 
 I 12 
 
SUMMER IN THE CITY 
 
 which made no attempt at vigorbus self-expression, led residents 
 to open their back yards to small boys and girls. Swings, ham- 
 mocks, sand-piles, and simple toys were provided. Members of the 
 staff took turns in teaching games, settling quarrels, and exercising 
 that normal human interference which children not only need but 
 crave.i Children found their way into the settlement kitchens, and 
 the authorities in charge remembered the cookie-jar. Residents 
 turned envious eyes on all unused land in the neighborhood. Yards 
 and basements of schools, idle behind high fences during the hours 
 between the close of school and darkness, on Saturdays, and through- 
 out the long summer vacation, belied the fostering spirit which they 
 were supposed to embody. Trespass signs about old and disused 
 burial grounds, in the light of the crying need of children, conveyed 
 a Chinese sense of the dead crowding the living. 
 
 Among the first important undertakings of most of the settle- 
 ments was the creation of one or more good-sized semi-public play 
 spaces. Founders of East Side House, New York, laid out a half 
 acre about their fine old mansion as an athletic field, one of the 
 earliest in the United States. Residents at Hull House persuaded 
 the owner of a block of tenement property to remove the houses 
 and turn the land into a recreation ground. Possessors of vacant 
 lots granted their use to children when residents offered to grade 
 and supervise the property. Space about churches, factories, and 
 public institutions, basements of large buildings, unused docks and 
 boats, were laid hold upon as opportunity offered. Land in nearby 
 suburbs was borrowed for athletic teams. 
 
 In early appeals for playgrounds it was often intimated that if 
 only land and apparatus could be secured, children would care for 
 themselves. Experience made it clear that under city conditions 
 unsupervised spaces are merely an extension of the streets. Settle- 
 ment playgrounds became experiment stations on which to test 
 forms of open-air activity capable of producing educational results. 
 Sand-bins, swings, and material for games were provided for small 
 children, who were placed under direction of kindergarten instruc- 
 tors; while for older boys and girls there were trained leaders, 
 
 ' Rear yards continue to be maintained for the use of small children, and provide 
 for a few of them that appropriate and exclusive opportunity which the science of 
 city planning must somehow manage to make available to all. 
 
 113 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 special apparatus, and athletic leagues. At night the grounds were 
 lighted to meet the needs of employed young people for vigorous rec- 
 reation. Later progress is strikingly exemplified by such enterprise 
 as the playground city at Hiram House, Cleveland. It combines 
 training in self-government with instruction in craftswork and home- 
 making, many carefully organized forms of active games, evening 
 band concerts, and outdoor motion pictures. 
 
 Effort to make connection between open country and tenement 
 began with the birth of the settlement. Residents customarily 
 brought back wild and garden flowers from week-end visits, which 
 were distributed ambng the sick and bedridden.^ During the decade 
 of 1890 a number of houses formed committees to solicit blossoms, 
 and suburban and rural gardens were regularly drawn on. The or- 
 ganization of state and national societies to collect the flowers freed 
 settlements to attend to the work of local distribution.^ 
 
 The ethical by-products of such work were discovered to be not 
 less important than thedirect pleasureconveyed. Residents learned 
 to depend on that fairylike charm which flowers possess to clear 
 the mind, strengthen the better emotions, uplift the imagination, 
 and refine manners. Much necessary running about incident to 
 their distribution is undertaken by club members, who suggest 
 the names of sick, aged, shut-in, and especially appreciative people. 
 Children and young people thus experience a sense of participation 
 in generous service and gain a wholesome feeling of being junior col- 
 leagues with the residents. 
 
 Finely potent as is the distribution of cut blossoms, it has definite 
 limitations. The next stage in promoting the influences that go 
 with the possession of flowers is to help neighbors to raise their 
 own. Here, too, there are deep-seated instincts to count upon. 
 The impulse to grow things is almost ineradicable. A sickly gera- 
 
 ' Expansion of this motive owes much to the late Jacob Riis who, while a reporter 
 on a New York paper, brought blossoms from his garden for children who way- 
 laid him at the ferry wharf. The custom of sending flowers used in the church ser- 
 vice to sick and shut-in members of congregation and community is very old, and 
 that of asking young women's organizations of the church to be responsible for 
 gathering or procuring flowers hardly less established. Only a slight extension of 
 motive and organization was therefore needed. With characteristic human im- 
 petuosity Mr. Riis called on such societies as the King's Daughters to extend the 
 service broadly, and it quickly became a very typical religious philanthropy. 
 
 * The National Fruit and Flower Guild was organized in 1896. 
 
 114 
 
SUMMER IN THE CITY 
 
 nium. Struggling against fate in a tin can is as much a standard 
 tenement furnishing as palm, rubber plant, or fern in middle-class 
 living room. The window box, sold with loam and a choice of seeds, 
 brings to children an instance of that dramatic suspense and disci- 
 pline in patience which work with plants affords. 1 1 likewise makes 
 an appeal all its own to country-bred parents. In certain neighbor- 
 hoods so considerable a share of householders display window 
 boxes that for several months streets take on an almost festive air. 
 Thus the people of the locality, having bought at a common source 
 and compared experience and results, have a fresh sense of the 
 possibilities of collective action.* } 
 
 In a few cities the creation of flower and vegetable gardens in 
 rear yards has been encouraged. Unfortunately, private rights in 
 produce are so highly uncertain that truck gardens have not had the 
 success they theoretically deserve. Strangely enough, however, 
 the instinct for common land makes it possible to establish school 
 and community gardens with a much greater measure of good re- 
 sult. Ground is borrowed, an instructor secured, and small plots 
 assigned to individual children or to households. Neighbors find 
 in the tilled plot a common interest, and an additional focus is 
 created about which community consciousness may form.* 
 
 Acquaintance with child life in the tenements revealed to resi- 
 dents the hazard which follows the sudden discontinuance of regu- 
 lar school routine. Dowered with a wealth of leisure beyond 
 profitable use even from their own point of view, children ran wild 
 and sought mischief as a relief from idleness of mind and hand. The 
 vacation so earnestly desired in the spring became a burden before 
 September. Some form of enterprise that not only reduced the 
 risk of demoralization but offered a wholesome and happy outlet 
 for child activity was called for. Since attendance would be vol- 
 untary, occupations must be attractive and be directed by teachers 
 who could accentuate their appeal. An extra term of kindergarten 
 work was arranged for small children, and handwork, spiced with 
 music, entertainments, and picnics for the preadolescent child.' 
 
 ' See Appendix, p. 412, Note III. — Window-Box Gardening. 
 2 See Appendix, p. 413, Note IV. — Vacant Lot and School Gardens. 
 ' The pioneer vacation school in the United States was started in the old First 
 Church of Boston in 1866. Later, Providence, Newark, and New York all tried the 
 
 115 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The settlement summer school put into form a variety of departures 
 in matter and method of instruction; brought residents definitely 
 into counsel with a considerable group of parents; and surprised 
 children with the discovery that school and pastime, teacher and 
 playmate, are not mutually exclusive ideas.^ 
 
 With the achievement of specially designed settlement buildings, 
 roof gardens became an increasing resource. Situated above street 
 sights, smells, and noises, these aeries enable children to enjoy the 
 fascination of a prospect over ranges of roofs, increase their sense 
 for topography and its historical and more immediate associations, 
 and afford a little better acquaintance with the sky. During the 
 day the garden is set apart for ailing babies, for kindergarten, or 
 for quiet games followed by a story hour. The various methods 
 through which flowers and even vegetables are grown to make the 
 roof a garden, become matters of keen common interest among a 
 large circle. 
 
 Thus, after long experience, settlements find themselves able to 
 maintain a series of group interests during hot weather sufficiently 
 varied to provide for most of the preadolescent children in the im- 
 mediate neighborhood. Such a program requires some form of 
 kindergarten, a vacation school, a playground with a large-scale 
 scheme of educational play and properly directed athletic contests.* 
 
 That an equal recreative scheme for working boys and girls must 
 also be devised has gradually become evident. Physical relaxation 
 in warm weather and its almost inevitable accompaniment of low- 
 ered capacity for moral response, together with suspension of all 
 
 experiment. It was not until 1895, however, that the idea began to spread to other 
 cities. See Appendix, p. 413, Note V. — Vacation Schools. 
 
 1 During the past fifteen years parents in well-conditioned localities have begun 
 to ask that schools dismiss earlier in June and begin later in September that children 
 might have the advantage of a longer stay in the country. In working-class locali- 
 ties the instinct of parents is in the opposite direction. Settlements in several 
 communities have given expression to this desire by protesting against projects 
 to reduce the school year. 
 
 * An original and interesting scheme of this sort was devised in the summer of 
 1907 by Dr. James H. Hamilton, headworker of University Settlement in New 
 York. Six large clubs were formed, called after days of the week. Three were for 
 boys and three for girls. No limit was placed on the size of the club, every applicant 
 being registered without question. Each club met for practically the whole morn- 
 ing, and the program included a lesson in calisthenics followed by a bath; a club 
 meeting, made as entertaining and instructive as possible; and a motion picture 
 show as a closing event. This last attraction kept up attendance and carried other 
 portions of the scheme. 
 
 116 
 
SUMMER IN THE CITY 
 
 opportunities for sociability under restraint at the precise! moment 
 when association is most desired, constitute in themselves a series 
 of positive, if unwitting, calls for assistance. Added to these dan- 
 gers is the fact that the romantic suggestions of spring and summer 
 are thoroughly exploited by commercial amusement resorts. 
 
 Settlement residents have learned that the craving of young 
 people for purposeful association is not an exclusively cold weather 
 phenomenon. The unrest that precedes discontinuance of class and 
 club work was found to be more induced than real. Groups of boys 
 and young men continued to gather in the gymnasium at certain 
 times for exercise and talk. It was not the desire for association 
 that was affected by the season but its forms. 
 
 Slowly, but very surely, a series of activities were developed to 
 meet the special dangers, without and within, which beset youth. 
 Once playground privileges for children had been secured, several 
 houses planted their rear yards with shrubs and flowers for use of 
 young people and adults. Open-air concerts, planned and im- 
 promptu, were frequent, the audience on such occasions being 
 limited only by window capacity.' 
 
 Desire to meet perils connected with unsupervised summer 
 dancing induced several settlements to provide semi-public dances 
 either within doors or on a platform in the open air, undertakings 
 successful only when accompanied by exceptional supervision and 
 positive and responsible support by a strong nucleus of neighbor- 
 hood young people. Experience gained from these ventures makes 
 clear beyond doubt that the moral welfare of young life in any 
 community can only with great difficulty be safeguarded at even 
 the best managed public dances. As a partial foil to such attrac- 
 tions the plan of keeping open house one or two evenings a week for 
 girls, and an equal number for boys, known to residents, has been 
 adopted at some of the houses. One evening a week both boys 
 
 1 Settlements have occasionally given band concerts on special occasions such as 
 the opening of small neighborhood parks. Several settlements offer weekly band 
 concerts and picture shows on the local playground. Greenwich House, during 
 seven or eight years, provided an outdoor concert in front of the settlement on 
 Saturday evenings. Auditors gathered from all about the neighborhood. Children 
 danced in the street and the young people on the smoother floor of the settlement 
 house. The custom had finally to be given up because roughs from other com- 
 munities congregated and made it difficult to keep order. Since 1918 it is 
 becoming a custom for orchestras connected with settlement music schools and 
 departments to conduct a summer series of outdoor concerts. 
 
 117 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 and girls are invited to meet together. Clubs for adolescent young 
 people, at a rapidly growing proportion of houses, are organized 
 on a twelve-month basis.' 
 
 Along with the work of building up a summer scheme of whole- 
 some educational recreation within the neighborhood goes organi- 
 zation of day outings. To most settlement workers a poignant 
 ^ deprivation of tenement life is its isolation from the engaging, har- 
 monizing, and inspiriting influences of nature, and from the high 
 stimulation of a green and growing world. Pioneers who made a 
 point of taking groups of young people on excursions to beaches 
 and summer resorts remember with peculiar pleasure that they 
 cemented lasting ties under such genial conditions. Practically all 
 settlements arrange one or more outings under supervision of resi- 
 dents or volunteers for each of the various clubs and classes, and to 
 mothers, infants, and small children oflFer a summer-long series. 
 A number of houses also organize an annual neighborhood picnic 
 or field day, patterned on the excursions so distinctive of local 
 churches and political bodies. An important educational advan- 
 tage of settlement outings is the experience which participants 
 acquire of city recreational resources. Working people are often 
 ignorant of all but the most advertised commercial resorts and 
 public parks. The quieter places, if known, are neglected because 
 they are supposed to be dull. In this matter as in others a last 
 fruit of intelligence is both to desire the best and to go forth and 
 seek it. 
 
 The other side of the story is the failure of responsible community 
 leaders to advertise outing resources and to interpret the pleasurable 
 experiences they oflFer in a way to attract wage-earners. Settle- 
 ments have made a beginning by passing the word about with re- 
 spect to such opportunities, and by piloting selected groups to new 
 places. An essential part of this work is, by spirited comment on 
 the part of the leader, to prepare people emotionally to understand 
 and take advantage of the finer kinds of outings. The great ma- 
 jority desires to be reinforced in its opinions; it craves an accom- 
 paniment to action not unlike the chorus in a Greek drama. 
 
 Many settlements supplement their day expeditions by assemb- 
 
 1 University Settlement in New York kept the house open as early as the sum- 
 mer of 1894. 
 
 118 
 
SUMMER IN THE CITY 
 
 ling groups to take advantage of the boat rides and excursions 
 provided by newspapers and fresh-air societies. Others refuse to 
 distribute tickets or make up parties unless a full complement of 
 leaders chosen by the settlement accompanies those selected. 
 There is always possibility that unchaperoned children and young 
 people may come into touch with lurking sources of evil, the in- 
 fluence of which easily outweighs any gain to health or any incre- 
 ment of happiness. 
 
 A number of houses solicit the use at stated intervals of carriages 
 or automobiles in which aged and infirm are driven to city parks. 
 A few have regular use of a carryall for crippled children. While 
 effort of this sort is not large in bulk it is a real and satisfying 
 element in neighborhood organization. The goodwill of the com- 
 munity concedes the desirability of some slightly luxurious recre- 
 ation to brighten the specially hard conditions of hampered age or 
 childhood. 
 
 The best day outing, according to settlement opinion, cuts across 
 class lines and enlarges the experience of all who participate by 
 making them acquainted with other types of individual, family, 
 and community life.^ Pioneers hoped that the English custom 
 whereby owners of country estates offered the hospitality of their 
 grounds to city dwellers might be substantially duplicated. 
 Though these expectations have been realized only in part, the re- 
 sponse of college societies, women's clubs, church organizations, 
 and informal suburban and village groups has been generous. 
 Hospitality offered year after year by the same hosts and enjoyed 
 by the same guests holds people of varied fortune together. Many 
 men and women among the professional and business classes through 
 this means have gained an increased sense of underlying kinship 
 with working people and are more ready on occasion to make 
 common cause with them. The tenement family on its part, as 
 various members enter into this heritage of hospitality, comes to 
 have one more delightful and unifying experience. Fellow club 
 members and neighbors, with this experience in common, find 
 
 1 Northwestern University Settlement, Chicago, in 1902, tried the experiment of 
 sending boys to act as caddies on a suburban golf links. The boys thus spent the 
 day out of doors, made a little money, and came into contact with men who some- 
 times helped them to get a start in industry. After several years the scheme was 
 given up because the settlement was not in a position to exercise proper supervision. 
 
 119 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 that it draws them together and makes the city neighborhood, in 
 this degree, more coherent. 
 
 The experience of three decades in meeting problems of the hot 
 months in tenement neighborhoods has transformed the attitude 
 of the settlement. The summer is now regarded as a time for 
 gathering up results of the winter's work and for starting new 
 forms of enterprise. Schools, sports, and outings afford stimula- 
 ting opportunities to test new educational ideas and methods. 
 Casual clues discovered by residents and club leaders in regard to 
 the desires, aims, and capacity of the people are restudied and 
 sifted. Above all, participation between parents, children, and 
 club leaders in the co-operative intimacy of parties and outings 
 creates a genuine and pervasive flux of understanding. 
 
 120 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 COUNTRY VACATION CENTERS 
 
 WHEN the original settlements approached the problem 
 of their first summer they found themselves in a certain 
 community of interest with fresh-air societies which 
 had been providing vacations for some local children. Residents 
 sought such privileges for members of their own classes, and in 
 many instances accompanied groups to assigned vacation houses or 
 farms. But the instinctive desire for a scheme more personal in 
 its care of health, its organization of recreation, and its associated 
 activity than that provided by centrally organized fresh-air socie- 
 ties early led them to establish rural resorts of their own. Where 
 large numbers are cared for, individuals inevitably are taken more 
 or less at hazard. Additional members are sometimes introduced 
 at the last moment into carefully formed groups. Occasionally the 
 sending agency is not aware of undesirable changes which have 
 taken place in moral standards prevailing at recommended places 
 in the country. Or children coming from the better homes of a 
 neighborhood are lonely and lost among the rougher element. 
 
 The settlement vacation house, demanding relatively high 
 standards of cleanliness and manners from prospective guests and 
 charging fees closely approximating cost of food, has much of the 
 quality of an experiment in consumers co-operation. Difficulties 
 were not lacking in the stage of establishment.^ Parents accus- 
 tomed to send their children to the country through existing agen- 
 cies hesitated to pay for what they had never thought of as a pos- 
 sible charge on income. Families, more self-sustaining, who also 
 
 ' A few settlements have organized and developed large-scale camps similar to 
 those maintained by newspaper and other fresh-air societies. Such camps draw 
 their constituency from all over the city and hardly come within the range of the 
 distinctive neighborhood ventures of the typical settlement. Most of them, how- 
 ever, have incorporated something of the settlement method of payment and super- 
 vision. The most important among such camps is Lillian Home, maintamed by 
 Kingsley House, Pittsburgh. 
 
 121 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 had a limited sense of the meaning to children of a taste of rural 
 life, recoiled at first from what had been associated in their minds 
 with charity. Gradually through actual test of experience, the 
 first mentioned parents have learned to find privilege and reward 
 in meeting a substantial share of the expenses for an outing; the 
 others, meeting all essential costs, have, in the main, gradually 
 come to be loyal adherents of the settlement vacation scheme. In 
 fact it soon appeared that boys and girls themselves, given a sense 
 of personal stake in the vacation center and moved by the con- 
 tagious enthusiasm of clubmates, easily contrive with the help of 
 parents to save money enough for the adventure. During July and 
 August, the run on stamp-savings banks furnishes a warm weather 
 counterpart of the Christmas withdrawal. ' 
 
 Preparations for the outing period which go on both at the settle- 
 ment and in the homes have an exceptional and far-reaching in- 
 fluence. Nature study and camp cooking classes are formed in 
 early spring, and typical phenomena of the countryside about the 
 vacation center are explained and commented upon. Excursions 
 are made to near rural resorts. The necessity of talking over 
 finances, clothing, cleanliness, medical care, time and place of de- 
 parture and return, general regulations and personal duties at the 
 country house, give residents a kind of leverage both with children 
 and parents which hardly develops in any other phase of their 
 work. Meetings of mothers are held to explain the reasons for 
 various rulings about clothing and regimen. Each prospective 
 camper is examined by physician or trained nurse, and neglected 
 ailments or uncleanliness debars until conditions are remedied. 
 Thus before the vacation begins and quite aside from what it may 
 
 ' Charge for the summer outing varies according to the city, house, and expense 
 of running the plant. It is a general aim that charges shall cover cost of food and 
 service exclusive of supervision. A few houses reduce costs to guests by paying for 
 work they do in the garden or about the place. The following rates per week are 
 based on a large number of cases and represent pre-war prices. They do not include 
 the cost of transportation: 
 
 Free 
 
 $1.00 
 
 1. 00-1.50 
 1.00-2.00 
 2.00-2.50 
 2.50-4.50 
 3.50-5.00 
 
 122 
 
 Babies 
 
 
 
 Children under 
 
 6 
 
 years 
 
 Children, 
 
 6- 
 
 -10 years 
 
 Children, 
 
 10-12 years 
 
 Children, 
 
 12- 
 
 -16 years 
 
 Young people, 
 
 16- 
 
 -21 years 
 
 Adults 
 
 
 
COUNTRY VACATIOl*! CENTERS 
 
 later mean in itself, fresh interests are cultivated, higher sanctions 
 of conduct adopted, and a more downright responsibility assumed 
 for health and well-being.* 
 
 Settlement vacation centers in point of actual layout and admin- 
 istration are of three types. A few houses provide special camps 
 in different localities for each of three or four age and sex groups. ^ 
 The majority, however, maintain a single camp, to which children, 
 young people, and adults go in succession. A small number of 
 settlements are in possession bf a sizable estate upon which are 
 separate houses and camps for various groups. These three forms 
 of equipment subdivide again with respect to continuance of tenure. 
 The permanent establishment has very decided advantages over a 
 base changed from time to time, although experience has shown 
 that the part of wisdom is to go through a preliminary stage be- 
 fore making final decisions.' 
 
 There are several attitudes toward the practical side of vacation 
 house organization. One group of settlements favors making the 
 camp as simple and inexpensive as possible. The main thing, they 
 believe, is to get people into the country; conditions at camp are 
 incidental and are considered mainly with the dominant end in 
 view. Shelter consists of rough shacks, with not too much attention 
 to sanitation. The enterprise is purposely kept extremely primitive. 
 
 In contrast with this point of view, a small group of houses en- 
 deavors to reproduce a type of home life in the country which 
 approximates the American standard of living. Buildings are well 
 constructed and cared for and the tone of association is kept high. 
 
 ' Most houses distribute printed or typewritten lists of necessary articles of 
 clothing, directions for reaching the vacation house, the requirements of the camp, 
 and suggestions concerning the order and spirit. 
 
 ^ The problem of the sexes in arranging summer vacations is a serious one. The 
 most pronounced tendency is to send boys and girls to separate places, or if to the 
 same place, at separate times, though this rule is not invariable. A few houses as a 
 matter of policy send groups of older young people of both sexes to camp at the same 
 time, with strict oversight and chaperonage. 
 
 ' Settlements have made some interesting experiments with unusual types of 
 property; one adapted the grounds and buildings of an agricultural association; 
 another a mansion on a municipal reserve; others have utilized stores or other large 
 buildings. Hull House for several years conducted a summer school in buildings of 
 Rockford Academy. The term lasted six weeks, instruction being furnished by 
 academy teachers and University Extension lecturers. A few persons have opened 
 their homes to settlement groups; and a number of settlement boys' clubs have 
 been the guests of a boys' camp connected with an academy or preparatory school. 
 
 123 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 A third group, and the largest, takes a midway course. Equip- 
 ment corresponds to that of the average lower middle-class sum- 
 mer resort, sanitation is carefully guarded, and as much distinction 
 as possible given to the tone of group life. 
 
 The fact that the settlement seeks the full advantage to be 
 gainecj from association within the group and between members 
 and leaders, naturally conditions the organization of the vacation 
 cente'r. Wherever possible a tried and responsible resident is in 
 charge, with an assistant for every ten visitors. Care is taken that 
 at least one leader shall have known nearly all the guests in their 
 city background; very often a regular director of winter clubs is in 
 attendance. The atmosphere of the camp is thus analogous partly 
 to that of a friendly boarding house and partly to that of a school 
 camp managed by cultivated men and women who are in some 
 measure hosts and hostesses. 
 
 For the purpose of the settlement it is a vitally important fact 
 that club directors attain a wholly different stage of insight and in- 
 fluence at the country center. Young guests, under the emotional 
 impression of a strange yet appealing world, are at first nearly al- 
 ways homesick. Regarded previously as of another and perhaps 
 a somewhat alien order, the host suddenly turns out to be to them 
 the one adult who is near and dear. They become susceptible and 
 confidential to a degree. The relation is a stirring one to all con- 
 cerned; and when a happy return home is made, the system for 
 which the settlement stands is seen with new eyes and with some 
 measure of convinced appreciation. 
 
 The uncohscious training in order and cleanliness, in good man- 
 ners and kindly service, which goes on through unaffected expres- 
 sion of the director's personal standards, is an important part of 
 the results of camp life. Old and tried rules of human intercourse 
 are seen as more than a stiff veneer for special occasions ; they justify 
 themselves on a working basis. As members of a given club eat 
 and sleep and work together day after day, they try out one an- 
 other in a variety of new ways and with a certain intensity not 
 attainable in the city. Increased goodwill makes itself felt there- 
 after in all the ordinary relationships of life. So true is this that 
 the settlement as a training school in personal and group relations is 
 having perhaps its completest measure of fulfilment in the country. 
 
 124 
 
COUNTRY VACATION CENTERS 
 
 The settlement camp, like an army, moves on its stomach. The 
 majority of houses plant gardens which supply small fruits and 
 vegetables.' The menu, dressing of the table, conversation while 
 eating, are planned to exemplify a stimulating standard of living; 
 while among guests, the articles of food provided, methods of 
 cooking, and quantity placed upon the table receive a degree of 
 attention both penetrating and sustained. 
 
 Although the time of children and young people should be or- 
 ganized, almost all camp leaders believe that too much can be done 
 in this direction. Visitors should have some free hours at their dis- 
 posal to fill from their own resources. Picnics, walks and berrying 
 parties, field days, and entertainments are favorite recreations. 
 Some camps provide a simple course in nature study. A number of 
 houses have swimming and wading pools ; a few are in possession 
 of boats and vehicles. 
 
 The season at most vacation camps is opened by kindergarten 
 children and mothers. Certain settlements transfer the kinder- 
 garten, with all its teachers and as many mothers as possible, into 
 the country for the last ten days of June. Nature work is carried 
 out under ideal conditions, mothers are trained in some of the 
 simpler procedure of the kindergarten, the life of the camp is made 
 an object lesson in care of children. A few settlements have 
 country houses which are reserved for babies, small children, and 
 their mothers. Boys' groups and girls' groups between the ages of 
 seven and twelve years are usually sent to the vacation house sep- 
 arately, and often alternately. Children in this stage need con- 
 stant fostering care and oversight, and the director of children's 
 work at the settlement usually accompanies them. 
 
 As boys and girls approach adolescence, camp procedure accom- 
 modates itself to their increased physical powers. Boys eagerly 
 crave a suggestion of wild freedom and rough adventure which goes 
 with life in a tent or shack. By dividing camp work among them 
 the per capita cost is materially reduced and the problem of disci- 
 pline more easily met. I n many cases, under the stimulus of direct 
 
 ' During the war a number of settlements planted considerable areas to root 
 crops, which were in large part cultivated by the visitors. Excess fruits and green 
 vegetables were canned. Both winter vegetables and canned goods were later sold 
 to neighbors. 
 
 125 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 contact with nature, boys take readily not only to chores but to the 
 rudiments of camp cookery. A settlement often, therefore, carries 
 on a separate camp for boys even when it owns a country house. 
 New sites are selected from time to time both to meet the boys' de- 
 sire for untried places and because of the changed control of land. 
 A few houses, however, have permanently located boys' camps, 
 with well built shacks and a regulation camping outfit. 
 
 Particularly for boys, the two-weeks' vacation period represents 
 a lower limit imposed by necessity rather than in any sense an ade- 
 quate time unit. Various means have been devised for lengthening 
 the period without making the cost prohibitive to parents. Several 
 settlements conduct "travel camps," the boys walking through 
 mountains or other interesting country finding their expenses by 
 giving shows or picking fruit. The director of clubs accompanies 
 the hikers, supervises their occupation, and organizes recreation. 
 
 Hale House, Boston, has for twenty years, through the interest of 
 one of its trustees, cared for an "all summer" squad of boys who 
 show mental or moral promise, in the belief that their vacation is 
 an investment toward larger future usefulness. A certain number 
 of delicate boys are always included. The camp is organized under 
 the best military standards. A bunk house is so arranged that 
 campers sleep practically in the open; while a shack can be con- 
 verted into a rainy-day dining and lounging room. Leaders selected 
 from recent graduates at the universities are in charge. Careful re- 
 cords are kept of physical and moral progress. These, confirmed 
 by later results, show that the all-summer outing is a highly im- 
 portant agency for bringing tenement house boys to a distinctly 
 new outlook on life. 
 
 An all-sumiher plan which lightens the problem of financial sup- 
 port has been developed by South End House, Boston, which since 
 1907 has supplied caddies for several hotels in the White Mountains. 
 The boys earn their expenses and a varying money bonus. Leaders 
 devote themselves to managing the camp, overseeing boys on the 
 links, consulting with players in the boys' interest, carefully super- 
 vising financial relations, arranging sports, entertainments, and 
 whatever may conduce to make the summer beneficial. The fruits 
 of this work are seen in a distinctly better set-up and more manly 
 type of neighborhood youth and young man, in an enlightened 
 
 126 
 
COUNTRY VACATION CENTERS 
 
 gang loyalty which has been instrumental in developing a more 
 unified neighborhood spirit and a more responsive citizenship. 
 
 When settlements came on the scene thirty years ago, young 
 men's political and social clubs occasionally hired a week-end shack 
 at one of the nearby summer resorts. Settlement clubs of older 
 boys and men sometimes maintain headquarters of this sort, and 
 they evince an increasing tendency to offer hospitality to toys, or 
 even to manage a camp for the younge^ generation. In a few in- 
 stances, houses in possession of a large tract of land allow young 
 men 's clubs to set up shacks of their own. On the whole, however, 
 organization of vacation outings for members of this age group has 
 not proceeded far. Some form of week-end camp at a not too great 
 distance from the city and with accommodations that permit in- 
 termittent coming and going, seems the best provision for working 
 youths, and a few settlements have undertaken to provide such 
 camps. 
 
 Separate vacation centers for girls and young women are not un- 
 common. Where capacity of the settlement 's single country house 
 is limited, it is likely to be reserved for children and their mothers. 
 Several settlements so situated are in possession of a camp devoted 
 to school girls. Guests are usually in charge of the director of girls ' 
 work, assisted by various club leaders. Living arrangements are 
 kept as simple and wholesome as possible, with insistent emphasis 
 on lively outdoor activities. 
 
 Young working girls are not very enthusiastic over a resort point- 
 edly organized to meet needs of parents and children. Imbued with 
 orthodox doctrine about the inherent rights and powers of the 
 "summer girl," they have an eye turned toward adventure and 
 even seek to create it if it does not appear. The city girl benefits 
 most from holidays in which she experiences nature in its more 
 primitive aspects, while they also meet her natural demand for 
 variety, romance, and excitement. The problem of the chance 
 male acquaintance is an ever-present one, and often means that a 
 new location must be found. Certain settlements fall in with the 
 girls' demand for novelty by hiring cottages at different resorts 
 from year to year. An increasing number of older girls' clubs rent 
 and manage cottages within easy reach of the city. One of the 
 
 10 127 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 girls' mothers or a neighbor is in charge, the settlement merely as- 
 sisting with advice and some slight degree of supervision. 
 
 A few settlements reserve cottages for families. In several in- 
 stances the women's club leases a house and members go in rotation. 
 A considerable measure of success has attended the few experiments 
 of this sort. Wherever possible, the settlement encourages families 
 to seek out their own vacation places. Boarding houses in the 
 vicinity of the camp are drawn upon to care for parents of club 
 members. 
 
 The most interesting type of plant provides adequate land and 
 equipment for different age and sex groups. Return to the same 
 place season after season gives in a high degree a sense of participa- 
 tion in the natural life of the country. Working people are thus 
 enabled to experience some of the satisfactions which more pros- 
 perous classes seek through long-continued residence at summer 
 homes. Absorption of the chief characteristics of a country land- 
 scape, ability to join freely with family and friends in a different 
 mode of life, the sharing of new and vital customs, are certainly 
 among the most profoundly influential of all human experiences. 
 
 Home life, too, receives valuable reinforcement. Mothers and 
 children are enabled to take a vacation together, and where the 
 country house is within easy reach of the city, fathers participate 
 during week ends. Fresh effort toward reciprocal forbearance is 
 necessary where members of the family meet together under 
 strange conditions. The fact that parents, brothers, and sisters 
 have had the same stock of enlivening interests creates a fund of 
 memories which continues to refresh and reinforce the common 
 sentiments of the home. 
 
 As the proportion of people in a city community attached to a 
 vacation center increases, the content of experience becomes 
 richer both for individuals and neighborhood; and the readiness of 
 both to do their part becomes unmistakable. Women's clubs 
 contribute funds for house linen, dishes, cooking equipment, and 
 sometimes provide for children who could not otherwise be in- 
 cluded. Boys' and girls' clubs combine to raise money with which 
 to finance improvements such as a water system, a wading pool, or 
 play apparatus. Substantial pledges of work and funds are likely 
 to be made in connection with reunions of vacation groups during 
 
 128 
 
COUNTRY VACATION CENTERS 
 
 the winter. Wherever possible, fall and spring week-end parties to 
 the country centers are arranged.' 
 
 Relations of leaders and guests with rural life at the permanent 
 country house are often mutually helpful. The settlement some- 
 times lends a hand in developing community interests of a nearby 
 village through organizing entertainments, helping to secure a 
 visiting nurse, a recreation center, or some other public need.^ 
 
 The effort to create a country home for the house membership is 
 in many settlements accompanied by attempts to outline a program 
 of vacation opportunity for the neighborhood at large.' The prac- 
 ticability of a plan so comprehensive depends, in any particular in- 
 stance, on the thoroughness with which residents know the locality, 
 the resources of the settlement, and the variety and efficiency of 
 city fresh-air agencies. A number of houses endeavor to make sure 
 that as many school children as possible, without regard to whether 
 they are enrolled in clubs and classes, are offered the opportunity to 
 go away either to the settlement vacation center or to places pro- 
 vided by fresh-air societies. When the settlement staff seeks the 
 aid of other agencies it commonly assumes responsibility for the se- 
 lection of candidates, for their preliminary physical examination, 
 their cleanliness, and the adequacy of their wardrobe. Parents are 
 encouraged to take the initiative in seeking vacation opportunity 
 for their children and in meeting all necessary conditions, a proce- 
 dure which, though at first expensive in time and effort, is justified 
 in a higher standard of life. Where hospital camps are available, 
 
 ' Among camps which deserve special mention are those maintained by College 
 Settlement, New York; Hiram House, Cleveland; Hull House, Chicago; Hudson 
 Guild, New York. 
 
 *Thus, Yorktown House of Henry Street Settlement has taken the lead in 
 arranging entertainments, the proceeds of which are used to maintain the district 
 nurse, and in community improvements of various sorts. 
 
 ' While it is undeniable that all neighborhoods should have the advantage of a 
 thoroughgoing organization of country work, the limitation of settlement resources 
 does not generally permit it. Certain houses confine themselves to providing for 
 those registered in clubs and classes, and make no effort to arrange vacations for 
 children not -enrolled. Where a selection within the house membership has to be 
 made, certain settlements take the sickly or anemic children; others make the 
 choice dependent on conduct at clubs and classes; in most instances the exigencies 
 of each season determine who shall go. A few houses find the neighborhood prob- 
 lems within the city so engrossing that they have energy to send away only the sick. 
 Day trips, care of a playground and summer school, the problems of the child out 
 of school, study of the local situation with a view to its betterment, absorb all 
 available strength. 
 
 129 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 their skilled care is solicited for convalescent, anemic, and handi- 
 capped children. Such accommodation even in the largest cities is 
 still far below demand. 
 
 Settlements see in the result of vacation work, even on the side of 
 finance, an opening toward a really engaging and productive type 
 of associated action. Nearly all young people and many adults 
 find their powers more thoroughly stimulated and tested in rec- 
 reations than in other aspects of life. Here lies the opportunity 
 to use momentum that comes of joint effort as a starting point to- 
 ward only dimly glimpsed objects of desire. The contribution, at 
 this point, of initiative and leadership on the part of educated men 
 and^women is among the most genuine reinforcements which they 
 may bring to working-class life. 
 
 130 
 
Ill 
 
 CULTURE AND REALITY 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 EDUCATIONAL APPROACH 
 
 THE strictly educational aspects and possibilities of clubs 
 were not at first apprehended. They were held to provide 
 a positive and indispensable alternative to the glare of front 
 and the gloom of back streets, and to afford a measure of undiluted 
 joy with which slightly to tinge a drab environment. The range of 
 educational opportunity, aside from that covered by the public 
 schools, seemed therefore to fall into certain limited periods. These 
 were: the half decade between entrance upon work and marriage; 
 afternoons and evenings of school boys and girls; and the years 
 between three and six. 
 
 In their search for an educational method sufficiently human 
 to confront each child as an outreaching personality, flexible 
 enough to allow emphasis on obviously needed forms of training, 
 and adequate to establish living ties with home and neighborhood, 
 early residents turned to the kindergarten.^ Kindergarten ex- 
 ponents, on their part, were quick to appreciate the profound rein- 
 forcement which settlements offer to educators. Acquaintance with 
 local affairs, understanding of the child's world which comes from 
 varied participation in family concerns and from co-operation with 
 other social workers, afford invaluable reassurance to the teacher 
 who seeks to be a creative artist in life. Heads of several kindergar- 
 ten training schools entered into affiliation with settlements; in a 
 few instances normal classes were established in neighborhood cen- 
 ters. Associations of kindergartners founded settlements orfinanced 
 kindergartens, and a large number of individual teachers were 
 generous with time and service as volunteers. It is conversely a 
 significant fact that Mrs. Quincy Shaw, pioneer in bringing about 
 assumption of kindergartens by public authorities in Boston, once 
 
 ' The first settlement kindergarten was opened in January, 1887, at Neighbor- 
 hood Guild, and practically all settlements have maintained one or more kinder- 
 gartens during at least part of their careers. 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 this result was secured, began a process which converted her former 
 kindergarten centers into settlements. 
 
 Kindergartens under public auspices have increased in such 
 numbers since 1900 that there are many neighborhoods with ade- 
 quate provision for all children. In these localities the settlement 
 relinquishes or transfers its groups. Where public school classes 
 are still insufficient it continues to maintain its own kindergarten. 
 In general, while every neighborhood house studiously avoids even 
 the appearance of competition with the public system, there are 
 substantial reasons for continuing kindergartens until the neighbor- 
 hood need is fully met.* Such classes represent an important means 
 of approach to the family on the part of a group of educators, who 
 will then continuously and in varied ways remain in friendly rela- 
 tion with its members. They serve as experiment stations for 
 trying out projects such as the visiting kindergartner, summer 
 nursery, and playground kindergartens. Aside from direct practical 
 considerations, there is a peculiar unity between the Froebel system 
 of thought and that which has taken form in settlements as the re- 
 sult of their way of laying hold on life. 
 
 In much the same spirit settlements were among the first to turn 
 with hopeful interest to Maria Montessori's experiments in arous- 
 ing the little child's inner interest and training him in self-directed 
 activity. Residents desired to secure the benefit of such instruction 
 for children of their neighborhoods; and as far as possible to make 
 use of the assured results of the new method in their educational 
 enterprises for older children and young people. Montessori associ- 
 ations in several large cities have established houses of childhood 
 in connection with settlements. 
 
 Even before settlements had resources with which to install so 
 ambitious an educational project as a kindergarten, households 
 commonly pooled their books, solicited additions from friends, and 
 raised money to buy volumes which seemed especially desirable. 
 Founders believed that masterpieces of literature should be made 
 a common possession; that good books should be an integral part 
 both of the accustomed environment and intercourse they were 
 setting out to create. 1 1 was with the loan of a book that early resi- 
 
 ' In a few instances settlements house a public school kindergarten under their 
 own roof. 
 
 132 
 
EDUCATrONAL APPROACH 
 
 dents cemented some of their first acquaintanceships with children 
 and adolescents. The majority of houses shortly came into posses- 
 sion of a small but carefully selected lending library, the resources 
 of which, known and loved, were talked over and passed on with 
 full conviction. 
 
 As the collection increased, a number of forms of library exten- 
 sion were devised. Local schools, churches, and clubs were sought 
 out, and volumes of special interest placed at their disposal. Books 
 for supplementary reading recommended by teachers of neighbor- 
 hood public schools were secured, and exhibits illustrative of class 
 work in literature, history, geography, and science placed on view. 
 Sub-stations of the settlement library were opened on playgrounds 
 and in summer camps. Home and block libraries, each of which in- 
 cluded a reading club based on the plan outlined by Charles W. 
 Birtwell, of the Children's Aid Society of Boston, were formed. ^ 
 
 Branches of the public library, which have increased greatly in 
 number since 1905, have made it possible for some settlements in 
 large cities altogether to discontinue systematic lending of books. 
 Many houses, however, still maintain their collection for the pur- 
 pose of luring into the habit of reading those children and adults 
 who have not yet learned to seek the public library. Two devices 
 are common and successful. One works on the instinct of posses- 
 sion. Classes in technical and artistic subjects are induced to raise 
 money with which to purchase works of reference. Women's 
 clubs frequently vote sums with which to buy books on topics con- 
 nected with household management and the care of children. 
 
 The other appeal is by means of group suggestion. Boys and 
 girls who have recoiled from school readers are reconciled to the 
 library through story hours, exhibits, and entertainments. By a 
 variety of means, such as open shelves, display of attractive illus- 
 trations, decking good books in engaging wrappers, posting the 
 names of children who have read certain volumes, boys and girls 
 are introduced to a few of the varied resources of literature. Some 
 settlement librarians make a practice of visiting the homes of their 
 young clients; this connection is further followed up by club leaders. 
 
 ' The first home library was established in January, 1887. The emphasis of the 
 plan on locality, the natural group based on house and block fellowship and spirited 
 adult leadership, was fundamentally sound and anticipated settlement experience. 
 
 •33 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 In due time the child is referred to the local branch of the public 
 library, some member of the settlement signing the required guar- 
 antee. 
 
 Story-telling is the great resource for encouragement of good 
 reading on the part of children. In the beginning almost a specialty 
 of settlements, this modern minstrelsy was ere long taken up by 
 progressive public library administrators as an effective means of 
 increasing circulation in their children's departments. It con- 
 tinues to be pursued systematically at many settlements as perhaps 
 the most important cultural influence, both direct and indirect, 
 which can be brought to bear upon preadolescent children. 
 
 The motive of bringing the university to the tenements was 
 strong at all houses established before 1895. Classes were offered 
 in grammar, mathematics, rhetoric, the languages, literature, his- 
 tory, government, political economy, sociology, constitutional law, 
 drawing, painting, modeling, history of art, biology, chemistry, and 
 many other subjects. Hull House and Denison House anticipated 
 the work of university extension in their cities, and attracted 
 specially alert and earnest young people from different working- 
 class neighborhoods. 
 
 The spirit and technique developed in these classes had a pro- 
 found influence on the educational work of settlements. The 
 nepessity of presenting the course so as to hold the attention of 
 young people employed during the day, led to innovations both in 
 class organization and subject matter. Instructors endeavored to 
 put truth in forms to win adepts to the good and beautiful ; to make 
 acquisition of knowledge a zestful pursuit. The demand of pupils 
 that topics under consideration be linked with their personal ex- 
 perience, their historical and institutional loyalties, was respected. 
 The preference friend feels for the presence of friend even in the 
 class room was deferred to. It gradually became evident that the 
 heightened intellectual and moral sensitiveness which characterizes 
 the club is capable of being turned to uses of formal education. 
 Each member of a natural group is stirred by the spiritual force 
 kindled in others; each more easily shakes himself free of lower 
 physical centers of laziness and indulgence; each is stimulated to 
 manifest whatever he possesses of essential originality and to carry 
 this power to some definite significant expression. 
 
 134 
 
EDUCATIONAL APPROACH 
 
 These classes in the higher education represented a personal ad- 
 venture on the part of their leaders. Partly because the instructor 
 unconsciously attracted those minds which aspired to his own plane 
 of vision in the republic of letters, and partly because the matter 
 and method of instruction were so largely fruit and essence of per- 
 sonal character, each had something of that quality of intellectual 
 ardor and fellowship which pervades college interests at their best. 
 Such groups held together through the glamor of fresh intellectual 
 pursuits, and drawing freely upon the services of a considerable 
 body of educated men and women, were so real as experiments in 
 eliciting a sense for culture, were so undeniably symbolic of the 
 national attitude toward educational privilege, that some of the 
 more optimistic and successful teachers dreamed of laying out a 
 highway over which working people, despite all handicaps, would 
 gladly enter into the privilege and power of the intellectual life. 
 They had faith that the settlement would soon justify itself as an 
 agency for " connecting the centers of culture and the centers of 
 industry. " 
 
 Much to the disappointment of residents and their associates, it 
 soon appeared that the hungry-minded young people who formed 
 the first classes were the cream not merely of neighborhood and 
 district, but of the metropolitan industrial community. The suc- 
 cess of settlement classes was an argument, not so much for their 
 continuance at a neighborhood house as for the establishment of 
 centrally organized university extension courses and public evening 
 high schools.! In a few cases a particularly inspiring teacher, 
 reaching out broadly through a large district, has been able to hold 
 together groups of kindred spirits year after year for the serious 
 study of art and literature. Miss Starr, at Hull House, long con- 
 tinued to thus embody the best teachings of the English founders, 
 and Thomas Davidson for years was inspiring instructor and 
 leader of a considerable group of rare young spirits among Jewish 
 immigrants on the lower East Side of New York. 
 
 Gleaning here and there, settlements continue to discover the 
 eager student of books, bring him into the atmosphere of thought 
 
 1 Courageous efforts, dating from this period, to promote university extension 
 on the basis of city-wide appeals among working people, ended in a few years in 
 failure. 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 and inquiry, encourage and assist him in following out some con- 
 siderable course of higher instruction. The total of such persons 
 who have thus passed through high schools, colleges, art and pro- 
 fessional schools is large and grows ever larger. , Those for whom 
 such a venture is too taxing are urged to take advantage of short 
 courses offered by high schools, technical institutes, and correspond- 
 ence schools. In certain districts largely given over to recent im- 
 migrants, the settlement usually follows up its elementary instruc- 
 tion in English and civics with advanced courses for students of 
 strongly intellectual tendencies not yet ready to take their place 
 at the centers of popular education. 
 
 Although systematic instruction in higher studies soon came to 
 an end, a considerable body of people were discovered who appre- 
 ciated friendly association with educated men and women and who 
 were eager to be in the atmosphere of taste and fine achievement, 
 A few residents dreamed of something approaching a salon. Thus 
 began a succession which has never ceased of well-informed, hu- 
 manly minded persons glad to meet groups of working people and 
 to play or sing, or to talk of some interesting results of study, travel, 
 or experience. 
 
 As members of clubs and classes matured in experience, multi- 
 plied in number, and grasped the principles and technique of or- 
 ganization, residents saw that nothing so promotes assimilation of 
 knowledge as participation in organizing educational enterprises. 
 Responsibility for selecting subjects, writing to speakers, and pro- 
 viding an audience was increasingly transferred to officers of clubs 
 and classes. Many adult groups carry on from one to four program 
 meetings monthly, most of which are addressed by outside speak- 
 ers. Agencies of education, health, commerce, and recreation are 
 drawn upon to explain their purpose. Committee meetings bring 
 small bodies together to counsel with experts. Addresses to larger 
 gatherings of young people and children are frequent. The calen- 
 dars of some settlements show meetings of this general quality in 
 excess of five hundred a year. Such schedules represent a degree 
 of intellectual activity on the part of citizens of working-class neigh- 
 borhoods far greater than that in many more favored localities. 
 
 So far as consecutive application to accepted cultural studies is 
 concerned, full disclosure of the facts shows comprehensive lack not 
 
 136 
 
EDUCATIONAL APPROACH 
 
 only of background but of latent instinct. Among people whose 
 powers are fundamentally manual and whose prospects lie chiefly in 
 the direction of those powers, educational service must necessarily 
 be turned into channels of industrial training. The whole realiza- 
 tion of the life about them, as settlements continue to confront it, 
 shows that education for fulfilment in productive work and in recre- 
 ation must be provided almost wholly in ways other than in those 
 of the approved curriculum of school or college. 
 
 The situation brought perhaps the most bitter disappointment 
 which the settlement fellowship has had to experience. Seemingly 
 they had begun to reach the high meanings of life with considerable 
 groups and had ventured to expect that these were but forerunners 
 of larger numbers. Some start had been made upon the respon- 
 sible study, with working people, of the great aggressive issues of 
 work and wages. Even in the fields of ethical instruction and 
 inspiration, where necessity for an unsectarian attitude set severe 
 restrictions, hopes had been raised in connection with courses in 
 literature and biography. The disappearance of this higher range of 
 opportunity caused a distinct falling off of interest on the part of 
 colleges in the settlements. A number of residents and associate 
 workers who would have been delighted to give service and money 
 to a settlement university extension center lost their sense of 
 attachment. Those who remained were compelled to draw deeply 
 upon resources of creative power which a liberal education had 
 opened to them. 
 
 The effort to vindicate the spirit of the university even more 
 thoroughly than by reproducing, however vitally, its form of in- 
 struction, led, on the one hand, to] the promotion of training in 
 association as a means of building character in preparation for the 
 demands of democracy, and, on the other, to the more thoroughgo- 
 ing development of instruction in handwork, drawing, and music. 
 A most important outcome of the process of readjustment was the 
 realization that within the manifold dramatic process of the neigh- 
 borhood itself were hardly dreamed of potencies; that the type of 
 education offered by the settlement must be determined by the 
 neighborhood's common needs. 
 
 This is the educational policy which for the last two decades has 
 been everywhere, more or less consciously, characteristic. 
 
 137 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 TRAINING IN HANDWORK 
 
 THE working age fixed by the compulsory education law in 
 tenement neighborhoods comes to be regarded as the meri- 
 dian line, authorized by fate, between youth and maturity. 
 Children look forward to it as the far-off event which will justify 
 abandonment of lessons for the romantic possibilities of a job. 
 Hard-pressed parents welcome it as the birthday of a fellow wage- 
 earner and a new contributor to the family income. 
 
 So universal was the desire of fourteen-year-old children to begin 
 work, and of parents to have them employed, that pioneer residents, 
 almost before they were aware of what was happening, found 
 themselves deeply involved in the hopes and trials of job getting. 
 Trustees, board members, contributors, and volunteers were im- 
 portuned in favor of proteges. Every settlement soon treasured 
 a list of employers who were relied upon to take recommended boys 
 and girls. Young people thus launched began their industrial 
 careers a level or two higher than they might otherwise have 
 achieved, and the settlement household rejoiced at the superior 
 wage scale, more inspiring work, and ultimately better home condi- 
 tions made possible. Such efforts embodied, however unsatisfac- 
 torily, some amends to youth so largely deprived of longer prepara- 
 tion. Yet the question kept rising whether individual strokes in 
 the way of securing positions did not represent a subtle form of 
 favoritism, and whether in the larger view of the problem any real 
 gain was made. 
 
 The aimless wandering from one unskilled and low-grade occupa- 
 tion to another of many boys whom they sought to help, brought 
 members of the settlements into mental and spiritual revolt. It 
 seemed clear beyond possibility of doubt that the difficulty which 
 many tenement children experience in occupations that require co- 
 ordination of mind and body and capacity for sustained mental 
 
 138 
 
TRAINING IN HANDWORK 
 
 eflFort, was due to the failure of public education to provide even 
 that elementary training of faculties needed to meet the challenge 
 of conditions in store or factory. Inquiry showed that as soon as a 
 false sense of freedom following escape from school and the glamor 
 of earning wages had passed, many boys felt a profound dissatisfac- 
 tion with their preparation and a deep-seated desire for additional 
 training. Classes in sloyd, carpentry, printing, garment cutting, 
 cobbling, chair caning, plumbing, and bricklaying were organized, 
 with the expectation that they would assist employed youths to 
 make progress in their trades. 
 
 Actual trade training, because of multitudinous unanticipated 
 difficulties which arose, never became a representative settlement 
 pursuit. Children could not be prepared for a calling within their 
 leisure time. Trade unions were more than suspicious of what the 
 venture might signify; and efficient teachers were almost non- 
 existent. Cost of equipment and running expenses where actual 
 apprentice instruction was given proved to be too serious a drain 
 on the settlement's limited resources. Most important of all, the 
 community unit of trade training was seen to be district and city 
 rather than neighborhood. 
 
 Particular experiments in trade training have grown naturally 
 out of settlement work. In several houses printing classes have de- 
 veloped into shops which print programs, periodicals, and annual 
 reports for their own and sometimes for other agencies. Boys are 
 paid for service rendered, and by this means induced to work year 
 after year until they learn the trade. Hudson Guild, New York, 
 has a full-fledged school of printing which receives pupils from all 
 over the city, as do other trade schools. 
 
 An important function of trade as of professional training is 
 to orient the recruit, with respect to history and organization, in 
 the industry of which he is a part. Human culture consists largely 
 of accomplishment in such primary crafts as spinning and weav- 
 ing; working clay, wood, and metal; and applying decoration. 
 With characteristic ingenuity Miss Addams set out to show, through 
 actual exemplification of industrial processes by means of tools and 
 contrivances from the most primitive to the most advanced, supple- 
 mented by charts and lectures, relation between the origins and 
 present development of the more important industries. Hull 
 
 139 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 House Labor Museum thus helps young workers to see their tasks 
 as part of a long, human, historic process. 1 1 presents a stimulating 
 suggestion of what must be part of the educational resources of 
 every city. The settlement attack upon problems of trade training, 
 however, meant much more than these small outward results 
 suggest. Its efforts were of substantial service amid a strangely 
 undeveloped situation in placing the issue decisively before the 
 public; through these efforts a group of settlement leaders assisted 
 in the movement to establish public vocational schools. 
 
 While the rapid growth of mechanics' institutes and evening 
 trade classes for employed boys and young men in the large cities 
 during the nineteen hundreds released neighborhood houses from 
 the direct necessity of carrying on such training, handwork con- 
 tinues to be taught both because it affords a kind of discipline which 
 prepares the mind for wage-earning and because it reveals to chil- 
 dren and their elders vocational instincts. Parents who are also 
 educators know better than any other group the degree in which 
 skill, taste, and tendency awaken only after contact with material 
 or tools. Whole reaches of working-class talent and capacity go 
 to waste for lack of this sort of stimulus. 
 
 Most useful of all, however, is the opportunity such contacts 
 gave for drawing out those innate, spontaneous interests which 
 carry children over difficulties insuperable within a formal educa- 
 tional scheme. In its own right, even simple handicraft demands 
 accuracy, neatness, order, perseverance, initiative, and through 
 the attainment of these habits, strengthens the will; while appre- 
 ciation of property created by one's own labor brings about a new 
 attitude toward thoughtless destruction. 
 
 The matter and manner of settlement craftswork is therefore 
 adapted to attract children and hold their interests sufTiciently long 
 for the discipline of tools and material to do its thorough work. 
 Teachers are tolerant of crudities and mistakes provided they are 
 accompanied by personal initiative. Objects of the size and de- 
 sign desired by the child and his family are chosen rather than 
 small and finely finished models embodying a series of pedagogic 
 points. The boy is permitted to discover himself through his work 
 even at the cost of time, material, effort, and disappointment. 
 
 Last, but by no means least in importance, the home always mani- 
 
 140 
 
TRAINING IN HANDWORK 
 
 fests an inquiring attitude toward crafts instruction, and the pupil's 
 interest is reinforced and sustained by what is to him usually a 
 conclusive judgment. Fathers and mothers feel competent to 
 criticize and to give advice. Treasures of old world knowledge 
 are brought forth. A long-range view of the child 's industrial pros- 
 pects and career is taken by older members of his family. 
 
 Although manual training had been included in the grammar 
 school curriculum of a few cities shortly before 1890, classes estab- 
 lished by neighborhood houses helped decidedly to further the 
 efforts of those who, during two decades before 1910, were promot- 
 ing the cause of industrial education. Residents in several cities 
 had much influence in arousing public opinion which brought about 
 the introduction of sloyd, cooking, and other handwork in grade 
 schools, and settlement classes still furnish a constant stimulus to 
 formal education in many communities. 
 
 As soon as they were able to presuppose a scheme of manual pur- 
 suits in public schools, settlements were free to reach back a stage 
 further into the preparation of children for life. One cause for the 
 poor showing made by many boys and girls both in class and in 
 shop is paucity of provision for really educative play. As run- 
 ning, jumping, and climbing lead to increasingly accurate accom- 
 modation between mind and the larger motor muscles, and club 
 relations co-ordinate thought and deportment, craftswork makes 
 adjustment between the constructive faculties and the hands. No 
 amount of formal instruction can take the place of the free move- 
 ment of a child's mind as he endeavors to find himself. 
 
 Afternoon classes came into being to provide tenement children 
 with opportunities for growth which boys in better conditioned 
 homes obtain through cutting, pasting, and hamme^ring, making 
 camping outfits and houses for pets, staging plays, writing for and 
 printing upon toy presses, and all childhood's multitudinous 
 imitation of and participation in grown-up activities. Technical 
 proficiency is, of course, hardly to be expected in such activities. 
 Their real function is to make possible acquaintance with the 
 world, to free the spirit, to offer companionship with others like- 
 minded in the great emprise. All this was, in a sense, but the 
 introduction into later childhood of kindergarten principles and 
 methods. Yet it was, as a matter of fact, the more purposeful 
 II 14' 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 working out of what had been to a large extent the nucleus of settle- 
 ment club interests. 
 
 Handwork for girls passed throu^ an evolution identical to that 
 for boys. Instruction in sewing, cooking, dressmaking, and personal 
 hygiene was made part of the program of early girls' clubs. These 
 activities sprung partly out of exchange of information about food 
 and dress natural between women, partly out of a definite teaching 
 program. Classes in sewing, similar to those which are an imme- 
 morial part of church and mission work, were among the first set- 
 tlement ventures. 
 
 Command of the needle is so fundamental both in industry and 
 home-making, its uses so varied and interesting, and its appeal to 
 parents so immediate, that despite certain disadvantages it con- 
 tinues to be one of the most familiar types of class work at settle- 
 ments. There is, nevertheless, a strong undercurrent of feeling 
 against universal instruction in sewing for girls. Many residents 
 hold that it is an over-individualistic pursuit, and are convinced 
 that school children are better engaged in vigorous forms of play 
 and association with others. The extreme difficulty of seating a 
 large class so as to insure against eye-strain carries its own warning. 
 Because of inability to provide thoroughly professional teaching, 
 volunteer instruction is general and expert supervision infrequent. 
 There is also nearly always a conflict between the teacher's desire 
 to do good work and the demand of children and parents for some- 
 thing quickly finished. The relatively small number of girls tem- 
 peramentally interested in fine sewing are encouraged through ex- 
 pert teaching. 
 
 Cooking classes for little girls, older girls, and mothers, which 
 met around the residents* cook-stove were early established at 
 practically all settlements.* Volunteer teachers were shortly sup- 
 plemented by graduates of cooking schools, and individual gas 
 equipment replaced the kitchen range. Class-room teaching was 
 followed by home visits in order to find out whether instruction 
 was being applied. Gradually the instructor learned to shape her 
 teaching so as to meet the problems of utensils, income, and dietary 
 which existed in homes of the neighborhood. 
 
 Establishment of Hartley House in 1897 "to create a small 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 414, Note VI.— Cooking Classes, Kitchen Gardens, and other 
 Household Matters. 
 
 142 
 
TRAINING IN HANDWORK 
 
 home-making school where girls can be taught how to keep a home 
 neat, tidy, and attractive" marked formal organization of neigh- 
 borhood domestic training. In addition to a class-room kitchen 
 equipped with coal-stove rather than individual gas burners, and 
 with the ordinary utensils of a tenement home, a demonstration 
 bedroom was added. Home-keeping classes were formed and an 
 effort made to teach all the processes connected with care of a house- 
 hold. Henceforth an increasing number of settlements provided a 
 bedroom near the cooking-class room. 
 
 The baffling slowness with which girls responded to formal in- 
 struction in domestic science led to the conviction that some other 
 method must be found which would elicit their personal and consec- 
 utive interest. Response came through actualizing the enveloping 
 sentiment and spirit which obtains in fine home life. The girl's 
 sense for total atmosphere, her craving for the semblance of out- 
 reaching dreams, when properly drawn upon, evoke a considerable 
 momentum of mental application and lighten seeming drudgery. 
 The final step toward verisimilitude was taken in igoi by Mabel 
 H. Kittredge, then resident at Henry Street Settlement. A four- 
 room apartment in a tenement house was rented and furnished by 
 classes in housekeeping at the end of a series of talks on furnishing. 
 In this background the suggestion of stage properties which had 
 characterized early kitchens and bedrooms disappeared. Cooking, 
 preservation of food, care of beds, ventilation, cleaning, and all the 
 round of household duties were now taught under actual conditions 
 of life. The success of the experiment was immediate, and within a 
 few years settlements began to transfer their home-making classes 
 into tenements. 
 
 A model flat emphasizes the subtle and elusive but decisive 
 sanctions through which housework becomes a creative art. Along 
 with knowledge about preparation of food, settlement instructors 
 impart the customs, traditions, and symbolism that underlie fine 
 home and family life. Rites of the table, responsibilities to guests, 
 time-honored celebrations of great festivals, customs and manners 
 governing relations of person with person within the narrow limits 
 of home, are important incentives and means for keeping life 
 healthy and aspiring. 
 
 The sociabilities growing out of class work in cooking and home- 
 
 143 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 making are almost equally important with instruction. Food which 
 has been prepared is consumed by the class, and the common meal 
 exercises its magic power of welding participants and opening new 
 avenues of acquaintance and effort. Pupils are encouraged to in- 
 vite guests, and exercise of personal and group hospitality again 
 calls forth a whole round of vital human responses. Portions of 
 food are frequently sent to sick or shut-in associates and neighbors. 
 Points of contact and sympathy between daughters and mothers 
 are established and interpreted by instructors, and an effort is made 
 to induce them to work out together clues gained in class. The 
 model flat under charge of a resident director carries this motive 
 one step further. As she becomes acquainted with neighbors, the 
 instructor catches up again some of the simple homely relationships 
 based on the actual sharing of common problems which, as institu- 
 tional equipment of the settlement enlarges, inevitably tend to be 
 diluted.! 
 
 The confused and subtle issues that affect wage-earning girls 
 have always been a subject of special concern. Since a period of 
 service in factory or store falls to nearly all working-class young 
 women, reason demands that they be prepared to make the most 
 effective and profitable use of their time and effort during this 
 stage. But what the settlements have been able themselves to 
 furnish in this direction has been slight. A few houses train girls 
 definitely for domestic service. Instruction in the care of small 
 children is given at several nurseries, and settlements which carry 
 on lunch rooms teach a few girls approved ways of table service. 
 Schools of dressmaking and fine sewing are maintained at a small 
 number of houses.'' 
 
 Serious trade training for girls, as for boys, requires wider areas 
 than neighborhoods to draw upon, and larger resources than private 
 and local agencies can provide. More important still, painful 
 experience with tenement homes and tenement mothers has burned 
 
 ^ An interesting variation on close-range work was carried on for some years in 
 New York by Annie Strathern, wlio died in 1920. Each week Miss Strathern had 
 a few children live with her and carry on the household work in common. In 
 addition to the resident group, children who had been through the course gathered 
 for parties and simple entertainments. The lesson of this experiment has already 
 begun to spread. 
 
 ' Cambridge Neighborhood House; Chase Neighborhood House, Chicago. 
 
 144 
 
TRAINING IN HANDWORK 
 
 into the minds of residents the fact that no one more than a woman 
 who rears children and makes homes in which they grow up needs 
 training for her life work. Accordingly, though the settlements 
 rely almost entirely upon public action for the training of girls for 
 industry, they continue to devote much effort to instruction in 
 the care of the home, through co-operating with and supplementing 
 the services of the public schools in this direction.' 
 
 As the community accepts the principle that boys and girls 
 should be prepared in public school for practical callings, settle- 
 ments place increasing emphasis on the finer artistic and ethical 
 possibilities of handwork. Just as pioneer residents sought to 
 escape that overemphasis on the cultural aspects of manual train- 
 ing which was a sop to the high-and-dry educational sentiment of 
 thirty years ago, so present-day leaders are endeavoring to guard 
 against the rigidity of too early specialization. I nstruction in hand- 
 work is increasingly used as a dragnet through which to discover 
 latent interest and ability and then gradually to reveal the results 
 both to possessor and to parents. The energy that has gone into 
 such work, however, can be equally well applied in new forms of 
 cultural handwork which during the past ten years at a number of 
 houses have been turning out commendable finished products. 
 This is but one direction in which a combination of recreation and 
 education, appearing now in club, now in class, is beginning to ex- 
 press itself in forms of accomplished distinction. 1 1 is almost a con- 
 firmation of settlement faith to say that they have not as yet 
 brought genius to light. Their purpose is to rear loyal groups of 
 mutually helpful producers of honest and beautiful effects in com- 
 munities which shall learn to cherish fine workmanship in a per- 
 vasive sentiment of appreciation and praise. 
 
 1 For the part taken by settlements in promoting public vocational education, 
 see p. 2i2ff. 
 
 145 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 THE THREE ARTS 
 
 EARLY experiments in promoting love of beauty in the field 
 of line and form were due to two causes. One was the in- 
 fluence of Canon Barnett. Nearly all pioneers who visited 
 Toynbee Hall carried away dreams of duplicating in American 
 terms the Whitechapel Art Exhibit. The second was the influence 
 of the founders of Hull House. Miss Addams' interest in early 
 Christian art was reinforced by Miss Starr's preparation for a 
 career as lecturer in the history of painting. It was natural, 
 therefore, that initial overtures to some of their neighbors should 
 have been made by showing photographs brought from abroad. 
 
 Two main ways of creating interest in painting and sculpture at 
 once outlined themselves. One was the multiplication of opportu- 
 nities to see beautiful things; the other, instruction in drawing and 
 modeling. Residents at Hull House furnished their rooms as 
 beautifully as their means permitted. The first specially erected 
 building contained a gallery which was formally opened in June, 
 1 89 1, with an exhibit of paintings lent by Chicago art lovers. 
 Neighborhood Guild, New York, in 1892 inaugurated a series of 
 important exhibits which attracted thousands of East Siders and 
 resulted in much public interest. South End House, Boston, fol- 
 lowed with a similar series begun in March, 1893. Other houses, 
 as they were established through the decade, pursued this lead. 
 
 The end of such exhibits came shortly and for several reasons. 
 Risk to works of art, money cost of transportation and guardian- 
 ship, and nervous strain upon organizers were the most compelling. 
 Almost as important was the fact that many residents and board 
 members were affected by the typical American distrust of art. 
 Pioneer picture exhibitions had been born out of due time. 
 
 Settlement loan exhibits proved that working men and women 
 would go and look at pictures in their leisure time. But the unfortu- 
 
 146 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 nate practice of locating art galleries in open parks at some distance 
 from the heart of the city, and of closing them evenings, Sundays, 
 and holidays, placed their collections beyond the reach of tenement 
 dwellers. Charles B. Stover aroused and kept alive the agitation 
 which led trustees of the Metropolitan Museum of Art to open it 
 on Sunday afternoons, and residents of Hull House had a measure 
 of influence in securing similar action by the Chicago Art Institute. 
 
 Sunday opening having been brought to pass, settlement workers 
 set out first to make neighbors acquainted with the museum and 
 then to establish the habit of visiting it. Groups of children and 
 adults were regularly collected and guided through the galleries. 
 These experiments in docentage made it increasingly evident that 
 the undue emphasis placed on archaeology, exaltation of the so- 
 called major arts of painting and sculpture, disregard of contempo- 
 raneous work, neglect of the crafts which touch the common man 
 as producer and consumer, custom of cataloguing and describing 
 exclusively for scholars, left museums far from satisfactory instru- 
 ments for the education of the people. 
 
 Since 19 lo more attention has been given in museums to needs 
 of the average citizen. In Boston the Museum of Fine Arts, each 
 summer since 191 1, has invited groups of children selected and 
 chaperoned by residents of settlements and directors of play 
 centers to meet in its lecture hall for a story hour, after which the 
 objects referred to in the narratives are visited. Saturday classes 
 for children are increasing rapidly. A growing number of museums 
 provide docents for working-class groups; while some emplby a 
 staff member whose duty it is to encourage wage-earners and immi- 
 grants to make use of the facilities and opportunities offered.^ 
 
 Among early residents a few hoped that it might be possible both 
 to arouse and train the sense for beauty and to brighten homes 
 through the loan of framed photographs and prints. These latter 
 were first offered to members of adult clubs and the plan had a 
 measure of success. It was shortly abandoned, partly because the 
 response was not so great as its sponsors hoped it would be, partly 
 
 '■ Many settlements make a practice of posting museum announcements, and of 
 speaking to individuals and groups about the beautiful things on view. Occasional 
 prizes have been offered as a reward for the most intelligently written account of 
 what a child has seen at a gallery. One settlement has prepared a handbook which 
 gives a list of museum exhibits and opportunities for art education. 
 
 147 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 because the labor of handling and keeping track of pictures was so 
 considerable, and money to pay for repairing frames and purchasing 
 new subjects difficult to secure. These disadvantages are not so 
 serious with children, and at a few settlements, for little boys and 
 girls picture lending remains a popular enterprise.' Like certain 
 other unproved settlement experiments, this, too, awaits persons of 
 resource and enthusiasm to demonstrate its far-reaching possibilities. 
 
 Neighbors, once they became aware that residents were interested 
 in beautiful things, began to bring forth treasures of possession and 
 examples of their own skill of hand. Ability of no mean order, in 
 certain immigrant colonies, thus came to light. Exhibits were or- 
 ganized to show the work of local men and women in drawing, paint- 
 ing, modeling, wood-carving, weaving, embroidery, lace-making, 
 metalwork, and Jewelry. 
 
 These loan collections helped a few craftsmen to dispose of work 
 already on hand and opened up new sources of employment. In 
 several instances they led to establishment of workrooms for the 
 production of laces, embroideries, and other forms of fine needle- 
 work. Hardly less important, they offered immigrant craftsmen 
 opportunity to display their work under conditions of honor. No 
 one who knows the grilling which later immigrants so often endure 
 from earlier comers will underestimate the irritation and bitterness 
 engendered and the solace of a publicly recognized achievement. 
 The display of fine things in neighborhoods where several nation- 
 alities jostle one anbther, became an important means of promoting 
 genuine understanding between them. Imperilled self-confidence 
 and respect blossomed anew. Even parents were revealed to their 
 children in a more worthy light. 
 
 Inherited or acquired treasures of craftsmanship, among working 
 
 1 Photographs, woodcuts, and engravings to be distributed are about eight by 
 twelve inches and are framed in glass. They are hung on a very low dado within 
 easy sight of the children. It is also customary to tell stories suggested by the 
 pictures. 
 
 The large percentage of failure in the case of lending pictures lies in the fact that 
 examples are often badly printed and poorly selected. Pictures should be of fair 
 size, cleanly, clearly printed, and possessed of human interest. The growth of color 
 printing makes it possible to secure attractive pictures and should lead to a new 
 attempt to lend them. One or two houses have had some success in promoting the 
 sale of pictures. Where the bi-weekly exchange of pictures becomes part of the 
 ritual of family life, as it does in a surprising number of instances, delightful rela- 
 tions spring up between children, residents, and parents. 
 
 148 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 people not less than among well-to-do, are a. source of family pride. 
 Neighborhood exhibits of furniture, silver, jewelry, porcelains, bric- 
 a-brac, and needlework have been organized in Boston, and on one 
 occasion articles selected from a number of local exhibitions were 
 placed on view in the Museum of Fine Arts. Such events made 
 clear both to residents and neighbors the spiritual refreshment im- 
 migrant families draw from their national art. 
 
 Appreciation, as we have seen, was the obverse of the equally 
 important motive of creation. Classes in drawing, painting, and 
 modeling were offered by several of the earliest settlements. Among 
 those who took advantage of them were a few young people of real 
 talent; some who, without talent, found through line and form an 
 escape into idealism; and others who desired to better their work as 
 engravers, lithographers, fine printers, and decorators. The first 
 results seemed to suggest that working people were not interested 
 in the arts of design. 
 
 Unconvinced though baffled, settlement residents set out to find 
 a more direct means of training hand and eye. Classes in weaving, 
 basketry, metalwork, pottery, wood-carving, and lace-making 
 were established. In this country the beginnings of instruction 
 in artistic handwork for tenement dwellers were made in settle- 
 ments. The response, though it differed from neighborhood to 
 neighborhood, depending on local powers and the skill of teachers, 
 was immediate. Interest in form and color was carried forward 
 by the instinct to do things with the hands and to create objects 
 of use and adornment. Several houses, situated among immi- 
 grants acquainted with the stitches and designs of their country, 
 have been able to produce fine needlework.' Other houses have 
 developed the teaching of one or more specialties to a point where 
 products have sufficient distinction to be salable.^ 
 
 ' Denison House, Boston; Hull House, Chicago; Richmond Hill House, New 
 York; South End House, Boston. 
 
 2 Neighborhood House, Washington, basketry; North Bennett Industrial School, 
 and Paul Revere Pottery, Boston, pottery; Archer Road Settlement, Chicago, rug 
 weaving. 
 
 Marketing of settlement crafts products is not easy. Fairs, bazaars, and sales 
 patronized chiefly by supporters and friends of the settlement are common. A few 
 houses maintain a store in the center of the city. Others send their products to gift 
 shops and exchanges. At times a number of settlements or a local federation have 
 united to maintain a store in the shopping district. 
 
 149 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 At the end of a decade the logic of instruction in craftswork, as in 
 athletics and domestic science, suggested application of the principle 
 of federation. Guilds or schools of craftsmanship began to be or- 
 ganized. Results, both on handiwork and on the attitude toward 
 education, are immediate. Children, after a few blunders which 
 involve waste of time and material and scorn of their fellows, come 
 to appreciate the necessity for training in drawing, modeling, and 
 design. Lectures, reading, and visits to museums, which under 
 other circumstances would seem dull, are not only tolerated but 
 enjoyed. In several cities guild members attend classes in drawing 
 and design offered by art museums. 
 
 Consciousness that they are participating in an enterprise which 
 commands the respect of discriminating purchasers, increased 
 self-respect aroused by the interest of parents, friends, and neigh- 
 bors, the impulsive and directive force of professional standards, 
 safeguard interest and stimulate increased effort. Appreciation of 
 fellow-craftsmen and instructors for each other's work is power- 
 fully effective in breaking down cleavages of prejudice; for there 
 are few situations so favorable to creation of goodwill and friendship 
 as a common interest in sustaining an artistic cause. The ripest 
 fruit of the guild is the finer reciprocity so created. 
 
 The long-range importance of elementary crafts instruction is 
 its power to make children critical of average products and capable 
 of recognizing sound design and skilled execution. Education of 
 discriminating consumers among working people must precede 
 finer national artistic achievement, and settlements are helping to 
 build up such a creative demand. 
 
 Patient plowing and re-plowing of apparently low-fertility 
 ground sometimes produces results of unexpected value. During 
 the decade and a half before 191 5, most settlement administrators 
 despaired of arousing general neighborhood interest in the major 
 arts. Several experiments of unusual caliber carried on during the 
 past few years go far toward demonstrating the possibility of truly 
 local culture. Earliest among these is the Graphic Sketch Club of 
 Philadelphia, which developed out of a drawing class for boys begun 
 in 1899 at one of the settlements by Samuel S. Fleisher. The club, 
 through its permanent collection, occasional exhibits, classes, and 
 social parties, aims to promote love of the beautiful in line and 
 
 150 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 form, to afford disciplined outlet for the production of fine things, 
 to discover and train talent, to reinforce the home by helping work- 
 ing young people to increase their earning capacity. Children be- 
 tween six and eleven are taught appreciation through observation 
 of art and nature, through drawing, and through games which in- 
 volve observation. Adolescent boys and girls receive instruction in 
 drawing and painting the figure and landscape, costuming, illustra- 
 tion, commercial lettering, modeling, and interpretative dancing. 
 Pupils and neighbors, who often visit the gallery for a little while at 
 the end of the day, have free access to an important art collection 
 which includes pictures, sculpture, porcelains, hard stones, ivories, 
 glass, and fabrics. There are periodic exhibits of pupils' drawings 
 and paintings. 
 
 One such center calls imperatively for a chain.i The conviction 
 that every neighborhood should have one room set apart to show 
 beautiful things, brought in Boston the establishment in May, 
 1918, of the Children's Art Center, which its founder, Fitzroy 
 Carrington, curator of prints at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 
 hopes is the beginning of a series of neighborhood art museums. 
 Paintings, drawings, engravings, lithographs, illustrations, sculp- 
 ture, pottery, and glass, each chosen with an eye to its attractive- 
 ness for children, are displayed in a manner to make it easy to see 
 and to study. Books illustrated by able draughtsmen are on hand 
 to be looked at, and story-telling, occasional concerts, and the priv- 
 ileges of a garden help cement friendly relations between visitors 
 and attendants. In addition to its purely local functions the min- 
 istry of the center reaches out into the city at large. Groups of 
 children come from other neighborhoods to visit it, and examples 
 from its collection of prints and illustrations are lent to the different 
 settlements. 
 
 Meanwhile, settlements elsewhere were helping to foster the idea. 
 
 'Mr. Fleisher, on the opening of a new building in 19 14, stated: "Hard-working 
 people . . . should not be asked to go out of their way to see beautiful things. 
 They are not apt to be willing to go. . . . Beautiful things should be brought to 
 them and placed without parade or preachment, where they can have easiest access 
 to them. . . . Ourcollectionof works of art can reach only a limited number of 
 people so long as it is housed in one building. There should be buildings like this in 
 all crowded parts of the town, so that our collection could travel about from section 
 to section and from street to street, and so that other collections could come in turn 
 and be shown in our building." 
 
 151 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The organization in New York of the People's Art Guild during the 
 fall of 191 5 by a group of younger painters and sculptors "to bring 
 about a direct approach of artists and the people, so that in the 
 midst of a beautifully active people, a hospitable home for great 
 artists may arise," has been of material help toward furthering 
 this process. The Guild has offered exhibitions of pictures by its 
 members and established classes in drawing, modeling, history of art, 
 and craftswork at several houses. In every neighborhood there is 
 a group of children who can be interested in drawing and in model- 
 ing; and among certain races, such as the Italians, the degree of 
 talent may be considerable. Development of this interest, once 
 fully undertaken, may be expected to produce results equal to 
 those already secured in the field of music and drama. 
 
 Passing to the domain of tone and rhythm, one leaves an appeal 
 which among working people is still limited for another all but 
 universal. Associated with the deepest and most primary human 
 feelings and with ancient loyalties of religion and nationality, an 
 expected part of many important ceremonies, an ever-present out- 
 let for the sentiment of childhood and youth, music is not so much 
 an art to be cultivated as part of the atmosphere of life. 
 
 As with the arts of form, settlements began their educational 
 work in music with large and striking presentments, furnished 
 forth by trained and accomplished persons brought in from without. 
 Musicians of established standing, asked to play before working- 
 class audiences, responded with readiness and in a rare spirit of re- 
 spect for those who were to listen. Choral and other musical 
 societies repeated important programs in settlement halls. Lecture 
 recitals were provided for the studiously inclined. A number of 
 settlements, particularly Hull House, University Settlement in 
 New York, and South End House, continued to provide series of 
 Sunday musicales until multiplication of excellent popular con- 
 certs, which are so encouraging a phase of recent progress, made 
 them unnecessary.^ 
 
 ' It has been found that people enjoy performers whom they know and programs 
 which appeal to their loyalties. Some settlements lend their halls for municipal 
 concerts; some provide band music in their playgrounds or in front of their build- 
 ings. While this latter furnishes a pleasant and successful method of bringing 
 people together, the expense is so considerable that the custom is not general. 
 Settlements conscientiously endeavor to give the best possible music at entertain- 
 
 152 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 It takes a long time, however, to bring about an entirely new 
 feeling toward music merely through hearing the best. In music, 
 as in other arts, individual and communal taste is advanced most 
 surely by raising the standard of production among a nucleus of 
 local performers. Settlements make a considerable number of 
 opportunities for neighborhood talent to express itself before its 
 own public. Both performers and audience are gradually led to 
 delight in music of a better quality than they would themselves 
 have sought. This nucleus grows with varying rapidity in diifer- 
 ent neighborhoods, but steadily and surely. 
 
 Children's choruses were among the earliest settlement enter- 
 prises in metropolitan cities. Under a few leaders of exceptional 
 skill and enthusiasm, reinforced by the personal work of residents 
 in winning support of parents, impressive results were secured. 
 In Chicago several settlements united in giving concerts. In 
 Boston and New York such effort was rather among young men and 
 women. After a time these enterprises were abandoned in favor 
 of city-wide organizations such as the People's Singing Society of 
 New York and the Boston Choral Union. Settlements thereupon 
 became local agencies of these more comprehensive efforts, which 
 they systematically advertise and forward. 
 
 Consecutive interest in choral work, once the flurry of the nine- 
 ties subsided, was confined to German, Scandinavian, and Slavic 
 neighborhoods. Much sporadic instruction, however, goes on. 
 Preparation for operettas, vaudeville, club entertainments, in- 
 volves a very considerable amount of drill, and is the means through 
 which most young people not interested in the art of singing prefer 
 to take their instruction. Here, much as in other forms of settle- 
 ment training, the chief necessity is for a leader capable of kindling 
 a dormant spark, and of bringing the slow and lazy-minded for- 
 ward under their own momentum. 
 
 The gradual growth of interest since 1910 in community singing 
 is finding expression in many neighborhoods. Entrance of the 
 United States into the war raised what was a slowly growing in- 
 
 ments and socials, and although the standard is not always high, it is educational 
 in that it is above that of the district. Residents often take clubs to operas and 
 concerts, previously telling the story and preparing groups to hsten with under- 
 standing. 
 
 153 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 tellectual interest into something like a real craving. Settlements 
 by and large opened and closed all gatherings with song. Many 
 organized community choruses which met weekly.* Gradually a 
 fund of musical interest is thus being created which makes possible 
 more beautiful forms of community self-expression. 
 
 Motives and standards which govern the attitude of neighbor- 
 hood workers toward choral practise are applied to orchestras and 
 bands which have been organized under settlement auspices or have 
 sought settlement hospitality. Even though the grade of perform- 
 ance is not high, regularity of practise, a wider acquaintance with 
 musical literature, and the effort to prepare creditable public per- 
 formances are values which count decidedly to the educator. Such 
 groups frequently render much appreciated service at entertain- 
 ments and parties and constitute a source of wholesome neighbor- 
 hood pride. 
 
 Desire to save and develop the talent of exceptional children, 
 to gratify poignant cravings of emotional though untalented young 
 people, and even to encourage those drawn more by the social 
 glamor of music than by its emotional content, early led settlements 
 to undertake the provision of a good grade of musical instruction. 
 Hull House Music School was established in 1893, under the direc- 
 tion of Eleanor Smith. The purpose of its founder is to discover and 
 train children with sufficient talent, industry, and character to reap 
 the full advantage of thorough instruction. Pupils are expected 
 to become professionals. For those not capable of this degree 
 of proficiency, seeing that skill on any instrument requires long 
 and arduous practise, instruction in choral singing, carried on apart 
 from the distinctive work of the school, is thought best to meet 
 their needs and powers. 
 
 A year after establishment of the Hull House school, begin- 
 nings of the East Side Music School were made at College Settle- 
 ment by a young New York music teacher, Emilie Wagner. In 
 contrast with Miss Smith, Miss Wagner set out to meet the needs 
 of all children who manifested a real desire for instruction in music. 
 The talented boy or girl, she felt, would always be helped. Not 
 evi4ence of special ability but the wish to learn, was therefore her 
 test of admission. Emphasis in teaching' was accordingly placed on 
 ' Returns from 98 houses showed that 54 carried on such choruses. 
 154 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 desire for expression and on the right use of imagination. The 
 necessity of keeping down cost of instruction led to the short 
 period lesson, the pupil-teacher, and a normal course. 
 
 While the Chicago and New York music schools were developing 
 their respective points of view, the majority of settlements made 
 place amid many other activities for individual instruction in piano, 
 violin, and voice. Practise hours on the settlement pianoforte were 
 arranged. Generous music teachers gave time both at their studios 
 and in settlements. The curriculum was enlarged to include musi- 
 cal kindergarten, solfeggio, theory, and history of music. Senior 
 and junior orchestras were formed. Gradually the resources of 
 settlements were strained. Since 1900 the example of the two 
 pioneer schools, reinforced by growing interest among music lovers 
 and the tendency among settlement administrators to organize all 
 varieties of instruction in departmental form, has brought about 
 establishment of music schools at an ever increasing number of 
 houses. These schools often continue in direct connection with the 
 settlement of their origin, though some set up an independent 
 existence with a specialized resident staff. They represent the most 
 considerable and significant independent educational organism 
 which the settlement has brought into being. 
 
 Just as in the case of housekeeping center or crafts guild, music 
 schools add to instruction all those important reinforcements which 
 come from endeavor after high quality, from the presence of many 
 like-minded, and from the creation of an institution which holds 
 an important and worthy place in the community. It is possible to 
 enlist continuously the willing services of competent musicians. 
 Artists and managers contrive so that pupils may attend recitals 
 at a cost within their means. 
 
 The rapid growth of music schools during the past few years, 
 settlement workers believe, prefigures complete democratization of 
 instruction in music. The tradition among educated classes which 
 would have everyone trained to sing or play an instrument must be 
 extended to working people. The ruling instinct in tenement 
 neighborhoods to express oneself more through emotion than 
 through intellect calls for inspired and continuous instruction in 
 the type of music which feeds finer sentiments and feelings, instructs 
 reason, and develops the fabric of character. 
 
 155 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 But the essential distinction of a settlement music school is its 
 service in building up family life. Satisfactory instruction in music 
 is impossible even to the rarest and most inspiring teacher withr 
 out sympathetic co-operation of the home. Such an attitude has 
 often to be created almost out of nothing. It is, indeed, through 
 services which sometimes seem strange and unusual to teachers of 
 music that instruments are procured, regular practise arranged for, 
 parental and family support brought about. 
 
 Representation of human experience and human ideals through 
 action is, in point of time, the latest among great arts to be drawn 
 upon by the settlement for the purpose of disciplining youth and 
 strengthening the local sense of solidarity. Original residents soon 
 became aware in how high a degree low-priced theaters colored the 
 thought and life of working people. Picture exhibits, lectures, 
 concerts, classes in handicraft, and choral clubs were in part estab- 
 lished for the purpose of providing an alternative to the command- 
 ing and nearly always insidious appeal of melodrama and vaude- 
 ville. 
 
 While a few residents dreamed of a playhouse conducted under 
 motives which might make it a far-reaching educational force, the 
 majority inherited in full measure the common distrust felt for 
 everything that smacked, however remotely, of the stage. This 
 extreme prejudice, just on the point of beginning to yield to a more 
 reasonable attitude, prevented any whole-hearted preoccupation 
 with dramatic interests until the new century. The conception 
 that neighborhood people could be trained to really creditable per- 
 formances which would in turn react upon neighborhood taste and 
 sentiment, gradually unfolded. Its appearance was delayed half a 
 decade by the question, " If neighborhood young people are taught 
 to act, what will the outcome be?" 
 
 Dramatics became part of the settlement program by a series of 
 gradual steps, the earliest of which were hardly more than tolerated. 
 Those approaches to dramatic representation sanctified by long 
 usage in church and school, such as platform recitations, dialogues, 
 parlor magic, cantatas, charades, festivals, were first adopted. 
 Initial outreachings into drama crept in through reading clubs and 
 classes, the sanction of Shakespeare being generally invoked to 
 cover these adventures into doubtful precincts. The object in view 
 
 156 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 was to encourage good reading rather than to secure dramatic re- 
 sults with subject matter so far beyond the powers of the cast. 
 Gradually it was realized that a very widespread desire existed 
 among children and young people to act, and that satisfaction of 
 this desire under educational auspices and high standards leads 
 away from instead of toward the professional stage. The literary 
 purpose of the first plays thereupon gave place to the downright 
 and avowed aim of making dramatics a constituent factor in the 
 program of educational recreation. 
 
 Leadership and standards of production in dramatics halted for 
 a long time behind what was considered essential in drawing and 
 music. Scattered experience, however, made it clear that the 
 training which goes with preparing a play for presentation meets 
 important educational needs of children and young people in tene- 
 ment neighborhoods. Facing prematurely life's responsibilities, 
 boys and girls are intensely awake to the emotional significance 
 of action and character, curious and concerned about the forms 
 through which the chief human motives are expressed. In the 
 very recoil from much that means overstrain and restriction, they 
 wish to demonstrate their inherent capacity for large and heroic 
 gesture. Their complete commitment to the drama as spectators 
 holds with it a nascent positive impulse for which settlement 
 dramatics is the accurately adapted outlet. Such performances 
 were recognized as perhaps the pre-eminent settlement pursuit 
 to which average neighborhood young people come in a state of 
 readiness for discipline and drill, with a measure of zest for putting 
 the finer feelings and purposes to the test, and with a sense for 
 actual achievement through team play. Some who can achieve 
 it in no other way reach personal distinction in acting. 
 
 While the most interesting and artistically rewarding results of 
 such training are obtained with clubs of young men and women, 
 observation of the play of children upon the streets showed that 
 their instinct to act is strong. A scheme of dramatic opportu- 
 nity from the kindergarten up, therefore, quite naturally outlines 
 itself. Little children are encouraged to give appropriate expres- 
 sion through marches and songs to the emotions aroused by stories 
 or through the spontaneous dramatization of tales, the end sought 
 being the free and natural expression of a limited round of whole- 
 12 157 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 some motives, the proper use of words and their correct pronuncia- 
 tion and enunciation. There is little or no study and imitation of 
 other persons, and the setting is simpler than that craved by 
 young people. 
 
 For adolescent boys and girls the detailed and purposeful read- 
 ing, thinking, and imagining called for in memorizing a part, 
 mastering a character, and fitting it and one's self into a coherent 
 presentation, affords peculiarly stimulating and valuable discipline. 
 The slight acquaintance with the technique of acting which per- 
 formers acquire causes them to demand much higher types of pro- 
 duction than before they essayed to be players themselves. Not 
 the least important result which grows out of an accomplished 
 performance is that which comes to the group as a unit. Re- 
 hearsals afford a succession of good times and satisfy the desire 
 of young people to be together in a common purpose, while the 
 united perseverance required of the cast creates a more positive 
 group loyalty which in turn leads to still better team work. 
 
 The efforts of a club which is preparing a play are usually a 
 matter of public interest and gossip among friends and neighbors, 
 and this comment often starts in motion valuable currents of local 
 acquaintance and goodwill. The necessity of securing an audience 
 causes players to ally themselves with other clubs and community 
 organizations, and such affiliations usually enforce a decided degree 
 of restraint and care in conduct. A successful performance carries 
 with it desired and wholesome personal and group distinction which 
 is often an incentive toward a higher type of life. Occasionally a 
 drama is prepared which gives beautiful and significant expression 
 to local loyalties and traditions. 
 
 As with other artistic pursuits, efforts have been made to bring 
 the local settlement clientele into appreciative relations with the 
 best work of producing masters. Certain managers of significant 
 plays have been prevailed upon to present them in working-class 
 theaters and halls. Interest which began in this way led a number 
 of the foremost actresses and actors to set aside blocks of seats for 
 children. These experiments, together with an increasing desire 
 among public-spirited men and women of culture to democratize 
 the arts, stimulated associations to rouse the interest of working 
 people in good plays and to provide seats at a moderate charge. 
 
 158 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 One result of the work of such societies has been the giving of special 
 wage-earners' performances and systematic reduction in the cost 
 of seats at regular performances to persons recommended by neigh- 
 borhood organizations. 
 
 Since motion pictures have so largely displaced spoken drama, 
 and cheap admission has brought them within the reach of every- 
 one, there is danger lest children come to know the representation 
 of life only in terms of pantomime. Capable observers testify to 
 the fact that the present generation of working-class children are 
 more physically expressive than their predecessors, one of the good 
 results of " movie" education. On the other hand, it is nothing less 
 than a vital human service to seek to preserve and enhance capacity 
 for the spoken expression of ideas. 
 
 Application of the guild principle to dramatics took place in 1901 
 with the opening of Hull House Theater. The educational ad- 
 vantages which go with something approaching professional equip- 
 ment are very considerable. The long preparation of a play in- 
 volves human difficulties complex and discouraging enough in 
 their own right. When upon these are superimposed new prob- 
 lems based on narrow space and the repeated improvising of mani- 
 fold cumbersome properties, the cast is brought to recurrent low 
 spirits. Most important and worst of all, the moral issue of the 
 enterprise is likely to be shifted from performance to equipment. 
 Conversely, every troupe is stimulated by the opportunity of using 
 what it regards as a complete model of a stage. Under such condi- 
 tions the remembered triumphs of earlier groups stir others to the 
 fullest degree of emulation. 
 
 Possession of neighborhood theaters makes it possible for the 
 settlement to realize long-cherished plans of securing some fruitage 
 from the dramatic interest and resources of surrounding immigrant 
 colonies. No one familiar with the influence of the stage on the 
 struggle for freedom in Europe during the nineteenth century would 
 underestimate the extent to which drama may direct opinion and 
 stir loyalties. The response of different groups of immigrants, 
 when encouraged to prepare and present their native drama, is 
 immediate and appreciative. They feel, rightly enough, that such 
 invitation demonstrates a more than superficial regard on the part 
 of American citizens for the country and culture out of which they 
 
 159 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 in particular have come. They are able to stand forth with dignity 
 as exponents of a noble tradition after the version of countrymen 
 whose commanding genius all must recognize. In several in- 
 stances, notably among Greeks and Italians, really impressive re- 
 sults have been obtained. The lead of Hull House in this direction 
 has been followed in several other cities. Plays built around Jewish 
 traditions at Henry Street Settlement in New York have been 
 of notable interest and influence. 
 
 The neighborhood theater is in part an expression of that high- 
 tide of interest in the drama which is affecting people of every sort, 
 in part an endeavor to provide adequate equipment as a means of 
 securing new and stirring educational results, and in part an in- 
 fluence toward developing local pride and loyalty. Dramatic 
 presentations of a variety and quality which a commercial man- 
 ager could not afford to give can be made an established part of 
 the recreatipnal resources of the whole community. Hull House 
 Theater was one of the first "little theaters" in the United States, 
 and it has had part in demonstrating the need and possibilities of 
 a free stage. The gradual development of a company under the 
 direction of a resident, herself an actress, assured the troupe a 
 quality of permanency and worthy achievement. The Hull House 
 Players, and later the Henry Street Players, have given a long series 
 of dramas of the more poetic and interpretative kind.' When the 
 goodwill of the finer spirits in the dramatic profession begins to be 
 thoroughly enlisted as it has in the Neighborhood Playhouse in New 
 York under the management of Alice and Irene Lewisohn, results 
 of national importance may be expected. 
 
 Rapid spread of settlement music schools and crafts schools and 
 the coming of neighborhood theaters marks an important extension 
 of popular culture for the country as a whole. The finer hopes of 
 founders in these directions during the first decade were not realized 
 because other needs and cravings were ever present and insistent, 
 and relatively few residents had the required training, and, as al- 
 ready indicated, because men and women of means regarded all 
 manifestations of the fine arts other than literature, as luxuries be- 
 
 1 The tour of the Hull House Players to the seacoast, and thence to the Abbey 
 Theater in Dublin, is surely a romantic incident in the development of our dramatic 
 life. 
 
 1 60 
 
THE THREE ARTS 
 
 yond reach or appreciation of average men and women . 1 1 required 
 some time for settlement workers themselves to become fully 
 conscious that the seeds of an indigenous culture resided within 
 working people and might germinate to remake their life. The 
 years have shown, however, that great reaches of working-class 
 ability run to waste because tenement-bred families are not able to 
 give the intelligent searching scrutiny, the patient and resourceful 
 nursing, to any least manifestation of interest or ability which edu- 
 cated parents and friends undertake as a matter of course. 
 
 This fact, as nothing else, demonstrates the need of resident 
 representatives of each of the arts in every neighborhood, and the 
 establishment of a degree of local interest in beauty that will cause 
 its manifestations to be understood, honored, and conserved. An 
 encouraging sign of the times to many settlement residents is the 
 fact that public and private institutions and societies organized to 
 protect and develop the finer interests of the community are reach- 
 ing down into the inexhaustible resource of the common people for 
 strength and justification. Those who believe that art in its various 
 forms is a prime essential of normal existence see in this tendency 
 promise of finer and more worthy production and a gentler private 
 and public life. 
 
 i6i 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 NEIGHBORHOOD HUMANITIES 
 
 WHEN Emerson said, " I now require this of all pictures, 
 that they domesticate me, not that they dazzle me,"^ 
 he gave the settlement a motto. For the neighborhood 
 worker is concerned not with curriculum but with actual processes 
 of living. It is of the essence of success in club and class work that 
 leaders kindle and keep burning a backfire of sympathetic interest 
 in the homes of members. Even as it brings higher illumination, 
 the settlement strives to keep child and older members of his family 
 in an attitude of mutual understanding, to sustain those loyalties 
 in which alone power of sound appreciation can grow. The group 
 leader, as not merely teacher but family acquaintance, creates in the 
 background some of that reinforcing interest in apparently subli- 
 mated pursuits which for well-conditioned children and young 
 people goes without saying as part of the home and neighborhood 
 atmosphere. 
 
 Acquaintance with fathers, mothers, older brothers and sisters of 
 club members brings to light in every neighborhood a small number 
 of men and women distinguished by delight in sensuous beauty, 
 by delicacy of personal sentiment or serenity of moral judgment. 
 Some of these have seen better days and cling so far as possible 
 to former personal standards. Some of them look upon their presence 
 in the neighborhood as a tragedy. Even those who try to make the 
 best of it are frequently lonely and sometimes heartsick. To be 
 sought out and brought within a circle of neighborly acquaintance 
 with a few cultivated people gives members of this group renewed 
 draughts of confidence and inspiration. 
 
 The club and class scheme, as the settlement grows in years and 
 experience, is refined to meet ever more accurately gauged local 
 desires and powers. The program for children starts with the es- 
 
 ' Emerson, R. W.: Essays. Boston, James Munroe and Co., 1841. Essay on 
 Art. 
 
 162 
 
NEIGHBORHOOD HUMANITIES 
 
 tablishment of proper physical and mental habits. Boys and girls 
 suffering from various phobias are interpreted to themselves and 
 shown the source of their errors. Overweening self-confidence and 
 conceit is dealt with so as not to injure basic momentum toward 
 accomplishment. The too diffident individual is nursed through a 
 series of simple challenges until sense for achievement begins to be 
 established. Bad habits of thought are disclosed and interest of the 
 sufferer obtained in overcoming them. Emotions are disciplined 
 by providing exercise within the great middle range between hate 
 and love. 
 
 This kind of instruction obviously cannot be given formally. 
 Most of it goes on as part of the actual interplay of association. 
 The sterling sense for atmosphere causes children and young people 
 to criticize, observe, and copy the dress, manners, accent, formulas 
 of friendliness, and courteous helpfulness of those whom they re- 
 spect. Hitherto unperceived leanings, hopes, and powers awaken 
 through the mere assumption of forms of conduct and come to a 
 true inner response. Residents and leaders make the comment on 
 this or that element of conduct as situations arise in clubs, classes, 
 and rehearsals, during visits in the home, and most important of all, 
 at camp. Certain men and women become most expert in this sort 
 of educational case work, and thejr skill is a community resource. 
 
 The resident group reviews almost month by month the funda- 
 mental needs of childhood, youth, and maturity, the extent to 
 which they are being met through existing agencies, old-line and 
 newly established, weak places in local organization for fulfilment 
 of life; it endeavors to determine, after consideration and advice, 
 the kind of unconventional educational process fitted to develop 
 the desired qualities of hand, mind, or morals in the particular class 
 or nationality or age-group with which it works. Leadership and 
 help are sought for any discernible stirring of interest however 
 slight. An ever changing variety of new enterprises are started for 
 the purpose of discovering powers unperceived either by people or 
 residents. Professionals or skilled amateurs take the chance of 
 garnering from the neighborhood, or of creating by force of 
 importunity a following of even a few children or young people 
 interested in their specialties. Room is found for the keen-minded 
 person capable of being foremost in a half-dozen groups, and, by 
 
 163 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 contrast, for the dormant-minded child or adult who can barely 
 keep his footing in one. Opportunity is afforded each individual 
 to lead in that department of activity wherein he can stimulate his 
 fellows, and to be led in those wherein he needs guidance. Small 
 undertakings are multiplied and the appointment of innumerable 
 committees fostered in order to provide play for the deep-seated 
 desire to direct and lead, as well as to obey. A distinctive sug- 
 gestion of responsible neighborhood participation is imparted to all 
 activities, which in turn leads to dissemination of the settlement's 
 message with authority but in the vernacular. 
 
 The gathering of the rising momentum of a variety of finer 
 activities into an inclusive guild form has an immediate and continu- 
 ous communal effect. The music school, crafts guild, home-making 
 center, children's museum, and neighborhood theater give to the 
 settlement's modest artistic leads a degree of breadth and dignity. 
 A cause is created of which each individual member is in some 
 sense responsible exponent, defender, promoter. The system of 
 ideas which goes with each pursuit begins to be compared with that 
 of kindred ones. Misinterpretation which the fine-minded have 
 to endure from those of a coarser fiber is more easily borne. 1 1 even 
 becomes possible to bring scoffers to the bar of public opinion. 
 Hitherto aimless or lonely men aijd women discover that they have 
 interests in common. Talented children and young people come 
 to have local fame.* Friends and neighbors inquire into the why 
 and wherefore of skill and excellence, and in turn become partisans 
 and advocates. As the circle of those who knowabout such resources 
 grows, the community itself becomes mofe watchful for the appear- 
 ance of ability, increasingly able to direct it, insistent that it shall 
 not be lost. In due time every pursuit on the settlement schedule 
 begins to have its established devotees. The more elementary, as 
 well as more selective interests, regularly carry their distinctions 
 
 ' The cultural interests of the well-to-do are kept vital only at a great expenditure 
 of time and resource. Thus the man or woman with a leaning toward art finds his 
 interest constantly renewed and stimulated by important periodicals in half a 
 dozen languages, by a constant succession of monographs, by the permanent and 
 loan collections in museums, exhibitions arranged by clubs and societies, a con- 
 stantly changing series of exhibitions at the various dealers, auction catalogues, 
 lectures of visiting specialists, membership in societies, comparison of notes with 
 friends, and by the personal gossip about artists and craftsmen. In working-class 
 localities many of these sources of stimulation are beyond the knowledge and reach 
 of the people. 
 
 164 
 
NEIGHBORHOOD HUMANITIES 
 
 and gather their loyalties. Passage across lines of age, sex, class, 
 and income, on the higher avenues of intercommunication, becomes 
 more customary. Selected groups are brought into a quite new 
 kind of relation with individuals and institutions holding the general 
 scene of the city as a whole. Accomplished leadership from with- 
 out, and the occasional presence of high authority, serve to give 
 the local scheme a recognized place in the city's higher life, while 
 introducing wage-earners to cultural agencies upon which future 
 progress must so largely depend. 
 
 Parallel with its work of creating organs for the expression of 
 cultural instincts, residents set out to arouse and cultivate the in- 
 terest of local citizens in neighborhood traditions and life. The 
 settlement periodical affords dignified proof of the range of local 
 organized activities. Confined at first to indoor happenings con- 
 nected with house programs, the little paper begins to reach out 
 into the neighborhood for its news and readers. Young people 
 interested in writing are spurred to produce copy worthy to be 
 printed; presswork is often performed by the printing class. 
 
 Observances of holidays, anniversaries, reunions of old and new 
 neighbors, balls which serve as ranking occasions of theit kind, 
 celebrations of Christmas and New Year's, patriotic demonstra- 
 tions, pageants, fairs, and banquets are important means of giving 
 expression to neighborhood and district motives and desires. There 
 is a widely growing tendency to direct chorus singing, sewing, danc- 
 ing, and other forms of group work which go on within the settle- 
 ment so that they may culminate in spring and summer festivals 
 out of doors. 
 
 Inter-cIub relations open up a further stage in the development of 
 collective instincts. The training which natural groups composing 
 the settlement system of organization secure through their meet- 
 ings and activities fits them for intensive rather than for extensive 
 action. The club easily becomes self-centered or even selfish. The 
 congress of clubs, with its council composed of elected representa- 
 tives from each association, afi'ords training in the technique of 
 representative action. ^ 
 
 ' The first councils were composed of clubs of older young people, and the group 
 dealt largely with problems of order. The athletic council enlarged the motive by 
 raising money, organizing meets, and treating with other societies and institutions. 
 Once the method of federation had demonstrated its power to increase the satisfac- 
 
 165 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The club council settles questions such as size of clubs, use of 
 rooms, amount of rent and terms of payment, procedure under 
 which a member of one group may resign and join another, disci- 
 pline of clubs, and disputes between a member and his group or a 
 club member and the settlement. Many councils exercise general 
 supervision over associations whose members are not old enough 
 to be represented. Some legislate on the required intellectual work 
 of clubs, and it is always valuable to have members go through the 
 effort to raise educational standards even though this can be 
 brought about only in the reinforcing atmosphere of the settlement. 
 Gradually a public opinion is created which reacts on lax groups 
 and automatically creates a higher standard to which new clubs 
 conform as a matter of course.^ 
 
 Successful club councils come to have genuine interest and con- 
 cern in the settlement as a neighborhood center. Committees as- 
 sume charge of departments such as the roof garden, raise money 
 for summer work, organize inter-club and inter-settlement dances, 
 plays, and contests; and with increasing keenness the council 
 measures its success in such enterprise in terms of neighborhood 
 support and approval.* 
 
 In not a few crowded city neighborhoods the introduction of just 
 
 tion of club life, it began to be applied to the chief divisions of age and sex among 
 settlement clubs. Many houses now federate small, junior and senior boys', girls', 
 and women's clubs. 
 
 Membership of the council generally consists of head resident, director of club 
 work, and one or more representatives chosen from the membership of each eligible 
 club. Representation from the settlement staif varies according to the powers 
 granted the council, and ranges from headworker alone to the whole body of resi- 
 dents and part of the board of trustees. In some settlements the number of repre- 
 sentatives is governed by the size of the club. Councillors are elected by the club, 
 although the president or another officer sometimes serves ex-officio. 
 
 ' The limited success of some councils has been due to the fact that they have been 
 badly managed, or that too much control has been given at the start. In the last 
 analysis, questions of democracy are questions of business, and it is important that 
 young people should learn that voting power must be in some proportion to financial 
 investment and capacity to assume responsibility over considerable periods of time. 
 
 ' The gymnasium association with its council provides a good example of prac- 
 tical training for democracy. Through its work the bond between enthusiasts for a 
 special interest is strengthened, and a method afforded for the expression of public 
 opinion in a field within the pointed experience of the constituency. Funds needed 
 to carry on the work of the gymnasium are raised more easily than can be done for 
 any other cause. Respect for success, willingness to be governed by tried and 
 proved leaders, training in the responsibilities of financial management, are among 
 important by-products of the athletic council. 
 
 i66 
 
NEIGHBORHOOD HUMANITIES 
 
 this measure of new life force is producing results of relative dis- 
 tinction. Even the much handicapped city community, conscious 
 of itself and devoted to its institutions, under leadership is able to 
 develop a range of stimulating acquaintance and of cultural inter- 
 ests broader than those of many a listless better-to-do population 
 group. The settlement characteristically appeals in one direction 
 or another to a variety of personal tastes and tendencies. Abil- 
 ities of those who can offer what is beautiful and good have some 
 measure of appropriate opportunity. The habit of success in carry- 
 ing through praiseworthy things is patiently imparted, and a gen- 
 eral accredited sense of values gives some measure of elation and 
 grace to a hampered round of existence. 
 
 All these values grow and multiply, especially as time is measured 
 by decades. Great gaps, of course, are left by the impossibility of 
 sadly limited resources to surround the field and chase it in on every 
 side. There is the necessary gravitation of settlement thought and 
 energy to sporadic but ever-present problems caused by slack, de- 
 generate, or definitely subnormal tendencies. Certain smoulderings 
 of distrust remain, and an. occasional outbreak of active prejudice 
 is a thing to be counted on. The old and tried body of support in 
 the neighborhood is constantly being sapped by the removal of 
 enterprising families into better surroundings; while newcomers 
 with a baffling strangeness take their places. Continued wrestling 
 with these difficulties serves to make the settlement all the more of 
 the very texture of things. Its confidence becomes established and 
 habitual as broad plans for lessening the burden of a lagging resid- 
 uum are formed, as those who have been recalcitrant are at least 
 reminiscently appreciative, as former neighbors who have moved to 
 outlying districts regret the absence of its advantages, as incoming 
 immigrants interpret it to be an authorized expresssion of the higher 
 hospitality, and as a progressional scheme of out-of-school education 
 from infancy up brings about a keener and broader susceptibility 
 to all that the settlement proposes. The arduous discipline through 
 which it comes to maturity but serves to temper and confirm every 
 phase of its illumining purpose. 
 
 But what of the inescapable disturbance to educational aspira- 
 tion from the ever-present effects of disordered industry and politi- 
 cal evil? Men and women of the settlements know in truth that 
 
 167 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 profound change in the physical and psychical environment is re- 
 quired by an advancing order of living. However, they realize 
 equally that no adjustment of work and wages, of food and shelter, 
 of convenience within the home or in the intercommunications of 
 neighborhood or city, will automatically usher in what can come 
 only with a steadily more elevated tone and set of mind and heart. 
 It is under both convictions, and finding them inextricably in- 
 volved, that residents approach those other neighborhood human- 
 ities of the outer and inner life that have to do with livelihood, 
 well-being, citizenship. 
 
 In this combination and balance of resolves the settlement holds 
 to the teaching of its great forerunners. It moves, however, in 
 keen contrast with the procedure of some of them who, promisingly 
 yet vainly, set out to embody the conceivable good and beauty of 
 a community in phalansteries apart from the risk and benefit that 
 make the common life. The settlement would discover the linea- 
 ments of a model community in a given neighborhood, it may be 
 the most ill-favored and ill-assorted. It seeks not to escape, but 
 to be in some sort the leaven to permeate and transform. 
 
 1 68 
 
IV 
 NEXT-DOOR TO LABOR 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 THE LABOR CAUSE 
 
 THE first residents found organized labor almost with its back 
 to the wall ; yet struggling into collective consciousness and 
 beginning to clear the path before it. The relatively few 
 statutes for the protection of factory operatives in force before 
 1890 had been proposed by trade union leaders and passed by way 
 of grudging concession to the labor vote. These successes and the 
 growing spirit of class consciousness among manual workers, led 
 to the formulation of a labor platform calling for a universal eight- 
 hour day, state protection of women and child employes, and 
 establishment of co-operative associations of consumers. 
 
 Between 1885 and 1890, a small group of educated men and 
 women, forerunners of a new type of public-spirited citizenship, 
 set out to become acquainted with the issues between labor and 
 capital and to bring ethical tests to bear upon industry. The newly 
 established American Economic Association included among its 
 reasons for existence the following: "We hold that the conflict of 
 labor and capital has brought into prominence a vast number of 
 social problems, whose solution requires the united efforts, each in 
 its own sphere, of the church, of the state and of science. " This 
 sentiment was looked upon at the time as very radical, and called 
 forth serious opposition on the part of some members.* 
 
 During the eighties a gradual awakening had been going on in re- 
 gard to the effects of tenement house manufacture on public health 
 and well-being. Situated in the heart of exploited populations, 
 
 ' Haney, L. H.: History of Economic Thought, p. 518. New York, The Mac- 
 millan Company, 191 1. The following dates indicate the growth of interest in politi- 
 cal and social science: 
 
 Established, 1865, American Association for the Promotion of Social Science, 
 Journal of Social Science, p. 1,869; 1886, Political Science Quarterly, Quarterly 
 Journal of Economics; 1890, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social 
 Science; 1892, Journal of Political Economy; 1892, Yale Review; 1895, American 
 Journal of Sociology. 
 
 169 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 settlements soon become intimately aware that the worst charges 
 against tenement workshops were not overstated. Residents and 
 nurses not uncommonly found in tenement homes, men, women, 
 or children suffering from measles, diphtheria, tuberculosis, en- 
 gaged in stitching garments or preparing edibles for sale. Carlyle's 
 dictum made early in the nineteenth century that the plague which 
 begins in the lodge proceeds, as though directed by the supreme in- 
 telligence itself, to the mansion, was confirmed in our own times. 
 The first impulse of settlement groups was to shout this terrible 
 human cost from the housetops, to invoke all available laws, and to 
 demand further drastic legislative safeguards. Opportunities were 
 sought to tell the well-to-do that a certain type of employer was ex- 
 ploiting the sanctuary of the home, that labor was being paid for 
 at the mean rate of pennies for dozens, that adult men and women 
 able and eager to work were compelled to draw upon the budding 
 vitality of little children. 
 
 The trade union suggested itself as the best weapon with which to 
 meet such conditions, and residents of Neighborhood Guild, Hull 
 House, and other early settlements sought to bring about the or- 
 ganization of new locals by distributing literature in homes, on 
 streets, and at factory doors. New and struggling unions were 
 ofi'ered the use of the settlement house. Where quarters were 
 ample, more established unions became regular tenants.^ In ^ 
 number of instances substantial assistance was rendered in strikes, 
 which were common during this period. Evidence of the violation of 
 housing and labor laws was sought, and actions were instituted 
 against offenders. 
 
 Twenty-five years ago cleavage between capital and labor was 
 frequently made additionally irritating by the sententious assertion 
 of a unity of interest belied by facts that would not down. On the 
 other hand, the experience which residents gained in seeking to 
 control the evils of sweating made it clear that a number of repre- 
 sentative business men were ready to help eliminate certain of the 
 worst results of competition. The active eflForts of trade unionists 
 in promoting possible and practical steps in legislation indicated 
 an important source of power for industrial upbuilding. Might it 
 
 'The most important instance of such a relation was that of the Central Fed- 
 erated Union of New York, which met for years at University Settlement. 
 
 170 
 
THE LABOR CAUSE 
 
 not be possible to bring the better inclined in both groups to unite 
 for the solution of specific difficulties and the fairer ordering of one 
 set of conditions after another in the industrial fabric? 
 
 Actual carrying out of this aim was fraught with peculiar risk to 
 the mediating purpose of settlements. Some trade union leaders 
 considered it almost a matter of professional honor to be bitter and 
 antagonistic toward all employers. Certain employers were no less 
 pronounced in their scorn and hatred for "walking delegates." 
 Despite discouragement and rebuffs, representative business and 
 professional men and women were gathered into circles to study 
 labor problems, and trade union leaders asked to present their side 
 of the case and to participate in discussion. Almost for the first 
 time employers and representatives of organized labor met in 
 mutual respect and tolerance under a roof where there were no 
 ultimate rights but those of humanity. 
 
 As a result of this crossing of lines, in several cities substantial 
 modifications of opinion and definite impulses in the direction of a 
 better relation between employers and wage-earners were set in 
 motion. Influential men of affairs came to understand how work- 
 ing people felt about the way modern industry is conducted; and 
 labor leaders saw that there were some members of the employing 
 group with whom they could enter into frank and full discussion of 
 controversial issues. 
 
 The exceptional acquaintance of residents with working-class 
 standards of living, and their known convictions about the right to 
 organize, caused them to be drawn upon by employers and employes 
 alike as arbiters in industrial conflicts. Amid the intense complica- 
 tions of the situation in Chicago Miss Addams served many times 
 upon provisional arbitration committees, and Professor Taylor, in 
 connection with far-reaching and ominous industrial disturbances, 
 has repeatedly been drafted as impartial third member. 
 
 The knowledge which residents obtained through such service 
 convinced them that an important cause of industrial disaffection 
 lies in an obvious lack of that fellow-feeling between workmen and 
 administrators of industry which the settlement inspires between 
 residents and neighbors. The cause which actually precipitated a 
 strike was often discovered to reside in the sense of personal humil- 
 iation and irritation created by overbearing foremen ; in systems 
 13 171 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of petty and nagging fines, exactions, and exceptions impossible to 
 be borne by any spirited person; in elimination of human consider- 
 ations. It was unthinkable that where millions were being spent 
 in seeking to understand and, through advertising, to reach the 
 moving impulses of consumers, such gross and wasteful carelessness 
 could exist in drawing upon the vital response of producers. A 
 spirit not essentially different from that which dictated the retort of 
 an earlier day, " the public be damned, " lingered fully two decades 
 in the relation of employing class toward organized handworkers. 
 
 It seemed to residents that many industrial difficulties might be 
 cleared up at considerable saving of time and temper provided 
 there were some easily available machinery for instituting negotia- 
 tions. During the eighties several states passed acts which made it 
 possible for industrial disputants, if so disposed, to request the 
 commonwealth to appoint arbitrators. Early in the following de- 
 cade it was urged that permanent boards of arbitration be estab- 
 lished and empowered to offer their services. In several states 
 settlement representatives were among the eager and active ad- 
 vocates whose efforts secured the creation of such permanent 
 boards. 
 
 The settlement was, however, deeply concerned to anticipate 
 and prevent industrial conflicts by reaching sources of difficulty. 
 One of its important purposes in bringing together representatives 
 of capital and labor in informal ways was that there might be an 
 increasing number of men on both sides who had established per- 
 sonal relations with one another, and who therefore could enter 
 quickly into conference in the early stages of trouble. 
 
 The last decade of the nineteenth century, with its exceptionally 
 depressed conditions, was marked by a great degree of scattered 
 unrest. Many types of doctrinaire scheme, both native and foreign, 
 for social reorganization, were represented in working-class locali- 
 ties.i Exponents of these various economic faiths naturally dis- 
 closed themselves among the members of clubs and classes. The 
 dogma in which these young people were grounded, as any dogma 
 does, gave them a sense of intellectual orientation, stimulated them 
 
 ' Nationalism, single tax, populism, Coxeyism, philosophical anarchy, socialism, 
 and religious cults too numerous even to mention, were included in these schemes. 
 Socialism was the most important, both in intellectual importance and number of 
 adherents. 
 
 172 
 
THE LABOR CAUSE 
 
 to read history and economics, made them facile in discussion, 
 and helped to create a ferment of ideas.^ 
 
 Leading local advocates of this or that cause, on their part, were 
 quick to point out inconsistencies of motive and practice in what 
 was to them a niggling approach to the problem of reorganizing 
 society. However much one might disagree with a proposed cure, 
 it was impossible not to be affected by the crude but pungent in- 
 telligence with which certain critics who had experienced them set 
 forth the evils of industrialism. Residents were driven to examine 
 patiently and carefully the general motives and programs of vari- 
 ous types of socialism and philosophic anarchy, as well to meet 
 the constant questioning in their own breasts as to reply to propa- 
 gandists. 
 
 Their own heartburnings and uncertainties disposed the settle- 
 ment personnel to be tolerant of all who were honest in their de- 
 sire to probe underlying causes of suffering and unrest. From any 
 point of view it seemed wiser to encourage expression of opinion, 
 with the chances of its modification through continuous presenta- 
 tion and at least partly sympathetic reply, than to see extremists 
 driven by ill-considered attempts at repression into underground 
 and wholly irresponsible propaganda. During the nineties a num- 
 ber of settlements in large cities organized occasional public meet- 
 ings with an opportunity for free discussion. 
 
 Conditions in Chicago demanded more thoroughgoing treat- 
 ment.^ In the spring of 1890 residents of Hull House organized the 
 Working People's Social Science Club, which met weekly to listen 
 to an address at the close of which there was opportunity for dis- 
 cussion; in 1894 Chicago Commons opened its "free floor." 
 
 1 Kingsbury, Mary (Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch) : Socialism as an Educative and 
 Social Force on the East Side. Publication of the Christian Social Union, No. 49, 
 New York, 1898. 
 
 ^ In Boston, New .York, and smaller cities there were sufficient opportunities for 
 free speech so that radicals had fair opportunity for presenting their views. Chicago, 
 burdened with industrial and sanitary problems so extreme that they could hardly 
 help creating anarchists and socialists, was not so fortunate. The riot of May, 1886, 
 in the Haymarket left citizens nervous and inclined to be intolerant of the desire of 
 the more radical elements for public utterance. Protest by labor against the con- 
 ditions of work and life were passed over with a demand by the public for better 
 police protection. As a result, a proportion of the people smarted under a sense of 
 high-handed repression. See Addams, Jane: Twenty Years at Hull House, pp. 
 177-79. 
 
 173 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The free floor was the best possible outlet for expression of dis- 
 appointment and economic hardship, especially in immigrant dis- 
 tricts where people had no organization or papers through which 
 to voice their feelings. The mere chagrin of oversanguine new- 
 comers was appreciated in its true quality. Doctrinaires came to 
 see that extreme proposals were frowned upon by working people. 
 Open-minded adherents of real programs found that there were 
 educated American men and women who always respected and 
 often agreed with them. 
 
 When meetings passed clearly beyond this phase of genuine 
 and immediate service, as they did shortly after the opening of 
 the new century, and were systematically dominated by rigidly 
 opinionated and semi-professional propagandists from all over the 
 city, they were discontinued. But it is indicative of settlement 
 freedom and flexibility that for a full decade in a number of city 
 communities almost the only organizations which stood consist- 
 ently for free speech, and, as long as there was no other way, them- 
 selves provided a platform where an unpopular cause might have 
 responsible expression, were a few struggling neighborhood houses.^ 
 
 The settlement mind was deeply scored during the middle of 
 the nineties by successive winters of widespread unemployment. 
 It seemed to many residents, compelled during these cruel years to 
 be almost impotent observers of actual hunger and undernourish- 
 ment suffered by capable adults and promising children, bitter dis- 
 appointment of youth smarting under the failure of cherished hopes 
 of education and advancement, deep personal humiliation of heads 
 of families anxious to work yet compelled to live on the wages of 
 wife and children or on charity, that the moral order itself had been 
 found wanting. The depression of 1893- 1897 was the settlement's 
 baptism of fire. Any lurking element of sentimentality, of super- 
 ficiality, of mere palliation, was burned away. Those who came 
 through these four years were convinced of the crude and vast 
 insufficiency of the old individualism whose sanctions had been so 
 deeply wrought into all that was American. The right to work had 
 become to them the corollary of the right to live. The immediate 
 
 ' The forums which have of recent years been established in so many cities appeal 
 to a more general constituency. The speaker in each case is selected by the manage- 
 ment of the\ forum. Discussion from the floor is usually not permitted, although 
 each person may ask one or two questions. 
 
 174 
 
THE LABOR CAUSE 
 
 issue was whether the well-to-do would remain smugly satisfied 
 with their advantages, choosing to be without cognizance of dis- 
 abilities under which working people existed, or whether they would 
 respond, broadly and generously through both voluntary and pub- 
 lic action, to the need for better working conditions, more accurate 
 adjustment between wages and a proper scale of living, more whole- 
 some home and community environment, and more satisfactory 
 provision for the normal amenities of life. 
 
 To a small group of residents, in the end, there appeared no 
 possibility of amelioration short of the administration of industry 
 by the state in the interest of all citizens. These withdrew to 
 devote themselves to the propaganda of socialism.' 
 
 The main settlement contingent, holding long-range hopes and 
 postulates of their own as to a better order of society, saw it as a 
 duty and an opportunity to exercise the "passion of patience." 
 Members felt that the industrial situation called for specific object 
 lessons in right relations; for a demonstration, step by step with- 
 out flaw or gap, made cumulative by years, of the desirability and 
 even necessity of devoting to the human factor in production the 
 same intensity of thought and purpose that was being put into in- 
 vention, finance, and salesmanship. 
 
 These various forms of expression and effort placed residents 
 among the most prominent supporters from without of the general 
 principles of trade unionism and of generous tolerance toward their 
 application. They have brought whole groups of thoughtful people 
 not involved in either side of the labor conflict to see that the 
 organization of workers is inevitably bound up with a highly organ- 
 ized system of manufacturing, trade, and finance. Such relations, 
 however, do not imply on the part of all settlements, or indeed of 
 any one of them, wholesale commitment to trade union policy and 
 procedure. While a few individual residents have cast in their lot 
 
 1 Among these may be mentioned Robert Hunter, J. G. Phelps-Stokes, and 
 William English Walling. Robert Hunter was first a charity organization agent in 
 the Hull House neighborhood. He became a resident at Hull House, and later head 
 resident at University Settlement in New York. His book, Poverty, was an impor- 
 tant contribution in the child labor movement. 
 
 J. G. Phelps-Stokes, an early volunteer at University Settlement in the nineties, 
 developed a social philosophy which he' called Omniism. In 1905 he helped found 
 the Intercollegiate Socialist Society and in 1907 became its president. 
 
 The proposals and activities of this group have shown a decidedly more practical 
 side than is usual among party and doctrinaire socialists. 
 
 175 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 with the full tradition of organized labor, the great body of workers 
 have hardly been more than sympathetic onlookers. The attitude 
 of representative settlements has been one of practical approval 
 and positive co-operation on general principles, while holding and 
 expressing definite convictions as to the right and just standards of 
 trade union leadership and administration. No one has, on occa- 
 sion, more strongly and clearly pointed out the faults of organized 
 labor than Professor Taylor. In fact, every settlement person 
 who makes it a practice to co-operate with trade union leaders 
 expects to have a continuous series of friendly differences with 
 them. 
 
 The spread of broader and more human conceptions about the 
 rights, duties, and aspirations of labor, in which settlements directly 
 and indirectly have had so real a part, together with the steady 
 growth of trade unionism during the past twenty-five years, have 
 eliminated the need of the kind of moral intervention during strikes 
 which settlements for nearly two decades provided. The main 
 body of the labor movement, in consequence of its phenomenal in- 
 crease of power since the entrance in 191 7 of the United States 
 into the war, is today strong and self-confident beyond its dreams 
 of the early nineties. 
 
 Without losing contact with it, settlements have turned rather 
 to the weak in the struggle. The fine stroke of guiding immigrant 
 garment workers of New York into a system of peaceful adjudica- 
 tion with employers, themselves hardly more than immigrants, 
 continued through a period of years, owed much to a group of 
 settlement representatives. The sympathetic attitude of the 
 settlement has not been stretched to include the highly individual- 
 istic form represented by the Industrial Workers of the World; 
 on occasion their effort has been a redoubled one in the direction of 
 securing, amid the concern aroused by syndicalist methods, a com- 
 munity of interest between employers and responsible trade 
 unions. Above all, in season, out of season, through good and ill 
 report, settlements seek to enforce by every means in their power 
 the lesson that employers, workmen, and public are necessarily and 
 inextricably engaged with one another; that each has obligations 
 partly obvious, partly subtle, to the others, which the forces of 
 history will, if need be, compel them to fulfil. 
 
 176 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 WAGE- EARN ING women, thirty-five years ago, were in a 
 peculiar sense being ground between upper and nether 
 millstone. Employers, finding them ill-informed, un- 
 organized, tractable, felt under no necessity to take thought 
 about their compensation or conditions of work. Trade unionists, 
 increasingly restive under invasion of fields hitherto reserved to 
 men, spent their energies on the fundamental task of protecting the 
 wage scale of heads of families. 
 
 The public, on the other hand, was beginning to realize that some- 
 thing was wrong. The pouring of native women and immigrant 
 men into sewing trades, and the competition that ensued between 
 these groups, became a matter of anxiety in some quarters. The 
 rapid exodus of thousands of young girls from the protection of 
 their homes into the irresponsible interchange of store and factory 
 was looked upon by right-minded people with concern. There was 
 a popular impression, happily proved untrue, that the ranks of pros- 
 titution were largely recruited from factories; and there came to be 
 a certain stigma upon working girls as a class. 
 
 Establishment of the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor in 1869 
 under Carroll D. Wright had marked an important step in the prog- 
 ress of public awakening. From 1871 to 1885, nearly all annual 
 reports issued by the bureau included data bearing on the education 
 and employment of young persons, health of working women, and 
 standards of living among factory operatives. The interest of which 
 these reports were both manifestation and cause led to the Massa- 
 chusetts Factory Act of 1874, v^hich prohibited employment of 
 children under thirteen years and limited the hours that women and 
 children might work to ten daily. Twelve years elapsed before 
 the New York state legislature, urged by the Workingmen's 
 Assembly, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, 
 
 177 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 and the New York State Medical Society, passed a similar statute; 
 though it covered only part of the industries in which women and 
 children were employed, carried but meager provision for enforce- 
 ment, and limited its protection to women under twenty-one. 
 
 Establishment of the settlements coincided with the beginnings 
 of trade unionism among women. In 1886 the Knights of Labor 
 appointed a woman on its paid executive staff to investigate con- 
 ditions under which her own sex were employed. She spoke before 
 gatherings in the eastern half of the country and enlisted the 
 assistance of a number of women of influence who became, during the 
 next decade, valuable allies in the movement for better laws. A 
 year or two later a group from this number formed the New York 
 Working Women's Society. At its first public meeting, held in 
 February, 1888, the society declared its purpose to "found trade 
 organizations . . . and to encourage and assist existing labor 
 organizations, to the end of increasing wages and shortening 
 hours." In 1890 members secured an amendment to the factory 
 act which provided for appointment of female factory inspectors. 
 During the same winter an investigation was made of working con- 
 ditions in retail stores, and public discussion of findings led in 1890, 
 for the first time, to organized effort on the part of customers to 
 secure improved conditions for employes. In this undertaking 
 representatives of the two infant settlements in the metropolis 
 participated. 
 
 The fact that women residents had found a large new field for 
 their powers and were experiencing some of the adventure afforded 
 by vocations out of the home, made them conscious that there was 
 such a thing as economic solidarity among women. They hoped to 
 have a hand in making conditions under which all women shall 
 share in the varied work of the world. 
 
 Under this impulse early residents sought acquaintance with 
 women organizers of labor and allied themselves with groups aim- 
 ing to protect the health and leisure of employed girls. A number 
 tried on their own initiative tp organize young women of the 
 neighborhood. Practically all houses set out to secure the 
 enforcement of labor laws, including Sunday closing. Detailed 
 inquiries were made about the actual working hours, sanita.ry con- 
 ditions, and processes said to subject women to special strain or to 
 
 178 
 
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 show an unduly high rate of sickness, in nearby factories and retail 
 shops. Residents of Hull House sought to measure scientifically 
 the actual bodily and nervous fatigue of factory work. Moral 
 perils which grew out of placing girls and women in close association 
 with men and boys, together with dangers met in going to and from 
 home and factory, received earnest consideration. Certain women 
 residents began to study the history of their sex in industry and the 
 evolution of protective legislation. The concrete experience of 
 European countries was gathered and disseminated through ad- 
 dresses, newspaper reports and, not less effectively, through con- 
 versations with many influential persons. 
 
 The practical phase of this interest began in 1892, when Mrs. 
 Florence Kelley suggested to the Illinois Bureau of Labor, through 
 its chief, the need of investigating the sweated industries.^ She was 
 asked to direct the inquiry authorized as a result of her request. 
 The campaign of publicity which followed the presentation of her 
 report to the legislature enabled residents of Hull House, with the 
 help of the Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly, to secufe the 
 passage in July, 1893, of the first comprehensive Illinois factory 
 act. This law separated homes from shops and limited working 
 hours of women to eight a day. 
 
 Mrs. Kelley was appointed factory inspector; Mrs. Alzina P. 
 Stevens, one of the first women to be admitted to the Typographi- 
 cal Union, was made assistant; and Mary E. Kenny,'' an early 
 neighborhood friend of Hull House, organizer of the Bookbinders' 
 Union, and a forceful lobbyist for the bill, became a deputy. Mrs. 
 Kelley 's experience laid the foundation for what has gradually be- 
 come the unanimous conviction of settlement workers that house- 
 hold manufacture must be abolished; that only by requiring all 
 processes of production to be carried on under conditions which ad- 
 mit of legal regulation and state inspection, will laggard employers 
 conform to standards already accepted by their more enterprising 
 competitors. 
 
 The clause in the factory act limiting working hours of girls and 
 
 ' Mrs. Kelley became a resident at Hull House in 1891, and at Henry Street 
 Settlement, New York, in 1899. 
 
 ^ Mrs. O'Sullivan, later active in the Boston Women's Trade Union League; now 
 factory inspector in Massachusetts; 
 
 179 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 women was at once contested in the courts. An eight-hour club 
 was formed, new trade unions established, existing organizations 
 among working women strengthened, and public support obtained. 
 In March, 1895, the act was declared unconstitutional; and until 
 the court reversed itself in 191 1 Illinois remained without any 
 restriction on the number of hours women might be required 
 to work. 
 
 While this agitation against the ill-effects of industrialism was in 
 progress, housewives often retorted, "Servants are scarce, why 
 should girls endure such things?" This question called for direct 
 answer. Settlements were in possession of first-hand and rather ex- 
 clusive evidence. They found that under city conditions the rela- 
 tion between mistress and maid was fast losing its human quality 
 and approximating that which had already become fixed between 
 master and man in industry. While working women sought the 
 spirit of democracy, prosperous families were adopting a standard 
 of life more and more informed, albeit often unconsciously, by 
 autocracy and patronage. From the point of view of the employed 
 girl, long hours, scant leisure, frequently poor living conditions, 
 loneliness from being always an alien in the family group, imperilled 
 standing among her own friends, lessened chances for romance and 
 marriage, and real moral peril, created a handicap too great to off- 
 set any slight increase in income. Factory, store, and office held 
 greater possibilities of personal fulfilment, present and future. 
 
 All the more, some settlement women felt that steps should be 
 devised to place domestic service upon a more tolerable basis. In- 
 vestigation of employment bureaus found in working-class neigh- 
 borhoods showed that some of these places made a business of 
 catering to vice. It was an anomaly that the one industry which 
 seemed to offer women safe and protected employment in the home 
 should be so beset by danger; that while it had developed an in- 
 stitution apparently on the principle of the labor exchange, this 
 agency in its actual operation was without proper public super- 
 vision and a source of peril.^ In several large cities the organized 
 
 1 Sandford, Mabel W.: Domestic Service from the Point of View of the Intelli- 
 gence Office. (Study under the direction of the College Settlements Association, 
 1903-1905.) Kellor, Frances A.: Employment Bureaus for Women. As a result 
 of these studies Miss Kellor organized the work of the Inter-Municipal Committee 
 of Household Research. 
 
 180 
 
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 action which followed this discovery brought about the licensing of 
 employment bureaus and marked improvement in their administra- 
 tion. 
 
 Although the depression of 1893- 1897 sapped the strength of 
 trade unions and halted the purposes of those who sought to assist 
 working-class organization, the process of economic and moral re- 
 adjustment was ultimately hastened. A highly important though 
 hardly foreseen result of the experience of these bitter years was 
 establishment of the principle that the state is not only justified, 
 but under conditions of stress in duty bound to interfere on be- 
 half of less-favored classes. This precedent was of decisive in- 
 fluence in furthering protective legislation for working women and 
 children. 
 
 With the return early in the century of normal industrial condi- 
 tions, interest in trade unionism revived. Settlements here and 
 there now began to offer the use of their rdoms to new and struggling 
 unions of working women and took a hand in organizing such 
 groups. Among the most interesting of these unions was Local 
 183 of the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workers of 
 North America, an outgrowth of the Maude Gonne Club of the 
 University of Chicago Settlement. Though it went down in the 
 great strike of 1904, the spirit of its founders lived for half a decade 
 and nourished the determination of leaders among the girls to obtain 
 fair conditions of work. 
 
 Many residents during the nineties devoted a substantial amount 
 of time to enlisting well-to-do women more generally in the efforts 
 of working girls to better their conditions. Girls on their part were 
 inclined to be critical of the manners, motives, and spirit of such 
 volunteers; and an important part of the service rendered at some 
 houses consisted in proving that a steadily increasing number of 
 educated women are in sympathy with working-class hopes. The 
 growth here and there of new unions of women during the five years 
 between 1898 and 1903 led to a feeling on the part of outside 
 friends that the cause would gain through creation of a general 
 body of convinced support able to keep the torch of unionism 
 lighted, whatever might be the fortune of particular locals. The 
 formation in 1903 at the instance of William English Walling and 
 
 i8i 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Mary Kenny O'Sullivan, of the Women's Trade Union League/ 
 and the estabUshment during 1904 of branches in Chicago, New 
 York, and Boston was carried out with the hearty assistance 
 of city, state, and national labor organizations. During the 
 formative period in its career officers and members of the ex- 
 ecutive committee were in large part persons affiliated with settle- 
 ments. 
 
 In addition to organizing trade unions, different branches of the 
 league carry on forms of self-help such as medical assistance, loans, 
 vacation camps, evening recreation, cultural classes, and generous 
 assistance to immigrants.^ The most striking activity of national 
 organization was the movement which brought about a country- 
 wide study of women and children wage-earners. In 1905 Mary E. 
 McDowell, who had long felt that her representations to the public 
 in behalf of wage-earning women and particularly of girls in the 
 stockyards were hampered for want of authoritative figures, be- 
 came chairman of a committee to advocate a national survey of 
 women in industry. She invoked the assistance of President Roose- 
 velt, Charles P. Neill, then United States Commissioner of Labor 
 and a former resident of University of Chicago Settlement, the 
 American Federation of Labor, the General Federation of Women's 
 Clubs, and settlements throughout the country. In 1907 an act 
 authorizing the investigation was passed . A number of women from 
 different settlements served on the field staff, and from city to 
 city local resident groups furnished valuable suggestion and 
 assistance.' 
 
 The facts were adequately gathered and were presented without 
 bias. While not a great deal that was new came to light, the main 
 contentions of those in favor of legal protection for wage-earning 
 women and children were confirmed with a degree of positiveness 
 and detail previously unattainable and not to be further questioned. 
 The report has therefore been drawn on freely and fully to support 
 
 ' The league, modeled on a British prototype founded in 1874, was organized at 
 Faneuil Hall, Boston, on November 14, 1903. 
 
 ^ A department of the Chicago league organized to care for immigrant women 
 developed into the Chicago Immigrants' Protective League. 
 
 ' United States: Commerce and Labor Department, Report on the Condition of 
 Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States, 19 vols. Washington, D. C, 
 1910-1913. 
 
 182 
 
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 legislation for a minimum wage, protection of working children, 
 industrial education, labor exchanges, and industrial insurance. 
 Indeed, a considerable number of laws affecting women and children 
 secured during the second decade found their substantial suggestion 
 and compulsion in data provided by this study. 
 
 Formation of the Women's Trade Union League strengthened 
 existing locals and led to organization of new unions. The more 
 intense matching of industrial forces naturally resulted in a series 
 of sporadic strikes and other signs of ferment. It was clear that a 
 period of storm and strain was upon the league, and that capable 
 and devoted leadership must be found for it. By an exceptionally 
 happy stroke its principal promoters, in 1907, enlisted Mrs. Ray- 
 mond Robins as president.* Under her inspiring guidance the 
 league increased rapidly in power and resource. Able leaders from 
 the ranks were discovered and trained. Since 1910, therefore, 
 settlement representatives have gradually withdrawn from active 
 participation and have served rather as auxiliaries ready to be 
 called on in periods of stress. During the great garment strikes in 
 New York (1909), Philadelphia (i9io),and Chicago (1910-1911), 
 a number of residents and associate workers assisted in arousing 
 public opinion, patrolling streets, bailing girls unjustly arrested, 
 securing fair play in court, raising funds, forming new locals, and 
 serving on boards of arbitration. 
 
 The chief ground for confidence in the future is the splendid 
 capacity and spirit of leaders coming directly from the ranks, who 
 have brought to the promotion of their cause not only an immediate 
 knowledge of facts and an interpretation which no one else could 
 supply, but also rare vitality of judgment and the ability to present 
 their findings to the public. The very coming forward of this indig- 
 enous initiative, however, only serves to open out a broader and 
 longer perspective within which educated women must continue 
 to render service to the cause of their employed sisters. There is 
 all the more need for the scientific training and insight possessed 
 by such women as Florence Kelley, Dr. Alice Hamilton, Dr. 
 Caroline Hedger, Josephine Goldmark, for the large gifts of human 
 
 1 Mr. and Mrs. Robins continued for some years to live in the West Side of 
 Chicago not far from the scene of Mr. Robins' former work as head of Northwestern 
 University Settlement. 
 
 183 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 vision of Mary E. McDowell, and for the promise illustrated in 
 the brief but shining career of Carola Woerishoffer.i 
 
 Every step in the protection of women industrial employes is 
 naturally associated with consideration for children thrown upon 
 the labor market. It is morally revolting and economically futile 
 to wear out the powers of potential mothers; and equally abhorrent 
 to cut off the promise of solid return which coming grown men and 
 women will be able to make to the community, for the sake of a 
 meager fraction of service absorbed out of the sapling measure of 
 their capacity. Early residents quickly recognized that some form 
 of barrier, however makeshift, must be devised to protect boys and 
 girls just leaving school. Appeal to public authority, such as that 
 taken in the case of women factory employes, was a natural step 
 even under the old conception of governmental functions. 
 
 Down to the early nineties, child labor laws were, in the main, a 
 tissue of compromises. First-hand contact with the entire range 
 of child life gave residents knowledge about the way factory code 
 and compulsory education laws were affecting children, family> 
 school, and neighborhood. Where this general background was 
 reinforced by detailed acquaintance with the local administration of 
 child labor laws, and by thoroughgoing knowledge of statutes and 
 procedure in other states and nations, as was the case in several in- 
 stances, a wholly new stage for this country in the treatment of the 
 problem of the employed child was ushered in.'' 
 
 The phase of child labor which most insistently thrust itself be- 
 fore the first residents was that of the street trades. For a third of a 
 century newsboys, bootblacks, and messengers, sole support of 
 widowed mothers with large families of smaller children, were 
 among the most thrilling stock themes of popular story-tellers. 
 Verbal tradition was strengthened by the canvases of J. G. Brown 
 and his imitators, whose healthy and superficially untidy street 
 
 ' Carola Woerishoffer, Her Life and Work, published by the class of 1907 of 
 Bryn Mawr College, 1912. 
 
 ' Comparison of such a piece of writing as Mrs. Kelley's and Mrs. Stevens' 
 "Wage-Earning Children," published in Hull House Maps and Papers (1895), with 
 the pitiably meager dozen of titles listed in the " Bibliography of Child Labor in 
 the United States," appended to their article, shows how little had been accom- 
 plished toward a comprehensive understanding of the relation of children to indus- 
 try. No one questions the priority of Mrs. Kelley among inspired champions of 
 childhood in the United States. 
 
 184 
 
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 arabs wore their rags with the grace of modern troubadours. In 
 theory these children were putting on moral muscle. Through 
 sharing the burdens of their unfortunate elders, they were presumed 
 to be acquiring in exceptional measure those habits of early rising, 
 initiative, faithfulness, and capacity for sustained effort which 
 were the heralded bases of the nation's great fortunes. To ob- 
 servers who lived continuously amid realities, the streets were seen 
 to be a forcing bed for theft, gambling, brutality, and degeneracy 
 from which few of their denizens escaped wholly unscathed. 
 
 The world of street labor was paralleled by a realm of home 
 labor. School children and others of tenderer age often worked 
 far into the night pulling out bastings, picking nuts, and making 
 artificial flowers, to name only a few occupations. Early residents 
 were shocked to discover the number of parents who regarded off- 
 spring as potential sources of revenue to be realized upon as quickly 
 as the community would permit, and ready to perjure themselves 
 as often as necessary to secure even a small increase in family in- 
 come. Burden of proof as to working age, it became clear, must be 
 upon parent as well as employer. 
 
 During the nineties the chief energy of settlements went into 
 securing legislation which should actualize moral sentiment in 
 favor of compulsory education through the thirteenth year. Resi- 
 dents of Hull House had included a child labor clause in the Illinois 
 Factory Act of 1893 which forbade employment of children under 
 fourteen years of age in manufacture, required an age certificate for 
 all under sixteen, and limited the hours of women and children to 
 eight.i By an amendment the legislature of 1897 brought commer- 
 cial establishments within the provision. In 1903 a statute re- 
 stricted the working day of children under sixteen to eight hours 
 and forbade their employment after seven o'clock in the evening. 
 
 Early child labor provisions, as a rule, excepted from their pro- 
 tection the children of wido\X'ed or dependent elders. Settlement 
 scrutiny brought to light, in case after case, the fact that the num- 
 ber of such men and women was small, while any loophole in the 
 law was taken advantage of by careless, shiftless, or avaricious 
 
 1 In 1890 the city of Chicago passed an ordinance prohibiting the employment of 
 children under ten years of age. In 1891 the legislature raised the age to thirteen, 
 but excepted children of dependent parents. 
 
 185 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 adults. Residents of Hull House had vi^ritten into the Illinois act 
 of 1897 a clause abolishing this exemption. Unfortunately the 
 statute was drawn in such a way that it could not be enforced; 
 and it was not until 1913 that a workable act was obtained. Miss 
 Addams then asked that all cases of distress resulting from its 
 enforcement be reported to her. Four months later only eight 
 families throughout the entire state had been discovered in which 
 withdrawal of a child from industry involved even a suspicion of 
 hardship; and these cases were met by money scholarships. Thus 
 was one of the hoariest lies through which children had long been 
 robbed of their right to education and bound to poverty, forever laid. 
 
 In New York, first-hand experience with the devices by which 
 parents, guardians, employers, lawyers of a sort, and professional 
 sharpers contrive to make gain of working powers of small children 
 gradually urged settlements to comprehensive and practicable 
 child labor statutes. When the legislature, in 1895, appointed a 
 committee to study the work of women and children in mercantile 
 establishments, various residents were ready with detailed knowl- 
 edge of conditions existing in small stores of the East Side and of the 
 effect of employment in department stores on the lives of working 
 girls. The labor of this committee led in 1896 to a law extending 
 the main provisions of the factory act to mercantile employment. 
 
 In the spring of 1902 the settlements organized a child labor 
 committee, of which Robert Hunter, then headworkerof University 
 Settlement, was chairman.* Documentary evidence of the age of 
 children under sixteen, reduction of hours to nine a day without 
 exception, regulation of street trades, co-ordination of factory and 
 compulsory education laws so that children under fourteen might 
 be required to attend school during the entire term and those be- 
 tween fourteen and sixteen to attend school if not employed, were 
 asked for. In 1903 the legislature passed a statute embodying all 
 these provisions. The New York state child labor legislation 
 thereby became a model for other states and has had a marked 
 influence throughout the country during the intervening years.^ 
 
 ' As the scope of the work undertaken by the committee grew, it was found ad- 
 visable to ask assistance of men and women outside settlement ranks; before the 
 year ended the committee had become broadly representative of the whole city. 
 
 2 See Appendix, p. 417, Note VII.— Settlement Assistance in Legislation. 
 
 186 
 
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 It is a curious fact that street trades have had to wait longest 
 before receiving attention. This was partly because they could not 
 be reached through existing organizations such as schools and busi- 
 ness concerns, and partly because legal classification of newsboys 
 and bootblacks as "merchants" shuts them out from the beneficent 
 provisions of child labor laws. Acting on English legislative ex- 
 perience, a group of Boston people including representatives of 
 settlements obtained a law in 1902 providing that children under 
 ten years of age should not be occupied as newsboys or bootblacks, 
 nor those under twelve as peddlers or messengers. Further enact- 
 ments provided that children between ten and fourteen years could 
 engage in a gainful occupation only upon application of parent or 
 guardian and the possession of a license countersigned by a teacher 
 and school principal. Administration of this act was shortly placed 
 in charge of the school board, and a superintendent of licensed 
 minors, for some years member of a settlement staff, appointed to 
 attend to its enforcement. 
 
 The results of Massachusetts initiative were incorporated by 
 New York settlements into the Child Labor Law of 1903, and in a 
 number of cases municipalities in other states have passed similar 
 regulations. The Newark street trades law of 1904 was enforced 
 from settlement houses. 
 
 The loophole offered by home work is doubtless the weakest spot 
 in the present machinery for protection of children from industrial 
 strain. The last state of boys and girls exploited under plea of house 
 as castle may easily be worse, at least so far as health is concerned, 
 than that of juvenilefactory employes supervised by state inspectors. 
 The endeavor to correct abuse by licensing home workshops and 
 providing for their regular inspection is on trial in Massachusetts. 
 While the modest degree of supervision secured has by no means 
 eliminated the evil, it has distinctly lessened it. The lowest grade 
 of family finds it difficult if not impossible to secure licenses. 
 
 General progress made in one state after another led, in 1904, to 
 organization of the National Child Labor Committee. A number 
 of settlement representatives continued for a season among its 
 officers and executive board. The Federal Child Labor Law of 
 19 16 which, first in one form, then in another, has served to bring 
 all the states up to a high level in the protection of young life from 
 14 187 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 the burden of industry, was specifically the achievement of this 
 national committee. 
 
 An important stage in the effort to make results of settlement ex- 
 perience in local neighborhoods minister to the needs of all children 
 is represented by the Federal Children's Bureau. The plan of a 
 governmental authority charged with the duty of collecting in- 
 formation about all forms of out-of-scbool experience in child 
 nurture, and of making its results widely available, originated with 
 Miss Wald and Mrs. Kelley. The organization of the National 
 Child Labor Committee made it the logical sponsor for the bill 
 authorizing a Children's Bureau, which was passed by Congress 
 and signed by President Taft in 1912. Julia C. Lathrop, who 
 brought pre-eminent ability and training gained by cumulative pub- 
 lic service to her task, was made chief of the bureau.^ The new de- 
 partment has become a recognized power for the better estate of 
 home and community life throughout the nation. 
 
 Three decades of experience show that democratic advance in 
 the strata of population known to settlements waits on establish- 
 ment of the minimum tax which may be laid by industry on the 
 time and strength of men, women, children, and the unborn ; and 
 on the degree of well-being attainable through the average wage. 
 Maintenance of the American standard of living in all its aspects, 
 physical, moral, and associational, despite immigration, greed, and 
 civic carelessness, constitutes one of the chief enterprises of awak- 
 ened citizenship. A primary step toward this great end is passage 
 of laws to curb the money lust of employers, consumers, and par- 
 ents as prerequisite toward freeing and directing the more deeply 
 productive powers of youth. Though much has been accomplished, 
 much remains to be done. 
 
 ' Resigned 192 1; was succeeded by Grace Abbott, for many years a resident at 
 Hull House. 
 
 188 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 BELOW THE POVERTY LINE 
 
 ALTHOUGH early residents came prepared, in the words of 
 l\ Mr. Barnett, "to sup sorrow with the poor," they were far 
 I V from realizing in advance the variety and poignancy of the 
 claims that want would make upon them. Their acquaintance with 
 the life of poverty had been of the slightest. They were still, in 
 spite of themselves, somewhat under the traditional impression 
 that extreme need, in the land of opportunity, could be only a 
 superficial and casual phenomenon. Coming with an overture to 
 self-sustaining though struggling wage-earners, they were inclined 
 to look upon every one as belonging by choice to the ranks of 
 honest labor. 
 
 An attitude so oversanguine carried its own penalty. Almost be- 
 fore they knew what was happening, residents found themselves be- 
 sieged by various camp-followers of poverty. Tramps, chronic 
 loafers, beggars, cheats, ne'er-do-wells, sought to make gain of the 
 optimism of young reformers. Though disillusioning, such ex- 
 perience was not without compensations. The very pain and dis- 
 appointment which followed failure of detailed and sympathetic 
 effort indicated forms of human need so deep and thoroughgoing 
 as to demand remedies of a kind not yet created. It was then that 
 settlement adepts began to question whether extreme cases, far 
 from being merely given up in despair, were not a summons to deep 
 and broad community action. 
 
 Reaching beyond forms of poverty which are an obvious ex- 
 pression of physical and moral degeneracy, settlements were soon 
 involved in cases of sporadic misery traceable directly to low-grade 
 family life, incapacity to bear responsibility, and shiftlessness. 
 They were frequently impelled to assist far from worthy heads 
 of households in order to safeguard children with whom they had 
 already become friends. Side by side with such instances, how- 
 
 189 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ever, neighborly goodwill began to distinguish economic hardship 
 clearly traceable, not to defects of character but to accident, sick- 
 ness, death, unemployment, unforeseen responsibility, fluctuation 
 of industry. Here came the moving discovery of the neighbor " who 
 will not let them starve" ; of the poor helping one another through 
 direct and immediate sharing and through benefit entertainments 
 of various sorts. 
 
 Residents were forced to choose between having the settlement 
 itself become a relief-giving center, identified inevitably with those 
 seeking material aid, or of acting through agencies designed for 
 such service. In cities where a charity organization society under 
 one name or another was already at work, common cause was 
 quickly made with it. Where no such agency existed, settlements 
 were compelled to relieve distress, wherever and whenever it ap- 
 peared, while building up sentiment in the city for the creation of 
 a specialized system. In several cities residents had an important 
 share in bringing about the organization of a co-ordinated and cen- 
 tralized system of relief; and in others staff members have served 
 during long periods on executive boards of charitable agencies.^ 
 
 The working alliance between settlements and local charity or- 
 ganization offices thus early begun continues to be universally and 
 mutually helpful. One or more residents are usually detailed to 
 serve as members of the consulting group, both to contribute the 
 results of local acquaintance and experience, and to increase their 
 own knowledge of undisclosed hard facts. When families known to 
 the staff lapse below self-support, they are referred to the society. 
 Correlatively, cases originating with a relief society are often re- 
 ferred to the settlement, which then seeks to bring its educational 
 resources to bear in sustaining the family in its struggle to win and 
 hold a new level. 
 
 While thus avoiding distraction from its educational and com- 
 
 1 The situation in Chicago during the nineties may be taken as typical. Each 
 winter residents had to give a large part of their attention to pressing problems of 
 acute need. Relief funds were raised, and lodging houses, employment bureaus, 
 and other agencies of like nature established. Largely as a result of settlement 
 experience and initiative, the present United Charities was organized, with which 
 settlements have always continued to co-operate. 
 
 Herbert H. Jacobs, of University Settlement, Milwaukee, and James O. White 
 who with Mrs. White directs Union Bethel Settlement in Cincinnati, have for some 
 years maintained working relations directly and indirectly with both public and 
 private agencies for relief. 
 
 190 
 
BELOW THE POVERTY LINE 
 
 prehensive purpose, which would be caused by stress of reUef-giving, 
 the settlement by no means abrogates its function of first-aid sta- 
 tion to which neighbors may come when they fall into trouble. The 
 fact that the resident staff is subject to call twenty-four hours a 
 day has, in most instances, brought about a tacit understanding 
 with local charity conferences under which residents meet emer- 
 gencies after business hours, and on Sundays and holidays. 
 
 Settlement workers acknowledge their indebtedness to the admir- 
 able case work technique initiated by charity organization societies. 
 The value of a corpus of experience such as that contained in Mary 
 E. Richmond's volume. Social Diagnosis, can hardly be overestim- 
 ated.^ There are, however, certain friendly differences of judgment 
 between the two branches of service. Residents cannot escape the 
 fact that in the view of working people, to be known or even sus- 
 pected of being an object of charity carries with it a sense of separa- 
 tion from one's circle of acquaintance and a connotation of moral 
 blame. They therefore reserve the privilege of giving material 
 assistance to families with whom they have been long acquainted. 
 Followed with care and restraint, such downright playing the neigh- 
 bor's part, instead of weakening the fiber of people's self-respect, 
 nearly always elicits unsuspected reserves of purpose. 
 
 Settlements almost without exception are opposed to registration 
 of members of their educational and recreational groups in a confi- 
 dential exchange. The stigma which in the minds of people attaches 
 to such records, and the possible invasion of jealously guarded 
 privacy which such enlistment permits, more than overbalance in 
 the case of those not receiving material relief, the administrative 
 advantages which the registry in general certainly possesses.'' 
 
 Persons who go to live in tenement localities, because they feel the 
 psychological difficulty which men and women of favored groups, 
 unwittingly to themselves, have in judging working people's stan- 
 dards and motives, are likely to believe that sound judgment is only 
 
 ' New York, Russell Sage Foundation, 19 17. 
 
 " All the substantial values that might be expected to grow out of complete 
 registration are already secured. Inquiries from responsible agencies about specific 
 families known to the settlement are always answered. Residents on their part 
 consult the confidential exchange about families whose necessities involve detailed 
 case work. Such action automatically records the name of the family. 
 
 191 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 acquired through participating in neighborhood Hfe. It is easier for 
 a neighbor than for an outsider to achieve the understanding of 
 friendliness, to be more conscious of the individual than of his need, 
 to keep clearly in mind his potential powers and to have faith in 
 his capacity for advance; to see in pain and suffering a reproach 
 and a challenge to helper not less than to helped. 
 
 In a few instances residents are attempting to draw upon th.e 
 good sense of neighbors for diagnosis, plan, and relief. The larger 
 and more resourceful women's clubs set aside sums for local re- 
 lief. The committee of neighbors associated with Hudson Guild 
 makes itself responsible for quietly rendering first-aid in many 
 phases of acute poverty. It then seeks the co-operation of local 
 agencies in carrying out a timely neighborly plan of assistance. 
 
 The helping hand of the friend and neighbor corresponds to the 
 upper end of a spectrum whose dark extreme is commitment to a 
 public charitable institution. Twenty years ago many men and 
 women still believed that authorities of hospitals and infirmaries 
 freely used the contents of a "black bottle" to do away with 
 patients who made trouble or required extra care. The poorhouse 
 represented the uttermost depth of bodily hardship and spiritual 
 degradation reserved for this world. The intensity and universality 
 of this recoil gave it a peculiar hold upon the settlement mind. 
 Utterly unbelievable were the things set forth about the " charities" 
 by those who claimed to be speaking from experience. Convinced 
 repetition and the strength of local tradition made it clearly a duty 
 to investigate. A disturbing residuum of fact was uncovered. A 
 kind of responsible criticism of public institutions was undertaken 
 from some of the settlements, which, as it spread, has helped to 
 bring about a more considerate type of control. 
 
 The able services of Miss Lathrop in establishing the bitter facts 
 and indicating the outlines of better policy have been of national 
 importance. Shortly after joining Hull House in 1889, she became 
 a county visitor for the outdoor relief section of the department of 
 charities, and undertook to inquire thoroughly into all applications 
 within a radius of ten blocks of the settlement. As a result of ex- 
 ceptional acquaintance which she came to have with the round of 
 life among the poor, in 1893 she was appointed to the State 
 Board of Charities. Contrary to all precedent, Miss Lathrop took 
 
 192 
 
BELOW THE POVERTY LINE 
 
 with serious eagerness a rule that county poorhouses should be 
 visited by a board member at least once a year, and for two years 
 gave a considerable part of her time to inspecting these establish- 
 ments all over the state. She became not only the best informed 
 person in Illinois on conditions in public institutions, but the one 
 individual capable of viewing their administration as well from the 
 standpoint of inmates as from that of oificials. 
 
 Largely as the result of Miss Lathrop's influence, a law was ob- 
 tained bringing under civil service those employed in administer- 
 ing public charities; more liberal provision was made for state care 
 of defectives; improvements in the sanitary and living conditions 
 of many county poorhouses and jails and various reforms in methods 
 of nursing dependents in public hospitals were instituted; a state 
 colony for epileptics was established. 
 
 In Chicago the opportunity for thoroughgoing readjustment in 
 public charitable institutions finally appeared in 1901 as a result 
 of an unusually serious expose at Dunning, a combined poor farm 
 and insane asylum. Miss Lathrop pledged the leading newspapers 
 to support a genuine, instead of the usual whitewashing, investi- 
 gation, and secured the appointment of a commission of capable 
 citizens. This committee, with the assistance of an aroused public 
 opinion, induced the city to vote the sum of $500,000 to move the 
 institution to new quarters where real farming could be done, and 
 to establish it upon a modern sanitary, medical, and humane basis. 
 
 While the work of Miss Lathrop is unique, settlement residents 
 in large cities have had an important part in righting injustice, in 
 creating that wave of sympathy which demands skilled and kindly 
 hospital care for the critically sick and mentally diseased, and in 
 urging that the last days of the worthy aged be guaranteed in some 
 measure against the type of poorhouse which is more than half 
 correctional institution.' Not the least valuable outcome of such 
 criticism has been the demonstration that degradation of public 
 charitable institutions is in peculiar measure a result of the civic 
 insufficiency of those strata of society which are the most likely to 
 provide inmates. 
 
 The two broad divisions of dependency were very strongly 
 emphasized during the lean years from 1893 to 1897, and again 
 
 1 See Addams, Jane: Twenty Years at Hull House, pp. 154 ff., and 165 ff. 
 
 193 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 in 1900, 1907, and 1914. An important result of the first of these 
 experiences was that the unemployed were forever differentiated 
 for purposes of treatment from other dependent types. Residents 
 during the nineties illustrated the value of a local foothold as a 
 means of finding out both the extent of unemployment and its re- 
 sulting distress, and of applying remedies. Understatement and 
 overstatement were corrected on the basis of first-hand knowledge. 
 Young business men were brought together to study the situation. 
 Funds for relief were secured and the needs of ordinarily self-suffi- 
 cient families reached partly through trade unions and other work- 
 ing-class organizations. Committees were organized to devise 
 temporary forms of industry. Men were set to clean streets and 
 to carry on other public and semi-public work, while women were 
 employed in improvised workrooms. 
 
 Experience revealed in sharp outline the economic menace of the 
 presence of vagrants who work only when they have no other re- 
 course. American settlements were able to second and reinforce 
 the brilliant generalization of Charles Booth that abnormally low 
 wages and excessive unemployment, which bear so hard on the 
 laborer with a family, are in important measure chargeable to the 
 presence of large numbers of unencumbered men.' Residents at 
 South End House presented their conclusions before a legislative 
 board appointed in 1894 to investigate unemployment. In com- 
 bination with other citizens a law was secured requiring towns 
 which lodge and feed wayfarers to apply a work test. For some 
 years tramps have found it increasingly difficult to approach large 
 cities in Massachusetts, which are by a happy chance at a dis- 
 tance from other state lines, without facing the disagreeable neces- 
 sity of working. 
 
 An important result of dealing thus broadly with the tramp is 
 that it leaves more energy and resource for the unmistakable victims 
 of an ill-adjusted order of things. The most appealing of such types 
 is the aged who treasure freedom and self-respect often in the face 
 of serious hardship and suffering, holding fast to any occupation 
 which affords protection against the hated approach of pauperism. 
 A few houses have carried on workrooms where a small number of 
 
 1 Labor and Life of the People in London, Vol. I, East London, p. 1 54. London, 
 Williams and Norgate, 1889. 
 
 194 
 
BELOW THE POVERTY LINE 
 
 such old people are employed at simple tasks. In 1914 the Green- 
 wich House Committee on Investigation directed a study into old 
 age poverty in the neighborhood, the first considerable effort in 
 this country to analyze types of aged poor in a metropolitan district 
 and ways by which they manage to exist.i The results indicate in 
 convincing terms the need of a program of discriminating care for 
 resourceless old people who should not be asked to go to the present 
 type of almshouse. 
 
 All working-class localities include a remnant of men and women 
 who, because of low-grade mentality, constitutional restlessness, 
 and lack of manual skill find it difficult if not impossible to hold 
 steady work. The largest portion of this group is composed of 
 widows whose skill of hand is so rudimentary that they must per- 
 force labor at coarse kinds of housework. Certain among these are 
 not physically strong enough to do such work. A few houses carry 
 on formal employment bureaus and a number have maintained 
 workshops for making and repairing clothing, where those who 
 cannot produce enough to maintain themselves are yet able in 
 some degree to be useful. 
 
 Infancy deprived of its proper measure of protection and support 
 constituted one of the earliest challenges to settlements. Twenty- 
 five years ago it seemed not difficult to reason that a mother who 
 for any cause could not give proper care to her child should sur- 
 render it to others. The day nursery embodied a partial recogni- 
 tion of the irrefutable claim of mother upon child and of child upon 
 mother; and on account of the element of human conservation in 
 its plan, this agency began to take its place as part of the scheme of 
 not a few settlements. Here it develops a certain distinctive qual- 
 ity. Children between three and seven years from nursery families 
 are enlisted in play schools, after-school recreation of older brothers 
 and sisters is supervised, and opportunities are found for assisting 
 the mother under her double burden.^ 
 
 ' Nassau, Mabel L.: Old Age Poverty in Greenwich Village. New York, F. H. 
 Revell Co., 191 5. 
 
 * In case of sickness in families, or in crises where it seems desirable that children 
 be removed from excitement or danger, the day nursery receives them. One or two 
 settlements have tried the doubtful experiment of providing care for babies during 
 short periods in which seasonal occupations engage mothers of the neighborhood. 
 One settlement induced a responsible woman to open her home to children of such 
 rnothers. 1 n 1 920, 66 settlements carried on day nurseries as part of their work. Some, 
 
 195 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Experience not alone with nursery infants but with older boys 
 and girls in these families gradually drove home to settlement 
 visitors the fact that one parent cannot fulfil the functions of two. 
 Children of wage-earning mothers absent all day from home, ex- 
 hausted by hard labor, and pitiably recompensed were so evidently 
 more than half orphaned, in terms of food, clothing, and maternal 
 care, that it was questionable whether the full orphan had not a 
 better chance. Out of this new realization settlements began to 
 suggest that mothers without breadwinners should in some way 
 be given support to carry on the supreme function of nurturing 
 their children. Money was solicited to pay weekly allowances, the 
 results of which demonstrated the inherent common sense and 
 economy of this plan . The tendency in favor of public allowances to 
 widows with children which began in 191 1 and spread with great 
 rapidity after 191 3, received from the beginning the strong rein- 
 forcement of all representative settlement workers.^ 
 
 The distress which grew out of the panic of 1893 was in some re- 
 spects incomprehensible enough to be accepted with that numbed 
 and unthinking fataUsm which is reserved for "visitations of God." 
 No such attitude was possible toward unemployment, accident, 
 sickness, and premature death which with ghastly regularity took 
 toll year by year from the industrial rank and file. Various efforts 
 were made to help maimed of limb, nervous wrecks whose re- 
 serves of vitality had been sapped by the forced pace of industry, 
 middle-aged misfits patterned into a bodily and mental rigidity 
 through years of overspecialized work, and those half-sick from 
 fear that caprice of foreman or employer might deprive them of 
 employment and destroy a long toiled for and barely achieved 
 standard of living. Large numbers of neighbors were found carry- 
 ing burdens greater than human nature should be called upon to 
 bear. It was impossible to avoid the conclusion that poverty was 
 being manufactured before one's eyes. 
 
 The injustice of asking working people to sustain the full physical 
 and economic cost of industrial accident sharply outlined itself. 
 
 however, have surrendered this service to special agencies or look after children in 
 other ways. 
 
 1 Under the leadership of William Hard, formerly head of Northwestern Uni- 
 versity Settlement, Chicago. 
 
 196 
 
BELOW THE POVERTY LINE 
 
 Here and there residents joined hands with trade unionists and 
 public-spirited citizens in varied eiforts to reduce such risks and to 
 secure adequate and immediate money recompense. Graham 
 Taylor served on two Illinois commissions, one of which secured a 
 law requiring the installation of protective devices on dangerous 
 machinery, and the other a statute enforcing more careful working 
 procedure in mines. It was not, however, until 1910 that the first 
 legislative commissions on compensation were appointed, though in 
 191 1 ten states passed compensation laws. The principle of assess- 
 ing the burden of cost jointly upon employer, workman, and con- 
 sumer is now established, and constitutes one of the soundest and 
 most significant precedents in the progress of democracy.^ ■ 
 
 The process by which workmen's compensation laws were se- 
 cured is almost as suggestive as the result. For the first time a 
 piece of radical industrial legislation was projected and agreed to 
 in advance by employers, trade union leaders, and representatives 
 of the general public. This method settlements had prefigured. 
 The attitude and atmosphere which they had created were an in- 
 fluence toward making such relations possible; many who through- 
 out the country strove most earnestly toward mutual agreement 
 in framing the several bills had been in close relations with settle- 
 ments. 
 
 Expansion of the principle of workmen's compensation to in- 
 clude industrial diseases found clear and early advocacy among 
 certain residents who combined technical knowledge with human 
 perspective. Mrs. Kelley, in her capacity of factory inspector in 
 Illinois had secured the examination by physicians of 135 children 
 under fourteen years working in factories. The findings showed ap- 
 palling physical ravages. Later, Dr. Alice Hamilton and Dr. Caro- 
 line Hedger studied the effects of tenement house industry on the 
 health of working mothers and made plain its excessive cost in 
 terms of the strength of children yet unborn, on family standards 
 and on home life. Of recent years Dr. Hamilton has given 
 careful and continuous attention, under the auspices of state 
 and national departments, to the study of industries in which 
 
 ' Eastman, Crystal: Work-Accidents and the Law. New York, Charities Pub- 
 lication Committee, 1910. 
 American Labor Legislation Review, Vol. I, No. 2; Vol. I, No. 4, 191 1. 
 
 197 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 poisoning occurs; she is now a recognized authority on its forms 
 and its control.' 
 
 Long-continued experience with unemployment during economic 
 and other crises, and with that more regular sort which is none the 
 less trying, showed that the worst evil which grows out of enforced 
 idleness is the breaking down of habits of work and of the instinct 
 for economic self-sufficiency. The degradation of poverty, however 
 temporary, affects moral vitality so deeply that recovery is often 
 difficult. It is a decided source of safety at such times that house- 
 holds should continue to be in touch with friends, trade unions, 
 and neighbors, and be upheld by sympathetic understanding and 
 assistance. 
 
 Each new crisis, however, leads settlements to make new de- 
 mands for state commissions and for some comprehensive plan by 
 which to anticipate such calamities.'' Appointment of public in- 
 vestigating bodies, and the rapid increase of state employment 
 bureaus, have been influential in arousing public opinion and 
 educating it to the point of determined attack upon the problem. 
 In several states voluntary committees are working to secure com- 
 prehensive records of unemployment and the passage of laws which 
 will compel employers and employes alike to insure against this 
 devastating evil.' 
 
 While in the large, the effort of settlements to meet the problems 
 connected with unemployment has been scattering, it clearly ex- 
 pressed their characteristic and well-nigh universal attitude. They 
 have from the beginning shared the opinion expressed by Professor 
 Alfred Marshall, constant visitor at Toynbee Hall, in his great work 
 on the Principles of Economics,* that poverty is unnecessary and 
 
 ^ Since 1919, Professor of Industrial Medicine at Harvard Medical School. 
 
 ' Several types of effort have been made to meet unemployment as found under 
 normal industrial conditions. A few settlements have endeavored to place people on 
 the land, without any degree of success. Many carry on informal employment ser- 
 vice to provide day's work for women. On the whole, workers using philanthropic 
 bureaus are unskilled and incapable, or in need of special tasks difficult to secure. 
 They can be best helped through the aid of an interested person or through what 
 may yet come — the organization of a combined agency and workroom which will 
 study each applicant and develop a general method of assistance. 
 
 ' This whole subject has of late years been developed under the lead of the 
 American Association for Labor Legislation with its various state branches. 
 
 * Marshall, Alfred: Principles of Economics. New York, The Macmillan Com- 
 pany, 1890. 
 
 198 
 
BELOW THE POVERTY LINE 
 
 should be abolished. The possibility of this consummation lies 
 partly in eliminating the mentally and morally unfit; partly in 
 underwriting, by all concerned or by the state, unavoidable risks ; 
 partly in readjusting the distribution of national income through 
 well-considered voluntary and public forms of action. But before, 
 during, and after such efforts is it necessary to develop among work- 
 ing people the full measure of their capacity as producers. Through 
 the attention given by settlements to these too easily neglected car- 
 dinal points, they are making their distinctive contribution toward 
 a better economic order. 
 
 199 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 STANDARDS OF WELL-BEING 
 
 THE protection and enhancement of working-class standards 
 of living call for exact and minute knowledge of contempor- 
 ary facts. Early residents, in the words of one of their num- 
 ber, sought to find out "what homes the people have, their sanitary 
 condition, their privacy, their comfortableness, their adornment; 
 what food and drink the people have; what clothes they wear; 
 what work they do, and all the questionable conditions that sur- 
 round the labor of men and women in these days; what wages they 
 receive and how well or ill they spend their money; what knowledge 
 they are receiving; what amusements they have; all the little amen- 
 ities of their lives; their unselfishness; their loves, their hates, their 
 sins, their crimes, their hopes. "' 
 
 The approach in the field of economic upbuilding is made in 
 nearly every instance through very elementary plans for encourage- 
 ment of savings. Residents noted at once, as compared with their 
 own conditions, the difficulty which all tenement dwellers had in 
 saving enough money to buy goods in any quantity. Where a 
 family might spend without extravagance its entire income on food 
 and lodging, and where clothing and recreation are likely to be at 
 the cost of nutrition, the withholding even of a small margin de- 
 mands a high degree of forbearance and skill. 
 
 Stamp saving is generally popular with children, and depositors 
 often include the largest single company of boys and girls in con- 
 tact with the settlement.^ The training given makes for care, 
 
 ' Woods, R. A.: "University Settlement Idea." Andmer Review, Vol. XVIII, pp. 
 517-39, October, 1892. 
 
 'This is a plan whereby deposits in sums from one cent and upward are receipted 
 for in stamps pasted on a card. Deposits may be withdrawn on one week's notice. 
 One or two houses carry on private banks of their own, which receive not only small 
 deposits but larger sums on which interest is paid. Such a bank attracts the older 
 young people and at the larger settlements some adults. One settlement brought 
 about the establishment of a savings bank for its locality. 
 
 200 
 
STANDARDS OF WELL-BEING 
 
 accuracy, and judgment in handling money, and the banker has 
 occasional opportunity to teach thrift and to reinforce the home. 
 In a number of instances settlement stamp-saving stations have 
 been taken over by public schools. Among adults the habit of 
 putting aside money is best promoted by methods analogous to 
 those of industrial insurance companies. Home-savings visitors 
 make weekly calls on a group of families living close to one another. 
 Though what is accumulated by depositors under this method 
 hardly ever becomes a true savings account, the collector is often 
 able to induce housewives to relate separate expenditures to the de- 
 mands of living as a whole and to co-ordinate income and outgo.' 
 
 For the purpose of accumulating a surplus, either through sav- 
 ings or insurance, the various available systems calling for pay- 
 ments by clients at short intervals may be considered generally 
 satisfactory. The reverse process in form of deferred payments 
 for goods already in hand, has had a copious history of abuse and 
 injustice. Early residents found instalment companies resorting 
 to many kinds of double dealing for the purpose of inducing people 
 to purchase tawdry furniture, clothing, and jewelry at prices greatly 
 beyond their value. Pawnbrokers and loan sharks plied their 
 victims. Undertakers took advantage of the inexperience, grief, 
 and pride of their clients. Investigations were made and publicity 
 given to numerous instances of outrageous fraud, and these efforts 
 had an important influence in bringing about new legal regulations 
 designed to protect the rights of purchasers.^ 
 
 The insanitary conditions of grocery stores in many localities, 
 the high cost of foodstuffs and of coal and wood sold in small 
 quantities, have been and remain a constant challenge to settle- 
 ments. These considerations, together with the prevalence of 
 poorly prepared and low-grade food in tenement households, led 
 residents of Hull House in 1893 to establish a public kitchen and 
 lunch room designed to supply attractive and nutritious meals at 
 
 ' Coal and grocery clubs are organized at some settlements. Money is saved 
 through the stamp system. The risk is underwritten and the labor of management 
 is contributed by a few interested people. The beneficiaries have no part in the 
 management. 
 
 * The Department of Remedial Loans of the Russell Sage Foundation, organized 
 in 1910, has been engaged in exposing and helping to prosecute fraud, drafting new 
 statutes, and fostering the establishment of lending societies. 
 
 201 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 low rates. They hoped that women carrying on industrial work at 
 home and factory operatives would take advantage of the service. 
 The lunch room, however, was soon pre-empted by office employes, 
 teachers, social workers, and other salaried people. Settlements 
 elsewhere have tried the same plan, but have not been able to 
 justify it. The one undeniably appropriate form of such "work is 
 the special lunch room for young working women, although even 
 here only infrequently can cost of food, preparation,' service, and 
 rent be covered.' 
 
 The upshot of such experiment and effort carried on during two 
 decades is the turning of attention from particular cases of fraud or 
 extortion to public supervision and control of all distributive ser- 
 vices closely affecting public health. The cost of staples has been 
 studied systematically, and in several instances some degree of 
 public regulation secured. Stores in which food is exposed and 
 sold, especially bakeries, butcher shops, and groceries, have been 
 examined by voluntary inspectors and specially bad conditions re- 
 ported to health departments. An important educational result of 
 such efforts is the increased vigilance of tenement women. Market 
 men and shopkeepers are themselves beginning to meet local de- 
 mands for greater care and cleanliness. 
 
 These various undertakings, reinforced by ever-increasing direct 
 relations with working-class homes, revealed certain chief causes 
 that hinder more general development of sound family life. A 
 considerable percentage of deserving families was found to be re- 
 ceiving income insufficient to maintain physical health and vigor. 
 Residents set out, therefore, to disclose the effects of low wages on 
 family and home. 
 
 In a rough way, establishment of early settlements coincided 
 with the influx of Russian Jews during the eighties, which resulted 
 the following decade in phenomenal development and centraliza- 
 tion of the ready-made tailoring trade. It is one of life's ironies 
 that the production of clothing, from spinning of the thread to its 
 display on a manikin, should be attended by a greater degree of 
 suffering and degradation than that of almost any other industrial 
 process. Jews, with their high individualism, so subdivided proc- 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 418, Note VIII.— Settlement Milk Depots, Laundries, and 
 Sales of Clothing. 
 
 202 
 
STANDARDS OF WELL-BEING 
 
 esses of the trade that a whole series of immigrant middlemen 
 manufacturers were created, each of which squeezed the unfortu- 
 nate victim just below him, even as he was squeezed from above, 
 to the limit of endurance. A pioneer attempt to define through 
 careful and discerning methods the actual way of life of a consider- 
 able group of wage-earners, was authorized by the newly established 
 College Settlements Association.' The study whose object was to 
 learn whether it was possible for the garment trade to defray the 
 average expense of living, was published under the title. Receipts 
 and Expenditures of Wage-Earners in the Garment Trades. 
 
 At many houses budget studies, based on data provided by care- 
 ful neighbors, were compiled. Gradually, also, through confidence 
 imparted quite naturally to stamp-savings visitors, comparison 
 of wage scales with cost of commodities in local stores, and actual 
 dietaries, a good deal of exact information about standards of living 
 was accumulated. Neighborhood houses were regarded as head- 
 quarters for such information, and though few of these studies were 
 published by them directly, the results have in a number of in- 
 stances been embodied in state, national, and foreign documents.^ 
 
 The first exhaustive effort to ascertain the actual standard of life 
 in a working-class city community, however, was undertaken from 
 Greenwich House. Between 1903 and 1905, Mrs. Louise Bolard 
 More, with the assistance of families living in the neighborhood, 
 collected data covering 200 households.' The results showed that 
 in 1 906 an income of $600 a year, or less, which a number of author- 
 
 '■ Eaton, Isabel: College Settlements Association Report, 1893-1894, p. lo. 
 
 ' The following are typical: Food Stores and Purchases in the Tenth Ward, pp. 
 15-19. University Settlement (New York), Report, 1898. Palmer, Gertrude: 
 Earnings, Spendings and Savings of School Children, pp. 1-16. Commons, June, 
 1903. Herzfeld, Elsa G.: Family Monographs, p. 150. New York, The Jane 
 Kempter Printing Co., 1905. Report of the Massachusetts State Commission on 
 the Cost of Living, Appendix B, May, 1910. Cost of Living in American Towns. 
 London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 191 1. 
 
 ' More, L. B. : Wage-Earners' Budgets, A Study of Standards and Costs of Living 
 in New York City; with a preface by F. H. Giddings. New York, Henry Holt and 
 Co., 1907. The results, in the words of Professor Giddings' introduction . . . 
 "have been obtained by methods more thorough, painstaking and critical than it 
 has usually been possible hitherto to use. Of the figures set down in Mrs. More's 
 tables, it can be said that every one stands for something not only certainly known, 
 but also critically scrutinized and weighed before being added to the general sum of 
 information." Mrs. More's conclusions were confirmed in 1909 by Robert C. 
 Chapin's Standards of Living Among Workingmen's Families in New York City. 
 New York, Charities Publication Committee, 1909. 
 
 '5 203 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ities had stated to be sufficient to maintain a family of five in New 
 York City, was entirely inadequate, and that on this sum adults 
 and children were undernourished, underclothed, and meanly 
 housed. Eight hundred dollars a year appeared to be the barest 
 sum on which family life could reach the level of a cheerless 
 modicum. 
 
 The importance which settlement workers attach to authorita- 
 tive estimates of costs of living is based on the fact that an essential 
 part of the campaign for better wages is the affirmation in season 
 and out of a really American standard of life. It is indisputable 
 that the last increments of a laborer's pay are measurably influ- 
 enced by the national standard of life and the communal sense of 
 justice and brotherliness. The majority of Americans will not 
 knowingly profit from the pain or disability of any individual or 
 class. The nation understands that quality of child life, success 
 of a costly system of public schools, and efficiency of its producers 
 depend on a satisfactory home and family experience. 
 
 Settlements go a long way with those who believe that city, state, 
 and nation can enjoy such standards of welfare as they are ready to 
 pay for. Certainly many ardently desired changes in living con- 
 ditions wait on increased productivity of the industrial community 
 in reciprocal relation with more equitable distribution of national 
 income. But residents realize with increasing clearness that while 
 income is an indispensable requisite it is not more practically im- 
 portant than use of income. The tenements show the contrast 
 found in every walk of life; families with identical incomes and 
 identical rooms living under conditions which seem a century and a 
 whole economic stratum apart. Certain housewives spend money 
 carefully and serviceably; others incapably and wastefully. Some 
 have been brought up in homes where there is a fine hereditary 
 standard of housekeeping. Others, and in large cities they form an 
 increasing proportion, have been turned into factories during the 
 years when they would naturally learn most about this primary 
 vocation of women, and have graduated into marriage at best ig- 
 norant, and at worst disinclined and rebellious, in their attitude to- 
 ward household tasks. 
 
 On the side of home-making, equally with wage-earning, settle- 
 ments strive for the American standard of life. Concretely, that 
 
 204 
 
STANDARDS OF WELL-BEING 
 
 Standard requires meat in the diet, clothing in accord with the use 
 of one's group and of a sort to make one generally presentable, the 
 education of children until the fourteenth or sixteenth year, and 
 definite provision for recreation ; all these with a substantial meas- 
 ure of accomplishment in morals and manners, cleanliness and 
 wholesome living, skill in preparation and service of food, educa- 
 tional inclinations.! With such a measuring rod, settlements set 
 off two particular groups, not mutually exclusive, whose ways of 
 life fall below this minimum. 
 
 The first includes a large number of immigrant families. There 
 is real necessity for sharp reaction against foreigners who send sub- 
 stantial sums to Europe, or hoard their earnings for the purpose of 
 buying real estate here in despite of the bodies, minds, and morals 
 of the nation's future citizens. The second group is made up of 
 families which, through sickness, lack of personal hygiene, un- 
 skilled and wasteful purchase and preparation of food, unintelligent 
 care of newborn infants, careless training of children, gravitate into 
 a kind of existence which is very little above abject poverty. 
 
 Home-making in settlement terms connotes not only cookery, 
 but the finer sentiments of honesty, mutual consideration, neigh- 
 borliness sustained by religious loyalty, all determining forces in the 
 creation of good and capable men and women. Experience with 
 children in and out of their homes showed beyond peradventure 
 that faithfulness, sense of responsibility, instinct to hold through 
 discouragement, the knack of keeping on responsive terms with 
 others, knowledge of when and how to lead and to be led, are 
 gained largely as the home maintains right reciprocal relations not 
 only within itself but with its surrounding community. Long ex- 
 perience demonstrates that when the desire arises to entertain 
 guests, to learn to play upon a musical instrument, to establish 
 children in a gentler atmosphere, a potent force for welding to- 
 gether the family circle comes into action. The experience of gen- 
 erations of American families who have climbed to higher things by 
 means of plush furniture and parlor organs is ample justification for 
 enthusiasm in assisting working-class families to obtain the means 
 of civilization, one after another, as they are ready to use them. 
 
 The full motive power of the settlement is therefore directed to- 
 
 • For a ra ore detailed discussion see p. 327fF. 
 205 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ward creation of those habits and manners that will enable the 
 family to meet its higher responsibilities for nurture and education. 
 There is, indeed, a sense in which the most important contribu- 
 tion of settlements in establishing the American standard is their 
 insistence on taking account, not only of purchasing power of 
 money income and the skill and idealism with which housewives 
 direct its expenditure, but of the part played by extra-family re- 
 lationships in the fortunes of households. The establishment of a 
 physical environment, local cultural traditions, associations and in- 
 stitutions fitted to protect and nurture family life, depends pro- 
 foundly on the presence of a stable and forceful nucleus of capable 
 families. The enlistment and training of such a group of men, 
 women, and children represent the persistent practical endeavor 
 of settlements. 
 
 Accumulation of knowledge about the more complex elements 
 which make a standard of living in its entirety was naturally a 
 matter of years. During the first decade of settlement experience 
 hundreds of detached studies of various isolated phases of working- 
 class life were made at different houses. As early as 1892 South 
 End House began to publish its inquiries into questions of educa- 
 tion, unemployment, recreation, morals, political life. In 1894 an 
 effort was made by it to see the life of a tiny corner of the South 
 End so far as possible in its entirety, leading to the first exhaustive 
 presentment in America of tenement life in a limited area. Though 
 the facts were purposely thrown into narrative form, they were 
 based on data gleaned with painstaking scientific accuracy.^ In 
 1895 residents of Hull House published the results of several years' 
 study of the locality immediately about them.^ University Settle- 
 ment in New York during these years carried on a long series of 
 topical investigations of unusual quality and significance.' 
 
 1 Sanborn, A. F.: The Anatomy of a Tenement Street, Forum, Vol. XVIII, 
 p. 554, January, 1895. Moody's Lodging House, and other Sketches, pp. 97-148. 
 Boston, Small, Maynard & Co., 1895. 
 
 " Hull House Maps and Papers. The basis of this presentment consisted of in- 
 formation collected for the United States Department of Labor during the spring of 
 1893, in the course of a special investigation of which Mrs. Kelley, then a resident 
 at Hull House, served as director in charge for Chicago. See also The Slums of Bal- 
 timore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia. Seventh Special Report of the Com- 
 missioner of Labor, Washington, D. C, 1894. 
 
 ' Annual Report of the society for 1896 gave the results of a medical and sanitary 
 inquiry; that of the next year contained An Investigation of Dispossessed Tenants. 
 
 206 
 
STANDARDS OF WELL-BEING 
 
 The first effort to correlate all available facts and to discover 
 laws governing the total organization and behavior of a tenement 
 community was undertaken soon after at South End House. The 
 conclusion that " People here are from birth at the mercy of great 
 social forces which move almost like the march of destiny" was bal- 
 anced by indisputable evidence that health, comfort, and morals in 
 the city's more comfortable sections are acutely threatened by 
 evils bred under tenement conditions.^ A clear call for a more ex- 
 haustive treatment of civic needs in all congested localities was 
 sounded and a program of neighborhood rehabilitation outlined. 
 
 The vast body of more or less organized information accumulated 
 and the compulsion of facts gathered during these decades show 
 the need of three equally important types of effort. The first in- 
 volves adjustment of real wages to the needs of individuals and 
 families. An important factor in securing this result is to make 
 clear the actual way of living within reach of working people. 
 Wherever possible, therefore, residents of settlements have induced 
 trade unions, lodges, and other organizations to compile and inter- 
 pret the detailed, meaningful facts. Among families below trade 
 union stratum, it is obvious that an outside agency is needed both 
 to initiate and organize such disclosure. 
 
 A second type of effort takes the form of supplementing hygienic 
 and recreational resources. The third and farthest reaching motive 
 calls for purposeful, logical, and democratic evolution of industry 
 and politics. An indispensable prerequisite is multiplication of 
 opportunities for the discipline of association and constructive 
 fellowship. 
 
 In 1899 papers were published on Bowery Amusements; Social Life in the Street; 
 Backyard Gardening; A New Social Center; East Side Benefit Societies; The So- 
 cial Side of Synagogue Life: The Candy Store as a Social Influence; The Saloons of 
 the District; and Public Halls of the East Side. The report for 1900 gives accounts 
 of the East Side Courts, Influences of Street Life, Relation of Children to Immoral 
 Conditions, and Tenement Bakeries. These papers, continued through the follow- 
 ing decade, constitute a highly significant body of material on the East Side which 
 should be rescued from the oblivion into which their manner of publication has con- 
 demned them. 
 
 ' The City Wilderness (1898). A similar study of other sections of Boston ap- 
 peared in 1902 under the title, Americans in Process. Both were edited by R. A. 
 Woods, and published by Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 
 
 207 
 
CHAPTER XX 
 THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 A S NEIGHBOR to the working-class, settlements have directed 
 i\ a good share of their efforts toward helping to make the eco- 
 -^ *- nomicfoothold of wage-earners, particularly in less advanced 
 grades, more secure. But their purpose goes deeper and reaches 
 farther. They encourage a type of experiment and everjwhere dili- 
 gently promote a kind of educational process designed to meet the 
 demands and opportunities of a better industrial order. Those who 
 laid out the original lines of settlement policy were definitely affected 
 by the Fabian principle of applying democratic methods by succes- 
 sive experiments to industry. This general point of view, which at 
 the time seemed distant and theoretical if not dangerous, has since 
 come to be shared by many responsible leaders in business. Certain 
 early residents contemplated a condition of things in which the or- 
 ganization of labor would become a structural part of the organiza- 
 tion of industry. This meant, of course, that trade unions, instead 
 of being chiefly militant bodies, should be expected to undertake 
 definite responsibility for the efficiency and morale of their mem- 
 bers. The settlement attitude was based partly upon evidence that 
 in many industries the making and fulfilment of labor bargains were 
 more satisfactorily carried out where a union existed. It rested 
 even more largely upon an optimistic confidence in workingmen. 
 
 All working people were looked upon as potential trade unionists 
 by early residents. But their participation during the nineties in 
 efforts to induce men and women to affiliate with appropriate locals 
 bore so little fruit that many of them were inclined to acquiesce in 
 the judgment of older trade unionists that at least half the working 
 class were without capacity to hold effectively together. Among 
 important results of the first ten years' experience with problems 
 growing out of the relations of men, women, and children to industry 
 was a conviction that trade organization is an achievement de- 
 
 208 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 manding certain developed qualities of mind and character and, 
 in particular, the complex capacity for joint action which certainly 
 has not yet been attained by large numbers of people among whom 
 the settlement is placed. 
 
 It has always been a clear implication of settlement motive and 
 experience that the management of industry should devote a much 
 more substantial part of its intelligence and initiative to the human 
 factor in production. During the eighties and nineties a number 
 of employers sought to adapt the ideas of Owen, LePlay, LeCIaire, 
 and others to American conditions. This tendency was embarrassed 
 by a lively hope that welfare work might prove in some measure 
 a substitute for trade unionism. The strike of 1894 at Pullman 
 exposed in concrete terms what settlement workers had come to 
 understand from trade union and other sources, that a common 
 front established by laborers toward the fundamental issue of more 
 equitable distribution of income and more of democracy in indus- 
 trial organization must not be jeopardized by a mere bonus in the 
 shape of better working conditions. This truth has been continu- 
 ally set forth by settlements. 
 
 Nevertheless, experienced residents were unwilling that the es- 
 sential motive of welfare work should be lost. A number of ex- 
 periments such as lunch rooms, rest rooms, baths, club houses, 
 benefit societies, begun by employers out of a mixture of enlightened 
 self-interest and disinterested goodwill, have demonstrated their 
 applicability to all industries and should be made part of the estab- 
 lished machinery of production. 
 
 Welfare worjk, for obvious reasons, is more characteristic of large 
 industries placed in villages or suburbs than of smaller plants, one 
 among many others, located in industrial neighborhoods of metro- 
 politan cities. The interest of large employers moves easily from 
 factories into homes and environing communities. Many city 
 employers, if placed in small communities, would conduct as a 
 phase of industrial growth and progress a number of the services, 
 including training in associated action, carried on by settlements. 
 
 The city district, with a population made up partly of persons 
 working in great downtown commercial establishments, partly of 
 operatives connected with industries in other sections of the city, 
 and partly of those employed in local industries, suffers from loss 
 
 209 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of that informed and discerning helpfulness which awakened em- 
 ployers give to local civic, and recreational life. The settlement 
 performs services which have a distinct bearing on the welfare of 
 every industry, large or small, wherever situated, whose operatives 
 reside in the district. An increasing body of employers recognize 
 the importance of such assistance and give support on that basis. 
 Residents here and there assist local managers with some of their 
 problems of personnel. 
 
 Aside from employe and employer, there is a third party to the 
 industrial situation, the consumer. Realization of the responsibility 
 of the purchasers for conditions under which commodities are made 
 and sold has been slowly growing since Kingsley and Ruskin uttered 
 their prophecies. Early in 1890 a Consumers' League was organ- 
 ized in London as an instrument through which, by systematic con- 
 trol of buying power, a body of people might exercise concrete in- 
 fluence upon conditions of manufacture and commerce. Pioneer 
 American residents recognized in this device a most important ap- 
 plication of ingenuity and invention in the field of ethical progress, 
 and helped establish a Consumers' League^ in this country. Settle- 
 ment representatives have continued to be closely connected with 
 several of its regional branches, and Mrs. Kelley for more than 
 two decades has as national secretary directed the league with a 
 rare degree of mental and moral acumen. 
 
 Meanwhile, hopes were entertained in another direction. Con- 
 sumers' co-operation was looked to by pioneer residents as the nat- 
 ural means of increasing purchasing power, quite as trade unionism 
 was considered the obvious method of defending and advancing the 
 wage scale.' The custom, quite general in the beginning, of organ- 
 
 ^The league declared its belief: "That the responsibility for some of the worst 
 evils from which wage-earners suffer rests with the consumers who persist in buying 
 in the cheapest market. That it is the duty of consumers to find out under what 
 conditions the articles they purchase are produced, and to insist that these condi- 
 tions shall be at least decent and consistent with a respectable existence on the part 
 of the workers." — From an early undated leaflet. 
 
 * The decade of the eighties in the United States was characterized by a wave of 
 interest in consumers' co-operation. Books and monographs on co-operative experi- 
 ments and practice both at home and abroad were published; co-operative stores 
 were established in several colleges; and a national society of co-operators was pro- 
 jected. Residents who had visited Toynbee Hall were enthusiastic about co-operative 
 stores — "the most remarkable visible achievement of English workingmen." — 
 Woods, R. A.: English Social Movements. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 
 
 210 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 izing the settlement household as a group of co-operators, educa- 
 tional in itself, established a field of common experience between 
 residents and neighbors. The practice whereby members of the 
 settlement family took turns as buyers of provisions, and determi- 
 nation to patronize as far as possible local business men, led to a 
 careful scrutiny of selling methods in neighboring stores. 
 
 The great disparity between cost of coal by the hod and ton, in 
 conjunction with the widespread sulTering during the severe winter 
 of 1888, caused Neighborhood Guild, as already noted, to organize 
 a co-operative coal Society. Residents found their effort baffled, on 
 the one hand, by outspoken antagonism of local shopkeepers, and 
 on the other by that sense of live and let live which is so fine a 
 characteristic of working people. The scheme had to be abandoned. 
 Two years later, however, residents at Hull House, with the assis- 
 tance of a neighbor who had belonged to an English co-operative 
 society, established a Co-operative Coal Association, which carried 
 on a very considerable business during three years. The venture 
 failed gloriously through an attempt by a portion of the member- 
 ship to extend a helping hand to neighbors in shape of a cheap 
 bushel trade.^ , 
 
 The sale of vegetables and dairy products equally with coal ap- 
 pealed to residents as a sound field for joint effort. The first such 
 store was opened in New York in 1893 by University and College 
 Settlements. Stock was offered to patrons at a dollar a share. But 
 people refused to respond, and the store failed with the hard times 
 of 1894. Two chief causes were responsible for the ill-success of 
 these ventures: one, that people did not know how to work to- 
 gether; the other, economic unproductiveness. Prices of goods sold 
 were not lower than those of neighborhood shops. At Prospect 
 Union, Cambridge, to whose classes a group of exceptionally capable 
 workingmen had become loyally attached, a project of this sort 
 met with more success. Here for years a co-operative store, and 
 for a shorter time a co-operative press, flourished. 
 
 The chief type of co-operative enterprise carried on by settle- 
 
 rSgi. Stanton Coit outlined a series of co-operative enterprises in his monograpii 
 on Neighbourliood Guilds, p. 29. London, Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1892. 
 
 ' During the nineties a number of other settlements carried on similar associa- 
 tions for short periods. 
 
 211 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 merits over a long period of years is the boarding club. The first was 
 undertaken in May, 1 891, by a group of Chicago factory girls on 
 strike, residents of Hull House agreeing to provide furniture and to 
 become responsible for a month 's rent. From the beginning the club, 
 under general protection of Hull House, has been self-governing and 
 self-supporting. Officers are selected by members from their own 
 number, and costs of rent, food, service, and incidentals paid out 
 of dues. 
 
 A most ambitious settlement undertaking, organized in 1896 by 
 directors and residents of East Side House, New York, is a Co- 
 operative House Owners' Society, which purchased a tenement 
 with money subscribed partly by members of the men's club and 
 partly with funds lent by friends. Preference in letting apart- 
 ments goes to stockholders, and tenements are always occupied. 
 Six per cent above taxes, repairs, and a small sinking fund has been 
 earned since 1905. 
 
 For almost two decades co-operative distribution in settlements 
 hibernated. The rapid rise in price of foods which began shortly 
 after 1905, and the fact that older houses were on friendly terms 
 with their better-to-do neighbors, furnished favorable soil for a 
 fresh planting. Groups of householders began to unite for purchase 
 of groceries, fruits, and vegetables, and in some instances cotton 
 cloth. Here and there a settlement acted as headquarters for build- 
 ing and loan associations. 
 
 The failure ere long of nearly all such attempts did not destroy 
 settlement faith in co-operation, but it forced the conviction that a 
 long-continued program of preparation was necessary; that a 
 higher form of industrial society can be achieved only after a pro- 
 found process of development. 
 
 A quarter century ago certain students stated that the success of 
 co-operation waits appearance of "the co-operative man." Settle- 
 ments half unconsciously and yet with fixed purpose during three 
 decades have been developing this new creature. Three simple but 
 downright lines of effort have been carved out, the larger implica- 
 tions of which have been followed unswervingly. The first had to 
 do with rather elementary and casual moves toward launching 
 growing boys and girls on worthy industrial careers. The second 
 involved simple forms of training that would make those subject 
 
 212 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 to such discipline more desirable candidates for certain broad 
 classes of positions. The third was directed to training children 
 in the practice of association, that they might be capable of effective 
 and responsible united action as members of highly organized pro- 
 ducing corps. 
 
 Residents and club leaders, as we have seen, guided the thoughts 
 of children toward future life work, recommended books descriptive 
 of trades and occupations, sought to discover specific vocational 
 leanings in their charges, and found jobs for them. Settlement 
 houses gradually came to be depended upon as informal employ- 
 ment agencies . Experience with the life and adventures of members 
 of clubs and classes, and intimate knowledge which came through 
 efforts to help juvenile delinquents, made it increasingly plain that 
 many bright children fall into evil because they do not secure work 
 of a kind that calls upon their preferences and powers. 
 
 The most serious practical danger which besets unadvised chil- 
 dren is the frequency with which they stray into blind-alley occu- 
 pations, such as selling papers, blacking boots, delivering messages, 
 or feeding machines. The child's sense of the futility of his tasks 
 makes him restless and dissatisfied and leads to frequent changes of 
 position. Each change, however, finds him worse off than the last, 
 and he arrives at his majority less valuable to himself than on the 
 day he left school. The future holds promise of nothing but casual 
 and low-grade forms of employment and a short working career. 
 
 The destructive results on body, mind, and character which 
 follow upon too early employment demonstrated the importance of 
 establishing a proper range and kind of habit during years in which 
 the decisive outlines of life and character are being laid. In 1895 
 Mrs. Kelley, in an article in Hull House Maps and Papers, joined 
 the issue. "The key to the child-labor question," she wrote, "is 
 the enforcement of school attendance to the age of sixteen. . . . 
 The legislation needed is of the simplest but most comprehensive 
 description. We need to have: (i) the minimum age for work 
 fixed at sixteen; (2) school attendance made compulsory to the 
 same age; (3) factory inspectors and truant officers . . . ; (4) 
 ample provision for school accommodations; money supplied by 
 the state through the school authorities for the support of such 
 orphans, half orphans, and children of the unemployed as are now 
 
 213 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 kept out of school by destitution. . . . Where they are, wage- 
 earning children are an unmitigated injury to themselves, to the 
 community upon which they will later be burdens, and to the trade 
 which they demoralize. They learn nothing valuable. . . ."^ 
 
 It came as a marked confirmation of humanitarian feeling that 
 the industries which offer opportunity for advancement do not find 
 it profitable to employ children under sixteen. The better-paid 
 occupations in manufacture and commerce, like the professions, 
 call for a constantly advancing degree of intelligence and skill 
 and are less willing to bear costs of apprenticeship. Yet, in the 
 face of this situation, public schools each year were sending out 
 thousands of children with no specific training for work they were 
 to undertake. Residents called the period between the close of 
 compulsory education and the stage when responsible employers 
 would take on recruits " the two wasted years." The clear logic of 
 the situation demanded that this time should be devoted by the 
 public school system to practical training for the work of life. Their 
 experiments in teaching handwork brought residents gradually into 
 personal acquaintanceship with a substantial number of parents 
 and of employers who were ready to welcome education specifically 
 directed toward preparation for wage-earning. With many a qualm 
 for the American tradition that every citizen should be trained to 
 be a sovereign, they joined hands with a small but growing body of 
 forward-looking men and women in manufacturing states who were 
 seeking to make training of hand and eye an indispensable element 
 in the upbringing of a more capable future labor force. 
 
 The manual training movement in the United States came into 
 being shortly after the Civil War, and for thirty years represented 
 our most advanced educational philosophy. The Industrial Edu- 
 cation Association, formed in 1886 in New York City, conducted 
 free classes for boys and girls who wanted such instruction.^ About 
 this time a few trade schools were established on foundations pro- 
 vided by public-spirited business men who appreciated the nation's 
 need for skilled craftsmen, and whose attention had been turned to 
 the difficulties met by bright children in securing all-round training 
 
 > See pp. 75-76. 
 
 2 The term "industrial education" refers to subjects taught for the purpose of 
 preparing boys and girls who have passed beyond the elementary school to be 
 workers in the trades and industries. 
 
 214 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 for a trade. But the classes in handwork which settlements carried 
 on during the nineties were highly important experiment stations 
 by which to bridge the gap between education and industry in the 
 case of that nine-tenths of the nation's childhood which pass 
 directly from grammar schools into industry. Early in the new 
 century groups of educated women, with a background of settle- 
 ment or similar experience, began to move for the establishment 
 under private auspices of trade schools for girls. At several houses, 
 as such facilities became available, industrial scholarships were 
 provided for promising children whose parents could not afford to 
 keep them in school. 
 
 Settlements thus came into a body of practical experience and 
 information which made imperative a broad appeal to cities, states, 
 and nation for the creation of a sound and comprehensive scheme of 
 industrial preparation. Opposition in the beginning was serious and 
 widespread. Low-grade employers who depended on a supply of 
 cheap labor, easily changed, saw in such education a sort of public 
 luxury. Trade unions feared that boys would be trained and em- 
 ployed as strike-breakers, or that increase in the supply of journey- 
 men would only intensify competition and lower the achieved scale 
 of wages. Public school administrators were almost universally 
 indifferent, if not actually hostile, to further introduction of hand- 
 work into the curriculum. 
 
 Sentiment in favor of a program of industrial education crystal- 
 lized rapidly, however, once it received open consideration. Lead- 
 ing employers of labor appreciated the desirability of a more skilled 
 labor supply; especially those on the eastern seaboard, who saw 
 industries requiring large amounts of heavy raw material gravitat- 
 ing toward the source of such materials and realized that the in- 
 dustrial future of their region depended on the building up of more 
 refined forms of manufacture calling for highly skilled workmen. 
 
 It took only a short time to convert trade union leaders. This 
 process began with a succession of conferences in which enlightened 
 employers, far-seeing labor men, and persons representing more or 
 less closely settlement approach came quickly to common ground. 
 A long series of similar group meetings followed, reaching out in 
 wider and wider circles. When it became clear to responsible trade 
 unionists that industrial education did not undertake to fit out 
 
 215 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 full-fledged journeymen, and as a public undertaking must be 
 subject to a good measure of working-class control, the way toward 
 approval of trade unions was open. There was at this point, as 
 there had been in connection with the campaign for workingmen's 
 compensation, a highly gratifying realization of hopes in the direc- 
 tion of actual joint effort in the interest of industry as a whole, by 
 capital and labor. The part which settlement representatives were 
 privileged to have in securing this result is a most reassuring 
 justification of their motive. 
 
 The educational profession gradually saw that for the vast 
 majority of children its members were as makers of edge tools who 
 never gave the edge; and that there was a large unoccupied terri- 
 tory within which education might gain new reality and power. 
 Teachers began to appreciate the possibility of some such special 
 cultural influences in vocational training as the settlement for its 
 part had been discovering in its clubs and classes. 
 
 The first effort to give effect to the new program had its trial 
 in Massachusetts. A Commission on Industrial Education was 
 created by the legislature of 1905, after half a decade of quiet pro- 
 paganda, to " inquire into the advisability of establishing industrial 
 schools. "'■ I n 1 906 a permanent commission with power to establish 
 and foster schools for industrial education was created of which 
 Mr. Woods, who had been chairman of the committee to promote 
 this legislation, served as temporary secretary during the period of 
 organization and development. For three months he gave ad- 
 dresses through the state, consulted with employers, workingmen, 
 and educators, and gathered information from all sources in prepar- 
 ation for detailed work of building up a state system of educational 
 training which was soon under way. Meanwhile, New York settle- 
 ments conducted a conference which brought together public school 
 administrators, and in Chicago Miss Addams, at that time member 
 of the school board, earnestly promoted the cause in that city. 
 These efforts were an integral part of the movement that le'd to the 
 widespread introduction of public trade schools. 
 
 'The report announced that: "For the great majority of children who leave 
 school to enter employment at the age of fourteen or fifteen, the first three or four 
 years are practically waste years so far as the actual productive value of the child is 
 concerned, and so far as increasing his industrial and productive eflficiency." Senate 
 Document No. 349, April, 1906, p. 196. 
 
 216 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 Since 1910, effort to save the years between fourteen and sixteen 
 is being reinforced in its gradual fulfilment through completion of 
 child labor laws. The Massachusetts statute of 1 9 1 3, by limiting the 
 number of hours during which children under sixteen may work, 
 prohibiting their employment altogether in a considerable list of 
 occupations, insisting upon proof of age and sound health before 
 issuing working papers, and enforcing the regulation that unem- 
 ployed boys and girls between fourteen and sixteen must be in 
 school, makes the exploitation of youth increasingly difficult and 
 unprofitable. Conversely, child labor reformers are devoting in- 
 creased attention to the provision of suitable educational opportun- 
 ity for young people excluded from employment. In states where 
 the full complementary system of child protection with industrial 
 education is being built up, public authority has finally recognized 
 the principle of responsibility which settlements have all along 
 been expressing in their neighborhoods. 
 
 Hudson Guild has instituted a form of joint action between labor, 
 capital, and community which settlement residents in dreams had 
 long forecasted. The School for Printers' Apprentices of New York, 
 opened in 191 1 and for ten years carried on in the Guild, is managed 
 and supported by accredited representatives of unions, employers, 
 and educators.! This union of forces to grade up the caliber of 
 future operatives, supervise the range and quality of technical prep- 
 aration, and inculcate sound ideals of collective action represents 
 an important object lesson in seasoned and responsible industrial 
 democracy. 
 
 While these efforts to discover ways of preparing children for 
 more truly productive wage-earning were developing, the prob- 
 lem of finding reasonably promising jobs for each fresh crop of 
 public school graduates remained. It was obvious that working- 
 class parents lacked the breadth of view, connections, and expe- 
 rience through which more favored classes directed the careers of 
 their children. The seriousness of this situation lay partly in the 
 
 1 Registered apprentices are required by tlie unions to attend classes during four 
 years of tlieir novitiate, and employers grant the necessary time out of working 
 hours. The school provides instruction not only in mechanics of typography and 
 design, but in use of the English language, history of printing, economic problems of 
 the trade, principles of unionism, and science of co-operation. Periodic examina- 
 tions are given to test the accomplishment of the students and to determine their 
 chances of succeeding in the trade. 
 
 217 
 
THE SEtTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 fact that freedom of industrial opportunity, which is so close to 
 the heart of all that is American, was being undermined. The 
 principle that children are by no means bound to follow their 
 father's occupation, nor to remain within the economic grade in 
 which they were born, was in some localities becoming an empty 
 word. Actual facts showed that in many neighborhoods the voca- 
 tion of children was determined by nearby factories, and their 
 future fixed as fatally as if they had been born into a rigid system 
 of caste. 
 
 Settlements undertook to push quite beyond the informal efforts 
 of the first decade toward finding jobs for occasional boys and girls, 
 by devising a system to launch a considerable number of children. 
 During a period of several years, in anticipation of future wage- 
 earning, club leaders traced the bent of children's minds. Courses 
 of lectures by business men and educators were offered, and in some 
 houses definite employment bureaus were established, though it 
 soon became evident that the mere organization of an agency for 
 securing employment lessened rather than increased the urgency 
 felt by residents and volunteers, and did not secure enough addi- 
 tional positions to justify the financial outlay demanded for its 
 maintenance.^ 
 
 Something decidedly more fundamental .was called for, and this 
 came through an experiment outlined and developed in the begin- 
 ning by Professor Frank Parsons, of Boston University, at Civic 
 Service House, a settlement working with young men and women 
 either themselves recent immigrants or brought up in immigrant 
 homes. Each applicant was provided with a questionnaire devised 
 to reveal his character, desires, and capacities both to himself and 
 to his examiner; this was followed by simple psychological tests 
 covering the rapidity and accuracy of selected physical and mental 
 reactions. On the basis of questionnaire, test, and interview, young 
 people were directed to fields of occupation wherein their combina- 
 tion of powers and limitations seemed to indicate a real opportunity. 
 Lectures were ofi'ered outlining the processes and the chances of 
 success in diff'erent professions and trades, and the industrial and 
 business community was studied to discover its capacity to provide 
 
 ' Here and there was one that had sufficient importance to be turned over to some 
 other agency, but it thus lost its neighborhood character. 
 
 2l8 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 appropriate opportunities in definite occupations. Through forces 
 thus set in motion, organization of public school vocational guid- 
 ance in the United States had its beginning,^ and the way was pre- 
 pared for a really comprehensive effort to take account of the full 
 human possibilities of the city's industry, on the one hand, and on 
 the other to utilize in some ample measure the inborn ability that is 
 in its young life. 
 
 Time has shown that the larger opportunity of vocation bureaus 
 is not among children from grammar grades for whom it was de- 
 signed, but! among those able to attend secondary or, at least, 
 continuation schools. From the point of view of public welfare 
 this is as it should be. The argument for universal vocational 
 training has been greatly strengthened by this development; 
 though for the moment the case of boys and girls in settlement 
 neighborhoods often becomes even harder than before. This fact 
 only means, however, that residents must return with renewed pur- 
 pose to the consideration of industrial careers among children who 
 go to work as soon as the law allows. 
 
 Adequate training and launching of industrial recruits, settlement 
 workers believe, should include discipline in the art of democratic 
 association. They have endeavored so far as their direct responsi- 
 bility is concerned to see that increasingly well-devised training is 
 provided to meet this precise demand, and that trade schools include 
 carefully planned instruction in the method and spirit of team play. 
 
 Here settlements fall back upon the entire scheme of club work, 
 with its strong emphasis upon self-government and collective re- 
 sponsibility for securing results. Detailed, specific drill and disci- 
 pline in working together, with constant and varied emphasis on 
 motives which govern co-operative effort, are the core of a coming 
 phase of education. The type of personal initiative and leadership 
 developed in this atmosphere, when qualified with the sense for 
 results that trade schools give, produces persons who soundly fill 
 out their part in trade organization and in a more developed system 
 for the organization of industry as a whole. 
 
 This general point of view has led to a marked development of in- 
 
 ' Meyer Bloomfield, under whose direction Professor Parsons' first experiments 
 were carried on at Civic Service House, became a leader in the promotion of voca- 
 tional guidance. 
 
 l6 219 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 terest at many houses during recent years in the new field of em- 
 ployment management. Settlements furnish a kind of funda- 
 mental experience out of which some of their residents are finding 
 a natural and almost inevitable way into those forms of industrial 
 administration that rely upon collective response of employes to 
 build an ensemble which will have a new sense of reciprocity 
 throughout, create a larger product, and share it on a better under- 
 stood and more equitable basis. Residents sympathize greatly with 
 those who, in the administration of industries and mercantile es- 
 tablishments, are striving first to regularize employment, and 
 secondly, to organize group loyalty and initiative among employed 
 personnel. They believe that a new generation of workmen trained 
 to meet the precise demands of a growingly democratic industrial 
 situation will undertake to produce co-operatively in an ever-wider 
 range of industries: that there are untapped sources of administra- 
 tive skill and initiative in working people which have not yet been 
 called out. 
 
 This same deliberate process of training is not without its definite 
 prospect of achieving co-operative organization among consumers 
 like that which older and more disciplined civilizations have de- 
 veloped. There are in many neighborhoods enough men and 
 women experienced in working together to enter upon simple co- 
 operative enterprise of this sort. New conditions which have de- 
 veloped during the war, by their emjjhasis on production, their 
 compulsion toward thrift, and their considerable effect in creating 
 new forms of associated effort by locality are preparing the way for 
 the establishment of such ventures. Two interesting examples are 
 a co-operative store under the auspices of Hudson Guild, and a 
 Lodging House Union, which meets at South End House not only 
 to establish rates and standards, but for the business of selling to 
 its members all the staple supplies which they require. 
 
 The most important lesson of settlement striving during three 
 decades to rear a generation better equipped both technically and 
 morally for a highly integrated industrial system, is that the typical 
 tenement background stunts rather than fosters productive capa- 
 city. By thousands, city-bred boys and girls have been found to 
 lack food, air and sunlight, quiet and isolation, parental discipline 
 of mind and will, protective and stimulating associations. Whole- 
 
 220 
 
THE CO-OPERATIVE MAN 
 
 some, productive, self-reliant, co-operative adepts of industry, able 
 to bring their powers to the pitch of adaptable and spirited utility, 
 cannot be created in city slums. 
 
 Successful group activities find their stimulus and reinforcement 
 in neighborhood loyalties: a principle which holds with peculiar 
 force in co-operative enterprises. Men or women who are enjoying 
 some fresh experience of immediate neighborly team play respond 
 readily to progressive measures of organization within factory or 
 store. When many employes of an establishment live in a given 
 locality this consideration has cumulative force. The English co- 
 operative stores were products of village spirit. Co-operation in 
 Russia with results comparable with those in England, is rural. 
 The system must be built up on the small store which is inevitably a 
 neighborhood affair. The prospect for solid continuance of similar 
 ventures in America requires systematic development of neighbor- 
 hood association expressing itself in various forms of collective and 
 civic action. 
 
 Henry D. Lloyd, in his account of English co-operative stores 
 and factories, concluded that such achievement was possible only 
 in a homogeneous population. ^ One reason why co-operation has 
 made such indifferent progress in America is because we are engaged 
 with a vast problem of political co-operation involving the welding 
 of many nationalities into one. Settlement experience indicates 
 that this process must be brought to a much further stage in neigh- 
 borhood terms before economic co-operation in any comprehensive 
 local sense can be achieved. 
 
 * Lloyd, H. D.: Labor Copartnership; notes of a visit to co-operative work- 
 shops, factories, and farms in Great Britain and Ireland, p. 332. New York, Harper 
 and Brothers, 1898. 
 
 221 
 
V 
 COMMON WEAL 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 TAMMANY LEADS THE WAY 
 
 EARLY residents were animated by the deliberate purpose 
 of establishing a type of local civilization which should 
 in the end loosely, yet organically, unify into one system 
 every aspect of responsible activity within a small geographical 
 area. It is not too much to say that their motive was that of state- 
 manship reduced to neighborhood terms, but emancipated and en- 
 riched in the process. The sharp distinction in dignity between 
 public affairs that were formally of the government and those at 
 some stage of voluntary organization they set out to minimize. 
 They hoped to establish the principle that voluntary undertakings 
 of proved public utility might be assumed by municipalities, though 
 they made it clear that as soon and as far as possible the solidarity, 
 continuity, and comprehensiveness of public services at their best 
 should be expressed in private enterprises for the common good. 
 
 Almost without exception, residents were convinced that settle- 
 ments had a definite mission as part of the movement for municipal 
 reform. They believed that corrupt men succeeded in obtaining 
 office because the machines were able to deprive voters of oppor- 
 tunity to register their desire for clean government. Here and 
 there, residents and occasional club members took the stump, dis- 
 tributed campaign literature, and canvassed voters. Ward regis- 
 tration lists were investigated to prevent inclusion of absentees and 
 the dead and to make more difficult the importation of tramps and 
 loafers for multiple balloting. Open buying and selling of votes 
 was discouraged by placing observers in the vicinity of polling 
 places, while within election booths watchers stood on guard to 
 reduce terrorization of citizens. 
 
 The most intense centers of political activity were in New York 
 and Chicago. The first attempt to take definite part in a local po- 
 litical contest was made from Neighborhood Guild as early as 189 1, 
 
 223 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 under the leadership of Stanton Coit and Charles B. Stover. Club 
 members were invited to participate in the enforcement of the ballot 
 reform law; and through tracts and speeches the Guild entered on 
 a campaign to arouse the assembly district against its notably cor- 
 rupt political leader. Residents in several East Side settlements 
 became lieutenants in city vigilance leagues, and members of clubs 
 took an active part in the campaigns. 
 
 An example definitely inspiring to settlement residents all over 
 the country was the inauguration in 1896 of the Civic Club by F. 
 Norton Goddard, whose brother was actively engaged at Friendly 
 Aid House. Mr. Goddard hired a suite of rooms in a tenement in 
 Thirty-third Street near the settlement, to which he invited men 
 for committee meetings and to occasional breakfasts and suppers. 
 Gradually a club was formed which was able to bring about the 
 nomination of higher types of candidates within party lines, and in 
 1899 a well appointed house was obtained. The membership con- 
 tinues to be interested in local improvement and has taken an im- 
 portant part in securing needed institutional equipment for the 
 district. 
 
 Chicago, better than any other city, illustrates the methods and 
 results of hand-to-hand fighting against corrupt politicians. Hull 
 House, on three occasions during the early nineties, sought the fall 
 of the local leader. He accepted with amused toleration the election 
 of a member of the men's club to one of the two seats in the City 
 Council,' and was easily victor in two following campaigns directed 
 against him personally. 
 
 , Chicago Commons had the rare good fortune to be situated in a 
 neighborhood where two-party rivalry was still real. 1 rl 1 895 an in- 
 dependent candidate was nominated for alderman but was de- 
 feated. The following year a new candidate was brought forward 
 and elected over a notorious gang nominee. In 1897 the ward 
 ring, driven to the wall, elected its representative by falsifying 
 election returns. A recount was secured, the independent installed 
 in office, and two election officials committed to state prison. In 
 1902, when the party machines combined and placed only three men 
 in nomination for three offices, the reform organization nominated 
 an able young lawyer as the people's candidate and elected him. 
 ' Each ward was represented by two councilmen, one elected each year. 
 
 224 
 
TAMMANY LEADS THE WAY 
 
 Finally, leaders of the two rings became convinced that it was in 
 their interest to nominate good men, and independents met the issue 
 by alternately electing the candidate of each party. 
 
 Other Chicago settlements have taken a direct part in local 
 politics. Northwestern University Settlement, under the direction 
 of Raymond Robins, organized a Civic Club which co-operated 
 with the Commons in aldermanic campaigns, a precedent ably 
 carried on by Harriet E. Vittum, who has brought about marked 
 improvement in ward politics through organizing women voters. 
 Archer Road Settlement and Henry Booth House have at times 
 taken an active part in city campaigns. 
 
 In Philadelphia, College Settlement and later Saint Peter's House 
 entered the political situation created by the effort to put women 
 on local school boards. From time to time during the past three 
 decades residents have taken part in campaigns conducted by the 
 Civic League. Neighborhood canvasses have been made, literature 
 circulated, meetings carried on, and parades organized. Although 
 these enterprises have not been successful in their direct object a 
 revision of voting lists has been secured, many fraudulent names 
 stricken out, and the majority of machine candidates cut down. 
 An heroic example of what a single determined citizen can accom- 
 plish was furnished by Charles S. Daniel of Neighborhood Guild, who 
 in the course of ten years reduced registration in his precinct from 
 41 5 to 200, and did away with the corruption of voters and drunken 
 disorder which attend such a regime. 
 
 In Boston the policy of South End House has been to enter a 
 contest only when local political candidates embody standards 
 definitely lower than those of the majority of their constituents. 
 In two campaigns for reform mayors and a modified charter, resi- 
 dents took a general part and the hall of the settlement was used 
 for rallies. The House has sought to develop a local platform rep- 
 resenting actual district needs, and to secure co-operation of better 
 disposed politicians and officeholders in carrying it out. Results 
 have been genuine and permanent. 
 
 By 1900 the majority of residents saw that their vision in politics 
 was considerably in advance of local desires; and that attempts to 
 induce their neighbors to join in efforts to purify public adminstra- 
 tion, far from being welcomed, were scorned and resented. Women 
 
 225 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 residents, in particular, recognized that feminine interference was 
 viewed with peculiar distrust. Some clear-sighted headworkers, 
 men and women, smarted under the conviction that far from injur- 
 ing bosses they had unwittingly permitted themselves to become 
 cat's-paws. Certain others found that, as a result of electiop- 
 eering, they had divided the settlement constituency and had lost 
 the friendship of an important element among the people. Still 
 others were forced to the conclusion that their activities had driven 
 the ward leader to new lengths and led to the corruption of those 
 who otherwise had hardly been worth corrupting. The lesson of 
 these early campaigns was the impossibility, in localities tradition- 
 ally loyal to one of the great parties, even to get an issue before the 
 electorate. 
 
 Having bitten the dust before machine politics, residents set out 
 to discover how the boss secures and holds his power.^ The shame 
 they felt that Tammany Hall, and its like in other cities, should be 
 more effective than the forces of righteousness, urged them to trace 
 out the tedious labyrinth of petty relations by which the machine 
 builds up its following. Studies carried on during the eighteen- 
 nineties from University Settlement, New York, Hull House, 
 South End House, and other settlements laid bare the human back- 
 ground of ward politics and the extent and minuteness of local 
 machine influence.^ In New York and Chicago the ever-present 
 philanthropy of the boss was the emphatic aspect of his method; 
 in Boston, his penetrating hold on all institutional loyalties and 
 particularly on the gang life of older boys and young men. 
 
 A successful politician is to the local manner born.' He enters 
 
 ' " . . . the first problem of the student of government is to find out how 
 rulers or governors manage to secure their power." Carver, T. N.: Sociology and 
 Social Progress, p. 14. New York, Ginn and Co., 1905. 
 
 ' Reynolds, James B.: "The Settlement and Municipal Reform." In Pro- 
 ceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, pp. 138-42, 1896. 
 
 Addams, Jane: "Ethical Survivals in Municipal Corruption." In Interna- 
 tional Journal of Ethics, Vol. VI 1 1, pp. 273-91, April, 1898. 
 
 Woods, R. A.: "The Roots of Political Power." In The City Wilderness, pp. 
 ' '4~47. '898; "Traffic In Citizenship." In Americans in Process, pp. 147-S9, 1902. 
 
 These articles were widely read, and placed an indelible mark upon settlement 
 tactics and strategy in relation to local politics. 
 
 ' Popular feeling that importation of candidates from without the district is 
 paramount to closing a chief door to careers for local youth is very strong. Office 
 holding is almost the sole avenue to professional life open to young manhood in 
 
 226 
 
TAMMANY LEADS THE WAY 
 
 into the precise passions and ambitions of his constituency and 
 sympathizes understandingly with their struggles and desires. He 
 appreciates instinctively that a wage-earner's chief stake is his job, 
 and that women look to public men for a sympathetic attitude to- 
 ward family and neighborhood festivals and tragedies. Unlike re- 
 form candidates he goes in and out among his constituency. 
 He is therefore acquainted with secrets of human impulse and 
 aifiliation unguessed by his critics. He succeeds not through his 
 faults, but because in some sort he meets important and legitimate 
 needs and yearnings. The belief that any outsider, no matter how 
 high-minded and capable, can win an immediate following is based 
 on crude underestimation of loyalties of class, race, and religion 
 which bind different groups of people to political leaders of their 
 own kind. Neighborliness is at the basis of even bad politics, 
 and sound government can be built upon no other foundation. 
 
 Observation and experience also made it clear that workingmen 
 are not greatly attracted by the motive nor satisfied with the fruits 
 of merely honest government. They dream of a broadly and 
 humanly serviceable city, powerful, generous, considerate. The 
 effort to encompass a model community by taking thought for its 
 bookkeeping, safeguarding its finances, and enhancing its adminis- 
 trative efficiency makes but a sorry appeal among the tenements. 
 
 The improvement of local civic conditions through direct appeal 
 having failed, settlements had to choose between going over the 
 heads both of machine and electorate, or instituting long-range 
 methods of creating a new constituency interested in public affairs. 
 Most houses decided to do both. The decision was made open- 
 eyed. Face to face with physical, moral, and educational needs of 
 a generation of children and young people, residents could not 
 afford to set themselves apart to fight politicians and to confront 
 directly the ignorance and inertia of an immigrant electorate. It 
 seemed wiser and more promising to secure equipment and service 
 with which soundly to prepare the existing generation for citizen- 
 ship, while striving to bring adults to a sense of their responsibilities. 
 
 By way of direct political effort, appeals were made to that in- 
 many tenement communities, a royal road to assured occupational and leisure-time 
 status. Residents met this fear by giving moral guarantees not to seek office for 
 themselves. 
 
 227 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 creasing element of voters throughout the city at large who had be- 
 gun to stand for humanized as well as honest politics, and to the 
 remnant of local citizens who were not closely bound up with the 
 machine. The settlement exposed to public-spirited citizens the 
 local "roots of political power." It pointed out the necessity of 
 having every candidate for the municipal legislative body scrutin- 
 ized by the entire electorate. In return, this general city movement 
 greatly reinforced the settlement demand for a broadly and justly 
 serviceable type of politics.^ 
 
 This policy was crowned with genuine and substantial success. 
 Though the boss was not ousted he was forced to a new way of life. 
 A politician's chief claim to the favor of his constituency is his 
 benefactions. The settlement not only clearly exposed the crude 
 favoritism of his method, but followed the thrust by securing, 
 through appeal to the new type of city-wide public spirit, 
 municipal baths, playgrounds, gymnasiums, and branch libraries. 
 There was a substance to this attack not to be gainsaid. Bosses 
 saw the point and began to incorporate community benefits into 
 their program. The whole hierarchy of politicians, from the little 
 leader of ten to the. congressman for the district, laid claim to every 
 local improvement that had been obtained over a generation, and 
 made expansive promises of tangible results for the common good 
 in the future. 
 
 The other side of the story, and a more important one, is that 
 ward politicians read the handwriting on the wall not unwillingly. 
 Practical politics and municipal reform were at one, before settle- 
 ments came on the scene, in not envisaging progressive municipal 
 reinforcement of the people's health and vitality. The local leader 
 temperamentally and professionally desires to play his r61e in the 
 fullest sense, and if public improvement or general welfare be part 
 of the tradition, he is among the first to catch and hold it. Settle- 
 
 ' The tendency was perhaps most marked in Chicago. The Municipal Voters' 
 League, organized in 1896, numbered several men with settlement training on its 
 executive committee. By its success in reforming the city council this organization 
 improved local politics, just as settlement activity in local politics had reinforced 
 the early campaigns of the league throughout the city. The fact that in recent 
 years the Municipal Voters' League and similar organizations in other cities 
 have become less active, seems to be part of a periodic reaction which only shows 
 the necessity of a still more persistent following up of the fundamental policy here 
 outlined. 
 
 228 
 
TAMMANY LEADS THE WAY 
 
 ments exposed the shallowness and favoritism of his undertakings 
 by establishing a standard of genuine municipal provision for 
 community needs on a basis of equality for all. 
 
 Politicians taught settlement workers many needful lessons. 
 The sense of the educated man and woman for the necessity of 
 painstaking and long-continued investigation of individual and 
 corporate need before taking action was mellowed by the ward 
 leaders' uncritical helpfulness. The resident staff set out to build 
 up the same exhaustive acquaintance and knowledge of personal 
 minutia which is the stock-in-trade of the machine. Most impor- 
 tant of all, the settlement began to match the variety of casual 
 services rendered by political leaders here and there among the 
 people in voluntary but calculating ways, by the establishment of 
 municipal and philanthropic institutions with high professional 
 standards. 
 
 Residents urged forward their work with a lingering picture in 
 mind of an ideal community fitly compacted together. Here were 
 the leaders of local political machines who had not only grasped the 
 crude outlines of such a scheme but who were multifariously and 
 tirelessly putting it into effect. The political boss was unwittingly 
 thinking with the dreamers and the sages. 
 
 It gradually became clear that the settlement method and pro- 
 gram covering in its range local geography, public health, economic 
 conditions, recreation, education, and morals furnished a rival 
 body of knowledge capable of being used to create a political sub- 
 structure and superstructure analogous but superior to that of the 
 machine. More or less consciously, the encyclopaedic detail of ac- 
 quaintance and influence accumulated by the settlement began to 
 be cast in the mold of a small regional commonwealth in which 
 every effort was to be as truly political, as truly for rearing the 
 structure of city and state as were the endless operations of the ward 
 machine in its distorted and yet essentially human outlook. 
 
 The chapters that follow show how a different system of group 
 organization and leadership, a different appeal to ambition, differ- 
 ent avenues to occupation, and different standards of local munici- 
 pal service have in greater or less degree contravened the boss's 
 lines of action. A method for preventing the corrupting influence 
 of the machine has been discovered. It must be carried unremit- 
 
 229 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 tingly to its conclusion. This task of the generations depends on 
 the general progress of the whole of great city populations. For the 
 settlement it centers in those most characteristic efforts which aim 
 to educate people from childhood up, — ^through the practice of all 
 that has to do with uniting forces, in thought, word, and deed, un- 
 der their own varied individual and group initiative, — ^toward the 
 achievement of the full stature, in the rich human sense, of a body 
 politic. 
 
 Residents seek to meet and hold young and old within the sym- 
 pathetic restraints of the neighborhood circle; to organize and 
 codify the higher moral sentiment of the people so as to assure 
 and safeguard the rights of every individual ; to make the neighbor- 
 hood in a very substantial degree sufficient unto itself in the supply 
 of worthy fellowship; to secure a range of educational, recrea- 
 tional, and associational activities sufficiently broad to satisfy the 
 desires, and stimulating enough to call out the higher potencies of 
 every member of the community; to involve individuals of all ages 
 and types in reciprocal relations of some kind; to exercise families 
 as families and neighbors as neighbors, so that every element of in- 
 dividual and collective life may minister naturally, almost auto- 
 matically, to the upbuilding of each citizen and all together in the 
 local community. 
 
 In the flux of neighborhood interrelations, and through the higher 
 tone and impetus which it imparts, the whole variety of institutions, 
 in proportion as they are locally involved, begin to catch the spirit 
 of progress in both their inner and outer relations. Increasing 
 signs of promise appear that they may grow into a somewhat co- 
 ordinated enginery for the immediate local good and for the inte- 
 gration of real communal power. Its beginnings are based through- 
 out on the vast and continuous accumulation of local knowledge 
 through local fellowship. 
 
 230 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 HOME AND STREET 
 
 AN ACCEPTED characteristic of tenement districts twenty- 
 Z-\ five years ago was their dismal and even repulsive physical 
 ^ *• condition. The glamor which is an inseparable part of all 
 pioneering caused early residents to gloss the full effect upon them 
 of dirt and disorder. But day-in and day-out experience gradually 
 revealed, in terms of physical and nervous strain, the costs of carry- 
 ing on life amid unending noise of cars, vehicles, street-hawkers, 
 and shouting children ; of moving habitually through littered and 
 noisome streets, of breathing fetid and lifeless air, of battling in- 
 termittently against a plague of vermin. The first civic venture of 
 Neighborhood Guild was an Anti-Filth Society, organized to induce 
 people to clear their rooms of bedbugs, lice, cockroaches, and rats ; 
 and Hull House installed, as a kind of supreme luxury, an inciner- 
 ator for the destruction of garbage.' 
 
 Pioneer residents sought to apportion the definite share of re- 
 sponsibility for these conditions which rested on property owners 
 and municipality. Streets had been paved with granite blocks to 
 withstand heavy traffic to nearby factories, yards, and docks rather 
 than to promote comfort and sanitation. Hucksters and peddlers 
 were permitted to turn highways and sidewalks into open-air 
 markets. Insufficiently lighted streets were used as storage places 
 for trucks and became favorite meeting places for the evil-inten- 
 tioned. Tenements without running water, inside sanitary con- 
 veniences, or bins for storage of food and coal were the rule. Alleys, 
 halls, and courts of multiple houses were regarded by tenants and 
 public alike as extensions of the highway. Doors into hallways, 
 
 1 These conditions were, however, borne with stoutness. There is a tradition that 
 a resident of Neighborhood Guild, when commiserated by an uptown friend on the 
 removal of a small insect from his coat collar, protested that such incidents were 
 inevitable to the convinced democrat; that only through such discipline could the 
 modern man hope to attain righteousness. 
 
 231 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 privies, and cellars went unlocked day and night and invited abom- 
 inations and crime. Dark halls and stairways could not but be 
 filthy and dangerous. Children risked their limbs on slimy and 
 crowded sidewalks and roadways, because there was no alternative 
 but stagnation in one or two stuffy rooms. 
 
 Living in the thick of all this municipal neglect created an un- 
 manageable impulse of revolt among settlement groups. They 
 complained to street cleaning departments, to boards of health, 
 aldermen, officials higher up. They captured newspaper reporters, 
 inspectors and influential citizens, and piloted them through back 
 yards, alleys, dumps, and into typically unfit tenements. They re- 
 pudiated with heat, in the face of evidences of graft and inefficiency 
 unearthed by good government investigations, attempts of muni- 
 cipal superintendents and contractors to account for conditions by 
 lack of funds and public carelessness, and demanded that their lo- 
 calities be regarded as normal centers of living requiring the ser- 
 vices common to other districts.' 
 
 Some slight improvements in municipal work followed the mere 
 publicity attendant upon opening the first settlements. Encour- 
 aged by the small measure of gain, many residents hoped that with 
 intelligent effort better water and sewage service and the collection 
 of waste might be brought to pass. Sanitary surveys were outlined 
 and, in a few cases, carried out with some degree of thoroughness. 
 
 Awakening, immediate and rude, followed attempts to secure 
 action upon such effort. Though an occasional official welcomed 
 instances of violation of ordinances or of laxity among subordin- 
 ates, the majority regarded complaint as a kind of Use-majesle. 
 They said, in effect, " Yes, it is too bad you should find your sur- 
 roundings distasteful. But you are not compelled to live where 
 you do. Why don't you go elsewhere? The people of the commu- 
 nity are not so finical as you are." Newcomers recognized that it 
 had become an accepted tradition at City Hall that tenement 
 dwellers were not irked by dirt, congestion, and perpetual incon- 
 venience; that working-class neighborhoods might safely be left 
 to the last when appropriations for water and sewer mains and dis- 
 posal of waste were being considered. The first lesson of this ad- 
 venture was that, while forbearance and persistence as against 
 arrogant petty officials are sufficient to secure abatement, of a few 
 
 232 
 
HOME AND STREET 
 
 minor nuisances, large-scale improvements in equipment and ser- 
 vice depend on arousing a degree of public dissatisfaction sufficient 
 to carry political threat. 
 
 Condition of the streets offered the most satisfactory issue on 
 which to arouse interest and secure action. In 1887, as we have 
 seen, club members of Neighborhood Guild formed a street cleaning 
 association which assumed responsibility for its block. The follow- 
 ing year the Guild raised a substantial sum to pay costs of extra 
 sweeping during the hot months. Hull House, early in the nineties, 
 stimulated local sentiment in favor of paving unimproved streets, 
 induced taxpayers of several blocks to consent to repaving, and led 
 a movement for needed reform in the method of assessing such im- 
 provements.i Members of the association thus brought together 
 exercised careful scrutiny over materials and workmanship, deter- 
 mined, to quote a member, that there should be "one stretch of 
 honest pavement in Chicago."* Residents in a few cases became 
 inspectors in street cleaning departments. 
 
 During the later nineties a number of settlements formed groups 
 of children to assist in keeping streets clean. The high-water mark 
 of this impulse was reached in 1896, when the late Colonel Waring, 
 then head of the New York Street Cleaning Department, created a 
 series of juvenile brigades patterned on the regular department 
 force. Residents of University Settlement took part in organizing 
 this project, and several houses became responsible for local 
 branches. 
 
 The securing of clean streets is closely bound up with the storage, 
 collection, and disposal of papers, ashes, and garbage as conditioned 
 by habit and custom. Many tenements were without suitable 
 receptacles or storage places for depositing waste between collec- 
 tions. Farming out removal contracts as reward for political work 
 resulted in service so irregular and insufficient that merely personal 
 endeavor toward better things counted for next to nothing. The 
 
 '■ In the pioneer cities of the West sidewalks were largely of boards, and roadways 
 unimproved. The latter oscillated between quagmires and dustheaps. 
 
 2 Other Chicago settlements, especially the Commons with its men's groups 
 interested in politics, exercised an influence in securing new pavements for their 
 part of the city. In the East a number of settlements induced the city to lay short 
 stretches of asphalt near schools and hospitals, and to flush streets in thickly con- 
 gested districts during the heat of summer. 
 '7 233 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 situation called for concerted attack on delinquencies of tenants, 
 landlords, and municipality. 
 
 By 1905 it was evident that in tenement areas the complicated 
 demands made on highways by the mere physical presence of a 
 moving mass of people and by open-air trade had created problems 
 no longer avoidable. In New York a Push-Cart Commission was 
 appointed by the mayor, upon which Miss Wald was asked to serve. 
 The secretary, several investigators, and a number who gave testi- 
 mony were settlement residents. Though the legislature failed to 
 pass a bill drafted by the commission, police authorities a few years 
 later put into effect the recommendation that push carts in the more 
 crowded portions of the city be assigned definite locations. 
 
 In Chicago, Miss Addams launched a campaign to secure im- 
 proved methods of handling garbage. Refuse food in that city for 
 some years was stored in wooden boxes fastened to the board side- 
 walks. It was almost impossible wholly to empty such receptacles, 
 the contents of which were scattered about; while the indifference 
 of many people was shown by the use of boxes as seats. The service 
 rendered by city contractors was scandalously careless and irregular. 
 Members of Hull House Women's Club were asked to report cases 
 of irregular collection of garbage. Over a thousand complaints were 
 lodged and a slight improvement resulted. In the spring of 1893 
 Miss Addams, with encouragement and assistance from certain bus- 
 iness men, determined to set up as a contractor. Though her bid 
 was thrown out on a technicality, the mayor made her an inspector, 
 a position which she filled for several years with the assistance of a 
 deputy. By means of this entering wedge, residents of other Chi- 
 cago settlements were appointed inspectors, and an ordinance was 
 shortly secured for removal of sidewalk boxes. 
 
 These essays, squarely facing the most pressing civic difficulties, 
 had the somewhat unexpected effect of bringing about a new ap- 
 preciation of problems which confront even conscientious public 
 officials. Necessary laws are sometimes unpopular and can be en- 
 forced only where local sentiment is created for them. Certain 
 officials welcomed settlement assistance in reporting specific com- 
 plaints, because it enabled them to do their duty. Efforts to im- 
 prove local service made it clear that the problem of inducing land- 
 
 234 
 
HOME AND STREET 
 
 lords and tenants properly to prepare waste for disposal is even 
 more difficult than to secure its better collection. In addition to 
 that inertia which settles down upon even well-to-do localities, in- 
 habitants of many tenement neighborhoods were handicapped by 
 traditionally low sanitary standards. Most immigrants came from 
 villages where personal uncleanliness was less offensive and dan- 
 gerous than amid the congestion of large cities. Many newcomers 
 deposited waste in flues, drains, and sewer pipes, or threw it 
 directly out of windows. A widely applied, close-range plan of 
 education, sanitary and legal, in the observance of municipal or- 
 dinances had to be devised. Residents became rent collectors, san- 
 itary inspectors, and voluntary housing officials. Pleadings, badi- 
 nage, iterated and strongly worded protest, reinforced by threat of 
 appeal to police and courts, were often required to make slow- 
 minded housewives or stubborn offenders obey the law. 
 
 While improvements in routine sanitary service and specific sug- 
 gestion to landlord and tenant mitigated certain grosser evils, the 
 way for neighborhood standards of cleanliness and for a more direct 
 attack on politicians and city officials was prepared by the creation 
 of an ever-enlarging network of local organization. Clubs and 
 classes, especially the women's clubs, were induced to have well- 
 informed persons address them on practical aspects of municipal 
 service. Meetings before which public officials were asked to state 
 their point of view were called. Once interest was aroused, people 
 were asked to complain by telephone, by letter, or in person to city 
 officials and local political leaders. Laws which define the duties 
 of householders, rules governing classification and preparation of 
 waste, days and hours when they might expect wagons to call on 
 each street, were printed in languages of the quarter and distributed 
 through the tenements. 
 
 Early in the new century definite betterment of sanitary condi- 
 tions was visible in many localities. Tenement dwellers became 
 increasingly critical of lax service, and the new attitude of better- 
 to-do classes toward working people, in important measure the re- 
 sult of influences set in motion from settlements, strongly rein- 
 forced popular unrest as it reached City Hall. Heads of public 
 sanitary departments began to find it worth while to devise ways 
 
 235 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of preventing littered streets and of securing more thorough disci- 
 pline, economy, and efficiency. Most important of all, the local 
 minority which desired neatness increased considerably and became 
 definitely censorious toward neighbors who lagged too far behind 
 advancing communal standards. 
 
 The pollution of air by smoke and odors is among the most trying 
 experience of life in many factory communities. During the 
 eighties, location of malodorous industries and municipal dumps in 
 the vicinity of tenements went unchallenged. Successful protest 
 against the introduction of fresh inflictions, removal of particularly 
 oifensive waste heaps, re-routing wagons so as to lessen the burden 
 of noise during early morning hours, and reduction of the smoke 
 nuisance represent types of alleviation secured by many settlements. 
 The stockyard districts in Chicago, to select a striking example, 
 labored under not only the overwhelming stench of the yards but 
 in addition were forced to endure the exhalations from a municipal 
 dump. Residents at University of Chicago Settlement organized 
 and led local public opinion in a campaign to compel more sanitary 
 disposal of stockyard refuse and to replace the dump with a 
 municipal incinerator. Two decades of persistent public protest 
 were needed, however, before relief was secured in 19 16. 
 
 Miss McDowell's experience illustrates two typical difficulties 
 which attend all efforts to induce the comfortable majority of a 
 metropolitan community to imagine itself in the place of an un- 
 comfortable minority. One is to arouse public attention. The 
 mind of a city is not easily focused on the troubles of one district. 
 The other is to interpret a public problem in terms of common 
 human experience. The plea of counsel employed to defend the 
 company which profited by location of the dump "that there must 
 always be one part of a great city set aside for unpleasant things, 
 the people of which are, in virtue of their residence, less sensitive 
 than the rest of the community, " is fruit of this separation. Settle- 
 ments confront both inertia in tenements and complacence in 
 suburbs. 
 
 The logic of these endeavors to lessen the inconvenience, 
 noisomeness, and menace of ubiquitous dirt led to a realization 
 of shortcomings inherent in tenement houses. Early residents had 
 taken measures to induce or to compel owners of neighborhood 
 
 236 
 
HOME AND STREET 
 
 tenements to drain cellars, repair privies and outhouses, and light 
 dark hallways. Condemnation of a number of houses, so unfit 
 for habitation that departments of health had no alternative but to 
 order their destruction, was secured. Settlement households of one 
 or two persons were established in representative tenement houses, 
 partly to study the color of life, partly to work out adaptations 
 which might be applied to improvement of living conditions. 
 
 It was found that a prime cause of personal and communal un- 
 cleanliness lay in the diificulty of obtaining water. Many tenement 
 apartments were without even a kitchen sink, and the necessity of 
 carrying heavy pails from a distant hallway or yard potently dis- 
 couraged refinements of cleanliness. Demand on the meager equip- 
 ment of settlement showers and tubs furnished a telling argument 
 in favor of public baths. Residents of Hull House in 1 892 helped to 
 secure an appropriation for Chicago's first public bath, which was 
 erected on land controlled by the settlement. South End House, in 
 co-operation with trade union leaders and several influential civic 
 organizations, a few years later helped to secure an appropriation 
 for the erection of the first indoor all-year-round baths in Boston."^ 
 
 While most settlements seek establishment of public baths, such 
 advocacy in no way lessens their desire for housing regulations which 
 require installation of adequate sanitary conveniences in apart- 
 ments. Under American conditions public baths and laundries 
 are felt even by immigrants to be visible acknowledgments of 
 financial and sanitary insufficiency. The chief function of public 
 washing facilities is to meet the needs of newcomers until they ac- 
 quire American habits of living. It takes each fresh influx from 
 abroad, under favorable conditions, about one generation to rise 
 to the degree of cleanliness practiced by the nation. The process 
 can be decidedly hastened by educating individuals and by pro- 
 
 ^Among settlements which have been instrumental in bringing about the estab- 
 lishment of public baths are: New York City: College Settlement, East Side House, 
 Greenwich House, Union Settlement, University Settlement; Rochester: Social 
 Settlement; Boston: South End Hoijise, Denison House; Chicago: Hull House, 
 University of Chicago Settlement, Northwestern University Settlement, the Com- 
 mons, Henry Booth House, Maxwell Street Settlement; Detroit: Franklin Street 
 Settlement, Hannah Schloss Memorial; Cleveland: Hiram House, Council Educa- 
 tional Alliance; Columbus: Codman Guild. Some fifty settlements have an 
 equipment of baths for public use. This is in addition to the very considerable 
 number which maintain baths in connection with their gymnasiums for use of those 
 exercising, and those which make a specialty of bathing children during the summer. 
 
 237 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 meting common sentiment. Such expedition is a definite settlement 
 motive. 
 
 Many lapses in the standards of living among working people 
 have their cause, as has been indicated, in the structure of tenement 
 buildings. Housing reform in the United States took its rise in the 
 second quarter of the nineteenth century.^ The important indivi- 
 dual and public needs involved, the extent of property interests 
 affected, alertness and determination of those who took part in the 
 struggle, make the evolution of housing legislation in New York a 
 story of nation-wide interest. In 1867 the Council of Hygiene and 
 Public Health of the Citizens' Association induced the legislature 
 to pass several important sanitary housing regulations which were 
 strengthened in 1879 largely through the influence of Alfred T. 
 White, a pioneer with a touch of Owen's power to give concrete 
 form to his ideas. The first state commission " to examine and to 
 investigate and inquire into the character and condition of tene- 
 ment houses and cellars in the city of New York" was appointed in 
 1884, in response to public interest aroused by a series of addresses 
 delivered before the New York Society for Ethical Culture by 
 Felix Adler. It is of more than passing interest that newspaper re- 
 ports of one of these sermons started Jacob Riis on his inspired 
 crusade for homes and children. The Drexel Committee, on which 
 Dr. Adler served, reported in 1885, and many of the recommenda- 
 tions were embodied in the revised housing law of 1887. Though 
 the act of 1887 was a very great step in advance over previous laws 
 it was far from adequate. In 1894 a new Tenement House Com- 
 mission was appointed whose members chose Richard Watson 
 Gilder to serve as chairman. University Settlement and College 
 Settlement were now on the scene and their residents gave evidence. 
 The commission reported in January, 1895, and the legislature re- 
 sponded by enacting certain of its recommendations into law. 
 
 It was a fortunate chance that during the years practical hous- 
 ing reformers were seeking norms applicable to all tenements, 
 covering size and disposition of rooms, location and area of window 
 spaces, healthfulness and convenience of sanitary appliances, kind 
 and location of exits, there should have been groups of responsible 
 
 ' Reports calling attention to the relation between housing and health were pub- 
 lished in New Yorlc, 1834, and in Boston, 1846. 
 
 238 
 
HOME AND STREET 
 
 and determined people living in tenement environments, in daily 
 and hourly touch with inhabitants, able to set forth in specific terms 
 the results of existing conditions on the health and welfare of men. 
 women, and children, and upon the actual standards of housekeep- 
 ing, home-making, child care, and sexual morality.' 
 
 Residents of each new settlement, as it was established during 
 these years, joined hands with the growing body of housing re- 
 formers. House-to-house and block-to-block surveys were made 
 and results charted on maps to show cumulatively the overcrowd- 
 ing and congestion of neighborhoods as a whole. Certain residents 
 devoted a decided proportion of their energies to specific measures 
 of housing reform. Housing laws, it was agreed, were almost as 
 much liabilities as assets. The better the law the more troublesome 
 it was to enforce. The necessity for an organization continuously 
 alert to protect and consolidate existing gains and to maintain in- 
 itiative was overwhelming. With conspicuous generalship the 
 Charity Organization Society in 1898 organized its Tenement 
 House Committee, whose secretary, Lawrence Veiller, has done 
 more than any other one person in this country to create adequate 
 and uniform statutes. The new committee drew on the accumulated 
 experience of a number of settlement houses by preparing in 1900 
 the first of several notable tenement house exhibits. The case for 
 a new state commission was overwhelmingly established. Governor 
 Roosevelt in 1900 appointed such a commission, with Robert W. 
 de Forest as chairman, Mr. Veiller as secretary. Several of its 
 members had settlement training. On the strength of the find- 
 ings of the commission the legislature reinforced the previous 
 housing law, and in 1902 created a tenen^ent house department 
 charged with its administration. Mr. de Forest and Mr. Veiller 
 became heads of the new department, and seven of the first eight 
 women inspectors appointed had been connected with settlements.^ 
 
 Among settlement residents, passage of laws was looked upon 
 
 • Mr. Veiller decided to devote himself to such work as a result of his experience 
 while a resident at University Settlement. See A Model Housing Law, New York, 
 Russell Sage Foundation, 1920. 
 
 ' In Chicago the steps which led to the formation of the City Homes Association 
 (April, 1900), principal sponsor for Illinois housing legislation, began at North- 
 western University Settlement in January, 1897. Settlements in other cities have, 
 in similar ways, organized the forces which have created housing associations, pre- 
 pared exhibits, obtained laws, and secured their enforcement. 
 
 239 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 not as an end in itself, but as a demand for a more refined and de- 
 tailed type of local watchfulness. A striking example of the value 
 of such watchfulness is furnished by the efforts of Hull House, in 
 1902, to account for an unduly high neighborhood death rate from 
 typhoid. The location of cases, studied in connection with nearby 
 privies, led Dr. Alice Hamilton to suspect contagion communicated 
 by flies. Her researches not only helped to establish this theory, 
 but showed carelessness amounting to criminal negligence on the 
 part of sanitary officials. A number of inspectors were brought to 
 trial, and ultimately a separate municipal department of housing 
 in charge of a thoroughly trained and capable director was ob- 
 tained.i 
 
 The logic of efforts to make tenements a possible base for house- 
 holds, and to adapt the rudiments of domestic science to them, 
 gradually forced residents to more exhaustive inquiry into the 
 effect of tenement environment on the structure of the family. It 
 was clear that overcrowding on land may have as deep a significance 
 as overcrowding within buildings. Until 1905 the chief problem 
 of housing, in the special sense, was concerned with questions of 
 sunlight and air, size of room, fire protection, and the number of 
 persons occupying a room.'' But now there came a new and sweep- 
 ing challenge. How much land in terms of space for play and asso- 
 ciation is needed adequately to provide for tenants who may in- 
 habit even a model structure? Is it possible to encompass clean 
 air, disinfecting sunlight, outlook, privacy, repose, self-respecting 
 
 ' Equally necessary though less dramatic forms of continuous local surveillance 
 go on in all settlements and leave hardly more objective record than bare main- 
 tenance of legal standards of housing. A succession of local epidemics in Alta 
 House neighborhood, Cleveland, was brought to an end when residents secured 
 enforcement of the municipal regulation that dwellings must be connected with a 
 public sewer. The standard of life in one of those neighborhood backwaters which 
 all settlement residents know, was investigated with minute and painstaking care 
 by Greenwich House, New York, in order to discover the proportion in which blame 
 for hopeless wretchedness might properly be apportioned to insufficiency ^of the law, 
 neglect of landlords, sloth of tenants, and lethargy of public sentiment. The rami- 
 fying effect of low-grade housing on health and morals was followed with meticulous 
 care by residents of Kingsley House, Pittsburgh, and the findings kept before 
 citizens and public officials. From United Neighborhoods Guild, Brooklyn, an 
 able system of voluntary inspection of tenement houses was carried on during 
 several years. Facts were gathered in form to permit legal action and were pub- 
 lished, together with the names of owners of buildings, in the Guild paper. 
 
 ^ Ten years earlier residents of University Settlement had noted the evils of over- 
 crowding of population on the land. See Year Book 1896, p. lo. 
 
 240 
 
HOME AND STREET 
 
 passage through streets, when more than a certain number of people 
 are crowded upon an acre? Housing reveals itself as a matter not of 
 providing cells in which a maximum number of bodies may be fitted 
 and retain their capacity to labor, but of achieving a minimum 
 essential layout for the community organism. In 1905 a group of 
 settlement residents in New York combined to call attention to 
 evils of lot and block overcrowding, and the congestion exhibit of 
 1 908 marked full emergence of this new motive. Housing reformers 
 and city planners have united forces for the purpose of creating not 
 houses and not civic centers exclusively, but communities in which 
 human nature may hope to find its legitimate measure of fulfilment.^ 
 The rudimentary needs represented by pure air, adequate water 
 supply, careful and expeditious disposal of waste, and sufficient 
 room within doors to arrest degeneration of the home under city 
 conditions imply the complicated machinery of advanced civiliza- 
 tion. The danger of dirt and overcrowding to individual and public 
 health dictated the first stage of settlement effort for improved laws 
 and more adequate public service. But filth and clutter are not less 
 disastrous to character than to physical health; while conversely, 
 health makes detailed and comprehensive demands upon mind and 
 will. By transferring the point of attack on physical evils from 
 superficial and remote to direct and personal sources, the settlement 
 finds itself in accord with the present tendency among sanitarians 
 to discount the effect on health of any but specifically infected 
 dirt. The hygienic impact of the future must be first of all on 
 family groups, because contact of individual with individual is 
 closest in the home than at any other point of community life. It 
 is within families that the technique of household care and nurs- 
 ing, and those habits of bodily cleanliness upon which sound per- 
 sonal and community well-being in the last resort depend, must 
 be developed. 
 
 ' Confirmation of these conclusions, if any confirmation were needed, may be 
 found in the dreary fiasco of the tenants' housing agitation of 1908 in New Yorli. 
 Large companies of poor people on the East Side, tried beyond endurance by the 
 rapidly rising scale of rentals charged for narrow and stifling cubicles in which they 
 were burning out their lives, banded together to resist. Their bewilderment in a 
 situation which they could not see through and their utter incapacity to unite 
 broadly, coherently, or forcefully, were the legitimate fruit of an environment 
 which saps any struggling capacity for co-operation. The situation has grown 
 steadily worse during and since the war. 
 
 241 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 But public health also largely depends on the degree of local 
 interest and responsibility with regard to sanitary evils. Every 
 neighborhood should include among its citizenship at least one 
 group of men and women who keep track of assured advances in 
 the growing science of hygiene, devise ways and means of carrying 
 sanitary practice from doorstep to doorstep and from fireside to 
 fireside. Settlement experience at every point has shown that the 
 better standard never becomes secure until neighbors conspire 
 together to see that it is maintained. As the standard rises, such 
 collective sentiment is increasingly necessary to secure as well as 
 to hold the gains made. A great moral teacher once said that the 
 final achievement of the race would be a perfect hygiene. This goal 
 can be approached only as the motives leading to it are in widest 
 commonalty spread. 
 
 242 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC concern for the health of working-class localities, 
 until recent years, has been largely confined to panic-stricken 
 efforts during and immediately after periodic epidemics. 
 Tenement districts were regarded by intelligent people with mingled 
 fear and dread as breeding places of disease. The most telling and 
 widely urged objection against young women's taking part in 
 settlement work, either as residents or volunteers, was the probabil- 
 ity of contracting an infectious disease. Dr. Jane E. Robbins, first 
 woman settler and a physician, confesses to having discouraged the 
 project to establish College Settlement on the ground that only 
 doctors and nurses could live safely on the East Side. During the 
 early years at that house it was considered desirable to have some- 
 one with medical training in residence, even more to protect the 
 household than to benefit the neighborhood. 
 
 The change which has come to pass is a joint triumph of medical 
 science and social work. The origins of our increasingly exten- 
 sive and consecutive neighborhood health program are fjound in 
 that wave of spiritual enterprise that produced the settlements. 
 Charles Kingsley, as we have seen, devoted some of the best en- 
 ergies of his mature years to national as well as local sanitary re- 
 form.i Canon Barnett, from the beginning of his ministry in White- 
 chapel, was active in promoting sanitary improvements and devis- 
 ing first-hand means for increasing the physical vitality of the 
 people. 
 
 Pioneer American residents entered into this well-formed English 
 tradition. An appreciable proportion of time and strength during 
 
 ' His Sanitary and Social Lectures and Essays, written with a wealtli of imagery 
 and thoughtful detail, show how much he cared to malte cleanliness and good health 
 alluring. New York, The Macmillan Company. 1889. 
 
 243 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 the nineties was devoted to ferreting out cases of diphtheria, scarlet 
 fever, and typhoid, securing proper quarantine and care of patients, 
 and instructing family and friends in the hygiene of prevention. 
 Little by little, people of the neighborhood were brought to appre- 
 ciate the value and justice of isolating sufferers from communicable 
 disease. Negligence of local physicians in reporting cases of con- 
 tagion to public authorities and placarding dwelling houses was 
 gradually overcome. 
 
 Increased acquaintance among households revealed unsuspected 
 ravages of suffering and worry traceable to disease and to unintelli- 
 gent living. Many families were found trying to care for members 
 chronically bedridden or incapacitated. More than half the in- 
 fants and children of the community were in evident need of med- 
 ical advice and treatment. An appalling number of adult men and 
 women eked out life on a fifty per cent physical basis. 
 
 The settlement shortly came to be regarded in the neighborhood 
 as a headquarters for help in sickness. First-aid rooms were opened 
 in many houses. Men, women, and children not too sick to walk 
 were directed to clinics and specialists. Residents arranged for 
 the admittance of patients to hospitals, and in cases where the 
 parents' prejudice and anxiety were overpowering, accompanied 
 them. Despair of family and friends caused by the impersonal 
 officialism of large hospitals, and especially those supported at 
 public expense, was niitigated by securing adequate reports on the 
 patient's condition and progress. 
 
 Some early residents hoped that young physicians of the best 
 training and standards would establish themselves in working-class 
 neighborhoods; and during the first half of the nineties a dozen 
 women and several men opened offices in or near settlements. 
 Accidents and sudden illness made demands on a large portion of 
 their time and strength, while instruction in hygiene, talks before 
 clubs and meetings, local sanitary surveys, and efforts for the im- 
 provement of the public health more than absorbed the remainder. 
 Financially, however, the experiment failed. Services were ac- 
 cepted without question so long as they were free. Settlements 
 were still too recently established to command the confidence of any 
 considerable number of families able to pay for medical advice. 
 These went to established local practitioners. Prejudice against 
 
 244 
 
HEALTH 
 
 women physicians turned out to be stronger among tenements than 
 in the remainder of the community. 
 
 Physicians in other parts of the city, therefore, were asked to 
 give several hours weekly, and neighborhood clinics were opened. 
 These, in a number of instances, brough about establishment of 
 dispensaries and outpatient service. In small cities of the West 
 and South, and in metropolitan areas far removed from downtown 
 hospitals, the settlement dispensary continues to be an important 
 factor in community equipment. The number and variety of med- 
 ical agencies in most large cities make unnecessary settlement dis- 
 pensaries for the treatment of acute medical and surgical needs. 
 
 Almost as much as sickness, wage-earning men and women dread 
 the cure that requires them to relinquish work. Loss of income and 
 possible loss of job loom darker than physical misery. Since 1910, 
 therefore, an increasing number of settlements have established 
 evening medical and dental clinics for working girls and women. 
 Once such a clinic is established, boys and men begin to seek the 
 same privilege.' 
 
 Experience, in general, is against the direct maintenance of 
 medical agencies by settlements. If a staff is selected from neigh- 
 borhood physicians, those neglected are bound to feel injured; if 
 from outside, complaint arises that the settlement is importing 
 and subsidizing competitors. A dispensary under the supervision 
 of a medical society can be indifferent to criticisms of local doctors 
 and can deal adequately with sources of contention from within. 
 
 The slight results of continuous effort during three decades by 
 physicians and settlement residents on the problem of local organ- 
 ization of medicine make clear its magnitude and complexity. The 
 last stand of professional charlatans and pariahs is among the tene- 
 ments. So-called dispensaries advertising free consultations paid 
 for in excessive charges for medicine and by money received for 
 various forms of irregular practice go unchallenged. The employ- 
 ment of "practicing druggists," patent medicine venders, "lodge" 
 
 ' Women physicians in several instances have built up a clientele among working 
 girls. The fee for consultation is slightly less than the average local charge. Hope 
 that fair costs of medical service might be met has not been fulfilled. Meanwhile 
 the clinic brings help and healing to a growing number of people; and high-grade 
 medical service, however limited in quantity, has its sure effect on the standards of 
 the people and on local practitioners. 
 
 245 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 and "society" doctors, though they represent an effort on the part 
 of working people to pay their way, is medically unsound.^ 
 
 Settlement conviction, lay and medical, is clear and strong that 
 the average tenement income is insufficient to pay fair costs of ade- 
 quate medical service in illness which calls for multiple consulta- 
 tions, advice of specialists or assistance of laboratory, and nursing 
 care. The success of the medical sharper in extorting considerable 
 sums only adds to the tragedy. 1 ndustrial accident boards, evening 
 pay clinics, and health centers represent helpful beginnings toward 
 a democratic system for meeting the disease risks of wage-earning 
 families. Whether such a system will eventuate in state medical 
 aid, sickness insurance, more economical organization of medical 
 service, or a combination among these, cannot be forecasted. It is 
 to be hoped, however, that some of the millions of dollars once 
 burned up in drink may be directed to paying costs of good medical 
 advice. City workmen in comparison with farmers receive a heavy 
 bonus of free medical service. Immigrants, who make up the larger 
 part of those using dispensaries, must be educated to pay a reason- 
 able price for benefits obtained. 
 
 Almost as important as the counsel of skilled physicians is expert 
 assistance in carrying out treatment.^ The earliest visiting nurses 
 were in general affiliated with missions and dispensaries and their 
 ministrations limited to beneficiaries of these organizations. They 
 could not avoid seeing the effect, in terms of suffering, delayed 
 recovery, and permanent weakness, of a miserable environment, 
 poor and inadquate food, bad personal habits, and unhappy human 
 relationships. Supplementary circles of charitably minded lay 
 people were formed to meet these needs. When settlements came 
 upon the scene, the faint beginnings of our modern district nursing 
 service were discernible in a few large cities.' Almost before they 
 
 ' Fortunately many working-class neighborhoods are blessed by the presence of 
 one or two men of sterling character and sound professional ability. Their in- 
 fluence, even though it often seems to be almost lost in the welter of mediocrity, is 
 always definitely constructive. Yet even the high-minded physician is all too 
 likely to become careless through pressure of work. 
 
 * The desire to bring the services of the trained nurse within the range of the poor 
 led William Rathbone of Liverpool, England, to establish in May, 1859, the first 
 visiting nursing association. The pioneer visiting nursing service in America was 
 established in 1877 by the women's branch of the New York City Mission. 
 
 'There were 21 visiting nurses associations in the United States in 1890, most of 
 which, however, employed only one nurse. 
 
 246 
 
HEALTH 
 
 were aware of how it happened, women residents found themselves 
 involved in various forms of medical relief. They served as im- 
 promptu nurses in childbirth, bound up cuts and bruises, dispensed 
 simple remedies, gave aid and comfort pending arrival of a doctor, 
 supplied food, medicine, and sick-room utensils, performed the 
 housework of stricken mothers to keep the family together. Before 
 long it seemed desirable to invite nurses to come into residence and 
 carry on their duties from the settlement house. 
 
 The union of nursing and neighborhood work was destined to 
 succeed. The impulse which led Miss Wald and Miss Brewster, on 
 graduation from the New York Hospital Training School, to seek 
 a dwelling among the men and women whose welfare was to be- 
 come their concern, opened a new path of adventurous service in a 
 profession whose fine traditions since Florence Nightingale have 
 always included public-spirited care of the neglected and helpless. 
 
 The first purpose of the founders of Henry Street Settlement was 
 to establish " a system for nursing the sick in their homes ... on 
 terms most considerate of the dignity and independence of the 
 patients." The services of the settlement are keyed to hold mem- 
 bers of each stricken household loyally together and to increase their 
 capacity to act together. Certain important principles affecting 
 the relation between family, nurse, and physician have been worked 
 out. Interesting and significant to the neighborhood worker is 
 Miss Wald's conclusion that the home is not only a satisfactory 
 place for the treatment of most forms of illness, but the most 
 satisfactory. Discovery that hospital care for mothers ill or in 
 childbed all too often resulted in tragic disorganization of families, 
 brought visiting housekeepers to supplement the work of nurses. 
 The conviction that short-term illnesses of children, in particular, 
 respond more favorably to treatment at home than in hospital, has 
 received statistical justification. 
 
 The nurse who identifies herself with settlement and neighbor- 
 hood wins a place in popular regard analogous to that of local 
 physicians and clergy. Standing somewhat between the inflexibility 
 of nature and of science and the deep-seated popular instincts of 
 pity, she appears to simple people the representative of merciful 
 human powers. She is able to put physicians in possession of elu- 
 sive facts which have a bearing on disease. Authority gained from 
 
 247 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 professional affiliations and expert service causes her advice in 
 matters of hygiene and practical living to be specially regarded, and 
 her patient suggestion often secures entire reorganization of habits 
 and home.^ 
 
 It was, of course, natural that the first broad efforts of settlement 
 nurses should be directed toward control of contagious diseases. 
 As early as 1893 Miss Wald and Miss Brewster secured from hospi- 
 tals and dispensaries in New York City a list of persons afflicted 
 with tuberculosis who had applied for treatment and visited them 
 in their homes. Sputum cups were supplied, and patient and family 
 informed about proper hygiene. Other agencies were enlisted in 
 obtaining food, clothing, and attention.^ At the end of a decade 
 (1903) the Board of Health organized a corps of nurses to carry on 
 this service. 
 
 Though the principle of medical supervision of public schools had 
 received statement before settlements came on the scene, few cities 
 had actually employed school physicians.' Pioneer residents, adopt- 
 ing the best private kindergarten practice, drew upon doctors and 
 nurses regularly to examine each child in the settlement kinder- 
 garten and to treat those who were sick or ailing. 
 
 Miss Wald's wide and continuous acquaintance on the East Side 
 revealed typical groups of children in need of detailed medical ex- 
 amination. Boys and girls were discovered too weak or ill to go to 
 school regularly. A more or less constant though far from negligible 
 group attended school while suffering from contagious diseases. 
 Most important of all, numerically, were those handicapped by 
 easily remedied defects, neglect of which made it impossible for 
 them to keep up with their studies. In 1897 cumulative results of 
 several years' observation and record were placed before the Board 
 of Education, and led to the appointment of a staff of school doctors 
 charged to examine children, to quarantine those having contagious 
 
 ' Specialties such as the care of contagious disease, infant hygiene, and surgical 
 after-treatment have been developed and in several instances passed on to city ad- 
 ministration. In Los Angeles the district nursing service of settlements has been 
 assumed by the municipality and made a regular department. 
 
 ' Most of the expedients of medical social service were in detail antedated by 
 settlement nurses. 
 
 ^ The first school doctors in the United States were appointed in 1894 by the 
 Boston School Committee. 
 
 248 
 
HEALTH 
 
 diseases, and to notify parents of boys or girls in need of medical 
 assistance. ' 
 
 Serious gaps in the working logic of medical inspection were dis- 
 closed by thorough follow-up of actual cases. Pupils were debarred 
 from class for days, and sometimes for weeks at a time, because 
 families failed to secure additional medical advice, to buy pre- 
 scribed remedies, or to follow orders intelligently. To cap the 
 climax of this absurd situation these very children were discovered 
 in close intimacy of street and playground with boys and girls they 
 had been excluded to protect. 
 
 Miss Wald suggested to the Board of Education the employment 
 of nurses to see that the advice of school physicians was acted 
 upon. The services of a member of her household were offered to 
 carry on the experiment. Within a month it was proved "that, 
 with the exception of the very small proportion of major contagious 
 and infectious diseases, the addition of the nurse to the staff made 
 it possible to reverse the object of medical inspection from exclud- 
 ing the children from school to keeping the children in the class room 
 and under treatment." Twelve nurses were thereupon appointed 
 by the Board of Health and assigned to schools in tenement locali- 
 ties. Settlements in several cities, following the example of Henry 
 Street, carried on school nursing until the service was taken over 
 by boards of education, while others, by calling the attention of 
 public authorities to results of such service in New York, were able 
 to secure its adoption directly. 
 
 The conscience of early settlement residents was caught, as that 
 of some public health officials long had been, by the appalling sick- 
 ness and mortality rate among infants and small children in crowded 
 city neighborhoods during the summer.^ So overwhelming were 
 demands created by the needs of families immediately about them 
 on the time and strength of the settlement nurse that it soon be- 
 came common to employ an extra nurse on the advent of warm 
 weather. Houses without a resident nurse were driven to secure 
 such service for the three hot months. 
 
 The more recent movement for conservation of infant life, how- 
 
 'As early as 1876 the New York City Board of Health appropriated a sum of 
 money to provide medical care for a short period for sick babies in tenements, a 
 plan that was continued in a desultory sort of fashion for several succeeding years 
 and then allowed to lapse. 
 
 18 249 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ever, had its beginnings in the discovery that dirty milk is a prime 
 cause of sickness and death among babies, and in effort's first to 
 guard against the effects and later to prevent contamination. A 
 pioneer in this field was Nathan Straus, a New York merchant who, 
 in 1893, established the first of a chain of stations for distributing 
 pasteurized milk at cost, or free when needed, among the tene- 
 ments. In 1897 Dr. George W. Goler, health officer at Rochester, 
 New York, organized there a municipal milk station for the distri- 
 bution of pasteurized and modified milk. 
 
 The logic of the work of Mr. Straus and Dr. Goler appealed to 
 settlement residents everywhere. In 1897 Northwestern Univer- 
 sity Settlement installed equipment for pasteurizing and was soon 
 able to supply milk to other Chicago settlements. Modification be- 
 gan in 1902. Work soon outgrew resources and equipment and was 
 transferred in 1903 to a special commission of the Children's Hos- 
 pital Society. Houses in other cities opened milk depots, took part 
 in forming milk committees, gave the use of rooms and services of 
 their staff in order to hasten the establishment of local stations. 
 
 Experience soon showed that the problem of a safe food supply 
 for children is not solved merely by securing and delivering it. 
 Conscientious and scientific care in production and transit may 
 come to naught through careless handling. Simple and inexpensive 
 ways had to be devised for keeping milk cool and uncontaminated. 
 The settlement nurse began to visit in the home in order to show 
 mothers how to prepare and care for babies' food. The modifying 
 of milk in the home was first taught in New York, in 1903. Grad- 
 ually it was seen that instruction must cover the entire regimen of 
 infant life. Mothers had to be convinced, often in the face of family 
 and neighborhood tradition to the contrary, that pork, pickles, 
 bananas, and beer are bad for infants. The practice was thus estab- 
 lished of giving instruction about kind and weight of clothing, hours 
 and conditions of sleep, technique of bathing, training in personal 
 habits. 
 
 Knowledge of how tenement mothers care for their babies and 
 actual examination of numbers of infants, uncovered a very con- 
 siderable amount of hitherto unappreciated suffering among them. 
 Baby clinics were created. That established at Greenwich House 
 in the summer of 1903 stands among the earliest. 
 
 250 
 
HEALTH 
 
 The organization of a thoroughgoing campaign of infant saving 
 on a city-wide scale started in Chicago. In the summer of 1905 
 Northwestern University Settlement, the Chicago Relief and Aid 
 Society, and the Visiting Nurses Association established on the 
 settlement roof an outdoor educational clinic. Doctors and nurses 
 were in attendance, modified milk was on sale, and visiting nurses 
 called on mothers in their homes and instructed them personally 
 in the care of children. The scope and range of this campaign were 
 enlarged steadily year by year until finally assumed by the Depart- 
 ment of Health.^ 
 
 Out of such pioneering effort has come the infant nursing service 
 in large cities, instruction of public school girls in the rudiments of 
 caring for babies, and the infant-saving campaigns conducted by 
 newspapers and industrial insurance companies. It is probably not 
 too much to claim that in metropolitan areas care of infants under 
 one year shows today a more complete application of enlightenment 
 and co-operation on the part of appropriate forces than any other 
 single function of communal life.^ 
 
 The motive of saving lives of sick children has developed, by a 
 deliberate process of extension, into a campaign of education in 
 scientific child nurture and training. Settlement milk stations and 
 clinics have become centers of constructive hygiene where the latest 
 results of knowledge and skill in the rearing of children are brought 
 within the ken of all mothers. Dr. Hamilton and Dr. Hedger have 
 made important studies into the relation between family income, 
 employment of mothers, and death and disease rate among infants.' 
 Science is surely confirming the reassertion of settlement workers 
 
 iSee Appendix, p. 418, Note IX. — Infant Saving in Chicago. 
 
 * The infant hygiene station makes an excellent cornerstone in the edifice of 
 community organization. Desire to save the life and health of babies is one of the 
 most deep-seated and appealing individual and social instincts. To mother and 
 even to father, it seems natural and right that neighbors, citizens-at-Iarge, doctors, 
 nurses, clergy, municipalities and states should be interested in the fortunes of a 
 new soul and citizen. The bugbears of "charity" and "democracy" intrude only 
 slightly into work planned for the baby's benefit. Interest of doctor, nurse, and 
 social worker passes easily and naturally from infant and mother to the rest of the 
 family. Mothers attending the clinic become acquainted with each other and 
 provide a basis for extension of common interest. Their deep concern in mother- 
 hood as a profession makes them propagandist in all that has to do with its tech- 
 nique, and they extend their acquaintance easily and naturally to other neighbor- 
 hood mothers. These in turn are brought to the baby station. 
 
 "Hamilton, Alice: "Industrial Diseases; with Special Reference to the Trades 
 
 251 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 that the place of mothers of children is in the home; that govern- 
 ment, education, and industry have no more important duty than 
 the adequate preparation and support of mothers for their supreme 
 task of child nurture. 
 
 Endeavor to care for all babies by scientific methods revealed a 
 considerable cause of suffering and death to mothers and infants in 
 lack of skilled care in childbirth. A large proportion of births 
 among certain nationalities are supervised by midwives. In 1905, 
 Gaylord S. White, head of Union Settlement, New York, who had 
 begun to face problems caused by a rapid influx of Italians into 
 the district, obtained a sum of money to finance an investigation 
 into the quality of service performed by these women.' Its results 
 exposed the uncleanliness, ignorance, and occasional criminality of 
 midwives. At the instigation of the Neighborhood Workers' Asso- 
 ciation a law was secured in 1907 which placed on the Department 
 of Health responsibility for regulating the practice of midwifery.^ 
 Although practically valuable and necessary, the control of mid- 
 wives carries no enlarged hope for the filture. By 1910 a small 
 number of enlightened men and women became convinced that the 
 time was ripe to bring the best suggestions of obstetrical science 
 to tenement mothers. In May of that year, Mary L. Strong,^ a 
 trained nurse and a resident of some years' standing at South End 
 House, began pre-natal nursing on a neighborhood basis by seeking 
 out women who were shortly to bear children, and instructing them 
 in the hygiene of pregnancy and the preparation of the layette. 
 
 in which Women are Employed." In Charities and the Commons, Vol. XX, pp. 
 655-69, 1908. 
 
 Hedger, Caroline: "Relation of Infant Mortality to the Occupation and Long 
 Hours of Work for Women." In American Academy of Medicine Bulletin, Vol. 
 XI, pp. 80-91, 1910. 
 
 ' The study was made by F. Elizabeth Crowell under the auspices of the Public 
 Health Committee of the Neighborhood Workers' Association of which Miss Wald 
 was chairman. The results were published in Charities and the Commons, Vol. 
 XVI 1, p. 667, 1907, under the title, "Midwives in New York." 
 
 " In July, 191 1, the first school of midwives in the United States under municipal 
 control was established at Bellevue Hospital. Nurses of the Bureau of Child Hy- 
 giene now inspect the equipment of licensed midwives, call upon households in 
 which there are newborn infants, examine the child, instruct mothers, and indicate 
 the nearest baby hygiene station. In Chicago, settlements united to secure the 
 services of Miss Crowell, and a similar study was made in that city. 
 
 ' Mrs. Howard Burns. 
 
 252 
 
HEALTH 
 
 Through patient imaginative explanation mothers and fathers 
 were brought to an intelligent understanding of the medical and 
 other resources at their command. 
 
 The full values of expert medical service, however, are not se- 
 cured until its moral and associational by-products are understood 
 and definitely sought. The exaltation of gestation in the eyes of 
 parents to its true place among the wonders and mysteries of life, 
 the strengthening of the father's instinct to protect mother and 
 child, establishment of the motive of forecasting the environment 
 and training that may be expected to bring out the possibilities 
 inherent in each new soul, desire to create a compelling and beauti- 
 ful round of home habits and observances, represent important 
 means of developing an aspiring type of family life. It was proved 
 that these results might be brought to pass through visits, through 
 discussion with the parents singly and together, and through an 
 expected-babies club, in conducting which there was a rare fusion 
 of practical wisdom with the moral picturesque.^ 
 
 Meanwhile, the first fruits of the spread of infant care are evident 
 in certain neighborhoods. Studies of children under three.years of 
 age made from a Boston settlement showed that nearly all mothers 
 who had sought advice of the local pre-natal nurse had been de- 
 livered by skilled obstetricians and had made satisfactory re- 
 coveries. A large proportion of the same women, had they lived in 
 another neighborhood, would have been delivered by midwives. 
 The infants born to the mothers who had received pre-natal care 
 were all being nursed, and most of them were registered at the baby 
 hygiene clinic. At the time of the investigations the mothers, with 
 
 ^ Vear-in and year-out acquaintance with tenement mothers makes the present 
 agitation about birth control seem far from distant and academic. Deeper, how- 
 ever, than the question of limitation of offspring is that of marital morality. Young 
 people now come into marriage ignorant of its hygiene and with rudimentary ethical 
 standards. Disease, nervous disorder, distressing personal relations, and unhappy 
 homes are a common result. Religious leaders limit themselves, in the main, to 
 prohibitions against enlightenment; educators and physicians, by and large, likewise 
 eschew responsibility. A limited number of settlement workers have joined forces 
 with those who advocate repeal of laws forbidding physicians to impart knowledge 
 about contraceptives; others are strongly inclined, on practical grounds as well as 
 on principle, to the established ethical position. While there is as yet no consensus 
 of opinion among settlement nurses, physicians, and leaders of women's clubs there 
 is discoverable a decided feeling that the issue must be faced and met on the basis 
 of actual knowledge of facts. Infant and pre-natal clinics may be expected in time 
 to offer opportunity for true case work in this perplexing field. 
 
 253 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 only a few exceptions, were using good judgment in the matter of 
 sleep, exercise, air, and diet. Local kindergarten teachers, physi- 
 cians, and skilled neighborhood workers agree that children born 
 within the past five years show greater physical stamina and re- 
 sistance than those of a decade ago. In this district a demonstrably 
 higher standard of infant care has been established: mothers no 
 longer have to be sought out; they gladly avail themselves of 
 pre-natal advice for themselves and skilled help for their infants. 
 
 The next step involves an equally intelligent system for children 
 between eighteen months when the baby hygiene station, as it were, 
 discharges them, and the fifth year when they come under super- 
 vision of school doctors and nurses. There is a tradition in many 
 working-class neighborhoods that small children may as well be ex- 
 posed to the common contagious diseases on the assumption that 
 these are not dangerous to the young and had therefore better be 
 got over with. Children of this age are particularly victims of 
 treatment based on medical old-wives' tales that persist among the 
 uneducated. It seems fairly obvious that every neighborhood 
 should have a supply of skilled medical service available to children 
 in this age group; and a number of houses now maintain medical, 
 dietary, posture, cardiac, and other clinics for them.^ 
 
 The combined efforts of settlement residents and other social 
 workers during more than two decades to arouse physicians and 
 medical organizations to the effect of industrial strain, broken down 
 family life, and community disorganization on the health of work- 
 ing people, found compelling medical reinforcement in October, 
 1905, when Massachusetts General Hospital "permitted" Dr. 
 Richard C. Cabot to organize "a small force of social workers to 
 attend to any cases which the out-patient department might see fit 
 to send them."" Other hospitals and dispensaries followed. In 
 
 '■ South End House, in 19 14, began by graduating babies and mothers connected 
 with pre-natal clinic and baby hygiene stations into a Babies' Good Government 
 Club for children between eighteen months and five years, with a constitution, 
 rules of conduct, pictorial certificates of membership, monthly meetings, occasional 
 parties and picnics. The club met monthly for recreation and instruction by a 
 doctor and nurse who conducted what was known as a "well babies" clinic. 
 
 'Cabot, R. C: First Annual Report of social work permitted at the Massa- 
 chusetts General Hospital, Boston, October i, 1905, to October i, 1906. A classic 
 document about the economic, domestic, and moral problems which arise in a great 
 clinic. 
 
 254 
 
HEALTH 
 
 several instances settlements had a part in initiating and organizing 
 such effort. Their present distinctive service consists in following 
 out medical directions for convalescence and in bringing about a 
 right start in the patient's more hygienic way of living.^ The 
 whole problem of the convalescent stage is among the most recur- 
 rent that doctors, nurses, and social workers have to face. 
 
 A pioneer attempt to extend the principle of insurance to nursing 
 was undertaken in 1909 by the Metropolitan Insurance Company 
 of New York, at the suggestion of Miss Wald and in co-operation 
 with the nursing staff of Henry Street Settlement. Services of the 
 district nurse, under direction of a physician, were made available 
 to policyholders as part of the protection offered by the company. 
 Within a few years other industrial insurance companies adopted 
 the plan, and this service has been extended to most large cities of 
 the United States and Canada. 
 
 The revolution in medical science which took place between 1890 
 and 1 9 1 5 has greatly stimulated the widespread application of medi- 
 cal service. Certain neighborhoods are now regularly visited, 
 among others, by representatives of visiting nurse associations, 
 public schools, milk and baby hygiene societies, anti-tuberculosis 
 associations, departments of health, and out-patient departments 
 of hospitals, factories, and commercial institutions. Some settle- 
 ments now set apart a room with telephone, desks, lockers, and 
 supply closets as a center of call, rest, and conference for represen- 
 tatives of these agencies. Here comprehensive plans for assisting 
 families in difficulty are worked out through consultation among 
 the several societies and the settlement. Incidentally, cumulative 
 testimony is secured concerning local plague spots and families who 
 are victims and disseminators of diseases. 
 
 The broad lesson of a quarter century is that the chief enemy of 
 health is ignorance. All residents know the utter discouragement 
 that comes of watching results of expert advice and persevering 
 effort swept aside through intrusion of the authoritative counsel of 
 
 ' A few settlements, notably Kingsley House, Pittsburgh, and Henry Street 
 Settlement in New York, maintain convalescent homes. A dozen houses use their 
 summer camps for that purpose, either in whole or in part, during spring and fall. 
 The difficulty of raising funds for what seems to the settlement's supporting con- 
 stituency not an inherent department of its work, makes such enterprises less com- 
 mon than they ought to be. 
 
 255 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 crystallized tradition. Misinformation current in many tenement 
 neighborhoods about the meaning of symptoms, appropriate home 
 remedies, and hygiene of body, dress, and sleep, is a potent cause 
 of weakness and illness. The growing conviction of sanitarians 
 that contagion is chiefly conveyed by some direct passage and 
 commerce between the healthy and infected is causing less stress to 
 be laid upon superficial disorder and more upon essential cleanliness. 
 
 No one thing would more increase national efficiency than the de- 
 liberate stirring up of sound local talk about the need of skilled care 
 in sickness, diet proper to various age groups, hygiene of domestic 
 life. With this end in view the entire round of settlement work is 
 directed toward creating local traditions about what constitutes 
 physical well-being, individual, family, and neighborhood. Resi- 
 dents calling in homes constantly take note of those who might 
 benefit by medical advice. Children who attend day nurseries and 
 kindergartens, and members of clubs and classes, are looked out for 
 by leaders and nurses. 
 
 In addition to many general forms of personal watchfulness, 
 residents are constantly alert to carry the latest results of modern 
 knowledge about health and hygiene to working people. Settle- 
 ment houses have served as local headquarters in health campaigns, 
 notably that against tuberculosis organized throughout the country 
 during the nineteen hundreds. Robert Hunter, headworker at 
 University Settlement, and Miss Wald were members of the first 
 tuberculosis committee which was appointed in 1902 at the instance 
 of Edward T. Devine, secretary of the New York Charity Organiza- 
 tion Society. In certain cities settlements took the lead in launch- 
 ing anti-tuberculosis movements; in others they helped secure 
 open-air camps, schools, and sanitaria for the treatment of incipi- 
 ent cases and assumed responsibility for follow-up work.^ Educa- 
 tional propaganda through neighborhood exhibits, lectures, the 
 distribution of literature, goes on periodically at most houses. 
 
 ' Nurses Settlement, Richmond, Va., Telegraph Hill Neighborhood House in San 
 Francisco, and Visiting Nurses Settlement in Orange, New Jersey, had an impor- 
 tant part in launching anti-tuberculosis work in their respective cities. In Chicago, 
 Gads Hill Settlement established the first tuberculosis camp (1905) in Illinois, and 
 Hull House maintained a similar camp in its initiatory stage for working girls (1907). 
 Whittier House, Jersey City, was instrumental in securing a county tuberculosis 
 sanatorium. 
 
 256 
 
HEALTH 
 
 The campaign to promote greater care of the mouth and teeth 
 later received a somewhat similar reinforcement from settlements. 
 In 1908 Dr. William R. Woodbury, pioneer in oral hygiene, then a 
 resident at South End House, organized a dental exhibit. The in- 
 terest taken by people of the locality in the material shown was so 
 great that charts and models were sent to other cities. 
 
 Neighborhood exhibits to bring about more careful protection 
 and handling of food in markets and homes have been arranged 
 in several cities. Many houses exhibit yearly, in connection with 
 baby clinics, the clothing, bedding, food, and playthings most 
 suited for small children; a few organize periodic " baby shows, " 
 believing that such events stimulate interest and pride in mothers. 
 
 These forms of specialized health propaganda are supplemented 
 by individual and small-group instruction. Classes in first aid and 
 elementary care of the sick are carried on as a definite part of the 
 work of most settlements. Lfectures on personal and family hygiene 
 are a regular part of the educational program of settlement women's 
 clubs. Children's clubs frequently invite doctors and nurses to 
 address them. Settlements which publish neighborhood papers 
 print information about care of children, household management, 
 working of pure-food laws, importance of exercise, and other sub- 
 jects of like character; several^systematically distribute the litera- 
 ture of health education leagues. 
 
 An important cumulative result of all these forms of education 
 is the increasing initiative shown by tenement people. Once par- 
 ents learn the community's medical resources, a vital and thought- 
 ful interest in health begins. Response to appeals to establish com- 
 munal hygiene becomes more immediate and intelligent.^ Clubs of 
 women and young people at an increasing number of settlements 
 raise money with which to assist sick members and other neighbors. 
 
 ' When an outbreak of yellow fever occurred in New Orleans in 1905, Kingsley 
 House neighborhood, although in many respects ill-conditioned, escaped with 
 relatively few cases. This almost miraculous immunity was due in large part to 
 the fact that as soon as the presence of disease was discovered the settlement wo- 
 men's club, together with children's and young people's organizations, were called 
 together, the danger explained, and the co-operation of all sought. Each member 
 of the women's club pledged herself to oil her own cistern, gutter, and vault, and to 
 make a house-to-house canvass of the block in which she lived, for the purpose of 
 obtaining the support of neighbors. Thirty blocks were canvassed. Throughout 
 the epidemic the settlement was able to continue its regular work, thus keeping the 
 neighborhood life as normal as possible. 
 
 257 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Local improvement associations organized at many houses are edu- 
 cating their members to think about health in terms of family and 
 neighborhood. These several forms of medical and nursing service, 
 education in personal hygiene, and organization for conserving 
 health and strength, are creating a new mind among people. 
 
 Among all this work for the improvement of communal health 
 there is one field in which substantial gains in sound local traditions 
 are already discernible. The fortunate circumstances that placed 
 the development of infant hygiene work under direction of persons 
 affiliated with settlements checked the strong tendency toward 
 centralized administration which besets medical perhaps even more 
 than other forms of public-spirited enterprise. Establishment of 
 the early baby clinics on a neighborhood basis will in time be recog- 
 nized as among the great triumphs of medical organization in the 
 twentieth century. Right practice in the care of babies thus 
 systematically introduced into the gossip of the mothers of the 
 neighborhood becomes so far part of the tissue of local opinion that 
 departure from it draws criticism and opprobrium of family, 
 friends, and neighbors. It is of more value to demonstrate the need 
 of proper clothing, of fresh air, or of any other necessity so thor- 
 oughly that it becomes a topic of daily conversation in a local 
 circle than to have imparted identical information to several times 
 the same number living so far apart that members cannot reinforce 
 and sustain one another. 
 
 The neighborhood health services in settlements are increasingly 
 preventive and educational. A considerable number of houses 
 carry on formal or informal diagnostic clinics. Results of ex- 
 aminations of children between seven and eighteen even in cities 
 where the work of doctors and nurses is reasonably efficient, show 
 that out of every hundred children more than 90 per cent are suffer- 
 ing from conditions that need attention. Medical findings of such 
 examinations are followed up with great care by nurses and resi- 
 dents. An encouraging outgrowth of experience is that the practice 
 of neighborhood doctors and dentists is helped rather than injured 
 by intelligent medical supervision. 
 
 The number and importance of the activities for safeguarding and 
 building up health carried on at many settlements, had they been 
 part of the work of departments such as music or craftswork, would 
 
 258 
 
HEALTH 
 
 long ago have brought about establishment of quite separate 
 neighborhood centers. This development has not taken place for 
 several reasons, chief of which is the fact that there has not been a" 
 sufficiently sound medical and sociological groundwork to justify 
 the superstructure. To call a milk and baby hygiene station 
 whether under private or municipal auspices a "health center" 
 seems almost flippant; and use of the term for a few public 
 health services in a large metropolitan area with a population 
 equal if not greater than that of important cities seems equally 
 a misnomer.^ 
 
 Neighborhood organizers seek for their localities three boons. 
 The first is an adequate pattern of medical service in terms of 
 physicians, resident and non-resident nurses, first-aid rooms, 
 clinics for infants, children and adults, and hospitals. A large 
 number of houses now so far supplement the local educational, 
 charitable, and commercial medical resources that fair advice and 
 nursing care are within the reach of all. 
 
 The second is education of the community to use such equipment 
 and service wisely and adequately. A standard of intelligence in 
 the use of available resources for the prevention and care of disease 
 at least a generation in advance of that in average working-class 
 localities obtains among many settlement constituencies. 
 
 The third is establishment of those habits, personal, family, and 
 communal, which are the sole safeguards against inroads of dis- 
 ease. Here again results of large significance have already been ob- 
 tained. 
 
 To assure these benefits the development of a pervading cen- 
 tralized community sentiment will be indispensable. 
 
 ' A few houses, among them Henry Street Settlement and Greenwich House in 
 New York, Whittier Horfse in Jersey City, and Welcome Hall, Buffalo, have made a 
 beginning in bringing together their various forms of educational health service 
 in one place. 
 
 259 
 
CHAPTER XXIV 
 LAW AND ORDER 
 
 AN AGE-LONG tradition of the city had placed organized 
 vice near by, and even scattered among, the homes of work- 
 ^ ing people. Until very recently it was taken for granted 
 that tenement districts should show moral degradation in propor- 
 tion to their sanitary unwholesomeness; that in general a respon- 
 sible relation existed between people who lived in slums and the en- 
 tire round of vices found there. The attitude of established citizens 
 toward such localities was usually one of reprehension. Typical 
 efforts to better the situation were rescue missions and repressive 
 societies. 
 
 Though pledged to consider every human being as at least poten- 
 tial man and brother, original settlement residents were affected 
 with something like a sinking of heart on coming actually face to 
 face with the realities of degeneracy. Street corners and open 
 spaces, as well as saloons, were infested with tramps, sots, half-wits, 
 loafers, and outcasts. A considerable proportion of this human 
 flotsam and jetsam, it was evident, had its origin among more 
 favored economic classes. That neighborhoods crowded above all 
 others with children and young people should be called upon to 
 bear not only the costs of degeneracy from within their own group, 
 but that of other cities, states and nations, seemed too unjust to be 
 borne. Residents were in full accord with their neighbors that 
 tramps' lodging houses and mission shelters -which attract such 
 types are both impertinences and inflictions.^ 
 
 Among the heaviest handicaps under which congested districts 
 labored was the custom of singling out some of their lodging-house 
 streets as more or less authorized centers of corruption. From this 
 vantage ground prostitutes and gamblers, created and maintained 
 
 '■ The return which the better-to-do make through institutions of philanthropy 
 IS probably far from sufficient to compensate for this unjust strain on working<Iass 
 vitality. 
 
 260 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 by middle-class and well-to-do, ramified through the neighborhood, 
 wormed their way into recreative circles, and used many devices 
 for drawing in recruits. Small children were discovered to be con- 
 versant with the habits and manners of the underworld. Not a few 
 boys and girls ran errands for keepers of houses of ill-fame and their 
 inmates, or for venders of liquor, cocaine and other drugs. Child 
 victims of vicious habits disclosed themselves. Because working- 
 men, though in the main recoiling from prostitution, avoid the at- 
 titude of moral reformers, and because tenement women, no less 
 than their better-to-do sisters, have refused to recognize the exist- 
 ence and significance of organized vice, a policy of laissez faire 
 toward it had grown up in the districts, the bitter fruits of which 
 revealed themselves in family skeletons, unmentionable illness, and 
 court records. 
 
 Two causes for this apathy stand out with special clearness; 
 one an almost superstitious holding aloof from contact with evil, 
 the other an overwhelming dread of reprisals. Vengeance of the 
 underworld is peculiarly sudden and unaccountable upon enemies 
 who live within its purlieus. Settlement residents, as persons on duty 
 for the sake of confronting an entire situation, took upon themselves 
 the task of ferreting out nests of vice and' of appealing to police and 
 to vigilance societies. A crusade against nearby houses of prostitu- 
 tion was begun by its residents shortly after the establishment of 
 Neighborhood Guild. Most settlements, at one time or another, 
 and some of them constantly, have been in protest against thinly 
 veiled or openly rampant prostitution. Neighbors in a number .of 
 instances, after the possibility of securing results has been demon- 
 strated, have been organized into committees which provide a bul- 
 wark against invasion and defense against threatenings. 
 
 But prostitution could not be adequately combated from within 
 the neighborhood, and in the late nineties, partly as a result of 
 steps taken by Henry Moskowitz, then head resident at Madison 
 House, there came into being perhaps the first municipal morals 
 commission, the widely known Committee of Fifteen. The work of 
 this commission led in other cities to organization of similar bodies.^ 
 
 ' William H. Matthews, of Kingsley House, Pittsburgh, was ready at a critical 
 time in the moral life of the city with accumulated results of heroic study 
 and experience. Graham Taylor served on the Chicago Vice Commission. 
 
 261 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 These morals commissions have, almost without exception, con- 
 firmed settlement conviction that segregation of vice in working- 
 class localities is among the cruelest anomalies of civilization.^ Res- 
 idents believed that once the community could be brought to face 
 actual facts, the policy of segregation would be set aside. But the 
 success of combating rather than of coming to terms with vice, 
 means that in such neighborhoods there must be a group of re- 
 sourceful and desperately determined citizens pledged to see that 
 there is no protected center within their territories. This kind of 
 vigilance settlements are in duty bound to carry on. 
 
 In addition to forms of degeneracy which are in a way foisted 
 on them, the working classes, like other strata in society, have 
 their characteristic and more or less indigenous vices. Of these 
 alcoholism, except among the Jews, and juvenile delinquency, have 
 been most frequent. Until 19 19 social occasions in most tenement 
 neighborhoods were organized on a drink basis. Birth, marriage, 
 death, politics, recreation, all red-letter festivals and occasions, 
 were celebrated to accompaniment of liquor. Many local heroes 
 held their forum before bars. Saloonkeepers were generally leading 
 business men and citizens. Criticism of the saloon touched in- 
 grained loyalties and vested interests to the quick. 
 
 When settlements came on the scene a decided degree of dissatis- 
 faction with the prevailing crudely aggressive temperance agitation 
 was developing among intelligent people. Physiologists were an- 
 alyzing the effects of alcohol on tissue; and practical students of 
 affairs were seeking reasons for the prestige and power of the saloon. 
 Representatives of settlements during these years participated in a 
 study of the recreational functions of the saloon carried on by the 
 Committee of Fifty. The results, which were published under 
 the title " Substitutes for the Saloon, " drew largely on settlement 
 experience;" and it is worth noting that until 19 19, conclusions 
 
 '■ The fact that some educated women were living in such an environment, and 
 that others as volunteer club leaders were passing from their homes into it, has had 
 an important part in arousing the favored classes to the dangers which so many 
 daughters of the tenements are continually forced to meet. 
 
 'Calkins, Raymond: Substitutes for the Saloon; an investigation made for 
 the Committee of Fifty under the direction of F. G. Peabody and others. Boston, 
 Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1901. 
 
 262 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 reached in this volume had not been superseded. During the first 
 decade of the century widespread dissemination of the opinion that 
 alcohol in limited amounts had a real, though excessively attenu- 
 ated, food value; the belief that saloons were poor men's clubs; 
 and, in the case of immigrants, a certain cosmopolitan appreciation 
 of other ways of living, caused most settlement workers to assume 
 an attitude of suspended judgment on the desirability of prohibi- 
 tion in general, apart from doubts about enforcement in large cities. 
 
 The question of the individual saloon, however, remained. In 
 nearly all settlement neighborhoods certain barrooms stood out 
 as obvious, and even notorious, centers of corruption; headquarters 
 for political bosses, thieves, crooks, pimps, and prostitutes. Resi- 
 dents of more than usual venturesomeness and faith occasionally 
 haled a particularly vicious publican into court; but the alliance 
 between politics, police, liquor, and prostitution was, in many 
 American cities, too subtle. Victory, when rarely it came, was 
 generally turned into defeat. Offenders changed the names of their 
 places, transferred licenses to others of their own ilk, or moved a 
 few blocks away. 
 
 In several instances, however, watchfulness year in and year out, 
 combined with constant threat of court action, brought about some 
 mitigation of otherwise intolerable situations. An example of fear- 
 less effort was furnished by Kingsley House, Pittsburgh. The settle- 
 ment was situated among a population of diverse immigrants and 
 Negroes, including many unmarried casual laborers, near a down- 
 town district which had a reputation from coast to coast for vicious 
 debauchery. Strategy called for separation of the sale of liquor 
 from commercialized prostitution. Charles C. Cooper, head of the 
 house, persistently collected evidence against the more notorious 
 places and prosecuted owners. Under threat of contesting licenses, 
 local saloonkeepers agreed not to sell liquor to women. The closing 
 of screened rooms frequented by degraded men and women mate- 
 rially reduced the public display of lewdness and drunkenness, and 
 by so much made the neighborhood safer for children and young 
 people. 
 
 Cafes which included liquor selling with arrangements conducive 
 to solicitation, and licensed hotels which encouraged prostitution, 
 were recognized as a combination of forces peculiarly threatening 
 
 263 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 to city young people. Boston settlements instituted on their own 
 account an investigation of this system. Disclosures made brought 
 the appointment of Robert A. Woods to the licensing board, in 
 which connection he was able to put into eflfect regulations which 
 severely restricted evil methods in these places. In general an 
 important result of settlement influence during the nineteen hun- 
 dreds and the nineteen-tens was the creation of a strong and 
 widely prevalent conviction of the urgency of breaking the alliance 
 between liquor and prostitution. 
 
 In certain neighborhoods saloons were chiefly drinking places, 
 and owners were not directly interested in crime and debauchery. 
 But it frequently happened that local standards governing the use 
 of alcohol lagged behind the excise code. Settlement residents in 
 such neighborhoods canvassed owners of objectionable places, and 
 occasionally secured their co-operation in enforcing the statute 
 which prohibits sale of liquor to minors, either for consumption 
 before the bar or for delivery in shops or homes. 
 
 The public dance hall, because of its alliance with liquor interests 
 and its all too general control by men of low or negative morality, 
 falls more >yithin the scope of moral pathology than of moral 
 hygiene. It was surely one of the anomalies of civilization, happily 
 corrected, that a close relationship should have been tolerated be- 
 tween alcohol and dancing, a form of recreation whose innermost 
 significance is based on sex attraction and whose fascination is 
 partly found in the consciousness of venturesome risk which accom- 
 panies it. The result was analogous to permitting dizzy persons 
 to walk the edge of a precipice. Court records, researches of vice 
 commissions, and studies conducted at psychopathic institutes 
 have overwhelmingly confirmed the opinion of settlement residents 
 that separation of dance halls and saloons constituted an essential 
 prescription in the organization of city life. 
 
 A number of houses regularly inspected saloon dance halls. 
 Proprietors were induced to exercise a stricter supervision over 
 stairs, toilets, and retiring rooms, to discourage sale of hard liquor, 
 and to enforce early closing hours for young girls. It occasionally 
 became necessary, as a matter of public policy, to bring serious and 
 continued violation of statutes to the attention of officials; and it 
 was always cause for congratulation if a wealthy dealer was culprit. 
 
 264 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 Municipal and state regulations establishing a minimum age below 
 which children were not permitted to attend public dances, a reas- 
 onable closing hour, and obligatory police supervision of dancing 
 floors and retiring rooms were brought about in a number of in- 
 stances and are quite as requisite under prohibition as before. 
 These sound restrictions furnish a slight measure of protection to 
 the immature, thoughtless, and scatterbrained. But they represent, 
 at best, only a feeble breakwater, which seems rather to meet the^ 
 community's instinct for its own outward self-respect than to 
 furnish effective safeguards. 
 
 These sporadic efforts at restricting the evil power of the saloon 
 were incidental to carrying vast burdens caused by it. The most 
 constant family problem in many tenement neighborhoods was the 
 drunken father.^ So great sometimes was the stake represented 
 by the capacity of the victim, and value of the family group of 
 which he was the unworthy head, that every ounce of emotional 
 force and human resource at command of the entire settlement 
 staff was devoted to his cure. 
 
 Experience with families aggregating many thousands strongly 
 emphasized the conviction that poor home-making was a potent 
 contributing cause of inebriety. The woman, slack and uncleanly, 
 wasteful in her use of income, incompetent in preparing food, in- 
 clined to nagging discontent, was an important ally of the saloon. 
 It was not a coincidence that the lowest percentage of alcoholism 
 was found in those national groups with good dietary and consis- 
 tent housewifery. Neighborhood traditions and associations hardly 
 less than conditions within the home were seen as continually pro- 
 voking causes of relapse. Results of long-continued struggle by 
 victims, and weeks of patient assistance on the part of relatives and 
 friends, were often swept away by the apparently irresistible power 
 of old resorts, old companions, old mental suggestions. 
 
 A new era in the treatment of alcoholism, based on studies of how 
 liquor affects the nervous system, and on more detailed and subtle 
 forms of treatment, began about 1905. Settlement workers set out 
 to make results of this new knowledge, first utilized for the benefit 
 of well-to-do inebriates, available for workingmen. Skilled medical 
 advice and treatment were obtained for those who manifested a 
 
 ' Jews and Italians are notable exceptions. 
 19 265 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 desire to control their appetites, and money was raised with which 
 to send specially hopeful cases to approved institutions. Forms 
 of follow-up guardianship and helpful espionage were developed. 
 Results of case work demonstrated the need of a public policy for 
 the treatment of working-class alcoholics. Appointment of the 
 head of South End House, as chairman of the board of trustees of 
 Fdxboro, Massachusetts, afterward Norfolk, State Hospital (1907), 
 marked the initiation of a regime which changed that institution 
 from a modified penal colony into a distinctly medical establish- 
 ment. 
 
 Intimate and detailed knowledge of the natural history of ine- 
 briety Which grew out of this new type of rescue work made possible 
 a fresh and concrete attack on the saloon. Analysis of police and 
 hospital records in Boston showed that an unduly high percentage 
 of arrests for drunkenness and of hospital cases came directly from 
 a limited number of saloons which subordinated every considera- 
 tion to that of money-making. The difference between publicans 
 who in some crude measure protected patrons, and those who reck- 
 lessly pushed the sale of intoxicants upon persons already at the 
 point of helplessness or delirium, was so great in point of effect on 
 family and neighborhood life as to make the latter criminals of a 
 highly dangerous sort. Settlement residents took part actively 
 with others in a hard fought but finally successful campaign for a 
 law separating sale of liquor by the glass from its sale in cans 
 or bottles.! This rule put an end to the purchase of liquor by 
 women in saloons. 
 
 For some years it seemed to settlement residents that they were 
 in the grasp of a situation which compelled them to graduate chil- 
 dren who came up through clubs and classes, as it were, into 
 saloons. Necessity for providing the usual concomitants of drink 
 apart from its sale was therefore driven in upon them with peculiar 
 intensity. Inquiry showed that the great majority of boys had to 
 overcome their initial repugnance to the taste of liquor, that the 
 first glass was often taken in a spirit of bravado or because it was a 
 
 ' The testimony of a considerable number of inebriates showed that many saloon- 
 keepers evaded the law which forbid them to serve alcohol to persons already in- 
 toxicated by pressing the sale of heavy liquors in bottles when the victim could no 
 longer be tolerated before the bar. The inebriate was by this means enabled to 
 make himself crazy drunk away from the premises of the dealer. 
 
 266 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 traditional part of a good time. Settlement events were therefore 
 planned specifically to undercut the saloon by providing opportuni- 
 ties for more enjoyable association and by appeal to personal dig- 
 nity. The result was an increasing number of settlement trained 
 youth who became total abstainers, while a very large proportion 
 of those who drank on occasion made no concealment of their scorn 
 of saloon habituds. 
 
 In the second decade of the new century, along with profound 
 change in public sentiment, national action to eliminate the sale of 
 liquor for the sake of what few doubted would be an overwhelming 
 increase of human eflFectiveness and happiness began to win support 
 of most settlement residents. They felt, however, the far-reaching 
 need of a kind of prohibition which would not only be carried 
 through but be amply supplemented by the moral sentiment of the 
 community. It was very clear, from their point of view, that the 
 satisfactions of temperance must find as distinct embodiment in 
 men and institutions as the satisfactions of alcohol. 
 
 The coming of national prohibition was welcomed by the great 
 majority of residents as a marvelous historical result. They rejoice 
 that they have been privileged to contribute in ways direct and in- 
 direct toward its accomplishment. Already their neighborhoods 
 have been profoundly changed by it. Struggle against dark facts of 
 life, not only drunkenness and the crime associated with it, but 
 prostitution as well, will for them be distinctly and permanently 
 lessened. There is, of course, a considerable amount of violation 
 of law; but the net result is an overwhelming improvement, and 
 in due time a combination of national and local authority will 
 reach centers of illicit trade. Now that saloons have so largely 
 disappeared, pool-rooms seem likely to become conspicuous as 
 centers of evil influence. As headquarters for the baser element 
 who spread a contagion of gambling, immorality, and outright 
 crime, they must become objects for first-hand study. More 
 or less questionable, also, are caf6s found among Levantine immi- 
 grants. 
 
 The child is father to the rrian; shortcomings of the two have a 
 common origin. Just as misuse of alcohol and other vices provide 
 morbid outlet for thwarted adult instincts, so breaking municipal 
 regulations, hectoring inofi"ensive people, petty thievery, and sexual 
 
 267 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 irregularities represent the adolescent's blind effort toward larger 
 life. 
 
 These phases of juvenile activity in their neighborhoods come 
 insistently to settlement attention. Residents are called upon by 
 parents to assist in rescuing erring children, members of clubs and 
 classes, from courts. A considerable number of delinquent children 
 are more sinned against than sinning. It is impossible to take 
 seriously the arrest of a child for trespassing on property of a 
 crotchety householder, playing ■ ball in the street, and similar 
 oifenses. The qualities of daring, inventiveness, and skill of the 
 sort embodied in certain crimes are so palpably those demanded by 
 industry that arrest of a child exercising them seems like penalizing 
 ability. 
 
 Settlements very early had representatives at neighboring police 
 courts. They were able to say to magistrates, many of whom were 
 finding the situation quite beyond them, "We understand some- 
 what of the temptation these boys and girls have to meet on the 
 streets; we go in and out of their homes and associate with them in 
 clubs, classes, and recreational enterprises; we will take continuous 
 responsibility for keeping a friendly eye on them and for endeavor- 
 ing to prevent their relapse. " The juvenile delinquency law and 
 process were forecasted, in essential principles, by lessons that came 
 out of such informal but resourceful care. Indeed, service rendered 
 by residents at Hull House had an important share in establishing 
 the Chicago Juvenile Court, which contests priority with that of 
 Denver. Settlements in other cities, on the basis of local experience, 
 took the lead in developing public and legislative support for this 
 admirable instrument of educational justice.' 
 
 Many early probation officers of juvenile courts were obtained 
 from staffs of local settlements, and a number of others without 
 such experience took up residence as a means of becoming ac- 
 quainted with life in a working-class neighborhood. A considerable 
 group of probation officers favors using settlements as headquarters 
 because houses are likely to be centrally located, easily accessible 
 to parents, teachers, and friends, frequented by other children, and 
 
 ' The juvenile court originated in South Australia in 1890. Toronto, Canada, 
 established such a court in 1893. The Chicago Juvenile Court came into being in 
 July, 1899. 
 
 268 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 without stigma. Certain officers encourage their charges to bring 
 chums and playmates to the settlement in order to find out the 
 sources of influence which affect them morally. The probation 
 officer is sometimes able to save these companions before they, too, 
 become probation material. By articulating such children nor- 
 mally with parents, playmates, and neighbors, by giving them a 
 chance to do creative work, by interesting them in a club and ask- 
 ing them to assume some simple responsibility, such a group as a 
 whole is brought to a higher level of conduct. 
 
 The most serious form of juvenile delinquency among boys, in 
 its ultimate effect on mind and character, is gambling. As the 
 result of immemorial tradition, shooting craps and pitching pennies 
 have come to be looked upon as blameless amusements, or at worst 
 as venial offenses. The practice of matching coins to cover ex- 
 penditures for carfares or ice-cream sodas carries equally little moral 
 recoil. Much gambling is the result of vacant-mindedness, and an 
 equal amount represents misapplication of generous readiness. 
 
 Where play resources that offer excitement and mental stimulus 
 are few and poor, games of chance arise automatically. Waves of 
 interest in particular games spring into being, run their course, and 
 disappear. In neighborhoods of mixed immigrant peoples, the ex- 
 otic flavor of a gambling game peculiar to one group sometimes 
 creates a flurry of interest among those of other nationalities and 
 leads for a little time to a very carnival of play. In not a few cases 
 this habit brings about utter moral breakdown. All settlements 
 seek continuously to displace the craving of youth for games of 
 chance by providing sports of the keen, zestful sort and by stimu- 
 lating a neighborhood sense of public disgrace attaching to every 
 crap-shooting circle.^ Permanent improvement demands a special 
 police squad, support of magistrates in meting out adequate punish- 
 ment, extended opportunities for wholesome amusement and recre- 
 ation, a greater degree of co-operation with public school authori- 
 ties, and some way of engaging the responsible interest of parents. 
 
 Quite as gambling, burglary, and violence are distorted means 
 
 1 Boston Social Union and New York Association of Neighborhood Workers 
 have several times carried on a city-wide census of street gambling games during 
 certain days and hours and communicated results of their findings to the police. 
 Such surveys lead to a little temporary activity. But the breaking up of games in 
 one locality merely drives players under cover or into another. 
 
 269 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 through which boys give expression to their sense for adventure 
 and desire for more life, the manifold approaches to sexual laxity 
 represent the girls' distinctive delusions in their search of ease, 
 gaiety, and romance. While the scarehead estimates often put 
 forth about the prevalence of sexual impurity among tenement 
 children and young people are in the nature of libel, the situation 
 is nevertheless sufficiently serious. 
 
 Three decades of continuous participation in the interests of 
 tenement families have made much clearer the dominant tempta- 
 tions of youth, motives that impel to wrongdoing, means through 
 which evil impulses are put into effect. But such progress has 
 only shown the necessity of going further. Within the past few 
 years juvenile courts, medical men, and neighborhood workers 
 have united in asking for further analyses than those undertaken of 
 the causes and effects of misdoing in young human nature. Largely 
 through influences set in motion from Hull House, the first psycho- 
 pathic institute for treatment of juvenile delinquents was founded 
 in 1909 under the leadership of Dr. William Healy.^ The beautiful 
 and terrible interpretation of present-day temptation which Miss 
 Addams has given under the title of The Spirit of Youth and the 
 City Streets,^ represents a kind of first fruits of such work. Mean- 
 while, studies of young working girls and boys and of little girls 
 made by the National Federation of Settlements provide clearly 
 outlined pictures of the practical influences which hinder the grad- 
 uation of youth into firm-willed and clean-minded adults.' Low- 
 grade family life, presence of an undue proportion of feeble-mind- 
 edness, thwarted recreational instincts, influence of unclean rec- 
 reation resorts, ignorance of the laws of sex hygiene, speeding up 
 of adolescence, and lack of affirmative neighborhood traditions are 
 among the more important influences that degrade and stultify. 
 
 The actual step toward a comprehensive attack upon the sources 
 of moral contagion is due to Mrs. Louise DeKoven Bowen, an able 
 
 1 Now with the Judge Baker Foundation, Boston. 
 , ' New York, The Macmillan Company, 1909. 
 
 ' Young Working Girls; a summary of evidence from two thousand social 
 workers. Edited by R. A. Woods and A. J. Kennedy, with an introduction by Jane 
 Addams. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1913. 
 
 Schedule on the Problem of the Adolescent Girl Between 14 and 18 Years of Age, 
 191 1. Schedule on the Adolescent Boy, 1914. Pamphlets published by the Na- 
 tional Federation of Settlements. 
 
 270 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 associate worker at Hull House as well as a generous donor. The 
 law which established the Chicago Juvenile Court made no pro- 
 vision for payment of probation oificers, and for some years the 
 cost of this service was met by a committee of citizens. When the 
 city finally assumed support, the juvenile court committee, under 
 the title of Juvenile Protective League, turned its energies toward 
 eliminating as many as possible of the conditions that lead to 
 juvenile crime. 
 
 The city was divided into sections and a paid executive officer 
 appointed for each district. In several cases where there was 
 neither settlement nor similar resident group in the district, the 
 local superintendent went to live there. The first duty of this 
 official is to form a council of local citizens who study drinking 
 places, cafes, hotels, motion picture shows, dance halls, stores for 
 the sale of postcards and reading matter — all the possible sources 
 of moral contagion. The interest of a large number of parents is 
 enlisted in the purposes of the league. When there is no program 
 of educative recreation such as that organized by a settlement, 
 the league asks responsible heads of women s clubs, churches, and 
 other local institutions to help in making such provision. 
 
 The downright appeal of this motive for the systematic and 
 comprehensive neighborhood guardianship of childhood and youth 
 captured the moral imagination of people all over the country, 
 and even where a league has not been formally organized, the idea 
 is often put into effect by school nurses, home and school visitors, 
 and occasionally by church authorities. Thus a weir is being con- 
 structed through which fewer and fewer neglected boys and girls 
 shall pass into the ranks of offenders. 
 
 The settlement is designed to be a center for the constructive 
 fulfilment of law. A number include a lawyer among residents 
 quite as they do a physician ; and several have maintained bureaus 
 for legal advice. 
 
 Residents bear testimony to the faithful and judicious service of 
 many police officers. No arm of the city's service has larger human 
 possibilities, and when these are recognized, there are no represen- 
 tatives of the government with whom the settlement can have a 
 more effective understanding. The roundsman who stays long in 
 a district generally learns to be discerning and patient, glad to help 
 
 271 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 either wronged or distressed once he understands their need. Many 
 such men are true social workers as well as guardians of the law. 
 Even where corruption among higher officials makes it expedient 
 and profitable to countenance evil, there are always a number who 
 refuse to besmirch themselves or do so under protest and with inner 
 writhing. 
 
 Settlement workers are convinced advocates of policewomen. 
 The appointment of a woman to keep track of public association of 
 young and inexperienced girls has its sure effect both on the inno- 
 cent and evil intentioned. An important result of this pioneer work 
 is its influence on the male force. It is increasingly common for 
 roundsmen to escort to their homes young girls making themselves 
 conspicuous or following a course which seems suspicious. The 
 good effects of such action are almost immediate upon both culprits 
 and their families. 
 
 The fortunes of police departments vary in great degree' with the 
 administration and officials in charge. Shining examples of what 
 should be have not been lacking. Innovations begun in New York 
 by Commissioner Arthur Woods drew out the admiration and the 
 practical support of settlement workers very much as did the efforts 
 of Mr. Roosevelt in the same position years before. On the other 
 hand, the existence of rampant vice always means police corruption. 
 Situations arise in which there is nothing for the settlement to do 
 but to fight, in season and out, for honest and decent local service. 
 
 At the time when settlements were beihg established, humani- 
 tarian sentiment was running strongly toward more sympathetic 
 treatment of young offenders, as exemplified in reformatories at 
 Elmira and Concord. Though they fully shared this point of view, 
 residents found difficulty in appreciating the extremely tolerant 
 attitude of neighborhoods toward those who had been " sent away. " 
 As all provocative facts are made clear, they have come to under- 
 stand and in a measure to agree with such tolerance. 
 
 It is true, conversely, that settlement classes in industrial train- 
 ing got their start in part through the plea that such opportunities 
 should not be limited to those behind bars; that boys who have not 
 broken the law should receive industrial training, if for nothing else, 
 to prevent their becoming candidates for a reformatory. From one 
 angle a great part of settlement work is designed to exercise this 
 
 272 
 
LAW AND ORDER 
 
 saving function. Testimony of court officers, and particularly that 
 from juvenile courts, shows clearly that this result is being accom- 
 plished. Even before prohibition, in many settlement neighborhoods 
 there was a notable decrease of corner loafers as compared with 
 early days; and use of such localities as hiding places for prostitu- 
 tion and crime was definitely decreasing. 
 
 This situation stimulates the purpose of detecting sources of im- 
 morality and crime by means of the interlacing district relations. 
 To elicit from neighborhoods and from the whole variety of local 
 leadership and organization a readiness to reach and maintain a 
 positive tone and standard in the district as against all tendencies 
 to degeneracy, is a decisive objective toward which the settlement 
 is always moving. 
 
 273 
 
CHAPTER XXV 
 SCHOOL 
 
 BOTH by instinct and training the original settlement resi- 
 dents were educators. Almost as soon as they had unpacked 
 their trunks they visited neighborhood schools and made 
 acquaintance with principals and teachers. Books were gathered 
 together and placed at the service of teachers and children. Class 
 libraries were established, framed photographs and casts presented, 
 and exhibits of natural objects arranged.* As they went into the 
 people's homes, residents pointed out the value of educational dis- 
 cipline and urged parents to encourage restless boys and girls to 
 remain in school at least until they had completed the grammar 
 grades. Children showing special ability or talent were helped to 
 prepare themselves for high school or college, and parents induced 
 to make needed sacrifices. Scholarships were raised to care for 
 ultimate deficiencies. It was efforts such as these, reaching in the 
 aggregate some thousands of children, that led Felix Adler to call 
 settlements "talent-saving stations." 
 
 The vague assurance of practically all educated people during 
 the eighties and early nineties that the understanding between 
 teacher and parent which characterizes the normal American 
 community at its best obtained in tenement localities, settlement 
 workers found not to be justified. Far from visiting school, seeking 
 acquaintance with the child's teachers, and consulting about his 
 progress, most immigrant parents looked upon school as a world in 
 which they had no direct knowledge or part. Only when a boy or 
 girl so far outraged order that punishment was demanded, was 
 father or mother summoned to interview teacher or principal. In 
 many neighborhoods it was in the nature of disgrace for a parent to 
 be seen within school premises. 
 
 ^ As a result of Miss Starr's gift of a careful selection of framed photographs to 
 local public schools, the Chicago Women's Club appointed a sub-committee on 
 school art, which later became the Chicago School Art Society. 
 
 274 
 
SCHOOL 
 
 This lack of touch between educators and parents, and the fact 
 that so large a proportion of adults had not themselves experienced 
 public school training, were actually creating a tradition inimical 
 to American standards. The new missionaries of education found 
 a considerable proportion of their' neighbors skeptical about the 
 practical value of books, unconvinced that the best gift which can 
 be bestowed on a child is a maximum of schooling, and rebelliously 
 tolerant of the law which delays the age at which children may 
 work. 
 
 One obvious result of this absence of American tradition with re- 
 gard to the supreme worth of education as preparation for life, for 
 vocation, and for citizenship was domination of public school ad- 
 ministration by politicians. Schools in tenement neighborhoods 
 showed the most serious fire risks, the most antiquated and insani- 
 tary quarters, the largest number of pupils to a class, and the least 
 efficient teaching. In congested districts of a few great cities the 
 number of children so far exceeded school accommodations that cer- 
 tain grades ran in double shifts.^ Children altogether excluded from 
 school or attending part-time classes ranged the streets and fell into 
 mischief. Many were prematurely pressed into industry because 
 truant officers lost interest in attempting to deal with an impossible 
 situation. During the nineties very nearly the most useful service 
 , that public-spirited citizens could render was to insist, in season 
 and out, that decent and adequate school accommodations must 
 be provided for all children. 
 
 Indeed, the power of low-grade politicians to dictate educational 
 appointments made itself felt in the quality of public education in 
 all parts of our cities, and pointed a lesson of solidarity between 
 tenements and boulevards not less in education than health. The 
 recoil of the better-to-do resulted in a reform movement, the most 
 vital during twenty-five years of continuous efi^ort for good municipal 
 government, " to keep the schools out of politics. " Whatever their 
 political preferences in other matters, settlement workers joined 
 
 ' Hull House rescued a school building from the grip of a ward heeler who had ap- 
 propriated the land on which it stood as a factory site, even though the number of 
 sittings were insufficient to accommodate all children in the ward. College Settle- 
 ment, New York, when an unusually large number of first-grade children were 
 denied admission to public school, made itself responsible for the grade, providing 
 room and teacher. 
 
 275 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 hands to secure the election of high-minded men and women as 
 school officials. 
 
 In a number of instances residents were appointed or elected 
 to central school boards,' and in New York some became local 
 school trustees. A committee of these trustees had power to ap- 
 point and remove teachers and janitors, to contract for supplies, 
 and to engage buildings. Such power was, however, so much 
 abused that settlements took an active part in securing a law which 
 relieved local school boards of the largest part of their administra- 
 tive work. Many residents continued to serve on the reconstituted 
 advisory groups. 
 
 The public educational system presupposes that all children live 
 under American standards. Actually, however, a large number 
 of boys and girls were underfed, underclothed, and ungroomed. 
 Painful and debilitating physical defects were permitted to develop 
 into grave illnesses. Many parents, far from being able to help 
 their children in home studies, often found themselves puzzled, 
 nonplussed, and humiliated before problems set by their offspring. 
 Sometimes a child's infatuation for the teacher even made fathers 
 and mothers jealous and subtly antagonistic toward the school. 
 
 Residents discovered a proportion of boys and girls, by no means 
 small numerically, who were far from securing full advantage of the 
 educational opportunities theoretically open to them. Children 
 who should have been in school were constantly met at home or on 
 the street. Investigation brought to light a variety of more or less 
 valid excuses. Immigrants often claimed to be and possibly were 
 ignorant of the compulsory education law. Certain children were 
 excluded from school because they lacked birth or vaccination 
 certificates. Others, in defiance of law, were kept at home to help 
 carry on the housework, to wait in small stores, and to assist in 
 sweatshops. A number of boys were chronic truants. Their ab- 
 sence often so far improved order in the class rooms that already 
 overworked teachers were not averse to its continuance. The 
 
 ' Miss Addams was a member of the Chicago school board during the troublous 
 years of transition which preceded the superintendency of Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, 
 and was instrumental with others in introducing a number of enlargements of public 
 school service and in endeavoring to bring about a constructive, progressive, and 
 harmonious administration. Cornelia F. Bradford, founder of Whittier House and 
 dean of settlement workers in New Jersey, in 191 1 was made a member of the Jersey 
 City Board of Education. 
 
 276 
 
SCHOOL 
 
 settlement group met these diificulties by explaining the law to par- 
 ents, taking on themselves the task of securing birth certificates, 
 sending children to dispensaries and clinics to be vaccinated, pro- 
 viding clothing or shoes needed to make them presentable. So far 
 as school administration was concerned they strongly urged an 
 annual school census. 
 
 It was perhaps inevitable in the beginning that the truant officer 
 should limit his efforts to tracing children who were reported to 
 him, but it soon became evident that a more resourceful type of 
 treatment for truancy was needed.' In several instances a resident 
 became truant officer and demonstrated how much more complete 
 such service could be when reinforced by knowledge which living in 
 the neighborhood affords. Such experience hastened the evolution 
 of the officer from a narrow-minded and generally negative beadle 
 to a neighborhood worker interested in discovering and intercepting 
 causes of delinquency. 
 
 In districts where parents are obviously unable to meet their 
 implied obligations to the school, residents, while striving to quicken 
 family responsibility and initiative, provide temporary substitutes. 
 The settlement library or living room is put at the service of 
 boys and girls who cannot find place or quiet to study at home, with 
 someone on hand to assure order and give help;- while those behind 
 in their studies are formed into groups and carried over difficulties 
 until they catch up with classmates. Libraries, recreation centers, 
 and schools in large cities now make increasing provision for these 
 needs. 
 
 Hungry and anemic children whose physical weakness is a drag 
 on their intellectual progress may easily lose the best part of what 
 education should give. In all tenement neighborhoods a certain 
 proportion leave home without breakfast, or lack an adequate 
 luncheon. As early as 1894 Starr Center and College Settlement 
 in Philadelphia began the sale of nourishing food and drink in 
 penny portions to pupils of a nearby school. A careful study of 
 homes was made and the reason for actual cases of underfeeding 
 sought. The experiment, which attracted widespread attention, 
 led houses in other cities to study their local problem more in- 
 
 iJhe first compulsory attendance law was passed in Massachusetts in 1852. 
 The first truant officers were appointed in 1873. 
 
 277 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 tensely. In 1901 Henry Street Settlement set out to discover as 
 definitely as possible the number of neighborhood children in need 
 of food. So many cases came to light that it offered to organize a 
 system of penny lunches provided the Board of Education would 
 guarantee expense of maintenance. Diificulties in the way of 
 public action were insuperable, and a voluntary ^association was 
 formed and food put on sale at a number of schools. In several in- 
 stances lunches were prepared at nearby settlements, and cases of 
 underfeeding followed up and treated as a family problem. Robert 
 Hunter's Poverty, published in December, 1904, and John Spargo's 
 Bitter Cry of the Children, in 1906, drew public attention to the 
 realities of undernourishment. 
 
 Settlement residents, however, are very far from agreeing that 
 because some children are undernourished all should be fed at a 
 municipal refectory. It seems clear that the need of school feeding 
 is overstated by its extreme advocates, and that in any case money 
 and energy expended in providing school lunches would be better 
 devoted to meeting family problems which produce undernourish- 
 ment. Investigation shows a wide range of causes, poverty usually 
 not being the most important.' 
 
 While exceptional conditions which obtain in a great port of 
 entry like New York City may at times create so many underfed 
 children that they must be helped by direct, though none the less 
 superficial, action, the long-range logic of family and neighborhood 
 organization calls for an exhaustive program to reach the roots of 
 the evil. In Boston both the possibility and practicability of bring- 
 ing helpful influences to bear on the entire number of families 
 throughout the city, from which undervitalized children come, have 
 been demonstrated by settlements. More definitely than any 
 other example which might be selected, the undernourished child 
 marks the failure of industry and of the family to live up to their 
 
 1 \Vorking mothers who are forced to go from home before their children rise in the 
 morning, leave a few pennies with which to buy breakfast and lunch. Many children 
 spend this money early in the day for candy, pastry, cake, and other highly spiced 
 and not very nourishing foods. Some go breakfastless to school because they awake 
 nauseated after a restless night spent in a hermetically sealed room with several 
 other people or because the food provided is unpalatable. Many make a breakfast 
 of cake, tea, coffee, and other equally unsubstantial fare. Very often, indeed, the 
 ultimate cause of undernourishment resides in a low standard of home-making rather 
 than in financial inability to buy nourishing food. 
 
 278 
 
SCHOOL 
 
 underlying contract with the public educational system. That a 
 responsible father cannot earn enough to provide food, lodging, 
 and clothing for wife and children is a challenge primarily to or- 
 ganizers of industry. That a mother should have come to her 
 duties so ignorant and incapable as not to be able to feed and clothe 
 her children and keep them reasonably clean and healthy, is a 
 challenge to education and the traditions upon which civilization 
 rests. That a widow with small children should endeavor to be 
 both wage-earner and mother of the household is a reflection on 
 communal foresight. Poverty from such causes is so great a dis- 
 grace to industrial state and educational system alike that it must 
 be treated not by palliatives, but by whatever broad educational 
 and legislative measures may be necessary to secure a wholesome 
 result. 
 
 School lunch committees in large cities now justify their work 
 less on the basis of starved children and more on the need of all 
 growing boys and girls for mid-morning and mid-afternoon nourish- 
 ment. Recent studies made by educators and dietitians indicate 
 that many children need a greater bulk of food than has been 
 commonly thought, and that the human system responds more 
 happily to lunches between meals than to excess at table. If this 
 theory turns out to be sound, there is definite reason for serving 
 food at school under wise and proper arrangements. 
 
 Sick children whose parents lacked intelligence or resource to 
 give them proper care enlisted the efforts of residents from the be- 
 ginning. School boys and girls were taken to hospitals, clinics, and 
 dental infirmaries; fitted with glasses, shoes, and braces; nursed 
 through periods of physical weakness and decline. Every settle- 
 ment group also finds itself forced to meet the needs of those who 
 while not incapacitated are chronically ailing. Many of these 
 pupils, intellectually bright and personally winning, bloom for a 
 time but to be carried off by disease or to fade into mental and 
 physical incapacity. Only gradually did residents learn how vast 
 a tribute working-class families pay to the great white plague; 
 it was still longer before they saw ways of escape. 
 
 The discovery made available early in the new century that con- 
 sumption may be arrested by means of pure air, nourishing food, 
 warm clothing, rest, mental occupation, and refreshment led to the 
 
 279 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 establishment at Providence, Rhode Island, in January, 1908, of 
 an open-air class for children predisposed to the disease. Settle- 
 ments in several cities at once offered to call upon parents, explain 
 the nature of medical treatment, and supply requisite wraps and 
 food provided the school authorities would organize such classes. 
 In a few instances they conducted outdoor classes until these were 
 taken over by school authorities.^ 
 
 Passing beyond merely physical limitation, city neighborhoods 
 show a certain proportion of apparently healthy and well-nourished 
 boys and girls to whom school experience counts for surprisingly 
 little toward effective life. Residents sought knowledge and ex- 
 perience from teachers, truant officers, and principals to help the 
 backward and delinquent. On their part teachers began to ask as- 
 sistance for pupils in need of encouragement or discipline or who 
 were suffering from brutal treatment at home or lack of parental 
 care. 
 
 The causes of certain often reappearing forms of, difficulty were 
 found to reside in home and neighborhood conditions. Many par- 
 ents to all intents and purposes relinquishied control of even small 
 children and had to be convinced that boys and girls must be called 
 to order, their time accounted for, and regular provision made for 
 sleeping, eating, and study. So many demoralizing conditions came 
 to light that the need to strengthen local tradition as to what con- 
 stitutes proper parental surveillance was unmistakable. 
 
 In 1905 Mary E. McDowell induced the Chicago Women's 
 Club to guarantee the salary of a resident to serve as social secre- 
 tary in a local school. During the same year Mary Marot in New 
 York devoted herself to searching out ways through which parents 
 and homes might reinforce and supplement the educational aim of 
 the school. She spent the winter studying conditions in several 
 cities, and in the spring of 1906 undertook in Hartley House neigh- 
 borhood what has come to be known as home and school visiting. 
 In the fall a small committee of four settlement residents was or- 
 
 ' Greenwich House attempted to secure use of the roof of a neighborhood bath- 
 house as an outdoor school (1908); and when this plan failed, carried on an outdoor 
 vacation school during the summer of 1909 in the settlement's rear yard. Hull 
 House opened a small outdoor school in one of its buildings, which was later taken 
 over and developed by the Elizabeth McCormick Fund. In Boston, Elizabeth 
 Peabody House provided required outer clothing and luncheons, and carried on 
 home visiting for an open-air school. 
 
 280 
 
SCHOOL 
 
 ganized/ and such visiting was carried on from Hartley House and 
 College Settlement. 
 
 The home and school visitor is, as it were, a nurse practising in 
 the moralities. It is impossible for anyone who has not in some 
 measure experienced the full reality of life in a congested neighbor- 
 hood to know the amount of cruelty and corruption which may at 
 least be latent in it, the number of individuals and families who seem 
 to find cover for shameful actions amid a loose aggregation of re- 
 sourceless people. Restraints suggested by a responsible body of 
 neighbors, effect on business and other relations of conduct too out- 
 rageous, constant correction to impulse which comes of participa- 
 tion in the life of different homes and in general neighborhood 
 events, these forms of deterrent often largely disappear in tenement 
 districts. In many instances the mere fact that a school visitor 
 knows what is going on is enough to effect a certain protection for 
 child life. Where it does not, the aid of child-saving agencies, 
 juvenile courts, and, in metropolitan cities, courts of domestic re- 
 lations, is secured. 
 
 These weaknesses of the tenement home in its implied educa- 
 tional partnership with the public school do not require the crea- 
 tion of machinery to do the work of families, but its very opposite. 
 Lack of necessary resources and intelligence for the physical up- 
 bringing of children and frequent absence of all educational capa- 
 city and interest on the part of parents demand the kind of public 
 assistance that will develop family powers to a point where members 
 are equal to the strain put upon them. In every community a cer- 
 tain proportion of adults are only too anxious to be relieved of re- 
 sponsibility that can be delegated. School nurse, school visitor, 
 school lunch, community study room, can be used so as to perpetu- 
 ate the very need they are set to heal. Residents have in general 
 no sympathy with efforts which may minimize the responsibility of 
 parents. Even though the child might temporarily gain, a sup- 
 position generally at variance with facts, experience in summering 
 and wintering with fathers and mothers makes it evident that adult 
 
 1 In January, 1907, the informal committee allied itself with the Public Education 
 Association, which has since maintained several definitely appointed school visitors. 
 In 1913 visitors were made part of the regular force of the schools. From New York 
 the idea thus fully worked out has spread to other cities. 
 20 281 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 life, relieved of the fullest care of children, would become so poor 
 and mean as to imperil civilization itself. 
 
 The kindergarten, when settlements came on the scene, had 
 proved its right to inclusion within the public school system. Resi- 
 dents quite generally during the nineties, almost as soon as they 
 had established kindergartens, set about having them adopted by 
 boards of education. This step was often hastened by the settle- 
 ment's contributing, for a time, rent and janitor service. More 
 often still, people of the neighborhood were induced to ask that 
 such instruction might be provided under public auspices.^ 
 
 Acquaintance with an ever-growing variety of types of handi- 
 capped children shut out from the benefit of education, including 
 the blind, deaf, crippled, anemic, and feeble-minded, convinced 
 settlement residents that public education must be organized to 
 include these also in its ministrations. Classeswereformedforoneor 
 more of these several groups at a few houses. Admission to already 
 established schools was obtained wherever possible. A pioneer un- 
 graded class for mentally deficient children, begun in 1900 by 
 Elizabeth Farrell, had the assistance of Henry Street Settlement, 
 which provided during the stage of getting started, special equip- 
 ment, medical treatment, luncheons, and home visitors. In 1906 
 a separate department under the directorship of Miss Farrell was 
 created by the school board. 
 
 The example furnished by settlement classes in handwork and 
 home-making, while not an original influence, has been very con- 
 siderable in its effect upon the public school system.^ In several 
 cities the first tangible step was gained through the introduction of 
 such subjects into a vacation school under the joint auspices of set- 
 tlement and school board; though more often the settlement set 
 out to secure their adoption directly into the winter curriculum. In 
 certain instances, among which are North Bennet Street Indus- 
 
 ' In like manner the college extension classes in science, literature, and art in 
 several cities had an important part in bringing about the establishment of public 
 evening high schools. See Chapter XII, The Educational Approach, for fuller 
 discussion. 
 
 2 The pioneering experiments of the North Bennet Street Industrial School, 
 Boston, and the Sloyd Training School, both initiated by Mrs. Quincy Shaw, and 
 some of the classes started by the Association for Improving the Condition of the 
 Poor, New York, served as suggestions to the settlements. 
 
 282 
 
SCHOOL 
 
 trial School and Greenwich House, neighborhood houses maintain 
 classes in handwork which are attended by children from the public 
 school grades. Responsibility for the continuance of housekeeping 
 apartments and home-making centers begun by settlements has 
 occasionally been assumed by public authorities. Public school in- 
 struction in cooking and home-making is increasingly given in cot- 
 tages or tenements modeled on those established by settlements. 
 
 The keynote of settlement educational enterprise, definite and 
 detailed training in association, still awaits public adoption. 
 School cities and student self-government, though admirable in 
 themselves, do not give the same opportunity for working under di- 
 rection within an intimate circle which the club affords. The heart 
 of the problem pedagogically considered, is not the degree of self- 
 direction accorded to children, but the amount of intensive and 
 supervised drill within a round of basic situations. Experience 
 demonstrates that behind all experiments in self-government must 
 be wise and strong adult control. The very existence of juvenile 
 self-direction necessarily calls for a still deeper personal influence 
 over children during and outside of school hours. 
 
 Settlements have sought above all else to create in their vicinage 
 a relation between school and neighborhood such as that which ob- 
 tains under representative American influences. In many working- 
 class communities the teaching force is unhappily deprived of the 
 discussion and sympathetic co-operation of those among its ranks 
 who marry and gauge the school anew through its results on their 
 own offspring. Its members recognize that their class room service 
 would be greatly strengthened by accurate knowledge about family 
 and neighborhood life. A considerable number of these teachers 
 who confess a sense of being more strangers than they should be in 
 the community in which they hold office have joined house staffs 
 for a greater or less period. In 1906 Julia Richman,i an able and 
 widely known supervisor of instruction, opened in the lower East 
 Side what was chiefly a residence for unattached teachers. The 
 house quickly became a center for conference on school and com- 
 munity relations and attracted an influential following among 
 teachers. In several instances settlements have been established 
 by associations of school teachers. 
 
 ' Died in 1912. 
 283 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Experience suggests that the school should be quick to take ac- 
 count of neighborhood demand for particular forms of education, 
 whether manual training, elementary evening classes, or house- 
 keeping, while seeking to stimulate interest in subjects intrinsically 
 worthy but for which there is no ready-made demand. Not a few 
 local school administrators have endeavored to create cultural 
 units like those of settlement craft guilds, music schools, local art 
 centers, through which such interests may find permanent expres- 
 sion. A conviction first expressed by residents is. gaining ground 
 that school principals and at least a moderate proportion of teachers 
 should be required by law to make their homes in communities 
 which they serve. 
 
 While the program thus outlined seems to reach some distance 
 into the future, first stages toward its realization are steadily being 
 worked out. Teachers, principals, and school board members are 
 asked to address gatherings of parents and neighbors. Home and 
 school associations make parents acquainted with teachers and with 
 one another. Public school alumni associations enlist the loyalty 
 and capacity of graduates. Here and there, principals, some of the 
 most resourceful of whom have been educated in settlements, have 
 organized associations of parents and citizens to lend a hand in 
 dealing with problems such as slackness in study, truancy, indiffer- 
 ence or extreme need at home. As the new generation of parents 
 come to have the same general education as those who teach their 
 children, and are able to join forces deliberately and effectively, a 
 right balance between school and home will be restored. 
 
 284 
 
CHAPTER XXVI 
 RECREATION 
 
 NO ELEMENT of their environment more impressed early 
 residents than its unfitness to protect the spontaneity of 
 young life. The home had become so contracted and its re- 
 sources so limited that it was no longer possible for children to play 
 there. By multiplication of apartments in a building, the disap- 
 pearance of rear yards, and the distance that separated rooms from 
 the street or yard, children who played out of doors were removed 
 altogether from the watchful care of their mothers. The necessity 
 for them to be quick.'bold, and resourceful to escape injury nourished 
 a kind of nervous brightness which produced the unhappy forward- 
 ness so characteristic of tenement quarters. Lack of traditional 
 forms of play enterprise which carry participants into other homes 
 left boys and girls increasingly out of touch with the true pattern 
 of family life. The settlement program for meeting this problem 
 is based on the age-long process of family and neighborhood guar- 
 dianship. 
 
 The case for public libraries as elements in municipally provided 
 recreation was thoroughly proved before the day of settlements in this 
 country. In some instances branches were already established in 
 districts which in themselves were as large as cities. Neighborhood 
 libraries, chiefly under church auspices, were not infrequent, but 
 their use was limited in effect to a few. Settlements very gen- 
 erally offered their books to anyone who desired to borrow. In 
 states where public aid was available, application was made for a 
 subsidy, and in a considerable number of instances these collections 
 were, after a few years, absorbed into the rapidly growing system 
 of branch public libraries. Settlement libraries tend, therefore, 
 to become sub-district or neighborhood institutions. No large city 
 as yet has a sufficient number of branches conveniently placed. 
 
 It was evident, however, that physically active recreation, under 
 
 285 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 wholesome conditions, was needed for both children and youth, 
 even more than the opportunity to read. Stanton Coit set out to 
 induce the owners of tenements in a congested block to consent to 
 the removal of fences and the creation of a yard where children 
 could play under the eyes of their mothers. The project failed, 
 though the idea was worked out later in connection with model 
 tenements. Practically all settlements established during the 
 nineties opened their rear yards as playgrounds. It seems almost a 
 quaint reflection that during most of that decade these little areas 
 furnished a considerable proportion of the supervised play spaces 
 in large cities. 
 
 The chief purpose of such ventures was to hasten the establish- 
 ment of permanent neighborhood playgrounds. Although the 
 public playground movement slightly antedates the founding of 
 settlements, the two decades between 1890 and 19 10 constituted the 
 period of pioneering. Public spirit encompassed parks, whether in 
 or out of town, but not playgrounds. Its vision was of a quiet oasis 
 of grass, flowerbeds, and shrubs enclosed by a spiked fence and 
 guarded by a policeman. To park directors and the majority of 
 well-to-do citizens even the idea of children in connection with 
 such an ensemble was abhorrent. It took a decade to convince the 
 community that play is a physical and moral necessity to growing 
 boys and girls and justifies some real measure of loss in actual and 
 potential vegetation. 
 
 During these years representatives of settlements united with 
 other citizens striving to secure downtown playgrounds, in a num- 
 ber of instances themselves organizing voluntary associations to 
 agitate for municipal action. Among leaders in such work, Charles 
 B. Stover stands out as a force whose influence has been nation- 
 wide. His broad outlook, his insight and sympathy with children 
 and young people, his willing self-sacrifice, and his capacity for 
 long, hard, sustained, and undiscouraged battle with sloth, mis- 
 understanding, malice, and plain stupidity place him among in- 
 spired public servants of his generation. For nearly a decade he 
 formed playground associations, argued before successive legisla- 
 tures, pleaded with city officials and politicians, and forced a reac- 
 tionary park department to turn land secured for playgrounds to 
 its proper use. 
 
 286 
 
RECREATION 
 
 Once the principle of municipally owned and controlled play 
 spaces was established, settlements set out to secure, by appeal to 
 neighborhood and city, at least one municipal playground in their 
 neighborhood; and within a few years after the opening of the 
 century in many city districts such spaces had been gained. 
 Management, once land is secured, constitutes an important 
 and difficult problem. Early municipal playgrounds as part of 
 that inevitable evolution through which all public administration 
 passes were managed inflexibly and without vision. Schedules of 
 times and seasons were at first fixed more to suit the convenience of 
 caretakers than to fulfil the needs of children and young people. 
 Politically appointed employes made the atmosphere and standards 
 of areas under their control uninviting to children and especially 
 hospitable to fellows of the baser sort. In some instances grounds 
 were a source of moral nuisance. It soon became obvious that play 
 spaces should be administered by educators. In certain cities, 
 therefore, residents united to place their direction under boards 
 of education. Parallel with this move they attempted to induce 
 parents to become acquainted with supervisors, and to find ways 
 of encouraging the fullest and best use of the playground. 
 
 In cities where there is a suitable approach to river, lake, or 
 ocean, settlements have shared in efforts to provide facilities for 
 swimming. Ample and well-equipped bathing beaches have be- 
 come a recognized phase of municipal service. Failing such oppor- 
 tunity, settlements have in many cases brought about construction 
 of indoor and outdoor swimming pools. 
 
 The gymnasium is an indoor playground. The first municipal 
 effort had its origin in a disused skating rink, purchased by a public- 
 spirited Boston woman and lent to a district athletic association. 
 In 1896 the association, finding difficulty in meeting operating 
 expenses and knowing that the city authorities were considering 
 a public bath for the district, prevailed upon the owner to pre- 
 sent the building to the municipality. These negotiations were 
 facilitated by a settlement representative on the Public Bath Com- 
 mission, who foresaw that more districts would clamor for like 
 equipment. From Boston the municipal gymnasium spread to 
 other cities and has gradually come to be accepted as an integral 
 phase of well-developed public recreation. 
 
 287 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The considerable increase in health and vigor shown by children 
 under the ministrations of the settlement gymnastic director next 
 constituted a clear call for the introduction of physical education 
 into the public school system. Since 1905 settlements have asked, 
 whenever the erection of new school buildings was called for in 
 their neighborhoods, that provision for indoor play be made. Some 
 have been able to obtain evening use of school gymnasiums for 
 employed boys by organizing classes which meet under leadership 
 of the settlement instructor. Gradually, corrective exercise and 
 games have come to be included as part of the recreational scheme 
 of evening schools and recreation centers. 
 
 The gymnasium even more than the playground, demands highly 
 skilled and resourceful leadership. Very few adults and only a 
 small proportion of children and young people are spontaneously 
 interested in constructive exercises and setting-up drills. The mu- 
 nicipal gymnasium when carried on under politically appointed 
 leadership, cannot reach them. In some cities its limited use is 
 creating a recoil on the part of taxpayers against heavy cost of 
 maintenance with small return. Success lies in spirited leadership, 
 a program involving games, dancing, drilling, and tournaments 
 under a measure of self-government and self-direction such as is 
 being worked out at the best organized settlements. 
 
 Measured against the universal availability to country children 
 of recreation provided by back yards, barns, attics, and swimming 
 holes, municipal devices are insufficient in quantity. The majority 
 of playgrounds so far established have been expected to serve a 
 district or sub-district rather than a neighborhood. Placed in the 
 center of large populations it was thought that children would 
 come to them from a distance. Their use has been limited to boys 
 and a small proportion of girls between ten and sixteen years of age. 
 
 The suggestion that certain less traveled streets be reserved as 
 playgrounds during the late afternoons, first made from Greenwich 
 House, New York, was an effort to increase space for free play. 
 Whether the community will or no, the street is the child's natural 
 playground. Little boys and girls between five and eleven years 
 play within a block of their homes.. They crave the sense of near- 
 ness to a base, and their mothers desire them to be within call. 
 The community must recognize a child's right, under city condi- 
 
 288 
 
RECREATION 
 
 tions, to a definite share of the public highways for play. Where 
 necessary, automobile and traffic routes must be established and 
 children warned away from them. The play-street gives effect to 
 the principle that inhabitants on the block, not less than those who 
 pass through it, have a vested interest in its opportunities. The 
 settlement believes that until we have sufficient free areas either in 
 rear yards, inner courts between buildings, or protected surface on 
 roofs, the city can hardly be thought of as equipped in any real 
 sense for the nurture of children. 
 
 The chief task of the neighborhood play organizer is to teach 
 games to a few groups, who can then be trusted to pass them on to 
 other children. It is quite possible to have a too stereotyped pro- 
 gram and to create a situation fatal to a child's initiative and con- 
 scious self-direction. The real success of a settlement game room is 
 the extent to which activities taught there are reproduced upon the 
 streets. Club directors have on their calendars an extensive list of 
 seasonal games, and themselves take the initiative in starting one 
 or another of them if the street play of children seems laggard and 
 resourceless. This is another point at which the plan of'inducing 
 a neighborhood to fulfil its life can be fostered by the interposition 
 of a slight amount of professional service. 
 
 A day's work carries the implication, especially with working 
 boys and girls, that reward in the shape of gaiety in association is 
 their due. The most desired amusements, because they involve 
 music and supervision, are costly, and the amount of money at 
 command is not usually sufficient to pay charges of a reasonable 
 amount of commercialized recreation. The settlement throws de- 
 cided emphasis upon the sound recreative by-product of immediate 
 local responsibilities and loyalties. While the pleasures that grow 
 out of country occupations do not appear under city conditions, 
 young people manage to secure a good deal of fun and romance 
 from their work. They come to know a variety of human beings, 
 younger and older as well as contemporary, and find their way 
 into varied circles. They take part in the group enterprises so 
 general in large manufacturing and commercial establishments. 
 Indeed, many young girls regard their working hours as the most 
 satisfactory of the day. 
 
 Settlements situated among factories definitely seek to promote 
 
 289 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 fellowship and well-being among employed girls and women. The 
 stamp-savings visitor introduces her clients in each factory to one 
 another. Certain houses maintain a lunch room where warm food 
 is sold at cost; others provide a stove for heating food, and tables 
 where lunches brought from home may be eaten. Several arrange a 
 half hour of dancing at noon for those who crave physical outlet for 
 their spirits, and form clubs which meet at the close of work for 
 supper and a program. Some of the true essence of welfare work is 
 thereby brought into the local industrial atmosphere, often, though 
 by no means always, with assent and co-operation of employers. 
 Settlements in such ways help to make clear the fund of human 
 interest and capacity for loyalty which working people might con- 
 tribute, under proper encouragement, to the organization and up- 
 building of industry. 
 
 A large share of the group life of working-class localities, by the 
 simple expedient of controlling all the halls available for parties and 
 similar gatherings, has heretofore been managed by saloonkeepers. 
 Taking advantage of that innate instinct of people to get something 
 for nothing, the use of these rooms was generally offered without 
 cost or at a nominal charge, with the understanding that liquid re- 
 freshments would be liberally ordered. Trade unions and club 
 meetings, dances and wedding parties were often burdened and dis- 
 graced by results of this alliance. 
 
 There are few factors in equipment more needed in the majority 
 of working class localities than rooms which can be rented at a 
 reasonable charge for parties, lectures, concerts, and other gather- 
 ings. At present many groups that would ordinarily hold their 
 meetings within the neighborhood, go outside either because there 
 is no accommodation or because the local hall is dingy and disagree- 
 able and seems to degrade rather than uplift those who come to- 
 gether within its walls. 
 
 For many years a telling argument for enlarged settlement 
 quarters was the want of an adequate neighborhood meeting place 
 absolutely separated from sale of liquor. The need of the East Side 
 of New York for rooms that could be rented at a reasonable charge 
 for parties and meetings led Miss Wald to organize a company 
 which in 1904 erected Clinton Hall. In view of the importance of 
 association in a democratic state, it would seem as though the com- 
 
 290 
 
RECREATION 
 
 munity might well undertake to provide meeting places at cost, or 
 less. 
 
 Drama and motion pictures are among the most important rec- 
 reational instruments in local communities, although vaudeville, 
 melodrama, and burlesque are still to be met with in downtown 
 districts. Theater managers who deliberately set out to purvey 
 salaciousness still have to be combated. Buyers of this sort of fare 
 do not, however, come from one neighborhood, but are a special 
 type drawn from all over the city. Apparently little more can be 
 done than to keep the menace under a varying measure of control. 
 
 Although the cheap local theater was not of this degraded sort, 
 its metamorphosis into the motion picture house is sure gain. The 
 latter for a modest sum supplies an hour of adventure, romance, 
 fun, song, music, and current allusion. Never before has so con- 
 siderable a time unit of intensive interest been offered for so little 
 money. Among the vast multitudes of people young and old every- 
 where who take advantage of this boon, the chief concern is lest 
 many go too often. 
 
 Motion picture shows, especially those given in cheaply converted 
 stores, were at first viewed by social workers with grave suspicion 
 on grounds of inadequate fire protection, bad air, evil suggestion in 
 the story on the screen, and moral dangers presented by darkened 
 houses. The crude mechanism of the original apparatus, moreover, 
 created such severe eyestrain that motion picture habitues could be 
 told by distorted facial muscles. The variety performers secured by 
 the proprietors of small houses to fill intervals in the flow of scenes 
 necessarily come from among the least successful members of that 
 class, hence those most given to gaining a hearing through low 
 appeal. The double effort to stir in the minds of local proprietors 
 some of that enlightened self-interest which more or less moves 
 large producers, and to secure the passage of police regulations to 
 safeguard tone, affords the only effective means of relief. Individ- 
 ual settlements, in a number of instances, have been able to in- 
 duce local exhibitors to consent to a limited degree of informal 
 censorship. 
 
 The increased mechanical efficiency of picture machines and 
 films has greatly reduced the importance of vaudeville and promises 
 shortly to do away with the need for individual performers. The 
 
 291 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 moral problem connected with the show tends increasingly to be 
 focused on the screen. Unfortunately a considerable proportion of 
 films put out are doubtful fare for adults and wholly unfit for 
 young people and children.* Settlement residents had an important 
 share in creating the public Opinion that brought about establish- 
 ment of the voluntary National Board of Censorship. There is a 
 growing conviction among them of the need for further action, in 
 which organized public sentiment and public authority shall join 
 to secure a distinctly higher standard. 
 
 The struggle with commercialized recreation, however, only the 
 more called for measures to provide ennobling cheer and joy. Resi- 
 dents recollected the evening use of the "little red school house" 
 for spelling-bees, singing classes, lectures, institutes, and political 
 meetings.'' Initial attack was made on educational authorities by 
 repeated though often ineffectual requests that the use of school 
 hails be granted for alumni gatherings, parents' associations, 
 neighborhood picture exhibits, and similar cultural enterprises. 
 Gradually, rulings were secured which permitted use of class rooms 
 or halls, but under very decided restriction and guarantees and on 
 payment of fees so substantial as to constitute almost a penalty. 
 These, however, were cheerfully accepted in order to demonstrate 
 the fact that there was a strong popular demand for the privilege. 
 New York was the first city to open the schools definitely for rec- 
 reation. In 1897 the Board of Education, as a result of efforts set 
 in motion by the Public Education Association, permitted the use 
 of a number of rooms for boys' clubs on certain evenings when the 
 building was open for classes.' 
 
 A step in advance was taken in 1903 by a group of Boston citi- 
 
 ' Freedom to express all sides of life, including the vicious and degraded, should 
 certainly not be extended to houses which cater to boys and girls. The considerable 
 number of films which in effect glorify crime under guise of adventure, and lust under 
 cloak of romance, are having a serious undermining effect upon moral standards of 
 the coming generation. 
 
 ^ The establishment in 1889 by the Board of Education of popular lectures in the 
 schools of New York marks the official beginnings of the broader utilization of 
 school buildings in the metropolitan cities. 
 
 ' Winifred Buck, now Mrs. Lawrence F. Abbott, a successful leader of boys' 
 club work at Neighborhood Guild and a member of the association, was the moving 
 spirit in this experiment. She was helped by a number of settlement youths, former 
 club members, who became volunteer leaders in the clubs thus established. 
 
 292 
 
RECREATION 
 
 zens who induced the school board to grant the use of two basement 
 rooms in a school house as a meeting place for a neighborhood club 
 of young working boys. The salary of a director and incidental 
 costs were paid by subscription. In 1905 the Chicago Women's 
 Club and University of Chicago Settlement established a series of 
 afternoon clubs and classes covering a variety of interests and ac- 
 tivities in a public school, paying the city the customary fixed 
 charges for the use of rooms. Later, meetings of parents and of 
 alumni, together with occasional lectures and entertainments, were 
 arranged for evenings. This single experiment proved the case for 
 school centers in Chicago. About the same time several other cities, 
 as the result of twenty years of settlement precept and example, 
 introduced into their school systems informal evening classes 
 to meet the indoor leisure-time interests of adolescents.^ 
 
 The first official school centers were placed under leadership of 
 the regular teaching staff. But the experience and traditions of 
 school teachers go far to unfit them to meet the unfamiliar and ex- 
 acting demands of educational recreation. Special adaptability 
 and training, an easy personal approach, power to guide by sugges- 
 tion, and a measure of broad community insight must be carefully 
 soyght out if the vital purpose of this new branch of public service 
 is to be fulfilled." 
 
 The school center labors under some very decided disadvantages 
 from the point of view of sound neighborhood organization. Its 
 term is a short one, varying from four to seven months. There is 
 no vital principle of continuity in its administration. The majority 
 of clubs and classes disintegrate when the season ends. Influences 
 set in motion within the building are hardly ever followed up in 
 terms of neighborhood relations. Settlements are therefore little 
 , inclined to give up efforts through which groups under their auspices 
 are securing the fruits of long common acquaintance under a high 
 grade of volunteer leadership for the uncertain promise of public 
 alternative. 
 
 ' The Rochester school centers, established in 1907 by Edward J. Ward, focused 
 public attention and made the evening use of school property a national interest. 
 
 ' A number of settlement executives and department leaders have become super- 
 visors in departments of education and directors and assistants in particular centers 
 for the purpose of helping to work out an adequate and satisfactory technique of 
 school center administration. 
 
 293 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Experience shows that the right ordering of Hfe in every consider- 
 able tenement neighborhood requires a Hbrary, playground, gym- 
 nasium, assembly hall, rooms for continuous association by groups, 
 and qualified leadership for such varied enterprise. Utilization of 
 school buildings in more or less partial and provisional ways pre- 
 cipitated the question of full municipal responsibility. Chicago 
 placed herself in advance of all other cities by bringing these various 
 instruments of association and recreation together in small parks 
 in the heart of appropriate downtown districts of the city.' Los 
 Angeles, largely under the influence of Bessie D. Stoddart of the 
 College Settlement, soon followed the example of Chicago with a 
 further application of settlement logic in the shape of a dwelling for 
 directors and associates, who thus become in the full sense neigh- 
 bors. 
 
 In most cities as yet neither attitude nor funds exist for such de- 
 velopment and massing of local recreation resources. As a rule 
 settlements in advancing this general motive have to secure each 
 unit as the municipality can be induced to provide it, placed where 
 exigency dictates. In a few instances public opinion has gradually 
 been crystallized in favor of erecting school building, bath-house, 
 gymnasium, library, as they are successfully secured, on lots over- 
 looking a local park or playground. In this way beautiful and sig- 
 nificant, as well as co-ordinated and convenient, centers of neighbor- 
 hood life are created. 
 
 For all varied municipal undertakings that have their origin in 
 its experiments the settlement has important responsibilities which 
 it must endeavor to meet systematically and continuously. The 
 school center, playground center, district town hall, as each begins 
 to have really organic relations, will be in increasing need of de- 
 voted and enlightened leaders; and will have to face on an increas- 
 ing scale the same problem of administration, the same continuous 
 necessity of securing interest and response, the same double com- 
 pulsion to check the counteracting forces of evil and to rally the 
 collective initiative of the well-intentioned but inert rank and file 
 which have all along confronted the settlement. 
 
 As against such a situation it is too often true that public ad- 
 ministrators are prone to consider themselves chiefly guardians 
 ' A clause in the city charter allows the park commission to assess taxes directly. 
 
 294 
 
RECREATION 
 
 of the people 's places, without power to initiate or direct . Appoint- 
 ments have a way of revertingto politics, with the usual effects. Lack 
 of imagination and grasp on the part of superintendents and em- 
 ployes registers itself in the behavior of those who attend. Unless 
 a positive degree of conduct is insisted on, it is very difficult for 
 officials in charge to enforce anything more than a police standard, 
 within which everyone is free to act as he will. A certain number, 
 by refined rowdyism, can disrupt or degrade a gathering and be 
 entirely within their legal rights; public opinion can thus be all 
 but set aside. Worst of all, public recreation centers of all sorts 
 fail to foster the gentler, more artistic, and non-resistive groups. 
 The influence of this less forceful and more spiritually minded class 
 is powerful where it has free play, but it is likely to withdraw when 
 offended. The community, however, loses heavily by its failure to 
 obtain the contribution of such persons to the common life. 
 
 In the middle of its fourth decade the settlement has demon- 
 strated the living interest among city working people in art, science, 
 letters, association and self-expressive recreation ; it has successfully 
 organized these pursuits apart from saloons and the commercial 
 recreation places, and has made a good beginning toward bringing 
 them under the protection of family, church, school, and state. 
 The mere standardization of certain elements in its procedure, how- 
 ever important, it cannot regard as fulfilment of its motive. It is 
 determined to keep the finer human influences alive and fluid in the 
 only menstrum where a popular culture can exist, the neighborhood. 
 Given equipment of local park, playground, gymnasium, evening 
 school, theater, art museum, there still remains the need of a keenly 
 alert resident group with the training and traditions which will 
 supply just the sort of impulse that constantly makes the distinc- 
 tions between fruitage, stagnation, and degeneracy. It is hardly 
 to be expected that municipalities will at first be able to command 
 the best type of leadership or even to be conscious of the need of it ; 
 and settlements must continue to supply persons of skill, vision, 
 and patience who will act in suggestive co-operation with repre- 
 sentatives of the city in these new endeavors. 
 
 Recreation in the large for the local community is the potential 
 culmination of a broadened and enriched scheme of life toward 
 which, on all sides, the settlement strives. Health, morals, intelli- 
 
 295 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 gence, conduce to such overflow of spirit as finds its expression in 
 play, which in turn tends to bring those great values to their higher 
 and surer levels. To the settlement, recreation is not merely the 
 recoil from stress and strain of labor done nor preparation for 
 burdens waiting to be borne, and certainly not merely a counter- 
 irritant to lower impulses, but a way to the liberation and exalta- 
 tion of life. It therefore holds steadfastly before local, municipal, 
 and even commercial enterprise the higher standards that begin to 
 be adopted and embodied by its own loyal companies, and hopes 
 that a quite vital local recreational scheme may arise which shall be 
 composed of the things that are pure and lovely and of good report. 
 
 296 
 
CHAPTER XXVII 
 WARTIME REGIMEN 
 
 WELL-BEING and morale, as community concepts, were 
 greatly emphasized by the coming on of the war. Even 
 before the United States entered the conflict there were 
 disturbing conditions which stirred the sense of local responsibility. 
 Settlements found themselves, on the basis of past experience, in 
 exceptionally good position to meet the special distress of the 
 winter of 1914-1915. The immediate magnetizing of different im- 
 migrant groups toward the interests of their respective fatherlands 
 and the presence of ever-widening alien propaganda, as it gave 
 ground for intense public concern, opened the way to a strong, be- 
 cause tolerant, patriotic response on the part of the settlements. 
 Yet when the United States finally joined forces with the Allies, 
 it was for a time an open question, amid the general and sudden re- 
 casting of national purpose, whether the settlements should not 
 prepare either greatly to reduce their forces or even to suspend op- 
 erations altogether. Ere long, word came first from Canada and 
 then from England, that after a short period of similar doubt resi- 
 dents and public alike agreed upon the necessity of reinforcing 
 neighborhood work as one of the most important means of main- 
 taining national vitality and spirit. From this time, though stead- 
 ily losing their young men, settlements gathered their remaining 
 forces and recruited them when possible, so as to confront the 
 variety of ominous problems which the war was projecting into 
 their neighborhoods ; and, what was even more important, to elicit 
 local energies in many old and new ways as suggested by the prin- 
 ciple, " the nation at war. " 
 
 Communities in which there was a settlement soon realized that 
 
 the house had the experience, equipment, and seasoned leadership 
 
 which the local phases of the crisis demanded. It was always on 
 
 duty. Not to duplicate existing efforts, not to go over the heads of 
 
 21 297 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 established local authority, had become habitual to it. It had 
 even learned to give absorbing attention to the creation of a new 
 undertaking and then quickly to turn the task over to other hands. 
 
 The great emergency, therefore, tested under stress the instru- 
 ments which had been forged in peace. The most striking fact 
 about the settlements was the ability of their staffs to furnish not 
 a few but scores of different types of assistance asked by the 
 general government or by privately organized national services. 
 A large proportion of houses participated in more than eighty of 
 the hundred or more kinds of war work that were developed and 
 at least twoscore varieties of service were carried on by all. This 
 adjustment, it should be remembered, was made in most cases by 
 staffs diminished through enlistment of members in the military 
 forces and in centrally organized war agencies. 
 
 In 1 9 14 and 191 5, on the basis of much general experience in 
 meeting insinuations and establishing new traditions, settlements 
 were ready to meet the spread of German propaganda. Upon the 
 declaration of war in 191 7, literature explaining the purpose of 
 the nation's joining with the Allies was distributed. Frequent 
 public meetings were held, with addresses in the language of immi- 
 grant groups. Talks in series were arranged at many houses, and 
 maps, posters, photographs, and other memoranda of the struggle 
 continuously displayed. Best of all, and most universal, the 
 American attitude and motive were made clear through countless 
 personal conversations at settlement headquarters, up and down 
 the street, and in the homes of the people. 
 
 Responsible surveillance is likewise a function in which settle- 
 ments had the advantage of location, experience, and resource. 
 They gave skilled assistance in making up a census of non-English 
 speaking people, in registering men of military age, in discovering 
 enemy aliens, and in securing information for public or semi-public 
 agencies associated with the prosecution of the war. As demand 
 for women's services in wartime industries increased, lists were 
 prepared, on the basis of comprehensive inquiry, of those trained 
 for different branches of office or factory work. Canvasses in fac- 
 tory districts were made to discover tenements and lodgings, room 
 registries opened, and the facilities of local restaurants estimated. 
 
 It was the draft, bringing to immigrant people complex moral, 
 
 298 
 
WARTIME REGIMEN 
 
 economic, and sentimental problems, which went to the core of 
 settlement relationships. At a large number of houses systematic 
 assistance in filling out questionnaires and daily consultations 
 about matters growing out of enlistment were given, and interpre- 
 ters provided to accompany families before public boards.' The 
 use of rooms and clerical help for local exemption boards was 
 supplied, some of the most experienced men of settlement staffs 
 rendering unremitting service as members. Legal advisory com- 
 mittees were organized and housed, gymnasiums employed for the 
 first drills of drafted men, and impressive farewells arranged as 
 recruits left for camp. In all this effort, which in some instances 
 was prodigious in amount and in human values, settlements were 
 in an exceptional position to learn the heart of the great body of 
 immigrants and to give unassailable testimony that the mass of 
 their neighbors would loyally respond to the demands of the 
 nation. But they also exercised their indubitable right and duty 
 in urging the government to exercise patient and considerate 
 methods in calling the men to its service. 
 
 The whole project for protection of the morals of enlisted forces, 
 negatively by controlling sources of evil, and positively by provid- 
 ing every sort of healthy outlet for the instincts not only of young 
 men in uniform but of the young women who might so greatly help 
 or hinder them, found the settlements at a point of established 
 conviction and developed power. As this double purpose began to 
 be expressed in and near great encampments, residents undertook 
 to develop it in special ways amid their own environment. Lodging 
 houses and low-grade hotels frequented by enlisted men were re- 
 ported, dance halls investigated and where necessary complained 
 against, and saloons and cafes put under surveillance. Common 
 cause was made with both civil and military police toward enforce- 
 ment of the law against the sale of liquor to men in uniform, and an 
 exceptionally close understanding secured with representatives of 
 the war and navy department in the matter of the suppression of 
 prostitution. 
 
 On the constructive side, settlement resources were made avail- 
 able in the fullest degree. In not a few instances neighborhood 
 
 ' One settlement helped more than half the men in the ward subject to draft; 
 another made out 3,000 papers. 
 
 299 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 houses were near armories where the first recruits were assembled. 
 Recreational programs to meet the moral strain of the situation, to 
 provide encouragement for young men, and wholesome expression 
 for the intense emotional state of girls, were inaugurated. There- 
 after settlements very commonly, day and evening, kept an open 
 house for enlisted men in general. They were welcomed in library, 
 club rooms, and living quarters, and in some instances offered 
 sleeping accommodations; invited to parties, picnics, dances, and 
 dinners, and given personal service of all kinds wherever needed. 
 
 As the necessity of protecting and reinforcing the homes of en- 
 listed men appeared, settlements were seen to be the logicalagencies 
 for such work in their districts. Residents and volunteers became 
 local representatives for home service of the Red Cross, visiting the 
 family of every man who had joined the colors. Efforts to alleviate 
 grievous physical want caused by delayed allowances, as well as 
 the bitterness and humiliation of pawning and borrowing, and 
 mental anguish caused by delay in the mail, often precipitated upon 
 the settlement staff a heavy burden of grave family complications. 
 These were compensated for, however, by residents coming into 
 fuller and freer relations than ever before with the better condi- 
 tioned local homes. 
 
 The passion to do something with one's hands to help American 
 soldiers and their allies overseas was not less strong in the tene- 
 ments than among the well-to-do. All girls' and women 's organiza- 
 tions were actively interested in providing special clothing and com- 
 forts; nearly all houses conducted classes in first aid, made surgical 
 dressings, and carried on knitting circles which worked incessantly. 
 
 The vital relation of the industrial problem to the prosecution of 
 the war was at once felt, and effort toward securing, advising, and 
 properly placing industrial recruits, now including farm hands, was 
 everywhere intensified. But, thoroughly convinced that a policy 
 of overstrain would quickly defeat its own end, besides endangering 
 future standards, residents gave special attention to the hours and 
 conditions of work which obtained in local factories, and urged that 
 the full complement of labor laws be retained. 
 
 It was, however, in those universally regimented forms of war- 
 time service which related to the entire local community that settle- 
 ments most surely proved the value of their presence. When in the 
 
 300 
 
WARTIME REGIMEN 
 
 fall of 191 7 Mr. Hoover asked the country to organize for the con- 
 servation of the more desirable foods, they leaped to the call. The 
 cultivation of gardens in the city had already been systematically 
 encouraged and many houses had co-operated in the maintenance 
 of school plots. Farm units of young women were organized ; nearly 
 all settlements having country houses raised enough vegetables for 
 their vacation visitors and placed an excess on sale. Neighborhood 
 canning and preserving centers were quite generally conducted. 
 
 When the time arrived for a national roll call for food conserva- 
 tion, settlements were in a special position to assist. They sought 
 to overcome the conservatism of tenement people in matters of diet 
 by placing much stress on instruction in wartime cooking, the use 
 of substitutes, reduction of waste, and establishment of balanced 
 dietaries.' Some houses induced schools to provide classes in cook- 
 ing and lent their equipment ; some organized food exhibits which 
 were shown on streets and playgrounds. Pledge cards setting forth 
 regulations for the use of food materials were taken from house to 
 house, and careful explanations made of wartime ways of baking and 
 cooking. The response was so gratifying, the educational effect 
 so real and broad, and the approach so applicable to other than 
 war ends that it was a matter of deep regret when Mr. Hoover's 
 bureau failed to persist in the method of house-to-house canvass. 
 
 During the fuel scarcity in the winter of 19 17 and 19 18 houses 
 in the northeastern and middle western states, where the shortage 
 was most acute, established coal stations and helped to devise ways 
 of lessening inconvenience and distress by proper distribution of 
 fuel ; many dispensed coal from their own bins. The number of 
 families on the books of local stations ran from 98 to 2,600. Five 
 hundred calls a day were made by one house during the acute 
 period in order to make sure of equitable division. To meet the 
 evil of fireless homes many settlements kept open house from early 
 morning to half-past ten at night. The problem of the "idle 
 Mondays, " enjoined 'by the coal administration as a means of con- 
 serving fuel, led to the organization of programs of recreation and 
 war work for .children and young people. 
 
 The autumn of 1918 during the influenza epidemic saw nearly 
 all houses turn the full energies of their staffs into caring for the 
 neighborhood sick. They instituted special nursing service and 
 
 301 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 secured additional trained nurses. When the supply of skilled 
 persons ran out, residents put on masks and went into the homes 
 of the people. In some instances neighbors volunteered their ser- 
 vices and under settlement lead, carried on simple nursing duties.^ 
 A number of settlements turned their plants into hospitals for adults, 
 children, or babies and nearby summer camps into convalescent 
 homes. In certain instances the settlement residence was meta- 
 morphosed into an emergency home to take care of the well children 
 of stricken households. One group of residents acted as sanitary 
 police for a small and dangerously infected neighborhood; others 
 undertook the work of preparing the homes of mothers about to be 
 discharged from hospitals. 
 
 The baby-weighing and measuring campaign of the Children's 
 Bureau in 1918 met a quick response. Settlements very gener- 
 ally became responsible for their own districts and often helped to 
 organize and supervise the task in other parts of the city. The 
 high degree of completeness which characterized the registration 
 in settlement neighborhoods was due to the excellently organized 
 system conducted by so many houses for the care of infant life. 
 
 In addition to the wartime services called for, settlements 
 organized patriotic expression in several other directions in their 
 communities. They recognized the demand to sustain financially 
 the nation at war, not only as a clear call to patriotic duty but as a 
 tangible means of bringing immigrant neighborhoods in their en- 
 tirety squarely face to face with national necessities. The response 
 to various appeals was, on the whole, gratifying in amount and 
 reassuring in spirit.^ 
 
 1 Nursing visits made by the several houses varied in number from a few hundred 
 to over 5,000. iVlany prepared and delivered soups and cooked food to families 
 where there was no one to get the meals. From 1 50 to 1,500 meals per house were 
 thus distributed. The hygienic washing of clothing was attended to in families 
 where several were sick at once. 
 
 ' The great majority of houses undertook stated duties in connection with the 
 four Liberty Loans. Hull House raised J 17,000 among residents and took subscrip- 
 tions for $50,000 among its neighbors. The houses very generally sold war and 
 thrift-saving stamps, collecting from $74 to $8,274. Red Cross individual member- 
 ships were solicited, and numbers ranging from 60 to 1,400 secured. Group 
 rnemberships were taken by clubs and other settlement associations, some groups 
 giving as high as $100. Many houses helped in the United War Work drive and 
 raised sums into the hundreds. Clubs at several settlements supported French 
 orphans. Various houses helped with Italian, Syrian, Bohemian, Czecho-SIovak. 
 Jewish, and Belgian relief funds. 
 
 302 
 
WARTIME REGIMEN 
 
 The United War Work campaign, designed to give aid and com- 
 fort to all enlisted men and in which the various religious bodies so 
 cordially united, brought settlements into a new sts^e of fellowship 
 throughout the length and breadth of their city sections. To act as 
 the means through which considerable sums were donated by 
 neighbors to public purposes was a new experience for residents, 
 and placed them more definitely than ever before in a position of 
 trust among the people. 
 
 Besides pressing home patriotic demands, settlements were 
 continuously intent on exalting the righteousness of the cause and 
 the honor of its defenders. Rosters were kept of all local men and 
 boys serving with the colors, and meetings organized at which 
 their letters were read ; informal visits were promoted to the homes 
 of families having men at the front ; service flags for present and 
 former club members displayed and memorials of the dead pro- 
 vided. When the armistice was declared special meetings were 
 arranged ; and as enlisted men returned home each small contin- 
 gent was the center of a celebration. These were the sign of a re- 
 turn to the prosaic reality of finding employment, in which settle- 
 ments proceeded to join forces with public and private post-war 
 agencies. 
 
 But the paramount issue to Americans before, during, and after 
 America's part in the war, second only to that of the world conflict 
 itself, was the building of the nation. The German onset brought 
 the realization, with an intense feeling of shame and danger, that 
 we were a nation only in a very imperfect sense. All settlements 
 were stirred to a new sense of responsibility for a more coherent 
 loyalty, including those sound affiliations old and new which should 
 culminate in a vital Americanism based on the essential qualities 
 which have made the country. Specifically, additional classes in 
 English and citizenship Were soon begun either in settlements or at 
 neighborhood schools; and the subject matter was and continues 
 to be keenly accented to promote interest in the public welfare. 
 Regular and wartime programs were ordered so as to set forth 
 national, political, and moral ideals. 
 
 One of the clearest results of the experience of the period is that 
 the American spirit must find broader avenues of expression, incul- 
 cation, and confirmation. 
 
 303 
 
VI 
 COMMON WILL 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII 
 FAMILY OF FAMILIES 
 
 THE settlement had occasion to realize, almost from the be- 
 ginning, that family life was closely and inextricably bound 
 up with inter-family relations. The formation of street- 
 corner gangs into clubs meant as a rule that members of each such 
 group came from a particular block, in the sense of the section of a 
 street cut off by two cross-streets. Personal relationship between 
 boys and their leader brought the latter into the homes, and as 
 gangs were absorbed from corner to corner, this experience was re- 
 peated from block to block. The intensely village atmosphere and 
 consciousness which characterized inter-family groupings came to 
 the earliestJ«stde.nts with a sense of discovery. Comparison of ex- 
 perience within the home with continued observation of the street 
 made clear the necessity of patiently tracing the facts and forces 
 of this complicated network. The cornerstone of settlement prac- 
 tice thus came to be continuous acquisition by the resident group of 
 information about the infinite phases of community life. 
 
 Collection of all available published data is the first step. Census 
 reports, national, state, and local, are searched for information 
 about ethnic, religious, and economic status of population. ^ Vari- 
 ous state and city departments are drawn upon to find the distribu- 
 tion of age groups in the population, number of public employes and 
 school children, proportion of adolescents attending high school, 
 death rates from tuberculosis, pneumonia, and various infants' dis- 
 eases, types of house and percentage of dark rooms in tenement 
 blocks, tendencies to disorder and crime as shown by arrests. 
 Physical environment is studied almost foot by foot. Location 
 
 ' Workers of South End House secured from the poll list, as made up yearly in 
 many cities, the name, age, occupation, present and previous residence, of citizens 
 over twenty. 1 1 is possible to abstract from such a list a decided amount of informa- 
 tion about nationality, race, religion, and the rate of movement of population. 
 Taken over periods of years such data yield important pictures of communities. 
 
 305 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of railways, canals, factories, schools, churches, stores, saloons, and 
 amusement places is indicated on a large-scale map. The staff 
 comes to have a clear mental picture of all streets, alleys, vacant 
 lots, and public buildings. It knows the interior plan of dwellings 
 and apartments. It discovers and brings under surveillance those 
 areas which, because of convenient access to adjacent land and 
 buildings, absence of light, or immunity to observation, are the fore- 
 ordained stage upon which craps are played, fights arranged, rob- 
 beries and assaults committed, and sexual immorality negotiated. 
 
 The social geography of the neighborhood, quite as definitely as 
 the physical, calls for constant and minute observation. In met- 
 ropolitan cities many districts in which settlements are located 
 were once villages or towns in their own right.^ Each such com- 
 munity has its traditions, memories of crime or grandeur, loyalties, 
 shrines, heroes, men of affairs, invincible athletes, and local his- 
 torians. Newspapers, aware of the curiosity and interest of people 
 in the district in which they live, interpret public events in its 
 terms.^ The settlement household follows up closely all such 
 references, gives careful attention to local newspapers so far as 
 they exist, and in general collects neighborhood lore. It even 
 manages something in the nature of archives through its scrap- 
 books of current historical data and photographs of clubs and 
 other organizations. 
 
 The areas inhabited by special population groups; the types of 
 operation carried on in factories; character and skill of workers 
 and foremen; temper of managers; shops, their proprietors and 
 people who patronize them, are observed continuously. Local 
 dance halls, theaters, pool-rooms, candy stores, as well as recrea- 
 tion resorts within and without the city, are visited; meetings of 
 churches, political parties, trade unions; conferences of propagand- 
 ists' bodies for reform and protest; casual but often significant 
 gatherings on street corners and in kitchens, are attended whenever 
 
 ' One has only to mention Roxbury and Charlestown in Boston; and Greenwich, 
 Yorkville, Manhattanville, in New Yorli. 
 
 * Two factory girls in a Boston mill became belligerent to the point of fisticuffs 
 over the relative status of South Boston and Dorchester. The reminiscences con- 
 cerning locality which occasionally appear in letter columns of newspapers reveal the 
 wealth of emotion which people have for their native community. As an illustration, 
 see the letters about Fort Hill and South Cove in the Boston Herald for June, 1914. 
 
 306 
 
FAMILY OF FAMILIES 
 
 possible. Ephemeral pleasure clubs and street-corner gangs, ' in 
 their several degrees of development and of value to members, are 
 studied as opportunity offers, and the multitudinous forms of 
 leisure-time association, which make momentary vortices in the 
 surface of the ever-moving current of local life, patiently observed. 
 Residents are always on the lookout for indications that show how 
 people are antagonized and how they are unified ; for the shadings 
 of like and dislike among different racial, religious, and economic 
 groups ; for hostilities and affiliations which exist within and among 
 the personnel of offices, industries, and institutions. 
 
 The impossibility of extracting, from ward and district statistics 
 published by city and state departments, definite information con- 
 cerning the natural neighborhoods in a great district makes it nec- 
 essary to gather certain forms of data by door-to-door canvass. 
 Housing studies, surveys to discover disease and prevent its spread, 
 inquiries into standards of living, are made by blocks.^ The results 
 of such experience cause settlement workers to seek in cities the 
 tabulation by blocks or other small units of statistics covering 
 marriages, births, disease, and deaths classified in terms of age, sex, 
 and nationality, in order that responsible citizens may be able ac- 
 curately to trace currents of life which so vitally affect homes and 
 neighborhoods. Only through such a system can crime, drunken- 
 ness, feeble-mindedness, pauperism, and prostitution be charged to 
 the place of its origin. ^ 
 
 Study and graphic representation of local facts is to the neighbor- 
 hood organizer what a clinical chart is to a physician. The mere 
 statement on a map of details about a territory almost always reveals 
 significant connections between personalities and environment. 
 Communities often fail to comprehend the meaning of back eddies 
 of civilization existing in their midst. An alley, a pocket court, or 
 
 ' Residents of South End House in 1897 induced the Commonwealth of JVlassa- 
 chusetts to appropriate a sum of money with which to draw off facts about nation- 
 ality in the South End by blocks from the recently taken state census. Special 
 data were obtained by detailed examination of police calendars, court records, school 
 census, books of private agencies. The widening use of this method influenced the 
 director of the federal census of 19 10 to tabulate census data for large cities by small 
 local units. Hull House, University of Chicago Settlement, University Settlement, 
 New York, and Kingsley House, New Orleans, made important block studies in 
 fighting typhoid and tuberculosis. 
 
 ' See Woods, R. A. : " Unit Accounting in Social Work, " American Statistical 
 Association publications, n. s.. Vol. XMI, pp. 361-66, March, 1913. 
 
 307 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 a few tenements sometimes attract a group of sick souls who be- 
 come active sources of contagion. Such nests can be disintegrated 
 only by turning the searchlight upon them; by piling up evidence 
 of one abomination after another that flourishes in them. 
 
 Many settlement studies grow out of the immediate necessity of 
 illuminating a pressing situation or meeting an exigency. Investi- 
 gations for philanthropic agencies and for legislative committees 
 are not infrequent. Residents serving on public commissions use 
 their detailed knowledge of neighborhoods in turning up little 
 known sources of testimony. The more wideawake houses record 
 the working, almost day by day, of laws and the departments 
 charged with their enforcement, and at intervals report their find- 
 ings to officials and voluntary agencies. Study therefore focuses 
 more and more upon the unclassified, less accessible facts and 
 forces of neighborhood life. This detail of information about the 
 neighborhood is kept vital by continuous application. It condi- 
 tions the program of the house, indicates channels for influence, 
 furnishes the measure of accomplishment.^ 
 
 Intensively, the settlement aims to touch individuals at the 
 quick; that is, to engage their wills. Extensively it would elicit, 
 so far as association, organization, and instruction may serve as a 
 means, the latent human capacity of its given territory. The dis- 
 covery of talent naturally constitutes the most exciting opportunity 
 of local educators, and settlement workers literally comb their 
 neighborhoods for natural gifts. The only method of keeping out 
 of the slough of mediocrity into which all communities so easily 
 settle is to garner whatever capacity the chance of birth makes 
 available. Discernment and guardianship of personal skill and 
 power in societies of simple people fall rather casually to the neigh- 
 borly and professional instinct of local clergy, physicians, teachers, 
 men and women of education and resource. In city neighborhoods, 
 unfortunately, professional men and women are not involved in the 
 family life of the people. Residents as^they visit homes heed what 
 parents say about abilities of their own or other children, watch 
 
 ' The considerable range over which investigation of fact has heretofore been 
 scattered is gradually narrowing, partly because settlement interests tend to become 
 more clearly defined and partly because agencies specially organized and equipped 
 for research have entered the field. 
 
 308 
 
FAMILY OF FAMILIES 
 
 boys and girls on playgrounds and streets, encxturage expression 
 and initiative in their own clubs and classes, note gifts of leader- 
 ship which youth discovers in its mates. Evidences of capacity in 
 craftswork, sport, music, dramatics, organization, are hailed, en- 
 couraged, and fostered. 
 
 Talent of the first order among tenement children is the rare ex- 
 ception. But there is, in most working-class quarters, a considerable 
 number of boys and girls whose modest, though real, promise is lost 
 because unperceived by its possessors or because there is no inter- 
 ested person close at l\and to give timely encouragement. The 
 settlement staff becomes highly expert in luring such capacity and 
 in protecting it against the ridicule of peers or the natural adversity 
 of an environment where mediocrity is rampant and dominant. 
 Frequently where families continue to live in the neighborhood 
 there is success in encouraging each child in a considerable series of 
 upward evolving families to work out the measure of his special 
 capacity. 
 
 Below talent lies the great body of ordinary human powers. 
 Settlements keep this stratum educationally stirred up and, as it 
 were, aerated. Tenement-bred young people often fail to achieve 
 goals easily within their powers because they are coarse in thought 
 and speech, unclean in their habits, lax in their associations. Their 
 school work and neighborhood play does not fully call out individ- 
 uality and initiative. The settlement motive would provide every 
 neighborhood with a round of educational and recreational oppor- 
 tunities sufficient to engage the full strength of all children. It 
 would make opportunity for them to participate, under supervision, 
 in athletic sports, walks, camping, club meetings, and other enter- 
 prises in association both indoors and outdoors; for all boys and 
 girls to use tools and make things worth while; and during their 
 adolescence to take a working part in some activities of the adult 
 world. 
 
 The handicapped, equally with the talented and the capable, are 
 a charge upon the neighborhood organizer. Shut-in children, sick, 
 blind, crippled, or however incapacitated, crave association with 
 other children and with outside friends. Efforts to meet this need 
 brought into being the visiting kindergartner. The resident staff 
 arranges for regular calls. Clubs are formed, with stay-at-home 
 
 309 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 member as nucleus, leader and mates meeting around bed or chair. 
 The aged, equally with children, are remembered. All settlements 
 keep a friendly eye on the comings and goings of old people who 
 live alone, succor them in distress, help them over an occasional 
 crisis. Those too weak to go out are visited frequently. Members 
 of the women's club are asked to call. Parties, rides through city 
 parks, home trees at Christmas, and similar pleasures add a touch 
 of joy to age. 
 
 Finally, there is the residuum of feeble-mindedness, insanity, 
 crime, or moral degeneracy. Children and adolescents of these 
 types can hardly be included in house groups. Indeed, such asso- 
 ciation is often as injurious to them as to their normal fellows. But 
 the settlement's relation to the neighborhood holds it responsible to 
 them also. Where the individual can be nursed back to health of 
 mind and re-established in his social relations the necessary effort 
 is faithfully carried out. Where institutional treatment is indicated 
 and available, considerate help is given in making the connection. 
 Where neither disposition takes place, the settlement does all in its 
 power to shield the healthy and to protect the person of low grade 
 from himself. 
 
 Such efforts, reaching out of club and class work into personal 
 circumstances, carried on year after year in an atmosphere of 
 varied and continuous common interests, are gradually leading to 
 a new type of case work. Drawing upon the experience of case 
 workers below the poverty line, settlements are undertaking to 
 learn and to apply modifications necessary in a stratum which is 
 predominantly above that level. The fundamental difference is 
 one of attitude.! jjjg actual presence or, what is often worse, per- 
 sistent fear of economic distress, does not dominate the situation. 
 
 * There is an important distinction in case work between the client who asks assis- 
 tance to be rid of pain and one who seeks enlargement of powers. The physician, 
 lawyer, teacher, and settlement resident know quite as well as relief workers, the 
 discouragement of trying to serve those who refuse to interpret their situation as 
 the portal into larger opportunity. Case workers in relief societies meet a high 
 percentage of this latter type. 
 
 Settlement residents labor under an advantage which is also a disadvantage, of 
 being set to work chiefly with those who are forward looking. Where the impulse is 
 but smouldering, it is their business to fan it into flame. This is no easy task. One 
 frequently finds a settlement worker envious of relief workers, lawyers, or physicians. 
 "Oh," such a one says, "if only we could start with something that approximates 
 the urge which want, pain, and trouble seem to provide." 
 
 310 
 
FAMILY OF FAMILIES 
 
 Handicaps are of a more conquerable sort. There is a basis for 
 courage both within the home and in the mind of the visitor that 
 opens up and substantiates many possibilities of achievement and 
 progress. 
 
 All services of the settlement, as well as those of locally and 
 centrally organized agencies, public and voluntary, become items 
 to be wrought into the family program. Nurses, home and school 
 visitors, as well as club and class directors and leaders, become 
 highly expert in recognizing subtle as well as obvious problems, 
 the intensive as well as extensive concerns of family life. Diagnosis 
 and treatment in any but simple difficulties are collective rather 
 than individual. The opinion of whoever is, for the time being, in 
 touch with individual and family is collated with that of other 
 specialists and with the experience of those residents on purely 
 friendly terms with the family. 
 
 A positive opportunity is found in families which have in good 
 measure mastered the secret of gentle intercourse and in which 
 traditional ties of relationship and friendship are cherished. When 
 grandparents, aunts and uncles, godfathers and godmothers, family 
 friends and kindly interested adult neighbors reinforce the better 
 leanings and impulses of children and young people, a conspiracy 
 exists which continually gives free course to influences which settle- 
 ments seek to promote. It must be confessed that under the hard 
 conditions of tenement existence beautiful family relationships of 
 this sort are the exception rather than the rule. But the wonder 
 does take place often enough to demonstrate the possibility of its 
 more general achievement. 
 
 Nevertheless, nearly all mothers and fathers live more deeply in 
 the experiences of their boys and girls, and in the hopes and dreams 
 woven about the future of their children than in their own existence. 
 That some parents appear to show little interest in the detail of 
 what is being done for their sons and daughters, and to relinquish 
 responsibility for certain forms of education and recreation, repre- 
 sents to the settlement not an opportunity but the challenge of a 
 twofold duty. 
 
 The nurture and tuition of children, because they bring absorb- 
 ing problems to parents, afford settlement groups their chief chance 
 to participate in family life. Birth of a baby stirs emotions, imag- 
 22 311 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ination, and will so deeply that marvels of family regeneration and 
 reorganization grow out of wise suggestion at this time. The prep- 
 aration of the baby's food, health of kindergarten children, recrea- 
 tional needs of preadolescent boys and girls, the provision of quiet 
 for study or for practise on an instrument, become means of estab- 
 lishing higher standards of home-making and of living in general. 
 Celebration of family festivals is promoted by arranging for Christ- 
 mas trees, helping to prepare birthday cakes, and making possible 
 family outings and vacations. 
 
 Difficulties into which children fall through unsupervised associa- 
 tions are set forth in terms of current neighborhood history. The 
 influence of evil example on the innocent and weak-willed is brought 
 home through stories of local family tragedy. Fathers and mothers 
 are supplied, out of varied knowledge of juvenile careers, with argu- 
 ment and expedient through which to guard and discipline offspring. 
 Almost more important than any other single fact in promoting 
 such an end is the consciousness of parents that efforts they make 
 for their boys and girls are watched and appreciated by teachers 
 and friends. 
 
 The most frequent and, in many respects, most tragic family 
 problem, from the poijit of view of its united progress toward higher 
 standards, is ill-adjusted relations between parents and children. 
 The rapidity with which preadolescent children master a new 
 language and assimilate strange customs carries them quickly into 
 an absorbing outside world. Early entrance on work and possession 
 of a little money causes adolescent boys and girls to lose their sense 
 of proportion and to become arrogant and self-willed. High regard 
 for accessories of success, such as showy clothing and jewelry, 
 manifested in the America they know, and scorn for the past felt by 
 new incumbents in a status not wholly achieved, frequently lead 
 young Americans in the making to be secretly, if not openly, 
 ashamed of their parents. 
 
 It is universally characteristic of settlements that they seek 
 earnestly to keep eager and aspiring young people, in responsible 
 and loyal relations with their families. Residents are often able to 
 clear up the misunderstanding and pain of fathers and mothers who 
 have come to think oi their children as selfish, uncommunicative, 
 distrustful, and unkind. Powers and desires in youth, the ten- 
 
 312 
 
FAMILY OF FAMILIES 
 
 dencies of which are not plain to matter-of-fact elders, are talked 
 over and interpreted. Children, on the other hand, are encouraged 
 to share new interests with their families. 
 
 Residents make a special point of treating parents with the full 
 respect due heads of families. The worth and beauty of old world 
 handicraft, music, and literature are given appropriate recognition. 
 The man or woman who can render folk dances, songs or tales, or 
 practice folk handicraft is publicly honored. The stirring effect on 
 crudely Americanized children of the discovery that there are ele- 
 ments of high worth and beauty in the racial life from which they 
 spring is encouraged and directed. 
 
 Efforts to help lonely, repressed, rigid-minded boys and girls show 
 that certain fathers and mothers fail to make affection understood 
 through very lack of words and phrases, through atrophy of half- 
 used powers of expression, through attempts to hide the smart of 
 personal worry, pain, and diificulty, and inability to visualize the 
 standard of living in this country. Residents and club leaders 
 explain to children reasons for parental action in terms of local cir- 
 cumstances and old country traditions, and induct them into new 
 understanding and sympathy with hitherto unguessed realms of 
 adult thought and action . By patiently enforcing the difference be- 
 tween old and new world standards, parents who have become too 
 absorbed in fighting off poverty for the future are brought to greater 
 liberality in providing opportunity and pleasure for their children. 
 
 Support of educational and recreational interests of the family is 
 supplemented through services which involve residents in basic 
 problems of income. The natural follow-up connected with stamp- 
 saving deposits, visiting housekeeping service, co-operative ven- 
 tures, budget investigations, afford an easy and natural approach to 
 problems of earnings and expenditure, higher education of children, 
 care of the sick and aged. Calls made in connection with clinics, 
 clubs, classes, and vacation houses frequently lead to revision of 
 budgets and dietaries. Systematic hints on the technique of buying, 
 preparing, and serving foods not only makes the home a more 
 efficient instrument of production, but renders interplay of family 
 life more kindly and pleasant. 
 
 Many family situations have to be approached and dealt with 
 chiefly through acquaintance with extra-family associations. Parti- 
 
 313 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 cipation in small and large neighborhood affairs reveals aspects of 
 personality hardly perceived and certainly not dealt with in the 
 family. Men, women, and children kindly co-operative in the home 
 circle are sometimes brusque and destructive outside; while others 
 genial and helpful among friends and acquaintances, are often irri- 
 table and mean-spirited at home. Individual repulsions and affini- 
 ties disclosed through association, reinforced by accurate knowledge 
 of the amount and quality of group life open to boys and girls, often 
 help surprisingly toward understanding individual and family 
 problems. For it is one of the unhappiest aspects of tenement life 
 that children and young people frequently keep from parents the 
 names even of playmates and acquaintances. 
 
 The settlement is definitely keyed to promote association in and 
 through inter-family groups. The mutual exchange between resi- 
 dents and neighbors of details about health, achievements, troubles 
 and hopes of family and friends is ava!iled of to increase and enrich 
 that fund of dramatic human detail which is the staple fare of first- 
 hand intercourse the world over. By continual touches here and 
 there, the settlement stafl' leads the ordinary converse of neighbor 
 with neighbor into the wholesome enlargement which is possible 
 to every personal orbit as it crosses any other. The higher signifi- 
 cance of local ideas and traditions is drawn out and forms of in- 
 spiriting po-operative enterprise devised. Edifying elements in 
 local news are emphasized as they pass from household to household, 
 in widening circles throughout the neighborhood. With a certain 
 restless curiosity, possibilities of interest and pleasure in the day's 
 work of each family are sought out and brought to common recogni- 
 tion. What people have learned from reading and their experiences 
 in other places, however slight, is interpreted, put into relation with 
 facts of history and science, and compared with what wider infor- 
 mation or farther journeys may suggest. 
 
 Continued participation in the life of its quarter makes the settle- 
 ment staff acquainted with those groupings of families which form 
 the most important figure in the associational pattern of neighbor- 
 hood life; with the organization of various miniature colonies of 
 like-minded; with groups based on income, religious affiliation, 
 moral or aesthetic standard, temperament and disposition, common 
 experience at work or play; with the residuum of degenerates 
 
 314 
 
FAMILY OF FAMILIES 
 
 against which the neighborhood protects itself, as does the body 
 against tubercle germs, by attempting to isolate them. 
 
 Residents also learn the meaning of the many different levels of 
 social standing characteristic of working-class life. This tendency 
 of human nature so far as the professional and commercial classes 
 are concerned is understood and allowed for. Experience shows, 
 also, that the pride of the humblest family which leads it to seek 
 some and to avoid other families, reaches the very roots both of 
 economic and moral self-respect. Amid many gravitating tenden- 
 cies, to "scorn the base degrees by which he did ascend" and to 
 breathe aspiration toward those still modest ones just beyond, is to 
 draw on elemental forces which make character and build civiliza- 
 tion. Neighborhood life begins to be revealed not only in its 
 length and breadth but in its depth and height. 
 
 So valuable is the knowledge which grows out of following threads 
 of intercourse between families, that here and there a settlement di- 
 vides its neighborhood into sections and appoints a resident to or- 
 ganize the spread of helpful suggestion in each. The experienced 
 visitor can happen upon groups of housewives who gather daily to 
 exchange news and views, and introduce what she has to say to 
 the circle as a whole. The women best qualified to impart informa- 
 tion to a given group are asked to gather their friends and neighbors 
 and to interpret what doctors, nurses, and other specialists have to 
 communicate. On the basis of such simple neighborly relations 
 right links of connection are established among different groups, 
 who are thus brought into the spreading interests of the neighbor- 
 hood at large. 
 
 When the sum of all such intensive cultivation is realized and its 
 total significance, in terms of personal character, the higher tone 
 of family life, and the broader development of neighborly sentiment 
 fairly assessed, there comes an adumbration of the moral condi- 
 tions precedent to the nucleus of a better city. 
 
 315 
 
CHAPTER XXIX 
 INSTITUTIONS AND NEIGHBORHOOD 
 
 IT IS a cardinal duty and opportunity of the settlement group as 
 local citizens to support voluntary neighborhood institutions, 
 especially those managed and paid from popular resources. 
 Remembering that working people, as a rule, have fewer institu- 
 tional loyalties but hold them more tenaciously than the well-to-do, 
 residents are careful not to undermine local undertakings, either 
 positively by competition or negatively by supplying counter- 
 attractions. They follow the programs of various societies week by 
 week to guard against interference or conflict. It is a vital part of 
 the settlement thesis that the staff shall remain flexible, sympathetic 
 with diverging points of view, patient if need be with outworn tradi- 
 tions and red tape; ready to serve on local boards and committees 
 whenever invited, and seeking similar participation on the part 
 of district institutional leaders in undertakings of their own. Many 
 instances show that houses are glad to see a local organization grow 
 at their expense, and are even zealous propagandists for its welfare. 
 
 The main action of settlements, so far as participation in other 
 forms of service is concerned, has been not with the undeveloped . 
 initiative of local people, but with the great responsible enterprises 
 of the city as a whole, whether under voluntary or public auspices. 
 The broad scheme of service carried on by most houses for the com- 
 mon weal is to a large extent worked out in this way. It is vital to 
 the neighborhood idea not merely that the benefits supplied by 
 centralized agencies shall be mediated to the people through local- 
 ized intelligence and skill, but that the people themselves should 
 be taken into confidence and enlisted in actual co-operation. 
 
 The range and complexity of human needs that reveal themselves 
 as acquaintance with people multiplies, calls for something ap- 
 proaching omniscience about the city's resources for relief of dis- 
 tress and the protection of family standards. While to persons of 
 intellectual training and practical experience the organization of 
 
 316 
 
INSTITUTIONS AND NEIGHBORHOOD 
 
 professional services into departments and specialties makes for 
 technical and administrative efficiency, simple-minded men and 
 women are frequently baffled and discouraged by distinctions 
 which they cannot comprehend and by the necessity of going from 
 place to place for help. The often expressed conviction that there 
 should be a conveniently situated center of help for all the ills that 
 may happen to mind and body is an index of their confusion. 
 
 The settlement house serves as such a center. Persons in need 
 of help are not only adequately and precisely directed, but their 
 experience is followed to the end. Centralized agencies are seen 
 through reports of beneficiaries as well as through the eyes of ad- 
 ministrators. Residents are often able to bring to the attention of 
 leaders in a city-wide centralized service the knowledge of how ten- 
 ement dwellers regard their organization and the actual experiences 
 of workers as they touch its routine. Three decades of such inter- 
 pretation has helped to bring a decided lessening of that dread of 
 hospitals and charitable agencies in general which until recent 
 years caused multitudes of sick and distressed men and women to 
 bear suffering rather than to face the evils of a callous institutional 
 procedure. 
 
 On the other hand, heads of families vary, among tenements as 
 on the boulevards, in the judgment with which they seek profes- 
 sional help at the moment it may profitably be secured. Residents 
 explain the work of hospitals and clinics to individuals, women's 
 clubs, and other organizations. Parents are urged to take the initi- 
 ative in seeking advantages offered by medical agencies, legal aid, 
 loan funds, and other associations. Most settlements can show a 
 considerable number of families who have learned to use these facil- 
 ities wisely; and such capacity is one of the surest tests of an 
 achieved standard of life. 
 
 Passing from problems of relief, recently organized central 
 agencies to promote education, hygiene, recreation, and general 
 civic upbuilding throughout the city form an increasingly potential 
 resource for community organizers. Many of these agencies, which 
 represent the impulse of the educated and well-to-do to spread the 
 riches of civilization in wider commonalty, make the settlement an 
 outpost for occasional service. Residents gather audiences, form 
 classes, arrange exhibits, and create a local ferment of interest. 
 
 3'7 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Such an affiliation, in frequent instances, results in the establish- 
 ment of a branch either at the settlement or in separate quarters. 
 Residents awaken neighborhood interest and make connection with 
 the right people, contribute their time, oifice room, janitor service, 
 and local direction. Milk stations, baby clinics, dispensaries, 
 schools, baths, housekeeping centers, branch libraries, among other 
 forms of service, have thus been brought into being. 
 
 Participation in the routine of district institutions, consultation 
 with leaders, and acquaintance with results of this or that service 
 in people's homes reveal needs for meeting which,there is neither 
 money nor staff. Residents often step into this breach. They be- 
 come school visitors, visiting nurses, playground leaders, sanitary 
 inspectors, truant officers, librarians, story-tellers, cooking teachers, 
 to mention but a few newly developing services that go with the 
 more thorough local application of our inventive and adventurous 
 humanitarianism.i 
 
 But such joint action requires patient adjustment. A frequent 
 cause of disagreement between settlements and centralized organ- 
 izations grows out of the fact that certain among the latter measure 
 results in terms of units, while the yardstick of the settlement is 
 human inter-relations. Neighborhood workers know that persons 
 living in the same vicinity meeting at frequent intervals are a vital 
 factor in establishing a receptive and co-operative community 
 sentiment. Such a group can both withstand attack and convert 
 others. The convinced iteration of a fact, or the repetition of a 
 gesture by a few persons within a neighborhood, has great carry- 
 ing power. But such a cross-section of humanity always represents 
 problems of dietary, regimen, racial custom, religious sanction, 
 
 1 From the beginning, men and women of the settlements have stood ready, as it 
 were, to serve tables in houses other than their own. Administratively such co- 
 operation demands a margin of time and money. Residents and volunteers must 
 be willing to subordinate themselves to the necessities of discipline in another insti- 
 tution, must overcome the dislike of subordinates to the introduction of anything 
 new, must bear the opprobrium which falls to meddlers. Exact and definite informa- 
 tion of a kind which takes hours to secure and compile is often requested. The 
 question as to who shall finance localized service is bound to arise. The co-operating 
 agency is rarely willing to pay its cost, and the settlement, burdened with its 
 many-sided task, can hardly bring itself to sustain the detailed program of another 
 organization. Success when it comes accrues not to the local innovator but to ad- 
 ministrators of the general organization. Despite its discouragements such work 
 represents one of the most important branches in the complicated range of settle- 
 ment technique. 
 
 318 
 
INSTITUTIONS AND NEIGHBORHOOD 
 
 economic habit , and desires for association . Hospitals, dispensaries, 
 educational and recreative associations lose much by unreadiness 
 to make exceptions or even to permit innovations in order to meet 
 the conditions and attitudes of these neighborhood circles. 
 
 Where there is no other pubUc or private agency either within or 
 without the neighborhood prepared to undertake some form of 
 service which experience and judgment indicate to be urgently 
 needed, a settlement is in duty bound, if it can command the 
 skill and financial help needed, to meet the situation. The state, 
 as a rule, does not count experiment among its functions. Where 
 public funds represent the contribution of every citizen, it is diffi- 
 cult to secure adoption of methods or policies which rest on needs 
 rather than results. 
 
 Specific experiment, among workers, has never been an end in 
 itself. The settlement is always glad when an enterprise can 
 properly be set adrift and its resources freed for work in new direc- 
 tions. The time unit necessary to bring about public or semi- 
 public assumption of services established and maintained wholly 
 or in part on settlement initiative varies widely. It is part of the 
 neighborhood organizer's method to make a nice adjustment be- 
 tween absolute and convincing demonstration of a need, working 
 out a plan for meeting it, and the moment to propose assumption 
 of responsibility and cost by others. Henry Street Settlement in 
 New York stipulated before stationing nurses in schools that the 
 venture, if successful, should be publicly assumed. Kindergartens, 
 branch libraries, playgrounds, baths, dance halls, theaters, music 
 schools, evening classes, have frequently to be carried on for years 
 before other agencies can be brought to assume full responsibility. 
 Often the appropriate strategy for securing this result involves 
 uniting with others in a city, state, or even national campaign. 
 
 In its attitude toward commercial recreation the settlement is 
 bound to act as a vigilance committee. The resident staff must 
 know the reputation of drinking places, pool-rooms, bowling alleys, 
 dance halls, candy and fruit stores, political and pleasure clubs, and 
 so far as possible establish acquaintance with the proprietors. 
 They naturally do everything in their power to reduce the risks of 
 associations in such resorts. By commending the sale of pure prod- 
 ucts, obtaining co-operation of managers in excluding children be- 
 
 319 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 low legal age from admission to cafes, dance halls, and movies, seek- 
 ing to arouse a quasi-paternal attitude on the part of keepers of 
 small stores frequented by boys and girls, it is often possible to de- 
 crease the harm of legally sanctioned neighborhood resorts. 
 
 The disappearance of the saloon is a phenomenal event. A great 
 part of the harm done by it has gone with it; the scattered evils 
 that mark its sequel will gradually be reduced. Before the coming 
 of prohibition there was a widespread conviction that substitutes 
 for the saloon, as nearly like it as possible, would be necessary. 
 The best settlement opinion held that the attractive power of the 
 saloon was appetite; that when alcohol was eliminated, saloon 
 habitues would reassort themselves. This has turned out to be the 
 case; and the real substitute for the drinking place is seen to be, as 
 the settlements know from overwhelming evidence, the home. The 
 need of new forms of local organization and association may be ex- 
 pected to develop as more normal groupings come into being, and 
 will perhaps lead to special joint enterprise between settlements and 
 the men of the neighborhood. 
 
 Governmental action as it affects the locality is theoretically a 
 matter of, for, and by the people. For some of the more direct and 
 generally appreciated services of the municipality, such as baths, 
 gymnasiums, playgrounds, libraries, and, of course, public schools, 
 this presupposition holds in measurable degree. But enforcement 
 of law raises entirely different issues, and often compels the settle- 
 ment to take an attitude which the district regards as not only 
 alien but hostile. 
 
 Although the resident group is fully prepared to be unpopular on 
 adequate occasion, and is always living down misunderstanding, it 
 is greatly concerned to retain that working relationship with people 
 without which in the long run it would be powerless to carry through 
 its underlying program. When it comes to pressing a case against a 
 neighbor to the point of affecting his vested interest or his personal 
 liberty the situation becomes delicate. Thus enforcement of the 
 housing law against a small immigrant owner who, while exploiting 
 his compatriots, yet lives on the offending premises and under iden- 
 tical conditions, is likely to be interpreted as persecution. The over- 
 borne parent, who hopes to ease financial burdens and secure some 
 
 320 
 
INSTITUTIONS AND NEIGHBORHOOD 
 
 respite from work through the earnings of children during the short 
 period between late childhood and an early marriage, finds it diffi- 
 cult to acknowledge disinterested execution of the child labor law. 
 
 The settlement does not invoke police authority, as it is not 
 primarily a law enforcement league, at permanent expense of its 
 neighborhood relations. Efforts to secure obedience to statutes are 
 begun at those more obvious points on which public sentiment is in 
 fair accord. In time the support of more thoughtful citizens is en- 
 listed to bring about the enforcement of less acceptable provisions. 
 Within these limits the majority of houses that have had most to do 
 with the execution of law feel that in the long run their neighbor- 
 hood affiliations have not suffered. The settlement should certainly 
 never be in friendly relations with any law-breaking element. Even 
 though enforcement is unpopular at first, in due time it is accepted 
 and approved by the community. 
 
 Closely related to the question of attitude toward operation of 
 the law is that of taking persons delegated with police power into 
 residence. While it is universally conceded unwise for residents 
 to be frequently involved in prosecutions, there are forms of 
 enforcement which even enhance the influence of the settlement. 
 Among instances of this sort may be recalled the appointment of 
 Jane Addams as a Chicago sanitary inspector; Mrs. Kelley's ser- 
 vice as chief factory inspector for 1 llinois ; and the work of residents 
 of University Settlement in New York as inspectors in the street 
 cleaning department. The public servant most often found in resi- 
 dence at a settlement is the probation officer; but as it is now gen- 
 erally understood that his chief function is to Jieep children out of 
 court, his presence is generally commended. 
 
 Although the settlement seeks as far as possible to secure its re- 
 sults through use of local resources, the cure of even petty ills and 
 the accomplishment of relatively simple neighborhood desires often 
 depend upon awakening public opinion of city and even of state. 
 Whether they will or no, settlements are committed by the logic of 
 our system of government to legislative appeal for relief of local 
 evils and for measures of community progress. Once legislation is 
 obtained the settlement follows with utmost care the administra- 
 tion and results of law. Cases of disputed justice are investigated 
 and necessary correctives determined. Means are worked out for 
 
 321 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 meeting cases of real hardship during the period of readjustment. 
 The results of one statute sometimes precipitate effort for another. 
 Having brought about the passage of laws for control of child 
 labor, efforts to bring into being an adequate system of vocational 
 education were made the more inevitable. The law compelling 
 midwives to register demanded machinery for expert supervision 
 and instruction. Efforts to control dance halls and motion picture 
 theaters open up the whole question of better standards for public 
 recreation. 
 
 By far the most important cultural interest in the average work- 
 ing-class community is religion. The neighborhood worker does 
 everything in his power to strengthen institutions through which 
 the faith of people, whether Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Moham- 
 medan, or Buddhist, is nourished. In neighborhoods inhabited by 
 representatives of two or more faiths, he orders his activities so 
 that each may reap its appropriate advantage among its normal 
 constituency and the neighborhood as a whole be built up.^ As the 
 neighborhood changes and new faiths appear he can sometimes help 
 the most recent comer in making adjustments to already estab- 
 lished loyalties. It must be said, however, that temperamental 
 and philosophical unsectarianism is often countenanced with very 
 bad grace by a considerable proportion of the people and their 
 ecclesiastical leaders. As a friend, the neighborhood worker is 
 considered lukewarm; as an outsider insidious: he is criticized on 
 the one hand because he is a propagandist, and on the other be- 
 cause he is not. But the settlement must, as a rule, hew to the 
 line, leaving entirely to the different branches of the church in the 
 neighborhood to carry on the distinctive offices of religion and 
 devoting itself to what is non-divisive and universal in local 
 reconstruction.^ The services of the settlement staff, however, 
 
 * The necessity of separating religion and social work which obtains in the North 
 is not felt in the South, where the population is, in small places, almost overwhelm- 
 ingly Protestant. 
 
 * The necessity which settlement workers are under of differentiating themselves 
 from missions and institutional churches is often painful and always thankless. It 
 has borne fruit, however, in a growing appreciation among Protestants generally 
 that the establishment of missions in disguise is a very serious infringement of sec- 
 tarian good faith. While no one can deny the propriety of a certain readiness on the 
 part of any denomination as such to spread its message among people generally, 
 whatever their present attitude toward religion, baiting children through recreation, 
 
 322 
 
INSTITUTIONS AND NEIGHBORHOOD 
 
 are at every opportunity put at the disposal of ministers, priests, 
 and rab'bis.i 
 
 Not only the individual contribution of societies working in and 
 through the neighborhood, but their relations to one another have 
 to be considered. An outstanding feature about life in many, city 
 communities is the divorce between institutions and any concerted 
 effort for common welfare. Clergymen, teachers, physicians, ad- 
 ministrators, are frequently unacquainted with co-workers in the 
 same territory, to say nothing of leaders in other types of work. 
 During the nineties certain settlements tried the plan of calling to- 
 gether teachers of the neighborhood to consider local educational 
 needs, physicians to discuss questions of public health, the clergy 
 to take up problems of moral supervision. The plan had relatively 
 slight success because heads of local institutions tend to think in 
 terms of their particular task, and have an established habit of 
 limiting action to what their position specifically entails. More- 
 over, workers in the same general type of service are often in an 
 attitude of competition and find it difficult to consult together dis- 
 interestedly." Experience in war service of many kinds and the 
 
 breaking up family and neighborhood loyalties, and the creation of an intense bitter- 
 ness that vitiates the fundamental human instincts are very costly methods of setting 
 about spread of any faith. 
 
 '■ Children are urged to be loyal each to his own church. Ministers, priests, and 
 rabbis are notified whenever religious advice seems to be needed. The use of the 
 settlement rooms is sometimes offered for the purpose of bringing together un- 
 shepherded fellow-believers, Jews, Greeks, Catholics, Protestants. It is, however, 
 always made plain that the settlement, by such action, does not foster one faith at 
 the exi>ense of any other. 
 
 The charge that settlements have sometimes been lacking in vigilance to preserve 
 religious ideals of young people has, in a few cases, had a basis of fact. The great 
 majority of houses, however, devote themselves heartily to the task of fostering 
 whatever religious tradition the children of the community have. The fact that re- 
 ligious leaders are often powerless to overcome indifference among their young 
 people, is the best answer to this specific charge. If the church, Protestant, Catholic 
 and Jewish, with its vast resources of equipment and staff has in many cases found 
 itself balked, it is hardly strange that settlements should find difficulty in carrying 
 out the principle, observed by nearly all of them, of guarding existing religious 
 loyalties. 
 
 2 Resident professional men and women, and in some degree those who living 
 elsewhere give regular service, are in normal neighborhoods sources of communal 
 initiative. There are, however, in every metropolitan area, certain neighborhoods 
 without resident professional people; others served by leaders so few and so un- 
 progressive that their influence is negligible where it is not positively retrogressive; 
 still others which are looked after by persons who, aside from their immediate tasks, 
 have no interest in the life of the community. 
 
 323 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 general response to patriotic demands have created a different 
 attitude, and better results are hoped for. 
 
 Correlation of the work of centralized agencies within settle- 
 ment neighborhoods has during the past decade become a motive 
 both of the settlement and certain among the most far-seeing ex- 
 ecutives. The settlement staff, involved with from one to fivescore 
 societies is able, after a little, to pass on not only the results of its 
 knowledge of the neighborhood, but the conclusions of different 
 specialists. Where a household is being visited by representatives 
 of several agencies it is often possible to devise a unified plan cov- 
 ering the full needs of the family group. Sore spots due to bad 
 housing, contagion of evil influence or lax public service are un- 
 covered. New forms of helpful service, based on intensive knowl- 
 edge of specialists and interpreted in the light of the settlement's 
 grasp of the entire round of local needs and powers, are struck out 
 and put into operation. 
 
 It will have been clear that the settlement in seeking urgent 
 legislation and increased public service, does not wait upon readi- 
 ness of the neighborhood to urge or even necessarily to approve 
 such action. The group of residents, in these as in many other 
 matters, play their part as citizens of the greater community, and 
 as such join hands with all like-minded wherever they may be 
 found. Special effort, however, is devoted toward winning the ap- 
 proval of neighbors for legislation thus secured after it begins to 
 prove its case; and such educational effort is an important means 
 through which settlement and neighborhood quite completely 
 learn to work together in legislative campaigns. 
 
 The abiding distinction of its contribution to local organization 
 lies in the determination to develop a comprehensive educational 
 policy. Residents seek to meet and hold young and old within the 
 sympathetic restraints of the neighborhood circle; to organize and 
 codify in tradition the moral sentiment of the people so as to assure 
 and safeguard the rights of every individual ; to make the neighbor- 
 hood in a very substantial degree sufficient unto itself in the supply 
 of enlarged fellowship; to secure a range of educational, recrea- 
 tional, and associational activities sufficiently broad to satisfy the 
 desires, and stimulating enough to call out the higher capacities 
 of every member of the community; to engage individuals of all 
 
 324 
 
INSTITUTIONS AND NEIGHBORHOOD 
 
 ages and types in reciprocal relations of some kind; to exercise 
 families as families and neighbors as neighbors, so that every ele- 
 ment of individual and collective life may minister naturally to 
 the upbuilding of each citizen in the community. 
 
 In the flux of neighborhood inter-relations, and through the 
 higher tone and impetus which it imparts, the whole variety of 
 institutions, in proportion as they are locally involved, catch the 
 spirit of progress in their inner and outer dispositions. Increas- 
 ing signs of promise appear that they may grow into a somewhat 
 co-ordinated enginery for the immediate good and for the integra- 
 tion of real communal power. Its beginnings are based on the vast 
 and continuous accumulation of local knowledge through local 
 fellowship. 
 
 325 
 
CHAPTER XXX 
 RACE AND PLACE 
 
 NATIONALITY has important, though by no means pre- 
 ponderant, influence on the settlement program. The task 
 of neighborhood workers in this connection is to impart 
 American standards and ideals not alone to foreign born, but 
 equally to second and third generations of immigrant stocks, the 
 subject matter of whose interests is usually absorbingly American. 
 Indeed, they frequently find that their efforts are distinctly needed 
 on behalf of families of longer native lineage, when, in laggard 
 types, these are found within local range.^ 
 
 Twenty-five years ago citizens looked upon immigrants, particu- 
 larly those from eastern and southern Europe, as among, but not 
 really of, the nation. They were psychologically disfranchised. 
 Each wave of newcomers was regarded as less cleanly, more ignor- 
 ant, more a menace to national intelligence, health, and morals 
 than its predecessor. For nearly three decades the settlement was 
 practically the sole agency set to welcome the great body of 
 strangers coming to our shores, to interpret them to the community 
 at large, and to assist them in adjusting their life to ours.^ 
 
 Americanization, in settlement terms, is an evolution into na- 
 tional fellowship through mastery of our standard of living and 
 of life. Each nation has its own such norm. Ours is richer at some 
 points and thinner at others than that of England, France, Italy, 
 
 ' On the other hand, settlement workers have pointed out the fatality of the in- 
 difference that fails to discern the danger to our economic, political, and moral 
 standards when certain types of newcomers are left to create breeding grounds for 
 much that is incompatible with or hostile to the best values of American life. While 
 differing among themselves as to the policy of severe restriction, many residents be- 
 lieve that the future intellectual and moral stamina of the nation is seriously en- 
 dangered by some phases of immigration. Even so far as immigrants themselves 
 are concerned, many would be better off at home than they are under the inhuman 
 way of life which goes with the conditions of work into which they enter and the 
 congestion of the neighborhoods in which they live. 
 
 2 Of 307 settlements reporting, 283, or 92 per cent, are placed among immigrants. 
 
 326 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 Germany, or Russia. Assimilation, in minimum terms, includes 
 learning the language in its living quality as a means of human in- 
 terchange, attainment of a level of personal and household cleanli- 
 ness, gradual appropriation of the moral idioms which, above all, 
 give a nation its self-hood.^ 
 
 The most satisfactory type of adjustment to American life oc- 
 curs when one or two immigrant families settle in a town or village, 
 earn their living in local industries, purchase at nearby stores, send 
 their children to public school, and join institutions of religion and 
 recreation. The immigrant family in this case duplicates under our 
 conditions the ordinary neighborhood associations and relations 
 through which life in all nations, at all eras, has kept sound and as- 
 piring. Unfortunately, this method of apprehending the standard 
 of life, dominant in the past, is today exceptional. 
 
 The great majority of recent arrivals in metropolitan areas are 
 found either in colonies nationally homogeneous or in cosmopolitan 
 districts shared by anywhere from three to thirty different foreign 
 types. In either instance it is fatally easy for immigrant men, 
 women, and children to have only the slighest touch with our life. 
 There are many foreign colonies in this country, members of which 
 know hardly more of America than those groups of our own com- 
 patriots in Rome or Paris or in the European colonies of Chinese 
 and Indian seacoast cities ordinarily know of the life by which they 
 are surrounded. The sanctions which control them are elsewhere 
 than in the country in which the members happen to have deposited 
 their bodies. Settlement workers can point out Irish colonies in 
 which questions of neighborly relationship, political quarrels, and 
 many economic problems are decided on the basis of onetime 
 residence in a particular Irish county; Italian districts in which 
 questions of drainage and education, band concerts and dances, are 
 bound up with rivalries of Calabrian towns; Jewish groups' in 
 which all aspects of local life are determined by precedents worked 
 out in Polish and Russian ghettos. Immigrants work and earn 
 their living under direction of other immigrants, and their institu- 
 tions are in charge of leaders born and trained abroad. The children 
 frequently go to schools taught by young people of foreign-born 
 
 ' See Appendix, p. 419, Note X. — An Experimental Definition of the American 
 Standard of Living. 
 
 23 327 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 households, who speak English with the vocal maladjustments of 
 those who have never mastered the genius of English speech, and 
 who have never experienced the life of a typical American commu- 
 nity. These teachers have no adequate knowledge of the customs, 
 manners, and subtle nuances of ideas and ideals that make the real 
 spirit of the nation. 
 
 These facts are pointed out in no spirit of criticism. Nationality, 
 even a foreign one, is vastly to be preferred to cosmopolitanism. 
 It is beyond measure better for this country that newcomers should 
 settle with their own people and reproduce their native life, with its 
 churches, benefit societies, and cultural institutions, than that they 
 should either live isolated in the midst of an American community 
 or become part of a commercialized cosmopolitan slum. No greater 
 service has been rendered the nation during the stage of hurried in- 
 coming which it has not only permitted but fostered, than the rapid 
 establishment of immigrant cultural institutions. Whether in 
 Irish, German, Italian, Jewish, or Bohemian colonies, a standard of 
 life is held by the people themselves until adequate connection is 
 made with the life of America. 
 
 However satisfactorily such colonies may temporarily meet their 
 members' needs, and they sometimes manage to achieve a most 
 worthy and interesting social type, the result is not democracy in 
 our terms. The settlement proposal for securing democratization 
 in the American sense is actually to bring the largest possible 
 number of persons grounded in the national life into friendly rela- 
 tions with newcomers. The key to democracy is fellowship, and 
 fellowship in a variety of relatiqns and associations. Democracy 
 is real only where all kinds and conditions of citizens are in com- 
 munication. The neighborhood is a highly effective medium for 
 such interplay because the activities of a local community include 
 a wide range of varied reciprocal experience among human beings. 
 
 The process of promoting assimilation cannot be considered 
 under way until individuals and households of foreign antecedents 
 are united in responsible relations on the one hand with American 
 families and organization, and on the other with families among 
 their own group of a higher grade and achievement who have made 
 substantial progress toward Americanization. 
 
 The residence house of the settlement domiciles persons who ex- 
 
 328 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 press through their manners and attitudes, and in the conditions 
 under which they Hve, the national standard; and through them 
 brings into the neighborhood anywhere from a score to several 
 hundred men and women of their like who associate intimately 
 with individuals and households of the local community.* 
 
 There is a certain crossing of purposes between the settlement as 
 a neighborhood agency and many forms of racial organization. 
 The loyalty of a given immigrant nationality, which refers back in 
 considerable degree to village attachments, usually finds a radius 
 wider than that of a city district and is rather indifferent to strictly 
 local interest. Taking account of the exclusiveness that goes with 
 this alignment, this fact leaves little opportunity for the establish- 
 ment of common ground with members of these associations as 
 such. Many houses, through acquaintance with leaders of such or- 
 ganizations, attempt to bring them into a kind of diplomatic rela- 
 tion with American institutions. Speakers, lantern slides, and copy 
 for publication are furnished ; celebration of our holidays is pro- 
 moted; now one and now another element of the national standard 
 of life is interpreted. In numerous instances the settlement hall is 
 rented to immigrant groups. In such circumstances personal rela- 
 tions between the residents and leaders of the colony are often pro- 
 ductive. But where immigrant leadership is grossly below Ameri- 
 can standards, outright competition with it becomes not only 
 allowable but imperative. For each nationality brings its own 
 parasites. The cruelest types of injustice and exploitation are 
 those practiced by sharpers, employment agents, contractors, and 
 small business men upon fellow nationals, and by successful mem- 
 bers of earlier waves of immigrants upon recent arrivals of another 
 race or nationality. The establishment of legal aid societies, dis- 
 pensaries, banks, and other institutions represents ways of saving 
 people from low-grade service provided by charlatans among their 
 own kind. 
 
 The whole career of the settlement shows that its emphasis upon 
 American standards has not failed to conserve the best traditions 
 
 '■ Here is reason for the insistence which settlement workers place on securing 
 American residents and volunteers in largest possible numbers. Young people 
 brought up in immigrant households, whatever their ability, can hardly have an 
 adequate knowledge of the manners, customs, ways of thought, subtler shades of 
 American ideals and opinion. 
 
 329 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 which immigrants bring with them. From the beginning residents 
 have insisted that the art, history, and moral ideals of newcomers 
 represent a potential resource, and have protested against the waste 
 which takes place when immigrants discard fine traditions in ex- 
 change for the cheap imitation of Americanism picked up in tene- 
 ments, shops, and commercial recreation resorts. 
 
 Two deep-seated impulses are strong among newcomers from 
 overseas. One is the desire which many men and women have, as 
 guests in the national household, to present something fine and 
 distinguished to the country of their adoption ; the other is a certain 
 nostalgia for the culture in which they were born and nourished. 
 Even those who have fled political oppression and fully appreciate 
 the excellence of democratic government, hark back to the food, 
 music, manners, and ideals which are the fabric of their memories 
 and their minds. This need is met by publicly honoring heroes of 
 different races, by commending whatever is gracious and distinctive 
 in their manners and customs, and by organizing exhibitions of 
 craftswork, dancing, dramatics, and folk singing. 
 
 Not least in importance among the duties of interpretation is 
 that of explaining its neighbors to the community, and the commu- 
 nity to its neighbors, in times of strain.^ All immigrant colonies in- 
 clude small groups of economic, political, and religious radicals, 
 unrepresentative because highly individualistic and humanly un- 
 co-operative. Their organizations are therefore very small, and 
 under normal circumstances members are more likely to be heard 
 outside than within the colony. Settlement experience would 
 ordinarily not support the suppression of such utterance. Converts 
 are made not on the basis of an intellectual dogma, but through 
 disgust and even fury aroused by instances of neglect after accident, 
 thefts of wages, tyranny of foremen, unjust imprisonment, over- 
 drastic use of the police power, exploitation of women and children. 
 
 While immigrants implicated in plots for "direct action" in the 
 shape of sabotage, assassination, and other lawlessness should be 
 adequately punished, settlement workers know by long experience 
 that discussion about principles of social organization is most 
 profitably met, not by prosecutions but by reasoned argument, and 
 especially by the citation of incidents proving the essential fairness 
 • See Appendix, p. 420, Note XI. — Radicalism and Misunderstanding. 
 
 330 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 of the American government. Residents take pains to explain 
 seeming inconsistencies in our laws and customs; they admit in- 
 justice when it exists and explain the steps being taken to over- 
 come it. They points out similar infelicities in the countries from 
 which the complainants come, and make clear the need of struggle 
 toward social justice. Such interpretation is worth doing carefully 
 and well, because America seeks not a servile citizen, but one who 
 will bear with the national shortcomings as things to be overcome 
 by patience and effort on the part of all, understanding that the 
 foundations of our life are established in equity. 
 
 The most telling rebuttal of radicalism is a friendly relation be- 
 tween Americans and newcomers. Not many immigrants temper- 
 amentally desire either the mechanical alignments of socialism or 
 the unlicensed freedom of anarchy. The majority are simple, in- 
 adventurous people who do not think in abstract terms either of 
 government or revolution, but dream of security in work and regu- 
 lar income. The appeal of radicalism to these primary desires is 
 indubitably a menace, and can be met only as organizers of industry 
 set their houses in order in relation to essential aspects of the stand- 
 ard of life. 
 
 Criticism of settlements as instruments of assimilation focuses on 
 two danger spots. One is an Americanism so aggressive and in- 
 considerate that it antagonizes more than it attracts. Certain 
 settlements have no one in residence who speaks the language of 
 people of the neighborhood, and little effort is made thoroughly to 
 grasp the significance of their manners, customs, and general out- 
 look on the world. There are nationals who make nationality hate- 
 ful even to their own. Hardly less a problem is the type of house 
 in which the residents become more or less assimilated to standards 
 of the immigrant group or groups about it. It is, of course, among 
 the risks of propaganda that the propagandist shall himself suffer 
 conversion. Occasional residents take on the more showy personal 
 qualities of certain European types, adopt less rigid standards with 
 respect to personal relations than those of our own country, and in- 
 cline toward an internationalism based on indiscriminate mixture of 
 peoples. The fact that a few houses are overcolored by cosmopoli- 
 tanism is an indication of difficulties overcome by the successful 
 majority. 
 
 331 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Each national type has its contribution to make to America, and 
 at the same time presents its peculiar problem of assimilation. 
 Early settlements were situated in neighborhoods where the Celtic 
 element molded sentiment and controlled local politics, and resi- 
 dents wrought out many of their associational and political ideas 
 by wrestling with Irish ward leaders and trade unionists. At such 
 houses the Irish are peculiarly beloved, and their considerable 
 service in humanizing municipal politics, keeping alive interest in 
 sports, and safeguarding family ideals is heartily acknowledged. 
 
 Simplicity of spirit, loyalty to their own traditions and institu- 
 tions, is the background which the Irish supply for whatever is 
 undertaken by the settlement. Rare courtesy, especially on the 
 part of those born abroad, capacity for wonder, enjoyment of situa- 
 tions, appreciation of the humorous, sensitiveness to hurts real or 
 fancied, are assets to whoever understands and can direct them. 
 Gossip is to the older people as the breath of life; comment on 
 others, however, is almost always tinged with acceptance of the 
 fact that every other human being is as well meaning as one's self. 
 The church plays a deep and absorbing part in molding the mind. 
 Loyalty to God and religion causes misfortune to be accepted 
 uncomplainingly. That difficulties might be overcome through 
 common action is a novel and not easily understood idea. The 
 new has, therefore, to be brought within scope of loyalty to faith, 
 family, and associates. 
 
 The motor-mindedness of Irish young people causes them to 
 prefer such active recreations as athletics, dramatics, and dancing; 
 although their keen interest in association makes self-governing 
 organizations formed about matters of substantial interest easy 
 and effective. Boys and men instinctively fall into the gangs so 
 ably used by politicians to build up their power. Superabundant 
 and largely undisciplined physical vitality creates many problems 
 of control which demand firmness and tact. Unwillingness to ad- 
 mit outsiders within the group loyalty except after long probation, 
 hypersensitiveness toward leaders not traditionally involved with 
 them, often make it difficult to secure the best response to enter- 
 prises started by the settlement. 
 
 All in all, however, the interplay between Irish and settlement 
 has been of decided worth in both directions. The settlement has 
 
 332 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 learned much from them of the varied meaning of loyalty, and 
 from it they have caught certain standards which help to give 
 loyalty a wide range of meaning. 
 
 More than any other immigrant, the Jew manifests a willingness 
 to take advantage of educational and recreative opportunities. 
 The underlying strength of the family tie makes it easy and natural 
 for the settlement to include parents in programs created for their 
 children, a tendency which serves to neutralize in substantial degree 
 the peculiar danger of a sharp break on the part of the new genera- 
 tion from cultural and religious practice of the earlier. 
 
 Group loyalty among Jews is not so strong as among some other 
 nationalities, and cliques and factions within clubs are not immedi- 
 ately disruptive as among the Irish. Lack of inclination toward 
 local public spirit, and sudden shifts of loyalty are common. The 
 boy or girl is easily spurred to individual accomplishment, but is 
 not quickly interested in a common good. Yet club members some- 
 times assume an unusual degree of responsibility for the proper 
 conduct of an organization, and a considerable number of Jewish 
 young men and women, trained in settlements, are carrying the 
 spirit of such service into their work as teachers, lawyers, doctors, 
 and public officials. 
 
 A considerable number of settlements, chiefly established and 
 manned by Americans as an expression of gratitude for the civili- 
 zation and genius of Italy, are situated among Italians. Workers 
 are peculiarly bound to consider the meaning of their activities in 
 local terms. The close residential association of young unmarried 
 men and women is sometimes a cause of misunderstanding to 
 neighbors, and the households in such localities are obliged to ex- 
 ercise care lest their way of life provoke unfortunate interpretation. 
 The jealous oversight of women and girls by Italian husbands, 
 fathers, and brothers must be given full consideration. ^ Efforts 
 to bring people together are often checked by important old 
 world feuds and antagonisms which cannot be overlooked or neg- 
 lected. Shifts of opinion and judgment are frequent. But what 
 
 1 "The club (Italian) is now very well established, and far past the days when 
 jealous husbands waited across the street to observe and draw conclusions as to the 
 propriety of what went on within." — College Settlements Association Quarterly, p. 12, 
 March, 19 16. 
 
 333 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 would be a serious condition of affairs in an Anglo-Saxon com- 
 munity, measured by violence of criticism, is frequently nothing 
 more than the expression of slight personal annoyance or misunder- 
 standing. 
 
 Italian children and young people are easily interested in draw- 
 ing, modeling, dancing, dramatics, pageantry, music, and games. 
 A few houses provide classes in the literary language for children 
 who speak only the patois of parents, so that they may be brought 
 into touch with the best of their racial inheritance. Efforts to influ- 
 ence the present generation of young women encounter peculiar 
 difficulties because girls are not allowed to attend evening gatherings 
 unless escorted by a parent. While such guardianship prevents 
 certain evils of too rapid Americanization, its excess handicaps the 
 girl in assimilating the best ideals offered by her new country. The 
 problem is met in many settlements by sending women residents 
 to escort girls whose parents cannot accompany them to and from 
 evening clubs and classes. Other houses offer classes in home- 
 making for young wives. 
 
 Efforts to conserve the skill in handicraft which immigrants 
 bring with them have had more success among Italians than 
 with any other nationality. While this tendency has received en- 
 couragement through the interest of societies in Italy to preserve 
 peasant industries, American appreciation of Italian design and 
 workmanship has been a much more important influence. Inter- 
 esting and rewarding attempts to bring together Italians who desire 
 to meet educated men and women of their own race and to become 
 acquainted with cultivated Americans have been made at several 
 settlements.^ 
 
 Lithuanians make up much of the local clientele of an increasing 
 number of settlements, especially in the Middle West and South. 
 An agricultural people with little proficiency in handicraft, they 
 have been forced into various grades of rough muscular labor and 
 less skilled factory work. Still primitive in habits of life, somewhat 
 unsure of themselves from long centuries of oppression, they are 
 coming to national consciousness through a revival of interest in 
 their language and literature. Among them in the new generation 
 are many bright young men and women, some of whom are at- 
 1 See Appendix, p. 421, Note XII.— Italian Contributions to American Culture. 
 
 334 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 tending colleges and preparing themselves to be leaders among their 
 own people.^ 
 
 A few settlements are situated among Bohemians. Orchestras, 
 choruses, recreative clubs, and neighborhood improvement associa- 
 tions are successful in giving vent to the strongly marked group 
 interests of the people. Their native sense of beauty and the skill 
 in embroidery possessed by the women are cultivated as community 
 assets. 
 
 Greeks are now found in not a few settlement neighborhoods. 
 Strong nationalism and pride of race cause the Hellene to rate him- 
 self superior to other immigrants. He is often bitter over what he 
 considers American disregard of his historical background and 
 traditions. Hull House, with characteristic realism, invited a 
 Greek into residence and studied Greek life not only in its own 
 neighborhood but in other portions of the city. Public meetings 
 in Greek and English were organized, out of which developed a 
 group that presented the Ajax of Sophocles in Chicago and else- 
 where and helped to form a Greek Educational Association. 
 
 Only a very few houses are situated in neighborhoods composed 
 of families who have lived in this country for more than three gener- 
 ations." A community of native-born unskilled laborers made up 
 of stragglers of an industrial army the majority of which has gone 
 forward into more rewarding work and more comfortable quarters, 
 embodies problems of a peculiarly complex and trying sort. Such 
 a population is smugly satisfied with respect to individual and 
 local achievement, and lacks the impulse toward higher things 
 which immigrants often have. 
 
 Settlements in some districts encounter a special problem in long 
 rows of houses with " rooms to let. " Large numbers of commercial 
 
 ' A Lithuanian student at the University of Chicago established work among his 
 compatriots with classes in the oldest of sciences, astronomy. A school of citizenship 
 was developed out of this venture about which a fairly broad scheme of leisure-time 
 interest, including concerts, entertainments, educational lectures for Sunday after- 
 noons, parties, dances in the neighborhood park center, and other forms of recreation 
 are conducted. Instruction in English is made the vehicle of instruction in civics. 
 The classes are organized in the form of a city government. Plans for lectures or 
 for recreative functions originate among members of the school and are carried out 
 by them. 
 
 ^ Of 307 settlements for which data are complete, 24, or 8 per cent, are located 
 among Americans of the third generation and beyond. 
 
 335 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 employes, American and sometimes Canadian, living in lodgings, 
 create problems of housing, recreation, and moral control in many 
 ways more difficult than those found in tenement neighborhoods. 
 Modifications of procedure to meet these conditions have been 
 worked out in a few cities. Boarding clubs for young women and 
 for young men alleviate the condition of a very few. The first 
 thoroughgoing study of complex problems, economic, associa- 
 tional, and moral caused by the presence of thousands of unat- 
 tached persons centered in a single community, was made from 
 South End House.^ The fundamental need in rooming districts 
 is to establish certain healthy, albeit artificial, ties which shall 
 provide a sustaining network in place of family and neighbor- 
 hood relations so largely lost. A room registry, clubs of land- 
 ladies, recreative organizations for young people, passage of a 
 law licensing lodging houses, organization of a union of lodging- 
 house keepers, represent the beginnings of a practical program. 
 The Boston city government in 1908 appointed the first public 
 commission for the study of a "rooming" district. 
 
 Negroes present the particularly difficult problem of delayed 
 assimilation. Most settlements that carry on work among them 
 are situated in the North, and since Southern immigration into in- 
 dustrial states has been recent, the Negro problem has been studied 
 in the city as a whole rather than in one locality.^ Houses in New 
 York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Chicago have sought to make clear 
 the full meaning of the sanitary conditions under which Negroes 
 live, the economic discriminatioh against them, the disabilities of 
 sentiment under which they suffer, and the measure of their ac- 
 complishment in the face of hard conditions. The books of Mary 
 W. Ovington and John Daniels, and the pubHc work of Celia 
 Parker Woolley, all three of whom made their approach to the 
 subject as residents of settlements, have been instrumental in 
 placing an outline of the Negro problem before a considerable 
 number of men and women, and have served to promote the de- 
 
 1 Wolfe, A. B.: The Lodging House Problem in Boston. Boston, Houghton, 
 IVlifflin Co., 1906. 
 
 ^ Houses divide into two groups, one initiated and carried on by white for colored, 
 the other organized, governed, and managed by Negroes. 
 
 336 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 velopment of a well-devised program of social work for colored 
 people.! 
 
 A substantial number of settlements are situated in neighbor- 
 hoods of white people which include a small number of Negroes. 
 Where the ratio of black to white is slight, the two races usually 
 mix without friction. Large groups of colored people in a neighbor- 
 hood predominantly white may force a settlement, against its in- 
 clination, to choose between the two. In this case the soundest 
 practice is to establish a separate branch, where special forms of 
 work fitted to the needs of colored people are carried on. Settle- 
 ments placed in Negro colonies naturally escape some of the more 
 difficult problems growing out of intermixture. Among the most 
 useful forms of practical work are visiting nursing, home-making, 
 stamp-savings service, coal clubs, classes in sewing, cobbling, and 
 chair-caning. Religious feeling is strong, and religious services and 
 observances are a decided help as part of settlement work. Fac- 
 tions based on birth in the several southern states, on occupation, 
 on membership in churches, lodges, and societies are pronounced 
 and often bitter. Leaders of institutions, politicians, and profes- 
 sional men are sometimes antagonistic to what in any degree to 
 them suggests segregation. 
 
 Settlement workers, white and colored, divide into two groups 
 on the question of inter-relations between the races. One wing is 
 convinced that promotion of association between blacks and whites 
 is the best way of breaking down discrimination and of freeing 
 Negroes to take a more self-respecting place in the community. 
 Leaders of this wing naturally lay most emphasis on demands for 
 justice and on legal and other efforts to safeguard rights. The 
 opposite party is not neglectful of the need for interpretation, 
 protection, and promotion of understanding between the races. 
 Where there is legal or popular discrimination against the right of 
 Negroes to use public conveyances, to exercise privileges of citizen- 
 ship, to enjoy public educational facilities, means should and must 
 be taken to protect them. The attempt to force personal relations 
 across racial lines is quite another matter. Negroes, like members 
 
 ' Ovington, M. W.: Half a Man; the Status of the Negro in New York. New 
 York, Longmans, Green and Co., 191 1. Daniels, John: In Freedom's Birthplace: 
 A Study of the Boston Negro. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1914. 
 
 337 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 of other racial groups, must make their way into favor by their 
 productive capacity and their ability to command respect. 
 
 Neighborhoods in which many different nationalities live side by 
 side constitute the supreme problem in Americanization. Psycho- 
 logical isolation and inbreeding, as against inter-racial assimilation 
 which represents too often only a mixing of the dregs of several 
 cultures, is the sole alternative in neglected cosmopolitan localities. 
 Imported racial and religious suspicion and distrust, differences of 
 language and outlook, and varying economic progress make it diffi- 
 cult to create united opinion among neighbors, and easy for the 
 reactionary or slothful to thwart progress by appeal to national and 
 sectarian prejudice. 
 
 Neighborhood intermixtures of people proceed through three 
 stages : first, interpretation of the several nationalities to one an- 
 other more or less en bloc and in terms of racial accomplishment 
 and powers; followed by promotion of intercourse between indi- 
 viduals in small companies; concluded through establishment of 
 working relations between natural leaders of different groups. It 
 is easy enough to bring together the most antagonistic elements in 
 pageants, mass meetings, and large-scale recreative events in which 
 several nationalities hold solidly together. Exaltation of popular 
 heroes, exhibition of literary, artistic, and musical masterpieces, 
 performance of folk dances, mass singing of national hymns, an- 
 thems, and folk songs, promote toleration, a sense of live and let 
 live, and a measure of mutual respect. These events have their 
 greatest usefulness in preparing the minds of individuals for more 
 personal relations across racial lines. 
 
 Establishment of such interchange must, in the nature of the 
 case, proceed slowly, and the intermixing seem natural, even 
 though induced. Small classes and clubs form the best and most 
 satisfactory mode of promoting acquaintance. Most groups are 
 fortunately quite willing to include a small proportion of the un- 
 like, and even seem to enjoy the flavor of strangeness so introduced. 
 But when inherent differences reach a point that invites struggle 
 for supremacy, the worst passions of each element are unloosed. 
 As a rule it is wise to keep the ratio of the lesser factor decidedly 
 under twenty per cent. Members of the minority are likely to pass 
 muster in qualities shown by the majority, besides embodying dis- 
 
 338 
 
RACE AND PLACE 
 
 tinctive abilities of their own type. Thus Jews admitted to Irish 
 groups usually have something of the Celtic sporting spirit, suavity, 
 and geniality in intercourse and capacity for group action. Irish 
 members of Jewish groups are likely to be among the more intellec- 
 tual minded of their race, capable of holding their own in the never- 
 ending discussion carried, on by Jews. 
 
 Shopkeepers, professional men, and politicians are likely to be the 
 first to cross racial lines, because they have the most definite stake 
 in so doing. Committee service in clubs and other local organiza- 
 tions is an excellent means of group interpretation. Each element 
 comes to see the other in terms of its actual contribution of knowl- 
 edge or practical accomplishment. Criticism is almost always fair 
 even when caustic. Out of acquaintance made at such meetings 
 some friendships result, and tracks in local consciousness are estab- 
 lished over which the community impulse travels ever more easily 
 and surely. 
 
 Problems coming out of the movement of population are to a 
 large extent aspects of immigration. A small proportion of settle- 
 ments have the advantage of working in a stable community. Here, 
 long-continued and progressive building of various forms of institu- 
 tional life has improved environment, the educational work under- 
 taken played a part in turning out a better prepared type of young 
 person, and the growth of well-established adult groups created a 
 forceful nucleus of citizens interested in local welfare. 
 
 A second group of neighborhoods, although in process of change 
 from one racial type of population to another, has some measure of 
 underlying stability. It is a common experience for a comfortable 
 or even Well-to-do district to disintegrate as immigrants move in. 
 The mobile element among older residents, seeking new homes, 
 withdraws its support from communal institutions which have given 
 collective expression to neighborhood life, and these are gradually 
 starved out of existence. Newcomers are as a rule poor and be- 
 wildered, and a degree of industrial and civic chaos ensues. Here, 
 too, the settlement takes steps to meet the different phases of this 
 situation. Special clubs and societies are created to hold together 
 less resourceful members of the old community who are unable to 
 leave the district, while newcomers are helped to make headway in 
 
 339 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 speech and employment and in organizing their own churches, 
 schools, and lodges. 
 
 Other houses are located in what is practically a flowing stream 
 of humanity, a situation which sometimes brings residents to dis- 
 couragement bordering on despair. Often all that is possible is to 
 reach out hands to one type after another in the current, and to 
 give some impulse which shall make itself felt in the future. There 
 is a strong temptation to look lightly on neighborhoods and to seek 
 to reach individuals; or to emphasize the larger district which 
 seems to possess certain elements of stability that the immediate 
 locality has lost. But the resourceful settlement is only aroused 
 by the greater urgency of a shifting neighborhood. Individuals, 
 here and there, can be enlisted, and the institutional life of the 
 community be enriched. The fact that staff members are fre- 
 quently among the oldest inhabitants is of assistance in bringing 
 about necessary readjustments with greater acceptance. In the 
 last analysis the very transitoriness of a population makes more 
 vital the need of holding it in some measure of normal relationship. 
 The settlement which loses courage because a neighborhood does 
 not of itself assume clearly outlined communal life forgets that its 
 essential business is to nurture neighborly sentiment, and if need 
 be, to create it out of nothing, as a distinctive service to those 
 who are to pass on as well as to those who are to come. 
 
 The weight of experience shows that under all but most extreme 
 conditions the neighborhood can be in part, and for moments com- 
 pletely, lifted to a plane where barriers of race and tradition begin 
 to lose their isolating power. Under responsible initiative of those 
 who represent both American standards and accessibility of mind, 
 a common language, charged with rich significance, becomes the 
 means of interchange among different racial groups. And as the 
 implied obligations of the adopted civilization are felt and the con- 
 tribution of each type realized, a binder is formed, in a scene that 
 has been a no-man's land, which makes the newly envisaged patri- 
 otism for all parties to the compact an inspiriting reality. 
 
 340 
 
CHAPTER XXXI 
 THE LIVING CENTER 
 
 THE interaction of settlement and neighborhood creates cer- 
 tain nice problems. Though incubated outside a local com- 
 munity the settlement comes to birth within it. Once born, 
 it must be in and of the common life, more concerned for local wel- 
 fare, more jealous of local fame, more avaricious for local advantage, 
 than the people themselves. Residents are at once neighbors and 
 friends, servants and leaders, citizens and, in some sort, states- 
 men. 
 
 The first stage in settlement evolution consists in becoming fami- 
 liar with the scene, establishing acquaintance with a considerable 
 number of representative men, women, and children, and laying 
 hold upon a few of the more obvious problems of the district. The 
 second stage is characterized by detailed upbuilding of local insti- 
 tutional resources. Many older houses are now entering a third 
 stage, which may be characterized as one of evoking local co- 
 operation. Each of these periods has its own sanctions, and its own 
 way of bringing about results, based, however, on the accumulation 
 of experience and influence gained in the preceding period. For the 
 technique of settlement work is evolutionary, changing with the 
 development of the resident staff and the degree of interplay be- 
 tween house and neighborhood. 
 
 In the stage of beginnings, the number and interests of men and 
 women in residence, size and character of buildings and equipment, 
 order of the household, forms of work undertaken, are governed by 
 the degree in which each helps or hinders the primary duty of be- 
 coming acquainted from within the scene with environment and 
 people. The more nearly the settlement approximates an average 
 family in size and manner of life during this stage, the easier for 
 residents to become included in the normal life of the locality. 
 
 341 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 From two to four persons domiciled in an ordinary dwelling house 
 constitutes a thoroughly satisfactory settlement germ cell.* 
 
 Because the age, sex, and local standing of those asked to form 
 the first clubs, classes, and associations will exercise an important 
 influence on all later enterprises, something in the nature of a 
 policy with respect to them is always determined before starting. 
 It is difficult to attract adults, and extremely easy to bring children 
 together. Experience, however, shows that neighborhood organ- 
 izations which begin by enlisting ranking men and women find it 
 easy and natural to secure the presence of humbler adults and of 
 children. Houses, on the other hand, that come to be locally known 
 as places frequented chiefly by boys and girls, have difficulty in at- 
 tracting men and women . The majority of settlements seek to reap 
 full advantage of both forms of attack by building up strong 
 mothers ' clubs, members of which are invited to send their children, 
 and by seeking out parents not already affiliated with adult clubs. 
 But the advantage lies with those which begin by organizing 
 adults. 
 
 The houses which initiate their work with some institutional 
 service, such as visiting nursing, teaching music, care of infant life, 
 have an immediate advantage over settlements which, as it were, 
 operate under a roving commission. Few people are disturbed by 
 a new institution whose service is obvious. The matter would be 
 without question were it not that the majority of houses administer- 
 ing a specialty find that demands of the service and the thought of 
 subscribers and neighbors conspire to hinder further outreaching. 
 The general motive of community organization demands that 
 specialized services for well-being and education be established as 
 
 ' The practice of attaching a name to the enterprise is as unavoidable from the 
 point of view of the neighborhood as from that of the general public. Because ft 
 will be much in the mouths of people, it should be chosen with regard for local pre- 
 judices and loyalties. In the absence of any clear indication, experience shows the 
 wisdom of modest and even commonplace insignia, which shall in time be filled in 
 with meaning. 
 
 Good names sre those which attach the house to its local community, such as 
 Gads Hill, Lenox, and Riverside; or which commemorate exemplars of service and 
 inspiration, as Lincoln, Lowell, Kingsley, and Denison. A few houses are named for 
 benefactors, at best a doubtful expedient. A considerable group of religious settle- 
 ments are called after persons or symbols associated with the form of faith of their 
 supporters; some others are called after a moral quality. Such names hot only 
 savor of a pietistic attitude with which the settlement has nothing in common, but 
 they lend themselves all too easily to ridicule. 
 
 342 
 
THE LIVING CENTER 
 
 quickly as possible on a permanent institutional basis. On the 
 other hand, it is of the greatest possible advantage that residents 
 should early become involved in the government and administra- 
 tion of local institutions and have opportunity to study from 
 within their workings and possible inter-relations. 
 
 It is impossible to overemphasize the fact that the essence of the 
 first stage of settlement work is the intimacy which obtains be- 
 tween residents and neighborhood families. Practically all head 
 workers, as time goes on, find their knowledge of the neighborhood 
 grounded in experiences of the first years. Friends made in this 
 stage remain friends always; they introduce new residents to the 
 community, interpret the goodwill and purposes of the house to 
 doubters, and are the nucleus of the settlements' convinced con- 
 stituency. 
 
 The domesticated institutionalism of this first period, in the eyes 
 of a far from negligible proportion of residents, represents the settle- 
 ment at its best. Members of this group point out that enlargement 
 of club and class work, addition of institutional features, introduc- 
 tion of a more formal educational motive, entail an inevitable loss 
 in helpful friendly relations with individuals. For them the prefer- 
 able unit is a small hpusehold with its friends and assistants carry- 
 ing on offices of helpfulness and sociability within a small round of 
 families. Clubs, classes, and groups meet literally as guests of resi- 
 dents; questions of dues, formal self-government, participation 
 in broad-scale civic events, are not permitted to become active lest 
 they interfere with responsive human relations. Although most 
 residents would not approve so thoroughgoing a limitation and 
 feel that expansion can be shaped so as to conserve the values 
 of the days of small things, everyone recognizes the essential dig- 
 nity and power of its advocates as exponents of the settlement 
 
 spirit. 
 
 The second stage in settlement evolution is an outgrowth of that 
 rounded knowledge of local life and feeling, that mastery of the mul- 
 tiplicity of influences which act and react on individuals and organ- 
 izations, that sense of solidarity between residents and neighbors, 
 which is gained only by continued experience of a group held to- 
 gether as an established nucleus, living in the district on a twelve- 
 month basis for at least half a decade. In this stage staff, plant, 
 24 343 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIION 
 
 equipment, and administration are conditioned by the purpose of 
 creating in germ adequate and permanent organs of community 
 life, securing as rapidly as may be their actualization in permanent 
 form, discovering and training a group of men, women, and children 
 who will illustrate neighborhood loyalty. Crystallization of in- 
 terest and enterprise, although a necessary period in development 
 of both plant and force, is not permitted to degenerate into rigidity. 
 Theories and activities are held lightly enough so that they may 
 be changed to meet newly discovered popular needs and powers. 
 
 A resident group, large, able, diversified in interests, resourceful 
 and co-operative, is now a chief desideratum. Whenever there are 
 more than three or four residents, some become directors of organi- 
 zation among men or women, adolescent young people, boys or 
 girls, specialists in working with particular immigrant groups, 
 teachers of cooking, craftswork, music, art, literature, and dra- 
 matics. Dietitians, nurses, and doctors carry the latest results of 
 scientific knowledge and skill to the people. 
 
 Certain men and women engaged in work with children and 
 young people are laying the foundations of a new profession; 
 namely, the organization of educational recreation in strata of the 
 population which have relatively fluid interests, without native 
 instincts for the practice of association or of art and science, and 
 which live under conditions where there is no satisfactory initia- 
 tive from family life. Such directors of work, as they gather new 
 groups, go after absentees, follow up organized interests between 
 meetings, or in general seek a downright personal understanding 
 with people, begin to know in terms of feet and hours the streets, 
 alleys, vacant lots and buildings, back yards, factories, docks, 
 woodyards, railway sidings, police stations, and engine houses 
 which form the stage on which the spontaneous drama of the neigh- 
 borhood proceeds. They meet with boys on street corners, in 
 cellars, attics, caves, and dugouts, and attend the dance halls, 
 candy stores, amusement places, and promenades frequented by 
 girls. Impulses that engage and move larger gangs and smaller 
 cliques, activities through which they express themselves, kinds of 
 responsibility they are willing to assume, gradually emerge in form 
 to suggest an instructive strategy. Personal conversation as 
 against such background, revelation of character gained through 
 
 J44 
 
THE LIVING CENTER 
 
 the interplay of mind on mind in more formal club or class rela- 
 tions, occasional consultation with parents, teachers, and friends, 
 confessions of children and their elders when in difficulty, still fur- 
 ther place the cards in their hands. 
 
 In time club directors begin to note the changed moral meaning 
 of territory in which boy and girl move as morning passes into 
 afternoon, twilight, evening, and night, and spring progresses 
 into winter. They become able to forecast roughly but with 
 something like certainty the rise and direction of currents of feeling 
 and influence which circulate among children and youth, and the 
 probable movement of life up and down the streets. So prepared, 
 they are able not only to anticipate and intercept evil influences in 
 their incipient stages, but to create an increasingly appropriate 
 combination of forces which turn constantly emerging powers of 
 young life into channels of worthy expression and fine satisfaction. 
 
 Each director of a department is reinforced by his or her associates 
 on the staff. For the house with a considerable number of residents 
 embodying a variety of interests and capacities is educationally 
 both lodestone and touchstone. The needs and possibilities of boys 
 and girls drawn to, and appropriately placed in, its scheme of or- 
 ganization, come up periodically before an educational clinic bent 
 on discovery of positive promise and on fostering character, skill, 
 and purpose. Qualities thought of as weaknesses by one resident 
 are, by another, seen as powers. The group becomes fertile in de- 
 vising expedients which will tap incentive and maintain interest in 
 minds too soft to take polish. Nowhere can there be found more 
 rounded care by specialists in many phases of unfolding child life 
 than that practiced at many settlements. 
 
 The settlement, when it takes the initiative in promoting asso- 
 ciation, has a very considerable responsibility for results offerees set 
 at work. All groups are watched carefully not only by leaders but 
 by directors of club work and other residents. Indeed, a large 
 proportion of settlement case work consists in following up children 
 and young people whose conduct in clubs, parties, and dancing 
 classes, and whose influence on others, is demonstrably hazardous. 
 
 Neighborliness, free interplay between residents and people, is 
 as important as in the stage of beginnings. Though in some mea- 
 sure more difficult to create, certain enrichments of quality grow 
 
 345 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 out of its compounding. Specific points of departure for building 
 up 'acquaintance and for visiting are manifold.^ At most settle- 
 ments the beginning of club and class work in the autumn is pre- 
 ceded by a house-to-house canvass. New educational offerings 
 are explained and opinions and desires of parents solicited. Once 
 groups are formed, fathers and mothers are consulted about pro- 
 gress, absences, and where necessary, behavior. In the spring a 
 second general canvass is made for the purpose of listing those who 
 should be invited to day outings and vacations. Additional visits 
 are frequently required in connection with medical examinations, 
 preparation of outfit, and payment of camp fees. The organization 
 of parties, dances and plays, and celebration of holidays involve 
 calls in connection with forming committees, making costumes, 
 gathering properties, arranging extra rehearsals, and securing co- 
 operation of parents. 
 
 The relations between residents and neighbors, as the number of 
 persons affiliated with the house increases and the range of their 
 services widens, become less emotional and more technically ex- 
 pert. The former regard themselves, and are regarded in the 
 neighborhood, as educators. They go into homes not only to render 
 assistance, but to secure help in meeting problems which they as 
 teachers and leaders are bound to solve. Parents meet them on this 
 democratic and self-respecting basis. Such resident specialists, 
 season by season, restudy the locality, try all sorts of new ways of 
 converting the unawakened, and scour the city at large for help in 
 giving effect to local plans. 
 
 Parallel with what may be called visitation of purpose is another 
 world of chiefly friendly personal interplay based on the neighborly 
 relation. Staff members keep stated days and hours at home, and, 
 mothers and young people call freely and informally. Residents 
 drop in upon families with whom they have a special relation of 
 interest as they would upon friends in any other portion of the city. 
 They receive invitations to birthday parties, weddings, funerals, 
 
 Mt is a cardinal principle of settlement technique that all calls must have a valid 
 reason, not only to resident or volunteer but to the person visited. At one house, in 
 order that this branch of its work might be represented in a more technical form, as 
 against a long program of group appointments, twenty-two different kinds of visit- 
 ing were listed, each kind having a distinct objective, and all of them carried out by 
 persons of more or less special training for accomplishing the end in view. 
 
 346 
 
THE LIVING CENTER 
 
 christenings, first communions, Christmas and Easter celebrations; 
 are introduced to kinsfolk and family friends; asked to attend 
 church and lodge affairs and taken to missions and jubilees; con- 
 sulted about clothing, about a new tenement, about buying a 
 piano, about problems of health, hygiene, and employment; parti- 
 cipate in trips to theaters, shows, museums, and on day excursions 
 into the country; are sometimes honored by having the new baby 
 for namesake, or by being asked to stand as godparent. The man 
 or woman with a genius for acquaintance easily comes to know a 
 large number of people. Most settlements include a few persons 
 with this power, and the approach of other staff members and of 
 specialists to homes is facilitated, to a degree not easily measured, 
 by the kindly understanding established through those who enjoy 
 human intercourse for its own sake. 
 
 The quality of sociability between residents and neighbors is 
 greatly enriched by the fact that families are in touch, actually or 
 potentially, with the entire settlement household. Almost invari- 
 ably some resident is on terms of temperamental understanding 
 with some member of each household visited. Neighbors on their 
 part interpret the personality and purposes of less understood resi- 
 dents in terms of their knowledge of those better liked. Each year 
 the range of reciprocal understanding and reciprocal interest be- 
 tween the settlement as a household and families of the neighbor- 
 hood grows more complex and intimate.' 
 
 An advanced policy as to buildings and equipment becomes 
 necessary. Because they do not themselves intend to become per- 
 manently responsible for particular types of service most settle- 
 ments hesitate to erect buildings frankly created for special depart- 
 ments of recreation or education. A considerable proportion of 
 leaders hold that a reconstructed dwelling house best sustains, in- 
 side and out, the sentiment of hospitable domesticity at the basis 
 of the settlement atmosphere. Institutional services of education, 
 recreation, and health are provided for by combining adjacent 
 dwellings. Sizable meeting halls, gymnasiums, and theaters are 
 created by removing partitions between rooms. Windows, walls, 
 and furniture are treated so as to suggest that whatever goes on is 
 taking place in a home. 
 
 iSee Appendix, p. 422, Note XI 11. — Records. 
 347 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 A number of settlements have more or less consciously relaxed 
 their hold upon the domestic idea in favor of a humanized institu- 
 tional center. The house comes to be thought of, both by neighbors 
 and residents, less as a dwelling for people, more as a meeting place 
 for a series of local associations. Such a center masses its activities 
 in a single structure or attached group of buildings, with living 
 quarters for resident staff beside or over the institutional part. It 
 has obvious advantages in facility of administration and a certain 
 degree of direct financial economy. In crowded and otherwise re- 
 sourceless sections of large cities, with an unstable immigrant popu- 
 lation, there is urgent reason for massing all resources into an im- 
 pressive and powerful hospice of sympathy, justice, and varied 
 opportunity.' 
 
 The fact that the settlement is serving as an experiment station, 
 rather than creating organs for community self-expression, neces- 
 sarily conditions the uses to which rooms are put and the nature 
 of their furnishing. The gymnasium has frequently to serve as 
 meeting room, dance hall, theater, and banquet room. It is often 
 ill adapted to any one of its multitudinous functions, a handicap 
 which workers accept because they believe it is good policy to bear 
 inconvenience during the stage of educational sounding. 
 
 A small proportion of houses provide separate buildings for as 
 many as possible of the various types of work undertaken. Resi- 
 dents live either in dwellings belonging to the settlement or in 
 tenements hired upon their own responsibility. Institutional 
 buildings are more or less deliberately set forth as neighborhood 
 town halls that shall increasingly represent the district itself.^ 
 
 The attempt to be hospitable and democratic at the same time, 
 
 ' It is increasingly clear, however, that the prescription indicated by these 
 specific conditions should, to thoughtful settlement initiative, suggest departure 
 rather than imitation. For as soon as the work of a settlement grows beyond very 
 modest beginnings, either the physical equipment overshadows the residence with 
 what is after all but interesting and unique institutionalism, or the residence de- 
 velops to baronial proportions as compared with the other dwellings of the neigh- 
 borhood. It is, of course, true that the growing circle of residents in the very midst 
 of so many converging interests and activities often brings about particularly varied 
 and inspiriting comradeship and hospitalities, larger views, and full summoning 
 of powers; but the suggestion of home no longer remains, while a normal regimen of 
 life for the residents and the value of simple and telling neighborly reciprocity are 
 more difficult of attainment. 
 
 2 See Appendix, p. 422, Note XIV. — Settlement Buildings. 
 
 348 
 
THE LIVING CENTER 
 
 to encourage original impulse and self-direction in individuals and 
 groups while safeguarding property, creates problems of discipline 
 not easily understood by the mere onlooker. Neighborhood houses 
 are among the few institutions at which attendance is voluntary, 
 which practically never invoke law to punish small offenses, and 
 which bear with transgressors until seventy times seven. Residents 
 and associates frequently suffer patiently almost intolerable boor- 
 ishness, because they have seen so many cases in which energy, 
 apparently riotous, has been brought under control in the readjust- 
 ment of adolescence. 
 
 Each house, in the light of its aims and the local powers, must 
 face the question of what shall be its irreducible standard for be- 
 havior and use of property. Determination of just how far the 
 local mind is willing to sanction limitation of personal privileges is 
 a delicate one. The exact value of loud ululations by those who 
 enjoy or profit through rowdyism, extent of local inertia, and possi- 
 bility of arousing a definite proportion of citizens by pushing stand- 
 ards ahead of conviction, must be gauged. One wing among settle- 
 ment leaders insists on deportment in its dancing classes, gymnastic 
 events, clubs, and classes approximating that of a good private 
 school. Individuals who cannot or will not respond are finally 
 ruled out. Where facilities are limited it often seems the highest 
 economy to use ingenuity for enlarging the number of fine-minded 
 to a point where they may through collective reinforcement leaven 
 the neighborhood. At the other extreme is a small group of head- 
 workers who seek to attract the virile but undisciplined because 
 they believe that this element actually controls rate and direction 
 of progress. Crudities, short of destruction and disorganization, 
 are tolerated provided the group is able to hold together and bring 
 things to pass. The better standards which grow out of long- 
 continued association constitute a code of manners and|morals 
 fitted to the desires and powers of the district. 
 
 In the long run, of course, the true principle of discipline is to 
 transcend it. A strong momentum of positive intention is intro- 
 duced into practically all settlement gatherings so that they incite 
 interest, concentrate attention, and carry group sentiment on a 
 rising tide. This is where the art of the leader appears; and for- 
 tunately it is not dependent on rare natural gifts. It can be culti- 
 
 349 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 vated; and even amid difficulties and apparent failure a kind of 
 confidence is won from a refractory group which tells measurably 
 in the creation of a better tone. 
 
 The first activities of newly established settlements, as we have 
 seen, were in the nature of outright hospitality. Without losing 
 this motive the settlement gradually expands into a second form 
 in which, for much that goes on within its doors, responsibility 
 and decision are divided among all concerned. This advance of 
 policy definitely naturalizes the enterprise. The various groups 
 connected with it first pay fixed dues and later often assess them- 
 selves, meanwhile learning to get results by team work. But 
 there is continuously the still wider and deeper purpose, through 
 such preparatory training, of engaging neighborhood goodwill 
 and financial support for the several elements of common life. 
 Every club and class is urged to hold the ties existing among its 
 members as a contributing factor in broadening and strengthening 
 those stirring local affiliations in which the lives of all citizens are 
 rooted. The development of this kind of loyalty, as the settle- 
 ment comes to its third period of evolution, represents both the 
 contest and the prize. 
 
 350 
 
CHAPTER XXXII 
 THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 
 THE third stage in neighborhood upbuilding has its abiding 
 distinction in more just and subtle analysis of local problems, 
 more natural interplay between neighbors and residents, 
 more responsive and vital common interests. The chief need is for 
 trained persons willing to devote themselves, through personal and 
 professional service, to the discovery of new circles of youth and 
 adults capable of responding, on the one hand, to finer forms of 
 individual and group culture, and on the other to opportunities of 
 public service. Early settlement workers cried out against the 
 danger of overindividualism ; those of today see that growth of 
 mechanical forms of socialization is an equally serious menace. 
 The new leadership in recreation and education, the new democ- 
 racy itself, awaits growth of that friendly co-operation which 
 discovers and brings out the neighbors' power. 
 
 The long-continued residence of a group of men and women 
 grounded in local traditions and acquainted with children 's children 
 which characterizes this stage, automatically brings about much 
 of the fine flower of personal neighborly interest that residents in 
 the stages of establishment and of institutional upbuilding have to 
 create by strivings of spirit and by painstaking efforts to discover 
 common interests. After years, the common things are of the 
 normal stuff of living. Residents are able to think in neighborhood 
 modes and acquire a kind of second sight about local affairs. They 
 see districts not with the false simplicity of a doctrinaire, but in 
 terms of ability and achievement. 
 
 Neighbors, on their part, accept residents as they do local lawyers, 
 doctors, and school teachers. They apportion certain duties in ed- 
 ucation and recreation, and from time to time actually create new 
 responsibilities for them. They talk plainly, reveal their deeper 
 thought and desires, and help the settlement staff, individually and 
 
 351 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 collectively, to realize its plans.* It goes without saying, however, 
 that there are many persistent local cleavages. No district is ever 
 harmonious. There is something invidious about individuals or 
 groups, whether resident or nonresident, that initiate. But en- 
 largement of the number of citizens who either actively or passively 
 are willing to see neighborhood life built up and beautified repre- 
 sents a not inconsiderable gain. The strategy of such advance is to 
 split solid inertia by appealing to temperamental interests of 
 natural groups. 
 
 Plant and equipment, in this stage, tend to be decentralized. 
 Separately located art and music schools, home-making centers, 
 and other enterprises become special radiating satellites. The resi- 
 dence house assures those offices of hospitality which are so impor- 
 tant a part both of settlement motive and method; and the higher 
 standards which a host can set in his own rooms are gradually im- 
 parted to larger and more democratic gatherings. 
 
 The gains of this stage are based in important part on thorough- 
 going knowledge of local social structure. Districts into which 
 metropolitan areas subdivide are often cities, in point of numbers, 
 containing from 25,000 to 125,000 people. These areas fall into 
 what may be called, for want of a better term, subdistricts, with 
 inhabitants varying from a few hundred to a score of thousands. 
 The subdistricts divide again into neighborhoods, population of 
 which ranges from a handful of families to several thousand persons. 
 All communities of more than a few hundred people divide into 
 smaller geographical areas or colonies, members of which are held 
 together by unities of race, income, religious, or other affiliations, 
 and not least important, claims of contiguity. Where these 
 colonies are fairly well unified and their existence recognized both 
 by inhabitants and bordering colonies, the settlement, when its 
 resources permit, establishes a small household to share in the life 
 of each such unit. For the settlement seeks to discover the effective 
 
 ^ On their part, however, people demand of residents the same permanence of 
 stay and regular performance of function that is expected of physician, lawyer, and 
 priest. Nothing injures the influence of a group so quickly as suspicion that its 
 numbers are not vitally bound up with the neighborhood. When West Side Neigh- 
 borhood House in New York was closed, working people all over the city voiced the 
 fear that there was no permanence in settlements; they professed themselves unwill- 
 ing to pledge neighborly allegiance and co-operation to transitory persons or institu- 
 tions. 
 
 352 
 
THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 
 groupings by area of people of different sorts and different ages 
 into wliich human life naturally falls, and to devise appropriate 
 machinery for meeting the exact needs of each group. 
 
 Small and preadolescent children, for the most part, live within 
 a narrow geographic compass. In this preserve the growing boy 
 and girl adventures to. satisfy curiosity about the world and to 
 match powers against contemporaries. Beyond bounds he is op- 
 pressed with the sense of territory alien if not hostile. Settlement 
 clinics, story-telling classes, play hours, and other enterprises are 
 increasingly decentralized and carried on in cottages, tenements, 
 public libraries, schools, churches, wherever room can be ob- 
 tained. 
 
 The organization of education and recreation for adolescent 
 children must be very differently managed. As keenly as child- 
 hood craves protection of the familiar, youth desires extension of 
 range. Establishment of an attractive and frequented local center 
 within easy reach of all parts of a neighborhood or subdistrict, yet 
 beyond the immediate home environment, is here a safeguard. 
 
 Group activities in this period are inspired by two important 
 purposes: to create organs for the expression and satisfaction of 
 special powers and interests; to make individuals and clubs alike 
 conscious of neighborhood as a loyal end.' The roots of this enter- 
 prise are in the club and class system which has a definite signifi- 
 cance in its totality. Competition between groups discloses fresh 
 types of talent and hitherto unappreciated shades of ability. 
 Families of members of different clubs cement acquaintance in a 
 scene of neighborhood distinction. Currents of influence and good- 
 will are set in motion which reach out in ever widening circles. New 
 and rich fruits from it are brought back into the better appreciated 
 common treasure of the family. There comes to be a new sense of 
 reinforced goodwill, finer aspiration and enterprise among people 
 who above all must rely upon communal intrenchment of what 
 is best. The time comes when enterprise originating at the settle- 
 ment begins quite definitely to be shaped by the outside, objective 
 life of the neighborhood. It is impossible to mark the precise transi- 
 tion from the lively follow-up of club work into the stage where 
 neighborhood rather than settlement looms up as the institutional 
 1 See Appendix, p. 423, Note XV.— Group Altruism. 
 353 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 form in and through which large aims are worked out. But the 
 reality is an increasing one. 
 
 Among the more important means for promoting growth of local 
 consciousness are news sheets, house councils, festivals, pageants, 
 and organizations of different sorts for local public betterment. A 
 few houses publish a neighborhood newspaper, with editorials, 
 social news of the local community, leading articles on home-mak- 
 ing, nursing, public welfare, and short stories.' Through the 
 neighborhood festival certain settlements make an impressive con- 
 tribution and secure in different ways a vital response. Preparation 
 draws in not onlyinany of the neighbors but a variety of local insti- 
 tutions. A Robin Hood pageant, begun in 1909 by Greenwich 
 House, New York, as a climax to club and class work, has developed 
 into an important annual neighborhood enterprise which involves 
 many different organizations in presentation and brings out a good 
 share of the district to witness it. The pride which the community 
 takes in its collective capacity to make a good showing, and in its 
 importance as reflected in the public prints, makes it ready to 
 venture into new fields.* 
 
 The house council represents a stage in advance of the club 
 council in that chosen representatives of clubs legislate for and ad- 
 minister an indoor and outdoor neighborhood program. Its dis- 
 tinguishing quality lies in the fact that for certain purposes it is a 
 body co-ordinated with the settlement governing board. Delegates 
 are brought into touch with broad phases of social and civic work, 
 present their point of view on equal terms with residents and board 
 members, pass upon and revise new projects, acquire a constantly 
 increasing experience of the machinery through which forward 
 movements are brought to pass, and hold positions of influence 
 upon matters over which they do not have actual authority. Res- 
 ervations of power are in the main those which concern property. 
 
 Even this barrier is passed at Hudson Guild, where every aspect 
 of internal administration has been placed in the hands of the house 
 council, "subject only to trustees." This body is made up of one 
 representative for every ten club members, although no club is 
 
 '■ Brooklyn Guild for two or three years issued a weekly which had a considerable 
 circulation in its community and was truly a district newspaper, 
 " See Appendix, p. 423, Note XVI.— Festivals. 
 
 354 
 
THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 
 allowed more than five representatives. The head resident sits 
 ex-officio but without vote: he has the privilege of veto though the 
 council can overrule. On its part the council is charged with the 
 responsibility of raising a sufficient sum to cover heat, light, and 
 cleaning, and the house committee of the council makes all con- 
 tracts for coal, janitor's supplies, and service.' 
 
 The significance of these experiments, which in themselves are 
 small and halting enough, lies in the fact that working people, in 
 the ordinary course of their lives, are almost altogether shut out 
 from any share in administrative activity. A growing body of 
 young people are learning in settlements how to assume the duty 
 of planning and executing enterprises having a public outlook, 
 and to enforce necessary rules, even against friends and neighbors, 
 a rock upon which a considerable percentage of organizations 
 break. The growing tendency to place school buildings and other 
 communal equipment at the disposal of local groups can succeed 
 only as a capable body of citizens are ready to preserve property 
 against misuse and to develop a proper collective initiative. 
 
 The line between education for civic accomplishment and practi- 
 cal public achievement is passed in women's clubs. Various forms 
 of simple co-operative action covering help in sickness, strain and 
 distress, country vacations, and similar activities give expression 
 to the "natural, noble village communism" of members. Woman, 
 equally with man, is becoming a "political animal." Analysis of 
 the difficulties of suffrage among men seems to show that a majority 
 of wrong choices grow out of the fact that electorates are more fre- 
 quently than not asked to decide upon persons and issues with 
 which they are profoundly ignorant. Settlement clubs are training 
 women voters, present and future, who are taking seriously their 
 new duties, to think and act with knowledge and ideals upon issues 
 of political life. The accredited leadership in municipal affairs at- 
 tained by Miss McDowell and Miss Vittum in Chicago, where there 
 
 ' "The work of the Guild is an attempt at self-education and self-government. 
 .... Probably the best people in the community are not able to govern 
 themselves any too well; however, there is this in common among all people, that 
 they get more out of self-government in the long run, or at least in participation 
 
 in self-government, than they do out of any other form of management 
 
 The Guild is trying to give such powers to and develop such responsibility in its club 
 members that they will be able and willing to take a really useful part not only in the 
 house but in the neighborhood and city as well." — Report of the headworker, 1910. 
 
 355 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 have been several years in which to test the eflFects of woman 
 suffrage, suggests what far-reaching results are likely to follow. 
 
 The lack of adult men's organizations as part of the settlement 
 club scheme is particularly felt in relation to local affairs. There is, 
 however, enough experience to make residents increasingly eager to 
 secure those important gains for the community which men's clubs 
 can bring about. A really remarkable achievement in this direction 
 is that of University Settlement, Milwaukee, under the lead of 
 Herbert H. Jacobs. During the Socialist regime in that city, the 
 club numbered among its members two legislators, two aldermen, 
 a civil judge, city attorney, commissioner of public works, and 
 four deputies in county offices. Though it has never campaigned 
 nor taken a partisan stand, the club is regarded as very much alive 
 in public matters and absolutely unafraid. Mr. Jacobs' political 
 independence has made it possible for him to be of unique service 
 to the city in keeping up effective working relations between private 
 agencies and the municipal administration. 
 
 There is ground for confidence that a new appeal to public spirit 
 may go further in creating organization among men than did that 
 of earlier days. As city populations become more stable, as in- 
 terest in municipal affairs increases and another generation comes 
 forward, a new civic alignment of neighborhood men will become a 
 practicable undertaking. Among settlement acquaintance, and 
 often among former club members, potential leaders appear. 
 Many former saloon habitu6s who have made recovery of their 
 domestic instincts will no doubt in due time discover within them- 
 selves the impulses of neighbor and citizen. 
 
 It is by no means true, however, that absence of club organiza- 
 tion prevents residents from reaching neighborhood men in connec- 
 tion with their policy to bring about local public benefits. For one 
 thing, the men most likely to care for the recreational aspects 
 of a men's club are usually not those ready to undertake local 
 civic responsibility. Even when improvements are secured from 
 city government by means of city-wide support, men of the neigh- 
 borhood are involved. Particular pains are taken to have them 
 understand the process and intelligently to utilize the result. The 
 immigrant who knows American public administration only as 
 represented by the brass buttons of an arrogant policeman may 
 
 356 
 
THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 
 doubt whether poHtically he has bettered himself. But when it is 
 expressed to him and his family in health and pleasure-giving 
 agencies, of which they have use equally with all others, this man 
 receives a genuine lesson in the meaning of democracy. 
 
 Various devices have been created to enlarge the nucleus of 
 citizens concerned about local municipal services. Residents seek 
 to make their efforts to secure clean streets, regular and adequate 
 collection of paper, ashes, and garbage, supervision of water and 
 milk, enforcement of housing laws, suppression of vice, create a 
 contagion in community thought and action. The men and women 
 reached by such action are encouraged to commit themselves to an 
 active demand for improvement by complaining in common. 
 Fault-finding, an always available kind of expression which other- 
 wise might go to waste, is focused and trained in directions where it 
 will do the most good. Special meetings at which city officials and 
 politicians are asked to be present are called to talk over definite 
 local needs and to outline effective remedies. Local people, by 
 combined action, begin, so to speak, to taste blood in the matter 
 of citizenship. It is not accidental that the vote for good govern- 
 ment in certain settlement neighborhoods in New York and Boston 
 has been larger proportionately than in districts given over to 
 those just above the unskilled and slightly skilled manual laborers. 
 The training provided in settlement clubs and classes is bringing 
 into being men and women able to discern their own welfare as 
 concretely involved with that of neighbors. 
 
 Since 1905, neighborhood improvement associations, to some ex- 
 tent forecasted in the long-established village societies, have been 
 built up in an ever increasing number of urban working-class com- 
 munities. The reason for the gradual nature of this growth is clear 
 enough. It required, on the one hand, the cumulative effect of the 
 constructive scheme of the settlement to prepare the minds of 
 neighborhood people; on the other hand, the expansion of its 
 motive into an outreaching community program. The result is not 
 one that comes by observation. It depends upon tested and con- 
 firmed acquaintance up and down the neighborhood with families 
 who are in local terms public-minded. Settlement workers come to 
 know just where to go in each block or court to fan the spark of in- 
 terest among the men, and even more the sagacious women who, 
 
 357 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 though they never speak in pubUc nor take an active part in poli- 
 tics, are powers in committee meetings and in the personal approach 
 to immediate neighbors. The settlement does in this case for the 
 whole round of neighborhood need and aspiration what the politi- 
 cian does in the matter of vote-getting. 
 
 The work of eliciting natural leadership in the neighborhood is 
 supplemented by aligning in each little subdivision the nucleus of 
 families capable of reinforcing one another's better life and leanings, 
 the households between which there is a constant flux of wholesome 
 intercourse. The establishment of any specific sort of interest or 
 pursuit in such groups insures for it a fair lease of life. The drawing 
 out of these groups and the constantly increasing use of their co- 
 hesive power are among the most far-reaching phases of neighbor- 
 hood work. 
 
 The earliest effort to systematize the organization of the com- 
 munity into small and hence manageable units, and to bring the 
 people of such areas together for acquaintance and especially for 
 common action, was put into operation by the head of Hudson 
 Guild, John L. Elliott. The city block, at first blush, seems to 
 possess most of the qualities needed in a community unit. It is 
 clearly defined. It includes from 500 to i ,500 inhabitants, or about 
 the number of people in a typical village. Denizens have, whether 
 they wish it or not, a considerable number of experiences and not 
 a few interests in common. Once a citizen begins to individualize 
 those who live near, he cannot help being interested and concerned 
 about their lives and fortunes.^ 
 
 It fails, however, at one crucial point: that of the distribution of 
 natural leadership. It happens with considerable frequency in 
 tenement neighborhoods that certain blocks do not contain available 
 leaders with the personality, time, intelligence, and energy needed 
 to keep in touch with neighbors and draw them together.^ Expe- 
 rience shows that there are in city districts psychological neighbor- 
 
 ' It is a moot question whether the block unit should be four square, including 
 houses on the front street, two side streets, and back street; or should be made up of 
 the two sides of a single street between two cross-streets. The latter unit usually rep- 
 resents much more of neighborly interchange. 
 
 ^ Dr. Elliott's block plan was energized by the Cincinnati Social Unit through 
 paying one woman in each square to carry out the necessary visiting. These persons 
 thereby became employed servants of the organization and could be held responsible 
 for results of a routine sort. Settlement experience does not sustain such a method. 
 
 358 
 
THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 
 hoods, or colonies, just as in towns and villages, the actual bound- 
 aries, institutions, natural sets, and leaders of which the local 
 organizer must discover. These groupings generally transcend the 
 block. 
 
 On the basis of his plan. Dr. Elliott proceeded to form a local im- 
 provement association open to all residents in the district. Mem- 
 bers were secured from each block, who elected a committee to act 
 as guardians of block interests. The executive committee was 
 made up of block representatives who report illness, want, un- 
 sanitary conditions in their territory. The association raises 
 money, appoints persons to visit the sick, gives assistance in kind 
 and service, seeks employment for men, women, and youth out of 
 work, appeals to city departments and private agencies for assist- 
 ance in meeting needs beyond members' resource. 
 
 Several residents of South End House have had an active hand 
 in building up a local improvement society which has been con- 
 tinuously active since 1907. In some respects conditions affecting 
 the society are exceptionally favorable; in others peculiarly diffi- 
 cult. The section covered is almost entirely given over to lodging 
 houses. The people are for the most part American and Canadian. 
 Twenty years ago the tone of the district was low and public spirit 
 had almost disappeared. By means of a room registry, acquaint- 
 ance and working relations were established with some two hun- 
 dred well-disposed lodging-house keepers, nearly all women. Next 
 a woman's club was formed. These two organizations provided an 
 informal system of surveillance including every block in the section, 
 through which specific complaints could be made to the police and 
 effectively followed up. Many criticisms of municipal sanitary 
 services for removal of ashes and garbage and cleaning of streets 
 and alleys led to a public meeting at which the people found a com- 
 mon voice. The group was given official assurance of better service 
 on condition that it would report difficulties systematically and 
 specifically. 
 
 This situation brought the improvement society into existence, 
 and the persistent following up of such matters has been its char- 
 acteristic line of action. It has, however, had much to do with se- 
 curing a greatly needed new system of sewerage, repaving of many 
 streets, and improved lighting for the main thoroughfare. Aside 
 25 359 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 from a continuous succession of lesser achievements than these, it 
 has brought several hundred men and women out of an attitude of 
 universal distrust into a spirit of respect for many of their neigh- 
 bors and readiness to work together confidently for the common 
 good. 
 
 These are instances of a tendency which is expressing itself 
 broadly in organized form in as many as one hundred settlements 
 throughout the country. Indeed, with few exceptions, houses which 
 have been in existence ten years are continuously, in greater or less 
 degree, developing what is in essence the same method, though 
 often its expression may be quite as genuine in spite of being 
 informal. Such embodiment of local civic sentiment represents 
 the beginning of a gradual process by which the mind of the common 
 people may gather itself together, mobilize, and make the onset. 
 
 This method was developed during the period in which reformed 
 municipal administration, like most forms of voluntary social work, 
 has been dealing with the evils of local disintegration largely by 
 eliminating local autonomy. The highly centralized city govern- 
 ment of the present, with its tendency to place power in the hands 
 of a few administrators, takes from local citizens that responsible 
 hold upon public processes and officials which is in the long run in- 
 dispensable to democracy. Government by a city manager, with 
 heads of departments responsible to him, has great advantages. 
 The individual settlement, by aligning itself with this tendency, has 
 been able to secure for its community large new resources. In so 
 doing it sets up a system of public services often far in advance of 
 what district political leaders are capable of achieving. 
 
 But as soon as citizens begin to interest themselves in public life, 
 needs' and interests will again be represented by neighbors, and de- 
 partmental activities which directly and universally concern all the 
 citizens will be, in a substantial degree, locally controlled and 
 administered. Looking to this time, the settlement is patiently 
 working out a new educational method, which deals with intrinsic 
 interests and undertakes to bring forward a body of people whose 
 instincts as citizens shall come naturally and cumulatively out of 
 the smart and zest of experience. 
 
 Foregleams of such a community are appearing. As it emerges 
 it will of its own choice gather what seems worthy and lasting in 
 
 360 
 
THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 
 the various projects which the settlement has sought to develop 
 before it had come to corporate consciousness : a system of training 
 for children and adolescents in the essence of productive citizen- 
 ship and in the happy and beautiful exercise of their personal 
 powers; some well-considered and tested approaches to just and 
 advancing standards of earning and spending, with a clear outlook 
 toward co-operative participation in both; something of a locally 
 applied science for the enhancement of health and vitality, protec- 
 tion of public morals, and administration of education and recrea- 
 tion for the fulfilment and exaltation of life. 
 
 Thus place fellowship, in the new potency which the settlement 
 discovers within it, intimates the possibility not only of civic regener- 
 ation but of a more creative, more human order of society. 
 
 361 
 
VII 
 GRASP AND REACH 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII 
 SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 
 TAKING the settlement as an agency in itself, five groups 
 enter into its scheme of organization: the resident staff, 
 non-resident volunteers or associate workers, financial sup- 
 porters, board of governors or council, and neighborhood partici- 
 pants. The settlement holds no brief in favor of importing out- 
 siders to carry on neighborhood affairs. Wherever possible, all of 
 these groups should be composed of local citizens, and the financial 
 charges be borne by the several joint partners. If, however, the re- 
 sources of skill, leadership, and money are insuflTicient to demands 
 of physical and moral well-being, men and women of goodwill from 
 without must lend a hand ; and if the manner of life is un-American, 
 responsible citizens generally are in duty bound to act. These 
 principles, embodied and demonstrated in the career of five hundred 
 American settlements, were, by revelations of the war period, made 
 axiomatic.! 
 
 The qualities sought in residents are few but important : charac- 
 ter, natural ability, advanced if not professional training, power of 
 initiative, vision, sympathy, instinct for team play, and capacity to 
 mingle with all sorts and conditions of people in simplicity of spirit. 
 In the case of administrators and heads of departments, these 
 traits should be combined with something of the artist's instinct 
 for organizing his material into a pattern at once serviceable and 
 beautiful ; and there must be an underlying potentiality for uniting 
 morality, practical living, and something of statecraft into a vital 
 whole. The fine tradition established by Canon Barnett, that 
 the quality chiefly to be desired in house members is a genuine 
 desire to understand life and to foster its highest and most demo- 
 cratic expressions, remains the touchstone by which neophytes are 
 tested. The majority of residents continue to be recruited from 
 
 ' See Appendix, p. 427, Note XVII. — Initiating Forces. 
 363 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 institutions of higher education, though exemplars of any depart- 
 ment of knowledge and skill are enlisted as need dictates.^ 
 
 A single resident could hardly make a settlement ; nor do several 
 individuals of monotonously similar ideas and powers suggest that 
 diversity, richness, and complexity of experience, power, and aim 
 which are characteristic of many settlement households. At its 
 best a resident staff is a miniature world of culture and resource. 
 The most effective groups include men and women, young and old, 
 married and unmarried, who represent that range of interests, 
 training, and opinion which is likely to meet the variety of life in 
 the neighborhood. In addition to natural antithesis of age, sex, 
 and conjugal status it is of decided advantage to have in the house 
 representatives of leading local nationalities and traditions. The 
 presence in particular of communicants of the dominant faiths 
 secures a more adequate and sympathetic interpretation of the 
 people's mind, keeps the house in a degree of religious fellowship 
 with them, and serves to clergy as a guarantee of fair play.^ 
 
 Closely involved with the principle of residence is continuity of 
 service. The motive power of settlements in whatever stage of de- 
 velopment is the nucleus of experienced residents. While main- 
 taining that readiness for spontaneous ways and motives which 
 is the settlement's source not only of attraction but of energy, they 
 carry on its traditions, interpreting the local community to new 
 residents and even on occasion to a new headworker. They 
 steadily hold for the house the confidence of the neighbors. 
 
 What the personnel of a house can accomplish varies directly 
 with the average length of stay of the headworker and the respon- 
 sible directors of departments. Frequent infusion of fresh energy 
 into every resident group is, on the other hand, to be desired. The 
 local demand for novelty is thus met, and older members of the 
 staff are stimulated to fresh enthusiasm. The quickness with 
 which newcomers are received into neighborhood fellowship, once 
 they are recognized as of the settlement family, is among the most 
 striking facts about long-established houses. It is part of the 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 428, Note XVIII.— Resident Personnel, for further discussion 
 of qualities desired in residents, conditions under which they live and work, and 
 the duties and opportunities of directors and staff workers. 
 
 = See Appendix, p. 435, Note XIX.— Interplay of Religious Loyalties. 
 
 364 
 
SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 
 . scheme of things to make opportunity for exceptionally able men 
 and women who are willing to give a short period of intensive 
 service. 
 
 The quality above all others which gives distinction and force to 
 good work is capacity of the staff for team play. While the impor- 
 tance of securing strong individuals cannot be overemphasized, that 
 sense of loyalty to one another, to the household as a working unit, 
 and to the enterprise as a whole which characterize settlements at 
 their best, is a priceless possession. The interplay between men 
 and women interested in the progress of art? science, and politics 
 rubs off crudeness and disciplines thought. Responsible discussion 
 about broad questions of a changing civilization ; stir of participa- 
 tion in local, city, state, and national reforms; daily first-hand 
 contact with the dramatic cross-currents which attend political 
 action, are in high degree vitalizing to intellect and spirit. Frequent 
 guests from the city at large and visitors from many parts of the 
 country and from other nations prevent a too parochial outlook. 
 
 The individuality of each settlement and the range and scope of 
 its work are determined by the number in residence, proportion of 
 men and women, average length of service, and the interests of 
 members. The strongest groups include men and women in nearly 
 equal proportions. A considerable number of houses with mature 
 organization and recognized standing are in possession of equip- 
 ment and resource sufficient to attract and maintain a staff of 
 twenty or more. Leadership for any live local interest is easily ob- 
 tained either from residents or by a call for volunteers. 
 
 The entire force at settlements which have from four to ten 
 residents is necessarily held to the immediate tasks of visitation, ad- 
 ministration of clubs and classes, and co-operation with other 
 agencies. Despite often severe limitations of money and service 
 and by the very consistency of their local work, houses of this size 
 frequently isolate community problems of great importance and 
 outline means for their solution. 
 
 For the proper organization of community life a considerable 
 breadth and momentum of initiative is needed. Residents as ad- 
 ministrators of a complex enterprise are bound to be informed about 
 the latest and best results of research and experience in the sciences 
 which directly affect the art of life. They must therefore be in 
 
 365 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 touch with forward-looking institutions, groups, and individuals. 
 Volunteer associates are sought among persons of action and affairs, 
 business and professional men, musicians, artists, athletes, leaders 
 of social intercourse. These contribute whatever they possess of 
 power to influence others for the satisfaction of filling out demo- 
 cratic fellowship across dividing lines, and induction into the 
 mysteries of promoting co-operative action. Nearly all houses re- 
 joice in some volunteers with an inbred sense of communal re- 
 sponsibility, who often contribute a precious kind of sagacity, 
 gained through family tradition, personal observation and consulta- 
 tion with men and women interested in affairs, to the betterment 
 of one or another aspect of neighborhood life. 
 
 The fact that so large a share of the institutional activities of 
 settlements is with children and young people makes the assistance 
 of those who have barely passed through adolescence peculiarly 
 valuable. Young men and women about to enter professional life 
 bring not only fresh feelings and ready understanding of youthful 
 impulses, but up-to-dite views and technique, unprejudiced in- 
 terest in human beings, and readiness to strike out in new direc- 
 tions. Not infrequently they turn up situations the full meaning 
 of which has escaped notice of older staff workers. Adults over 
 forty are peculiarly dependent on youths' interpretation of youth.^ 
 
 Responsibility to the community for financial obligations, value, 
 of program, character and ability of force rests, in the last analysis, 
 upon boards of directors. This body, like resident staff and corps 
 of volunteers and for the same reasons, should contain as wide a 
 variety of interests as possible, including representatives of the 
 major professions and the various departments of affairs. Neigh- 
 borhood representation is unusual, not because it has not been 
 sought, but because working people are hardly ever ready to match 
 authority with responsibility, and themselves feel distinctly at a 
 loss, when brought face to face with large and crucial problems of 
 equipment, staff, and the standard of the settlement as an educa- 
 tional agency. Exceptions are in districts virtually middle-class. 
 On the other hand it is true that neighbors sometimes fear control 
 of the settlement by outsiders who are little involved. This 
 entirely reasonable attitude finds its expression through the con- 
 ' See Appendix, p. 436, Note XX. — Non-resident Associates. 
 366 
 
SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 
 siderable and growing range of influence which is exercised by 
 club and house councils. Here neighbors are strongly repre- 
 sented, have solid stakes, and act with full assurance upon issues 
 that have positive significance to them. Such share in administra- 
 tion seems to represent the normal avenue through which neigh- 
 borhood control will develop. The councils spur residents to 
 secure full consideration by boards of directors of neighborhood 
 points of view, though the stimulus is rarely needed. This 
 practice suggests one of several reasons for providing substantial 
 residential representation on the governing board.^ 
 
 The most important concrete responsibility of the board is selec- 
 tion of a headworker, and through him or her of the salaried and 
 volunteer residents and assistants. The broad principles involved 
 in the program are usually determined in outline by the governing 
 body on the basis of recommendations made by the staff. The 
 feeling of seasoned residents that, subject to these principles, they, 
 a loyal group about a resident leader in first-hand daily contact 
 with a complicated and elusive situation, should initiate and carry 
 out the working policy of the house, represents one of the most vital 
 phases of settlement administration.* 
 
 Settlement workers created the profession of local community 
 organization. Among the qualities shown to be necessary in a 
 headworker, several stand out as absolute prerequisites. First is 
 an instinctive bias toward democracy as a system of thought and a 
 plan of life, reinforced by a true, though not necessarily striking, 
 capacity for sociability. Some of the ablest head residents do not 
 naturally possess the innate zest for camaraderie which distin- 
 guishes a successful ward leader; though, what is more to the 
 point, they are almost always masters of the art of creating and 
 disseminating a spirit of fellowship under conditions of dignity 
 and honor. 
 
 The successful settlement leader must, however, through some 
 sort of personal power, be able to stimulate the local community to 
 gather its resources for solution of its own difficulties. A certain 
 type of headworker in the past has stood somewhat apart from the 
 human interplay of the neighborhood, and through skill in analysis 
 
 • See Appendix, p. 437, Note XXI. — Boards. 
 2 See Appendix, p. 440, Note XXII. — Head Residents. 
 367 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 presented a case before officials and citizens which brought about 
 substantial benefits. Less and less is it possible to secure results at 
 arm's length, and the community organizer of the future must 
 exercise leadership through participation. That this sort of power 
 is rare is generally admitted. 
 
 The spiritual energy which is the mark of good settlements 
 must be generated and sustained by their leaders. They must 
 carry new residents over the first feeling of helplessness and desola- 
 tion, find a place for each, often through many readjustments, with 
 due regard for disposition and ability; mediate between varying 
 and sometimes conflicting temperaments, help to overcome the 
 depression, loneliness, and homesickness that from time to time 
 grow out of exceptional relations and surroundings. They must 
 direct the activity of residents, teachers, and associates who carry 
 on clubs, classes, and other stated undertakings, and of interested 
 neighbors, so as to bring out the characteristic skill of each indi- 
 vidual; weld all these forces into a loyal group; secure from this 
 highly complex instrument maximum results of knowledge, ex- 
 perience, and power. 
 
 Financing of settlements, on account of the complexity of inter- 
 ests involved, is characterized by niceties of policy, easily misunder- 
 stood or neglected. Contributors at practically all houses are or- 
 ganized into an association, membership in which carries the tacit 
 implication of moral support. Methods of solicitation are patterned 
 upon those employed by colleges and scientific institutions. Public 
 entertainments, fairs and similar enterprises, and forms of appeal 
 which trade on the insufficiency either of individuals or groups are, 
 in large degree, avoided.* 
 
 Nearly all houses at some period in their histories have had to 
 take a stand upon issues which for the time made their financial 
 problems more difficult. Experience has clearly shown, however, 
 that aside from the inestimable spiritual gains of a, program of 
 breadth and freedom, houses administered with vision and courage 
 ere long win a loyal body of support. Financial struggle has been 
 the mark of all influential settlements; those heavily funded rarely 
 show equal vitality. 
 
 The part taken by a board in raising money is affected in impor- 
 ' See Appendix, p. 441, Note XXIII. — Financial Associations. 
 368 
 
SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 
 tant measure by the way in which the house originated. Settle- 
 ments established by churches, clubs, and educational agencies, 
 or by voluntary committees, naturally face the question of sup- 
 port as part of the detail of organization. Houses founded by 
 residents themselves, which included most early ventures, were at 
 first financed through their efforts. Gradually, as the number 
 of supporters increase, boards of directors were found willing to 
 assume regular responsibility toward raising funds. Such transi- 
 tion should not be made until the board fully appreciates the ex- 
 perimental motive at the basis of the settlement idea, since it is 
 all too easy for directors to fall into an attitude of merely protecting 
 already established activities. It will, perhaps, always be neces- 
 sary for the headworker to prove the case for experiment, and if 
 necessary to secure needed funds for it. 
 
 In a number of settlements head residents organize the financial 
 campaign and personally secure the bulk of needed income. The 
 leader in practical work is thus brought into mutually educational 
 relations with public-spirited business men and large-minded re- 
 sponsible women of means. Capacity for analysis and exposition 
 is tested at every step, actual achievement is measured, and new 
 projects criticized. These gains go far toward compensating for 
 loss of time from neighborhood service involved in the collection of 
 money. 
 
 Neighborhood support in the form of fees amounts in a large num- 
 ber of houses to about a tenth of the budget. Moderate sums toward 
 erection of new buildings, and toward such equipment as flagpoles, 
 flags, street clocks, gymnasium apparatus, pictures, and books are 
 raised by clubs.' An increasing number of houses are in possession 
 of more or less substantial endowments. This relieves the head res- 
 ident, in important measure, not only from burden and uncertainty 
 but from a certain personal embarrassment. The fact that his 
 
 ' The general expense account of the settlement appeals in much slighter degree 
 to neighborhood givers. In a few instances, chief of which is Hudson Guild, 
 neighbors, subscribers, and board of managers unite in organizing and carrying on 
 an 2(nnual bazaar. This event brings all parties at interest together for work and 
 play, promotes acquaintance, and helps with the sinews of war. Several houses, 
 among them College Settlement, Philadelphia, and Lincoln House, Boston, call 
 upon small business people of the neighborhood for contributions to the regular 
 work of the house. University Settlement, New York, has come to be loyally 
 supported by graduates who have moved out of the neighborhood. 
 
 369 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 salary is not paid out of current receipts puts him in a much stronger 
 position with contributors. But it is nowhere felt to be desirable 
 that the entire settlement income should come from endowments. 
 Each year's work should present its lessons and justify its appeal. 
 
 The organization and administration of a settlement are decid- 
 edly conditioned by the attitude of supporters and residents to- 
 ward religious instruction in the house, toward the way in which 
 local reform may be expected to come to pass, and toward the im- 
 mediate capacity of neighbors to participate in management. 
 Religious affiliations of initiators, supporters, and administrators 
 are important, because they color the activities which can be 
 undertaken and the local response that may be expected. Most 
 religious agencies seek extension of a certain set of ideas. Sectarian 
 settlements, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish, are effective in com- 
 munities where the people are of like faith, but they find serious 
 difficulty in planning for a religiously cosmopolitan locality or for 
 neighborhoods in process of change. 
 
 The largest and most influential group of settlement leaders 
 living in cosmopolitan localities, whatever their personal beliefs, 
 order the work under their charge so as to exclude all sectarian in- 
 fluence in government, administration, and activities of the house. 
 Nearly all, of their own choice, would earnestly desire their work to 
 have the fullness and power that inclusion of a vital religious pro- 
 gram gives. One of the bitter fruits of sectarianism, however, is the 
 unwillingness of many people to accept even the simplest human 
 overtures under a religious banner other than that to which they 
 are attached. Settlements making no religious appeal are able to 
 rehabilitate many of the human values of the parish system. A 
 group of such houses co-operating can cover a great section of the 
 city and assume a measure of moral responsibility for the solid body 
 of its inhabitants in some such way as the church did before it was 
 rent asunder.^ 
 
 While it is almost impossible for houses directly affiliated with religious organi- 
 zations to attract a broad neighborhood constituency in cosmopolitan areas the 
 miracle occasionally happens. Chicago Commons and Union Settlement, New 
 York, organized churches to minister to persons not otherwise cared for; both, how- 
 ever, grant the use of their rooms to struggling congregations of other faiths and 
 denominations. It is made clear in both cases that what goes on in the religious 
 center is distinctly separate and apart from the characteristic activity of the settle- 
 
 370 
 
SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 
 Houses organized and supported by churches and carrying on 
 religious instruction as part of an institutional program, constitute 
 a considerable group. Nearly all of these, among which are in- 
 cluded those that have grown out of Young Men's and Young 
 Women's Christian Associations, King's Daughters, and other 
 specialized agencies, carry on some form of Protestant religious 
 activity even where the house is located in a neighborhood chiefly 
 Catholic or Jewish. Meetings of clubs and classes are sometimes 
 opened with Bible readings, hymns, or prayers; there are Sunday 
 schools, Sunday evening services, and mid-week prayer meetings. 
 Residents are likely to be expert and zealous in methods of Protest- 
 ant revivalism. Their claim to undenominationalism is true only 
 within the range of Protestant sects. 
 
 A number of churches have been stimulated, by the example and 
 influence of settlements, to organize and maintain institutional 
 activities of a high grade. Clubs and classes in their parish houses 
 are oftea carried on in a spirit of broad liberality and are of real 
 assistance to large groups of families. But such effort is always 
 frankly subordinate to religious activities, a fact recognized by the 
 neighborhood. 
 
 The rescue mission situated among the foreign born, which calls 
 itself a settlement on the basis of a few clubs and classes, has been 
 from the first a serious factor in creating misunderstanding about 
 neighborhood work, both among people of the district and the 
 public at large. A certain taint of dishonor is cast on the essential 
 honesty and good faith of the church that supports it. The mission 
 serves no specific local purpose and throws settlement work into dis- 
 repute. The already difficult problem of reconciling first and second 
 generation among Jewish and Catholic immigrants is made harder. 
 
 Though for two decades the attitude of the Roman Catholic 
 Church to the settlement was non-committal where it was not 
 antagonistic, an increasing body of its people, lay and clerical, feel 
 the value of social work and the importance of neighborhood re- 
 
 ment. These examples are but exceptions which prove the rule. Other houses 
 similarly organized severed their official religious connections and placed them- 
 selves upon incontrovertible ground as to sectarian neutrality. In these instances 
 it was soon found, as is commonly the case, that there is no real lack of churches and 
 missions, while there is tragic paucity of organizations that can supply neighbor- 
 hood need. 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 construction. 1 This change of attitude is being brought to pass 
 through eflforts of young Catholics who believe that the church 
 must recognize the influence of economic and community condi- 
 tions on religion. Overwork, underpayment, and careless ways of 
 association affect loyal fulfilment of religious obligations and 
 weaken home training of children. Immigrants especially need 
 the resourceful secular assistance of the church, lest in the general 
 disintegration of group life in a new country they lose the values 
 of religious tradition. A serious danger, from the point of view of 
 the church, is that children of Catholic immigrants may grow up 
 conceiving American citizenship as indifferent to religion. 
 
 Of settlements which work among Jews, the larger number are 
 organized and supported by non-Jews; but an important group of 
 local centers is conducted specifically by Jews for Jews.* Such 
 agencies aim to make the immigrant Jew as efficient as possible, so 
 that he may progress into a more desirable quarter. The neighbor- 
 hood is looked upon as a receiving station, the first step in an assured , 
 series. Officers are quite frank in stating that should their people 
 move, the agency would follow or be given up. Certain such 
 centers, as time passes and successive waves of population continue 
 Jewish, develop a substantial neighborhood sense and come clearly 
 within the settlement fraternity. 
 
 Hardly less a factor in, coloring the work of various houses than 
 their outlook on religious instruction, is the philosophy of progress 
 held by those in charge. One wing among the settlements takes the 
 ground that society is co-ordinated as individuals become wiser and 
 more moralized; these seek the conversion of young people to 
 canons of correct living. The house devotes its resources to dis- 
 covering able and tractable children, developing their powers, and 
 assisting their progress. Such centers tend to specialize in educa- 
 tion, religion, or charity. Work of the staff is usually devoted and 
 careful, and manifests a high degree of concern for personal char- 
 acter and family life. If proselytism be avoided, the house often 
 
 ^ Between ten and twenty houses organized, administered, and financed by 
 Catholics open their classes, clubs, and recreational opportunities freely to Protes- 
 tants and Jews. The faith of non-Catholic children is carefully respected. 
 
 ' There are 31 settlements organized and financed by non-Jews which are carried 
 on for the benefit of Jews, and 38 settlements organized and maintained by Jews for 
 Jews. 
 
 372 
 
SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 
 carries on, with success, a good share of the more formal under- 
 takings common to settlements and sometimes attains a general 
 acquaintance with its neighborhood. 
 
 By contrast, there are a few residents who feel that the chief 
 duty and opportunity of persons interested in furthering democ- 
 racy is to assist existing wage-earners' organizations and to form 
 new ones. They believe the necessity for taking funds from well- 
 to-do, and assumption of institutional responsibilities, injure the 
 spirit of the house and disqualify it to participate in people's lives.^ 
 Advocates of this view usually withdraw from the settlement to 
 become organizers in trade unions and similar associations. 
 
 The majority of residents hold that their chief service is to pre- 
 pare people and particularly the young for greater and more re- 
 sponsible participation in industry, government, and higher leisure- 
 time interests. The settlement is to be "the yeast that starts the 
 social rising. "2 Their point of view reaches widely enough to in- 
 clude those who may look to a comprehensive reorganization of 
 society. Crudities, mistakes, or even hoodlumism are tolerated 
 with patience because only through enduring the pains as well as 
 enjoying the fruits of democracy can citizens learn how to govern 
 themselves and how to unite for co-operative production. The 
 business of the neighborhood organizer is hopefully to urge forward 
 such work among the foundations, and to assure those groups 
 which show themselves capable of collective self-management ever 
 increasing opportunities of expansion and fulfilment. 
 
 The attitude of residents toward the significance of locality in 
 bringing about reform also has an important influence on the struc- 
 ture of certain houses. A not inconsiderable proportion of residents 
 live in the neighborhood without seeking to affect its public life. 
 They organize clubs and classes, become acquainted with a number 
 of adults, and occupy a real place among the people. Their in- 
 fluence is for good in the lives of individuals and families with whom 
 they are in close relations; but they only infrequently take the 
 initiative in movements for public improvement. 
 
 ' An early statement of this attitude is found in Edward King's review of Stanton 
 Coit's Neighbourhood Guilds, published in Charities Revieii, pp. 77-86, December, 
 1891. 
 
 2 John L. Elliott. 
 
 26 373 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 By contrast, some settlement leaders, few in number but impor- 
 tant in influence, exercise their chief function in carrying out ex- 
 periments, instigating civic enterprise, and in reinforcing local 
 forms of organization. They believe that the neighborhood is a 
 unit within which suggestive types of social work may be focused, 
 with a view to discovering results which by extension may be ap- 
 plied throughout the city. Such undertakings have been carried 
 on by persons of great ability and from that fact have gained 
 unique value. 
 
 The majority of houses the country over seek to secure fulfilment 
 of all functional needs of the neighborhood in which they have 
 thrown their lot. The scope of resident activity may be as broad 
 and inclusive as local government, and as detailed and homely as 
 that of the ward politician. By knowing every nook and cranny of 
 the community, by establishing acquaintance both at the rallying 
 center and outer circumference, by tracking the subtle course of 
 multitudinous interests which shape local material and moral wel- 
 fare, and by entering into human fellowship with men, women, and 
 children both in their more public and in their more secluded round 
 of life the settlement seeks to set in motion currents of good opinion 
 which, as they interact and reinforce one another, affect families as 
 families, village groups found in particular blocks and streets, and 
 the loyalties, political, industrial, and moral, which hold neighbor- 
 hood people in general together. Such ends cannot be secured 
 merely by organizing clubs and classes. They are the result of 
 initiating, accompanying, and following up organization with 
 many sorts of adventurous acquaintance and intercourse. This 
 opens the way toward assimilating into local life many city-wide 
 services, public and voluntary, and toward the incitement of 
 distinctively local forms of association and leadership. This policy 
 by no means prevents the exercise of influence beyond accepted 
 regional bounds. It is indeed the settlements of this prevailing 
 type which, of recent years, have been effectively integrating their 
 forces, and giving front to their cause, in the large scene of the city 
 as a whole. 
 
 374 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV 
 CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 IT IS one of the distinctive sources of the quality of fascination 
 which the settlement has for its adherents that, in however 
 small a scene, they feel themselves participating in a wide- 
 reaching enterprise. Each responsible member of the staff finds 
 that his or her work is serving in some degree to shape a typical 
 scheme of neighborhood evolution which will carry suggestion and 
 stimulus far beyond local bounds. Apparently careless about 
 multiplication of its kind, the settlement has trusted the winds to 
 carry the seed; but its attitude has been a mark of confidence in 
 the spreading and reduplicating power of its motive. This confi- 
 dence has found its specific justification in upwards of five hun- 
 dred establishments in the United States which sufficiently bear the 
 original impress. Today still wider dissemination of the settle- 
 ment motive is in forms that distinguish themselves from it, but the 
 origin of which is unmistakable; these forms have not a little to 
 impart, but must continue to draw sustenance from the parent 
 stem. 
 
 Settlements from the first were conscious of the city in its en- 
 tirety as a vast composite problem, as a great community against 
 which their combined forces must, in due time, be integrated. The 
 actual alignment of the several houses among themselves came out 
 of the duty of uniting to gain results necessary in each locality but 
 not to be accomplished within the limits of a neighborhood. Resi- 
 dents from different houses began very early to exchange results 
 of their first broad common experience, that of acting as voluntary 
 and in a few cases official inspectors for municipal departments. 
 Here and there two houses pooled forces to secure more careful and 
 frequent collection of ashes and garbage, to obtain a public play- 
 ground, to control prostitution. Something in the nature of in- 
 formal committees to carry continuous responsibilities of this sort 
 
 375 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIION 
 
 came into being. About 1900 the swarming instinct began to 
 assert itself. 
 
 The first association of settlements, that formed in 1894 >" 
 Chicago, was city-wide. Its early meetings were devoted to distress 
 caused by business depression, though there was also exchange of 
 news about difficulties encountered in club and class work. Dread 
 of anything suggesting outside control of individual houses was 
 strongly felt; therefore little in the nature of combined practical 
 action was undertaken, and a tradition was created under which 
 the bond of inter-settlement organization was held lightly. 
 
 The earliest systematic attempt by several settlements to unite 
 forces for the purpose of defining district problems and securing 
 their solution through appeal to city and state took place in Boston. 
 The South End Social Union in 1899 found its cue in a district situa- 
 tion. Located in what Edward Everett Hale once described as the 
 most charitied district in Christendom, the federated settlements 
 passed a rule that no person should be in regular membership at 
 more than one house, and arranged to exchange lists of members 
 at least once a year. A scheme of neighborhood bounds, following 
 geographic, economic, and racial lines of separation, was adopted. 
 This move not only eliminated competition between houses, but 
 established the conception of special duty and opportunity within 
 and to a given locality. Federation thus had the effect of emphasiz- 
 ing the individuality of each house. A similar organization was 
 formed a few years later to cover the North and West Ends; and 
 in 1908 the district federations combined in the Boston Social 
 Union. 1 
 
 The New York Association of Neighborhood Workers, which in 
 1919 became the United Neighborhood Houses, was organized in 
 1900, and in 1905 the New Jersey federation, organized in March 
 
 ' By 1904 a definite code had been evolved which has been in force ever since. 
 In 1908 a general card catalogue was prepared, an office secured and placed in 
 charge of a paid assistant secretary. The question of districting is always a live 
 one in the Union. While there is still an occasional member who, agreeing theo- 
 reticalli^ with the district plan, has felt practically hampered, yet it is the consensus 
 of opinion that through it the settlements have gained greatly in the reality and 
 influence of their work. 
 
 The development of settlement federation in Boston, from its beginnings, has 
 owed much to Ellen W. Coolidge, secretary of South End Social Union, later secre- 
 tary of Boston Social Union, and at present official representative in France of the 
 National Federation of Settlements. 
 
 376 
 
CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 of that year, expanded the method to include the state. The Balti- 
 more and Washington federation formed in 1906 reached across a 
 state boundary. Since 1906 federations have been created in 
 Brooklyn, Buffalo, San Francisco, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Minne- 
 apolis, and Richmond.! 
 
 The new background provided by federation leads to systematic 
 comparison of notes about the several types of work maintained at 
 the various houses, such as club activities for both sexes at different 
 age periods, instruction in hygiene, home-making and dancing, 
 visiting service. Out of such conferences a committee system de- 
 velops which means, at least during formative periods, a compre- 
 hensive organization of these specialized services. A certain dignity 
 is thus imparted to each phase of service, which as a fractional part 
 of the work of individual settlements it could not have. Less ex- 
 perienced directors at the more recently established houses are 
 brought under the influence of a kind of professional loyalty, while 
 exceptionally capable exponents of specialties are given a wider op- 
 portunity of leadership. From the point of view of educational 
 administration, this inter-departmental method affords something 
 of the values represented by supervisors in a public school system 
 in contrast with the work of general superintendence. 
 
 This principle, from time to time, leads a federation to employ a 
 director in dramatics, gardening, or some other subject, whose full 
 time no one settlement could expect to reserve. Services of such 
 leaders are shared among various houses, a portion of each week 
 being set apart for plans undertaken in the name of the federation 
 as a whole.* Through this circuit^riding method certain residents 
 and associates at each house develop into skilled assistants; and 
 more proficient members of clubs and classes at various settlements 
 are brought into working fellowship. 
 
 ' According to the best practice, city federations are made up formally of a group 
 of constituent houses, each house having one vote. Individuals are received as 
 members without vote. General meetings take place usually once a month at one 
 of the houses. Boston and New York federations maintain offices and secretaries. 
 Funds are raised in the beginning through small fees supplemented by gifts from 
 houses, with occasional subscriptions from individual donors for special purpose. 
 The later tendency is to raise the budget by a membership tax proportioned on an- 
 nual income. 
 
 2 This director usually lives at one of the settlements, or makes a series of visits 
 as a temporary resident at several. 
 
 377 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 These steps toward more thorough inter-settlement organization 
 by departments usually lead to appointment of committees on 
 standards, which set down as specifically as may be what is desir- 
 able and practicable in equipment, training workers, record keep- 
 ing, detailed conduct of club and class work, managing entertain- 
 ments and parties, and developing a visiting system. Development 
 of these several ways of co-operation among houses increases 
 wholesome emulation and reduces the tendency to narrow rivalry. 
 Judgment comes to be based on fact; ill-considered condemnation 
 is replaced by constructive suggestion and the growth of the habit 
 of mutual aid.i 
 
 Removal of overlapping and the establishment of definite terri- 
 torial responsibility are, in some of their aspects, important parts of 
 the work of most federations. Each house becomes a recognized 
 authority concerning its own neighborhood. The federation comes 
 to public knowledge as a distinctive agency striving to secure an 
 integrated and co-ordinated grasp on the facts of life in great 
 working-class districts of the city. 
 
 The policy of inducing the municipality or well-equipped volun- 
 tary associations broadly to apply forms of service demonstrated at 
 settlements is strongly reinforced through federation. Several 
 houses experiment with each given type of work and study its 
 adaptation in different kinds of neighborhoods. Claims of the new 
 enterprise are presented effectively to municipality and general 
 public in the name both of neighborhood and supporting constitu- 
 encies. City federations have been particularly influential in bring- 
 ing municipalities to devise comprehensive playground systems. 
 
 When the municipality has organized a new service the federa- 
 tion provides from locality to locality that reasonable surveillance 
 with classification of results so essential to any city-wide under- 
 taking. In the not uncommon event of failure to carry the enter- 
 prise through, the federation sometimes assumes responsibility 
 until the argument is once more made convincing to the public.'' 
 
 ^ Experience shows a distinct difference in this respect between cities in which the 
 settlements are and are not actively federated. 
 
 ' The Boston Social Union established and carried on gardening as an object 
 lesson to the public school administration. After several years garden work was 
 assumed by the school board. It was soon dropped, however. The Union took up 
 the gardens again on a broader scale and maintained them until they were resumed 
 by the school system. 
 
 378 
 
CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 Federation fosters an extensive system of law enforcement, cog- 
 nizant of facts in their full range, that is ready to function. Among 
 the first uses settlement federations make of their strength is to 
 sustain the work of housing commissions. For these material 
 of great value has been assembled and detailed support provided in 
 efforts for better administration of tenement laws.* Even more 
 significant has been the creation of a solid demand for the thorough 
 enforcement of outdoor sanitary laws in crowded neighborhoods. 
 The first comprehensive idea of juvenile delinquency as a problem 
 to be followed up closely in the districts in which it was most evi- 
 dent originated through team play among settlements. The united 
 houses are a continuous vigilance force, on the one hand bringing 
 facts about gambling, thieving, and immorality to the attention of 
 police, and on the other, formulating a general policy of preventive 
 work. In the case of newsboys, bootblacks, and messengers who 
 carry on their tasks to so great an extent outside neighborhood 
 limits, the problem has to be handled for the city as a whole.^ 
 
 In dealing with moral problems affecting child life the individual 
 settlement is bound to take account of the results of its action on 
 local public sentiment. Federation represents the city as a whole: 
 its action casts no reflections on any particular locality. Its com- 
 mittees study commercial amusement resorts and work in conjunc- 
 tion with police and with societies for the regulation of morals, 
 forcing proprietors of drinking-places, pool-rooms, dance halls, 
 theaters, motion picture shows, and amusement parks to obey the 
 law.'' 
 
 The maintenance of cordial relations and co-operation with 
 centrally organized societies sending out family visitors is of 
 immediate crucial importance to neighborhood agencies. Upon 
 matters in which both types of service are agreed, federation pro- 
 
 '■ The New York Association of Neighborhood Workers, through residents, club 
 members, and volunteers, undertook a survey of various streets in tenement neigh- 
 borhoods, and sent a report of findings to the commissioner of streets and to the 
 mayor. It requested that special attention be given to crowded neighborhoods 
 during warm weather. In 1907-1908, as a result of the report of the association, 
 the commissioner placed rubbish cans at street corners, and issued cards in four 
 languages asking the co-operation of householders. Householders and merchants 
 who offended against the sanitary ordinances were complained against. 
 
 " See Appendix, p. 442, Note XXIV. — Street Trades. 
 
 ' See Appendix, p. 443, Note XXV. — Commercial Amusement Resorts. 
 
 379 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 motes swift and productive interchange. The New York Associa- 
 tion of Neighborhood Workers responded at once to the campaign 
 against tuberculosis, now national and international, as soon as 
 it was instituted by the Charity Organization Society. Federa- 
 tion is, however, not less valuable in cases of divergence. The wellr 
 nigh universal disagreement between settlements and organized 
 charity ten years ago on the question of widows* pensions was in 
 good part a manifestation of opinion crystallized and pointed 
 through federation. Productive co-operation between the baby 
 hygiene association and the settlements of at least one city dates 
 from an ultimatum presented by the federation with regard to local 
 facts and issues the significance of which had been persistently 
 ignored. Only through united action is it possible to bring home 
 effectively to the public authorities the fact that there is a science 
 of localized adjustment as well as of centralized efficiency. 
 
 The promotion of new legislation as a separate phase of federated 
 activity has not been continuously prominent. There are always a 
 few resident groups which, magnifying the duties of neighborliness, 
 respond but slowly to any broad-scale program before the public, 
 and perhaps last of all to proposals for new legislation. Among 
 the whole settlement personnel of a city, only a few experienced 
 residents will have given much attention to such work, and the 
 majority enlist in it but gradually. One marked advantage of this 
 attitude is that the possibilities of existing statutes are likely to be 
 thoroughly followed up before new laws are proposed, and federa- 
 tion facilitates the local testing process. While it is true that all 
 federations give general support to certain measures from year to 
 year brought forward by various other agencies, committees on 
 legislation more and more limit their energies to a few bills which 
 can be supported with united power.^ Proposals that come directly 
 out of actual settlement experience are emphasized. Eye witnesses 
 and participants who speak of what they have seen and experienced 
 from street to street and neighborhood to neighborhood, have a 
 peculiar degree of authority with legislators. Such natural influence 
 
 ^ In New York and Boston there has all along been continuous federated effort 
 of this rather scattered sort. In New York, since 1906, the plan has been incident- 
 ally to assist other societies interested in legislation, but in the main to limit the 
 work of the Association of Neighborhood Workers to bills which vitally affect neigh- 
 borhoods. The Boston Social Union has followed very much the same policy. 
 
 380 
 
CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 is lost when settlement representatives appear in support of a vari- 
 ety of measures upon the merits of which they can have only a 
 general opinion. 
 
 Though the number of new laws sought by settlement groups 
 purposely has been kept small, two of the most important legisla- 
 tive developments of the generation, from the point of view of 
 more intelligent and resourceful democracy, trace their beginnings, 
 in an important degree, to neighborhood houses; namely, the 
 movement for abolition of child labor and the effort to bring about 
 universal vocational education. The New York Association of 
 Neighborhood Workers was a pioneer in connection with child 
 labor; the Boston Social Union in the matter of vocational edu- 
 cation. 
 
 Among early acts of the New York association was the appoint- 
 ment of a committee on child labor. The group not only collected 
 results of settlement experience, bilt enlisted outside individuals 
 and organizations and drew up a bill safeguarding the child's right 
 to education against low-grade parents and grasping employers. As 
 effects of the law on boys and girls, home, school, and local indus- 
 tries became clear, needed amendments were obtained. An historic 
 interest attaches to this enterprise since the committee, after a time, 
 became the State Child Labor Committee and later the nucleus 
 of the National Child Labor Committee, which has accomplished 
 truly noteworthy results. 
 
 The services of federation in the advancement of vocational ed- 
 ucation also represent an important contribution to national wel- 
 fare. In the days before public school authorities were interested 
 the subject was taken up with spontaneous unanimity first by 
 Boston settlements and then by those of New York, Baltimore, 
 and Chicago. In each city results of consequence were secured, 
 and momentum given to an educational policy which soon had a 
 marked effect on municipal, state, and national action. 
 
 In like manner, associated action among settlements in New 
 York and in Chicago has been a vital factor in calling attention to 
 certain important aspects in the treatment of immigrants. The 
 first suggestion for the New York State Committee on Immigra- 
 tion was put before Governor Hughes in 1907 at a dinner of the 
 Association of Neighborhood Workers held at Henry Street Settle- 
 
 381 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ment. Miss Wald was appointed a member of the commission. 
 The findings of the commission have also had an important influence 
 upon the action of other states than New York and of the national 
 government. 
 
 The discovery and utilization of power which resides in the con- 
 tinually increasing intelligence and collective capacity of settle- 
 ment constituencies is an important motive of federation. The 
 humble beginnings of such work may be traced back to exchange of 
 information between residents about institutions and resorts offer- 
 ing the rarer intellectual and esthetic pleasures. When federations 
 began to get under way they assumed as a regular service the is- 
 suing of bulletins descriptive of art museums and art schools, 
 called attention to opportunities for instruction in the arts and 
 crafts and the securing of properties and dramatic materials, and 
 conducted groups of children, aggregating large numbers, to 
 museums, parks, and historic monuments.^ 
 
 In Boston and New York inter-settlement dances are organized, 
 for the purpose of creating what will be remembered as a notable 
 social event, with residents and members of women's clubs as 
 chaperons. The Boston Social Union arranges inter-settlement 
 dinners largely attended by young men and young women club 
 members. Distinguished speakers are usually invited, but ad- 
 dresses given by some of the young people are even more memor- 
 able. Because dramatic art makes the liveliest of all educational 
 appeals to neighborhood young people, the giving of plays furnishes 
 a highly important means of educational intercommunication 
 among settlements. Federations see that especially good per- 
 formances at one house are repeated at others. At intervals of 
 years inter-settlement dramatic companies, made up of the best 
 players from different houses, are formed and performances of 
 standard dramas presented in some central place. Inter-settlement 
 debating in several cities provides an educational stimulus for 
 small groups. The most rewarding effort, however, toward inter- 
 settlement club relations thus far has been found in the mass meet- 
 ings of settlement women's clubs, which have been held in New 
 
 ' In 1908 the New York Association of Neighborhood Workers issued a bulletin 
 descriptive of available art museums and schools of art instruction. Within the 
 past few years a bulletin has been prepared outlining courses in various art crafts 
 and giving sources of material for festivals. 
 
 382 
 
CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 York under the lead of John L. Elliott, an undertaking realized 
 after years of consecutive effort at the different houses in connec- 
 tion with the individual organizations. 
 
 The logic of such enterprise finds its most unqualified expression 
 in connection with athletics. Here local group initiative strikes 
 out most confidently into inter-neighborhood relations. Baseball 
 leagues have been maintained with a considerable degree of con- 
 tinuity in the larger cities. Tournaments in track athletics are 
 quite common. On the whole, basketball, being the one vigorous 
 game that can be played indoors in winter, has been the most 
 available inter-settlement sport. It will easily be appreciated that 
 all the benefits and all the dangers that go with this great interest 
 at colleges present themselves to settlements; and here young men 
 residents who have had responsible experience of intercollegiate 
 athletics work out some of the most important issues in the whole 
 scheme of settlement fe4eration.i 
 
 One very important result of inter-settlement athletics, and in 
 general of inter-settlement recreative occasions, is that they bring 
 together young people of capacity from different parts of the city 
 into that wider acquaintance which they so deeply crave, and 
 give to such interchange a higher quality than it would otherwise 
 have. The fact that it is through a similar process that political 
 machines are constantly recruited, leads settlements to take de- 
 liberate pains that this wider acquaintance shall grow in a sound 
 environment. Boston settlements are gradually bringing about 
 such relations, summer and winter, among boys whom, to the 
 number of from three to four hundred yearly, they send to caddy 
 camps in connection with White Mountain hotels. Leaders feel 
 that through interchange in camp and at reunions, the wholesome 
 loyalties that are the essence of the plan will help create a new type 
 of organized political leadership. At this point the co-ordinated 
 
 ' Inter-settlement gatherings usually go on at the local houses where, naturally 
 enough, the representative neighborhood groups dominate the scene. For some 
 years, however, there has been an increasing tendency to organize such events on 
 an impressive scale. The New York United Neighborhood Houses hold athletic 
 tournaments in an armory. In different cities the final contest between winners 
 of inter-settlement games is often played in one of the best known halls for such 
 purposes, before audiences composed of representatives of all houses belonging to 
 the federation. Pageants, picnics, parades, are given in large city parks. Dram- 
 atic shows, dinners, and balls are held at some central place under conditions 
 affording city-wide significance to the occasion. 
 
 383 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 settlement program gives promise of a civic method^ as downright 
 and thorough as that by which the machines train up their trusted 
 lieutenants. 
 
 The federations look forward to the time when they will as a 
 regular part of their work organize large public gatherings attended 
 by neighborhood constituencies of the different houses, before which 
 types of public question vitally affecting them will thus find place 
 in the city's counsels. This problem, like every one upon which 
 settlements are engaged, cannot be solved by any sort of device 
 which may prove successful with a selection of specially responsive 
 people from out the general public. 
 
 The elemental challenge of the war period proved that federation 
 is the precisely adapted instrument through which government, in 
 its various official and semi-official phases, can at any and all times 
 call for local information and service. In New York the United 
 Neighborhood Houses, in order to enter fully into the national 
 project, reorganized its own forces. The Chicago federation was 
 quickened into new and vigorous life, while in Boston the organi- 
 zation of district forces, of which the settlement federation is the 
 solid nucleus, was considered sufficiently complete to obviate the 
 need of local councils of defense. 
 
 Ever clearer perception of the range of resource demanded for 
 adequate treatment of most forms of need, an important outcome 
 of wartime experience, tends strongly to bring the co-ordinated 
 settlements into more organic and continuous working relations 
 with other agencies for improvement of city conditions. The gen- 
 eral councils of social agencies furnish the most tangible sign of 
 this tendency. There are signs of promise of what will be still 
 more significant, a linking of settlement federation, representing 
 districts, with the varied and increasing fbrms of community or- 
 ganization that are beginning to combine in some cities to cover the 
 outlying sections. 
 
 The true settlement policy, and this the federations solidly rep- 
 resent, is to provide from early childhood the kind of psychological 
 training and experience which will develop democratic citizens; 
 and to bring the young person, first of all, in terms of his own keenly 
 felt interests, into that large organism of the city in which sense 
 and habit of citizenship can and will grow. From this precise point 
 
 384 
 
CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 of view there are two general directions in which federations in dif- 
 ferent cities are working out their thesis. They are seeking to de- 
 velop the best abilities of existing resident leadership at individual 
 houses, whether administrative or specialized. This purpose is 
 reinforced by a profound sense of the enriched service which 
 experienced settlement workers are able to render amid complicated 
 and exacting demands. It is also stimulated by the conviction that 
 residential groups at the settlements, as a specifically devised 
 training school in democracy, must discover and engage the rare 
 type of leader capable of drawing out tenement people, securing 
 their convinced co-operation, and bringing them to a real spirit of 
 self-expression and adventure. Skill of this sort is not common. 
 When it is found among people of wealth and leisure it is set apart 
 and honored; the political leader largely builds his fortunes on it; 
 and it is eagerly sought by various commercial enterprises. Its 
 possessors must be encouraged to give their services to making life 
 more romantic for all. 
 
 On the other hand, the federations increasingly seek neighbor- 
 hood representation for those interests in which substantial groups 
 of local people are clearly ready to participate without any sort of 
 forcing process. The results thus gained may, from the direct 
 point of view, seem to lack importance; but considered as the pro- 
 duct of inter-neighborhood team work they have much immediate 
 significance and carry a dynamic promise of great things for the 
 coming years. 
 
 In its ultimate meaning, settlement federation suggests a city 
 plan through which the city's good shall not only take shape but 
 draw life from its manifold human realities. 
 
 385 
 
CHAPTER XXXV 
 NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 A LL residents bear testimony to the change wrought in them 
 ZA through watching, day after day, the ebb and flow of workers 
 ■L V as of a mighty tide, to and from the mills; through experi- 
 encing the downward pull of an ugly and unclean environment, 
 while finding fellowship with men and women whose opinions and 
 personalities are as piquant, soundly formed, and as interesting as 
 those of their acquaintances in other quarters of the city. The 
 mind is not only enlarged by multitudinous new experiences, but 
 takes on edge by dealing with an actual world of people and events. 
 The neophite fresh from college finds himself, practically for the 
 first time, in a situation where material is no longer presented to 
 him, selected and predigested. He is forced to deal with purely 
 objective complexities made up of the raw materials of human 
 acts. Education, culture, and the refinements of life he finds to be 
 discounted rather than at a premium. Cherished plans and beliefs 
 are measured by their profitableness under the hard conditions of 
 practical wage-earning life. Often he has to acknowledge himself 
 outclassed in native powers by those brought up in poverty. 
 Gradually he escapes from the binding habit of utter dependence 
 on the printed page and learns to judge for himself. The experi- 
 mental motive which underlies all forms of settlement work devel- 
 ops and trains a spirit of inquiry and encourages a willingness to 
 follow leads off the beaten track. 
 
 Many residents and associate workers, through just this meas- 
 ure of experience, are freed from the incubus of conventional and 
 literary points of view, and learn to work productively with people 
 of other rounds of life. One of the greatest of American teachers 
 notices in college youth who have had the advantage of living in a 
 working-class community a more than usual quality of sympathetic 
 alertness, whose value to them he believes to be far greater than 
 
 386 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 anything they can contribute in return. This result is particularly 
 marked among recent graduates whose neighbor instincts have been 
 somewhat dulled by their spending a period of years in an academ- 
 ical background. For a generation the settlements, in a unique 
 and almost exclusive way, have been providing to educated young 
 people in all sections of the country an intense experience of neigh- 
 borliness. This radiating and interlacing influence can hardly 
 fail of recognition by the future historian of American morals. 
 
 A profoundly significant phase of settlement leavening power 
 affecting the whole country grows out of the influence of those men 
 and women who have been in residence for a time and then passed 
 out into almost the entire range of vocations. An impressive list 
 could be made of persons in important public positions who are 
 avowedly putting into practice some of the ideas and impulses 
 which they developed while in residence. Most permeating of all is 
 the contribution of women who, as wives, mothers, and neighbors, 
 are translating into their environment motives which were wrought 
 into their lives by months and years of coming and going in a 
 tenement neighborhood. 
 
 The continuous working personnel of the settlement is always 
 alert to spread its messages. The National Conference of Social 
 Work during the last decade has had four presidents from the 
 settlement fellowship: Jane Addams, Graham Taylor, Robert A. 
 Woods, and Julia C. Lathrop. Among the head residents whose 
 services have reached out through the country are: George A. 
 Bellamy, Cleveland; John L. Elliott, New York; Mary E. Mc- 
 Dowell, Chicago; Jane E. Robbins, New York; Mary Kingsbury 
 Simkhovitch, New York; Harriet E. Vittum, Chicago; Lillian D. 
 Wald, New York; Eva W. White, Boston; Gaylord S. White, New 
 York. Beyond these there is a group of heads of houses who, 
 through years of close-range experience, have achieved broad and 
 far-reaching influence in their regions of the country. Some of 
 these are: Elizabeth H. Ashe, San Francisco; Charles C. Cooper, 
 Pittsburgh; Anna F. Davies, Philadelphia; Frances McG. Ingram, 
 Louisville; Herbert H. Jacobs, Milwaukee; William E. McLen- 
 nan, Buffalo; Eleanor McMain, New Orleans; James A. Rath, 
 Honolulu; Bessie D. Stoddart, Los Angeles; James O. White, 
 Cincinnati. 
 
 387 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 A remarkable fact about settlement work is found in the long 
 periods of service which these head residents have rendered. All 
 have been at their present posts for more than ten years, and some 
 for more than twenty-five. Nearly all are at the highest point of 
 their power and influence. The question is raised with interest and 
 sometimes with seriousness as to their successors. Undoubtedly 
 the pioneer stage of any enterprise makes its special appeal; but it 
 is clear that every settlement with an established history has a 
 loyal following of present and former residents from among whom 
 a qualified leader will come forward when the need arises. But 
 in general the strong claims of so thoroughly an established tradi- 
 tion of leadership, and the breadth and momentum of the cause, 
 furnish ample guarantees for the future. 
 
 A marked characteristic of the settlement is the large proportion 
 of those attached to it even for short periods who have served to 
 broadcast its message, undoubtedly the most vital way through 
 which its motive and spirit have been disseminated.^ In more 
 formal ways hardly a staff member but has in some degree been an 
 interpreter from the platform, while resort to the printed page has 
 been general and continuous." Exponents have not been lacking 
 who have reached the large and general public by their writings. 
 Jacob A. Riis, devoted settlement godfather, Lillian W. Betts, 
 Zona Gale, Myra Kelley, and Ernest Poole, to name but a few, 
 have been able to make their readers feel that people of tenement 
 districts are neighbors indeed. 
 
 It is the rare fortune of settlements that their chief interpreter is 
 also their pre-eminent leader. Reverencing individuals and the 
 fundamental personal relationships as only a woman can, Jane 
 Addams interprets each particular outward situation in terms of 
 the deepest convictions. The reserve force of essentially sound, 
 wholesome human feeling which lies in almost all men and women 
 shows through and glorifies the procession of saints and sinners 
 that, in modern instances, move across her pages. The veniality 
 of the ward boss does not blind her to his warm, kindly qualities 
 
 ' See Appendix, p. 443, Note XXVI. — Interpretation through Conference and 
 Print. 
 
 2 See references to literature in the authors' Handbook of Settlements and the 
 bibliography to this volume. 
 
 388 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 any more than his good deeds hide the fact that half unwittingly 
 and half knowingly he tears down the fabric of the common life. 
 Through the misguided acts of youth thrown upon the city streets 
 she discerns the upward striving of the child mind and soul. With 
 simple feminine directness she points out the duty of the state to 
 guard and upbuild individuals and families. Whether interpreting 
 immigrants, pleading for a better educational system, showing the 
 reasonableness of peace or the promise and power of woman 
 suffrage, there looms through all her words the vision of a redeemed 
 society. 
 
 Moral and financial supporters of the settlement are, in differ- 
 ent degrees, affected by its attitude of mind and the tendency to 
 disseminate its aims. Associate workers in large numbers are de- 
 sired not only to reinforce neighborhood services, but for the sake 
 of the influence upon them and their circles of friends. It was 
 partly to this end that houses were often placed so as to make 
 passage between the contrasted portions of the city as convenient 
 as possible. Associate workers become acquainted with a few 
 aspects of the background and meet representative local men and 
 women. Many are on terms of friendship with a small group of 
 families. 
 
 Financial supporters, not less than residents and volunteers, 
 both give and receive. A substantial number of contributors have 
 at some time participated in the work of the house and follow with 
 informed interest the use to which their money is put. Givers who 
 can be induced to do so are brought into personal touch with the 
 department toward which they have some natural inclination. 
 Those not coming into direct contact with the settlement are still 
 willingly held in a net of conversation, letters, and reports. 
 
 The proportion of subscribers free to set aside a regular period of 
 time for neighborhood relations is small. While this fact is a source 
 of disappointment, residents have discovered many who, though 
 unwilling to attend gatherings or exercise personal leadership, are 
 ready to help with some of the broader house efforts^ The general 
 resources, affiliations, and interests represented by the body of 
 givers are important assets in securing civic improvements and 
 hastening legislation. These allies often assist not only by taking a 
 stand themselves on public questions, but by missionary work 
 27 389 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 among their friends and associates. Ramifications of such influence 
 extend far and crop up in unexpected places. 
 
 The earnest hope of the founders that after settlements had at- 
 tracted and molded the physically virile, rough-and-ready type of 
 ability characteristic of working-class localities, it would produce 
 a new type of leaders in trade unionism and local politics has not 
 been fulfilled. A few such labor officials might be cited and a 
 larger number of rising politicians; but given the opportunity of 
 education, youths of this quality do not for the most part aspire 
 in these directions. While their influence has been lost to popular 
 movements, many have brought the results of their knowledge and 
 training to the organization of public education and to different 
 forms of social work. A number of new settlements have been 
 established by such graduates. There are not a few masters of 
 schools, lawyers, doctors, business men, and public officials who 
 are using their settlement upbringing to good purpose. And 
 quite as encouraging as manifestations of leadership, is the already 
 great and constantly increasing constituency of men and women, 
 former members of settlement clubs and classes, who are establish- 
 ing a higher type of home life, a more gracious neighborhood asso- 
 ciation, and a more ethical attitude as private citizens toward 
 public affairs. 
 
 In manifold ways influences set in motion from the settlement 
 have helped to reduce the total of class bitterness. In season and 
 out, residents convey to the community at large their profound 
 respect for the fundamental moral rectitude of tenement dwellers, 
 and their appreciation of the sustaining and regenerating power of 
 even low-grade homes. They have also enforced the truth that, 
 despite burden and tragedy, working people have great reserves of 
 simple gaiety and humor; that the practice of generosity and kind- 
 liness is carried to a degree beyond the conception of those who 
 know only the charity of the well-to-do; and that the capacity to 
 triumph over every kind of obstacle is far more common than is 
 believed. 
 
 The attitude of the older American stock toward immigrant 
 racial groups, the right orientation of which is now known to be 
 essential to our national existence, would today be less developed, 
 less discerning, less fraternal without the presence in nearly all of 
 
 390 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 the great urban immigrant strongholds of men and women whose 
 reason for being there is the cultivation of reciprocal interests be- 
 tween people of native and of foreign antecedents. 
 
 Interaction of residents, volunteers, and supporters with neigh- 
 bors has its sure effect on local opinion. As working people come 
 to know men and women of culture and organizing power, they 
 understand the responsible and humanizing use of the resources of 
 life and are less moved by irresponsible and railing criticism. 
 
 The response of wage-earning and immigrant communities to the 
 settlement overture is best indicated by the steady continuance and 
 progress of neighborhood houses and by the increasing amount of 
 responsibility in their enterprises which is assumed by their neigh- 
 bors. While estimates of the measure of local response would differ, 
 much testimony from accredited leaders of varying opiniohs shows 
 that the original motive for " bridging the gulf" is finding some real 
 degree of fulfilment. 
 
 It is close to the core of settlement principle that the various pro- 
 fessions, already pledged to standards of service, should be reaching 
 out to all the extremes of human need with their special training 
 and skill. The settlement house provides a station through which 
 every form of professional capacity may find this wide reach of 
 opportunity. It furnishes special incitement, aids in the origina- 
 tion of methods, reinforces generally what the specialist undertakes, 
 and joins in co-ordinating local enterprise with wider reaching or- 
 ganization. In what is called the socialization of the professions, 
 a fact of far-reaching moment, the settlement has played a creative 
 part. 
 
 Education and religion, as in some measure sponsors of the settle- 
 ment, are particularly affected by its attitude toward the problems 
 of society. Thirty-five years ago economic thinking both within 
 and without the universities was still based on the theory that unre- 
 stricted competition would somehow secure the common good. 
 While a few propagandists of the new economics prepared the way 
 for certain expedients advocated by residents, many careful ob- 
 servers believe that during the transitional period settlements have 
 had a significant influence in bringing human facts and motives 
 within the range of the social sciences. 
 
 A number of residents have become instructors at colleges and 
 
 391 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 universities, and staff members are often asked to lecture. An 
 ever growing body of one-time residents fill chairs in sociology or 
 economics. Holders of settlement fellowships almost always re- 
 port their experiences either to classes in economics and sociology 
 or to student associations. Bureaus to canvass the student body 
 for volunteer club leaders, teachers of English, coaches in athletics, 
 dramatics, and other activities are maintained at large univer- 
 sities. Students of sociology are sent to settlements for short 
 periods of observation to obtain material for theses or to be put in 
 touch with various phases of city life. In many instances courses 
 are offered in social work and community organization, which draw 
 largely upon recorded settlement experience for their material.' 
 
 It is unfortunate that nowhere yet has there been complete co- 
 operation on the scientific side between settlement and university. 
 Settlements have sometimes been accused, and quite justly in cer- 
 tain instances, of working without proper tools of knowledge, while 
 universities, with few exceptions, have so far been unwilling to 
 apply their resources to the hard conditions of life. 
 
 The settlement owes much to the church; it returns much. It 
 has helped to free religion from the crust of formalism and spurred 
 it to humanize its attitude toward adherents and non-adherents. 
 It has served to check the far-gone isolation of the Protestant 
 denominations from working people and immigrants. Religious 
 leaders see more clearly how anomalous it is for congregations to 
 neglect the community most immediately about them. An increas- 
 ing number of churches which, twenty-five years ago, would have 
 changed their locations, are now courageously holding their ground. 
 Here and there, in such cases, neighborhood houses, hospitably 
 open to people of the vicinity and without embarrassment to any 
 form of faith, are being provided, a step toward recovering the 
 parochial conception in community terms. 
 
 Religious neighborhood centers are being established by churches 
 and lay organizations, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish. Subject 
 to limitations already expressed, such extension is sound, and it is 
 not impossible that the tendency to combine among evangelical 
 
 ' Residents in Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Louisville, IVlilwaukee, Minneapo- 
 lis, New York, New Orleans, Philadelphia, and San Francisco give lecture courses 
 in neighborhood work at local institutions of higher education. 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 denominations may lead to the creation of religious neighborhood 
 centers which, in predominantly Protestant neighborhoods, may 
 prove to be the most expressive and productive type of local or- 
 ganization.^ 
 
 Most important of all, the church has come to see that society 
 must be organized for the progressive building up of all the people 
 on all sides of their lives. This philosophy has been expounded at 
 schools of theology where residents have been members of the fac- 
 ulty, before national gatherings of religious bodies, and at innum- 
 erable conferences. The social programs of great Christian fellow- 
 ships directly influenced in an important degree by the settlement, 
 exhibit a marked similarity to the line of action for which it was 
 long a voice crying in the wilderness. 
 
 Public education, even more than university and church, feels 
 the force of settlement thought and experiment. Both men and 
 women residents, in considerable numbers, would have become 
 teachers had they not been attracted by the more experimental 
 motive of the settlement. They remain educators none the less. 
 Their influence on the school is toward the adjustment of educa- 
 tional processes to actual needs. The factoring out of special 
 classes, adaptation of curriculum to the child's future work, estab- 
 lishment of relations with the home in order to get a better hold on 
 individuals and to secure reinforcement for the things done in 
 school, must come from outside school organization. 
 
 The settlement's developing thesis for a closer relation between 
 education and locality is becoming the accepted one. Certain 
 school men, in their haste, are even suggesting that settlements 
 should now discontinue their work and give themselves to the task 
 of securing public adoption of an enriched scheme of local life built 
 in and around the school. Such hints perhaps indicate the begin- 
 ning of a new era in the conception of education in which the com- 
 munity organizer will eagerly participate without sacrificing pro- 
 
 ' The Young Women's Christian Association, Young Men's Christian Association, 
 Jewish unions of young people, and groups of Catholic lay people are carrying on 
 similar enterprises, A considerable number of churches have established neighbor- 
 hood houses, and the tendency is on the increase. The Southern Methodist Church 
 has sponsored a score or more houses called after Wesley, which are doing intelligent 
 and valuable work in the cities of the South, where there is little or no problem of 
 sectarianism. 
 
 393 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 found values which the school, however expanded and revitalized 
 will never be able to provide. 
 
 Medical services among working people are decidedly aflFected by 
 the spirit which has gone forth from the settlement. The crusade 
 to eradicate tuberculosis found a compelling clue in its demonstra- 
 tion that the resources of state and city can be drawn upon to meet 
 the range of district needs. The ever growing movement through 
 health centers and the multiplication of clinics, with adequate cura- 
 tive and preventive medical facilities, is in large part a develop- 
 ment of the settlement principle that the issues of public well-being 
 can be met only by working comprehensively from the local base. 
 This point of view is laying hold of the medical profession in 
 remarkable degree.' 
 
 The calling of the nurse has been directly and widely influenced. 
 Nursing settlements, in a unique way, serve as laboratories in which 
 highly trained and resourceful women abstract the ripe results of 
 years of painstaking service and accumulated knowledge. They 
 have been able to establish an increasingly higher standard of 
 professional technique, resource, and responsibility. Under Miss 
 Wald's leadership, Henry Street Settlement stands out as a center 
 of forces in this new field.^ Members of the staff have prepared a 
 History of Nursing, and edited a directory of nursing organizations 
 in the United States.' Some of its residents give instruction in 
 
 1 Two significant contributions to the literature and practice of medical organiza- 
 tion in local community terms should be noted. The first is a paper published under 
 the title. Organizing the Community for the Protection of Its Mental Life {Survey, 
 Vol. xxxiv, p. 557-60, September 18, 191 5), in which Dr. Adolf Meyer points out 
 the importance of the districts and sub-districts of a city. The other is the states- 
 manlike experiment of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and the National 
 Tuberculosis Association, formerly National Association for the Study and Preven- 
 tion of Tuberculosis, in seeking a norm of medical organization for a population 
 group of 20,000 (Framingham, Mass., Community Health and Tuberculosis Demon- 
 stration). The conclusions of the medical staff, about the number of physicians and 
 nurses and the distribution of local centers needed to care for the population indi- 
 cated, is of great importance. The district boards of health being established in 
 several large cities and the efforts being put forth to federate local health resources 
 should also be noted. Out of such experience something in the nature of adequate 
 norms of equipment and service may be expected. 
 
 2 See Wald, Lillian D. : The House on Henry Street. New York, Henry Holt and 
 Company, 191 5. 
 
 ' Nutting, M. A. and Dock, L. L.: History of Nursing, 4 vols., G. P. Putnam's 
 Sons, 1907-1912. Waters, Ysabella: Visiting Nursing in the United States. New 
 York, Charities Publication Committee, 1909. 
 
 394 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 schools, colleges, and hospitals. The Department of Nursing and 
 Health, created at Teachers College in 1910, is carried on in affilia- 
 tion with this settlement. A National Organization of Public 
 Health Nursing, meeting for conference and joint action and having 
 far-reaching influence in its field, was initiated at the Henry Street 
 house. 
 
 Settlements furnish a pre-eminent opportunity through which 
 educated women, on the basis of a normal extension of their heredi- 
 tary and traditional service in home and neighborhood, have been 
 able to win a position of increasing power in local and general pub- 
 lic affairs. Women residents have served on important committees 
 of city, state, and national federations of women's clubs, and have 
 had much to do with setting the directions of practical service into 
 which the energy of local clubs and federations have been turned.' 
 The cause of suffrage has engaged the energies of the majority of the 
 ablest women residents, and a number of them have had an active 
 share in state and national propaganda. The civic insight, political 
 common sense, and ability to secure results under severe disabilities 
 shown by them have constituted an argument in favor of equal 
 suffrage which no opposition could gainsay. Looking to the future, 
 the influence of women residents in leading the membership of 
 settlement women's clubs and women of the working classes gen- 
 erally to use the power of the franchise intelligently in the interest 
 of their homes and children, will represent one of the most impor- 
 tant values in the life of city and nation. 
 
 But greater in the total than all that may come of organization 
 and system in spreading the influence of women residents, is the 
 continuous suggestion of their example as it reaches women gen- 
 erally. The wife and mother as she seeks to bring her family into 
 relation with its neighborhood, gets both illumination and power 
 from the settlement. Everywhere the new figure of the woman in 
 the community catches some of its central suggestion from this 
 source. 
 
 The influence of the settlement on philanthropy is important in 
 
 1 In several cities, at their instance, women's organizations liave used their 
 buildings for the benefit of the neighborhood as well as for their own stated pur- 
 poses. Saturday evening concerts and dancing for young working people, parties 
 and talks to mothers, and play periods and gatherings for children represent stan- 
 dard forms of such co-operation. 
 
 395 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 two principal directions: in the disclosure of needs and organiza- 
 tion of services among families above the poverty line, and in the 
 development of the neighborhood as the unit of many forms of 
 social work. Before the coming of settlements, charity had begun 
 to envisage individuals as members of a family. Settlements set 
 out to deal not only with families as families, including all their 
 members, but with family after family, taken as they come in their 
 neighborhood setting. Building on the admirable case work tech- 
 nique developed by charity organization societies, settlement work- 
 ers have liberalized its spirit and extended the range of its influence 
 to include many new forms of advice, assistance, and education. 
 In so doing they are increasingly proving to broad-scale agencies of 
 reform and progress the necessity of working through local units. 
 As case work societies, on the one hand, reach further out into the 
 field of preventive effort with families, and as civic and educational 
 agencies, on the other, come down to close analysis of their prob- 
 lems, both kinds of service will more and more draw upon settle- 
 ment methods of approach. 
 
 Many forms of remedial work can be adequately carried on only 
 in neighborhood units. Relief organizations in small towns seek to 
 anticipate certain types of breakdown by employing visiting nurses, 
 establishing special classes for children, and even undertaking the 
 special observance of festival times. These enterprises, though 
 they lack the lively background of all-round community recon- 
 struction which makes the settlement what it is, are more and more 
 carried on in accordance with its methods. The extension of service 
 from schools, municipal hospitals, courts, and reformatories calls 
 insistently for a neighborhood setting into which each case may 
 safely be returned. It is dangerous to place physical and moral 
 convalescents in a district not organized to include them in some 
 network of wholesome relations. That institutionalism which, on 
 the one hand, waits within doors for its beneficiaries, and, on the 
 other, dismisses them to shift as best they may, is happily on the 
 decline. In its place is being developed a series of aggressive, well- 
 rounded forms of organizations which both "prevent and follow" 
 those who need their service, and which attempt always to make 
 their work truly educational by eliciting some active response from 
 even the least capable families and the least resourceful local com- 
 
 396 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 munities. This tendency is bringing strong, and in a sense unex- 
 pected, confirmation to those who insist upon the reconstruction of 
 neighborhood Hfe. 
 
 The growth of schools of philanthropy, many of which are affili- 
 ated with colleges in large cities, has opened the way for settle- 
 ments to present the distinctive lessons of neighborhood experience. 
 It is recognized that practice training is an essential in their curricu- 
 lum; here settlements play a distinctive part, not only through 
 their specialties of service but through the range and actuality of 
 their contact with life. The Chicago School of Civics and Philan- 
 thropy, founded in 1903 by Graham Taylor, from the beginning 
 organized its curriculum about the local as well as the centralized 
 administration of philanthropy, education, and government.^ For 
 some years the neighborhood point of view was represented at 
 schools of social work only by occasional lectures; but interest in 
 the local community has resulted in the establishment of several 
 schools devoted chiefly to training in community organization ; and 
 to a number of new departments in colleges and universities having 
 the same object in view. 
 
 Influence of the settlement on managers of industry has been 
 real. Conferences between representatives of business and trade 
 unionists were frequently organized by settlements during the 
 nineties, and open-minded men of affairs gathered into groyps for 
 the study of industrial questions. Welfare work has become more 
 co-operative and less patronizing, and a definite savor of the 
 neighborhood idea pervades the attitude of many large employers. 
 A growing proportion of business men are now convinced that 
 the best form of welfare work in large cities as well as in smaller 
 , places, consists in supporting local agencies for building up sound 
 standards of physical life, adequate opportunities for recreation, 
 and a system for the care of the sick. The new profession of indus- 
 trial counsellor or employment manager is carrying the settlement 
 demand for sympathetic understanding of the workingman's needs 
 as operative, shopmate, householder, and citizen into broad-scale 
 practice. One-time residents undertaking such work are making 
 
 ' The school was absorbed by Chicago University in 1920. The Chicago settle- 
 ments, however, are supporting a very interesting School of Recreation, which holds 
 its sessions at Hull House. The Boston Social Union maintains a training class for 
 new residents, running through the year. 
 
 397 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 notable contributions to its philosophy and technique. Beyond 
 question the marked developments of the past two decades of per- 
 sonnel services in connection with industrial and commercial estab- 
 lishments owe much to such influence, as does also the increasing 
 activity of general organizations of business men in measures that 
 affect the well-being of city populations. Clearly, also, the settle- 
 ment as a means of interchange between classes has served, with a 
 kind of underlying power, to facilitate and humanize negotiation 
 between capital and labor. Perhaps the most potential result in 
 this connection is found in the attitude of many of the foremost 
 younger leaders, in industrial enterprise, a number of whom have 
 had direct experience of settlement administration, who are seeing 
 their great stake in the solution of the human problems in the 
 organization of industry. And this suggests the part which the 
 settlement has played toward bringing about the changed per- 
 spective of industrial leadership in general. Had it been exclusively 
 designed to bring a new influence to bear upon leaders in industrial 
 and commercial enterprise by reorienting members of their families 
 and of their circles of friends, it could not more surely have accom- 
 plished the result. There is no way of marking out such an achieve- 
 ment; the reality and value of it cannot be doubted. 
 
 The large settlement outlook is based on a gradual development 
 of capacity on the part of the people to create their own collective 
 life. They must come together, as consumers, to procure not only 
 the kind of material goods and professional services they need, but 
 to carry out the recreative and cultural activities that best give 
 effect to their desires. In the long run, however, all these things 
 depend on productivity. Settlement exponents have always looked 
 forward to an increase of working-class participation in the admin- 
 istration of industry; but their whole endeavor is based on the 
 conviction that such responsibility can be exercised only by 
 workmen mentally alert, able to associate in long-continued or- 
 ganization, capable of self-control and initiative. It is of the 
 essence of neighborhood experience that the realities of the new 
 order will come slowly as bands of workmen acquire the qualities 
 needed to save capital, manage processes, and discipline themselves 
 through achieved power to work together. 
 
 Resident staffs which have had the advantage of living among 
 
 398 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 the people and of observing them on many sides of their lives, find 
 that they possess exactly the same fundamental qualities and 
 desires as the rest of the world, but with relatively little initiative 
 and slight power to plan broadly and deeply. The future, as 
 settlement workers see it, lies in discovering and training groups 
 capable of acting together, and through these reaching ever widen- 
 ing circles. The spread of general education and technical training 
 for industry, supplemented by continuous exercise in the ideals 
 and practice of co-operative action, will accomplish this end. 
 Meanwhile the workman, for moral as well as economic ends, must 
 have a surer hold upon the great producing scheme of life, with 
 its reasonable returns, in order steadily to sustain family well- 
 being and dignity. 
 
 For long, settlements trusted for the dissemination of their mes- 
 sage to whatever currents of influence might be flowing. Even for 
 the values of broad fellowship and interchange among themselves 
 residents continued to rely upon intermittent and scattering ways 
 of coming together. 
 
 Though the national scope of the settlement as an influence was 
 in the minds of residents of the original houses at their first meeting 
 in 1892, not until the second decade of the century were steps taken 
 to bring about a formal alliance for the purpose of collecting and 
 registering experience all over the country and of focusing the 
 power of all the houses for nation-wide enterprise.^ After three 
 informal gatherings leading up to it, the National Federation of 
 Settlements was organized June 11, 1911, by representatives of 
 houses from every part of the United States.^ A tentative program 
 was outlined which included : reinforcement of all phases of urban 
 and regional federated action among neighborhood agencies; devel- 
 opment of a clear and strong policy with regard to the complex 
 problems which, with substantial uniformity, confront settlement 
 work everywhere; publication of the co-ordinated results of expe- 
 
 ' Conferences had been called, however, at frequent intervals during the inter- 
 vening period. 
 
 2 The constituent members of the federation are composed of settlements and 
 such other neighborhood agencies as are approved by the executive committee. 
 Individuals in sympathy with its purposes are enrolled as corresponding members 
 without a vote. It is provided that the federation shall have at least one meeting a 
 year, and that each member shall contribute toward expenses not less than two 
 dollars for every one thousand of its annual receipts. 
 
 399 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 rience in specific directions; attracting college men and women to 
 settlement work; stimulating and encouraging the higher and more 
 democratic organization of neighborhood life in city and in country; 
 and promoting more effective co-operation with other forms of 
 social work organized for cities, states, and the nation as a whole. 
 
 The federation is distinctively a working body undertaking to 
 achieve results on a national scale which will, on the one hand, 
 be the result of joint effort on the part of many houses, and on the 
 other, bring its benefits specifically to a large number if not to all. 
 The annual conference centers its program about the continuous 
 work of representative and capable committees, led by those intent 
 upon the development of the subject matter in hand. Committee 
 activity is promoted by two secretaries, both of whom have served 
 from the beginning. Recently a mid-western secretary, and one to 
 co-operate with European settlements, have been added to the staff. 
 
 Perhaps the most distinctive service of the federation has con- 
 sisted in gathering up broadly the results of settlement experience 
 in, neighborhood work among boys and girls. Here is a field of 
 national need and opportunity which, to a large extent, has waited 
 for the settlement to open up and develop. After twenty years it 
 appeared that, with experienced leaders in such effort at many 
 houses in many cities, there should be a national taking of stock; 
 that the process would be of marked value to all the participants in 
 immediate relation to their work; that the results would offer many 
 suggestions to practised workers and provide manuals for the use 
 of new recruits. The first co-operative study of this sort had to do 
 with adolescent girls. Contributions were received representing 
 some two thousand club leaders. A summary of conclusions, as 
 has already been noted, was published under the title, Young 
 Working Girls.' A similar comprehensive method was followed out 
 in a study of preadolescent girls. The adolescent boy in the settle- 
 ment scheme is the subject of a national inquiry now under way. 
 
 The National Federation of Settlements follows, in appeals for 
 governmental action, the principle of restricting itself to the lessons 
 of widely experienced facts in hand. This gives its efforts a definite 
 quality of authority, which has been productive in such vital causes 
 as the creation of the Children's Bureau, the investigation at vari- 
 ' Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1913. 
 400 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 ous points throughout the country of problems aflfecting working 
 women, the prescribing of federal standards for state child labor 
 laws, the promotion of vocational education on a national scale. 
 During the war the federation served as a unique medium through 
 which important information about urban immigrant districts 
 throughout the country was made available to the government; and 
 at the request of officials at Washington, settlements gave them 
 valuable information and assistance.^ 
 
 A very fruitful branch of the federation's service is that which 
 makes available to the different constituent houses the personal 
 counsel of experienced leaders from a distance. Possessing a con- 
 siderable number of such exponents, but, by definition, holding 
 them closely to the immediate local task, it is all the more necessary 
 tjiat the settlement enterprise should find ways of disposing its 
 generalship from time to time so that the whole force shall, so far as 
 possible, have some of the advantage of the houses most favorably 
 staffed. The federation sees that this is brought about in several 
 different ways. At each annual conference there is a strong nucleus 
 of persons of experience not only in general administration but in 
 specialties of service. Conference discussions are divided between 
 what must be done at the individual house by the single local group 
 and what can be achieved only in broader formations for city, state, 
 region, nation. Practice, skill, and vision that go with the subtle 
 analysis or the broader outlook are, with much prearrangement, 
 brought to bear upon the whole assembly. The gathering is usually 
 arranged so that the entire company can live together for a period 
 of three days with a minimum of outside distraction. In this way 
 fine and full intercommunication is assured; and, in particular, all 
 the influences of generalship are disseminated and count for the 
 most. 
 
 During the year, leaders are sent to places where they can be of 
 particular help. Of late the policy has been established of organiz- 
 ing local and regional institutes, under national and local federa- 
 tion auspices, conducted in each case by persons selected for their 
 
 1 It was possible thus to place before the public the attitude of settlement workers 
 generally toward the question of participation in the war. More than ninety per 
 cent of them were positively in support of the action of the government. The 
 remainder represented not more than such a minimum of conscientious pacifists as 
 would certainly be found in any humanitarian group. 
 
 401 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 fitness to meet a given situation. These institutes are attended by 
 residents, volunteers, board members, contributors, and, in some 
 cases, neighbors. 
 
 The secretaries of the federation carry on a considerable corre- 
 spondence reaching every part of the country as well as many 
 foreign countries. Each year they visit a large number of settle- 
 ments and make an important continuous link between the vari- 
 ous city federations. They are alert to insure the transfer of ideas 
 and methods. This result is obtained, aside from conferences and 
 institutes, by occasional bulletins and special reports. Numer- 
 ous inquiries are received, and an effort is made to find an answer 
 to each from the source best qualified to reply. The securing, 
 instructing, and placing of recruits, and the disposition of trained 
 capacity are a constant preoccupation. A broad outlook is main- 
 tained over related fields of action, and in particular those that 
 have to do with any branch of neighborhood work. But the 
 happiest of all the experiences of these national executives con- 
 sists in welcoming initiative toward the establishment of new 
 houses, an almost spontaneous tendency which, since the war, in a 
 considerable group of smaller industrial cities is illustrating afresh 
 the vitality of the settlement motive in relation to present and 
 future national development. 
 
 The National Federation took a responsible part in calling the 
 first International Conference of Settlements, which met in London 
 in July, 1922. The conference brought together American inter- 
 ests with those of similar national bodies in England and France 
 and laid the foundation for continuously and mutually helpful 
 relations between houses in these three countries and settlement 
 beginnings in various other parts of the world. Aside from the 
 direct value of such wide interchange, this fellowship among the 
 like-minded, across national lines, on the basis of stirring positive 
 aims and achievements, has begun to make a definite contribution 
 to the forces of international understanding and goodwill. 
 
 The settlement looks out beyond its own widest bounds of affilia- 
 tion upon a remarkable spread of the impulse embodied in it. 
 Since 19 10 community organization through school, park, play- 
 ground and other types of local center, emphasizing now a building, 
 now municipal management, now this or that factor in organiza- 
 
 402 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 tion, support or program, has had widespread manifestation. Such 
 enterprises nearly always go with districts higher in the economic 
 scale than those in which settlements have place. It is easy to 
 overestimate the direct, or even the indirect, influence they have 
 had upon this tendency. The large truth, of course, is that all such 
 phenomena but mark the rise of an elemental tide. It is con-; 
 cretely to the point that, as beginnings of these later modes of com- 
 munal association came upon the scene, the settlements of the 
 United States had developed a system compacted for national ac- 
 tion with twenty-five years of experience behind their programs. 
 
 When the United States entered the war, a group of leaders in the 
 community center enterprise induced the National Council of De- 
 fense to accept the suggestion that local community councils be 
 organized on a scale as nearly universal as possible to foster pro- 
 ductive industry, encourage wise economy in the use of food, 
 preserve law and order, co-operate in financial campaigns, and help 
 the national government in every practicable way. It is said that 
 more than 160,000 such councils were listed. The most ambitious 
 of these undertakings appeared in New York City, which was 
 divided into one hundred districts, in each of which a local center 
 was to be created. Settlements entered heartily into the plan and, 
 by pooling their resources, effected most of the really successful 
 organizations. While efforts are being made here and there 
 throughout the country to carry over some of this momentum, the 
 National Council of Defense has gone out of existence and the 
 district councils have largely been dissolved. 
 
 But the far-reaching significance of "the principle of locality" in 
 country-wide upbuilding is not to be lost. A pattern has been dis- 
 closed which carries some intimation of "the whole nation or- 
 ganized for righteousness." Seventeen working branches of the 
 federal government are more or less definitely concerned in the 
 well-being of villages and townships; several national wartirne 
 organizations, in modified forms, are continuing to promote com- 
 munal action for the public good; some thirty-five different 
 branches of the church are setting themselves to bring about, on a 
 wide scale, measures of local association among the different com- 
 munions for the welfare and progress of neighborhoods. Whatever 
 may happen to these particular enterprises the underlying motive 
 
 403 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ^ is laying hold of the American people, and will more and more 
 give its quality to American civilization.* 
 
 One of the irreducible lessons of settlement experience is that 
 the subtle art of community organization requires an exceptionally 
 high quality of ability and purpose in' its exemplars. Sometimes 
 advocates of the community center, in their zeal for the fullest 
 participation on the part of local citizens, strangely lose sight of 
 the fact that such a result calls for leadership which shall be both 
 concentrated and unremitting. Districts able to command expert 
 service of this sort will certainly not deprive themselves of it, how- 
 ever far they may have to send. Even more surely will it still be 
 necessary for localities from which resourceful citizenship has been 
 largely drained, to have the advantage, whether through private 
 beneficence or municipal action, of trained, devoted and locally 
 involved initiative. 
 
 It is probable also that community organization under the re- 
 stricted conditions which obtain among the tenements will con- 
 tinue to demand a round of expedients more penetrating and ex- 
 tensive than find suggestion among better-to-do populations. The 
 settlement has carried through a series of experiments to discover 
 and draw out capacity, individual and collective, on several levels 
 of working-class life and at several stages of assimilation, through 
 which much light will be thrown upon similar undertakings at 
 higher levels of ability and resource. Just as the fullest medical 
 experience is to be had in hospitals, settlement houses will be in- 
 creasingly important headquarters for the training of future lead- 
 ers. Those of the first generation are confident both that the new 
 community opportunity will provide its own vision and summons, 
 and that the settlement, in the breadth and height of its human 
 meaning, has established its case for the kind of living center re- 
 quired, however it may be provided. 
 
 It may be that through the wide expansion of its neighborhood 
 motive, its other characteristic aim of bringing together those 
 separated by cleavages that threaten the fabric of order and prog- 
 ress will begin to be broadly realized. Only the best aspirations 
 of mind and heart, embodied in all the actual interchange of life, 
 can make the forces of democracy, involved as they are among the 
 'See Appendix, p. 444, Note XXVIl.— Organizations to Promote Local Welfare. 
 
 404 
 
NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 American people with those of cosmopolitanism, equal to the ap- 
 palling responsibilities which almost unconsciously they face. At 
 first settlements were concerned, even though forced to stand in the 
 light of partisanship, to have workman and immigrant achieve rea- 
 sonable economic and associational foothold. There is still need of 
 the settlement approach to such issues; but the haunting fear of 
 today is not that the dynamic of democracy may in the long run 
 be repressed, but that it may attain its limit with no due regard for 
 the distinguishing values of the higher life, for those finer impli- 
 cations without which, above all, what is human in American 
 civilization could not continue to exist. 
 
 The settlement must therefore all the more earnestly apply itself 
 to its great accepted task. This has to do not so much with any 
 of the processes of democracy as with its spirit. A pioneer in con- 
 structive social work, it nevertheless is not moved by merely 
 "structural dispositions." It is no respecter of persons. It is not 
 drawn to the "mechanical juxtapositions of individualism"; no 
 more is it the calculating arbitrator between classes. It is not com- 
 mitted to any doctrinal scheme of society, past, present, or future. 
 It seeks only the general good, the widest fulfilment of human 
 faculty, the most creative interplay of human wills. But it is satis- 
 fied that good cannot come of itself, or as a mere by-product of 
 economic or political readjustments. As the prefatory suggestion 
 of a vast, enlightened, aifirmative adventure in human fellowship, 
 applied at many points of isolation or estrangement, and turning 
 them into ganglia of practised democratic association, through 
 which a genuinely higher order shall be wrought out, the settle- 
 ment represents some of the focal energies of history and destiny. 
 
 28 405 
 
APPENDIX 
 
APPENDIX 
 CHAPTER IX.— MIXED COMPANY 
 
 NOTE I.— SEX EDUCATION 
 
 ATTACK of the settlement on problems grounded in sex, as the devel- 
 ^ opment of this chapter shows, has purposely been a flanking one. The 
 necessity for taking steps to repress open prostitution forced early resi- 
 dents to recognize the propagandist quality of vice and to ally themselves 
 with the more rigid advocates of repression. Probation records disclosed 
 some of the ways through which youth was being lured to destruction, and 
 clinched the case for recreative opportunities that offered outlet for the 
 physical and emotional nature. Efforts to help unmarried mothers, young 
 girls driven into precipitate wedlock to save honor, married men and 
 women prematurely wrecked in bodily and mental health, revealed situ- 
 ations which demanded plain teaching about elementary laws of personal 
 hygiene and sound human association. 
 
 Experience with youth proved beyond question that children and young 
 people who have good homes and are engaged by ideals and causes, seldom 
 give themselves to evil. The surest guarantee of honor is a live interest. 
 A main incentive to evil is paucity of real occupation, caused by inhibitions 
 or lack of opportunity for self-expression. Provision of active exercise to 
 dull the physical urge of sex, participation in common enterprises under 
 supervision to satisfy the desire of boys and girls to be together, and 
 gratification of the instinct for romance as far as possible through plays, 
 stories, music, and the arts seemed to settlement workers the means through 
 which to meet this problem. They knew that once sex instinct is aroused, 
 to control it is difficult. Their prescription, as we have seen, was to delay 
 its conscious awakening. 
 
 The method proposed succeeds in a considerable number of cases. 
 Where family oversight is wise, kindly, continuous, the time of children 
 accounted for, adequate opportunities offered for recreation and self- 
 expression, an ideal interest fostered, working-class young people show the 
 same bloom of healthy innocence which is more common among the middle 
 and upper classes. In every neighborhood a proportion of parents exercise 
 such wise care. The proportion unhappily is hardly ever large, and its 
 multiplication furnishes one of the most to be desired results of good social 
 work. 
 
 Impossibility of meeting a local situation through transmutation of 
 
 409 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 energies set free in adolescence, gradually drove settlement workers to 
 consider the idea of providing instruction in sex. The word "driven" is 
 used advisedly. The impelling motive was discovery of the extent to 
 which children are informed about the details of sex and the evil results 
 everywhere visible of letting innocent children range among dangers the 
 meaning of which they did not understand. Wherever home life is sound 
 and parents live up to their responsibilities there is no need of outside inter- 
 ference. Where home and neighborhood guardianship are nonexistent, 
 knowledge is the only safeguard. 
 
 The decision of just the exact amount of information that will help boys 
 and girls to avoid pitfalls without breaking down nature's barrier of reti- 
 cence, to the settlement staff with its first-hand responsibility, is a grave 
 one. Most residents believe that school and settlement perform tTieir most 
 useful service in educating parents, either through public meetings or in 
 the course of home visits, to recognize premonitions of sex interest in early 
 childhood, to take proper hygienic steps to overcome abnormal sensitive- 
 ness, and to deal with emotional disturbance in such a way as to develop 
 and strengthen will power. Such instruction the majority of settlements 
 undertake. Teaching can often be reinforced in its detail by prenatal and 
 baby hygiene nurses and by local medical examiners. 
 
 Pending the time when fathers and mothers can and will instruct their 
 children, an increasing belief among settlements is that a good measure of 
 responsibility rests upon them. Residents have to take practical account 
 of the fact that the strength of the impulse differs with different children; 
 that some come to consciousness of sex slowly and are easily able to control 
 their cravings; while others are highly precocious, manifest little delicacy, 
 and suffer from intense inner conflicts. Medical examinations in connec- 
 tion with gymnasiums and vacation houses show that this abnormal sensi- 
 tiveness often traces back to definite physical causes easily diagnosed and 
 treated. Unfortunately, few parents recognize symptoms of this sort; 
 children, unless they fall acutely ill or come before the juvenile court, make 
 their way under these handicaps as best they may. This group of child 
 problems is beginning to receive expert physical and psychological care. 
 
 Meanwhile it is being found possible, given the right kind of leadership, 
 to answer the questions small children ask about origin of life in such a way 
 as not to injure moral delicacy and reserve. Cooking, sewing, home nurs- 
 ing, and instruction in the care of children afford the best possible oppor- 
 tunity through which to impart, reticently and imaginatively, the modicum 
 of information which satisfies the curiosity and safeguards the innocence of 
 girls. The gymnasium and the camp, with boys, offer a wholesome means 
 of approacl\ to the subject of a strong body and clean mind. 
 
 410 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 For adolescent young people the club is the most satisfactory unit of 
 instruction. The great truths of sex can often be interpreted as part of 
 what Dr. Richard C. Cabot has so finely called "education of the affec- 
 tions." Club members listen with attention and respect to suggestions 
 about life made by a wise and well-liked leader. The fact that the word is 
 spoken for all robs it of any suggestion of personal meaning, and the easy 
 acquaintance of members lessens inevitable self-consciousness. Several 
 talks which include not only the main items of personal counsel but the 
 large significance of sex to character and to human welfare, seems a wise 
 plan. There should always be opportunity for discussion and the way 
 paved for private conference if desired. For such far-reaching talks it is 
 necessary to have a speaker who is able to steer between the Scylla of cen- 
 tering attention on sex and Charybdis of seeming a foolish visionary. The 
 regular club leader should attend such lectures and be prepared to follow 
 up their implications. 
 
 The creation of a high standard of popular thought and morals for 
 adolescent boys waits a finer type of home and neighborhood life. Today 
 the prurient-mindedness of the baser element is in reality reinforced by 
 the abnormal blindness of parents, teachers, clergy, and reformers. For- 
 tunately a new generation of mothers and fathers who look on sex as nat- 
 ural and holy, is gradually coming into existence. These parents will not 
 shame the child into prudery and revolt, but will answer questions with 
 honest simplicity. They will encourage boys and girls to play together 
 under supervision, and will foster sound, healthy, reciprocal activities. 
 Adolescent children, instead of finding themselves the center of trumped-up 
 sentiment will be welcomed into the adult world, awarded tasks within 
 their power, given developing responsibilities, and trained for the duties of 
 parenthood. It is perhaps from this third generation that the nation will 
 experience the satisfactions of life in a community where, in ever increasing 
 degree, love shall extinguish lust. (See p. io6.) 
 
 NOTE II.— PLAYTIME ACTIVITIES FOR CHILDREN 
 
 For children, the best kind of training in rules to govern relations with 
 the opposite sex is that given by the adults of a family and neighborhood 
 circle which exemplifies and insists on rigid obedience to a sound code of 
 manners. Good form represents moral experience crystallized and made 
 available. It is character latent, ready to be accepted during adolescence 
 by an act of the will. Residents therefore seek to make all their work with 
 children correspond as far as possible to the relations and regimen of a 
 fine and resourceful home. 
 
 Playground and game room, story hour, simple handwork, and dancing 
 
 411 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 represent the main types of organized activity through which boys and 
 girls between four and eight years of age learn to associate with one 
 another. The program of children's work in settlements owes much to 
 kindergarten philosophy and practice, and the first children's groups were 
 known as Kindergarten Graduates' Clubs. They not only afford recrea- 
 tion but soften the break between the sympathetic reciprocal atmosphere 
 of the kindergarten and the more formal organization of the graded class. 
 Through self-directed activity and collective play the moral values worked 
 out in the kindergarten are projected with all needed adaptation into the 
 primary school stage. 
 
 The story hour is an important factor in providing recreation arid ideals 
 for little children. The tale supplies information based on the child's own 
 interests, teaches concentration, and lays the basis for finer tastes. At 
 many settlements children are encouraged to give expression to the story's 
 mood through simple marching exercises, or by a free dramatic rendering 
 of the plot in their own words, or through games with toys. 
 
 Some form of simple handwork, such as that given in the kitchen garden 
 or little housekeepers' classes, and in simple craftswork, is an important 
 means of introducing children to standards which obtain in real house- 
 holds. In a well-conditioned locality boys and girls make the acquaintance 
 of mothers of their playmates, have the freedom of a few other houses, and 
 store up a considerable range of impressions about family life. The settle- 
 ment class, while only a substitute, puts the child into touch with fresh 
 reality in personal and household matters. (See p. 107.) 
 
 CHAPTER X.— SUMMER IN THE CITY 
 
 NOTE III.— WINDOW-BOX GARDENING 
 
 THE window-box idea as a program started in Cleveland, and was 
 carried on from Goodrich House. Settlements in Boston have per- 
 haps been the leaders in encouraging window boxes and gardens in 
 tenements. A committee of the Boston Social Union, made up of one 
 representative from each settlement, buys a supply of boxes, earth, fer- 
 tilizer, and seeds, and employs a supervisor who visits settlements and 
 public schools and gives talks illustrated with lantern pictures. Children 
 are taught how to fasten boxes to window ledges and to obtain drainage, 
 and methods of overcoming common difficulties. Prizes are awarded for 
 the best exhibits of different sorts; and there is usually a concert or party 
 at the end of summer at which flowers and vegetables of high grade are 
 shown. 
 
 412 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 In New York and Chicago central agencies have been established for the 
 distribution of boxes and seeds which are sold through various neighbor- 
 hood centers and settlements. In Philadelphia an interesting extension of 
 window-box gardening is the distribution of seeds, bulbs, and plants for 
 winter growth, followed by an exhibition with prizes in the spring. (See 
 p. 115-) 
 
 NOTE IV.— VACANT LOT AND SCHOOL GARDENS 
 
 While scattered instances of back-yard and vacant-lot gardening had 
 occurred in 1 892-1 893, if not before, the educational possibilities in such 
 gardening first found expression at Goodrich House, whence it spread to 
 other cities. 
 
 In the summer of 1901 South End House, in co-operation with Boston 
 Normal School, secured the use of a plot of ground on school property, 
 which was cultivated by boys and girls from upper grammar grades. Al- 
 though the first Boston school garden was established in 1892, it was as 
 a result of this latter experiment that gardens have since been more or less 
 a feature of Boston school life. Later on, residents of South End House 
 carried on gardens in a neighborhood playground. 
 
 Within the past few years vacant-lot gardens have been established to 
 help reduce the cost of living. The leader in New York of this form of 
 work was Bolton Hall, and several settlements induced young people to 
 raise vegetables and flowers. In Chicago, settlement residents partici- 
 pated in establishing the City Gardens Association in 1910. In many other 
 cities, notably Los Angeles, Minneapolis, the Oranges in New Jersey, 
 Worcester, and Baltimore, good work of the kind has been done by settle- 
 ments. (See p. 115.) 
 
 NOTE v.— VACATION SCHOOLS 
 
 The New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, in 
 the summer of 1894, obtained use of four public school buildings from the 
 Board of Education and maintained classes in manual training and 'allied 
 subjects. Previous to this, however, as well as during the years which fol- 
 lowed and until the city system was fully developed, several settlements 
 maintained summer schools' In 1897 the Board of Education made vaca- 
 tion schools a part of the school system, and New York took the leading 
 place in this form of education. 
 
 In Chicago the earliest vacation schools were carried on by settlements, 
 and a movement for municipal assumption grew out of the experience of 
 early residents. In the spring of 1896 settlement workers organized a 
 group of people under the Civic Federation which secured a grant of pub- 
 
 413 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 lie money with which to provide for a public vacation school. The success 
 of this experiment furnished inspiration for a long campaign to induce the 
 school board to establish such work. A year later public-spirited women 
 gave Miss McDowell money to support a vacation school; the school 
 building and part of the equipment were lent by the school board. The 
 year following, the Chicago Women's Club organized a vacation school 
 committee which until 1908 raised a fund to pay teachers, when the work 
 was assumed by the Board of Education. In Boston, where in spite of 
 early beginnings no large expansion could be secured under the school 
 board, Denison House joined with the Associated Charities in carrying on 
 a vacation school. Hale House for some years maintained one in a South 
 End school house, and other settlements have carried on private schools in 
 their own buildings. (See p. 1 16.) 
 
 U 
 
 CHAPTER XIII.— TRAINING IN HANDWORK 
 
 NOTE VI.— COOKING CLASSES, KITCHEN GARDENS, AND OTHER 
 HOUSEHOLD MATTERS 
 
 f^ ERTAIN young women care only for the frills of cooking; others 
 have a great objection to incidental work such as washing dishes, 
 towels, and floors; still others never try recipes at home. Moreover, 
 it is not easy to interest mothers and daughters together. These diffi- 
 culties have to be overcome by visiting, by talking with each class 
 member and arousing her interest, and by constant and resourceful 
 encouragement. 
 
 Classes for Children. — Most settlements carry on classes in cooking 
 and home-making for girls between ten and fourteen years of age, and 
 where cooking is taught in public school the settlement varies its teaching 
 in such a way as to broaden and strengthen the total effect. In many cities 
 school children under twelve years are not taught cooking, and it is com- 
 mon for settlement classes to be made up of children under this age, and of 
 those attending parochial schools where cooking is not taught. For older 
 girls settlement classes provide opportunity to use recipes in full amount, 
 to develop practical skill through repeated employment of certain proc- 
 esses, and to emphasize the relation of the subject to sociability and hos- 
 pitality through serving the meal. 
 
 A real danger is found in the confusion sometimes caused by lack of 
 harmony between the teaching in public schools and in settlements. Dif- 
 ferences in method and conflicts in authority have been known to lessen 
 the usefulness of both sets of teaching. Certain houses solve the difficultjt 
 
 414 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 by keeping instruction parallel. When the lesson in public school is 
 ginger cookies, the settlement class makes sugar cookies; settlement les- 
 sons are considered practice work for school, an d pupils receive credit for 
 work done. The great aim in teaching young girls is preparation of com- 
 mon articles of food in a wholesome and inexpensive way. Some attention 
 is given to cost and nutritive value and to planning meals within an agreed 
 sum. Valuable practice is gained by inviting guests, each girl acting as 
 hostess when her special friends are present. Public school teachers are 
 among the most favored guests . 
 
 For Young Women. — ^With young women, interest has to be stimu- 
 lated by following their inclinations rather than by attempting a logical 
 development of the subject. Classes are successfully organized about the 
 problem of living on small wages and planning meals and expenditures 
 within a given sum. Groups are organized to study special subjects, such 
 as preserving or salads. JVIany houses induce older girls to feel some 
 responsibility for standards of hospitality in the settlement and to take 
 part in preparing refreshments for parties, picnics, and summer vacations. 
 Supper clubs have become a device to sustain interest. 
 
 For Housewives. — Instruction for women has necessarily to be even 
 more informal. The difficulties experienced grow partly out of conditions 
 under which tenement mothers have to work, and partly out of satisfac- 
 tion with their measure of knowledge and skill. Perhaps the most useful 
 feature of class work is the light gained by talking over facts of daily 
 experience with others. Many also enjoy the chance to see a well-organized 
 kitchen and to become acquainted with up-to-date conveniences and 
 utensils. Special courses in preparation of types of food, such as meats, 
 desserts, and vegetables, are often successful in arousing interest. Houses 
 in immigrant communities assist housewives to adapt their particular 
 dietary to American commodities. 
 
 For Boys. — A few houses maintain special classes for boys, who are 
 often highly interested pupils, especially where instruction can be related 
 to the summer camp or made practical through picnics or excursions. 
 
 In the Home. — ^Attempts have been made to carry on cooking classes in 
 the home. Tenement women are extremely sensitive about showing their 
 equipment to strangers, and dread what seems a prying interference. At 
 several houses residents have successfully engaged the goodwill of a neigh- 
 bor who has given the use of her kitchen as a demonstration place. 
 
 Laundry. — Laundry classes are most successful with children, who 
 enjoy dabbling in water. They serve best as part of the home-making 
 course in a model flat or apartment. 
 
 Kitchen Gardens. — When settlements came on the scene the kitchen 
 
 415 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 garden was purely and simply a scheme of play with diminutive domestic 
 toys. It has been developed into the little housekeepers' classes now so 
 distinctive of settlements. Kindergartens frequently lay much emphasis 
 on home-making, and teach dish-washing, setting the table, making the 
 bed, sweeping, dusting, washing and ironing, by means of sizable mate- 
 rials and special songs. Such instruction, however given, is valuable in 
 that it awakens the child's interest at a time when manual routine is 
 pleasant, not always the case as the girl grows up. 
 
 Household Furnishing. — A few settlements have tried in one way or 
 another to bring about a higher standard of taste in furnishing. Some 
 have fitted up model rooms with neat and carefully selected furnishings. 
 The best work of this sort is done in housekeeping flats where equip- 
 ment is seen in place. So-called "model" rooms, especially those included 
 in welfare exhibits, have not been worth while, the mass of things shown 
 being on the whole less tasteful than those in the average tenement home. 
 Exhibitions of casual commercial products represent a misapplication of 
 time and money. Only where the services of persons of acknowledged 
 taste and resource can be secured, and where articles having human in- 
 terest and beauty can be provided, are exhibits justified. The most 
 influential of this sort are neighborhood "retrospective" exhibits where 
 people of the quarter exhibit treasures and heirlooms in which they take 
 pride, and where local knowledge gives point and emphasis to what is 
 shown. 
 
 Problems of Instruction. — The chief difficulty in building up a 
 strong department of household science lies in discovering teachers. Many 
 settlements are unable to afford the salary of a resident cooking teacher, 
 and are forced to limit themselves to hourly instruction and assistance of 
 volunteer pupils from cooking schools. Professional schools are as yet 
 more interested in their science than its human application, and have paid 
 little attention to training young women for special problems in tenement 
 neighborhoods. There are, however, a few honorable exceptions. Lewis 
 Institute of Chicago, and Simmons College, Boston, have appointed super- 
 visors of students' work who sometimes live at settlements. Students 
 are marked both on their work and on their ability,to attract and interest 
 classes. Similar interest and oversight are being brought about in other 
 cities. (See p. 142.) 
 
 416 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 CHAPTER XVII.— WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 NOTE VH.— SETTLEMENT ASSISTANCE IN LEGISLATION 
 
 IN New Jersey settlement residents took the lead in securing legislation 
 for better child protection. IVIiss Bradford, of Whittier House, spent 
 
 some time during 1900 in bringing about a unified demand from 
 public-spirited bodies of all kinds for a revision of the child labor law. In 
 1903 a statute was secured raising the age at which boys might become 
 wage-earners from twelve years to fourteen, girls being already protected 
 until their fourteenth year. Through the efforts of the state Children's 
 Protective Alliance formed in 1904, a bill was passed in 1907 prohibiting 
 the employment of children in mercantile establishments between 7 p.m. 
 and 7 a.m., and limiting their hours to not more than fifty-eight a week, 
 though the effect of the law was weakened by Saturday evening and 
 Christmas exemptions. A law prohibiting the night employment of chil- 
 dren under sixteen in manufacturing establishments was brought forward 
 under the same auspices and its passage secured in 1910. 
 
 In California, as in many eastern states, child labor legislation before 
 the beginning of the century was chaotic and unenforced. In 1903 San 
 Francisco settlements joined in an effort initiated by the State Federation 
 of Labor to raise the working age from twelve to fourteen years. The 
 bill was defeated by the fruit interests. Turning in another direction, 
 settlements endeavored to secure a similar result through enforcing the 
 compulsory education law. An exhaustive investigation of school attend- 
 ance was made by South Park Settlement in its neighborhood. The head- 
 worker, Lucille Eaves, became a special agent of the State Labor Bureau 
 and studied conditions generally under which children worked in San 
 Francisco, and Oakland. In 1905 settlement residents and others again 
 introduced a bill applicable to commercial establishments, manufactur- 
 ing plants, and street trades, prohibiting employment of children under 
 fourteen, requiring an educational test, and forbidding night work for 
 those under sixteen. The law was passed by the legislature, was declared 
 constitutional by the courts, aad has been enforced. (See p. 186.) 
 
 417 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 CHAPTER XIX.— STANDARDS OF WELL-BEING 
 
 NOTE VIII.— SETTLEMENT MILK DEPOTS. LAUNDRIES. AND SALES 
 
 OF CLOTHING 
 
 A FEW houses have carried on milk depots for the sale of clean milk 
 to families with small children, and candy counters for the sale of 
 sweets of assured purity and cjeanliness. 
 
 Laundries with set tubs, hot water, and driers, the use of which are 
 rented at a moderate charge, have been installed at several settlements. 
 Immigrant women reared in the tradition of a public washing place, and a 
 few of the native born, chiefly those who wash for a living, bring their 
 work during the coldest winter months. But for the most part neighbor- 
 hood sentiment is indifferent. 
 
 Sale of cast-off clothing, twenty-five years ago, was a common form of 
 philanthropic enterprise. The majority of residents have always regarded 
 the "rummage" sale as a peculiarly undemocratic and unpleasant under- 
 taking. As a rule, too, the neighborhood constituency is above the eco- 
 nomic level of those most keen to purchase. Partly worn clothing, when 
 offered at all, is given outright to families which through sickness or other 
 misfortune are in temporary need. 
 
 Settlements that carry on rummage sales have usually inherited the 
 tradition from religious charities. Too often they attract a group of buyers 
 who come to know the house only as a place where bargains may be ob- 
 tained. They are more characteristic of small than large cities. One or two 
 houses sell garments to persons whom they know to be in real need. Others 
 form sewing clubs of poverty-stricken and hopelessly unsuccessful women 
 who repair such clothing and are paid at a low rate or given the opportunity 
 to buy the garments upon which they work. (See p. 202.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXI II.— HEALTH 
 
 NOTE IX.— INFANT SAVING IN CHICAGO 
 
 THE development of the Chicago infant saving campaign demon- 
 strates the high potentialities of intelligent and humanistic civic 
 service under municipal auspices. The city is divided into districts 
 each of which has its local staff and headquarters. A house-to-house can- 
 vass is made and a census of babies taken. Meetings are arranged in local 
 schools, churches, and community centers. Information on child care is 
 printed in general, local, and immigrant newspapers. Department of 
 
 418 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 health bulletins are distributed broadcast. Posters in the several immi- 
 grant languages are displayed on billboards about the city. For some 
 years the director of the bureau was Dr. Caroline Hedger, long identified 
 with settlement work. 
 
 Nearly half of the local branches are in settlement houses. Procedure 
 at University of Chicago Settlement illustrates resources which a well- 
 organized neighborhood house affords in such a campaign. The district 
 nurse, who resides at the settlement, is in charge. Additional nurses and 
 house-to-house visitors are provided by Board of Health and Department 
 of Charities. The assistance of neighborhood physicians is elicited both 
 for their own patients and for those who cannot afford to pay a private 
 doctor. Work of the medical staff is supplemented by appeal to in- 
 fluential leaders. The priest of the Lithuanian church calls women of 
 the congregation together to listen to an address in their own tongue by a 
 local physician. The settlement uses its knowledge of the people's way 
 of life in assisting mothers to establish their household regimen on the best 
 possible basis. Previous acquaintance established by residents is of 
 inestimable value in bringing about cheerful and willing acceptance of 
 advice on which ultimate success mainly depends. (See p. 25 1 .) 
 
 CHAPTER XXX.— RACE AND PLACE 
 
 NOTE X.— AN EXPERIMENTAL DEFINITION OF THE AMERICAN 
 STANDARD OF LIVING 
 
 TH E American standard of living is not easy to describe, though it is by 
 no means incapable both of qualitative and quantitative statement. 
 A tentative description is ventured under a few main headings. 
 
 Language: The use of English in its living quality as a means of human 
 interchange. 
 
 Food: Daily rations of meat, milk for children, wheat flour, and sugar 
 in sufficient quantity so that the strength of adults is maintained and 
 children make certain average advances in weight and development. 
 
 Room: A living room sufficiently large to permit the family to meet 
 together, and a bedroom for every two persons, with additional space 
 where necessary to insure decent privacy. 
 
 Cleanliness; A bath at least once a week, and sufficient underclothing to 
 permit of weekly change. Indeed this is an indispensable factor in the 
 American standard; one worked out by Americans under conditions much 
 more difficult to encompass than are met by most immigrants. 
 
 Clothing: Of a pattern and quality so that the wearer may feel incon- 
 
 419 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 spicuous and comfortable upon the street or in any public conveyance or 
 place of gathering. 
 
 Association: The meeting of the entire family at meals once a day; 
 group observance of holidays and festivals; a certain consideration in the 
 relations between men and women which is difficult to describe but which 
 everyone recognizes. 
 
 Child Nurture: Devoted care for health, cleanliness, and dietary; con- 
 stant oversight of play and association; watchfulness for the appearance 
 of ability or talent; readiness to sacrifice convenience or substance in 
 order to provide education and opportunity for advancement. 
 
 iVIoral Idioms: Chief among these are willingness to meet with others 
 for creation of a better environment, interest in local affairs, and general 
 attitude of hope and opportunity toward communal activities. 
 
 A noticeable thing about the American standard of living is the fact that 
 it is being modified in cities. But America has always refused to con- 
 template continued existence of a lower class. It has preferred to regard 
 anything below its standard as a temporary stage in an upward process 
 which will be passed through within a relatively few years. This is a 
 unique contribution made by our country to the world and must be actual- 
 ized. (See p. 327.) 
 
 NOTE XI.— RADICALISM AND MISUNDERSTANDING 
 
 Immediately after the assassination of President McKinley, the editor 
 of a small paper in Chicago was arrested as particeps criminis and deprived 
 of his legal right to see an attorney and communicate with his friends. A 
 short time before. Prince Kropotkin, while on a visit to America, had 
 lectured at Hull House, where the editor, a quiet, scholarly man of philo- 
 sophic mind, had visited him. Upon his arrest, certain newspapers sug- 
 gested that encouragement of violence was one result of the liberalism 
 of settlements. Miss Addams and Raymond Robins, then a resident of 
 the Commons, went to see the mayor and asked that, for the sake of the 
 great Russian colony which was only too familiar with the drastic methods 
 used by the police, the man be allowed to consult an attorney and com- 
 municate with his family. They pointed out that the worst kind of adver- 
 tising Chicago could receive would be to fasten the crime on it, which 
 opprobrium should be escaped if it could be honestly done. The mayor 
 thereupon permitted the visitors to see the accused man, an act that 
 drew upon them a great deal of newspaper vituperation. 
 
 The "Averbuch" case a few years later presented similar problems. 
 Early one morning a young Russian Jew appeared at the house of the 
 Chicago chief of police on an errand of which no one ever knew the import. 
 
 420 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 The city was in one of its periodic panics over a murder that had been 
 committed shortly before in Denver. The chief of police assumed that 
 Averbuch was bent on assassination, and in a panic shot his visitor dead. 
 Members of the Russian Jewish colony and the West Side of Chicago were 
 thrown into intense excitement by the incident. The police made a 
 drastic search of the Jewish colony, put the family of Averbuch and' a 
 number of his friends through the so-called "third degree," and aroused 
 law-abiding and peaceful citizens to a state of great resentment. Hull 
 House felt that every effort should be made to find out just what had 
 happened, before the crime was attributed to a colony of peaceful citizens. 
 The work of various civic agencies in building up a more sympathetic 
 and awakened citizenship should not be torn down by crude measures of 
 law enforcement. (See p. 330.) 
 
 NOTE XII.— ITALIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO AMERICAN CULTURE 
 Hull House Labor Museum and its affiliated shops, which made the 
 beginning in this direction, produce and sell woven stuff, laces, embroid- 
 eries, pottery, and jewelry. The New York School of Italian Industry 
 made a start in rooms furnished by Richmond Hill House in New York. 
 Little Italy Settlement in Brooklyn for some years carried on a lace school 
 employing more than a dozen women. Denison House, Boston, gives 
 employment to a considerable group of Italian women who produce laces 
 and embroideries at home. Hull House very early organized a branch of 
 the Dante Society, an orchestra, and other organizations of men and 
 women for recreation and fellowship. In recognition of its interest, 
 members of the colony, at a meeting attended by some of the men who had 
 served in Garibaldi's campaign, presented to the house a bust of the hero. 
 A Mardi Gras masquerade and celebrations on the birthday of Italian 
 patriots and men of letters were used to cement the finer phases of loyalty. 
 The Circolo-Americano-Italiano organized at Denison House, Boston, in 
 addition to its monthly meetings carries on weekly lectures during the 
 winter, issues leaflets outlining the duties and rights of citizens, and gives 
 sociables which bring progressive Italians in touch with leading Americans. 
 One-third of the membership of the Circolo is made up of Americans. 
 (See p. 334.) 
 
 29 421 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI.— THE LIVING CENTER 
 NOTE XlII— RECORDS 
 
 THE passage in the second stage of settlement development from more 
 or less casual neighborly acquaintance to a considerable measure of 
 domesticated institutionalism brings in its trail certain bookkeeping 
 and administrative responsibilities. One does not document one's friends, 
 and large numbers of people who come to the settlement would forbear if they 
 suspected that anything in the nature of a journal of personal conduct was 
 being kept. The earliest records were in the nature of a visiting list. As 
 clubs and classes were established, attendance sheets, minutes, and other 
 data came to be needed. Parents occasionally draw on such records when 
 ^they suspect that a son or daughter is making attendance on the settlement 
 a pretext for absence from home. Young people refer to club and class 
 leaders when asking for help in seeking employment. After a few years, 
 family records, with a statement of the name, age, and occupation of each 
 member of every household, are compiled as a guide in sending out cards 
 of invitation, making up possible groups, and in general keeping the 
 settlement widely in touch with its local constituency.' In most settle- 
 ments the card system is kept in the office, and any neighbor who questions 
 the nature of the facts tabulated is permitted to examine his own card. 
 As dispensaries, clinics, special schools or vocational bureaus are founded, 
 the types of record which go with such work are kept. These records 
 are, however, shown only to those who have a legitimate right to the 
 information which they contain. (See p. 347.) 
 
 NOTE XIV.— SETTLEMENT BUILDINdS 
 However institutional the exterior, most settlements endeavor to make 
 the inner arrangements of their buildings express the motive of homelike- 
 ness, hospitality, and beauty. The entrance hall has the three functions 
 of being a place of introduction and direction, a center which leads to other 
 parts of the building, and last but not least, a base for guard duty. In 
 most settlements one or the other of these functions of the entrance is 
 dominant. Where a building is used by boys and youth, control of 
 the entrance is important. In those devoted to the needs of girls and 
 women, problems of control are less onerous, and emphasis can easily 
 be placed on the room as a place of reception. It is sound practice, 
 
 ' Where the settlements have been long established, people feel aggrieved if for 
 any reason their names are dropped from the mailing list. 
 
 422 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 therefore, wherever possible, to arrange separate quarters for boys with a 
 separate entrance. 
 
 The chief room in most settlement buildings is a place for assemblies. 
 This room usually has to serve as meeting hall, concert room, gymnasium, 
 dance hall, and theater. Some of the larger settlements, with the passage 
 of years, have come into possession of separate meeting halls, gymnasium, 
 and theater, with the equipment proper to their uses. Such rooms con- 
 stitute an important part not alone of the settlement but of the neighbor- 
 hood institutional resources. 
 
 Beauty is an integral part of culture, and it is one of the traditions of 
 the settlement that buildings and furnishings should express a certain 
 delight in its manifestations. A few settlement buildings manifest some 
 distinction of design. Within doors there is often more of beauty. Hull 
 House has several distinguished rooms, notably the theater and the dining 
 room. It was a fine stroke that led the architect of University of 
 Chicago Settlement to face semi-public rooms with smooth finished brick 
 of a full deep color which lends itself to decoration, and which at the same 
 time is indestructible and easily cleaned. (See p. 348.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII.— THE NEW SYNTHESIS OF LOCALITY 
 NOTE XV.— GROUP ALTRUISM 
 HILE it is highly desirable to set young and old at work doing some- 
 
 w 
 
 thing that will benefit the people about them, group altruism should 
 not be forced. It is possible to enjoin a form of civic and social 
 idealism so high that disenchantment wrecks the very basis of faith and hope. 
 It is not a sound process to seek to call out from working people that type 
 of altruistic concept which goes with special cultivation. This does not 
 mean that social service should be neglected in the club. On the contrary 
 settlements have constantly reported that altruism is native in working- 
 class neighborhoods. It is concerned, however, to elicit and welcome that 
 natural altruism of club members most likely to take such form as will 
 meet the needs and opportunities of the local situation. (See p. 353.) 
 
 NOTE XVI.— FESTIVALS 
 
 Autumn Festivals. — One or two houses give plays and dances which 
 have the qualities of a festival and act as a kind of setting-up drill for the 
 ensuing winter. It is increasingly desirable that a way be developed by 
 which city children can enter into the natural joys which harvest time 
 brings to country children. 
 
 423 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Christmas Celebrations. — These afford the opportunity to express both 
 motives of neighborliness and the sense of beauty and joy. The treats 
 provided for children are widely varied. A few settlements employ pro- 
 fessional entertainers; others send their groups to theaters or public places 
 of amusement; others still have entertainments given by children them- 
 selves. There is a growing tendency among older and larger settlements 
 to discontinue presents to all but small children. 
 
 In some houses volunteer workers make presents to members of their 
 clubs, although this plan has failed more often than it has succeeded. 
 They do not always understand tastes and needs sufficiently to give 
 wisely; moreover, some club leaders cannot afford to give presents. Lack 
 of uniformity creates difficulties where giving is not thoroughly personal 
 and based on a long-contintied relationship. It is common, however, for 
 all settlements to serve simple refreshments at Christmas parties as an 
 expression of that hospitality and goodwill neighborhood people so gener- 
 ally offer to those who call upon them during the season. 
 
 Young people's parties take the form of more elaborate dances, although 
 several houses prepare plays to which friends and neighbors are invited. 
 Some settlements at the Christmas dance invite neighbors who have moved 
 away, to meet their old friends. Parties for members of the various 
 women's groups are generally arranged and are most successful in arousing 
 the spontaneous responsiveness of guests. Women's cooking classes give 
 special parties for husbands, or arrange a formal festival, or find some 
 other way for expression of the unhampered sense of fellowship felt at this 
 time of the year. There are varied and cumulative values in good-fellow- 
 ship which are attained directly and indirectly by the very succession of 
 events, involving one group after another from day to day throughout the 
 holiday season. At many settlements the program begins some days 
 before Christmas and continues until Twelfth Night. 
 
 Afl settlements devote a good deal of energy to the work of engaging 
 men, women, and children more actively in the several aspects of prepara- 
 tion, giving to others, and participation in merrymaking. In most settle- 
 ment kindergartens children prepare gifts for their parents as a part of the 
 season's program. Older children in arts and crafts classes make articles 
 that are to be used as gifts. Clubs rehearse plays which will be presented 
 for entertainments of other clubs, or for common enjoyment of the house 
 membership; spare the necessary time for making and filling cornucopias 
 which are later used at children's entertainments; and give parties for old 
 and house-bound neighbors. Adult organizations furnish refreshments 
 for children's and young people's parties. 
 
 The growing tendency thus to emphasize boldly the human aspects of 
 
 424 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 Christmas, to use its meaning for the purpose of dissipating barriers, 
 enkindling neighborhood loyalty, and reinforcing the home, represent a 
 really decisive step in the direction of broader and deeper application of 
 the original and essential spirit of the settlement. But the result comes 
 partly because such observances are almost necessarily undertaken for 
 and by the people as a whole; and by contrast with the rest of the year the 
 season suggests the possibilities before settlements when they shall have 
 learned to pour themselves out with utter freedom into the general current 
 of community life. 
 
 Closing Festival. — There is a widely growing tendency at present to end 
 the settlement year with a festival. Instead of merely exhibiting products 
 of classes in handwork the attempt is being made to bring every sort of 
 class or club pursuit to formal expression. This gives point and motive to 
 chorus singing, sewing, dancing, and many other forms of group work, 
 and reflects back something of its spirit into the successive sessions of the 
 winter. 
 
 Immigrant Festivals. — In immigrant neighborhoods the national cele- 
 bration yields additional results in strengthening the relation between the 
 first and second generations; enriching the content of American life; pre- 
 serving the art values in the popular amusements of our newest citizens, 
 and in making use of that festival tradition and capacity which is a heri- 
 tage of so many foreign nationalities. 
 
 Hull House and Henry Street Settlement have, the one through its Greek 
 plays and celebrations of national holidays, and the other in festivals 
 built about Jewish life and faith, demonstrated some of the cultural re- 
 sources that are to be found among immigrant people. Settlements in 
 Chicago have had unusual opportunity to bring national groups together, 
 and the education provided by playground festivals has developed bodies 
 of people sufficiently trained so that the arrangement of festival perform- 
 ance is constantly more easy. 
 
 New Year Celebrations. — A large number of houses have developed a 
 distinctive celebration of New Year's Eve for men and women of the 
 neighborhood. In these cases the house is open early in the evening, and 
 there is a concert, dancing and refreshments, with appropriate speeches 
 and general singing as the New Year approaches. Former neighbors are 
 gathered back for an old neighbors' reunion. In several instances, through 
 long custom, the New Year's Eve party has grown to be the most important 
 social event of the year. This occasion avoids all chance of religious mis- 
 understanding where there are Jews; and it stirs reminiscent and forward- 
 looking sentiments which are profitably and effectively emphasized. 
 
 Patriotic Festivals. — ^The settlements have united in efforts for a safe 
 
 425 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 and sane Fourth of July in various cities, furnishing floats for parades, or- 
 ganizing pageants in the public parks, and taking charge of neighborhood 
 celebrations under municipal committees. One house, with the co-opera- 
 tion of its neighbors and the street and police departments, regularly organ- 
 izes a program of events which includes a band concert, street dancing, and 
 the decoration of street and houses. 
 
 In Chicago the settlements have united in a great field day, organized 
 by the newspapers. Although this broad form of celebration resulted in 
 decreased deaths by accident, it created an opening for very grave moral 
 dangers. Experience made it plain that the great opportunity of the 
 settlement is to organize the Fourth on a neighborhood basis, casting 
 around the celebration the combined protection of police and the moral 
 sentiment of the community. 
 
 A few houses have carried on successful Washington Birthday festivals, 
 which are of especial value in immigrant neighborhoods. Lincoln's Birth- 
 day is also celebrated, and several houses have found it an opportunity to 
 bring about a better feeling toward the Negro by giving colored people a 
 chance to be heard. 
 
 Spring Festivals. — iVIuch has been made in some cities of the spring 
 festival, especially in New York with a traditional May or June children's 
 walk. A number of houses on the upper East Side and in Brooklyn 
 organize open-air festivals in parks, to which children march preceded by a 
 band and dressed in their best or in costumes. There are king, queen, 
 attendants. Maypole, various dances, sports, games, and ice cream. For 
 several years settlements in Brooklyn have held a festival under the 
 auspices of the Neighborhood Workers Association. 
 
 Spring festivals in dramatic form are given by an increasing number of 
 houses. In 1905 Henry Street organized such a festival about Eastern 
 conceptions of spring, and in 1907 gave a phantasy called the "Revolt of 
 the Flowers." Neighborhood House in Washington in 1910 organized a 
 festival in imitation of the ancient Greek Daphnephore, celebrated every 
 ninth year in honor of Apollo, which offered interesting costumes and 
 dances. Elizabeth Peabody House in Boston has carried on interesting 
 spring festivals and pantomimes at the Charlesbank playground. (See 
 p. 354.) 
 
 426 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII.— SETTLEMENT FACTORS 
 NOTE XVII.— INITIATING FORCES 
 
 WHILE the settlement established by the founder headworker is, 
 all things considered, the most typical of the settlement motive, 
 an important and growing proportion of houses are established 
 by institutions of education and religion. Alumni and undergraduates at 
 universities and colleges form themselves into associations and appoint 
 committees to carry on the complex tasks of defining motives, seeking 
 support, determining on a neighborhood, securing a house, and gathering 
 a group of residents. The College Settlements Association, made up of 
 alumnae of several women's colleges, was the first fruit of this method of 
 organization. Graduates of normal, kindergarten training, and technical 
 schools establish settlements to give missionary expression to their 
 knowledge and skill. The most important of the dominating specialties 
 are nursing and music. 
 
 Theological schools, uniting religion and education, were responsible for 
 the establishment of several of the earliest settlements. It is interesting 
 and significant that three leading settlements in Boston, Chicago, and 
 New York, which are the ones principally concerned in holding forth the 
 responsibility and opportunity of settlement work as a field for men, should 
 have had their start in theological seminaries. From the very beginning 
 the head residents in each case have stood for Christian unity, and have 
 devoted their efforts, apart from all sectarianism, to the building up of the 
 Kingdom of God. 
 
 The first church houses were founded by liberal congregations and tended 
 to be unsectarian both in name and in deed. After a little, however, settle- 
 ments began to be organized under the auspices of the more conservative 
 groups, and religious education and propaganda were introduced into the 
 routine. Experience has demonstrated beyond peradventure that sec- 
 tarianism in the establishment and direction of the settlement hinders its 
 influence not only in the neighborhood but throughout the city. Possible 
 volunteer assistants and donors hesitate to invest time and money in an 
 organization whose denominational loyalty they do not share. 
 
 The settlement established by a founder-patron who provides building, 
 equipment, and support constitutes a third type. While this plan insures 
 an adequate budget for established work, it leaves the question of experi- 
 ment and expansion wholly within the caprice of an individual. The fact 
 that the house has the reputation of "belonging" to a person of wealth 
 causes those who might render financial or personal service to hesitate be- 
 
 427 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 fore becoming even a voluntary part of a personal undertaking. The repu- 
 tation of unlimited backing sometimes awakens a desire on the part of the 
 people of the neighborhood to get as much out of the settlement as possible, 
 and to give as little in return. 
 
 Lastly, there is a group which has grown out of boys' clubs, kinder- 
 gartens, day nurseries, and other local institutions. In certain instances 
 the transition has been made with great skill. But in other cases the board 
 responsible for the work has entered into the new venture either half- 
 heartedly, or it has been so wedded to an old procedure and point of view 
 that the whole scheme has lacked the spirit of adventure and convinced 
 democracy which characterizes the normal settlement. (See p. 363.) 
 
 NOTE XVIII.— RESIDENT PERSONNEL 
 
 Qualities Needed in Residents. — The primary qualities noted in 
 the text should be reinforced by cleanliness of person and neatness of 
 dress, cultivation of voice and speech, candor and truthfulness, accuracy 
 of thought and expression, and businesslike standards. It seems neces- 
 sary to speak of these traits because, unless the recruit has them, he may be 
 carried away by the oftentimes stronger native force of natural leaders 
 among boys and girls of the neighborhood. Sensitiveness, flexibility, 
 affability, alertness, even-temperedness, good judgment, and sense of 
 humor are well-nigh indispensable. 
 
 All settlements are familiar with the sentimentalist caught by a shallow 
 sympathy for and desire to help the poor, but who fails in fundamental 
 democracy, humility and resource when brought face to face with normal 
 people of an industrial neighborhood. Certain men and women are 
 attracted by a supposedly ascetic flavor and undertake residence as a sort 
 of moral scourging under which they hope to be unhappily happy. Closely 
 related to this type is the missionary, the man or woman enamored of 
 duty for duty's sake, and the charity-monger. 
 
 A small number of men and women seek residence either to tide over an 
 interim, or to find an agreeable place to stay, or to gain what they suppose 
 will be a better social station. An occasional candidate labors under the 
 delusion that he or she can in some way escape binding restrictions in an- 
 other environment, but falls away after discovering that an industrial 
 neighborhood is not in any sense a Bohemia, and that the very seriousness 
 of experiments under way precludes the settlement from encouraging or 
 tolerating a variety of irresponsible fancies. 
 
 A certain number of men and women without consciousness of special 
 vocation are attracted in the hope that actual contact with human life and 
 need will discover them to themselves. An occasional person is received on 
 
 428 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 this basis and allowed to test out his interests and powers in the widest and 
 freest way. In their own self-education, settlement workers often apply 
 the principle which governs so much of their class work, namely, that of 
 allowing the individual to touch life at a sufficient number of different points 
 to discover his mind. 
 
 Economics. — A very small proportion of the resident force at a few of 
 the largest and most important metropolitan settlements continues to be 
 composed of men and women who live at their own charges and give their 
 entire time. Such residents often bring to local problems an attitude un- 
 hampered by personal considerations; and certain among them initiate 
 and carry on promising undertakings for which at the time it would be 
 difficult to secure support. 
 
 At an early stage ways had to be devised to make it possible for young 
 men and women just out of college, and dependent on their own efforts for 
 a livelihood, to devote themselves to neighborhood work. Fellowships 
 paying from three to five hundred dollars, enough to cover board and lodg- 
 ing, began to be offered at some settlements.' In return holders give their 
 services to research, and to carrying on various enterprises projected by 
 older residents. As the development of clubs and classes called for persons 
 to administer and direct education, modest stipends began to be allowed 
 for continuous service in these fields. Ere long the staff at nearly all settle- 
 ments tended to be composed of residents on full salary or specific compen- 
 sation, carrying on stated duties in education and administration. 
 
 The economic democratization of requirements for residence, settlements 
 feel, has made possible deeper understanding of the problems they are 
 set to solve. Most groups include men and women who know conditions 
 under which artisans live through previous actual experience, and count 
 people of widely different fortunes and occupations among relatives and 
 friends. Such residents not only supply a corrective to oversentimentalism, 
 but are able to interpret working people more realistically and to help them 
 with more knowledge. Payment for service makes it possible to seek out 
 the exact type of skill, training, and temperament needed for the develop- 
 ment of specific house activities. 
 
 The danger to open-mindedness, freedom of speech, and initiative, where 
 
 'The first fellowships were those granted in 1892 by the Andover Theological 
 Seminary for participation in the work of Andover House, which soon became 
 South End House. These continued only a few years; since 1899, fellowships con- 
 nected with Harvard University and Amherst College have been steadily main- 
 tained. About the middle of the same decade the College Settlements Association 
 established fellowships for research, some forms of which have continued to the 
 present time. These fellowships also required residence in the settlements of the 
 association. A number of other settlements have provided scholarships or fellow- 
 ships for short periods. 
 
 429 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 residents are dependent on salary, which Canon Barnett foresaw, is real 
 and constant. A few settlements have gone down before it. Salaried 
 residents continue to participate in the motive of the founders, supporters, 
 and volunteer residents by taking less income than they might obtain in 
 other callings. As adventurers on the firing line of reform they accept the 
 hazards, hardships, and disappointments that go with a stirring motive.' 
 They have a correspondingly independent attitude toward their tasks and 
 withdraw whenever they suspect attempts of coercion by administrators 
 or supporters. 
 
 It is obviously unfair to expect all who participate in settlement life to 
 share equally in its motive. Residents should not attempt to force a stand- 
 ard of self-sacrifice which they have voluntarily assumed. Underpaid 
 employes in routine service of a settlement are a disgrace to its motive. 
 Salaries and working conditions for secretaries, stenographers, janitors, 
 scrubwomen, domestics, ought at least to equal the average market wage. 
 It is, however, worth calling attention to the fact that in most houses 
 secretaries, janitors, and the domestic staff make substantial contributions 
 to its work in the form of patient, responsible, and consecutive service of a 
 kind that transcends possibility of payment. 
 
 Men in Residence. — More or less definite efforts toward keeping up and 
 strengthening the appeal of the settlement to men, and of providing appro- 
 priate opportunities for them are made. It may be said that in positions 
 of special responsibility the number of men and women is about equal; 
 and there seems to be a stronger tendency for men than for women to re- 
 main continuously in such service. It is an interesting fact that a majority 
 of men who have remained in settlement work during a considerable period 
 of years started originally with some measure of training and experience in 
 parish work, an atmosphere and background which has seemed to provide 
 for them some of the same sense for neighborhood realities which is in- 
 stinctive with women. Their numbers are filled out by men who have 
 made more or less progress in other professions such as teaching, medicine, 
 law, and of late years by those who are seeking more human ways of in- 
 dustrial and commercial leadership. 
 
 Women in Residence. — ^A highly significant aspect of settlement work in 
 America is the fact that it has been predominantly a creation of women.^ 
 Neighborhood work offered educated women a chance to test their powers 
 
 ' On the other hand, salaries so small as to create constant financial anxiety and 
 the fear of dependency in illness and old age defeat their end. The accepted prac- 
 tice is increasingly toward approximating the average wage paid educators. 
 
 ' A canvass of 250 of the most important settlements shows residents totaling 
 1,41 1 persons. Of these 1,090, or 70 per cent, were women and 32 1, or 30 per cent, 
 were men. 
 
 430 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 in the actual thick of affairs. Whatever might then be said about the 
 propriety of their entering professions and public life, and the possibility 
 of their developing their best capacities and achieving the highest order of 
 success in such callings, settlement work offered an opportunity for ample 
 exercise of those spiritual, domestic, and associational instincts, minimized 
 in other occupations, which are so important a part of women's heritage. 
 In undertaking to re-establish healthful home conditions and neighbor- 
 hood relations, in bringing about better administration of the more human 
 departments of city government, the enlightened woman is simply mak- 
 ing new and larger adaptations of her specialized capacities. 
 
 The opportunity which settlements afford of discovering and training 
 exceptional leadership among women, makes them one of the most signifi- 
 cant agencies through which they have substantiated their case for unre- 
 stricted influence and authority in the larger life of city and nation. The 
 very thoroughness of the achievement of so many women residents has, 
 however, by weakening the claim of such service upon men, sometimes re- 
 sulted in a one-sided outlook and approach, and made it so much more 
 diflficult for the settlement to encompass its fundamental task of knowing 
 people and institutions in the whole round of existence. 
 
 Families in Residence. — Family groups are a much to be desired factor 
 in the resident force, because many individual and community problems 
 need the insight and experience of married men and women for proper 
 comprehension and solution. But the proportion of families in residence, 
 either on a paid or volunteer basis, is very small. The chief hindrance in 
 securing a larger number centers about the problem of the nurture of chil- 
 dren. The air of working-class localities is generally malodorous and heavy 
 and is in most cities laden with smoke; street noises are extreme; and the 
 difTiculties of taking little children outdoors for exercise under even fair 
 conditions are very great. Adolescence brings new problems. Parents are 
 forced to decide between sending children who would normally have a good 
 measure of reinforcing and stimulating associations, the power of which 
 should las't through life, into continuous associations with playmates whose 
 standards are limited; or of seeming to put at naught democratic stand- 
 ards by sending children out of the neighborhood to private schools and 
 recreation institutions. But the fact that there are very few settlement 
 environments in the United States in which under ordinary circumstances 
 it would seem wise or just to bring up a growing family, if there are other 
 alternatives, makes it evident that the settlement itself must go deeper into 
 its own neighborhood problem and look forward to such a reorganization 
 of every aspect of local life as will make the coming in of resourceful fami- 
 lies a reasonably possible thing. 
 
 431 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 There are a number of instances in which families have brought up 
 several children each in the settlement environment with nothing, on the 
 whole, to regret. On the other hand, there have been some cases of serious 
 disappointment in family life transferred to the settlement. It is only fair 
 to say that in each successful attempt there has been sufficient income to 
 provide long country vacations and other compensating advantages. 
 
 Resident Associates. — Residents whose principal connections are out- 
 side the settlement are variously judged in different cities. Officials of 
 charitable and civic organizations, artists, literary people, librarians, and 
 other professional men and women, even though they give no great amount 
 of time to routine of the house, gain much for their own enlargement, bring 
 a certain informed but unhampered outlook, and create a point of departure 
 into new and interesting fields. Where several such allies remain during a 
 course of years, they frequently succeed in tiding over disturbing changes 
 in staff, in preserving a certain freshness of view which might otherwise be 
 lost, and in keeping up local acquaintance and friendship outside the lines 
 of organization. 
 
 Training and Routine. — The predominant characteristic of most resi- 
 dent groups is youth. The founders were youthful guides of youth, and 
 the genius of the movement continues to be suffused with that natural 
 good humor and excess of spirit characteristic of post-adolescence. The 
 cheerfulness that is the note of the best settlement households is, however, 
 very far from being a crude or irresponsible reaction from depression. 
 Indeed, an important share of the subject matter for gaiety is caught from 
 the elementary strength of character, bravery, and hopefulness of people 
 of the neighborhood. 
 
 New residents pass through a period of probation and training. Each 
 recruit is conducted about the neighborhood by an older resident; visits 
 to local schools and recreation resorts are arranged. The significance of 
 environment and the part played by local traditions are explained. Re- 
 ports, publications, and other printed data are assigned to be read. Routine 
 tasks, such as addressing envelopes, answering telephone and Idoor bell, 
 and running errands make the neophyte acquainted with the main out- 
 lines of the work. Calls are made in connection with library, stamp-saving 
 service, dispensary, fall and spring canvass, and special recreation events. 
 Participation in clubs, classes, and societies, under experienced guidance, 
 gradually leads to positions of responsibility. Assistance is given in prepar- 
 ing maps and charts, following up the work of public departments, making 
 investigations of nuisances. JVlonthly conferences for discussion of the 
 principles of social work, lecture courses on local institutions and the tech- 
 
 432 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 nique of group work for newcomers, and staff meetings to talk over details 
 of programs create a constantly enlarging body of group experience.^ 
 
 Staff workers, whatever their specialty of service, are expected to give 
 from seven to eight hours a day, six days a week, to a program of adminis- 
 tration, visiting, and group meetings. Much work has to be done in late 
 afternoon and evening, on holidays, and in the most heated months of 
 summer. Like physicians, actors, and clergymen, residents adapt their 
 periods of rest and recreation to those times and seasons which best fit the 
 necessities of their tasks as a whole. JVlost settlements endeavor to assure 
 each resident two free evenings a week, occasional week-ends after periods 
 of unusual demands, and a vacation of one month with pay.^ 
 
 The routine of settlement work, while not without strain, is not neces- 
 sarily unwholesome. To newcomers the necessity for entering emotionally 
 into the situations of many different people and groups with whom burdens 
 take the place of opportunity, makes for a time a severe draft on mind and 
 sympathy. It is, however, one of the triumphs of the settlement that its 
 system and course of living create and maintain a sufficient corrective. 
 The mawkish gratification that may once have been felt over nervous 
 breakdown as a proof of faithful overwork has disappeared, and it is be- 
 coming a settlement conviction that illness is an indication of unfitness, 
 bad hygiene, or short-sighted administration. 
 
 Responsibility in the settlement is democratized to the very limit of 
 possibility. Determination of broad policy in the light of group experience 
 and will is hardly more of the essence of settlement administration than 
 the effort to order the tasks of individual residents as far as possible by 
 liberty. Indeed, the flexibility and vitality of the various enterprises de- 
 pend on giving each person as much opportunity as is possible to develop 
 his own best standards. In the earliest groups a weekly meeting of resi- 
 dents decided details of co-operatiVe housekeeping and outlined the pro- 
 gram of neighborhood work. As settlements grew in size and complexity, 
 it became necessary that some one assume continuous responsibility for 
 the larger outline of administration and management. Under pressure of 
 organization, settlements changed from a co-operative society to an insti- 
 tution in charge of a duly appointed executive. 
 
 Many of the motives and some of the activities of administration on the 
 co-operative system remain. The more experienced residents still consti- 
 
 1 Hull House, Chicago; College Settlement, Philadelphia; South End House, 
 Boston; Henry Street Settlement, New York, have carried on regular courses for 
 residents. 
 
 ^ In many settlements vacation periods are assigned for the interval before or 
 after summer work, that is, from mid-May to mid-June, or in September and the 
 first half of October. 
 
 433 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 tute the active cabinet of the headworker, and the resident body as a 
 whole meets periodically to talk over problems of general concern. In 
 many settlements a variety of matters of practical procedure are referred 
 to the whole group for vote, and the executives act in accord with the 
 plans thus determined upon. 
 
 Periodic meetings' to consider the deeper motives of the settlement, in 
 distinction from all that goes with its administration, are held at the 
 largest houses. The headworker leads the discussion, which centers on 
 the one hand about questions of broad reform, the larger problems of local 
 organization, ways of carrying the ripe results of culture to the people of 
 the neighborhood, and, on the other, about the re-interpretation of science 
 and literature, ethics and religion, -in relation to the residents' personal 
 incentive and outlook. Invited speakers bring the latest results of work 
 which they are doing, or of their observations in other communities at 
 home and abroad. The great end in view in these meetings is the constant 
 refreshment and renewal of insight and inspiration. 
 
 Residents' Living Quarters. — Of very decided importance in securing 
 and holding residents are the convenience, comfort, and distinction of the 
 living quarters.^ Stanton Coit sought to obviate the need of raising funds 
 outside the resident group and at the same time to secure the completest 
 possible overlapping with the people by living in a tenement. New resi- 
 dents as they came on the scene hired tenements in the same or nearby 
 buildings, each living at his own charges in his own way. A number of 
 limitations of this plan, however, shortly developed. Tenements were 
 found to be too dirty and uncomfortable and inconvenient even for men; 
 for women they were impossible. The Toynbee buildings with their com- 
 fortable resident quarters, commons, and meeting rooms, reminiscent of 
 college life, called for like provision in this country. Resident quarters at 
 the smaller settlements are very like those in a home. Accommodations in 
 the more recently erected institutional buildings approximate the college 
 dormitory, except that space is even more restricted. The dining room 
 usually serves as common room for the household, though a small propor- 
 tion of houses have a residents' living room with fireplace, piano, and a 
 sociological library. In most settlements, however, rooms of any size have 
 
 ' Usually monthly, though some houses meet twice a month. 
 
 * "A settlement, if it is to be true to its title, must keep within itself the charac- 
 teristics of the society from which it has been drawn. It is an off-shoot of culti- 
 vated life planted in the midst of industrial life. It must therefore be made up of 
 persons who have had the advantage of culture, and they in their new home must 
 keep around them the things which culture demands. A settlement must not be a 
 social workshop, nor must it be just an inn in which travellers put up with incon- 
 venience. It must be a home furnished with the books, the pictures and luxuries 
 which have been found for life's good." — Canon Barnett, 1906. 
 
 434 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 to be drawn on regularly or occasionally for clubs, conferences, and special 
 meetings. 
 
 The conduct of the household according to the best tradition is co-oper- 
 ative. Residents meet weekly to decide on expenditures for food and 
 service and to formulate rules. Each member of the staff serves a turn 
 on the various committees which assume responsibility for administrative 
 detail. Other groups find it more convenient to manage the kitchen as 
 part of the general work of the house, charging board at actual cost. The 
 presence of young unmarried men and women in the household creates 
 certain internal and external problems which have to be met by the re- 
 sponsible heads of the enterprise. While leaders are far from averse to the 
 friendships of the socially minded, too great intimacy easily hinders the 
 work which the settlement is set to perform. Even more important is the 
 danger growing out of the tendency among certain nationalities to mis- 
 interpret the freedom of personal relations which in this country obtains 
 between men and women. A few houses maintain a separate establish- 
 ment for each sex, and this furnishes perhaps the most satisfactory solution 
 of the problem. Others set aside a wing for men and one for women, or 
 place the men on one floor and the women on another. In a few instances 
 where the staff is small and conditions are congested, it is impossible to 
 secure even this degree of separation. (See p. 364.) 
 
 NOTE XIX.— INTERPLAY OF RELIGIOUS LOYALTIES 
 Settlements founded and maintained by sectarian organizations gener- 
 ally select residents among fellow communicants. In undenominational 
 settlements the form of faith held by candidates for residence is not re- 
 garded as important. Any inquiry instituted is chiefly to discover whether 
 the prospective resident's attitude toward denominations other than his 
 own is such as to make it impossible for him to work amicably with their 
 adherents. Resident groups often include Protestant Evangelicals, Uni- 
 tarians, Catholics, Liberal and Orthodox Jews, and Christian Scientists 
 working together, in mutual respect and harmony, for broad ends sancti- 
 fied by their several communions. 
 
 While the settlement seeks to bring its staff into the attitude of students 
 of history and civilization toward local religious organizations, there are a 
 number of practical stumbling blocks. Many neighbors and some resi- 
 dents are incapable of religious impartiality. Certain professed neutrals 
 are found to be so only within the field of Protestant denominationalism. 
 A proportion of theoretical liberals, when actually brought face to 
 face with men and women otherwise minded, discover to their own sur- 
 prise that inherited religious, educational, and class prejudices persist 
 
 435 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 in spite of the most consistent effort to see sympathetically and without 
 bias. The more resourceful settlements therefore require each new resident 
 to give indubitable assurances that he or she is not about to use the sacred 
 name of friendship as a subtle cloak for what amounts to propaganda. 
 For the final test of unsectarianism lies not even in the intention of its 
 professors, but in the actual results of their words and actions. (See 
 p. 364.) 
 
 NOTE XX.— NON-RESIDENT ASSOCIATES 
 
 The qualities of mind and the training called for in non-resident associ- 
 ates are the same as those desired in residents. Practically basic is capa- 
 city for democratic fellowship and open-mindedness in social affairs. Skill 
 of some definite kind is a prerequisite. Teachers, doctors, lawyers, mu- 
 sicians, artists, craftsmen, men at different points in the scale of leader- 
 Ship in industry and commerce, and young people in training for such 
 callings are eagerly welcojned. Regularity of service, a sense of responsi- 
 bility for settlement equipment and tradition, force of character sufTicient 
 to control group sentiment, are absolutely necessary. A considerable pro- 
 portion of young people fail quickly under the acid test of group manage- 
 ment and depart discouraged. Many are unequal to the long, strong pull. 
 
 Sources of volunteer assistance, though various, fall into several cate- 
 gories. A numerically small but ethically important percentage of men 
 and women, desirous of coming into touch with working-class problems, 
 seek out the settlement and/)ffer their services. Houses which are man- 
 aged or supported by educational and other organizations naturally draw 
 on their membership. A considerable share of volunteers come from 
 young women whose introduction to the world has been that of fashionable 
 society. Colleges, normal schools, institutions for teaching the practical 
 arts, and schools of social work increasingly seek opportunities for their 
 pupils to make practical use of skill. Some of these institutions, recogniz- 
 ing the value of knowledge about working-class neighborhoods and of ex- 
 perience in associating with working people which the volunteer gets in 
 the settlement, are given credit for faithful leadership in clubs and classes. 
 In a few instances supervisors of practice work are employed by the educa- 
 tional institution. 
 
 The fact that so large a proportion of volunteers are both young and in- 
 experienced lays a heavy burden on the administrators of the settlement. 
 Head residents and club directors must be swift to recognize latent personal 
 ability, resourceful in helping young people to find themselves, tactful in 
 pointing out, when necessary, the effect of infelicities of dress, conversa- 
 tion, and deportment on neighborhood young people. They must be able 
 to stimulate originality, induce the neophyte to interpret his problems in 
 
 436 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 the light of his own childhood and youth, provide personal suggestion and 
 reading, help the capable through struggle for second wind. They will 
 mediate between the qualities and desires of members of the various clubs 
 and classes on the one hand, and the powers and interests of volunteers 
 on the other. 
 
 Training of volunteers in the larger settlements is becoming increasingly 
 definite and detailed. Newcomers are personally conducted about the 
 neighborhood; the character and significance of its geography are pointed 
 out; the meaning of local institutions and the significance of traditions 
 interpreted; eff'ects of national, religious and other loyalties on the char- 
 acter of local life explained and the powers, aptitudes, and antipathies of 
 the people noted. The history of the settlement is outlined, its accomplish- 
 ments indicated, its hopes for individuals, families, groups, and neighbor- 
 hood as a whole, set forth. Such information is sometimes given to small in- 
 formal classes. Some directors of club work utilize the introductory visit 
 for explanations; others arrange luncheon or dinner parties which are 
 addressed by headworker and skilled club leaders. Still other directors 
 make a special point of seeing new workers both before and after the club 
 session. 
 
 Training courses for volunteers, extending over a number of weeks, are 
 now being carried on in several cities. Lectures are offered covering the 
 motives and interests which engage children and young people, and the 
 activities by which they can be influenced and helped. Practical instruc- 
 tion in parliamentary law, simple handicraft, the conduct of games, danc- 
 ing, and management of parties are offered. Talks on the theory and prac- 
 tice of local organization in its broad aspects are given. > (See p. 366.) 
 
 NOTE XXI.— BOARDS 
 The majority of governing boards are made up of women, or, if there 
 are men members, women in effect provide the initiative and sustain the 
 responsibility. In those instances where a deliberate effort is made to 
 command the full interest and service of men, the board is formed en- 
 tirely or chiefly of men. It is, however, a very general custom for such 
 boards to organize women's auxiliaries, which take part in raising money 
 and in building up a strong body of moral support for the settlement and 
 the causes which it espouses.^ They maintain, in different instances, dis- 
 
 ' Henry Street Settlement offers an extended course on preparation for club work. 
 Settlement federations in various cities offer lectures in work for children, boys, 
 girls, young men and women, in dramatics, and other special subjects. 
 
 ^This policy has been followed at Union Settlement, University Settlement, 
 and East Side House in New York, Friendly House in Brooklyn, and South End 
 House in Boston. It must not be thought of in any way as representing an out- 
 
 30 437 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 trict nurses, kindergartens, domestic science centers, libraries, monthly 
 concerts, and like enterprises. A few settlements have organized commit- 
 tees of younger men and women into junior councils, both to enlist in- 
 terest and to discover and train future leaders and supporters. 
 
 Practice with respect to representation of residents, volunteers, and 
 neighbors differs at different houses. Neighborhood representation on 
 boards of managers is unusual. In a few cases efforts have been made 
 to secure such representation. Neighborhood House, Chicago, raised 
 in the neighborhood a considerable sum of money for a new building, and 
 stockholders are represented on the board of directors. In other instances, 
 house councils have been created, to which the board of directors delegate 
 some of their authority. 
 
 Volunteer workers are not often appointed definitely to represent their 
 group. The majority of boards, however, include persons who contribute 
 both money and time, and these carry the spirit of the volunteer before 
 board members whose chief contact with the work is through determining 
 policy and raising money. 
 
 Residents are, in a few instances, ex-oflficio members of boards of direc- 
 tors, and in a number of houses it is customary to elect senior residents 
 to membership on the council. There are, however, a substantial number 
 of settlements where the headworker is sole representative of the house 
 group. Such practice is unsound. Both residents and neighbors instinc- 
 tively fear control by outsiders with slight knowledge of the neighborhood 
 and its citizens, and even less experience in the technique of local organiza- 
 tion. Residents, sympathetic on the one hand with the loyalties of the 
 neighbors and, on the other, with the broad purposes of the final authori- 
 tative group, should have substantial representation in council. 
 
 A restrictive and retrenching board can easily engender a feeling of per- 
 sonal irritation that altogether inhibits the initiating power and vitality 
 not only of headworker but of the entire resident group. The type of 
 council which monopolizes all planning and decisions, which asks a 
 headworker to present a report and retire, usually has to be satisfied with an 
 unimaginative director and house group. It sometimes happens that the 
 strongest member of a council, by virtue of his ability to coerce his fellow- 
 members and head resident, becomes a virtual dictator. An occasional 
 head resident is able to dominate his board and by careful elimination to 
 secure a group of merely complacent members. Such a situation, when it 
 occurs, negatives the whole principle of settlement work, which depends 
 in such large part on the interplay of mind on mind, the building up of 
 
 worn conception of the place of women. The object of such division of labor is to 
 place the strongest emphasis upon the call for men in such service. 
 
 438 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 knowledge through exchange of experience, and accomplishment through 
 team play. 
 
 There are, however, a number of cases in which the board, through its 
 committees, secures funds necessary for the work and initiates even the 
 detail of policy. iVlembers quite naturally come to feel that they have a 
 better knowledge of the spirit and method of the work in hand, and a 
 sounder basis for judgment, than residents. This type of organization oc- 
 curs oftenest in houses where, either as cause or effect, the headworker 
 withdraws every few years. It is always an unfortunate situation when this 
 reversion of authority occurs, because it renders impossible the resourceful 
 and energetic leadership in the fullest and freest exercise of its creative 
 powers, which is necessary to reorganize local civilization in crowded city 
 districts. 
 
 The council is in duty bound to be acquainted with the opinions and 
 personal capacity of each staff member. While it is a rooted policy to in- 
 terfere as little as possible with the right of individual resident, volunteer, 
 supporter, and neighbor, whether Methodist or Catholic, single taxer, 
 dress reformer, or socialist, to think and act according to his own conscience, 
 this freedom has to be curtailed where opinion jeopardizes the free range 
 of service for other members of the group or appears to coipmit the settle- 
 ment as a whole to a position which, for practical purposes, will disqualify 
 it as a harmonizing and constructive force. 
 
 Members of the council and residents should be personally acquainted 
 and conspire together individually and collectively. Heads of departments 
 in many houses are asked to report at board meetings. Members of the 
 council are periodically invited to the settlement table. Fortunately there 
 are usually a few board members who are also faithful volunteers. In 
 almost all cases long-established residents come to have good working 
 acquaintance with board members, and in many instances relations of 
 cordial character grow out of continued interest in common work. The 
 exceptionally free and flexible relationships that often develop between 
 board members and the house group are a result of the high skill of both 
 these bodies in the difficult art of working together productively in the spirit 
 of moral adventure. 
 
 Acquaintance between board members and neighbors is hardly less im- 
 portant than association between the board and residents. Such acquain- 
 tance proceeds through reports, meetings, committee service, attendance 
 at special neighborhood events such as pageants, plays, closing exercises, 
 visits to camps, rounds of inspection. Where a women's club is conducted 
 by a board member, which happens in a considerable number of houses, a 
 fine relationship not only between club and leader but between club and 
 
 439 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 board comes about. A certain proportion of board members are one-time 
 residents or volunteers. These never altogether lose track of members of 
 groups formerly led by them; and the neighborhood on its part is very un- 
 willing to let them go altogether. A few settlements bring women of the 
 board and neighborhood together to make articles for a yearly bazaar, to 
 arrange the hall, and to serve at tables. (See p. 367.) 
 
 NOTE XXII.— HEAD RESIDENTS 
 In a degree which is hard to underestimate, the head resident in the 
 most vital settlements is the heart of the enterprise. Sound administra- 
 tion demands that in carrying out the policy agreed upon after consul- 
 tation between head resident, staff, and board, the first shall have the 
 utmost freedom of initiative and movement. The endeavor of boards to 
 limit the service and influence of headworkers to purely institutional ac- 
 tivities is one of the most frequent sources of friction. A man or woman 
 of capacity and energy uncovers facts which demand presentation before 
 the city and consultation with leaders of municipal departments and 
 private philanthropic organizations. To ask the one in charge to con- 
 fine himself to a formal program is to restrict hopelessly the range and 
 growth of that program itself, to cut off the enterprise as distributing 
 agency of many resources of the city for its district, and to negative that 
 large leavening and teaching function through which settlements are in all 
 probability rendering their highest and most unique service. 
 
 The extremely complex conditions of the position make it clear that in 
 their relations to residents and associate workers, headworkers should have 
 final authority and responsibility. Every step on their part must, however, 
 be won by that ingenuity of personal adjustment and conciliation which is 
 of the essence of democracy. Where a large staff exists, older residents come 
 to have practically complete control within their own fields, and the rela- 
 tion between the head resident and such associates is on an essentially co- 
 operative basis. While, of course, members of the staff, and also the gen- 
 eral membership of neighborhood organizations attached to the settle- 
 ment, should as a matter of last resource have power to appeal to the 
 board, favorable action on such an appeal would in most cases be consid- 
 ered tantamount to a request for the head resident's resignation. 
 
 Among the most important tests, both of -head resident and settlement, 
 is length of the leader's connection with the enterprise. The finest fruits 
 of the settlement motive ripen slowly and demand patient and intensive 
 cultivation. There are certain kinds of experience which come only as a 
 result of a decade of work with the same environment and people. 
 
 Settlement executives fall into three fairly distinct classes with respect 
 
 440 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 to length of consecutive service in one locality. There is, first, the group 
 of pioneers, who caught the original motive directly from the English 
 founders, and who are in surprising proportion still giving the active ser- 
 vice of their best productive years. The spirit of members of this group 
 is, on the whole, so much alike that it overbalances the different per- 
 sonal qualities that exist among them. The likeness has not come about 
 through intimate association, because even in the same city such coming 
 together has not been much practiced. Rather it is to be traced to the 
 principle of continuous participation with all one's heart and all one's 
 mind in a certain restless complex of human relationships. It is not acci- 
 dental that the houses started by this group are among the most suggestive 
 in the country, for it could hardly be otherwise with a venture whose be- 
 ginning so challenged the capacity and persistence of its leaders. 
 
 After the pioneers, come a group of head residents with original pre- 
 possession for the work, but not under the spur of new enterprise in an 
 undiscovered country. The size and importance of this group is significant 
 because it demonstrates the quality of the settlement's second wind. Its 
 members have rendered an indispensable service in developing the tech- 
 nique of neighborhood work, and several houses established by such lead- 
 ers are among the strongest in the country. 
 
 To the more recent head residents, who constitute in some sense a third 
 generation, the settlement begins to represent a career. They look upon 
 neighborhood work as a fresh and stirring professional opportunity. They 
 are not so emotionally inspired because they have not been exponents of a 
 new message and mission, have not seen this motive grow from a feeling to 
 a force, and know only by hearsay the toil- of exploration through which 
 this result has been brought to pass. They do acquire, however, in marked 
 degree, that democracy of mind and spirit which is at the heart of most of 
 the fine and permanent things that were initiated in pioneer days. (See p. 
 367-) 
 
 NOTE XXIII.— FINANCIAL ASSOCIATIONS 
 The majority of settlements are maintained by an association, member- 
 ship in which is conditioned by payment of a sum of money ranging 
 upward from a minimum fee. Some classify subscribers in from two to 
 six rankings according to the value of their subscriptions. In a consid- 
 erable number of instances, though not invariably, residents and volun- 
 teers are ex-officio members of the association. As a rule, these bodies 
 are made up of persons living in the general population center of which 
 the settlement neighborhood is part; and to belong implies a recognition of 
 direct moral responsibility on the part of members. Sometimes member- 
 
 441 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ship is more scattered; in which case it is often augmented by special chap- 
 ters and auxiliaries.' The association, in most cases, meets annually to re- 
 ceive a report of work accomplished and future plans, and to elect officers. 
 The more substantial wing among settlement workers has held steadily to 
 the founders' principle that support should not be sought through channels 
 suggestive of relief-giving and sentimental patronage. While it is of de- 
 cided advantage, as a means of extending the influence of the house, to 
 have money represent as large a number of people as possible, it is not pos- 
 sible to sustain the cost of a large plant by small donations. The settle- 
 ment is therefore compelled to seek the interest of a group of persons who 
 will undertake, with more or less assurance of continuing goodwill, to 
 make very considerable donations.' (See p. 368.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV.— CITY FEDERATIONS 
 
 NOTE XXIV.— STREET TRADES 
 
 IN 1902 a committee of the Chicago Federation of Settlements was ap- 
 pointed to study conditions surrounding children who work on the 
 streets. In July, 1903, the federation constituted itself a committee 
 of the whole to investigate the newsboys' problems. In two days and 
 nights an investigation of one thousand newsboys was made and later a 
 report was prepared and published. In Boston a study of street trades 
 included also district messenger boys. Whether boys are roving or more 
 nearly stationary, whether working or at school, the temptation to street 
 gambling is ever present. Nearly all federations from time to time have 
 made attempts covering the range of settlement territory to deal with 
 this demoralizing pastime. The New York Association of Neighborhood 
 Workers in 1903-1904, and again in 1906-1907, made general canvasses 
 to determine the extent of crap-shooting, and each time brought a serious 
 situation to the attention of the chief of police. (See p. 379.) 
 
 ' College Settlements Association had chapters in various women's colleges and 
 in some thirty finishing schools for girls; Lenox Hill House, New York, has class 
 auxiliaries in the Normal College of that city; and School Settlement in Brooklyn 
 has chapters in secondary schools and among school teachers of the city. The 
 Women's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Church South contributes a 
 proportion of the expenses of various Wesley Houses in different cities, and reserves 
 authority to appoint the head residents of each settlement. 
 
 ' A useful type of financial co-operation is that given by such organizations as the 
 Junior League in New York and the Sewing Circle League in Boston, associations, 
 made up of young society women, which appropriate money for certain specialties 
 of settlement service. The Junior League has made possible several interesting 
 and useful settlement experiments. 
 
 442 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 NOTE XXV.— COMMERCIAL AMUSEMENT RESORTS 
 The Boston Social Union in 1905 made a special study of commercial 
 amusement resorts, and in co-operation with the Watch and Ward So- 
 ciety secured regulation of dance halls, theaters, and skating rinks. 
 
 Sunday recreation in its various aspects is a periodic matter of settle- 
 ment discussion. The New York Association of Neighborhood Workers 
 voted in 1908-1909 to support a movement to open athletic fields on Sun- 
 days, and the Boston Social Union (1909-1910) made a careful survey of 
 the forms of play observed about the city on warm days. As a result of 
 such observations there is increasing sentiment in favor of permitting 
 active play as a means of reducing gambling and its allied vices. 
 
 As for motion picture shows, the Boston Social Union (1905-1906) pre- 
 vented the granting of licenses to several places, and has had part in secur- 
 ing adequate exits, better lighting of the auditoriums, and provisions to 
 lessen danger of eye-strain from flickering films. In New York the Asso- 
 ciation of Neighborhood Workers has co-operated directly with the Na- 
 tional Board of Censorship. The problem continues, however, to be 
 among the principal ones with which the federations have to deal. The 
 Boston Social Union assisted (1919-1921) in a successful attempt to secure 
 state censorship of motion picture films. (See p. 379.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV.— NATIONAL OUTLINES 
 
 NOTE XXVI.— INTERPRETATION THROUGH CONFERENCE AND 
 
 PRINT 
 
 IN NEW YORK, during the late eighties and early nineties, residents 
 at Neighborhood Guild and at College Settlement, gathered together 
 school teachers, nurses, and volunteer settlement workers to consider va- 
 rious phases of East SideJife. As early as 1892 the residents of South End 
 House and Denison House, in Boston, organized special public conferences 
 on trade unions, on social Christianity, and other related subjects. In 
 1893 a Social Science Club was formed to discuss the labor movement. In 
 Chicago, both Hull House and the Commons carried on for some years con- 
 ferences which brought together settlement workers, teachers, clergymen, 
 economists, labor leaders, and business men. The Commons organized 
 periodic gatherings of students from theological seminaries and colleges 
 before which labor leaders and other representatives of workingmen's 
 organizations were invited to speak. The "free floors" of those days at 
 various settlements also constituted a continuous conference which at- 
 tracted people from all over the city. 
 
 443 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The College Settlement News, Kingsley House Record, the Chicago Com- 
 mons, and the Neighborhood News of Brooklyn Guild, reached beyond the 
 immediately contributing constituency to a considerable reading public. 
 By far the most influential figure in spreading the settlement point of view 
 by means of journalism is Graham Taylor. As one phase of his many- 
 sided activities, he developed the Chicago Commons from a house news 
 sheet into an organ of the settlement, then merged it into the original 
 Charities and the Commons, and was until recently one of the contributing 
 editors to the fully developed Survey. Here, regularly and frequently, he 
 reviews the progress of the labor movement. From week to week also he 
 presents in the Chicago Daily News to a great newspaper constituency a 
 practical and aggressive interpretation of the city's public life. His articles 
 in several of the religious journals have reached large numbers of persons 
 who are moved by the ethical interpretation of current events. (See p. 388.) 
 
 NOTE XXVII.— ORGANIZATIONS TO PROMOTE LOCAL WELFARE 
 Departments of the National Government Concerned in the Well-being 
 of Villages and Towns: , 
 
 Department of Agriculture — States Relation Division. 
 
 Department of Interior 
 Bureau of Education: Education Extension; Americanization Di- 
 vision. 
 
 Department of Labor 
 Bureau of Naturalization; Children's Bureau; Commission on Living 
 Conditions; Homes Registration Service; Negro Economics Divi- 
 sion; United States Employment Service. 
 
 Treasury Department 
 War Savings Division; United States Public Health Service. 
 
 Council of National Defense — Field Division. 
 
 Department of Agriculture — Bureau of Markets. 
 
 Department of Commerce — Waste Reclamation Service. 
 
 Bureau of Efficiency. 
 
 United States Post Office Department. 
 
 Wartime Organizations Engaged in Local Community Welfare: 
 
 Community Service has succeeded War Camp Community Service. 
 
 The Red Cross is in many places carrying on a constructive local pro- 
 gram. 
 
 The Y. W. C. A., notably the Y. M. C. A. and the Knights of Columbus, 
 are continuing several phases of such broader service. 
 
 The Churches and the Local Community: 
 
 Information concerning the work of the diflFerent denominational social 
 service commissions can be obtained from the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America, 105 East 22d Street, New York City. 
 
 (See p. 404.) 
 
 444 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 A short list of books, articles, and reports of historical and present importance. 
 An exhaustive bibliography of titles appearing before 1910 may be found in the 
 authors' Handbook of Settlements. 
 
 Abbott, Edith. Women in Industry. 409 p. New York, D. Appleton and Com- 
 pany, 1909. 
 
 Abbott, Edith, and Breckinridge, S. P. Truancy and Non-Attendance in the 
 Chicago Schools. 472 p. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1917. 
 A study of the social aspects of the compulsory education and child labor legis- 
 lation of Illinois. 
 Abbott, Grace. Immigrant and the Community. 303 p. New York, The Cen- 
 tury Company, 1917. 
 A plea for more adequate public provision, both in law and procedure, to help 
 the immigrant adjust his life to ours and to make his contribution to America. 
 Adams, M. E. Children in American Street Trades. In Annals of the American 
 Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. XXV, p. 437-58, May, 1905. 
 ' One of the earliest and best surveys of a problem connected with an important 
 settlement constituency. 
 Addams, Jane. Americanization. In American Sociological Society, Papers 
 and Proceedings, Vol. XIV, 1919, p. 206-15. 
 
 Americanization considered as "a great cultural task." 
 Art Work Done by Hull House, Chicago. In Forum, Vol. XIX, p. 614-17, 
 
 July, 1895. 
 A Belated Industry. In American fournal of Sociology, Vol. I, p. 536-50, 
 March, 1896. 
 
 Analysis of the causes that make domestic service unattractive. Dis- 
 covered through conversations with women in a labor bureau, and from 
 experience with young girls in the neighborhood. 
 Charity and Social Justice. In Survey, Vol. XXIV, p. 44'-49. J"ns 1 1, 1910. 
 Same in North American Review, Vol. CXCII, p. 68-81, July, 1910. 
 The duty of social workers in "remaking the state." 
 Child Labor Legislation; a Requisite for Industrial Efficiency. In Annals 
 of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. XXV, p. 542- 
 50, May, 1905. 
 Democracy and Social Ethics. 281 p. New York, The Macmillan Company, 
 1902. 
 
 Chapters on charitable effort, filial relations, household adjustment, indus- 
 trial amelioration, educational methods, political reform. 
 
 447 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Ethical Survivals in Municipal Corruption. In International Journal of 
 Ethics, Vol. VIII, p. 273-91, April, 1898. 
 Original analysis of local political system. 
 
 Function of the Social Settlement. In Annals 0/ the American Academy of 
 Politicaland Social Science, Vol. XllI, p. 323-45, May, 1899. 
 
 Hull House; an Effort Toward Social Democracy. In Forum, Vol. XIV, 
 p. 226-41, October, 1892. 
 
 Larger Aspects of the Woman's Movement. In Annals of the American 
 Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. LVI, p. 1-8, November, 1914. 
 The possible contributions of women to the modern state. 
 
 National Protection for Children. In Annals of the American Academy of 
 Political and Social Science, Vol. XXIX, p. 57-60, January, 1907. 
 A plea for a federal bureau "dedicated to all the children of the nation." 
 
 New Conscience and an Ancient Evil. 219 p. New York, The Macmillan 
 Company, 19 12. 
 
 The attack on the evils of prostitution by means of legal enactment, the 
 amelioration of economic conditions, moral education, protection of children, 
 rescue and prevention, increased social control. 
 
 New Impulse to an Old Gospel. In Forum, Vol. XIV, p. 345-58, November, 
 1892. 
 
 Reprinted under title: Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements, in 
 Philanthropy and Social Progress, p. 1-26. New York, Thos. Y. Crowell 
 Company, 1893. 
 
 A statement of the emotional motives which influenced the founders 
 of the American settlements. 
 
 Objective Value of a Social Settlement. In Philanthropy and Social Progress, 
 p. 27-56. 268 p. New York, Thos. Y. Crowell Company, 1893. 
 
 Recreation as a Public Function in Urban Communities. In American Jour- 
 nal of Sociology, Vol. XVII, p. 615-19, March, 1912. 
 
 A plea that the city preserve for the citizens that "greatest gift in its posses- 
 sion — that which alone justifies the existence of the city — the opportunity 
 for varied and humanizing social relationships.'' 
 
 Spirit of Youth and the City Streets. 162 p. New York, The Macmillan 
 Company, 1909. 
 
 Sympathetic interpretation of the adolescent mind ; a discriminating analy- 
 sis of the double effect of civic neglect and commercialized recreation on char- 
 acter; a moving appeal for community supervision and protection of youth. 
 
 Twenty Years at Hull House. 462 p. New York, The Macmillan Company, 
 19 10. 
 
 A record of thought, experience, and accomplishment which will remain 
 among the more important documents in American life. Should be in the 
 hands of every settlement resident, board member, supporter and associate 
 worker. 
 
 What the Theatre at Hull House has Done for the Neighborhood People. In 
 Charities, Vol. VIII, p. 284-86, March 29, 1902. 
 
 448 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Woman's Conscience and Social Amelioration. In Social Application of Re- ■ 
 ligion, p. 41-60. Cincinnati, Jennings and Graham, 1908. 
 
 Alden, Percy. Social and College Settlements of America; their Relation to 
 Municipal Reform. In Outlook, Vol. LI, p. 1090-91, June 22, 1895. 
 
 Americans in Process: a Settlement Study, North and West Ends. Edited by 
 R. A. Woods. 389 p. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1902. 
 Contents: Metes and Bounds, by R. A. Woods; Before the Invasion, by E. Y. 
 Rutan; The Invading Host, by F. A. Bushee; City and Slum, by E. H. 
 Chandler; Livelihood, by R. A. Woods; Traffic in Citizenship, by R. A. 
 Woods; Law and Order, by W. I. Cole; Life's Amenities, by J. F. Beale and 
 A. Withington; Two Ancient Faiths, by W. I. Cole; The Child of the 
 Stranger, by C. S. Atherton and E. Y. Rutan; Community of Interest, by 
 W. I. Cole and R. E. Miles; Assimilation: a Two-Edged Sword, by R. A. 
 Woods. 
 
 Ashley, Percy. University Settlements in Great Britain. In Harvard Theological' 
 Review, Vol. IV, p. 175-203, April, 191 1. 
 
 Baker,R.S. Hull House and the Ward Boss. InOM«ooft, Vol. LVIII, p. 769-71, 
 March 26, 1898. 
 
 Bamett, Henrietta O. Canon Barnett, His Life, Work and Friends. 2 Vols. 
 Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 19 19. 
 Founder of the settlement, and its most important exemplar; a notable biog- 
 raphy. A list of the joint writings of Mr. and Mrs. Barnett is in Vol. II, 
 p. 397-98. 
 Bamett, S. A., and Bamett, Mrs. H. O. Practicable Socialism; essays on social 
 reform. New edition, revised and enlarged. 328 p. London, Longmans, 
 Green and Company, 1895. 
 
 Contains several epochal articles, among them one entitled University 
 Settlements, the appearance of which in the Nineteenth Century for February, 
 1884, under the title Universities and the Poor, helped to bring about the 
 establishment of Toynbee Hall. 
 Practicable Socialism. New series. 338 p. London, Longmans, Green and 
 Company, 1915. 
 Section 3, p. 96-131, contains three articles of first importance on the 
 history and philosophy of settlement work. 
 Toward Social Reform. 352 p. London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1909. 
 
 See especially chapters: Beginnings of Toynbee Hall; Retrospect of Toyn- 
 bee Hall; Settlenients or Missions; Garden Suburb at Hampstead. 
 Barrows, E. C. The Greek Play at Hull House. In Commons, Vol. IX, p. 6-10, 
 
 January, 1904. 
 Bellamy, G. A. Evening Recreation. In Playground, Vol. V, p. 239-44, Oc- 
 tober, 191 1. Activities carried on at the Hiram House playground. 
 Recreation and Social Progress; the Settlement. In National Conference of 
 Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1914, p. 375-82. 
 
 449 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 • 
 
 Description of results of a recreation survey covering the commercial 
 resorts which cater to children, and the unsupervised gangs and sets formed 
 by youth, showing the results of such recreation on the minds of those who 
 participate. 
 
 Bernheim, A. C. Results of Picture Exhibitions in Lower New York. In 
 Forum, Vol. XIX, p. 610-14, July, 1895. 
 See article on the late A. C. Bernheim and the New York Picture Exhibitions. 
 In Review of Reviews, September, 1895. 
 
 Bernheimer, C. S., and Cohen, J. M. Boys' Clubs. 136 p. New York, Baker 
 and Taylor Co., 1914. 
 Appendix contains data on themes for debate, topics for discussion, constitu- 
 tions, minutes, names of clubs, reports and accounts, cheers, etc. 
 
 Betts, L. W. Leaven in a Great City. 315 p. New York, Dodd, Mead and 
 Company, 1902. 
 Chapter VI, A Social Experiment (mothers' club at college settlement). 
 
 Bibliography of College, Social and University Settlements. Edited by K. M. 
 Jones. College Settlements Association, 1893, and subsequent editions. 
 
 Bliss, W. D. P. The Church and Social Reform Workers. In Outlook, Vol. 
 
 LXXXII, p. 122-25, January 20, 1906. 
 Bloomfield, Meyer. Vocational Guidance of Youth. 124 p. Boston, Houghton, 
 
 Mifflin Company, 191 1. 
 A pioneer book iii a field of growing importance. 
 
 Bogen, B. D. Jewish Philanthropy. 391 p. New York, The Macmillan Com- 
 pany, 191 7. 
 Chapter XVI, Jewish Settlements and Neighborhood Work. 
 
 Booth, Charles, and Others. Life and Labor of the People in London. 17 vols. 
 
 London, Macmillan and Company, 1903. Vol. VII of third series. Settlements, 
 
 p. 376-83- 
 Boston Social Union. Bulletin. Vol. I, No. i, January, 1908. 
 
 Published quarterly for three years, and thereafter occasionally. Copies may be 
 obtained from the secretary. 
 
 Bowen, Mrs. L. deK. Safeguards for City Youth at Work and at Play. 241 p. 
 New York, The Macmillan Company, 1914. 
 Account of the work of the Juvenile Protective Association of Chicago by its 
 organizer, guide, and friend. Chapters on: Civic Protection in Recreation; 
 Legal Protection in Industry; Legal Protection for Delinquents; Legal 
 Safeguards for the Dependent; Protection against Illegal Discrimination; 
 Need of Further Protection. 
 
 Breckinridge, S. P. Some Aspects of the Public School from a Social Worker's 
 Point of View. In National Education Association. Proceedings, 1914, p. 45-51. 
 
 Breckinridge, S. P., and Abbott, Edith. Delinquent Child and the Home. 355 p. 
 New York, Charities Publication Committee, 1912, Russell Sage Foundation. 
 
 450 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 See especially Chap. IX, The Child Without Play: The Problem of Neigh- 
 borhood Neglect. 
 
 Britten, G. H., and Others. Intensive Study of the Causes of Truancy in Eight 
 Chicago Public Schools; including a home investigation of eight hundred truant 
 children. 48 p. Chicago, Board of Education, 1906. 
 
 Report presented to the Conference on Truancy — Its Cause and Prevention. 
 
 Buck, Winifred. Boys' Self Governing Clubs. 218 p. New York, The Mac- 
 millan Company, 1903. 
 Continues to be the best book on the subject. 
 
 Burleigh, Louise. Community Theatre. 188 p. Boston, Little, Brown and 
 Company, 19 17. 
 Neighborhood Playhouse, p. 62-64; Hull House Theatre, p. 71. 
 
 California. State Recreational Inquiry Committee. Report. 60 p. Sacra- 
 mento, The State, 19 14. 
 
 Calkins, Raymond. Substitutes for the Saloon. Second edition, revised. 376 p. 
 Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1919. 
 
 Campbell, Helen. Social Settlements and the Civic Sense. In Arena, Vol. XX, 
 p. 589-603, November-December, 1898. 
 
 Carrington, Fitzroy. Boston's Museum of Art for Children. In Scribner's Maga- 
 zine, Vol. LXIV, p. 637-40, November, 1918. 
 An account of the aims of the museum by its founder. 
 
 Catholic Social Settlements. In National Conference of Catholic Charities. Pro- 
 ceedings, 1910, p. 138-45; 1914, p. 210-33. 
 Chalmers, Thomas. Christian and Civic Economy of Large Towns; abridged, 
 and with an introduction by C. R. Henderson. 350 p. New York, Chas. 
 Scribner's Sons, 1900. 
 Chase, Florence. The Folk Handicrafts Department at Denison House. In 
 College Settlements Association Quarterly, April, 1917, p. 8-10. 
 Account of a highly important and successful experiment in salvaging immi- 
 grant ability and providing women with an opportunity to earn. 
 City Wilderness; a Settlement Study by Residents and Associates of the South 
 End House. Edited by R.A.Woods, South End, Boston. 319 p. Boston, 
 Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1898. 
 Contents: Introductory, by W. 1. Cole; Historical, by F. E. Haynes; Popula- 
 tion, by F. A. Bushee; Public Health, by C. D. Underhill; Work and Wages, 
 by R. A. Woods; Roots of Political Power; Criminal Tendencies, by W. I. 
 Cole; Amusements, by F. E. Haynes; The Church and the People, by W. 1. 
 Cole; Strongholds of Education; Social Recovery, by R. A. Woods; The 
 Total Drift, by R. A. Woods. 
 A book which helped to fix the form of the community survey. 
 Clark, Walter. Social Hygiene in Settlement Work. In Social Hygiene, Vol. II, 
 p. 383-434. July. "916. 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Results of a survey of forms of work carried on in settlements for the control 
 of vice and the education of youth. 
 Clark, W. A. Helping Boys by the Social Settlement Plan. In How to Help 
 Boys, p. 20-26, 1900. 
 
 Clarke, C. P. S. School and College Missions and Settlements in the Church of 
 England. In Conslnictive Quarterly, Vol. 11, p. 419-32, June, 1914. 
 
 Cleveland Settlement Union. Bulletin, Vol. I, No. i, October 25, 191 5. 
 An association of the settlements of Cleveland for the discussion and promo- 
 tion of their common interests and common ideals. 
 
 Coit, Stanton. Ethical Democracy; essays in social dynamics. 361 p. Lon- 
 don, Grant Richards, Ltd., 1900. (See especially p. 303-48.) 
 Necessity of State Aid to the Unemployed. In Forum, Vol. XVII, p. 276-86, 
 
 May, 1894. 
 Neighbourhood Guilds; an instrument of social reform. 150 p. London, 
 Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 189 1. 
 The first American book on settlement work by the founder of the first 
 American settlement. Should be read by every settlement worker. 
 Reviewed, in an article of unusual calibre by Edward King, in Chari- 
 ties Review, Vol. I, p. 77-86, December, 1891. 
 The Soul of America; a constructive essay in the sociology of religion. 405 p. 
 New York, The Macmillan Company, 1914. 
 
 Interesting to settlement workers for its philosophy of locality. 
 
 Cole, W. 1. Motives and Results of the Social Settlement Movement; notes on 
 an exhibit installed in the Social Museum of Harvard University. Harvard 
 University, Department of Social Ethics, Publication No. 2, igo8. 
 
 College Settlements Association (1889-1917). In May, 1917, the College Settle- 
 ments Association became the Intercollegiate Community Service Association. 
 Reports. No. i- 1890 to date. Qaar/gr/y, Vol. I, 1915; Vol. IV, 1918. 
 Attention is especially called to the reports for 1900 and 1904. The report for 
 1900 includes the following articles which are admirable expository state- 
 ments in important fields: 
 Davis, A. F., The Settlement in Education, p. 15-19. 
 Dudley, H. S., The Scope of the Settlement, p. 20-25. 
 Scudder, V. D., Settlements Past and Future, p. 3-7. 
 s Williams, E. S., The Settlement in Recreation, p. 8-14. 
 Bibliography of College, Social and University Settlements. See Jones, K. M. 
 
 (Editor). 
 Report on Questions Drawn up by Present Residents in our College Settle- 
 ments. Pamphlet reprinted for the College Settlements Association by the 
 Church Social Union. Boston, :896. Publication No. 29. 
 A document of first importance. 
 
 College Settlement News, Philadelphia, Vol. I, No. i, April, 1895; Vol. Ill, No. 8, 
 December, 1897. 
 
 452 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Editors, K. B. Davis and J. Lychenheim. Discontinued December, 1897, •" 
 favor of Chicago Commons. 
 
 The Commons (Chicago); for industrial justice, efficient philantiiropy, educa- 
 tional freedom, and the people's control of public utilities. Vols. 1-X, April, 
 1896-October, 1905. 
 Editors: April, 1896-March, 1900, J. P. Gavit; April, 1900-October, 1905, 
 
 Graham Taylor. 
 Changes of title: Previous to IWay, 1897, entitled: Chicago Commons, a 
 
 monthly record of social settlement life and work. 
 From May, 1897-1903 entitled: The Commons, a monthly record devoted to 
 
 aspects of life and labor from the settlement point of view. 
 From 1904-1905 entitled: The Commons; for Industrial Justice. 
 Merged with Charities, November 4, 1905. 
 
 Cooper, C. C. Letter from the Provinces. In Survey, Vol. XLII, p. 743-45, 
 August, 23, 19 19. On the relation of national to local agencies. 
 Necessity for Changes in Americanization Methods. In National Conference 
 of Social Work. Proceedings, 1918, p. 435-42. Americanization in war 
 time. 
 Service that Settlements and Neighborhood Houses may Render in the Com- 
 munity's Plan of Child Protection. In National Conference of Charities 
 and Correction. Proceedings, 1915, p. 193-202. 
 Crowell, F. E. Midwives of New York. In Charities and the Commons, Vol. 
 XVII, p. 667-77, January 12, 1907. 
 Report of an investigation made under the auspices of the Association of 
 Neighborhood Workers, which resulted in a state law regulating the practice 
 of midwifery. 
 Midwives of Chicago; report of a joint committee of the Chicago Medical So- 
 ciety and Hull House. In Journal of the American Medical Association, 
 p. 1,346-50, April 25, 1908. 
 Curtis, E. W. Dramatic Instinct ih Education. 246 p. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin 
 
 Company, 1914. 
 Curtis, H. S. Vacation Schools, Playgrounds and Settlements. In United States 
 Bureau of Education. Annual report of the commissioner, 1903, Vol. I, p. 2-38. 
 Purposes, History, and Activities of the Settlements, p. 28-38. 
 Curtis, N. Value of Music School Settlements in Cities. In Craftsman, Vol. XXI, 
 
 p. 283-89, December, 191 1. 
 Daniels, H. McD. The Girl and her Chance; a study of conditions surrounding 
 the girl between 14 and 18 years of age in New York City. 95 p. New York, 
 F. H. Revell Company, 1914. 
 Daniels, John. In Freedom's Birthplace; a Study of the Boston Negro. 496 p. 
 
 Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1914. 
 Davidson, Thomas. Education of the Wage Earners. Boston, Ginn and Com- 
 pany, 1904. 
 
 3' 453 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Davies, A. F. The Settlement in Home Extension Work. In College Settle- 
 ments Association Quarterly, January, 191 7, p. 10-13. 
 Case work in tlie settlement. 
 Davis, K. B. Settlement Work as a Preparation for Civic Work. In College 
 
 Settlements Association Quarterly, October, 1916, p. 6-9. 
 de Forest, R. W., and Veiller, L. (Editors). Tenement House Problem. 2 vols. 
 New York, The Macmillan Company, 1903. 
 For contribution by settlement workers, see Index. 
 Denison, Edward. Letters and other Writings of the Late Edward Denison, 
 M. P.for Newark. Edited by Sir Baldwyn Leighton, Bart. London, Bentley, 1872. 
 A volume which reflects a personality of great charm and sterling quality, a 
 forebear with whom his spiritual descendants may be proud to be allied. 
 Should be placed in the hands of all new residents as required reading. 
 
 Devine, E. T. Will Neighborhood Responsibility Aroused through the School as a 
 Community Centre do More for Families than Settlements and Relief Agencies? 
 In New York (City) Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1917, 
 p. 30-38. 
 Dewey, John. School as a Social Settlement. In National Education Associa- 
 tion Proceedings, 1902, p. 373-83. 
 Hull House as a prototype. 
 Dinwiddle, E. W., and Ferguson, Maxwell. Tenants' Manual; a handbook of 
 information for dwellers in tenement and apartment houses, and for settlement 
 and other workers. Greenwich House, New York, Publication No. i, 1903. 
 Revised edition under title: Social Workers' Handbook. Greenwich House, 
 New York, Publication No. 5, 191 3. 
 
 Law, procedure and resources of the city, digested and arranged for the 
 use of neighborhood workers. 
 Directories of Settlements. See: Jones, K. M. (Editor), Bibliography of Settle- 
 ments; Woods, R. A., and Kennedy, A. J., Handbook of Settlements; National 
 Federation of Settlements, Proceedings, especially 19 19, p. 82-99. 
 Dock, L. L. Hygiene and Morality; a manual for nurses and others giving an 
 outline of the medical, social, and legal aspects of venereal diseases. 200 p. 
 New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 19 10. 
 A volume from Henry Street Settlement on "the social significance of the 
 venereal diseases and the crusade upon which women should enter in regard 
 to them." 
 
 Dudley, H. S. Women's Work in Boston Settlements. In Municipal Affairs, 
 
 Vol. 11, p. 493-96, September, 1898. 
 Eaton, Isabel. Negro Domestic Service in the Seventh Ward. In University 
 
 of Pennsylvania, Series in Political Economy and Public Law. Publication No. 
 
 14, 1899, p. 427-509. 
 
 Eberle, W. C. Boys' Camps; a study of New York City settlement camps for 
 boys. New York Association of Neighborhood Workers. Pamphlet, n. d. 
 
 . 454 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Elliott, J. L. Hope for the City. In Ethical Addresses, Vol. XIII, p. 233-46, 
 May, 1906. 
 A Settlement Scrubbing School. In Survey, Vol. XXX, p. 546, July 26, 1913. 
 League of Mothers' Clubs. In New York Association of Neighborhood 
 
 Workers. Bulletin, March, 1916, p. 5. 
 Poor Richard's Grandsons, " Big-six," the Master Printers, and a Settlement 
 Unite to Train Craftsmen. In Survey, Vol. XLl, p. 215-18, November 23, 
 1918. 
 Relation of Moral Education to the Self Directed Group. In International 
 Moral Education Congress. Proceedings, 1912, p. 79-84. 
 An important essay on the significance of club work. 
 What is the Place of the Club Leader? In Playground, Vol. XI, p. 263-65, 
 August, 1917. 
 
 Ely, R. T. Problems of To-day. Third edition. New York, Thos. Y. Crowell 
 Company, 1890. 
 The Needs of the City (on settlements, etc.), p. 229-47. 
 Encyclopedia Articles. See especially the discussion of settlements and related 
 subjects in Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia; Cyclopedia of Education; Encyclo- 
 pedia Americana; Encyclopedia Britannica; New Encyclopedia of Social Re- 
 form; New International Encyclopedia. 
 Equipment of the Workers; an inquiry by the St. Philip's Settlement Education 
 and Economics Research Society into the adequacy of the adult manual workers 
 for the discharge of their responsibilities as heads of households, producers, and 
 citizens. 334 p. London, George Allen, 1919. 
 The most important English study since Booth's Life and Labour of the People 
 in London. 
 
 Ernst, C. F, The Caddy Scheme for Boys' Summer Camps. In Playground, 
 Vol. VII, p. 124-28, June, 1913. 
 .^n experiment to lengthen the time spent in the country and to pay the costs 
 of the outing. 
 
 Fairchild, F. R. Factory Legislation of the State of New York. In American 
 Economic Association. Publications, third series. Vol. VI, No. 4, November, 
 1905. 
 New York settlement workers and the law of 1903. 
 
 Famam, H. W., and Bailey, W. B. Tenement House Investigation of 1902. 
 Report of Lowell House, New Haven, March 31, 1903. New Haven, Conn. 
 
 Farrell, Elizabeth.. School Luncheons in the Special Classes of the Public 
 
 Schools. In Charities, Vol. XIII, p. 569-7", March 11, 1905. 
 Farwell, Arthur. The Music School Settlement and the Community. In Na- 
 tional Federation of Settlements. Proceedings, 19 17, p. 16-17. 
 Federal Children's Bureau; a symposium by Lillian D. Wald, Jane Addams, Flor- 
 'ence Kelley and others. In National Child Labor Committee. Proceedings, 
 19 1 7, p. 23-48. 
 
 455 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Fleischer, Samuel. Art in Settlements. In Jewish Charities, Vol. VIII, p. 157- 
 59, December, 191 7. 
 By the founder of the Graphic Sketch Club, Philadelphia. 
 
 Flezner, Mary. (Editor.) Directory of Trade, Industrial and Art Schools in 
 Greater New York. New York, Henry Street Settlement, 1909. 
 
 Fox, Hannah. Philadelphia College Settlement (school visiting). In Lend-a- 
 Hand, Vol. XI, p. 43-50, July, 1893. 
 
 Francis, Alexander. Americans; an Impression. 256 p. New York, D. Apple- 
 ton and Company, 1909. 
 Chapters VII, VIII, Social Settlements. 
 
 Free, Richard. Settlements or Unsettlements. In Nineteenth Century, Vol. 
 LXIII, p. 365-80, March, 1908. 
 Reply by Louise Creighton. In Nineteenth Century, April, 1908. A church- 
 man's criticism and a settlement worker's reply. 
 
 Freeman, Arnold. Education through Settlements; with a preface by A. S. 
 Rowntree. 63 p. London, George Allen, 1920. 
 
 Fremantle, W. H. The World as the Subject of Redemption. 393 p. London, 
 Rivingtons, 1885. 
 A notable book. See particularly Note XXV, The Parish as a Church, p. 
 428-33. 
 
 Gale, Zona. Robin Hood in Jones Street. In Outlook, Vol. XCI I, p. 430-46, June 
 26, 1909. 
 
 Gaus, J. M. Politics of the City Neighborhood. In Public, Vol. XXI, p. 758- 
 62, June 15, 1918. 
 
 Gilder, R. W. Art Brought Into the Lives of Wage Earners. In Charities, Vol. 
 XIII, p. 417-20, February 4, 1905. 
 
 Goodnow, F, J. Municipal Government. 401 p. New York, The Century 
 Company, 1909. (See especially p. 231-33.) 
 
 Gordon, Geraldine. Americanization as the Settlement Sees it. In College Set- 
 tlements Association Quarterly, April, 1917, p. 1-5. 
 
 Gottlieb, J. L. Contribution of the Settlement Music School to the Community 
 Music Movement. In National Federation of Settlements. Proceedings, 19 17, 
 p. 17-20. 
 
 Grolle, Johan. Value of Music as a Recreational Force for the Wage Earner and 
 its Contribution to the Settlement. In National Federation of Settlements. 
 Proceedings, 1917, p. 20-22, 50. 
 
 Hackett, Francis. As an Alien Feels. In New Republic, Vol. Ill, p. 303-06, 
 July 24, 1915. 
 "America dawned for me in a social settlement." An apologia for the settle- 
 ment method in Americanization by one who experienced it. 
 
 456 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Hamilton, Alice. The Fly as a Carrier of Typhoid; an inquiry of the part played 
 
 by the common house fly in the recent epidemic of typhoid fever in Chicago. In 
 
 Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol. XL, p. 576-S3, February 28, 
 
 1903. 
 
 Excessive Child Bearing as a Factor in Infant Mortality. In American 
 
 Academy of Medicine Bulletin, Vol. XI, p. 181-87, April, 1910. 
 Industrial Diseases; with Special Reference to the Trades in which Women 
 are Employed. In Charities and the Commons, Vol. XX, p. 655-59, Septem- 
 ber 5, 1908. 
 Study of Tuberculosis in Chicago; founded on statistics by Dr. Theodore 
 Sachs and a house to house investigation by Bertha Hazard, Hull House. 
 21 p. Chicago, City Homes Association, 1905. 
 
 Hamilton, J. H. Is the Settlement a Permanent Institution? In Charities and 
 the Commons, Vol. XV, p. 102-04, October 14, 1905. 
 A Neglected Principle in Civic Reform. In American Journal of Sociology, 
 Vol. V, p. 746-60, May, 1900. 
 Civic aesthetics as preparation for clean politics. 
 
 Hard, William. Chicago's Five Maiden Aunts. In American Magazine, Vol. 
 LXII, p. 481-89, September, 1906. 
 Includes: Jane Addams, Julia C. Lathrop, and Mary E. McDowell. 
 
 Hedger, Caroline. Relation of Infant Mortality to the Occupation and Long 
 Hours of Work for Women. In American Academy of Medicine Bulletin, Vol. 
 XI, p. 80-91, February, 1910. 
 
 Hegner, H. F. Scientific Value of the Social Settlement. In American Journal 
 of Sociology, Vol. Ill, p. 171-82, September, 1897, 
 The settlement as a social laboratory. 
 
 Henderson, C. R. Social Settlements. 196 p. New York, Lentilhon and Com- 
 pany, 1899. 
 Earliest general survey of settlement work in America. 
 
 Henry Street Settlement, New York. Committee for Vocational Scholarships. 
 Directory of the trades and occupations taught at the day and evening schools 
 in Greater New York. Revised edition. New York, The Settlement, 1916. 
 
 Hitchcock, J. E. Methods of Nursing in the Nurses' Settlement, New York City. 
 In American Journal of Nursing, Vol. VII, p. 460-63, March, 1907. 
 
 Holden, Arthur C. The Settlement Idea. New York, The Macmillan Company, 
 1921. 
 
 Hull House Maps and Papers; a presentation of nationalities and wages in a con- 
 gested district of Chicago, together with comments and essays on problems 
 growing out of the social conditions, by residents of Hull House. 230 p. New 
 York, Thos. Y. Crowell Company, 1895. 
 
 Hunter, Robert. Poverty. 382 p. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1904. 
 A stirring challenge to the nation. 
 
 457 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Relation Between Social Settlements and Charity Organization. In National 
 Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1902, p. 302-14. 
 Same in Journal of Political Economy, Vol. XI, p. 75-88, December, 1902. 
 
 Ingram, Frances. Community Kitchen in a Neighborhood House. In National 
 Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1918, p. 459-63. 
 Americanization through home making. 
 Public Dance Hall. In National Conference of Social Work. Proceedings, 
 1919, p. 507-12. 
 Settlement program of attack on commercialized dancing. 
 Inter-city Settlement Conference of the New York Association of Neighborhood 
 Workers and the Boston Social Union. 24 p. Boston, 1913. 
 
 Digest of addresses on securing and training club workers, standards and 
 stipends, federation, larger spirit of settlement work. Mrs. Morgenthau's 
 paper on training of club leaders at Henry Street Settlement printed in full, 
 p. 18-23. 
 Intercollegiate Community Service Association. See College Settlements Asso- 
 ciation. 
 
 James, W. A. Knight-errant of the Intellectual Life. [Thomas Davidson] In 
 McClure's Magazine, Vol. XXV, p. 3-1 1, May, 1905. 
 
 Jenison, M. C. A Hull House Play. In Atlantic Monthly, Vol. XCVIII, p. 83- 
 92, July, 1906. 
 
 Jerome, Mrs. A. H. Playground as a Social Center. In Annals of the American 
 Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. XXXV, p. 129-33, March, 1910. 
 
 Jones, K. M. (Editor). Bibliography of College, Social and University Settle- 
 ments. College Settlements Association, 1893, and subsequent editions. 
 Prototype of the Handbook of Settlements, and source books on the history 
 and development of settlements in the United States. 
 
 Kelley, Mrs. Florence. The Federal Government and the Working Children. 
 In Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. XXVI I, 
 p. 289-92, March, 1906. 
 
 Plea for children's bureau. 
 Local School Boards and Settlements. In Charities, Vol. XV, p. 104-05, Oc- 
 tober 14, 1905. 
 Modern Industry in Relation to the Family, Health, Education, Morality. 
 147 p. New York, Longmans, Green and Company, 1914. 
 Effects of unco-ordinated industry on the individual, the family, and the 
 community. 
 The Settlements; their Lost Opportunity. In Charities and the Commons, 
 Vol. XVI, p. 79-81, April 7, 1906. 
 Housing versus congestion. 
 Some Ethical Gains through Legislation. 341 p. New York, The Macmillan 
 Company, 1905. 
 
 458 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Kellogg, P. U. The Neighborhood and the Municipality. In National Con- 
 ference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1909, p. 163-78. 
 Destructive and constructive forces in neighborhood life. 
 Kennedy, A. J. See Woods, R. A., and Kennedy, A. J. 
 
 Kittridge, M. H. Homemaking in a Model Flat. In Charities and the Commons, 
 Vol. XV, p. 176-81, November 4, 1905. 
 Housekeeping Centers in Settlements and Public Schools. In Survey, Vol. 
 XXX, p. 188-92, May 3, 1913. 
 
 Knox, Maryal. Social Settlement and its Critics. In Survey, Vol. XXXII, p. 
 486-87, August 8, 1914. 
 
 Lafferty, Edward. From One of the Gang. In Swriiey, Vol. XXXVl, p. 203, May 
 20, 1916. 
 
 Hudson Guild characterized by one of its graduates, now a policeman. 
 
 Lambert, Brooke. Jacob's Answer to Esau's Cry. In Contemporary Review, 
 Vol. XLVI, p. 373-82, September, 1884. 
 See p. 377 for reference to proposed university colony which was to assist 
 Edward Denison. 
 
 Langdon, W. C. The Gang Principle in Civic Education. In Social Service, Vol. 
 XI, p. 7^1, July, 1905. 
 An illuminating article on club work. 
 
 Lamed, Ruth. Report of the Committee on Summer Work: City Activity. In 
 New York Association of Neighborhood Workers. Bulletin, June, 1916, p. 4, 8. 
 
 Lathrop, Julia. Children's Bureau. In American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 
 XVIII, p. 318-30, November, 1912. 
 History and program. 
 What the Settlement Work Stands For. In National Conference of Charities 
 and Correction. Proceedings, 1896, p. 106-10. 
 An early and valuable definition. 
 
 Laughlin, J. L. Social Settlements. In Scribner's Magazine, Vol. XLVI, p. 341- 
 49, September, 1909. ^ 
 
 Republished in author's Latter-Day Problems. 
 
 Lee, Joseph. Play in Education. 500 p. New York, The Macmillan Com- 
 pany, 1915. 
 An indispensable book for the administrator and club leader. 
 
 Lord, Katharine. Public Art Education in New York City; a handbook of in- 
 formation compiled by Greenwich House. Publication No. 3, May, 1908. 
 
 McCrady, J. R. Babies at Play. In Charities, Vol. XIV, p. 973-75. i905- 
 McDowell, M. E. The Field Houses of Chicago and their Possibilities. In 
 Charities and the Commons, Vol. XVIII, p. 535-38, August 3, 1907. 
 Same in Playground Association of America. Proceedings, 1907, p. 65-68. 
 Plea for trained and socialized leadership. 
 
 459 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 The Girls' Bill. In Survey, Vol. XXII, p. 509-13, July 3, 1909. 
 
 Illinois' ten-hour law. 
 Need for a National Investigation into Women's Work. In Charities and the 
 
 Commons, Vol. XVII, p. 634-36, January 5, IQ07. 
 Struggle in the Family Life. In Charities, Vol. XIII, p. 196-97, December 3, 
 1904. 
 Americanization through the upbuilding of family life. 
 Sung with Neighbors Back-of-the-Yards. In Survey, Vol. XXXI, p. 406-08, 
 
 1914. 
 Value of a Social Settlement in an Industrial Neighborhood. In Socialized 
 Church, edited by W. M. Tippy, p. 139-46. 288 p. New York, Eaton and 
 Mains, 1909. 
 McGinley, A. A. New Field for the Convent Graduate in the Social Settlement. 
 In Catholic IVorld, Vol. LXXI, p. 396-401, June, 1900. 
 Scope of the Catholic Social Settlement. In Catholic IVorld, Vol. LXXI, p. 
 145-60, May, 1900. 
 Mackay, C. D'A. The Little Theatre in the United ,States. 277 p. New York, 
 Henry Holt and Company, 1917. 
 The Neighborhood Playhouse, p. 54-60; Hull House Theatre, p. 115-19. 
 Mackaye, Percy. Community Drama; its Motive and Method of Neighborli- 
 
 ness. 65 p. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 19 17. 
 McLennan, W. £. Settlement Men's Cllibs; special report. 20 p. National 
 Federation of Settlements, 1917. 
 A Wrong Attitude to Law; a Cause'of^Crime. In Survey, Vol. XXVI, p. 442- 
 45, June 17, 191 1. 
 
 McMain, Eleanor. Behind the Yellow Fever in Little Palermo. \ti Charities and 
 the Commons, Vol. XV, p. 152-59, November 4, 1905. 
 Neighborhood work and sanitary control. 
 
 Manson, E. E. Ideals of a Kindergarten Settlement. In Kindergarten Review, 
 Vol. XIX, p. 136-44, November, 1908. 
 A moving article on the life work and opinions of Caroline Franklin Brown, for 
 six years headworker at Elizabeth Peabody House.'^Boston, and a neighbor 
 indeed. 
 
 Matthews, W. H. Meaning of the Social Settlement Movement. Pittsburgh, 
 Kingsley House, 19 10. 
 History of Kingsley House, 1893-1910. 
 
 Mead, G. H. The Social Settlement; its Basis and Function. In University Jof 
 Chicago Record, Vol. XII, p. io8-io, January, 1908. 
 
 Montgomery, Louise. The American Girl in the Stockyards District. 70 p. 
 Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1913. 
 
 Important monograph with sections on the educational standards of the 
 community, the local schools, the girl as a wage-earning child, the work- 
 ing girl, problems of adjustment. 
 460 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Social Work in the Hamline School. In EUmetUary School Teacher, Vol. 
 
 VIII, p. 113-21, November, 1907. 
 Soil in which Repeaters Grow. In Survey, Vol. XXIII, p. 77-81, October 9, 
 
 1909. 
 
 Moskowitz, Heniy. Shifting Population; a Settlement Follow-up. In Survey, 
 Vol. XXV,. p. 439-40, December 10, 1910. 
 
 Munsterberg, EmU. Impressions of American Charity: Settlements. \nChari- 
 
 ties. Vol. XVIII, p. 707-14, September 14, 1907. 
 Music; discussion at Hull House as to what kind of music to employ for concerts 
 
 there. In Music, Vol. XVII, p. 179-82, December, 1899. 
 Music School Societies. In Report of first and second conferences of National 
 
 Association of Music School Societies, 1911-1912. 
 
 Nassau, M. L. Old Age Poverty in Greenwich Village; a neighborhood study. 
 105 p. New York, F. H. Revell Company, 191 5. 
 Study of the conditions under which 100 aged persons live, with an examina- 
 tion of proposed ways of caring for old age. 
 National Federation of Settlements. Proceedings from 19 13. Address, 20 Union 
 
 Park, Boston, Mass. 
 Neighborhood Houses as Centers for the Foreign-Born Craftsman. 16 p. New 
 York, Art Alliance of America, 1919. 
 See also Boston Evening Transcript, September 23, 1919. 
 Neighborhood Playhouse, Second Year of. In Playground, Vol. X, p. 129-31, 
 
 July, 1916. 
 New York Association of Neighborhood Workers. Bulletin, Vol. I, No. I, Febru- 
 ary, 1916; Vol. V, No. I, September, 19 18. 
 An organization of settlements and social workers of New York City and 
 vicinity. In 1919 the association became the United Neighborhood Houses 
 of New York City. 
 New York (City). Congestion of Population Commission. Report. 272 p. 
 New York, The City, 191 1. 
 Important document, in method and matter, to which settlement workers con- 
 tributed. 
 . New York (State). Immigration Commission. Report of the commission ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the condition, welfare, and industrial opportunities of 
 aliens in New York State. 252 p. Albany, The State, 1909. (See especially p. 23.) 
 Tenement House (Gilder) Committee. Report of the committee as authorized 
 by Chapter 479 of the Laws of 1894. 649 p. Albany, The State, 1895. 
 See p. 45-47, 142, 440-55. 
 Nursing Settlements, Development of. In Charities and the Commons, Vol. XVI, p. 
 34-51, April 7, 1906. 
 Description of settlements in New York, San Francisco, Richmond, and 
 Orange, N. J. 
 Olcott, Virginia, Plays for Home, School and Settlement. 131 p. New York, 
 Moffat, Yard and Company, 1916. 
 Six plays for children. 
 
 461 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Ovington, M. W. Half a Man. 236 p. New York, Longmans, Green and 
 Company, 191 1. 
 Status of the Negro in New York. 
 
 Owen, Robert. The Life of Robert Owen; written by himself. 2 vols. Lon- 
 don, Effingham Wilson, 1857 and 1858. 
 The major portions of his writings are here reprinted. 
 
 Paulding, J. K. Democracy and Charity. In Charities Review, Vol. IV, p. 281- 
 90, April, 1895. 
 
 Early and important statement of settlement position. 
 Older Boys and the Settlement. In Ethical Record, May, 1902. 
 Public School as a Center of Community Life. In Educational Review, Vol. 
 XV, p. 147-54, February, 1898. 
 Plea for use of school as a center of neighborhood social life. 
 
 Peabody, F. G. Social Settlements. In National Conference of Charities and 
 Correction. Proceedings, 1897, p. 329-32. 
 
 Perrine, F. A. Scientific Aspects of the University Settlement Movement. In 
 Science, Vol. XXI, p. 91-92, 1893. 
 Settlement as sociological laboratory. 
 
 Peterson, E. A, Administration of Physical Education in Social Settlements. 
 In American Physical Education Review, Vol. XVI, p. 525-35, November, 191 1. 
 
 Picht, Werner. Toynbee Hall and the English Settlement Movement. 248 p. 
 London, 0. Bell and Sons, Ltd., 19 14. 
 The only book on the history of settlement work in England. Also contains 
 accounts of the University Extension movement, the Workers' Educational 
 Association, and list of settlements in Great Britain. Includes a bibliog- 
 raphy. ^ 
 
 Pierce, E. A. Hartley House Cook Book and Household Economist. 190 p. 
 New York, Lentilhon and Company, 1901. New edition, 1910. 
 
 Pink, L. H. The Boys' Club in Civic Work. In Charities and the Commons, 
 
 Vol. XVI I, p. 685-86, January 12, 1907. 
 Plays, Festivals and Masques; Guide and Index to. For use in schools, clubs, 
 
 and neighborhood centers. Compiled by the arts and festivals committee of the 
 
 Association of Neighborhood Workers. 44 p. New York, Harper and Bros., 
 
 1913. 
 Annotated list of plays, bibliographies, etc.; an invaluable pamphlet. 
 
 Pond, A. B. The Settlement House. In Brickbuilder, Vol. XI, p. 140-45, 160, 
 164, 178-85, July, August, and September, 1902. 
 Plans, elevations, and interior views of Northwestern University Settlement, 
 Chicago Commons, and Hull House. 
 
 Poole, Ernest. "The Lung Block"; some pictures of consumption in its strong- 
 hold. In Charities, Vol. XI, p. 193-99, September 5, 1903. 
 
 462 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The Story of Manuel Levine and Cleveland. In Outlook, Vol. LXXXVII, 
 p. 413-19, October 26, 1907. 
 Americanization by means of the settlement. 
 
 Raven, C.E. Christian Socialism, 1848-1854. London, Macmillan and Company, 
 1920. 
 First authoritative history of the movement. 
 
 Reason, Will. Editor. University and Social Settlements. 195 p. London, 
 Methuen and Company, 1898. 
 Contents: Besant, W., University Settlements; Barnett, S. A., University 
 Settlements; Alden, Percy, Settlements in Relation to Local Administra- 
 tion; Reason, Will, Settlements and Education; Lidgett, J. S., Settlements 
 and the Administration of the Poor Law; Reason, Will, Settlements and 
 Recreation; Sewell, M. A., and Powell, E. C, Women's Settlements in 
 England; Pethick, Emmeline, Working Girls' Clubs; Sherwell, A., Settle- 
 ments and the Labor Movement; Alden, Percy, American Settlements; 
 Appendices and Directory. 
 Relation of Settlements and Religion; or. The Place of Religion as it may be Ex- 
 perienced in Settlements; addresses by Jane Addams, M. K. Simkhovitch, M. 
 E. McDowell. In Unity, Vol. LX, p. 295-97, 3"~'3. January 9, 17, 1908. 
 
 Reynolds, J, B. Need and Value of Settlement Work, with Discussion. In New 
 York (State) Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1900, p. 
 49-67. 
 
 Riddle, J. B. Religion in the Settlement. In Religious Education, Vol. VIII, p. 
 348-50, October, 1913. 
 
 Riis, J. A. Battle with the Slum. 465 p. New York, The Macmillan Com- 
 pany, 1902. (Consult Index for special topics.) 
 Neighbors; Life Stories of the Other Half. 209 p. New York, The Macmil- 
 lan Company, 1914. 
 What Settlements Stand for. In Outlook, Vol. LXXXIX, p. 67-72, May 9, 
 1908. 
 
 Robbins, A. E. Real Neighbors. In Survey, Vol. XXII, p. 597-98, July 3 1, 1909. 
 
 Robbins, J. E. Charity that Helps and Other Charity. In Forum, Vol. XVI II, 
 p. 502-07, December, 1894. 
 First Year at the College Settlement. In Survey, Vol. XXVI I, p. 1800-02, 
 February 24, 1912. 
 Memories of a pioneer woman settlement worker. 
 The Settlement and the Immigrant. In College Settlements Association 
 
 Quarterly, June, 1916, p. 6-9. 
 Settlement and the Public School. In Outlook, Vol. XCV, p. 785-87, August 6, 
 1910. 
 
 Rogers, Ethel. Playing at Citizenship. Progress City at Hiram House, Cleve- 
 land. In American City, Vol. IX, p. 445-48, November, 1913. 
 
 463 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore. Reform through Social Work. In Fortnightly Review, 
 Vol. LXXVI, p. 739-47. November, 1901. 
 
 Rosenstein, David. Educational Function of the Social Settlement in a Democ- 
 racy. In School and Society, Vol. VI, p. 366-79, September 29, 1917. 
 
 Sanborn, A. F. About Boys and Boys' Clubs. In North America Review, Vol. 
 CLXVII, p. 254-56, August, 1898. 
 The Anatomy of a Tenement Street. In Forum, Vol. XVI 1 1, p. 554-72, Janu- 
 ary, 1895. 
 
 Sayles, M. B. Housing Conditions in Jersey City. In Annals of the American 
 Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. XX, p. 137-49, July, 1902. 
 
 Schain, Josephine. Women and the Franchise. 127 p. Chicago, A. C. Mc- 
 Clurg and Company, 1918. 
 
 Scudder, V. D. A Glimpse into Life. In IVellesley Magazine, Vol. I, p. 221-31, 
 February, 1893. 
 Vivid pictures of pioneering. 
 Settlement House Reports. The reports and publications of the following will be 
 found especially helpful: 
 
 Bibliography of College, Social and University Settlements, edited by K. 
 M. Jones. College Settlements Association, 1893, and subsequent editions. 
 Chicago Commons; Elizabeth Peabody House, Boston; Greenwich House, 
 New York, N. Y.; Hiram House, Cleveland; Hudson Guild, New York, 
 N. Y.; Hull House, Chicago; South End House, Boston; University Settle- 
 ment, New York, N. Y.; Welcome Hall, Buffalo, N. Y. 
 Settlement, School Teacher, Nurse and Others. In Charities and the Commons, 
 Vol. XV, p. 102-07, October 14, 1905. 
 Can the school take over the settlement? 
 Settlement Work and Workers. Report of a discussion at New Haven, Conn. In 
 Charities Review, Wol. IV, p. 462-66, June, 1895; Vol. VI, p. 5 1 7-20, August, 1897. 
 Critical outlook of case workers during the eighteen-nineties upon settlement 
 workers. 
 
 Simkhovitch, Mrs. M. K. Relation of the Settlement to Women and Children. 
 In Charities, June, 1898, p. 5-7. 
 The Case Work Plane; or the Application of the Charity Organization Society 
 Case Method to Families Above the Poverty Line. In National Con-' 
 ference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1909, p. 137-49- 
 Highly important article on adaptations in case work. 
 City Worker's World in America. 235 p. New York, The Macmillan Com- 
 pany, 19 1 7. 
 A vivid picture of the achieved standard of life in tenement neighbor- 
 hoods among different immigrant groups, with concrete suggestions for 
 public and private enterprise in reconstruction. A book to be placed 
 in the hands of all new workers in settlements. 
 464 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The City's Care of the Needy. In National Municipal Review, Vol. VI, p. 
 255-62, March, 1917. 
 
 Plea for a bureau of prevention of poverty. 
 Enlarged Function of the Public Schools. In National Conference of Chari- 
 ties and Correction. Proceedings, 1904, p. 471-86. 
 Evolution of enlarged use of schools in New York City. 
 F6reign-Born in his Relation to Home and Neighborhood. In Americaniza- 
 tion Conference. Proceedings, 19 19, p. 277-84. 
 Friendship and Politics. In Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XVI I, p. 189-205, 
 
 June, 1902. 
 Report of the Committee on Settlements and Recreation. In New York 
 • (City) Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1914, p. 85- 
 
 100. 
 The School and the Family. In Social Education Quarterly, January, 1908, 
 p. 9-18. 
 Physical welfare, school and immigrant, school and settlement. 
 Settlement and the Public School. In Commons, May, 1903, p. 10-12. 
 
 Why the public school cannot take over all functions of the settlement. 
 Settlement Organization. In Charities and the Commons, Vol. XVI, p. ^(^r-6Q, 
 September i, 1906. 
 Organization and administration of settlements and steps in neighbor- 
 hood acclimatization. An important article. 
 A Settlement War Program. In Survey, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 111-12, May 5, 
 
 1917. 
 Settlements' Relation to Religion. In Annals of the American Academy of 
 Political and Social Science, Vol. XXX, p. 490-95, November, 1907. 
 
 Belief in democracy the common denominator among settlement workers. 
 Standards and Tests of Efficiency in Settlement Work. In National Con- 
 ference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 191 1, p. 299-305. 
 Mental qualifications of the local community organizer. 
 Toward a Neighborhood Program. In Survey, Vol. XLl, p. 394-95, Decem- 
 ber 38, 1918. 
 Minimum institutions and services needed for sound neighborhood life. 
 
 Smith, Eleanor. Hull House Songs. Chicago, C. F. Summy Co., 191 5. 
 
 Smith, J. R. One Kind of Street Cleaning. In New York (City) University 
 
 Settlement Society. Report, 1898, p. 20-21. 
 Social Settlements. In New York (State) Bureau of Labor Statistics. Eighteenth 
 annual report, 1900, p. 247-429. 
 Review of purposes and history of settlement movement, with an account of 
 the various houses in New York State. For summary of this report, see 
 New York (State) Bureau of Labor Statistics. Bulletin No. 4, December, 
 1900, p. 30-61. 
 Social Settlements and the Labor Question. In National Conference of Charities 
 and Correction. Proceedings, 1896, p. 106-75. 
 
 465 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Titles: What the Settlement Work Stands for, by J. C. Lathrop; English and 
 Scotch Settlements, by W. Caldwell; The Settlement and Education, by 
 J. J. Abt; The Settlement and Organized Charity, by M. E. McDowell; 
 Social Settlements, by C. S. Loch; Civic Efforts of Social Settlements, by 
 .K. B. Davis; The Settlement and Municipal Reform, by J. B. Reynolds; 
 The Social Settlement and the Labor Movement, by Graham Taylor; Re- 
 ligion in the Settlement, by Dean George Hodges; Benevolent Features of 
 Trades Unions, by J. D. Flanigan; The Working Child, by Florence Kelley; 
 Report of Social Settlement Committee; Tabulation of Settlement Reports. 
 Social Work for Catholic Lay Folk. London, Catholic Truth Society, 1909. 
 
 Steel, Adelia. Neighborhood Nursing. In American Journal of Nursing, Vol. 
 X, p. 340-342, February, 1910. 
 
 Stewart, Cora. Libraries in Relation to Settlement Work. In Library Journal, 
 August, 1906, p. 82-85, 231-32. 
 
 Stoddart, B. D. See Annual Reports of the Playground Commission of the City 
 of Los Angeles, 1907, 1910, 1912, 1916. 
 
 Recreative Centers of Los Angeles, California. In Annals oj the American 
 Academy of Political and Social Science, Wo}. XXXV, p. 426-35, March, 1910. 
 The first municipal settlements. 
 What We Need Further in Recreational Facilities. In Report of Recreational 
 Inquiry Committee of the State of California, 1914, p. 43-60. 
 
 Stokes, J. G. Phelps. On the Relation of Settlement Work to the Evils of Pov- 
 erty. In International Journal of Ethics, Vol. XI, p. 340-45, April, 1901. 
 Public Schools as Social Centers. In Annals of the American Academy of 
 Political and Social Science, Vol. XXIII, p. 457-63, May, 1904. 
 Story of the first clubs in a New York public school, and the spread of the 
 center movement. 
 
 Stover, C.B. The Neighborhood Guild in New York. In Montague, F. C, Ar- 
 nold Toynbee, 1889, p. 65-70. 70 p. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press, 1889. 
 
 Strong, Josiah. The Challenge of the City. 329 p. New York, Young People's 
 Missionary Movement, 1907. 
 Appendix B, Influence of Social Settlements on their Neighborhoods, p. 288- 
 308. 
 
 Struthers, L, R. The School Nurse. 293 p. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
 1917. 
 
 Swift, M. L Working Population of Cities and What the Universities Owe them. 
 In Andover Review, Vol. XIII, p. 589-613, June, 1890., 
 
 Taplin, H. B. Camp Hale; a Social Experiment. In Survey, Vol. XXVIII, p. 
 619-25, August 3, 1912. 
 
 Tapper, Thomas. Music and East Side Children. In Outlook, Vol LXXXVIU, 
 p. 427-32, February 22, 1908. 
 
 466 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Taylor, Graham. Chicago Settlements in Ward Politics. In Charities and the 
 Commons, Vol. XVI, p. 183-85, May 5, 1906. 
 Developments in Municipal Activities Tending to Neighborhood Improve- 
 ment. In National Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 
 1904, p. 486-95. 
 Scientific inquiry into housing, playgrounds, school extension, good gov- 
 ernment leagues. 
 Industry and Religion; their Common Ground and Interdependence. In 
 Merrick Lectures on the Social Application of Religion, 1907-1908, p. 87- 
 104. Cincinnati, Jennings and Graham, 1908. 
 The Neighborhood and the Municipality. In National Conference of Charities 
 
 and Correction. Proceedings, 1909, p. 156-63. . 
 
 Police Efficiency the First Effect of Vice Inquiries. In Survey, Vol. XXVI II, 
 p. 136-41, April 20, 1912. 
 Effect of the Chicago Vice Commission investigation and report. 
 Religion in Social Action; with an introduction by Jane Addams. 279 p. New 
 York, Dodd, Mead and Company, 1913. 
 Bibliography, p. 259-79. See especially Chap. VIII, Survival and Re- 
 vival of Neighbourship. 
 Social Settlement, Church and Religion. In Survey, Vol. XXX, p. 453-54, 
 
 July 5, 1913. 
 Social Tendencies of the Industrial Revolution. In International Congress of 
 Arts and Science, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904. Edited by H. J. 
 Rogers, Vol. VII, p. 682-94. 8 vols. Boston, Houghjton, Mifflin Company, 
 1905-1907- 
 Soul of the Settlement. In National Federation of Settlements. Proceedings, 
 1918, p. 5-13. 
 Notable address on the lessons of resident experience in a neighborhood. 
 Training Center for Social Workers. In Commons, January, 1904, p. 18-19. 
 
 Beginnings of Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. 
 Whither the Settlement Movement Tends? In Charities and the Commons, 
 Vol. XV, p. 840-44, March 3, 1906. 
 Toward organization, individual effort, democracy of learning and labor, 
 civic realization of social ideals, industrial democracy, making a religious 
 life more possible. 
 Teller, S. A. The Irene Kaufmann Settlement as a Health Centre. In Jewish 
 
 Social Service, Vol. X, p. 55-59, June, 1919. 
 Toynbee, Arnold. Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth 
 Century in England. With a memoir of Toynbee by Professor Jowett. London, 
 Rivingtons, 1884. Reviewed in Contemporary Review, Vol. XLVI, p. 459-60, 
 September, 1884. 
 New edition edited by C. M. Toynbee, to which has been added a reminis- 
 cence by Lord Milner. 282 p. Longmans, Green and Company, 1908. 
 Toynbee's influence on the settlement movement, in comparison with that of 
 Denison and Barnett, has been vastly over-rated. 
 
 467 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 Trenholm, M. deG, The Sociology of the Family. In New York (City) Con- 
 ference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1918, p. 203-06. 
 Settlement and case work. 
 
 Trevelyan, J. P. Evening Play Centres for Children. 183 p. London, Methuen 
 and Company, 1920. 
 History of play centre movement from its beginnings at Passmore Edwards 
 Settlement in 1897. 
 
 Tucker, Margaret. Catholic Settlement Work; an Analysis. In Catholic Char- 
 ities Review, Vol. II, p. 304-08, December, 1918; Vol. Ill, p. 18-21, January 
 1919. 
 
 Tucker, W. J. T-wenty-five Years in Residence. In Atlantic Monthly, Vol. CXIX, 
 p. 640-49, May, 19 1 7. 
 Evaluation by an educator and publicist. 
 
 Union Settlement; Twenty Years in Harlem, 1895-1915. 84 p. New York, The 
 Settlement, December, 191;. 
 Contains detailed history of the settlement. 
 
 United Neighborhood Houses of New York City. See New York Association 
 
 of Neighborhood Workers. 
 Universities and the Social Problem. 235 p. London, Rivingtons, 1895. 
 University Settlement, New York. Fifteenth Annual Report, 1901. 
 
 Contains also results of local investigations: The Inherent Cultural Forces of 
 the Lower East Side; The Yiddish Stage; The Public Dance Halls of the 
 Lower East Side; Child Ethics in the Street and Settlement; Police Court 
 Probation Work; Trade Unions and the Settlement; and Tendencies in 
 East Side Boys' Clubs. 
 University Settlement Studies. 
 Vol. I, No. 2, Weyl, W. E., Immigration and Industrial Saturation. Wall- 
 ing, W. E., What the People of the East Side Do. 
 Vol. I, Nos. 3,4, Durland, Kellogg, and Sessa, Louis. The Italian Invasion 
 of the Ghetto. 
 
 Hamilton, J. H., Is the Settlement a Permanent Institution? 
 Cronin, J. H., Medical Inspection of the Schools. 
 Rogers, L. L., School Nursing in New York City. 
 Vol. II, No. 3, Aronovici, C, Italian Immigration. 
 
 Vol. Ill, No. 2, Supplement, Pink, L. H., Old Tenements and the New 
 Law. 
 
 Urwick, E. J. Settlement Ideals. In Charity Organisation Review, Vol. XIV, 
 p. 329-38, December, 1903. 
 The Settlement Movement in England and America (England). In Quarterly 
 
 Review, Vol. CCXXI, p. 216-24, Ju'y. 1914- 
 Studies of Boy Life in Our Cities. London, J. M. Dent and Sons, Ltd., 1904. 
 Chapters on The Boy and His Family; The Boy and His Work; The Crim- 
 inal Boy; Boys' Clubs. 
 
 468 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Van der Vaart, H. M. Has the Illinois Child Labor Law Brought Distress? In 
 
 Charities, Vol. XL p. 191-92, September 5, igoj. 
 Veiller, Lawrence. See de Forest, R. W., and Veiller, L. 
 Vittum, H. E. Culture of Family Life from the Social Settlement Standpoint. 
 
 In National Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1914, p. 
 
 111-14. 
 
 Wald, L. D. The District Nurses' Contribution to the Reduction of Infant 
 Mortality. In American Academy of Medicine Bulletin, Vol. XI, p. 371-85, 
 August, 1910. 
 House on Henry Street. 317 p. New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1915. 
 Purposes, history, and acconplishment of Henry Street Settlement by its 
 founder. An inspiring account of increasing efforts to democratize the 
 service of a great profession, nursing, and to build up the standard of 
 life and civilization in a great city district. Required reading for all new 
 settlement workers. 
 Plea for the Creation of a Federal Children's BuVeau. In Annals of the Ameri- 
 can Academy of Political and Social Science. Supplement, March, 1909, p. 
 23-28. 
 Treatment of Families in which there is Sickness. In American Journal of 
 
 Nursing, Vol. IV, p. 427-31, 515-19, 602-06, March, April, May, 1904. 
 Under-nourished School Children. In Charities, Vol. XI II, p. 601-02, March 
 25, 1905- 
 "Wald, L. D., and Kellor, F. A. The Construction Camps of the People. In 
 Survey, Vol. XXIII, p. 449-65, January i, 1910. 
 Advocates public supervision of labor camps. 
 "Wallach, R. T. Social Value of the Festival. In Charities and the Commons, Vol. 
 
 XVI, p. 315-20, June 2, 1906. 
 Waters, Ysabella. Visiting Nursing in the United States. 367 p. New York, 
 Charities Publication Committee, 1909, Russell Sage Foundation. 
 Out of print but obtainable through public libraries. 
 West, Max. Revival of Handicrafts in America. In United States Bureau of 
 
 Labor. Bulletin No. 55, November, 1904, p. 1,573-1,622. 
 Wheeler, E. P. Unofficial Government of Cities. In Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 
 LXXXV, p. 370-76, March, 1900. 
 A Co-operative Tenement. In Charities, Vol. XIX, p. 1,650, February 29, 1908. 
 White, Mrs. E. W. The Child's Home. In United States Children's Bureau. 
 Standards of Child Welfare; a report of the Children's Bureau conferences. May 
 and June, 1919. Bureau publication No. 60, p. 46-53. 
 Standards of housing and of family life. 
 Evening Centers. In Boston School Document, No. 17, 191 5, 1916, 1917. 
 I mmigrant Family. I n Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social 
 Science, Vol. LXXVII, p. 160-70, May, 1918. 
 Case work technique, qualifications for case workers, types of immigrant 
 
 problem, second generation of immigrants. 
 32 469 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 White, G. S. Settlement Problem of a Changing Neighborhood. In National 
 Conference of Charities and Correction. Proceedings, 1910, p. 240-46. 
 
 Social Settlement After Twenty-five Years. In Harvard Theological Review, 
 Vol. IV, p. 47-70, January, igri. 
 Purposes of settlements and an attempted valuation. 
 Upper East Side, Its Neglect and Its Needs. In Charities, Vol. XII, p. 748-50, 
 July 16, 1904. 
 Williams, E. S. Ridge Farm, Mount Ivy; a successful experiment in community 
 life. In College Settlements Association Quarterly, September, 1915, p. 13-14. 
 Settlement Club, its Purposes and Achievements. 9 p. New York, College 
 
 Settlement, n. d. 
 Settlement Problems and Methods in Rural Social Work. In College Settle- 
 ments Association Quarterly, September, 191 5, p. 6-10. 
 Wills, G. T. Alfred Corning Clark Neighborhood House Cook Book. 83 p. New 
 
 York, Darrow, 1908. 
 Wilson, P. W. Settlement Ideal. In Smith, R. M., Religious Life of London, 
 p. 294-301. London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1904. 
 
 Winslow, C. H. Conciliation, Arbitration, and Sanitation in the Cloak, Suit, and 
 Skirt Industry in New York City. In United States Bureau of Labor. Bulletin 
 No. 98, January, 1912, p. 203-72. (See especially p. 254.) 
 
 Wolfe, A. B. The Lodging House Problem in Boston. 200 p. Boston, Houghton, 
 Mifflin Company, 1906. 
 The only study of a rooming house neighborhood in all its aspects. 
 
 Wood, E. E. Housing of the Unskilled Wage Earner; America's Next Problem. 
 321 p. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1919. (SeeespeciallyChap.il.) 
 
 Woodbury, W. R. The People's Disease; How to Prevent It. In Boston Medical 
 and Surgical Journal, March 26, 1908, p. 40J-10. 
 
 Woods,R.A. Banners of a New Army. InSitrB^ji, Vol. XXIX, p. 813-14, March 
 8, 19 1 3. 
 
 Control of sex evils. 
 Democracy; a New Unfolding of Human Power. In Studies in Philosophy and 
 
 Psychology, p. 71-100. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1906. 
 Does the Present Trend toward Vocational Training Threaten Liberal Culture? 
 
 In School Review, Vol. XIX, p. 466-76, September, 191 1. 
 English Social Movements. New York, Chas. Scribner's Sons, 1891. 
 Ethical Construction as Preparation for Ethical Instruction. In Ethical 
 
 Addresses, Vol. XIV, No. 10, June, 1907. 
 Expenditures in Educational Philanthropy. In Educational Review, Vol. XXV, 
 
 p. 483-89, May, 1903. 
 Neighborhood and the Nation. In National Conference of Charities and 
 
 Correction. Proceedings, 1909, p. 101-06. 
 Neighborhood in Nation Building. The running comment of thirty years 
 
 at South End House. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1922. 
 
 470 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Neighborhood in Social Reconstruction. In Chicago, City Club Bulletin, Vol. 
 
 VII, p. 25-32, January 24, 1914. 
 
 Same in American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XIX, p. 557-91, March, 1914. 
 New Synthesis After the Saloon. In Calkins, R., Substitutes for the Saloon, 
 
 1919, p. 319-27. Second edition, revised. 376 p. Boston, Houghton, 
 
 Mifflin Company, 1919. 
 Pittsburgh: An Interpretation of its Growth. In Pittsburgh Survey: The 
 
 Pittsburgh District, Civic Frontage, p. 7-43, 1914. 
 The Regimentation of the Free. In Survey, Vol. XL, p. 395-99, June 6, 1918. 
 
 Same in National Conference of Social Work. Proceedings, 1918, p. 3-10. 
 
 Social workers in wartime. 
 Settlement Expansion. In Charities, Vol. XVII, p. 226-29, November 3, 1906. 
 
 Federation among settlements in preparation for the exercise of greater 
 city, state, and national influence. 
 Settlement Houses and City Politics. In Municipal Affairs, Vol. IV, p. 395-98, 
 
 June, 1900. 
 Settlement Movement in England and America (America). In Quarterly 
 
 Review, Vol. CCXXI, p. 224-32, July, 1914. 
 Social Bearings of Industrial Education. In Social Education Quarterly, 
 
 June, 1907, p. 185-90. 
 Social Work; a New Profession. In International Journal of Ethics, Vol. XVI, 
 
 p. 25-39, October, 1905. 
 
 Same in Charities, Vol. XV, p. 469-76, January 6, 1906. 
 Success of the Settlement as a Means of Improving a Neighborhood. In 
 
 Charities, Vol. IX, p. 225-29, September 6, 1902. 
 Unit Accounting in Social Work. In American Statistical Association, N.S., 
 
 Vol. XIII, p. 361-66, March, 1913. 
 University Settlements as Laboratories in Social Science. In International 
 
 Congress of Charities, Correction and Philanthropy, Chicago, 1893. Report 
 
 of proceedings. Section VII, p. 31-44, iio-ii. 
 University Settlement Idea. In Andover Review, Vol. XVIII, p. 317-39, Oc- 
 tober, 1892. 
 University Settlements; Their Point and Drift. In Quarterly Journal of Eco- 
 nomics, Vol. XIV, p. 67-86, November, 1899. 
 
 Woods, R. A. (Editor.) Americans in Process, a Settlement Study, North and 
 West Ends. 389 p. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1902. 
 City Wilderness; a Settlement Study, South End, Boston. 319 p. Boston, 
 Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1898. 
 
 Woods, R. A., and Kennedy, A. J. Educational Work of Settlements. In 
 Monroe's Cyclopedia of Education, Vol. V, p. 350-52, 1913. 
 Handbook of Settlements. 326 p. New York, Charities Publication Com- 
 mittee, 1910, Russell Sage Foundation. (Out of print.) 
 Short chronology of the settlement movement; general bibliography; 
 description of existing and discontinued settlements, covering establish- 
 
 471 
 
THE SETTLEMENT HORIZON 
 
 ment, purposes, nationalities, and conditions in neighborhood, list of in- 
 vestigations carried on and civic improvements secured, institutional 
 activities, location of properties, number of residents and names of all 
 head residents from foundation, exhaustive bibliography of books and 
 articles about each house of publications by residents. 
 Young Working Girls; a summary of evidence from two thousand social 
 workers. 185 p. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1913. 
 Yarros, V. S. How Democracy Functions. In Public, Vol. XXI, p. 1,477-80, 
 December 7, 19 18. 
 Representation and Leadership in Democracies. In American Journal of 
 Sociology, Vol. XXIll, p. 390-402, November, 1917. 
 
 Basis of sound political reform in economic and moral reform. ' 
 Yeomans, A. B. (Editor.) City Residential Land Development. 138 p. Chicago, 
 University of Chicago Press, 191 7. 
 Neighborhood and district planning; plans submitted in a competition ar- 
 ranged by the City Club of Chicago in 1913. 
 Zelenko, Alexander. Russia's First Settlement. \a Charities, Vol. XXI, p. 6 [-64, 
 
 October 3, 1908. 
 Zueblin, Charles. Settlements and the New Civic Spirit. In Chautauquan, Vol. 
 XXXVI II, p. 55-59, September, 1903. 
 
 472 
 
INDEX 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abbott, Grace, i88 
 Abbott, Mrs. L. F., 292 
 
 Ability, Discovery of. See Talent 
 
 Saving 
 Addams, Jane, 41, 46, 53, 100, 139, 146, 
 
 171, 173, 186, 193, 216, 234, 270, 276, 
 
 321, 420 
 
 Adler, Felix, 40, 238, 274 
 
 Administration: routine of, 433; co- 
 operative responsibility, 433; of set- 
 tlement housefiold, 435. See also 
 Directors 
 
 Adolescence: boys' clubs, 73-82; in- 
 dividualism, types of, and young 
 people's clubs, 77, 86, 92; wage- 
 earning, effects on, 78, 79; recrea- 
 tional activities, 79-81; gymnasiums, 
 80; preadolescent boys, program for, 
 86; leadership, 86, 89, 99; and girls' 
 clubs, 88-95; studies of, 91, 270,400; 
 outdoor programs and, 94, 95; moral 
 standards, 100-108; summer camps, 
 121-125; sex education and, 409-411 
 
 Aged: summer outings for, 1 19; poor- 
 houses for, 193; workrooms for, 194; 
 study of poverty of, 195; neighbor- 
 hood help for, 310 
 
 Agencies: relation of settlement to, 71, 
 72; studyoflocal, 64-69, 304; public, 
 interpreted to people, 317, 319, 324; 
 co-operation of social and civic, 317, 
 318; initiation of new, 319; religious 
 322; correlation of centralized, 324; 
 federations co-operate with, 384 
 
 Alcoholism: and family life, 265, 320; 
 treatment of, 265. See also Prohibi- 
 tion; Saloon; Vice 
 
 Amalgamated Meat Cutters and 
 Butcher Workers of North Amer- 
 ica, 181 
 
 America: individualism in, 30, 37, 38, 
 56; settlement background in, 30-39; 
 pioneers in reform, 31-33, 36, 37, 40- 
 52; settlements established in, 41-52, 
 
 375; history, summarized, 52; trade 
 unions in, 70; interpreted to immi- 
 grants, 329, 338; immigrant contri- 
 butions to, 338, 340 
 
 American Association for Labor 
 Legislation, 198 
 
 American Association for the Pro- 
 motion of Social Science, 169 
 
 American Economic Association, 169 
 
 American Federation of Labor, 61, 
 182 
 
 Americanization: beginnings, 40-52; 
 motives, and function of, 59, 60; citi- 
 zenship, 60; and trade unionism, 70; 
 women's clubs an instrument, 98, 
 395; defined, in settlement terms, 
 326, 328; in towns and villages, 327; 
 factors in process, 328; American 
 ideals, interpretation of, 329; forms 
 of government explained, 331; dan- 
 gers from aggressive, 33 1 ; and racial 
 problems, 332-337; difficulties in 
 mixed neighborhoods, 338 
 
 American Labor Legislation Review, 197 
 
 American Political Ideas: by John 
 Fiske, 34 
 
 American Standard of Life: and ed- 
 ucation, 31, 37, 38, 419; association 
 of sexes, 91; in vacation camps, 123; 
 effect of wages on, 168, 174, 188,202, 
 204, 206; immigrants and, 204, 324, 
 326; defined, 326, 419. See also 
 Americaniiation 
 
 Amherst College, 429 
 
 Anarchy: Chicago riots of 1886, 35; 
 and the labor cause, 172-173; immi- 
 grants and, 420; Averbuch case, 420, 
 42 1 . See also Revolution 
 
 Andover House: Boston, 48, 49, 61; 
 Theological Seminary, 429 
 
 Anti-Filth Society, 231 
 
 Anti-Slavery Society, 32 
 
 475 
 
INDEX 
 
 Apprentices: school for printers, 217. 
 See also Education, Industrial 
 
 Armstrong, Samuel C, 33 
 
 Arnold, Matthew, 14, 15, 38 
 
 Art: influence of Ruskin on, 15, 22; 
 Canon Barnett and, 22, 146; White- 
 chapel Picture Exhibition, 25, 146;, 
 founders of settlement and, 47, 146, 
 149; early influences, 53, 132, 146; 
 picture loans, 47, 146, 147-148; 
 interest in, ways of creating, 146; 
 Sunday opening, 147; museums, 
 programs of, 147, 149, 151; retrospec- 
 tion exhibits, 148; classes, 149; 
 crafts guilds, 150, 152; cultural ex- 
 periments, 150; Children's Art Cen- 
 ter, 151; People's Art Guild, 152; 
 music schools, 152-156; dramatics, 
 156-160; neighborhood theaters, 159, 
 160; and native culture, 161, 162; 
 Emerson on, 162; enterprises for dis- 
 covering, 163-166 
 
 Artisans' Dwelling Act, 26 
 
 Associate Workers: early, 76; mo- 
 tives of, 168; in plan of organization, 
 363 ; contribution of, 366, 43 5 ; as resi- 
 dents, 429, 432; qualities desired, 
 436; volunteers, how recruited, 436; 
 training of, 436, 437 
 
 Association for Improving Condi- 
 tion OF THE Poor, 282, 413 
 
 Athletics: inter-settlement, 383. See 
 also Gymnasiums; Recreation 
 
 Babies: day nurseries for, 195; clinics, 
 250, 251, 258; infant welfare, 249- 
 254; midwives, studies of, 252; 
 pre-natal nursing, 252; effects of care 
 of, 253; Good Government Club, 254; 
 conservation, in wartime, 302; cam- 
 paigns for, 418; saving, in Chicago, 
 418 
 
 Babies' Good Government Club, 254 
 
 Barnett, Samuel A., 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 
 27, 53, 146, 189, 243, 363, 430 
 
 Barnett, Mrs. S. A., 22 
 
 Baths: early installation of, 45, 48; 
 public fountains, 112; and settle- 
 ments, 237; in Chicago, 237; Boston, 
 237; Public Bath Commission, 287 
 
 Bellamy, Edward, 62 
 
 Bellamy, George A., 51 
 
 Birth Control, 253 
 
 Birtwell, Charles W., 133 
 
 Bitter Cry of the Children, The: by John 
 Spargo, 278 
 
 "Black Bottle," 192 
 
 Bliss, Howard S., 41 
 
 Block: national census, 305; organized 
 as community unit, 358; and distri- 
 bution of leadership, 358; Hudson 
 Guild plan, 358, 359; families, relation 
 between, 64, 391. See also Streets 
 
 Bloomfield, Meyer, 219 
 
 Boards of Settlements: early mem- 
 bers, 55; responsibilities, 386, 405; 
 head residents, 387; service, perioc^s 
 of, 388; funds, relation to neighbor- 
 hood, 389; women, influence of, 395; 
 duties of governing, 437 
 
 Bohemians: qualities of, 335 
 
 BoNAR, James, 25 
 
 Bookbinders' Union, 179 
 
 Booth, Charles, 60, 194 
 
 Boss. See Politics; Ward Boss 
 
 Boston Choral Union, 153 
 
 Boston Normal School, 413 
 
 Boston Social Union, 269, 376, 380, 
 381, 382, 384, 412, 443 
 
 Boston University, 218 
 
 BowEN, Louise de Koven, 270 
 
 Boys: clubs for, 73-87; gangs, 73-7_5, 
 79; discipline, and qualities needed in 
 leadership, 76-77, 87; adolescent, 
 club programs for, 78-84; preadoles- 
 cent, 86, 141, 158; economic depend- 
 ence of, 79; athletic leagues, 80-81, 
 84; mass clubs, and working boys, 
 81-83; caddies, 119, 126, 380; sex 
 hygiene, 108; vacation camps, 125, 
 126; home-making classes for, 415 
 
 Brace, Charles Loring, 38 
 
 Bradford, Cornelia F., 51, 276, 417 
 
 Brewster, Mary, 50, 247, 248 
 
 Brooke, Lambert, 21 
 
 476 
 
INDEX 
 
 Brooklyn Guild, 354, 444 
 Brooks, John Graham, 62 
 Brown, J. G., 184 
 Bryn Mawr College, 184 
 Budgets. See Finance 
 
 Buildings; furnishings, 146, 416; 
 household units, 343; reconstructed 
 dwellings, 347; as institutional cen- 
 ters, 348; decentralized plant, 348; 
 entrance halls, 422; beauty of, 423; 
 assembly rooms, 423; living quarters, 
 434; household arrangements, 434, 
 435 
 
 Bureau OF Labor: Massachusetts, 177 
 
 Cabot, Richard C, 254 
 
 Caddies: advantages for in summer, 
 119, 126; camps for, 383 
 
 Cambridge Neighborhood House, 144 
 
 Camp Fire Girls, 94 
 
 Camps. See Vacation Camps 
 
 Carlyle, Thomas, 5, 8, 14, 31, 38, 170 
 
 Carrington, Fitzroy, 151 
 
 Case Work: agencies, co-operation 
 with, 190, 314, 316, 346; on educa- 
 tional plane, 303, 323; settlement in- 
 fluence on science of, 310 
 
 Catholic. See Church 
 
 Central Federated Union, of New 
 York, 170 
 
 Chalmers, N. C, 25 
 
 Chalmers, Thomas, 4, 5, 21 
 
 Channing; William Ellery, 31 
 
 Chaperons: moral responsibility for 
 adolescents, 100, 106 
 
 Charity: Denisonand, 18; history, 21, 
 37; early American agencies, 37, 38; 
 neighborhood problem of organizing, 
 47, 189; settlement not relief-giving 
 agency, 66, 189; working people, 
 attitude toward, 192, 371 ; public, co- 
 operation with, 190, 192-198; emer- 
 gency relief, 191; confidential ex- 
 change, 191; neighborhood associa- 
 tion, clubs, 192; unemployment, as- 
 
 sociation in, 194, 1^8; for aged, 195; 
 family relief in wartime, 300; schools 
 of philanthropy, 397. See also Poverty 
 
 Charity Organization Society: New 
 York, 380 
 
 Charity, Public: beginnings in Eng- 
 land, 18-24; founders, 21, 23; for re- 
 lief of poverty, 190-199; attitude of 
 people toward, 192,371; poorhouses, 
 192; institutional readjustment, 193; 
 bureaus for relief, 190, 195, 198; de- 
 partment, in Chicago, 419 
 
 Chartism, 7, 10, 1 1 
 
 Chase Neighborhood House, 144 
 
 Chicago Commons, 50, 173, 224, 233, 
 370, 443, 444 
 
 Chicago Federation of Settlements, 
 442 
 
 Chicago Juvenile Court, 268, 269 
 
 Chicago Relief and Aid Society, 251 
 
 Chicago School Art Society, 274 
 
 Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly, 
 179 
 
 Chicago Vice Commission, 261 
 
 Chicago Women 's Club, 274, 280, 293, 
 414 
 
 Chi ld La bor. See Children in Industry 
 
 Child Labor in the United States, 
 Bibliography of, 184 
 
 Child Labor Legislation: back- 
 ground of early, 184; and compulsory 
 education, 185; and employment, 
 185-188,217; for street trades, 187; 
 home workshops, 187; federal, 187- 
 188; in Massachusetts, 217; federa- 
 tion work for, 381; settlement assis- 
 tance for, 417 
 
 Children: attitude toward settle- 
 ments, 67, 73, 88; boys' clubs, 73-84; 
 girls' clubs, 88-95; dancing, and sex 
 interplay, 100, 107; games, tradi- 
 tional, 106; story-telling, 107, 1 16, 
 134, 147, 151,412; summer program 
 for, 1 12-120; playgrounds, 113, 116; 
 vacation schools, 115; kindergarten 
 work, 115, 131, 412; boys' and girls' 
 camps, 121-130; educational ap- 
 proach, 131-134; employment prob- 
 lems, 138; trade training for, i39-'45; 
 
 477 
 
INDEX 
 
 art, appreciation for, 147, i;o, i;i; 
 education of, in art and crafts, 1 ;o- 
 151; musical instruction for, i;3- 
 155; dramatics, ijfr-isg; effect of 
 "movies" on, 159; and settlement 
 humanities, 162, 164; iii industry, 
 177-188; day nurseries for, 195; 
 street cleaning brigades, 233; back- 
 ward, 280; delinquent, 280; under- 
 fed, 280; handicapped, 282, 309; 
 and American standards, 312; rela- 
 tion to parents, 312; preadolescent, 
 range of territory, 353; adolescent, 
 group activities for, 353; sex training 
 tor, 409-411; gardens, 412; classes 
 in handwork, 412, 414; household 
 science, 414. See also Adolescence; 
 Child Labor; Health; Kindergartens 
 
 Children in Industry: Owen and, 2; 
 vocational guidance, 134, 214; in- 
 dustrial adventuring, 138; classes in 
 trade training, 139, 150, 274; pro- 
 tective legislation, 184-188, 417; 
 street trades, 185, 187; home work- 
 shops, 170,' 185, 187; leaders for, 186- 
 188; Federal Bureau, 188; health 
 inspection for, 197; and school at- 
 tendance, 213. See also Child Labor 
 Legislation 
 
 Children's Aid Society, 38, 133 
 
 Children's Art Center; Boston, 151 
 
 Children's Bureau: federal, 188 
 
 Children's Country Holidays Fund, 
 23 
 
 Children's Hospital Society, 250 
 
 Children's Protective Alliance, 417 
 
 Christian and Civic Economy of Large 
 Towns, 5 
 
 Christian Endeavor, 88 
 
 Christian Socialism: moral program 
 of, in England, 8-16,17; '""1 trade 
 unionism, 12; Workingmen's College 
 established, 12; Fabian Society an 
 outgrowth of, 60; and clubs for men. 
 
 Christian Socialist: journal, 10 
 
 Church: neighborhood the arena of, 4, 
 14, 69, 370; and Christian Socialism, 
 15; the parish as a, 22; Protestant, 
 and immigrants, 37; "institutional," 
 37; and public school system, 38; 
 
 Church Club, 47; theological schools 
 and American pioneers, 40, 48, 49; 
 and the settlement motive, 57; racial 
 culture, 69; clergy, attitude toward 
 outsiders, 69, 71, 370; sectarianism, 
 issue ot, 69, 323, 370; residents and 
 local leaders, 70, 71, 368, 370; land 
 for playgrounds, 113; religious agen- 
 cies and settlements, 322; loyalties 
 encouraged, 323; religious leaders co- 
 operate with, 323, 427; institutional 
 activities, 371, 427; rescue missions, 
 371; Roman Catholic, 322, 371-372; 
 settlement indebted to, 392; and reli- 
 gious loyalties, 435; welfare organiza- 
 tions, 444. See also Parish 
 
 Cincinnati Social Unit, 358 
 
 Circolo-Americano-Italiano, 421 
 
 Citizenship: training, through clubs 
 and classes, 76, 80, 134; and play- 
 grounds, 79; athletic councils pro- 
 mote, 166; industrial standards for, 
 188; and women's clubs, 355; settle- 
 ments and, 360. See also Americani- 
 zation 
 
 City: in summer, 1 1 1-120; and poverty, 
 189; appeal to, 259, 271; block plan 
 for streets, 358; federations, 372-382; 
 adolescence and, 294, 381; cultural 
 resources for neighborhoods, 385; 
 See also Municipal Affairs; Streets; 
 IVard Boss 
 
 City Gardens Association: Chicago, 
 
 413 
 City Wilderness, The: edited by R. A. 
 
 Woods, 207, 226 
 
 Civic Club: New York, 224 
 
 Civic Federation: Chicago, 413 
 
 Civic League: Philadelphia, 225 
 
 Civic Service House, 218 
 
 Clark, B. Preston, 47 
 
 Clarke, William, 60 
 
 Classes, Social: bridging the gulf, 10, 
 21, 24, 26, 28, 33, 121, 134, 340, 391, 
 405; antagonism between, 35, 260; 
 immigrants, 35, 38, 98, 200, 343; 
 youth, oversight of, 100; how finer 
 interests of upper, preserved, 162; 
 how people are brought together, 207, 
 359. See also Education 
 
 478 
 
INDEX 
 
 Clearing House: settlement a local, 
 316-325 
 
 Clinics. See Health 
 
 Clinton Hall, 290 
 
 Clothing: for campers, 122, 129; and 
 trade, 200; sales of, 418 
 
 Club Leaders: early American, 42, 43, 
 45, 47; new groups gathered, 74; 
 defined, 76; successful, for boys, 76, 
 81, 87; types desired, 86; for women, 
 89, 99; education and qualities, 87, 
 315; for girls, 92; new profession, 
 foundation of, 344; methods, 345; 
 reinforced by associates; 345; as 
 educators and specialists, 346 
 
 Clubs: early, 42, 45, 47, 88, 89; for 
 boys and men, 73-87; gangs, evolu- 
 tion into, 73-79, 90; athletic competi- 
 tion, 80; mass, for boys, 81 ; working- 
 men's, 83, 84-85; activities for boys, 
 84; and preadolescents, 86; type of 
 director needed, 86, 99; for girls and 
 women, 88-99; programs for women, 
 problems of, 91-96; councils, 93, 
 354; group activities for children, 94- 
 95; "poverty," 98; families made 
 acquainted through, in; and vaca- 
 tion centers, 116, 127, 128; training 
 for association, 2 19; members followed 
 up, 345; neighborhood canvass for, 
 346. See also Directors; IVomen's 
 Clubs 
 
 Coal and Grocery Club, 201. See 
 also Co-operation 
 
 CoiT, Stanton, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 
 64, 73, 210, 224, 286, 434 
 
 Colleges: in England, 12, 13, 15, 23, 
 26, 27, 28; early volunteers, 13; awak- 
 ening to social questions, 17, 40, 44, 
 57; growth of, in United States, 33; 
 women's, settlement impulse of, 41; 
 and "new Franciscanism," 41, 44; 
 service restricted to, 54; alumnx 
 found settlements, 427 
 
 College Extension Classes. See 
 University Extension 
 
 College Settlement: New York, 45, 
 56, 129, 154, 211, 238, 243, 281, 427, 
 443; Philadelphia, 50, 225, 277, 369, 
 433; Los Angeles, 294 
 
 College Settlement, First Year at the: by 
 Jane E. Robbins, 73 
 
 College Settlements Association, 
 50, 52, 180, 203, 429, 442; Report, 203 
 
 College Settlement News, 444 
 
 Commercial Amusement: dance halls, 
 theaters, and skating rinks, 443; Sun- 
 day recreation, 443; motion pictures, 
 443. See also Recreation 
 
 Committee of Fifteen, 261 
 
 Committee of Fifty, 262 
 
 Communism: labor colonies in England, 
 3; and Christian Socialism, 8-16; the 
 "Cornmunist Manifesto," 8; and 
 American democracy, 31-33; indus- 
 trial strife and standards of living, 
 35, 60, 61. See also Co-operation: 
 Neighborhood 
 
 Conferences: of settlement workers, 
 443; public conferences called, 443; 
 open forums, 443 
 
 Congestion: in tenement homes, 11, 
 35, 239, 241, 249; on land, 62, 65, 240; 
 in tenement workshops, 169, 179; 
 exhibit, 241 ; child mortality and, 249, 
 25 1 ; in school buildings, 27; 
 
 Congregationalism: Mansfield House, 
 28 
 
 Conservatives, 17 
 
 Consumers' Co-operation, 210, 220 
 
 Consumers' League: in New York, 
 178, 210; London, 210 
 
 Contagion. See Health 
 
 Contributors. See Finance 
 
 Convalescent. See Health 
 
 Cooking: canning, and vacation gar- 
 dens, 125; classes in home-keeping, 
 143, 301, 414; sociability and, 144. 
 See also Homemaking 
 
 Cooper, Charles C, 51, 263 
 
 Cooper, Walter, ii 
 
 Co-operation: English labor colonies, 
 3, 1 1 ; and Christian Socialism, 12-16; 
 settlement camp an experiment in, 
 121-126, 130; coal and grocery clubs, 
 201; and settlement attitude, 208; 
 consumers', 210-220; Co-operative 
 
 479 
 
INDEX 
 
 Coal Society, 211; Hull House Coal 
 Association, 211; at Cambridge, 211; 
 House Owners' Society, 212; and the 
 "co-operative man," 212; boarding 
 clubs, 212; stores, 211, 212, 220; 
 children trained tor, 219; in England, 
 220; Russia, 220. See also Federa- 
 tions 
 
 Co-operative Coal Society, 21 i 
 
 Co-operative House Owners' So- 
 ciety, 212 
 
 Co-operative Tailors' Association, 
 II 
 
 Councils: neighborhood club, 166; 
 limitations, 166; club, 39;; house, 
 352, 364, 396; athletic, 383, 397; 
 junior, 438. See also Federations; 
 House Council 
 
 Council of Hygiene and Public 
 Health, 238 
 
 Craftsmanship: guild of, 47, 150; 
 problems of trade training, 139-145; 
 treasures of, 148; education for, 149- 
 151; marketing, 149; cultural aims 
 for, 164. See also Handwork 
 
 Crime: and boys' gangs, 74; adoles- 
 cent, 230; and degeneracy, 260; law 
 enforcement, 272; police power and, 
 321. See also Delinquency; Vice 
 
 Culture: criticism of industrial, 14; 
 university extension lectures promote, 
 15, 17, 24, 25; ministry of, and Ameri- 
 can residents, 22, 31, 38, 47, 58; im- 
 pulse of, in pioneer settlements, 40- 
 50; democratization of, ;8; and higher 
 education, 13;; club as an instrument, 
 136, 14;; handworkers, 139, 145, 149; 
 homemaking as, 143, 145; immi- 
 grant, 150, 154, 161, 167, 421; realiza- 
 tion of, 160; and neighborhood hu- 
 manities, 162-168; Italian contribu- 
 tions to, 42 1 . See also Democracy 
 
 Culture and Anarchy: by Matthew 
 Arnold, 14 
 
 Dancing: commercial dance halls, loi, 
 105, 264, 290; early attitude of resi- 
 dents toward, 102; attitude of settle- 
 ments toward, 102; discipline of, 103, 
 107; objectionable, 103; standards, 
 103, 104, 107; folk, 107; children, 107; 
 
 traditional, 109; summer, 117; alli- 
 ance with saloons, 264, 290; legisla- 
 tion for dance halls, 265; inter-settle- 
 ment, 382 
 
 Daniel, Charles S., 224 
 
 Daniels, Harriet McD., 91 
 
 Daniels, John, 336 
 
 Dante Society, 421 
 
 Davidson, Thomas, 135 
 
 Davies, Anna F., 50 
 
 Davies, Arthur B., 43 
 
 Davis, Katharine B., 50 
 
 Day Excursions: summer program of, 
 118-119 
 
 Day Nursery: scopeof work, 195; set- 
 tlements and, 19;;' mothers' pensions, 
 196 
 
 Deaf. See Handicapped 
 
 Debates: inter-settlement, 377 
 
 De Forest, Robert W., 239 
 
 Degeneracy: and poverty, 189; in 
 working-class neighborhoods, 207, 
 260, 264, 306, 310, 315; saloons and, 
 264. See also Crime; Viu 
 
 Delinquency: poverty and, 189, 194; 
 and vice, 262; juvenile, 268, 312; 
 forms of, and causes, 268-270; pro- 
 bation officers, 268; juvenile courts, 
 268; psychopathic treatment, 269; 
 studies of, 270; Juvenile Protective 
 League, 271; policewomen, 272; re- 
 formatories, 272; parents' responsi- 
 bility, 311; program of federations 
 for, 379. See also Crime 
 
 Democracy: social program for, 10, 
 15, 17-28, 56-60, 370; and Christian 
 Socialism, 10-16; culture, American 
 residents, 31, 38; evolution, in United 
 States, 33; communal control, issue of 
 government, 31, 34; fellowship a 
 means, 41-52,056-60, 66, 162; social 
 program for, 64, 87, 146, 162; in fine 
 arts, 150; in drama, 158; program of 
 the humanities, 162-168, 370; and 
 gymnasium association, 166; indus- 
 trial standards for, 188; settlement a 
 medium for developing, 328. See 
 also Neighborliness 
 
 480 
 
INDEX 
 
 Denison, Edward, i8, 19, 20, 21, 23 
 
 Denison House: Boston, 50, 134, 149, 
 342,414,421,443 
 
 Dental Hygiene, 245, 257 
 
 Devine, Edward T., 256 
 
 Dickens, Charles, 6, 7, 38 
 
 Directors: definition, 76; types needed, 
 76, 86, 344; of vacation centers, 124; 
 for clubs, how regarded, 344. See 
 also Clubs 
 
 Directors, Boards of: place in organi- 
 zation, 363; qualities desired, 366; 
 responsibilities, 366; neighborhood 
 ■ representation by, 366, 438; relation 
 to staff, 367, 438; house policies and, 
 367, 439; women on, 437; women's 
 auxiliaries, 437; participation in 
 house activities, 439, 440 
 
 Disease. See Health 
 
 Districts: malodorous, 236; analysis 
 of, ^79. See also Neighborhoods: 
 Tenements 
 
 Domestic Service: training for, 144, 
 414; women, and bureaus of employ- 
 ment, 180, 198; cooking classes, 414 
 
 Domestic Service from Point of View, of 
 the Intelligence Office: by Mabel W. 
 Sandford, 180 
 
 Drama: early attitude toward, 156; 
 educational and moral values, 157; 
 children, 157-158; adolescents, 158; 
 settlement theater, equipment and 
 players, 159-161; inter-settlement, 
 382 
 
 Drawing: classes, 150, 152 
 
 Drexel Committee: New York, 238 
 
 Drinking Fountains: and summer 
 tenements, 1 12 
 
 Drug Addicts, 261 
 
 Dudley, Helena S., 50 
 
 Dumps: garbage and, ^4, 236 
 
 Eastman, Crystal, 197 
 
 East Side House: of New York, 47, 
 113,212,437 
 
 East Side Music School, 154 
 
 Eaves, Lucille, 417 
 
 Economics: crises and depressions, 35, 
 172-176, 195, 198; injustice, 36; 
 theory, clubs for study of, 169; factors 
 of poverty, 189-199; and fellowships, 
 429 
 
 Economics, Principles of: by Alfred 
 Marshall, 198 
 
 Economic Thought, History of: by L. H. 
 Haney, 169 
 
 Education: elementary, and Robert 
 Owen, 3; early measures for social 
 reform, 17-28; public schools and the 
 immigrants, 37; theological schools 
 and early American settlements, 40- 
 52; women collegians as founders, 41, 
 44-45, 46, 50, 51; and the settlement 
 motive, 59; clubs for girls and women, 
 88; recreational, in summer, 1 13-1 18, 
 288; academic subjects, 131; kinder- 
 garten exponents and, 1 3 1-132 ; library 
 extension, 133; group suggestion, pro- 
 gram of, 133-134; story-telling, 134; 
 university extension, 134-137; cul- 
 tural, organization for, 136; types 
 desired, 137; training in handwork, 
 138, 145, 414; art classes, 146-160; 
 painting, 146; craftswork, 149-151; 
 music, 152-155; drama, 156-160; and 
 the humanities, 162-168; political and 
 social science, 169; socialism a factor, 
 172-175; recreation centers, 288; sex 
 instruction, 409; of the affections, 
 411. See also Colleges; University 
 Extension 
 
 Education, Industrial: early meas- 
 ures for reform in England, 2-29; 
 extension lectures, 17, 24; Negroes, 
 33; reinforcement of higher, 33; of 
 immigrant groups, 37; need for, 139, 
 145; printing classes, 139, 217; train- 
 ing for boys, 139-141; ^or gWs, 142; 
 and economic history, 169; Industrial 
 Education Association, 214; two 
 wasted years, 214; child labor and, 
 214, 217; manual training, 214, 215; 
 in Massachusetts, 216; commission 
 on, 216; School for Printers' Appren- 
 tices, 217. See also Children in 
 Industry 
 
 Elizabeth Peabody House, 51, 280 
 
 Elliott, John L., 50, 358, 359, 373, 383 
 
 Ellis Memorial, 47 
 
 481 
 
INDEX 
 
 Ely, Richard T., 62 
 
 Ely, Robert E., 48 
 
 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 31, 162 
 
 ^Employers: trade unionists, settle- 
 ment and, 70, 171, 176, 219; and 
 child workers, 138, 170, 213, 217; 
 exploitation by, 170; immigrant, and 
 arbitration, 176, 220; and salaries, 
 430 
 
 Employment Bureau: and pioneer 
 residents, 138; for domestics, 180, 198; 
 child labor, 185; state, 198 
 
 Employment Bureaus for IVomen: by 
 Frances A. Kellor, 180 
 
 Endowments, 366 
 
 English People, History of tie: by John 
 Richard Green, 20, 41 
 
 English Social Movements: by R. A. 
 Woods, 49, 210 
 
 Epidemics: regulations to prevent, 240; 
 and tuberculosis, 248, 256; yellow 
 fever, 257; influenza, 301 
 
 Episcopalian: Church Club, 47 
 
 Evangelism: English leaders in, 4-6, 
 8-10. See also Church 
 
 Exhibits: dental, 257; food, 301; 
 household, 416; "retrospective," 416 
 
 Fabianism: and early residents, 60; 
 applied to industry, 208 
 
 Factory Acts: in England, 3, 6, 7, 11; 
 American, 177, 179, 187; and work- 
 men's compensation, 197. See also 
 Labor Legislation 
 
 Family: neighborhood influence on, 64, 
 239; unit of settlement work, 64, 69, 
 109, 176, 311; association for adoles- 
 cents, 100-108; and sex morality, 
 100, 409; clubs strengthen life of, 108, 
 353; recreation programs, 109; sum- 
 mer in the tenements, 1 1 1-120; vaca- 
 tion camps for, 121, 127, 128; wages 
 problem, 174; poverty in, causes and 
 relief, 189-199; adjustment between 
 parents and children, 311; loyalty of, 
 fostered, 312; inter-family associa- 
 tion, 314; resident groups, 351, 431. 
 See also Neighborhood 
 
 Farrell, Elizabeth, 282 
 
 Federation 
 See Guilds 
 
 Within Settlements. 
 
 Federations of Settlements: na- 
 tional, 270, 399; history of, 375-376; 
 organization, 376; eliminates over- 
 lapping, 376; in Boston, 376; New 
 York, 376; New Jersey, 376; Balti- 
 more and Washington, 377; Brooklyn, 
 377; Buffalo, 377; San Francisco, 377; 
 Philadelphia, 377; Cleveland, 377; 
 Minneapolis, 377; Richmond, 377; 
 finance, 377; departmental commit- 
 tees, 377-378; special directors, 377; 
 value of, 378; law enforcement, 379; 
 and juvenile delinquency, 379; for 
 vice suppression, 379; street trades, 
 379; studies by, 379; legislation and, 
 380; child labor committees, 381; 
 vocational education and, 381; immi- 
 grants and, 381; cultural services, 
 382; recreation, 383; war service, 384; 
 policies of, 385. See also Inter-Set- 
 tlement Activities 
 
 Fellowships, 429 
 
 Festivals: adult recreation and, 47, 
 109, 312; develop local consciousness, 
 354; Robin Hood Pageant, 354; au- 
 tumn, 423; Christmas, 424; closing, 
 425; immigrant, 425; New Year, 425; 
 patriotic, 42$; spring, 426. See also 
 Holidays 
 
 Filth: Anti-Filth Society, 231; tene- 
 ment streets and, 232, 241 
 
 Finance: and early supporters, 52, 54; 
 distribution of responsibility, 363; 
 complexity of problem, 368-369; 
 types, 368; and neighborhood support, 
 369; endowments, 369; women's 
 auxiliaries, 437; junior councils, 438; 
 associations, 441 
 
 Fine, Jean, 44, 45 
 
 FiSKE, John, 34, 
 
 Fleisher, Samuel S., 150, i;i 
 
 Flowers: distribution of cut, 1 14; 
 back yard gardens, 115; window 
 boxes, 115; roof gardens, 116. See 
 also Gardens 
 
 482 
 
INDEX 
 
 Food: community gardens provide, 115, 
 125; inspection, 202; co-operative 
 buying, 21 1-2 12, 220; hygienic care 
 of, 250; preparation of, for babies, 
 250; conservation, 301 
 
 Forbes, Elmer S., 43 
 
 Forum: free floors established, 173; 
 when discontinued, 174; appeal of, 
 174; early conferences, 443 
 
 Forward Movement Park, 130 
 
 Foundations: Judge Baker, 270; Rus- 
 sell Sage, 191, 201 
 
 Franciscanism: and women's colleges, 
 
 41.44 
 Free Speech: an outlet, 174. See also 
 
 Forum 
 
 Fremantle, William H., 22 
 
 French, Clara, 44 
 
 Fresh-Air Societies: country vaca- 
 tions and, 118, 121, 129; day excur- 
 sions, 1 18-119 
 
 Friendly Aid House, 224 
 
 Friendly House, 437 
 
 Fuel: coal clubs, 201; conservation, 
 301 
 
 Furnival, Frederick James, 9 
 
 Gads Hill House: of Chicago, 130, 
 256, 342 
 
 Gambling, 266. See also Vice 
 
 Gang: or natural group, 73-75, 79, 83; 
 
 menace of, 74; evolution into club, 
 
 74-75 
 Garbage: early efforts to secure proper 
 
 handling of, 47, 234; Miss Addams an 
 
 inspector, 234; women's clubs and, 
 
 234. See also Streets 
 
 Gardens: window box, 115,412; com- 
 munity, 115, 125, 413; back-yard, 
 115,413; roof, 116; camp, 125; kit- 
 chen, 415-416 
 
 Garibaldi, 421 
 
 Garment Makers: and standards of 
 living, 203 
 
 Garrison, William Lloyd, 31 
 
 General Federation of Women's 
 Clubs, 182 
 
 George, Henry, 24, 62 
 
 Germans: colony of, 48; choral work 
 and, 153 
 
 Giddings, F. H., 203 
 
 Gilder, Richard Watson, 238 
 
 Girl and Her Chance, The: by Harriet 
 McD. Daniels, 91 
 
 Girls: clubs for, 88-95; early associa- 
 tions, 88; domestic programs for, 89, 
 97-99; adolescence, problems of, 90- 
 95; program for wage-earning, 91; 
 individualism in, 92; federated asso- 
 ciation for, 93 ; Scout and Camp Fire, 
 94; neighborhood vigilance needed, 
 94; athletic programs for, 95; and 
 matrimony, 96, 97; vacation centers, 
 121, 125, 127-130; training in hand- 
 work, 142; cooking classes, 142, 414; 
 domestic science, 143. See also Chil- 
 dren 
 
 Goddard, F. Norton, 224 
 
 Goldmark, Josephine, 183 
 
 GoLER, Dr. George W., 250 
 
 Goodale, John MacGregor, 43 
 
 Goodrich House: Cleveland, 412, 413 
 
 Gossip: a neighborhood force, 67; 
 streets in summer, in; and cultural 
 arts, 164 
 
 Government: corrupt city, 36, 38, 43, 
 60; naturalizing foreigners, 86; mu- 
 nicipal reform, studies in, 226; civic 
 programs, settlement attitude toward, 
 320-321; by a city manager, 360; 
 national, departments of, 444. See 
 also Law 
 
 Graphic Sketch Club: of Philadel- 
 phia, 150 
 
 Greeks: and drama, 160; in America, 
 335; Greek Educational Association, 
 335 
 
 Green, John Richard, 20 
 
 Green, Thomas Hill, 23 
 
 Greenwich House, 117, 195, 203, 250, 
 259, 280, 283, 288, 354 
 
 Group. See Clubs; Gangs 
 
 483 
 
INDEX 
 
 Group Altruism, 423 
 
 Guilds: St. George's, 20; Neighbor- 
 hood, organized, 43, ;6; Hull House, 
 47; Stanton Coit on, 48; Hudson, 50, 
 3;4; athletic, 84; craftsmanship, i;2, 
 164; principle of, 152; music, 153- 
 155; theater, 160; cultural appeal 
 of, 164; Brooklyn, 354; report of 
 work of, 355 
 
 Guild and Museum of St. George: by 
 John Ruskin, 20 
 
 Gymnasiums: and boys' clubs, 79-^0; 
 settlement, and health, 80; munici- 
 pal, regulations, 80, 286; athletic 
 councils, 93; and girls' clubs, 95; and 
 training for democracy, 166; benefits 
 of, and leadership, 288; uses of, 348. 
 See also Recreation 
 
 Hale, Edward Everett, 37, 5 1, 376 
 
 Hale House, 51, 126, 414 
 
 Hale, P. C., 43 
 
 Hall, Bolton, 413 
 
 Halls: for union meetings, 170; con- 
 trolled by saloons, 264; Clinton Hall, 
 290; inadequacy of, 290; settlement, 
 423 
 
 Hamilton, Dr. Alice, 183, 197, 251 
 
 Hamilton, James H., i i6 
 
 Handbook of Settlements: by R. A. Woods 
 and A. J. Kennedy, 49, 51, 388 
 
 Handicapped: aged and infirm, out- 
 ings for, 119; poverty, relief agencies 
 for, 189-199; industrially, and work- 
 men's compensation, 197; sickness, 
 244; children, 282, 309; social con- 
 tacts for, 309; settlements and, 3 10 
 
 Handicraft: children discover them- 
 selves through, 138, 140; pedagogy, 
 139; training for life, 139; and edu- 
 cative play, 141; girls and, 142-144; 
 cultural, 145; settlement classes in, 
 21;; training in homemaking, 414- 
 416 
 
 Haney, L. H., 169 
 
 Hard, William, 48, 196 
 
 Hartford Theological Seminary, 40 
 
 Hartley House, 142, 280, 281 
 
 Harvard Medical School, 198 
 
 Harvard University: co-operative 
 store, 211; fellowships, 429 
 
 Headworkers: American pioneers, 41, 
 44, 45, 47, 48, 50, 5 1 ; qualities needed 
 in, 191, 363-365, 367; working per- 
 sonnel, 387; importance of, 440; dur- 
 ation of service, 440; authority, 440; 
 types of, 441. See aXso Residents 
 
 Health: settlement gymnasiums and, 
 80; dancing, 109; and fresh-air so- 
 cieties, 119, 121, 129; vacation camps, 
 121-130; convalescent camps, 126; 
 and tenement workshops, 169-170, 
 179; public agencies for the poor, 192 
 -198; factory inspection, 197; and 
 unemployment, 198; housing and, 
 238; English settlements and, 243; 
 school for midwives, 232, 252; settle- 
 ment first aid, 244, 257; contagious 
 diseases, 244, 248, 257; evening 
 clinics, 245; dental clinics, 245; irreg- 
 ular practitioners, 245; women doc- 
 tors, 245; visiting nursing, 246; and 
 tuberculosis, 247, 255, 256; school 
 doctors, 248, 254; medical examina- 
 tions in schools, 248; school nurses, 
 249, 254; baby clinics, 250, 251, 258; 
 Henry Street Settlement and, 247; 
 infant welfare, 249; milk stations, 
 250; birth control, 253; pre-natal 
 care, 253, 254; children's classes, 254; 
 medical social service, 254, 2;;; edu- 
 cation, 25;, 2;6, 259; and insurance, 
 255; campaigns for, 2;6; propaganda, 
 257; and settlement federations, 380; 
 infant saving in Chicago, 418. See 
 also Sanitation 
 
 Healy, Dr. William, 270 
 
 Hedger, Dr. Caroline, 183, 197, 251, 
 
 252, 4'9 
 Henderson, C. R., 5 
 Henry Booth House: Chicago, 225 
 Henry Street Players, 160 
 
 Henry Street Settlement, 129, 143, 
 160, 179, 247, 249, 25;, 259, 278, 282, 
 319,381,433,437 
 
 Higher Education. See University 
 Extension 
 
 Hill, A. H., 21 
 
 Hill, Octavia, 20, 22, 26 
 
 484 
 
INDEX 
 
 Hiram House: of Cleveland, Ohio, 51, 
 114, 129 
 
 Historic Processes: antecedents in 
 England, 1-16; industrial reform, 3- 
 i6; revolt of working classes, 7, 35; 
 English beginnings, 17-29; American 
 background, 30-52; summarized, ;2 
 
 I ( 
 
 Hodges, George, 51 
 
 Holidays: adult recreation and, 109. 
 See also Festivals; yacaiion Camps 
 
 HoLLOND, Edmund, 21, 22, 23 
 
 Holmes, Emily S., 51 
 
 Home. See Family 
 
 Homemaking: household, 143, 144; 
 Miss Strathern an exponent in, 144; 
 model flat, furnishing of, 143, 144; 
 cooking classes, 144; national educa- 
 tion and, 145; ignorance of, 204; 
 American standards of, 204, 377; de- 
 fined by settlements, 205 ; classes for 
 children, 414; young women, 415; 
 housewives, 415; boys, 415; in 
 homes, 415; laundry, 41;; household 
 furnishing, 416; problems, 416; 
 teachers needed, 416 
 
 Homes of the London Poor, The: by 
 Octavia Hill, 22 
 
 Hospitality: for the handicapped, 119; 
 vacation camps, 121; homemaking 
 and, 144; and the settlement motive, 
 162-168 
 
 Hospitals: vacation camp, 129; atti- 
 tude of people toward, 192, 244; 
 social work in, 254, 255; teaching 
 people to use, 317 
 
 Hours of Work: of settlement staff, 
 433 
 
 House Council: means of neighbor- 
 hood upbuilding, 354; described, 354; 
 at Hudson Guild, 354; administra- 
 tive ability developed by, 354; and 
 neighborhood control, 367 
 
 House on Henry Street: by Lillian D. 
 Wald, 394 
 
 Household Furnishing: classes in, 
 7 4>6 
 Housewives: classes for, 415 
 
 Housing: early measures of reform in, 
 7, lo-ii; andstandardsof living, 238; 
 
 33 485 
 
 reformers, 238-239; City Homes As- 
 sociation, 239; and tenements, 240. 
 See also Congestion; Tenements 
 
 Howard, John, 2 
 
 HoxiE, R. F., 34 
 
 Hudson Guild: of New York, 50, 129, 
 139,217,220, 354, 358,369 
 
 Hughes, Governor, 381 
 
 Hughes, Thomas, 9, 1 1, 12, 20 
 
 Hull House: of Chicago, 46, 50, 100, 
 113, 123, 129, 134, 135, 146, 147, 149, 
 152, 170, 173, 175, 179, 185, 186, 192, 
 
 206, 211, 312, 224, 225, 231, 233, 237, 
 256, 268, 269, 271, 280, 302, 307, 335, 
 420,421,433,443 
 
 Hull House Labor Museum, 421 
 Hull House Maps and Papers, 61, 184 
 Hull House Music School, 154 
 Hull House Players, 160 
 Hull House Theater, 159, 160 
 Hull House Women's Club, 234 
 Humanitarianism. See Welfare 
 Hunter, Robert, 175, 186, 256 
 
 Illinois Bureau of Labor, 179 
 
 Immigrants: overcrowding, 11,35,62, 
 65, 241, 249; character of, 34; politi- 
 cal corruption, 36, 38, 60; hostile to 
 church, 37; neighborliness, 37, in; 
 festivals, and racial traditions, 47, 
 109, 328, 425; citizenship, 60; pre- 
 judices, 65, 324; nomadic tendencies, 
 65, 337; contribution to America, 69, 
 330; trade unions and, 70; cultural 
 possessions, 148, 149, 161; fine hand- 
 work, 149, 416; dramatics, 156; 
 bureaus of employment for, 218; iso- 
 lation in cities, 327, 328; in villages 
 and towns, 327; preserve own institu- 
 tions, 328; loyalties, 329; exploitation 
 by fellow naturals, 329; traditions 
 preserved, 330; community inter- 
 preted to, 330; American government 
 explained, 331; and standards of 
 residents, 331; race lines, 338-339; 
 cause neighborhood disintegration, 
 339; better treatment of, 381. See 
 also Americanization; Families 
 
INDEX 
 
 Immigrants' Protective League: 
 Chicago, 182 
 
 Industrial and Provident Societies 
 Act, 12 
 
 Industrial Diseases: by Alice Ham- 
 ilton, 251 
 
 Industrial Education. See Educa- 
 tion, Industrial 
 
 Industrial Education Association, 
 214 
 
 Industrial Revolution: in England, 
 7-15; in America, 30, 35, 173. See 
 also Panics 
 
 Industrial Workers of the World, 
 176 
 
 Industry: welfare experiments in Eng- 
 land, 1-6; early legislation, i-i i ; and 
 Christian Socialists, 8-16, ■ 17; cul- 
 tural poverty of, 14; leadership 
 needed, 16; educational program in 
 England, 17-28; and growth of popu- 
 lation, 33; crises, relief during, 35, 174, 
 194; government control, American 
 distrust of, 35; and settlement motive, 
 61; training in handwork, 139-145; 
 arbitration boards, 172, 220; morals, 
 179; human wreckage, 194, ig6; aged, 
 workrooms for, 194; accidents, 197; 
 poverty created by, 197; workmen's 
 insurance, 197; and unemployment, 
 61, 174, 196-198; wage standards, 
 studies, 203; welfare work, 289-296; 
 war and, 300. See also Child Labor, 
 Legislation; Education, Industrial; 
 Labor Legislation; Women in Industry 
 
 Infant Mortality: studies of, 252. 
 See also Babies 
 
 Instalment Evils: investigation of, 
 201 
 
 Institutions: evolutionary stages of 
 settlements, 341 ; names for, 342. See 
 also Agencies 
 
 Insurance: workmen's compensation, 
 197; industrial, 201 ; and nursing, 2;; 
 
 Intelligence Office. See Employ- 
 ment Bureau 
 
 Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 
 
 '75 
 Inter-Municipal Committee of 
 
 Household Research, 180 
 
 486 
 
 International Congress of Work- 
 men, 18 
 
 Interpretation: early, 41; war and, 
 298; to immigrants, 330-331; duty, 
 privilege and results of settlement, 
 343; through conference and print, 
 443 
 
 Inter-Settlement Activities: dances, 
 382; dramatics, 382; women's clubs 
 mass meetings, 382; athletics, 383; 
 caddy camps, 383. See also Federa- 
 tions of Settlements 
 
 Investigation: early, 41, 69; neighbor- 
 hood, 69; of social evil, 179; facts 
 included in, 200; insurance and loans, 
 201; family budgets, 203; garment 
 makers, 203; standards of living, 206; 
 political methods, 226-227; housing, 
 239; infant welfare, 251; midwifery, 
 252; juvenile delinquency, 270; physi- 
 cal environment, 305-306; social geog- 
 raphy, 306; local group life, 306; 
 vital statistics, 307; value and use of 
 local studies, 307-308; lodging houses, 
 336; Negroes, 336; street trades, 379, 
 442; by settlement federations, 379; 
 commercial amusement resorts, 442; 
 recreation activities in Boston, 443 
 
 Irish: Toynbee Hall and, 29; immigra- 
 tion, 34; neighborhoods, 48; attitude 
 toward old country, 327; characteris- 
 tics, 332; contribution to settlements, 
 332; intermixture with other groups, 
 339 
 
 Italians: and drama, 160; and conges- 
 tion, 252; retain native rivalries, 327; 
 characteristics, 333; conserve handi- 
 crafts, 334; contribution to American 
 culture, 42 1 
 
 Jacob's Answer to Esau's Cry: by Lam- 
 bert Brooke, 2 1 
 
 Jacobs, Herbert H., 190, 356 
 
 Jews: character of immigrants, 34, 333; 
 education, 135; plays concerning, 160; 
 and clothing trade, 202; retain influ- 
 ence of the ghettos, 327; group 
 loyalty among, 333; affiliations of, 
 339; settlements carried on by, 372; 
 and settlement work, 372; and anar- 
 chy, 420 
 
 Jobs. See Industry 
 
INDEX 
 
 JowETT, Benjamin, 23, 24 
 
 Junior League: New York, 442 
 
 Juvenile Courts: and probation 
 officers, 268-269, 321. See also 
 Delinquency 
 
 Juvenile Protective League, 271 
 
 Kelley, Florence, 36, 179, 183, 184, 
 188, 197,210,213, 321 
 
 Kellor, Frances A., 180 
 
 Kennedy, A. J., 49, 471 
 
 Kindergartens: early American, 43, 
 51, 115, 131; vacation schools and, 
 115; roof garden, 116; outings for 
 mothers and children, 125; co-opera- 
 tion with training schools, 131; value 
 to local organizer, 132; increase of, 
 132; and training in handwork, 141; 
 in public schools, 282; assistance in 
 securing, 282; methods applied to 
 children's work, 412 
 
 Kindergarten Graduates' Clubs, 412 
 
 King, Edward, 43 
 
 King's Daughters, 88, 1 14, 371 
 
 KiNGSLEY, Charles, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 
 210,243 
 
 Kingsley, Charles: His Letters and 
 Memories of His Life, 10 
 
 Kingsley House: Pittsburgh, 51, 121, 
 255, 261, 263, 342; New Orleans, 257, 
 307, 342 
 
 Kingsley House Record, 444 
 
 Kitchen Gardens: for summer camps, 
 125; and household training, 415 
 
 Kitchen, Public: Hull House estab- 
 lishes, 201 
 
 Kittredge, Mabel H., 143 
 
 Knights of Labor, 88, 178 
 
 Kropatkin, Prince, 420 
 
 Labor and Life of the People in London: 
 by Charles Booth, 194 
 
 Labor Copartnership: by H. D. Lloyd, 
 221 
 
 Labor Leaders: bringing together 
 employers and, 70, 71, 215, 381; resi- 
 dents and, 71, 169; settlement atti- 
 tude toward, 169-176; socialist, 175; 
 for women and children, 178-188 
 
 Labor Legislation; in England, his- 
 tory of, 2-16; leaders in factory evil 
 reform, 2-15, 169; Factory Acts in 
 England, 3, 6, 7, 11; Reform Bill of 
 1832, 7; People's Charter, 7; Indus- 
 trial and Provident Societies Act, 12; 
 and attitude of settlements, 169-176; 
 workmen's compensation, 197; em- 
 ployment bureaus, 198; federation 
 promotes, 379. See also Child Labor; 
 Law and Order; Tenement House 
 
 Labor Museum: of Hull House, 140 
 
 Labor Question: in America, before 
 1890, 169; women and, 177; how set- 
 tlement approached, 167-168 
 
 Labor Unions: and strikes, 12, 35, 169, 
 183; rise of, in United States, 35; and 
 educated classes, 36, 169; settlement 
 attitude toward, 61, 62, 169, 226; 
 values of, to community, 70, 171, 176, 
 22 1 ; influence on residents, 70, 1 70; 
 settlements assist in organizing, 173, 
 175; meet in settlement halls, 170; 
 and American standard of life, 174; 
 criticism of, 176; among women, 178- 
 184; responsibility of, 215; industrial 
 education, attitude toward, 229; 
 American Federation of Labor, 444 
 
 Lace Making: and cultural handwork, 
 149,421 
 
 Landlords. See Housing 
 
 Lathrop, Julia C, 188, 192, 193 
 
 Laundry: and domestic training, 143; 
 classes for children, 415; public, 418 
 
 Law: factory regulation in England, 2- 
 6, 11-12; prison legislation, 2; work- 
 men's compensation, 197; and order, 
 260-273; enforcement of, settlement 
 policy, 271, 320-322, 367; residents as 
 public officials, 271, 321; fostered by 
 settlement federations, 379. See also 
 Labor Legislation 
 
 Law and Order, 260-273 
 
 487 
 
INDEX 
 
 Leaders: prophetic, 30, 31, 62; asso- 
 ciates recruited by, 53-55; and study 
 of local institutions, 69-72; for boys' 
 clubs, 76-77, 86; defined, 76; for 
 women's clubs, 89, 99; for women in 
 industry, 178-184; inter-racial mix- 
 ing, 358. See 2iho Labor Leaders 
 
 League of Preventive Work: Boston, 
 384 
 
 Le Claire, 209 
 
 Lectures: university extension, 17, 24, 
 1 3 5 ; at Andover, 49; in school centers, 
 292; on sociology, 392 
 
 Leighton Hall NeighborhoodGuild, 
 
 44 
 Leighton, Sir Baldwyn, 18 
 
 Lenox Hill House: New York, 342, 
 442 
 
 Leonard, E. L., 25 
 
 Le Play, 209 
 
 Letters and Other Writings of the Late 
 Edward Denison: by Sir Baldwyn 
 Leighton, 18 
 
 Letters to the Chartists: by Charles 
 Kingsley, 1 1 
 
 Lewis Institute: Chicago, 416 
 
 Lewisohn, Alice, 160 
 
 Lewisohn, Irene, 160 
 
 Liberal Party, 17 
 
 Libraries: early, 45, 47; extension 
 plans, 133; public, supplant book 
 lending, 133; first home, in 1887, 133; 
 develop reading habit, 133; lending, 
 133; story-telling classes, 134; for 
 school children, 274; settlement, 277; 
 branch, 285 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, 32 
 
 Lincoln House, 47, 342, 369 
 
 Lithuanians: as local clientele, 334; 
 classes for, 335 
 
 Little Italy Settlement: Brooklyn, 
 421 
 
 Lloyd, Henry D., 62, 220 
 
 Loans: Department of Remedial, 201; 
 loan sharks, 201; Liberty Loan cam- 
 paigns, 302 
 
 Locality, Principle of: Chalmers 
 and, 4, 5, 21; Charity Organization 
 Society and, 21, 38; Canon Barnett 
 and, 26; growth of idea, 403 
 
 Lodging House: districts, and settle- 
 ments, 336; study of, 336; room reg- 
 istry, 336; Boston commission on, 336 
 
 Lodging House Problem in Boston: by 
 A. 3. Wolfe, 336 
 
 Lodging House Union, 220 
 
 London County Council, 60 
 
 LooMis, Samuel Lane, 49 
 
 Lowell House, 342 
 
 Lowell, James Russell, 32 
 
 Ludlow, John Malcolm, 9, 10, 11, 12,13 
 
 Lunch Rooms: experiments with, 201; 
 for women workers, 202; for school 
 children, 277, 278, 279 
 
 Mann, Horace, 31 
 
 Manners: training in, 161, 411; bad, 
 tolerated, 373 
 
 Mansfield House, 28 
 
 Manual Training. See Education, 
 Industrial; Schools 
 
 Marot, Mary, 280 
 
 Marriage: girls' clubs foster, 96; prob- 
 lems, 97; immigrants and, 98; com- 
 radeship, programs for, 109 
 
 Married: young people, 97, 109; 
 recreational association for, 109; 
 housewives, training for, 415 
 
 Marshall, Alfred, 198 
 
 Marx, Karl, 8 
 
 Massachusetts Commission on In- 
 dustrial Education, 216 
 
 Mather, Mary H., 44 
 
 Matthews, William H., 51, 261 
 
 Maude Gonne Club, 181 
 
 Maurice, Frederick Denison, 8, 9, 10, 
 II, 12, 13, 15 
 
 Maxwell House, 47 
 
 McDowell, Mary E., 50, 182, 184,236, 
 280, 355, 414 
 
 488 
 
INDEX 
 
 McKiNLEY, President, 420 
 
 McLennan, William E., 51 
 
 Medical Agencies. See Health 
 
 Medical Social Service. See Health 
 
 Medicine, Lcwal. See Health. 
 
 Meeting Halls: need of, 290, 434; 
 Clinton Hall, 290 
 
 Memoir of a Brother: by Thomas 
 Hughes, 1 1 
 
 Men: settlement administration and, 
 47-49, 84, 87; clubs, types of, 83-85, 
 356; fathers, social organization for, 
 85; club directors, type needed, 87; 
 and politics, 224, 227, 228; experi- 
 ment in Milwaukee, 356, civic for- 
 ward steps, 356; as residents, 430. 
 See also Politics 
 Methodist City Mission, 48 
 Methodists: Bermondsey Settlement, 
 28; Zueblin and, 48; Women's 
 Home Missionary Society, 442 
 
 Metropolitan Insurance Company, 
 255 
 
 MiDWivEs: school of, 252; studies of, 
 252; and child hygiene, 253; registra- 
 tion of, 322 
 
 Milk: stations for distribution of, 250, 
 418; care of, taught mothers, 250 
 
 Mill, John Stuart, 6 
 
 Mills, F. C, 25 
 
 Minimum Wage: budget studies, 203 
 
 Model Flat: furnishings, 143, 144,416 
 
 Modern Cities: by Rev. Samuel Lane 
 Loomis, 49 
 
 Modern Industry in Relation to the 
 Family, Health, Education, Morality: 
 by Florence Kelley, 36 
 
 Montessori, Maria, 132; kinder- 
 gartens, 132 
 
 Morals: women, and club groups, 94, 
 98, 104; association, sex standards 
 for, loo-iio; chaperonage, 100, 106; 
 perils of women workers, 179; poverty 
 and, 189; commissions, 261-262; 
 and policewomen, 272; public, 267, 
 307, 379; establishment ot standards, 
 299, 305-307- 
 
 More, Louise Bolard, 203 
 
 MosKowiTz, Henry, 261 
 
 Motj^rs. See Family 
 
 Motion Pictures: effects on children, 
 159; in converted stores, 291; 
 censorship, 291, 292, 443; efforts to 
 improve, 443 
 
 Motives: and functions, 53-63, 66, 72; 
 co-ordinating classes, 28, 87, 329; 
 asceticism, 56, 58; religion, 57; edu- 
 cation, 57, 59, 131, 132, 283; relief of 
 poor, 58; community organization, 
 59; democratic fellowship, 58, 66, 70, 
 85, 162, 350, 384, 405; patriotism, 60; 
 Americanization, 60, 303; protection 
 of labor, 61, 62; communism, 62, 63; 
 missionaries as prophets, 62; inter- 
 preted to neighborhoods, 71, 315, 349, 
 374; settlement aims and appeals, 162 
 -168; to eradicate poverty, 189-199; 
 to prevent corruption, 229; health 
 programs, 259; recreational pursuits, 
 295; neighborhood loyalties, 374; of 
 college alumnae, 427; religious loy- 
 alties, 435. See also Neighborliness 
 
 Municipal Affairs: settlement atti- 
 tude and the law, 320; interpreted to 
 neighborhoods, 356; local interest 
 awakened by, 357; participation, 
 training for, 357; city government, 
 360. See also Government 
 
 Municipal Reform: results of settle- 
 ment activities in, 222-230; in Chi- 
 cago, 224, 228; New York, 224; 
 Philadelphia, 225; Boston, 225; pub- 
 lications on, 225; settlement policy 
 toward, 227-230; Municipal Voters' 
 League, 228; methods, and ideals, 
 229-230. See a.ho Politics; Ward Boss 
 
 Museum of Fine Arts: Boston, 147, 
 149. '51 
 
 Music: schools of, history, 47, 154; 
 open-air concerts, 117; educational 
 work in, 152-155; Sunday musicales, 
 152; choral work, 153; orchestras, 
 154, 155; democratization of, 155; 
 significance of, in neighborhood life, 
 156; talent, discovery of, 153, 154, 161 
 
 Nassau, Mabel L., 195 
 
 National Board of Censorship: of 
 motion pictures, 443 
 
 489 
 
INDEX 
 
 National Child Labor Committee, 
 187, 188, 381 
 
 National Federation of Settle- 
 ments, 91, 94, 270, 399; established, 
 399; purposes, 399-402; studies, 402 
 
 National Fruit and Flower Guild, 
 114 
 
 National Group: boys, 73; boys' 
 clubs based on, 74; leadership in, 76, 
 136; philosophy, 87, 137; neighbor- 
 hood humanities and, 165; girls, 142- 
 145; adults, 317. See also Families 
 
 National Health League: proposed 
 in England, 1 1 
 
 National Societies: in war time, 297- 
 303; food administration, 301; Child 
 Labor Committee, 381; National 
 Conference of Social Work, 387; 
 Christian associations, 393; for study 
 of tuberculosis, 394; National Feder- 
 ation of Settlements, 399-402; Na- 
 tional Council of Defense, 403; de- 
 partments of government, 444 
 
 Neale, Edward Vansittart, 9, 12 
 
 Negro: slavery, abolition of, 2, 31, 32; 
 and civil war, 31; education of, 33; 
 settlement carried on by, 51; prob- 
 lems, 336; neighborhood studies, 336, 
 337; settlements among, 337 
 
 Neighborhood: Chalmers' "principle 
 of locality," 5; Christian Socialists, 
 8-15; Utopia, 14; Denison, 18; 
 Barnett, 26; type of, and pioneer in- 
 fluence, 42, 44, 5 1 ; selection of a, 62, 
 63; disintegration, causes of, 64-6;; 
 and neighborly relations, 65-72; arena 
 of labor leaders, 70; and boys' clubs, 
 82, 85, 87; clubs for women, 98-99; 
 influence on adolescent girls, 94, 95, 
 102; moral standards, 100; in sum- 
 mer, in; attitude toward trade 
 training, 139; humanities — motives 
 and aims, 162-168; discovery of cul- 
 ture, 162, 164, 167; educational inter- 
 play, 163-167; club councils, 166; 
 poverty, 189; interfamily relations, 
 314; social levels in, 31;; acquain- 
 tance with, 341; interaction of settle- 
 ment and, 341 ; resident a factor, 351; 
 knowledge of local structure, 352; 
 local consciousness, 354; improve- 
 
 ment associations, 357, 359; com- 
 munity units, 358; block plan of 
 Hudson Guild, 359; city govern- 
 ment, 360. See also Streets 
 
 Neighborhood Guild: New York, 43, 
 44, 45, 131, 146, 170, 211, 223, 231, 
 233, 261, 292, 443; Philadelphia, 22; 
 
 Neighborhood Guilds: by Stanton Coit, 
 
 48, #7? 
 Neighborhood House: Chicago, 438; 
 
 Washington, 149 
 
 Neighborhood News: of Brooklyn Guild, 
 
 444 
 Neighborhood Playhouse: New York, 
 
 160 
 
 Neighborliness: and early American 
 settlements, 41-52; in residents, 54, 
 58-59, 87; activities for promoting, 
 64-72; achieved, 72; social reform 
 through, 87, 109; families and res- 
 idents in summer, in; cultural ap- 
 peals for, 162-168; for relief of 
 poverty, 189-192; gossip an organ of, 
 162; social geography of, 306, 314; 
 institutions and, 323; in immigrant 
 colonies, 327-329, 338; group loyalty 
 and, 343-347, 353; house councils 
 promote, 354^ Hudson Guild pro- 
 gram, 358 
 
 Neill, Charles P., 182 
 
 Newman House, 28 
 
 New Year Celebrations, 425 
 
 New York Association of Neighbor- 
 hood Workers, 252, 269, 274, 379, 
 380, 381, 382, 442, 443 
 
 New York City Mission, 246 
 
 New York School of Italian In- 
 dustry, 421 
 
 New York State Child Labor Com- 
 mittee, 381 
 
 New York State Committee on Im- 
 migration, 381 
 
 New York State Medical Society, 
 178 
 
 Non-Resident Associates, 436 
 
 Norfolk State Hospital, 266 
 
 490 
 
INDEX 
 
 North Bennett Industrial School: 
 of Boston, 149, 282 
 
 Northwestern University Settle- 
 ment: of Chicago, 48, 50, 1 19, 183, 
 196, 22;, 250, 251 
 
 Nurses' Settlement: of New York, 
 50; Richmond, Va., 256 
 
 Nursing: Henry Street Settlement, 
 50. 247. 255. 319; visiting, established 
 in England, 246; service of nurses, 
 246-256; and Board of Health, 248; 
 public school nurses, 249, 254; pre- 
 natal, 250, 252; outdoor clinics, 251, 
 254; insurance, 255. See iho Health 
 
 Nursing, History of: by M. A. Nutting 
 and L. L. Dock, 394 
 
 Old Age. See Aged 
 
 Old Age Poverty in Greenwich Village: 
 by Mabel L. Nassau, 195 
 
 Open-air Classes. See Schools 
 
 O'Sullivan, Mary K., 179, 182 
 
 Outings: educational advantages of, 
 113, 118, 120; fresh-air societies, 119; 
 for aged and crippled, 119; English 
 custom, 119; caddies, 119; spring 
 festivals, 426 
 
 Ovington, Mary W., 336 
 
 Owen, Robert, 2, 3, 4, 5, 209 
 
 Oxford House, 27, 49 
 
 Oxford Town Council, 23 
 
 Pageants, 165, 354, 426. See also 
 Festivals 
 
 Panics; effects on early settlements, 
 49, 61, 173, 196; effects on labor 
 legislation, 173, 181; economic crises, 
 194-198; and radicalism, 420. See 
 also Strikes 
 
 Parents. See Family 
 
 Parish: Chalmers and, 4; Dickens, 6; 
 and Christian Socialists, 10; Church 
 of England and, i;, 17, 22, 2;; 
 "Parish as a Church," 22; White- 
 chapel, 23; parochialism in America, 
 60 
 
 Parish, The: essays by Dickens, 6 
 
 Parker, Theodore, 31 
 
 Parochial School: "institutional 
 churches," 37 
 
 Parsons, Frank, 218 
 
 Paulding, James K., 43 
 
 Paul Revere Pottery: Boston, 149 
 
 Pawn Brokers, 201 
 
 Peabody, Francis G., 40, 48 
 
 People's Art Guild: New York, 152 
 
 People's Charter, 7 
 
 People's College, 13 
 
 People's Singing Society: New York, 
 "53 
 
 Periodicals: settlement, 165,354,444; 
 contribution to, 444 
 
 Phelps-Stokes, J. G., 175 
 
 Phillips, Wendell, 31, 32 
 
 Physicians: and the neighborhood, 
 244-259; women, 245; for schools, 
 248; and pasteurized milk, 250; den- 
 tal, 257; lectures by, 257; settlement 
 need for, 259 
 
 Pictures: exhibits, 25, 47, 146-148, 
 152; loans, 47, 148; interest in, ways 
 of creating, 146; museums of art, 147, 
 149; Emerson and, 162. See also yirf 
 
 Pioneers. See Historic Processes 
 
 Playgrounds: settlement, history of, 
 42-43, 113; training secured on, 76, 
 80; settlement, 113, 116, 117; back- 
 yard, 113, 285; little children and 
 vacant lot, 113; roof garden, 116; 
 public, 286, 287; associations, 286; 
 administration of, 287; limitations, 
 288; play-street, 288-289; organizers, 
 289; centers in Chicago and Los 
 Angeles, 294; gardens in, 413. See 
 also Recreation 
 
 Playtime Activities for Children, 
 411-412 
 
 Poles: and Northwestern University, 
 48 
 
 Police: residents and police power, 320 
 
 Policewomen: settlements advocate, 
 272 
 
 491 
 
INDEX 
 
 Political Economy: by John Stuart Mill, 
 6 
 
 Political Economy in the United Stales: 
 by F. A. Walker, 36 
 
 Politics: and educational reform, 38- 
 39, 223, 230; corrupt, causes of, 36, 
 38,43,60,223; city boss, 36, 43; the 
 "scholar in politics," 39; immigrants 
 and, 60, 227; reform, leaders in, 60, 
 223-230; racial prejudice and, 70-72; 
 residents appealed to, 70; political 
 righteousness, 60; centers of activity, 
 223-224, 230; studies of methods, 
 226; workingmen and, 227; and 
 public schools, 275. See also Mu- 
 nicipal Reform; Ward Boss 
 
 Politics for the People: paper by Lud- 
 low, 10 
 
 Pool Rooms: and vice, 267 
 
 PooRHOUSES. See Charity, Public 
 
 Population: movement of, and rise of 
 industrialism, 33, 35, 339; doctrine 
 of Henry George, 62; antagonisms 
 among, 65, 69, 390; gangs versus 
 clubs, 73, 166; special groups of, 305- 
 306; and readjustment, 3^40 
 
 Poverty: work, and opinions of Deni- 
 son on, 18-21; emergency relief for, 
 18, 19,47, '89; Barnett on West Lon- 
 don, 26-27; causes, 62; eradication, 
 62, 189-199; "poverty" clubs, 98; 
 residents' first impressions about, 189; 
 types of, 189; tramps, 189, 194; re- 
 sponsibility for, 190-199;' public 
 agencies to relieve, 192-196; poor- 
 houses, types of, 192-193; old age, 
 195, 310; widow and orphan, 195 
 unskilled and, 195; crises, 19;, 196 
 and workmen's compensation, 197 
 unemployment insurance, 198 
 
 Poverty: by Robert Hunter, 175, 278 
 
 Powell, F. York, 14 
 
 Practicable Socialism, 27 
 
 Preadolescence. See Children 
 
 Pre-natal: nursing, 250, 252; clinics, 
 251,254 
 
 Presbyterian: settlements founded 
 by, 5' 
 
 Printing: training classes, 139, 217; 
 Hudson Guild school of, 139; women 
 union leaders, 179; School for Print- 
 ers' Apprentices, 217 
 
 Probation : residents as officers of, 268, 
 321 
 
 Progress and Poverty: by Henry George, 
 24 
 
 Prohibition, National: effects of, 267, 
 320; and settlements, 267. See also 
 Alcoholism; Saloons; yice 
 
 Prophetic Leaders: 30-31,62 
 
 Proselytism: immigrants fear of, 65; 
 in cosmopolitan neighborhoods, 370. 
 See also Church 
 
 Prospect Union, 48, 21 i 
 
 Prostitution: settlement attitude to- 
 ward, 260-262, 273 ; crusades against, 
 261-262; morals commissions, 261, 
 262; and liquor, 262-265; alliance 
 between saloon and, 263-265; settle- 
 ment studies, 270. See also Saloons, 
 Vice 
 
 Public Baths. See Baths 
 
 Public Bath Commission, 287 
 
 Public Education Association: New 
 York, 281, 292 
 
 Public Service: neglected in tenement 
 districts, 23 1-232; complaints against, 
 234; immigrant standards and, 235; 
 efforts to improve, 235; federation in 
 support of, 379 
 
 Puritan Influence: England, 28; 
 America, 31, 32, 41 
 
 Push Carts: and congestion, 234; 
 Mayor's Commission for, 234. See 
 also Tenement Districts 
 
 Race and Place, 326-340 
 
 Radicalism: in neighborhoods, 3;, 61, 
 '73< 330. 33'; doctrinaire types of, 
 172; and misunderstanding, 420 
 
 Rand, Helen C, 44 
 
 Rathbone, William, 246 
 
 Records: early, 422; in settlements, 
 422 
 
 492 
 
INDEX 
 
 Recreation: playgrounds and athlet- 
 ics, 79-80, 93, 95, 286, 288; lack of, 
 studies of the problem, 91, 285; 
 standards of conduct, and adolescents, 
 100-108; commercial, loi, 105, 264, 
 291, 319, 443; programs for adult, 
 109; summer in the city, 11 1-120; 
 vacation, 121; background for trade 
 training, 141; city conditions and, 
 285, 289; swimming, 287; play 
 streets, 288; and employment, 289; 
 and saloons, 290; meeting halls, 290; 
 theaters and motion pictures, 291; 
 in school centers, 292-293; neighbor- 
 hood needs, 294; in city parks, 294; 
 municipal problems, 294; settlement 
 ideals, 295; in wartime, 300; school 
 of, 397; studies by Boston Social 
 Union, 443. See also Playgrounds; 
 Vacation Camps 
 
 Reform Bill of 1832, 7 
 
 Religion. See Church 
 
 Residents: early English, 19-27; 
 American, 40-52; women, 44, 45, 59, 
 179, 188, 247, 252, 430; men, 59, 60, 
 430; how recruited, 54, 364, 392, 429; 
 qualities needed in, 53, 55, 363, 430, 
 432; and Fabian Socialism, 60; 
 labor leaders and, 70, 169; attitude 
 toward dancing, 102; find employ- 
 ment for children, 138; factors in 
 community upbuilding, 351; con- 
 tinuity of service, 352, 364, 388; 
 variety of interests, 364; capacity 
 for team play, 365; staff, size of 
 varies, 365; youth an asset, 366; 
 working personnel, 387; on boards of 
 directors, 438, 439; volunteer, 429; 
 fellowships, 429; salaried, 430; fami- 
 lies as, 431; associates, 432; training, 
 432; meetings, 434, 435; living quar- 
 ters, 434. See also Headworkers 
 
 Revolution: People's Charter in Eng- 
 land, 7; socialism in America, 30, 35, 
 172, 173; and radicalism, 420 
 
 RicHMAN, Julia, 283 
 
 Richmond Hill House: New York, 
 
 149,421 
 Richmond, Mary E., 191 
 Riis, Jacob A., 62, 1 14, 238 
 Riverside House, 342 
 Rivington Street House, 50 
 
 Robbins, Jane E., 44, 45, 73, 243 
 
 Robins, Raymond, 48, 22;, 420 
 
 Robins, Mrs. Raymond, 183 
 
 Roman Catholic Church: Newman 
 House established by, 28; and re- 
 ligious loyalty, 322, 323; attitude to- 
 ward settlements, 371-372 
 
 Roof Gardens: kindergarten classes, 
 116 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, 60, 182, 239, 
 272 
 
 Rowland, Henrietta O., 22 
 
 Rugby, Tennessee: by Thomas Hughes, 
 20 
 
 Rummage Sales, 418 
 
 RusKiN, John, 13, 14, 15, 18, 20, 23, 38, 
 61, 210 
 
 Russell Sage Foundation, 191, 201 
 
 Saint Peter's House: Philadelphia, 
 225 
 
 Saloon: in local life, 260; a center of 
 corruption, 262; and Committee of 
 Fifty, 262; poor men's club, 263; 
 alliance with prostitution, 263; en- 
 forcement of excise code, 264; public 
 dance halls and, 264; women and, 
 264, 266; children and, 265, 266; 
 legislation for, 267; prohibition and, 
 267; recreation and, 290; home the 
 substitute for, 330. See also Ako- 
 holism; Prostitution; Vice 
 
 Saloon, Substitutes for the: by Ray- 
 mond Calkins, 262 
 
 Sandford, Mabel W., 180 
 
 Sanitary and Social Lectures and Essays: 
 by Charles Kingsley, 243 
 
 Sanitation: and protective legislation 
 in England, 2, 11, 26; Christian 
 Socialists' aims, 10-12; Kingsley on, 
 10, 11; tenements lack, 237; typhoid 
 and, 240; settlements and, 240; and 
 family life, 241; standards of, im- 
 proved, 242; in Negro districts, 336 
 
 Savings: devices for encouraging, 122, 
 200-203, 220, 290; budget studies 
 and, 203. See also Co-operation; 
 Thrift 
 
 493 
 
INDEX 
 
 Scandinavians: and Northwestern 
 University Settlement, 48; choral 
 work, 153 
 
 Scholarships, 215, 274 
 
 School Buildings: inadequacy of, and 
 congestion, 27;; use of, beginnings, 
 292; for recreation, 292; as school 
 centers, 293 
 
 School Centers: first opened in New 
 York, 292; in Chicago, 293 ; leaders, 
 393; disadvantages, 293; in Roches- 
 ter, 293 
 
 School for Printers' Apprentices: 
 of New York, 217 
 
 School, Public: gardens, 115, 413; 
 pioneer vacation school, 115; recrea- 
 tion scheme in summer, 1 16; educa- 
 tional program, 131-137; kinder- 
 gartens, 131, 132; libraries for, 133, 
 274; compulsory attendance, 213; 
 and industry, 213-219; manual 
 training, 214; trade schools, 214; 
 scholarships, 2 1 5, 274; medical super- 
 vision, 248-254; doctors, and ex- 
 amination of children, 248; nurses, 
 249-254; lunches, 277, 278, 279; co- 
 operation of parents, 274, 283; in- 
 adequacy of buildings, 275 ; truancy, 
 276, 277; residents as school officials, 
 276; home study, 277; open-air 
 classes, 280; home and school visitors, 
 280-281; kindergarten, 282; vaca- 
 tion, 282, 413; for handicapped, 282; 
 experiments and problems, 282-284; 
 centers for teachers, 283 ; self-govern- 
 ment, 283. See also Education; 
 Health 
 
 School Nurse, 248-254 
 
 School Settlement: Brooklyn, 442 
 
 Scudder, Vida D., 41, 44 
 
 Sculpture: ways of creating interest 
 in, 146; classes, 149; Italian, 421 
 
 Sectarianism: settlement policy ex- 
 cludes, 370, 427; house programs, 371 ; 
 among Protestants, 371; Catholics, 
 371; Jews, 372; philosophy of, 372; in 
 first church houses, 427; resident 
 groups and, 435 
 
 Self Government: women's clubs and, 
 395; philosophy of, 404. See also 
 Schools 
 
 Settlements of University Men in Great 
 Towns: by Samuel A. Barnett, 27 
 
 Sewing: training in handwork, 142, 
 144; immigrants, and factory opera- 
 tives, 177; Sewing Circle League, 442 
 
 Sex: deportment, rules of, 100; neigh- 
 borhood standards, 100, loi, 104; 
 association, 102, 106; dancing, atti- 
 tudes toward, 102-104, 107; programs 
 to meet problems of, 103-108; and 
 children's activities, 106-108; laxity, 
 cause of, 108; program for adult 
 recreation, 109; education, methods 
 of, 409-41 1 ; instruction for adoles- 
 cents, 4 1 0-4 II. See also Adoles- 
 cence 
 
 Shaftesbury, Lord, 2, 6, 7 
 
 Shaw, Albert, 62 
 
 Shaw, Mrs. Quincy, 131 
 
 Sickness. See Health 
 
 "Silver Dollar" Smith, 43, 44 
 
 SiMKHOviTCH, Mrs. V. G., 45, 173 
 
 Simmons College: Boston, 416 
 
 Slavery. See Negro 
 
 Slavs: and Northwestern University 
 Settlement, 48; choral work of, 1 53 
 
 Sloyd Training School: Boston, 282 
 
 Slums : reports on, 206 
 
 Smells: malodorous, 236 
 
 Smith, Eleanor, 154 
 
 Smoke Nuisance, 236 
 
 Social Diagnosis: by Mary E. Rich- 
 mond, 191 
 
 Social Groups: settlement message to 
 organizing and professional, 386-387; 
 personnel, continuity of service of, 
 387, 388; business, 389; education, 
 390, 392. 393; religion, 39'-393; 
 medicine, 394; nursing, 394; women, 
 395; social workers, 396; industry, 397 
 
 Socialism: beginnings, 7-12, 35, 60; 
 Christian, 8-16; Marxian, 8; sanitary 
 reform, 10, 11, 18-19; produces co- 
 operation, 1 1 ; trade unionism, 11-12; 
 legislation, 12; Workingmen's College, 
 12, 17; at colleges, 14; democracy of 
 culture, 15, 58; university extension, 
 17, 24; Toynbee Hall, 27; rise of, in 
 America, 35, 172, 175; Fabianism, 60; 
 interpreted by Ely, 62; influence on 
 
 494 
 
INDEX 
 
 settlements, 71, 173, 175; doctrinaire 
 types of, 172; residents embrace, 175 
 
 Socialism as an Educative and Social 
 Force on the East Side: by Mrs. V. G. 
 Simkhovitch, 173 
 
 Social Science Club: Boston, 443 
 
 Social Work, Unit Accounting in: by 
 R. A. Woods, 307 
 
 Society for Ethical Culture, 40, 50, 
 238 
 
 Society for Orgainzing Charitable 
 Relief and Repressing Mendicity, 
 21 
 
 Society for Prevention of Cruelty 
 to Children, 177 
 
 Society for Promoting Working- 
 men's Associations, i i 
 
 Society for Relief of Distress in 
 London, 18 
 
 Sociological Laboratory, 62, 70, 340 
 
 Sociology: exponents of, in America, 
 36,48,49, 51, 169, 175; .Omniism, 175; 
 activities, 392 
 
 South End House: Boston, 61, 126, 
 146, 149, i;2, 194, 206, 220, 225, 226, 
 237, 252, 254, 256, 266, 305, 307, 336, 
 359. 4'3- 429. 433. 437. 443; Associa- 
 tion, 5 1 
 
 South End Social Union, 376 
 
 South Park Settlement: California, 
 
 4'7 
 South Place Ethical Society, 44 
 Spargo, John, 278 
 St. George's Guild, 20 
 St. John's College, 26 
 St. Jude's, Whitechapel, 23, 24, 25, 28 
 
 Stamp Saving: plan of, to encourage 
 thrift, 200; children, 200; adults, 201; 
 home-savings visitors, 201, 290 
 
 Standards: of well-being, 200-207; 
 studies of, and budgets, 203, 206, 307; 
 and garment trades, 203; home-mak- 
 ing, 204-20;; wages, 204; and immi- 
 grants, 205, 235, 327; influence of 
 settlements, 205, 206; tenement condi- 
 tions, 207, 234; streets, 234. See also 
 American Standard of Life 
 
 Standards of Living Among Working- 
 men's Families in New York City: by 
 R. C. Chapin, 203 
 
 Starr Center: Philadelphia, 276 
 
 Starr, Ellen Gates, 46, 47, 13;, 146, 
 274 
 
 State Federation of Labor: Califor- 
 nia, 417 
 
 Stevens, Alzina P., 179, 184 
 
 Stoddart, Bessie D., 294 
 
 Story-Telling: and rules of conduct, 
 107; roof gardens and, 1 16; library 
 classes, 134; at museums, 147, 151; 
 value of, 412 
 
 Stover, Charles B., 43, 44, 147, 224, 
 286 
 
 Strathern, Annie, 144 
 
 Streets: efforts to secure clean, 43, 47, 
 231, 233, 379; and the summer season, 
 hi; dancing, and open-air concerts, 
 117; children in trade, 184, 187, 379, 
 442; disposal of waste, 233, 234; 
 pavements, 233; garbage collection in 
 Chicago, 234; push carts, 234; immi- 
 grant standards and, 235; for play- 
 grounds, 288; block plan for, 358; 
 city federation of settlements and, 
 - 378-379; survey of tenement, 379. 
 See also Tenements 
 
 Street Trades: children in, 184-185, 
 '87, 379, 442; legislation for, 187; 
 settlement federations, problems of, 
 379, 442; surveys in New York, 379; 
 Chicago study, 442; Boston, 442 
 
 Stockyards: district features, 236 
 
 Straus, Nathan, 250 
 
 Strikes: and rise of industrialism, i^, 
 35, 61, 169, 170, 173; causes of, 169; 
 garment trades, 183; and trade unions, 
 170; settlement residents mediators 
 in, 170; causes, 171; arbitration for, 
 172 
 
 Strong, Mary L., 252 
 
 Stuart, James, 17 
 
 Summer: city and, 111-120; impor- 
 tance of educational recreation, 1 12- 
 1 18; attitude of community toward, 
 in; youtti and, 111-115; problems 
 1 12; drinking-fountains, 1 12; baths. 
 
 495 
 
INDEX 
 
 112; playgrounds, 113, 116; flower 
 distribution, 114; vacation schools, 
 115, 413; window boxes and school 
 gardens, 115; kindergartens, 115; 
 roof gardens, 116; group interests, 
 1 16; open-air concerts and dancing, 
 1 17; outings, 1 18-1 19; boys as caddies, 
 1 19; value to neighborhood organizer, 
 120; festivals, 426. See also (Vaca- 
 tion Camps 
 
 Sunday Schools: and boy groups, 73; 
 and guardianship, 93 
 
 Survey, 444 
 
 Swift, Morrison I., 43 
 
 Swimming Pool: early, 48; facilities for 
 recreation, 287 
 
 Talent Saving: duty of, 140, 146, 162; 
 neighborhood interest in, 161, 168; 
 "stations," Felix Adler and, 274; in 
 families, 309; settlements encourage, 
 309 
 
 Tammany Leads the Way, 223-230 
 
 Taylor, Graham, 40, 50, 171, 176, 196, 
 261, 444 
 
 Teeth. See Dental Hygiene 
 
 Telegraph Hill Neighborhood 
 House: San Francisco, 256 
 
 Tenants: reports on Investigation of 
 Dispossessed, 206. See also Housing 
 
 Tenements: "lady rent collectors," 20; 
 workshops in, 36, 170; and doctrine 
 of Riis, 62; standards of life in, 168, 
 170, 200, 205, 234, 327; reports on 
 slums, 206; conditions, 207, 231, 234, 
 236-237; landlords, delinquency of, 
 234; reform movements, 238-241; 
 commissions for, 238-239; Tenement 
 House Committee, 239; housing laws, 
 238, 239; inspectors, 239; settlement 
 federation, 379. See also Congestion; 
 Streets 
 
 Tenement Districts: vice imposed 
 upon, 60, 327; characteristics, 231, 
 327; efforts to improve, 232; immi- 
 grant standards and, 23;, 327; push 
 carts, 234; sanitation, 235; odors, 236; 
 overcrowded, 240, 241; medical ser- 
 vice in, 244-2 59. See also Streets 
 
 Tenement Street, The Anatomy of: by A. 
 F. Sanborn, 206 
 
 Theaters: local prejudice for, 156; 
 training for dramatics, 156-158; and 
 guild principle, 159; Neighborhood 
 Playhouse, t6o; cheap local, 29 1 . See 
 also Drama 
 
 Theological Seminaries: Hartford, 
 40; and pioneer Americans, 40, 47, 50, 
 51; as founders of settlements, 427; 
 Andover, 429 
 
 Thorp, W. B., 43 
 
 Thrift: encouragement of, 200, 201; 
 stamp savings, 200; industrial insur- 
 ance, 201 ; coal and grocery clubs, 201, 
 211; private banks, 200; home-sav- 
 ings visitors, 201, 290. See also Co- 
 operation 
 
 Tisdale, Clarke, 48 
 
 Tower Hamlets Radical Club, 24, 25 
 
 ToYNBEE, Arnold, 4, 23, 24, 25, 27 
 
 ToYNBEE Hall, 27, 29, 41, 46, 49, 60, 
 146, 210 
 
 Trade Schools. See Education, In- 
 dustrial 
 
 Trade Training: neighborhood not a 
 unit for, 139; school of printing, 139, 
 217; Labor Museum, Hull House, 140; 
 for boys, 139-141; girls, 142-144; 
 cultural needs, 145; co-operation in, 
 208-221.' See also Education, ' In- 
 dustrial 
 
 Trade Unionism: Christian Socialists' 
 support of, 12; Knights of Labor, 34; 
 Richard T. Ely and, 62; and com- 
 munity needs, 70; attitude toward 
 trade training, 139; and the settle- 
 ments, 169-176, 208-209; employers 
 and, 171; doctrinaire socialists and, 
 172-175; among women, 178-184; 
 and industrial education, 215. See 
 also Education, Industrial 
 
 Trade Unionism in the United States: by 
 R. F. Hoxie, 34 
 
 Tramps: control of, 189, 194 
 
 Trenholm, Mary DeG., 48 
 
 Truancy: and compulsory education, 
 276, 280; legislation for, 277. See 
 also School, Public 
 
 496 
 
INDEX 
 
 Tuberculosis: nurses, 247-258, 394; 
 agencies for, 248, 2;6; campaigns to 
 prevent, 256, 380; headquarters in 
 cities, 256; first committee for, 256; 
 New York Association of Neigtibor- 
 hood Workers campaign, 380; Na- 
 tional Tuberculosis Association, 394. 
 See also Health 
 
 Tucker, William J., 40, 48 
 
 TUCKERMAN, JoSEPH, 37 
 
 Twenty Years at Hull House: by Jane 
 Addams, loo, 173, 193 
 
 Typhoid: housing and, 240 
 
 TVPOGRAPHlfcAL UNION, 1 79 
 
 Unemployment: and trade unionism, 
 61, 174; effects, 61, 174, 194, 196; 
 studies, 191-199; relief of, 191, 197, 
 198; tramp problem, 189, 194; old age 
 and, 195; insurance, 197; state bu- 
 reaus, 198 
 
 Union Bethel Settlement: in Cincin- 
 nati, 190 
 
 Union Settlement: of New York, 50, 
 
 252. 370, 437 
 Unitarians: University Hall under 
 
 auspices of, 28; Maxwell House, 47 
 
 Uni'Ved Neighborhood Houses: New 
 York, 376, 383, 384 
 
 University. See College 
 
 University Extension: beginnings of, 
 13, 17; English lecturers, 17, 24-25; 
 Hull House summer school, 123; 
 educational classes, program, 134- 
 137; college alumnae activities, 427. 
 See also Colleges 
 
 University Extension Society, 25 
 
 University Hall, 28 
 
 University of Chicago Settlement, 
 50, 181,293,307,419 
 
 University Settlement: New York, 
 44, 116, 118, 152, 170, 175, 186, 206, 
 211, 226, 233, 238, 240, 256, 307, 321, 
 369, 437; Milwaukee, 190, 356; Chi- 
 cago, 236 
 
 University Settlement: by R. A. Woods, 
 
 Vacation Camps: early, 45, 122, 127; 
 caddies, 119, 126; co-operation with 
 fresh-air societies, 119, 121, 129-130; 
 perils, 119, 121; fees, and methods of 
 payment, 121, 122; nature study, 122; 
 qualifications, 122, 129; administra- 
 tion, 123-124; problem of the sexes, 
 123; directors, 124; gardens, 125; 
 recreations, 125; boys, 125, 126-127; 
 girls, 125, 127; travel, 126; families, 
 128; permanent, 128; hospital, 129; 
 good results of, 130 
 
 Vacations: educational recreations 
 and, 1 13-120; school programs, 115- 
 1 16; group interests, and fresh-air 
 societies, 116-119, 121, 129; co-opera- 
 tion with agencies for, 121-130; help- 
 ing people secure, 122; for staff 
 workers, 433 
 
 Vacation Schools: pioneer, in Boston, 
 115; gardens, 115; recreational pro- 
 gram, 115-120; activities of, 413 
 
 Veiller, Lawrence, 234, 239 
 
 Vermin, 231 
 
 Vice: menace of gangs, 74; and women 
 in industry, 177, 180; in tenement 
 districts, 260-262, 273; prostitution, 
 261, 263; crusades, 261-263;^ Com- 
 mittee of Fifteen, 261; Committee of 
 Fifty, 262; alcoholism and,' 262; 
 juvenile delinquency, 262; saloons, 
 262-267; segregation of, 262; pub- 
 lic dance halls, 264-265; pool-rooms, 
 267; federations suppress, 379, 442; 
 and street trades, 442. See also 
 Prostitution; Saloons 
 
 Visiting Nurses Association, 251 
 
 Visiting Nurses Settlement: of 
 Orange, N. J., 256 
 
 ViTTUM, Harriet E., 48, 225, 355 
 
 Vocational Education: should be 
 universal, 212-221; promoted by 
 Boston Social Union, 381; federations 
 advance, 381; treatment of immi- 
 grants and, 381. See also Education, 
 Industrial; Schools 
 
 Vocations: recommendations, 213; 
 education for, 214, 217; bureaus, 218- 
 219; Civic Service House, 2 18 
 
 497 
 
INDEX 
 
 Volunteer Servic^: early, 13,44, 53- 
 56; Charity Organization Societies, 
 38; women pioneers, 44-47, 50, 51; 
 teachers, and club work, 89, 437; 
 types, 162, 429; qualities needed in, 
 363, 365; sources of, 363-364; train- 
 ing, 365; value of experience to, 374 
 
 IVage-Earners' Budgets: by L. B. More, 
 203 
 
 IVage-Earning Children, 184 
 
 Wages: in tenement workshops, 36, 
 170; and standards of living, 171, 175, 
 196, 203, 204; studies of, and publica- 
 tions, 203; and co-operative buying, 
 208, 210; of residents, 430 
 
 IVages Question, The: by F. A. Walker, 
 
 36 
 Wagner, Emilie, 154 
 
 Wald, Lillian D., 50, 188, 234, 247, 
 248, 249, 2;;, 256, 290, 382 
 
 Walker, Francis A., 36 
 
 Wallas, Graham, 60 
 
 Walling, William English, 175, 181 
 
 Ward, Edward J., 293 
 
 Ward, Harry, 48 
 
 Ward, Mrs. Humphry, 28 
 
 Ward Boss: methods, studies of, 226- 
 227; settlement influence on, 227; 
 lessons to settlement from, 228. See 
 also Municipal Reform; Politics 
 
 Waring, Colonel, 233 
 
 War, the Great: effect on settlements, 
 297-298; alien propaganda, 298; ser- 
 vice, varieties of, 299-303; morals of 
 enlisted men, 299; home service, 300; 
 recreation for soldiers, 300; industry, 
 and problems of, 300; food conserva- 
 tion, 301; fuel administration, 301; 
 infTuenza epidemic, 301 ; child welfare, 
 302; Liberty Loan campaigns, 302; 
 United War Work, 303; and Ameri- 
 canization, 303; federations and, 384 
 
 Waste: disposalof, 233; dumps, 236 
 
 Watch and Ward Society: Boston, 
 443 
 
 Water: drinking fountains, 112; sup- 
 ply in tenements, 237. See also Sani- 
 tation 
 
 Welcome Hall: of Buffalo, N. Y., 51, 
 259 
 
 Welfare Work: in England, 1-29; 
 Owen and, 2-4; Chalmers, 4-5; 
 writers and teachers, 5-6; Shaftes- 
 bury, 6; Stuart, 17; Denison a, pioneer 
 in, 18-21; Hollond, 21; Barhett, 22, 
 25; Toynbee, 23-25; and American 
 democracy, 30-39; motives and 
 functions, 53-63; Lloyd a prophet, 
 62; industrial insurance, 197; trade 
 unions and, 169, 208; and the settle- 
 ment idea, 200; values, 200; in small 
 plants, 201-202, 2§9; characteristics 
 of, 209; settlement service to, 210; 
 organizations to promote, 444. See 
 also Labor Legislation 
 
 Wesleyanism: and the humanitarian 
 movement, 2; Bermondsey Settle- 
 ment and, 28 
 
 Wesley Houses, 442 
 
 West: settling of, 33 
 
 Westminster House: of Buffalo, 51 
 
 West Side Neighborhood House, 352 
 
 Wheeler, Everett P., 47 
 
 Whitechapel: English pioneers and, 
 2 1 , 23, 24, 2 5, 27, 29 ; St. Jude's, 23, 24, 
 25; art exhibit, 25, 146; university 
 extension center, 25; Jews invade, 29 
 
 White, Alfred T., 238 
 
 White, Eva W., 5 1 
 
 White, Gaylord S., 50 
 
 White, James O., 190 
 
 Whittier House: of Jersey City, N. J., 
 51,256,259, 276,417 
 
 Whittier, John Greenleaf, 32 
 
 Widows' Pensions, 196, 380 
 
 Wilberforce, William, 2 
 
 Williams, Elizabeth, 45 
 
 Window Box: appeals, 115; gardening, 
 412 
 
 Woerishoffer, Carola, 184 
 
 498 
 
INDEX 
 
 Woman and Child Wage-Earners in 
 THE United States, Report on Con- 
 dition of, 182 
 
 Woman Suffrage, 355 
 
 Women: rent collectors, 20; colleges in 
 England, 28; in America, 41, 45; and 
 "new Franciscanism," 41, 44; settle- 
 ments established by, 44-47, 50, 51; 
 part played in America, 55; neighbor- 
 hood program and, 66r-6g; social ser- 
 vice and, 87, 375; club programs, 88- 
 99; and matrimony, 96; immigrant 
 club groups, 98; vacation camps for, 
 122, 125, 127, 128; in industry, 177- 
 188; mothers' pensions, 196, 380; hous- 
 ing inspectors, 239; physicians, 245; 
 policewomen, 272; in politics, 355; 
 classes for young, 415; as settlement 
 residents, 430; auxiliaries, 437 
 
 Women in Industry: history of awak- 
 ening, 169, 177; trade unionism 
 among, 178- 184; -legislation for, 177- 
 179, 182; Working Women's Society, 
 178; leadership, 178, 179-184; moral 
 perils, 179, 180; home manufacture, 
 abolition of, 179; hours of labor, 180; 
 domestic service, 180; employment 
 bureaus, 180; strikes, 183 
 
 Women's Clubs: federations of young 
 people, 43; and early settlements, 44- 
 45, 47, 88; girls' groups, training and 
 activities, 88-95, '27; teachers in, 
 89; programs, desired qualities in, 92, 
 96; and home life, 97; immigrant, 98; 
 "poverty" clubs, 98; Women's Club, 
 99; young, 104; summer camps and, 
 128; cooking classes, 144; Hull House, 
 234; training for citizenship, 35;; 
 inter-settlement mass meetings, 382 
 
 Women's Home Missionary Society, 
 442 
 
 Women's Trade Union League; Bos- 
 ton, 179, 182, 183 
 
 Women's University Settlement, 27 
 
 Woodbury, Dr. William R., 257 
 
 Woods, Arthur, 272 
 
 Woods, Robert A., 49, 216, 264, 470, 
 
 471 
 Wooley, Celia Parker, 336 
 
 Work Accidents and the Law: by Crystal 
 Eastman, 197 
 
 Workingmen's Assembly, 177 
 
 Workincmen's College, 12, 17, 37 
 
 Working People's Social Science 
 Club, 173 
 
 Working Women's Society: New 
 York, 178 
 
 World as the Subject of Redemption, The: 
 by W. H. Fremantle, 22 
 
 Wright, Carroll D., 177 
 
 Yellow Fever: epidemics, control of, 
 257 
 
 Young, Ella Flagg, 276 
 
 Young Men's Christian Association, 
 78. 37'. 393 
 
 Young Women's Christian Associa- 
 tion, 88, 371, 393 
 
 Youn^ Working Girls, 91, 270, 400 
 ZuEBLiN, Charles, 48 
 
 499